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Title: The Scottish Highlands, Highland Clans and Highland Regiments, Volume II (of 2)
Author: Sir John Scott Keltie, - To be updated
Language: English
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CLANS AND HIGHLAND REGIMENTS, VOLUME II (OF 2)***
generously made available by Internet Archive (https://archive.org)
also some music recordings.
This volume originally was printed as four separate books
(see transcriber's note below). Images of the original
pages are available through Internet Archive.
Book 5, pages 1-192:
https://archive.org/details/historyofscottis005kelt
Book 6, pages 193-384:
https://archive.org/details/historyofscottis006kelt
Book 7, pages 385-592:
https://archive.org/details/historyofscottis007kelt
Book 8, pages 593-818:
https://archive.org/details/historyofscottis008kelt
Transcriber’s note
This is Volume II of a two-volume set. The first volume can
This 1875 edition originally was published in eight separate
books as a subscription publication. The Preface, Title
pages, Tables of Contents and Lists of Illustrations (the
Front Matter) were published in the final eighth book, and
referenced books 1-4 as Volume I, and books 5-8 as Volume II.
This etext follows the same two-volume structure. The
relevant Front Matter has been moved to the front of each
volume, and some illustrations have been moved to where the
two Lists of Illustrations indicate they should be. No text
was added or changed when the books were seamlessly joined
to make Volume I and Volume II.
Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).
Footnote anchors are denoted by [number], and the footnotes
have been placed at the end of each chapter.
A caret character is used to denote superscription. A
single character following the caret is superscripted
(example: C^o). Multiple superscripted characters are
enclosed by curly brackets (example: 42^{nd}).
Basic fractions are displayed as ½ ⅓ ¼ etc; other fractions
are shown in the form a/b, for example 1/12 or 1/16.
Regimental designations of the form a/b are unchanged, for
example ‘1/4th Native Infantry’.
In Chapter XLV the English translation of Gaelic text was
usually positioned side by side with that text in the original
book. In this etext the translation is positioned after the
Gaelic passage. Several of these passages are quite long.
Many tables in the original book (between pages 562 and 802)
had } or { bracketing in some cells. These brackets are not
helpful in the etext tables and have been removed to improve
readability and save table space.
The two tables on page 755 were very large in width and each
has been split into two parts; the left-side ‘Names’ column
has been duplicated in the second part.
Many other minor changes to the text are noted at the end of
the book.
[Illustration: MAP SHOWING THE DISTRICTS OF THE HIGHLAND CLANS OF
SCOTLAND.]
A
HISTORY
OF THE
SCOTTISH HIGHLANDS
HIGHLAND CLANS
AND
HIGHLAND REGIMENTS
WITH AN ACCOUNT OF
THE GAELIC LANGUAGE, LITERATURE, AND MUSIC
BY THE REV. THOMAS MACLAUCHLAN, LL.D., F.S.A. SCOT.
AND AN ESSAY ON HIGHLAND SCENERY
BY THE LATE PROFESSOR JOHN WILSON
EDITED BY
JOHN S. KELTIE, F.S.A. SCOT.
Illustrated
WITH A SERIES OF PORTRAITS, VIEWS, MAPS, ETC., ENGRAVED ON STEEL,
CLAN TARTANS, AND UPWARDS OF TWO HUNDRED WOODCUTS,
INCLUDING ARMORIAL BEARINGS
VOL. II.
A. FULLARTON & CO.
EDINBURGH AND LONDON
1875
CONTENTS OF VOLUME II.
CHAPTER PAGE
PART FIRST _continued_.--GENERAL HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS 1
XLII. Social Condition of the Highlands--Chiefs--Land
Distribution--Agriculture--Agricultural Implements--Live
Stock--Pasturage--Farm Servants--Harvest Work--Fuel--Food
--Social Life in Former Days--Education--Dwellings
--Habits--Wages--Roads--Present State of Highlands, 1
XLIII. State of Highlands subsequent to 1745--Progress of
Innovation--Emigration--Pennant’s account of the country
--Dr Johnson--Wretched condition of the Western Islands
--Introduction of Large Sheep Farms--Ejection of Small
Tenants--The Two Sides of the Highland Question--Large
and Small Farms--Depopulation--Kelp--Introduction of
Potatoes into the Highlands--Amount of Progress made
during latter part of 18th century, 31
XLIV. Progress of Highlands during the present century
--Depopulation and Emigration--Sutherland clearings
--Recent State of Highlands--Means of Improvement
--Population of chief Highland Counties--Highland
Colonies--Attachment of Highlanders to their Old
Home--Conclusion, 54
XLV. GAELIC LITERATURE, LANGUAGE, AND MUSIC. By the Rev.
THOMAS MACLAUCHLAN, LL.D., F.S.A.S., 66
PART SECOND.--HISTORY OF THE HIGHLAND CLANS.
I. Clanship--Principle of _Kin_--Mormaordoms--Traditions
as to Origin of Clans--Peculiarities and Consequences
of Clanship--Customs of Succession--Highland Marriage
Customs--Position and Power of Chief--Influence of
Clanship on the People--Number and Distribution of
Clans, &c., 116
II. The Gallgael or Western Clans--Lords of the Isles--The
various Island Clans--The Macdonalds or Clan Donald--The
Clanranald Macdonalds--The Macdonnells of Glengarry, 131
III. The Macdougalls--Macalisters--Siol Gillevray--Macneills
--Maclachlans--MacEwens--Siol Eachern--Macdougall
Campbells of Craignish--Lamonds, 139
IV. Robertsons or Clan Donnachie--Macfarlanes--Argyll
Campbells and offshoots--Breadalbane Campbells and
offshoots--Macleods, 169
V. CLAN CHATTAN--Mackintoshes--Macphersons--Macgillivrays
--Shaws--Farquharsons--Macbeans--Macphails--Gows
--Macqueens--Cattanachs, 197
VI. Camerons--Macleans--Macnaughtons--Mackenricks
--Macknights--Macnayers--Macbraynes--Munroes--Macmillans, 217
VII. Clan Anrias or Ross--Mackenzies--Mathiesons--Siol Alpine
--Macgregors--Grants--Macnabs--Clan Duffie or Macfie
--Macquarries--Macaulays, 235
VIII. Mackays--Macnicols--Sutherlands--Gunns--Maclaurin or
Maclaren--Macraes--Buchanans--Colquhouns--Forbeses
--Urquharts, 265
IX. Stewarts--Frasers--Menzies--Chisholms--Stewart Murray
(Athole)--Drummonds--Grahams--Gordons--Cummings
--Ogilvies--Fergusons or Fergussons, 297
PART THIRD.--HISTORY OF THE HIGHLAND REGIMENTS.
INTRODUCTION.--Military Character of the Highlands, 321
42ND ROYAL HIGHLAND REGIMENT (Am Freiceadan Dubh, “The Black
Watch”), 324
APPENDIX.--Ashantee Campaign, 803
Loudon’s Highlanders, 1745-1748, 451
Montgomery’s Highlanders, or 77th Regiment, 1757-1763, 453
Fraser’s Highlanders, or Old 78th and 71st Regiments--
Old 78th, 1757-1763, 457
Old 71st, 1775-1783, 465
Keith’s and Campbell’s Highlanders, or Old 87th and 88th
Regiments, 475
89th Highland Regiment, 1759-1765, 478
Johnstone’s Highlanders, or 101st Regiment, 1760-1763, 479
71ST HIGHLAND LIGHT INFANTRY, formerly the 73rd or Lord
Macleod’s Highlanders, 479
Argyle Highlanders, or Old 74th Regiment, 1778-1783, 519
Macdonald’s Highlanders, or Old 76th Highland Regiment, 520
Athole Highlanders, or Old 77th Regiment, 1778-1783, 522
72ND REGIMENT, or DUKE OF ALBANY’S OWN HIGHLANDERS, formerly
the 78th or Seaforth’s Highlanders, 524
Aberdeenshire Highland Regiment, or Old 81st, 1777-1783, 565
Royal Highland Emigrant Regiment, or Old 84th, 1775-1783, 565
Forty Second Royal Highland Regiment, Second Battalion, now
the 73rd Regiment, 566
74TH HIGHLANDERS, 571
75TH REGIMENT, 616
78TH HIGHLANDERS or ROSS-SHIRE BUFFS, 617
79TH QUEEN’S OWN CAMERON HIGHLANDERS, 697
91ST PRINCESS LOUISE ARGYLLSHIRE HIGHLANDERS, 726
92ND GORDON HIGHLANDERS, 756
93RD SUTHERLAND HIGHLANDERS, 777
Appendix to the 42nd Royal Highland Regiment (Black Watch),
1873-1875 (Ashantee Campaign), 803
Fencible Corps, 807
INDEX, 808
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
VOLUME II.
Subject. Painted by
Engraved by Page
MAP SHOWING THE DISTRICTS OF THE } Edited by Dr Maclauchlan,
HIGHLAND CLANS, }
J. Bartholomew, To face title.
VIEW OF CASTLE URQUHART, LOCH NESS, J. Fleming,
W. Forrest, 296
COLONELS OF THE 42ND ROYAL HIGHLANDERS, From Original Sources,
H. Crickmore, 325
(1.) John, Earl of Crawford.
(2.) Sir George Murray, G.C.B., G.C.H.
(3.) Sir John Macdonald, K.C.B.
(4.) Sir Duncan A. Cameron, K.C.B.
LORD CLYDE (Sir Colin Campbell), H. W. Phillips,
W. Holl, 409
MONUMENT IN DUNKELD CATHEDRAL TO THE }
42ND ROYAL HIGHLANDERS, } 434
COLONELS OF THE 71ST AND 72D HIGHLANDERS, From Original Sources,
H. Crickmore, 479
(1.) John, Lord Macleod.
(2.) Sir Thomas Reynell, Bt., K.C.B.
(3.) Kenneth, Earl of Seaforth.
(4.) Sir Neil Douglas, K.C.B., K.C.H.
COLONELS OF THE 78TH AND 79TH HIGHLANDERS, From Original Sources,
H. Crickmore, 617
(1.) F. H. Mackenzie, Lord Seaforth.
(2.) Sir Patrick Grant, G.C.B., G.C.M.G.
(3.) Sir Ronald Craufurd Ferguson, G.C.B.
(4.) Sir James Macdonell, K.C.B., K.C.H.
THE PRINCESS LOUISE, From Photograph by Hill and Saunders,
W. Holl, 726
THE MARQUIS OF LORNE, From Photograph by Elliot and Fry,
W. Holl, 726
COLONELS OF THE 91ST, 92D, AND } From Original Sources
93D HIGHLANDERS, }
H. Crickmore, 756
(1.) General Duncan Campbell of Lochnell.
(2.) George, Marquis of Huntly.
(3.) Major-General W. Wemyss of Wemyss.
(4.) Sir H. W. Stisted, K.C.B.
MAP--CRIMEA, WITH PLAN OF SEBASTOPOL,
J. Bartholomew, 777
TARTANS.
MACDONALD, 136
MACDOUGALL, 159
MACLACHLAN, 165
ARGYLL CAMPBELL, 175
BREADALBANE CAMPBELL, 186
MACKINTOSH, 201
FARQUHARSON, 215
MACNAUGHTON, 229
MACGREGOR, 243
GRANT, 250
MACNAB, 258
MACKAY, 266
GUNN, 278
FORBES, 290
MENZIES, 306
WOODCUTS IN THE LETTERPRESS.
74. Old Scotch plough, and Caschroim, or crooked spade, 9
75. Quern, ancient Highland, 18
76. A Cottage in Islay in 1774, 25
77. Music, ancient Scottish, scale, 106
78. Macdonald coat of arms, crest, and motto, 136
79. Clanranald ” ” ” 153
80. Macdonnell of Glengarry ” ” 156
81. Macdougall ” ” 159
82. Macneill ” ” 162
83. Maclachlan ” ” 165
84. Lamond ” ” 168
85. Robertson ” ” 169
86. Macfarlane ” ” 173
87. Argyll Campbell ” ” 175
88. Breadalbane Campbell ” ” 186
89. Macleod ” ” 191
90. Mackintosh ” ” 201
91. “Mackintosh’s Lament,” bagpipe music, 204
92. Dalcross Castle, 209
93. Macpherson coat of arms, crest, and motto, 210
94. James Macpherson, editor of the Ossianic poetry, 211
95. Farquharson coat of arms, crest, and motto, 215
96. Cameron ” ” ” 217
97. Maclean ” ” ” 223
98. Sir Allan Maclean, 227
99. Macnaughton coat of arms, crest, and motto, 229
100. Munro of Foulis ” ” ” 231
101. Ross ” ” ” 235
102. Mackenzie ” ” ” 238
103. Sir George Mackenzie of Rosehaugh, 240
104. Macgregor coat of arms, crest, and motto, 243
105. Rob Roy, 245
106. Grant coat of arms, crest, and motto, 250
107. Castle Grant, 254
108. Mackinnon coat of arms, crest, and motto, 256
109. Macnab ” ” ” 258
110. The last Laird of Macnab, 261
111. Macquarrie coat of arms, crest, and motto, 262
112. Mackay ” ” ” 266
113. Sutherland ” ” ” 272
114. Dunrobin Castle, 277
115. Gunn coat of arms, crest, and motto, 278
116. Maclaurin (or Maclaren) ” ” 279
117. Macrae ” ” 280
118. Buchanan ” ” 281
119. Colquhoun ” ” 284
120. Old Rossdhu Castle, 289
121. Forbes coat of arms, crest, and motto, 290
122. Craigievar Castle, 294
123. Urquhart coat of arms, crest, and motto, 296
124. Lorn ” ” ” 299
125. Fraser ” ” ” 302
126. Bishop Fraser’s Seal, 302
127. Sir Alexander Fraser of Philorth, 303
128. Menzies coat of arms, crest, and motto, 306
129. Chisholm ” ” ” 307
130. Erchless Castle (seat of “the Chisholm”), 308
131. Stewart Murray (Athole) coat of arms, crest, and motto, 309
132. Blair Castle, as restored in 1872, 312
133. Drummond coat of arms, crest, and motto, 313
134. Graham ” ” ” 314
135. Gordon ” ” ” 316
136. Gordon Castle, 318
137. Cumming coat of arms, crest, and motto, 318
138. Ogilvy ” ” ” 319
139. Crest and motto of 42nd Royal Highlanders, 324
140. Farquhar Shaw of the “Black Watch” (1743), 330
141. Plan of the Siege of Ticonderoga (1758), 338
142. British Barracks, Philadelphia, in 1764, 354
143. Sir Ralph Abercromby in Egypt, Portrait, 372
144. } Regimental Medal of the 42nd Royal Highlanders,
145. } issued in 1819, 374
146. Medal to the officers of the 42nd Royal Highlanders
for services in Egypt, 374
147. Colonel (afterwards Major-General Sir) Robert Henry
Dick, 396
148. Vase presented to 42nd Royal Highlanders by the
Highland Society of London, 400
149. Col. Johnstone’s (42nd) Cephalonian medal, 407
150. “Highland Pibroch,” bagpipe music, 446
151. View of Philadelphia, U.S., as in 1763, 455
152. Sir David Baird, 482
153. Monument in Glasgow Cathedral to Colonel the Hon.
Henry Cadogan (71st), 498
154. Major-General Sir Denis Pack, K.C.B., 504
155. Monument erected by the 71st Highlanders in Glasgow
Cathedral, 517
156. Crest of the 72nd, Seaforth Highlanders, 524
157. General James Stuart, 530
158. “Cabar Feidh,” bagpipe music, 533
159. Major-General William Parke, C.B., 557
160. Map of Kaffraria, 564
161. Crest of the 74th Highlanders, 571
162. Major-General Sir Archibald Campbell, Bart., K.C.B.
(74th), 572
163. Plan of Assaye, 23rd Sept. 1803, 574
164. Lieutenant-Colonel the Hon. Sir Robert Le Poer Trench
(74th), 583
165. Medal conferred on the non-commissioned officers and
men of the 74th for meritorious conduct during the
Peninsular campaign, 591
166. Waterkloof, scene of the death of Lieutenant-Colonel
Fordyce (74th), 598
167. Crest of the 78th Highlanders, 617
168. Facsimile of a poster issued by Lord Seaforth in Ross and
Cromarty in raising the Ross-shire Buffs (78th), 618
169. Plan of the Battle of Assaye, 631
170. Major-General Alexander Mackenzie-Fraser, 642
171. Colonel Patrick Macleod of Geanies (78th), 650
172. Major-General Sir Henry Havelock, K.C.B., 664
173. Suttee Chowra Ghât, scene of the second Cawnpoor
Massacre, 15th July 1857, 668
174. Plan of the action near Cawnpoor, 16th July 1857, 669
175. Map of the scene of Havelock’s operations in July and
August, 1857, 671
176. Mausoleum over the Well of the Massacre at Cawnpoor, 672
177. Plan of the operations for the relief of Lucknow in
September and November, 1857, 677
178. Monument to the memory of the 78th Highlanders, erected
on Castle Esplanade, Edinburgh, 689
179. Centre Piece of Plate presented by the counties of Ross
and Cromarty to the 78th, Ross-shire Buffs, 691
180. Crest of the 79th Queen’s Own Cameron Highlanders, 697
181. Major-General Sir John Douglas, K.C.B., 711
182. Richard James Mackenzie, M.D., F.R.C.S., 715
183. Lieutenant-Colonel W. C. Hodgson (79th), 719
184. Monument erected in 1857 in the Dean Cemetery, Edinburgh,
in memory of the 79th who fell in action during the
campaign of 1854-55, 722
185. Crest of the 91st Princess Louise Argyllshire Highlanders, 726
186. The 91st crossing the Tyumie or Chumie River, 737
187. Brass Tablet erected in 1873 in Chelsea Hospital to the
memory of Colonel Edward W. C. Wright, C.B. (91st), 742
188. Lieutenant-Colonel Bertie Gordon (91st), 744
189. Major-General John F. G. Campbell (91st), 746
190. Biscuit-Box presented by the men of the 91st Princess
Louise Argyllshire Highlanders to the Princess Louise
on the occasion of her marriage, 752
191. Crest of the 92nd Gordon Highlanders, 756
192. General Sir John Moore, 758
193. Coat of Arms of Col. John Cameron (92nd), 762
194. Colonel John Cameron (92nd), 764
195. Sir John Macdonald, K.C.B., of Dalchosnie, 768
196. Major-General Archibald Inglis Lockhart, C.B. (92nd), 770
197. Badge of the 93rd Sutherland Highlanders, 777
198. Sir Duncan M’Gregor, K.C.B., 782
199. The Hon. Adrian Hope (93rd), 788
200. The Secunder Bagh, 791
201. Lieutenant-Colonel Wm. M’Bean, V.C. (93rd), 800
202. Centre Piece of Plate, belonging to the Officers’ Mess
of the 93rd Sutherland Highlanders, 801
203. Map of Ashantee Country and Gold Coast, 803
204. Sir Garnet J. Wolseley, K.C.M.G., C.B., 804
205. Sir John C. M’Leod, K.C.B. (42nd), 805
PART FIRST--_Continued_.
GENERAL HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS.
CHAPTER XLII.
Social condition of the Highlands--Black Mail--Watch Money--The
Law--Power of the Chiefs--Land Distribution--Tacksmen--Tenants
--Rents--Thirlage--Wretched State of Agriculture--Agricultural
Implements--The _Caschroim_--The _Reestle_--Methods of
Transportation--Drawbacks to Cultivation--Management of Crops
--Farm Work--Live Stock--_Garrons_--Sheep--Black Cattle--Arable
Land--Pasturage--Farm Servants--The _Bailte Geamhre_--Davoch-lands
--Milk--Cattle Drovers--Harvest Work--The _Quern_--Fuel--Food
--_Social Life in Former Days_--Education--Dwellings--Habits
--_Gartmore Papers_--Wages--Roads--Present State of Highlands.
As we have already (see ch. xviii.) given a somewhat minute
description of the clan-system, it is unnecessary to enter again
in detail upon that subject here. We have, perhaps, in the chapter
referred to, given the most brilliant side of the picture, still
the reader may gather, from what is said there, some notion of what
had to be done, what immense barriers had to be overcome, ere the
Highlander could be modernised. Any further details on this point
will be learned from the Introduction to the History of the Clans.
As might have been expected, for some time after the allaying of the
rebellion, and the passing of the various measures already referred
to, the Highlands, especially those parts which bordered on the
Lowlands, were to a certain extent infested by what were known as
cattle-lifters--_Anglicé_, cattle-stealers. Those who took part in
such expeditions were generally “broken” men, or men who belonged to
no particular clan, owned no chief, and who were regarded generally
as outlaws. In a paper said to have been written in 1747, a very
gloomy and lamentable picture of the state of the country in this
respect is given, although we suspect it refers rather to the period
preceding the rebellion than to that succeeding it. However, we shall
quote what the writer says on the matter in question, in order to
give the reader an idea of the nature and extent of this system of
pillage or “requisition:”--
“Although the poverty of the people principally produces these
practices so ruinous to society, yet the nature of the country,
which is thinnely inhabitate, by reason of the extensive moors and
mountains, and which is so well fitted for conceallments by the
many glens, dens, and cavitys in it, does not a little contribute.
In such a country cattle are privately transported from one place
to another, and securely hid, and in such a country it is not easy
to get informations, nor to apprehend the criminalls. People lye
so open to their resentment, either for giving intelligence, or
prosecuting them, that they decline either, rather than risk their
cattle being stoln, or their houses burnt. And then, in the pursuit
of a rogue, though he was almost in hands, the grounds are so hilly
and unequall, and so much covered with wood or brush, and so full of
dens and hollows, that the sight of him is almost as soon lost as he
is discovered.
“It is not easy to determine the number of persons employed in this
way; but it may be safely affirmed that the horses, cows, sheep, and
goats yearly stoln in that country are in value equall to £5,000;
that the expences lost in the fruitless endeavours to recover them
will not be less than £2,000; that the extraordinary expences of
keeping herds and servants to look more narrowly after cattle on
account of stealling, otherways not necessary, is £10,000. There is
paid in _blackmail_ or _watch-money_, openly and privately, £5,000;
and there is a yearly loss by understocking the grounds, by reason
of theifts, of at least £15,000; which is, altogether, a loss to
landlords and farmers in the Highlands of £37,000 sterling a year.
But, besides, if we consider that at least one-half of these stollen
effects quite perish, by reason that a part of them is buried under
ground, the rest is rather devoured than eat, and so what would serve
ten men in the ordinary way of living, swallowed up by two or three
to put it soon out of the way, and that some part of it is destroyed
in concealed parts when a discovery is suspected, we must allow that
there is £2,500 as the value of the half of the stollen cattle, and
£15,000 for the article of understock quite lost of the stock of the
kingdom.
“These last mischiefs occasions another, which is still worse,
although intended as a remedy for them--that is, the engaging
companys of men, and keeping them in pay to prevent these thiefts
and depredations. As the government neglect the country, and don’t
protect the subjects in the possession of their property, they have
been forced into this method for their own security, though at a
charge little less than the land-tax. The person chosen to command
this _watch_, as it is called, is commonly one deeply concerned in
the theifts himself, or at least that hath been in correspondence
with the thieves, and frequently who hath occasioned thiefts, in
order to make this watch, by which he gains considerably, necessary.
The people employed travell through the country armed, night and day,
under pretence of enquiring after stollen cattle, and by this means
know the situation and circumstances of the whole country. And as the
people thus employed are the very rogues that do these mischiefs,
so one-half of them are continued in their former bussiness of
stealling that the busieness of the other half may be necessary in
recovering.”[1]
This is probably a somewhat exaggerated account of the extent to
which this species of robbery was carried on, especially after the
suppression of the rebellion; if written by one of the Gartmore
family, it can scarcely be regarded as a disinterested account,
seeing that the Gartmore estate lies just on the southern skirt of
the Highland parish of Aberfoyle, formerly notorious as a haunt
of the Macgregors, affording every facility for lifters getting
rapidly out of reach with their “ill-gotten gear.” Still, no doubt,
curbed and dispirited as the Highlanders were after the treatment
they got from Cumberland, from old habit, and the assumed necessity
of living, they would attempt to resume their ancient practices in
this and other respects. But if they were carried on to any extent
immediately after the rebellion, when the Gartmore paper is said to
have been written, it could not have been for long; the law had at
last reached the Highlands, and this practice ere long became rarer
than highway robbery in England, gradually dwindling down until it
was carried on here and there by one or two “desperate outlawed” men.
Long before the end of the century it seems to have been entirely
given up. “There is not an instance of any country having made so
sudden a change in its morals as that of the Highlands; security and
civilization now possess every part; yet 30 years have not elapsed
since the whole was a den of thieves of the most extraordinary
kind.”[2]
As we have said above, after the suppression of the rebellion of
1745-6, there are no stirring narratives of outward strife or inward
broil to be narrated in connection with the Highlands. Indeed, the
history of the Highlands from this time onwards belongs strictly
to the history of Scotland, or rather of Britain. Still, before
concluding this division of the work, it may be well to give a
brief sketch of the progress of the Highlands from the time of the
suppression of the jurisdictions down to the present day. Not that
after their disarmament the Highlanders ceased to take part in the
world’s strife; but the important part they have taken during the
last century or more in settling the destinies of nations, falls to
be narrated in another section of this work. What we shall concern
ourselves with at present is the consequences of the abolition of
the heritable jurisdictions (and with them the importance and power
of the chiefs), on the internal state of the Highlands; we shall
endeavour to show the alteration which took place in the social
condition of the people, their mode of life, their relation to the
chiefs (now only landlords), their mode of farming, their religion,
education, and other points.
From the nature of clanship--of the relationship between chief and
people, as well as from the state of the law and the state of the
Highlands generally--it will be perceived that, previous to the
measure which followed Culloden, it was the interest of every chief
to surround himself with as many followers as he could muster;
his importance and power of injury and defence were reckoned by
government and his neighbours not according to his yearly income,
but according to the number of men he could bring into the field
to fight his own or his country’s battles. It is told of a chief
that, when asked as to the rent of his estate, he replied that he
could raise 500 men. Previous to ’45, money was of so little use
in the Highlands, the chiefs were so jealous of each other and so
ready to take advantage of each other’s weakness, the law was so
utterly powerless to repress crime and redress wrong, and life and
property were so insecure, that almost the only security which a
chief could have was the possession of a small army of followers,
who would protect himself and his property; and the chief safety and
means of livelihood that lay in the power of the ordinary clansman
was to place himself under the protection and among the followers
of some powerful chief. “Before that period (1745) the authority
of law was too feeble to afford protection.[3] The obstructions to
the execution of any legal warrant were such that it was only for
objects of great public concern that an extraordinary effort was
sometimes made to overcome them. In any ordinary case of private
injury, an individual could have little expectation of redress
unless he could avenge his own cause; and the only hope of safety
from any attack was in meeting force by force. In this state of
things, every person above the common rank depended for his safety
and his consequence on the number and attachment of his servants
and dependants; without people ready to defend him, he could not
expect to sleep in safety, to preserve his house from pillage or his
family from murder; he must have submitted to the insolence of every
neighbouring robber, unless he had maintained a numerous train of
followers to go with him into the field, and to fight his battles. To
this essential object every inferior consideration was sacrificed;
and the principal advantage of landed property consisted in the means
it afforded to the proprietor of multiplying his dependants.”[4]
Of course, the chief had to maintain his followers in some way,
had to find some means by which he would be able to attach them to
himself, keep them near him, and command their services when he
required them. There can be no doubt, however chimerical it may
appear at the present day, that the attachment and reverence of the
Highlander to his chief were quite independent of any benefits the
latter might be able to confer. The evidence is indubitable that the
clan regarded the chief as the father of his people, and themselves
as his children; he, they believed, was bound to protect and maintain
them, while they were bound to regard his will as law, and to lay
down their lives at his command. Of these statements there can be
no doubt. “This power of the chiefs is not supported by interest, as
they are landlords, but as lineally descended from the old patriarchs
or fathers of the families, for they hold the same authority when
they have lost their estates, as may appear from several, and
particularly one who commands in his clan, though, at the same time,
they maintain him, having nothing left of his own.”[5] Still it was
assuredly the interest, and was universally regarded as the duty of
the chief, to strengthen that attachment and his own authority and
influence, by bestowing upon his followers what material benefits
he could command, and thus show himself to be, not a thankless
tyrant, but a kind and grateful leader, and an affectionate father
of his people. Theoretically, in the eye of the law, the tenure and
distribution of land in the Highlands was on the same footing as in
the rest of the kingdom; the chiefs, like the lowland barons, were
supposed to hold their lands from the monarch, the nominal proprietor
of all landed property, and these again in the same way distributed
portions of this territory among their followers, who thus bore the
same relation to the chief as the latter did to his superior, the
king. In the eye of the law, we say, this was the case, and so those
of the chiefs who were engaged in the rebellion of 1715-45 were
subjected to forfeiture in the same way as any lowland rebel. But,
practically, the great body of the Highlanders knew nothing of such
a tenure, and even if it had been possible to make them understand
it, they would probably have repudiated it with contempt. The great
principle which seems to have ruled all the relations that subsisted
between the chief and his clan, including the mode of distributing
and holding land, was, previous to 1746, that of the family. The
land was regarded not so much as belonging absolutely to the chief,
but as the property of the clan of which the chief was head and
representative. Not only was the clan bound to render obedience
and reverence to their head, to whom each member supposed himself
related, and whose name was the common name of all his people; he
also was regarded as bound to maintain and protect his people, and
distribute among them a fair share of the lands which he held as
their representative. “The chief, even against the laws, is bound to
protect his followers, as they are sometimes called, be they never
so criminal. He is their leader in clan quarrels, must free the
necessitous from their arrears of rent, and maintain such who, by
accidents, are fallen into decay. If, by increase of the tribe, any
small farms are wanting, for the support of such addition he splits
others into lesser portions, because _all must be somehow provided
for_; and as the meanest among them pretend to be his relatives by
consanguinity, they insist upon the privilege of taking him by the
hand wherever they meet him.”[6] Thus it was considered the duty,
as it was in those turbulent times undoubtedly the interest, of the
chief to see to it that every one of those who looked upon him as
their chief was provided for; while, on the other hand, it was the
interest of the people, as they no doubt felt it to be their duty, to
do all in their power to gain the favour of their chiefs, whose will
was law, who could make or unmake them, on whom their very existence
was dependent. Latterly, at least, this utter dependence of the
people on their chiefs, their being compelled for very life’s sake
to do his bidding, appears to have been regarded by the former as a
great hardship; for, as we have already said, it is well known that
in both of the rebellions of last century, many of the poor clansmen
pled in justification of their conduct, that they were compelled,
sorely against their inclination, to join the rebel army. This only
proves how strong must have been the power of the chiefs, and how
completely at their mercy the people felt themselves to be.
To understand adequately the social life of the Highlanders previous
to 1746, the distribution of the land among, the nature of their
tenures, their mode of farming, and similar matters, the facts
above stated must be borne in mind. Indeed, not only did the above
influences affect these matters previous to the suppression of the
last rebellion, but also for long after, if, indeed, they are not in
active operation in some remote corners of the Highlands even at the
present day; moreover, they afford a key to much of the confusion,
misunderstanding, and misery that followed upon the abolition of the
heritable jurisdictions.
Next in importance and dignity to the chief or laird were the
cadets of his family, the gentlemen of the clan, who in reference
to the mode in which they held the land allotted to them, were
denominated tacksmen. To these tacksmen were let farms, of a larger
or smaller size according to their importance, and often at a rent
merely nominal; indeed, they in general seem to have considered
that they had as much right to the land as the chief himself, and
when, after 1746, many of them were deprived of their farms, they,
and the Highlanders generally, regarded it as a piece of gross and
unfeeling injustice. As sons were born to the chief, they also had
to be provided for, which seems to have been done either by cutting
down the possessions of those tacksmen further removed from the
family of the laird, appropriating those which became vacant by the
death of the tenant or otherwise, and by the chief himself cutting
off a portion of the land immediately in his possession. In this
way the descendants of tacksmen might ultimately become part of the
commonalty of the clan. Next to the tacksmen were tenants, who held
their farms either directly from the laird, or as was more generally
the case, from the tacksmen. The tenants again frequently let out
part of their holdings to sub-tenants or cottars, who paid their rent
by devoting most of their time to the cultivation of the tenant’s
farm, and the tending of his cattle. The following extract from the
Gartmore paper written in 1747, and published in the appendix to
Burt’s _Letters_, gives a good idea of the manner generally followed
in distributing the land among the various branches of the clan:--
“The property of these Highlands belongs to a great many different
persons, who are more or less considerable in proportion to the
extent of their estates, and to the command of men that live upon
them, or follow them on account of their clanship, out of the estates
of others. These lands are set by the landlord during pleasure, or
a short tack, to people whom they call good-men, and who are of a
superior station to the commonality. These are generally the sons,
brothers, cousins, or nearest relations of the landlord. The younger
sons of famillys are not bred to any business or employments, but are
sent to the French or Spanish armies, or marry as soon as they are of
age. Those are left to their own good fortune and conduct abroad, and
these are preferred to some advantageous farm at home. This, by the
means of a small portion, and the liberality of their relations, they
are able to stock, and which they, their children, and grandchildren,
possess at an easy rent, till a nearer descendant be again preferred
to it. As the propinquity removes, they become less considered, till
at last they degenerate to be of the common people; unless some
accidental acquisition of wealth supports them above their station.
As this hath been an ancient custom, most of the farmers and cottars
are of the name and clan of the proprietor; and, if they are not
really so, the proprietor either obliges them to assume it, or they
are glaid to do so, to procure his protection and favour.
“Some of these tacksmen or good-men possess these farms themselves;
but in that case they keep in them a great number of cottars, to each
of whom they give a house, grass for a cow or two, and as much ground
as will sow about a boll of oats, in places which their own plough
cannot labour, by reason of brush or rock, and which they are obliged
in many places to delve with spades. This is the only visible subject
which these poor people possess for supporting themselves and their
famillys, and the only wages of their whole labour and service.
“Others of them lett out parts of their farms to many of these
cottars or subtennants; and as they are generally poor, and not
allways in a capacity to stock these small tenements, the tacksmen
frequently enter them on the ground laboured and sown, and sometimes
too stocks it with cattle; all which he is obliged to redeliver
in the same condition at his removal, which is at the goodman’s
pleasure, as he is usually himself tennent at pleasure, and for which
during his possession he pays an extravagantly high rent to the
tacksman.
“By this practice, farms, which one family and four horses are
sufficient to labour, will have from four to sixteen famillys living
upon them.”[7]
“In the case of very great families, or when the domains of a
chief became very extensive, it was usual for the head of the clan
occasionally to grant large territories to the younger branches of
his family in return for a trifling quit-rent. These persons were
called chieftains, to whom the lower classes looked up as their
immediate leader. These chieftains were in later times called
tacksmen; but at all periods they were considered nearly in the same
light as proprietors, and acted on the same principles. They were the
officers who, under the chief, commanded in the military expeditions
of the clans. This was their employment; and neither their own
dispositions, nor the situation of the country, inclined them to
engage in the drudgery of agriculture any farther than to supply the
necessaries of life for their own families. A part of their land was
usually sufficient for this purpose, and the remainder was let off
in small portions to cottagers, who differed but little from the
small occupiers who held their lands immediately from the chief;
excepting that, in lieu of rent, they were bound to a certain amount
of labour for the advantage of their immediate superior. The more
of these people any gentleman could collect around his habitation,
with the greater facility could he carry on the work of his own
farm; the greater, too, was his personal safety. Besides this, the
tacksmen, holding their lands from the chief at a mere quit-rent,
were naturally solicitous to merit his favour by the number of their
immediate dependants whom they could bring to join his standard.”[8]
Thus it will be seen that in those times every one was, to a more or
less extent, a cultivator or renter of land. As to rent, there was
very little of actual money paid either by the tacksmen or by those
beneath them in position and importance. The return expected by the
laird or chief from the tacksmen for the farms he allowed them to
hold, was that they should be ready when required to produce as many
fighting men as possible, and give him a certain share of the produce
of the land they held from him. It was thus the interest of the
tacksman to parcel out their land into as small lots as possible,
for the more it was subdivided, the greater would be the number of
men he could have at his command. This liability on the part of the
subtenants to be called upon at any time to do service for the laird,
no doubt counted for part of the rent of the pendicles allotted
to them. These pendicles were often very small, and evidently of
themselves totally insufficient to afford the means of subsistence
even to the smallest family. Besides this liability to do service for
the chief, a very small sum of money was taken as part of the rent,
the remainder being paid in kind, and in assisting the tacksmen to
farm whatever land he may have retained in his own hands. In the same
way the cottars, who were subtenants to the tacksmen’s tenants, had
to devote most of their time to the service of those from whom they
immediately held their lands. Thus it will be seen that, although
nominally the various tenants held their land from their immediate
superiors at a merely nominal rent, in reality what was actually
given in return for the use of the land would, in the end, probably
turn out to be far more than its value. From the laird to the cottar
there was an incessant series of exactions and services, grievous to
be borne, and fatal to every kind of improvement.
Besides the rent and services due by each class to its immediate
superiors, there were numerous other exactions and services, to which
all had to submit for the benefit of their chief. The most grievous
perhaps of these was thirlage or multure, a due exacted from each
tenant for the use of the mill of the district to convert their grain
into meal. All the tenants of each district or parish were thirled
or bound to take their grain to a particular mill to be ground, the
miller being allowed to appropriate a certain proportion as payment
for the use of the mill, and as a tax payable to the laird or chief.
In this way a tenant was often deprived of a considerable quantity of
his grain, varying from one-sixteenth to one-eighth, and even more.
In the same way many parishes were thirled to a particular smith. By
these and similar exactions and contributions did the proprietors
and chief men of the clan manage to support themselves off the
produce of their land, keep a numerous band of retainers around
them, have plenty for their own use, and for all who had any claim
to their hospitality. This seems especially to have been the case
when the Highlanders were in their palmiest days of independence,
when they were but little molested from without, and when their chief
occupations were clan-feuds and cattle raids. But latterly, and
long before the abolition of heritable jurisdictions, this state of
matters had for the most part departed, and although the chiefs still
valued themselves by the number of men they could produce, they kept
themselves much more to themselves, and showed less consideration
for the inferior members of the clan, whose condition, even at its
best, must appear to have been very wretched. “Of old, the chieftain
was not so much considered the master as the father of his numerous
clan. Every degree of these followers loved him with an enthusiasm,
which made them cheerfully undergo any fatigue or danger. Upon the
other hand, it was his interest, his pride, and his chief glory, to
requite such animated friendship to the utmost of his power. The rent
paid him was chiefly consumed in feasts given at the habitations of
his tenants. What he was to spend, and the time of his residence at
each village, was known and provided for accordingly. The men who
provided these entertainments partook of them; they all lived friends
together; and the departure of the chief and his retinue never fails
to occasion regret. In more polished times, the cattle and corn
consumed at these feasts of hospitality, were ordered up to the
landlord’s habitation. What was friendship at the first became very
oppressive in modern times. Till very lately in this neighbourhood,
Campbell of Auchinbreck had a right to carry off the best cow he
could find upon several properties at each Martinmas by way of mart.
The Island of Islay paid 500 such cows yearly, and so did Kintyre
to the Macdonalds.”[9] Still, there can be no doubt, that previous
to 1746 it was the interest of the laird and chief tacksmen to keep
the body of the people as contented as possible, and do all in their
power to attach them to their interest. Money was of but little use
in the Highlands then; there was scarcely anything in which it could
be spent; and so long as his tenants furnished him with the means
of maintaining a substantial and extensive hospitality, the laird
was not likely in general to complain. “The poverty of the tenants
rendered it customary for the chief, or laird, to free some of them
every year, from all arrears of rent; this was supposed, upon an
average, to be about one year in five of the whole estate.”[10]
In the same letter from which the last sentence is quoted, Captain
Burt gives an extract from a Highland rent-roll, of date probably
about 1730; we shall reproduce it here, as it will give the reader
a better notion as to how those matters were managed in these old
times, than any description can. “You will, it is likely,” the letter
begins, “think it strange that many of the Highland tenants are to
maintain a family upon a farm of twelve merks Scots per annum, which
is thirteen shillings and fourpence sterling, with perhaps a cow or
two, or a very few sheep or goats; but often the rent is less, and
the cattle are wanting.
“In some rentals you may see seven or eight columns of various
species of rent, or more, viz., money, barley, oatmeal, sheep, lambs,
butter, cheese, capons, &c.; but every tenant does not pay all these
kinds, though many of them the greatest part. What follows is a
specimen taken out of a Highland rent-roll, and I do assure you it is
genuine, and not the least by many:--
Scots Money. English. Butter. Oatmeal. Muttons.
Stones. Bolls.
Lb.Oz. B.P.Lip.
Donald mac Oil vic
ille Challum £3 10 4 £0 5 10⅛ 0 3 2 0 2 1 3 ⅛ and 1/16
Murdoch mac ille
Christ 5 17 6 0 9 9⅛ 0 6 4 0 3 3 3 ¼ and 1/16
Duncan mac ille
Phadrick 7 0 6 0 12 3½ 0 7 8 1 0 3 0½ ¼ and ⅛
I shall here give you a computation of the first article, besides
which there are seven more of the same farm and rent, as you may
perceive by the fraction of a sheep in the last column:--
The money £0 5 10⅛ Sterling.
The butter, three pounds two ounces, at 4d. per lb 0 1 1½
Oatmeal, 2 bushels, 1 peck, 3 lippys and ¼, at 6d.
per peck 0 4 9¼ and ½
Sheep, one-eighth and one-sixteenth, at 2s 0 0 4½
-------------
The yearly rent of the farm is £0 12 1½ and 1/12.”
It is plain that in the majority of cases the farms must have been
of very small extent, almost equal to those of Goldsmith’s Golden
Age, “when every rood maintained its man.” “In the head of the parish
of Buchanan in Stirlingshire, as well as in several other places,
there are to be found 150 families living upon grounds which do not
pay above £90 sterling of yearly rent, that is, each family at a
medium rents lands at twelve shillings of yearly rent.”[11] This
certainly seems to indicate a very wretched state of matters, and
would almost lead one to expect to hear that a famine occurred every
year. But it must be remembered that for the reasons above given,
along with others, farms were let at a very small rent, far below
the real value, and generally merely nominal; that besides money,
rent at that time was all but universally paid in kind, and in
services to the laird or other superior; and that many of the people,
especially on the border lands, had other means of existence, as for
example, cattle-lifting. Nevertheless, making all these allowances,
the condition of the great mass of the Highlanders must have been
extremely wretched, although they themselves might not have felt it
to be so, they had been so long accustomed to it.
In such a state of matters, with the land so much subdivided, with
no leases, and with tenures so uncertain, with so many oppressive
exactions, with no incitements to industry or improvement, but with
every encouragement to idleness and inglorious self-contentment,
it is not to be supposed that agriculture or any other industry
would make any great progress. For centuries previous to 1745, and
indeed for long after it, agriculture appears to have remained at a
stand-still. The implements in use were rude and inefficient, the
time devoted to the necessary farming operations, generally a few
weeks in spring and autumn, was totally insufficient to produce
results of any importance, and consequently the crops raised, seldom
anything else but oats and barley, were scanty, wretched in quality,
and seldom sufficient to support the cultivator’s family for the
half of the year. In general, in the Highlands, as the reader will
already have seen, each farm was let to a number of tenants, who,
as a rule, cultivated the arable ground on the system of run-rig,
_i.e._, the ground was divided into ridges which were so distributed
among the tenants that no one tenant possessed two contiguous ridges.
Moreover, no tenant could have the same ridge for two years running,
the ridges having a new cultivator every year. Such a system of
allocating arable land, it is very evident, must have been attended
with the worst results so far as good farming is concerned. The only
recommendation that it is possible to urge in its favour is that,
there being no inclosures, it would be the interest of the tenants to
join together in protecting the land they thus held in common against
the ravages of the cattle which were allowed to roam about the hills,
and the depredations of hostile clans. As we have just said, there
were no inclosures in the Highlands previous to 1745, nor were there
for very many years after that. While the crops were standing in
the ground, and liable to be destroyed by the cattle, the latter
were kept, for a few weeks in summer and autumn, upon the hills; but
after the crops were gathered in, they were allowed to roam unheeded
through the whole of a district or parish, thus affording facilities
for the cattle-raids that formed so important an item in the means of
obtaining a livelihood among the ancient Highlanders.
As a rule, the only crops attempted to be raised were oats and
barley, and sometimes a little flax; green crops were almost totally
unknown or despised, till many years after 1745; even potatoes
do not seem to have been at all common till after 1750, although
latterly they became the staple food of the Highlanders. Rotation
of crops, or indeed any approach to scientific agriculture, was
totally unknown. The ground was divided into infield and outfield.
The infield was constantly cropped, either with oats or bear; one
ridge being oats, the other bear alternately. There was no other crop
except a ridge of flax where the ground was thought proper for it.
The outfield was ploughed three years for oats, and then pastured for
six years with horses, black cattle, and sheep. In order to dung it,
folds of sod were made for the cattle, and what were called flakes or
rails of wood, removable at pleasure, for folding the sheep. A farmer
who rented 60, 80, or 100 acres, was sometimes under the necessity of
buying meal for his family in the summer season.[12]
[Illustration: 1. Old Scotch plough. 2. _Caschroim_, or crooked
spade.]
Their agricultural implements, it may easily be surmised, were as
rude as their system of farming. The chief of these were the old
Scotch plough and the _caschroim_ or crooked spade, which latter,
though primitive enough, seems to have been not badly suited to the
turning over of the land in many parts of the Highlands. The length
of the Highland plough was about four feet and a half, and had only
one stilt or handle, by which the ploughman directed it. A slight
mould-board was fastened to it with two leather straps, and the sock
and coulter were bound together at the point with a ring of iron.
To this plough there were yoked abreast four, six, and even more
horses or cattle, or both mixed, in traces made of thongs of leather.
To manage this unwieldy machine it required three or four men. The
ploughman walked by the side of the plough, holding the stilt with
one hand; the driver walked backwards in front of the horses or
cattle, having the reins fixed on a cross stick, which he appears
to have held in his hands.[13] Behind the ploughman came one and
sometimes two men, whose business it was to lay down with a spade the
turf that was torn off. In the Hebrides and some other places of the
Highlands, a curious instrument called a _Reestle_ or _Restle_, was
used in conjunction with this plough. Its coulter was shaped somewhat
like a sickle, the instrument itself being otherwise like the plough
just described. It was drawn by one horse, which was led by a man,
another man holding and directing it by the stilt. It was drawn
before the plough in order to remove obstructions, such as roots,
tough grass, &c., which would have been apt to obstruct the progress
of a weak plough like the above. In this way, it will be seen, five
or six men, and an equal number if not more horses or cattle, were
occupied in this single agricultural operation, performed now much
more effectively by one man and two horses.[14]
The _Caschroim_, _i.e._, the crooked foot or spade, was an instrument
peculiarly suited to the cultivation of certain parts of the
Highlands, totally inaccessible to a plough, on account of the broken
and rocky nature of the ground. Moreover, the land turned over with
the caschroim was considerably more productive than that to which the
above plough had been used. It consists of a strong piece of wood,
about six feet long, bent near the lower end, and having a thick
flat wooden head, shod at the extremity with a sharp piece of iron.
A piece of wood projected about eight inches from the right side of
the blade, and on this the foot was placed to force the instrument
diagonally into the ground. “With this instrument a Highlander will
open up more ground in a day, and render it fit for the sowing of
grain, than could be done by two or three men with any other spades
that are commonly used. He will dig as much ground in a day as will
sow more than a peck of oats. If he works assiduously from about
Christmas to near the end of April, he will prepare land sufficient
to sow five bolls. After this he will dig as much land in a day as
will sow two pecks of bere; and in the course of the season will
cultivate as much land with his spade as is sufficient to supply
a family of seven or eight persons, the year round, with meal and
potatoes.... It appears, in general, that a field laboured with the
caschroim affords usually one-third more crop than if laboured
with the plough. Poor land will afford near one-half more. But
then it must be noticed that this tillage with the plough is very
imperfect, and the soil scarcely half laboured.”[15] No doubt this
mode of cultivation was suitable enough in a country overstocked with
population, as the Highlands were in the early part of last century,
and where time and labour were of very little value. There were
plenty of men to spare for such work, and there was little else to do
but provide themselves with food. Still it is calculated that this
spade labour was three times more expensive than that of the above
clumsy plough. The caschroim was frequently used where there would
have been no difficulty in working a plough, the reason apparently
being that the horses and cattle were in such a wretched condition
that the early farming operations in spring completely exhausted
them, and therefore much of the ploughing left undone by them had to
be performed with the crooked spade.
As to harrows, where they were used at all, they appear to have been
of about as little use as a hand-rake. Some of them, which resembled
hay-rakes, were managed by the hand; others, drawn by horses,
were light and feeble, with wooden teeth, which might scratch the
surface and cover the seed, but could have no effect in breaking the
soil.[16] In some parts of the Highlands it was the custom to fasten
the harrow to the horse’s tail, and when it became too short, it was
lengthened with twisted sticks.
To quote further from Dr Walker’s work, which describes matters as
they existed about 1760, and the statements in which will apply with
still greater force to the earlier half of the century:--“The want
of proper carriages in the Highlands is one of the great obstacles
to the progress of agriculture, and of every improvement. Having no
carts, their corn, straw, manures, fuel, stone, timber, sea-weed, and
kelp, the articles necessary in the fisheries, and every other bulky
commodity, must be transported from one place to another on horseback
or on sledges. This must triple or quadruple the expense of their
carriage. It must prevent particularly the use of the natural manures
with which the country abounds, as, without cheap carriage, they
cannot be rendered profitable. The roads in most places are so bad
as to render the use of wheel-carriages impossible; but they are not
brought into use even where the natural roads would admit them.”[17]
As we have said already, farming operations in the Highlands lasted
only for a few weeks in spring and autumn. Ploughing in general
did not commence till March, and was concluded in May; there was
no autumn or winter ploughing; the ground was left untouched and
unoccupied but by some cattle from harvest to spring-time. It was
only after the introduction of potatoes that the Highlanders felt
themselves compelled to begin operations about January. As to the
_modus operandi_ of the Highland farmer in the olden time, we quote
the following from the old Statistical Account of the parish of
Dunkeld and Dowally, which may be taken as a very fair representative
of all the other Highland parishes; indeed, as being on the border
of the lowlands, it may be regarded as having been, with regard to
agriculture and other matters, in a more advanced state than the
generality of the more remote parishes:--“The farmer, whatever the
state of the weather was, obstinately adhered to the immemorial
practice of beginning to plough on Old Candlemas Day, and to sow
on the 20th of March. Summer fallow, turnip crops, and sown grass
were unknown; so were compost dunghills and the purchasing of lime.
Clumps of brushwood and heaps of stones everywhere interrupted and
deformed the fields. The customary rotation of their general crops
was--1. Barley; 2. Oats; 3. Oats; 4. Barley; and each year they had a
part of the farm employed in raising flax. The operations respecting
these took place in the following succession. They began on the day
already mentioned to _rib_ the ground, on which they intended to sow
barley, that is, to draw a wide furrow, so as merely to make the
land, as they termed it, red. In that state this ground remained
till the fields assigned to oats were ploughed and sown. This was in
general accomplished by the end of April. The farmer next proceeded
to prepare for his flax crop, and to sow it, which occupied him till
the middle of May, when he began to harrow, and dung, and sow the
ribbed barley land. This last was sometimes not finished till the
month of June.”[18] As to draining, fallowing, methodical manuring
and nourishing the soil, or any of the modern operations for making
the best of the arable land of the country, of these the Highlander
never even dreamed; and long after[19] they had become common in
the low country, it was with the utmost difficulty that his rooted
aversion to innovations could be overcome. They literally seem to
have taken no thought for the morrow, and the tradition and usage
of ages had given them an almost insuperable aversion to manual
labour of any kind. This prejudice against work was not the result
of inherent laziness, for the Highlander, both in ancient and modern
times, has clearly shown that his capacity for work and willingness
to exert himself are as strong and active as those of the most
industrious lowlander or Englishman. The humblest Highlander believed
himself a gentleman, having blood as rich and old as his chief,
and he shared in the belief, far from being obsolete even at the
present day, that for a gentleman to soil his hands with labour is
as degrading as slavery.[20] This belief was undoubtedly one of the
strongest principles of action which guided the ancient Highlanders,
and accounts, we think, to a great extent for his apparent laziness,
and for the slovenly and laggard way in which farming operations were
conducted.
There were, however, no doubt other reasons for the wretched state of
agriculture in the Highlands previous to, and for long after, 1745.
The Highlanders had much to struggle against, and much calculated to
dishearten them, in the nature of the soil and climate, on which, to
a great extent, the success of agricultural operations is dependent.
In many parts of the Highlands, especially in the west, rain falls
for the greater part of the year, thus frequently preventing the
completion of the necessary processes, as well as destroying the
crops when put into the ground. As to the soil, no unprejudiced man
who is competent to judge will for one moment deny that a great
part of it is totally unsuited to agriculture, but fitted only for
the pasturage of sheep, cattle, and deer. In the Old Statistical
Account of Scotland, this assertion is being constantly repeated
by the various Highland ministers who report upon the state of
their parishes. In the case of many Highland districts, one could
conceive of nothing more hopeless and discouraging than the attempt
to force from them a crop of grain. That there are spots in the
Highlands as susceptible of high culture as some of the best in the
lowlands cannot be denied; but these bear but a small proportion
to the great quantity of ground that is fitted only to yield a
sustenance to cattle and sheep. Now all reports seem to justify the
conclusion that, previous to, and for long after 1745, the Highlands
were enormously overstocked with inhabitants, considering the utter
want of manufactures and the few other outlets there were for
labour. Thus, we think, the Highlander would be apt to feel that any
extraordinary exertion was absolutely useless, as there was not the
smallest chance of his ever being able to improve his position, or to
make himself, by means of agriculture, better than his neighbour. All
he seems to have sought for was to raise as much grain as would keep
himself and family in bread during the miserable winter months, and
meet the demands of the laird.
The small amount of arable land was no doubt also the reason of the
incessant cropping which prevails, and which ultimately left the land
in a state of complete exhaustion. “To this sort of management, bad
as it is, the inhabitants are in some degree constrained, from the
small proportion of arable land upon their farms. From necessity they
are forced to raise what little grain they can, though at a great
expense of labour, the produce being so inconsiderable. A crop of
oats on outfield ground, without manure, they find more beneficial
than the pasture. But if they must manure for a crop of oats, they
reckon the crop of natural grass rather more profitable. But the
scarcity of bread corn--or rather, indeed, the want of bread--obliges
them to pursue the less profitable practice. Oats and bear being
necessary for their subsistence, they must prefer them to every other
produce. The land at present in tillage, and fit to produce them, is
very limited, and inadequate to the consumption of the inhabitants.
They are, therefore, obliged to make it yield as much of these grains
as possible, by scourging crops.”[21]
Another great discouragement to good farming was the multitude and
grievous nature of the _services_ demanded from the tenant by the
landlord as part payment of rent. So multifarious were these, and so
much of the farmer’s time did they occupy, that frequently his own
farming affairs got little or none of his personal attention, but had
to be entrusted to his wife and family, or to the cottars whom he
housed on his farm, and who, for an acre or so of ground and liberty
to pasture an ox or two and a few sheep, performed to the farmer
services similar to those rendered by the latter to his laird. Often
a farmer had only one day in the week to himself, so undefined and
so unlimited in extent were these services. Even in some parishes,
so late as 1790, the tenant for his laird (or _master_, as he was
often called) had to plough, harrow, and manure his land in spring;
cut corn, cut, winnow, lead, and stack his hay in summer, as well as
thatch office-houses with his own (the tenant’s) turf and straw; in
harvest assist to cut down the master’s crop whenever called upon,
to the latter’s neglect of his own, and help to store it in the
cornyard; in winter frequently a tenant had to thrash his master’s
crop, winter his cattle, and find ropes for the ploughs and for
binding the cattle. Moreover, a tenant had to take his master’s grain
from him, see that it was properly put through all the processes
necessary to convert it into meal, and return it ready for use; place
his time and his horses at the laird’s disposal, to buy in fuel for
the latter, run a message whenever summoned to do so; in short, the
condition of a tenant in the Highlands during the early part of last
century, and even down to the end of it in some places, was little
better than a slave.[22]
Not that, previous to 1745, this state of matters was universally
felt to be a grievance by tenants and farmers in the Highlands,
although it had to a large extent been abolished both in England and
the lowlands of Scotland. On the contrary, the people themselves
appear to have accepted this as the natural and inevitable state of
things, the only system consistent with the spirit of clanship with
the supremacy of the chiefs. That this was not, however, universally
the case, may be seen from the fact that, so early as 1729, Brigadier
Macintosh of Borlum (famous in the affair of 1715) published a
book, or rather essay, on _Ways and Means for Enclosing, Fallowing,
Planting, &c., Scotland_, which he prefaced by a strongly-worded
exhortation to the gentlemen of Scotland to abolish this degrading
and suicidal system, which was as much against their own interests
as it was oppressive to the tenants. Still, after 1745, there seems
to be no doubt that, as a rule, the ordinary Highlander acquiesced
contentedly in the established state of things, and generally,
so far as his immediate wants were concerned, suffered little or
nothing from the system. It was only after the abolition of the
jurisdictions that the grievous oppressive hardship, injustice, and
obstructiveness of the system became evident. Previous to that,
it was, of course, the laird’s or chief’s interest to keep his
tenants attached to him and contented, and to see that they did not
want; not only so, but previous to that epoch, what was deficient
in the supply of food produced by any parish or district, was
generally amply compensated for by the levies of cattle and other
gear made by the clans upon each other when hostile, or upon their
lawful prey, the Lowlanders. But even with all this, it would seem
that, not unfrequently, the Highlanders, either universally or in
certain districts, were reduced to sore straits, and even sometimes
devastated by famine. Their crops and other supplies were so exactly
squared to their wants, that, whenever the least failure took place
in the expected quantity, scarcity or cruel famine was the result.
According to Dr Walker, the inhabitants of some of the Western
Isles look for a failure once in every four years. Maston, in his
_Description of the Western Islands_, complained that many died from
famine arising from years of scarcity, and about 1742, many over
all the Highlands appear to have shared the same fate from the same
cause.[23] So that, even under the old system, when the clansmen
were faithful and obedient, and the chief was kind and liberal, and
many cattle and other productions were imported free of all cost,
the majority of the people lived from hand to mouth, and frequently
suffered from scarcity and want. Infinitely more so was this the case
when it ceased to be the interest of the laird to keep around him
numerous tenants.
All these things being taken into consideration, it is not to be
wondered at that agriculture in the Highlands was for so long in such
a wretched condition.
They set much store, however, by their small black cattle and
diminutive sheep, and appear in many districts to have put more
dependence upon them for furnishing the means of existence, than upon
what the soil could yield.
The live-stock of a Highland farm consisted mainly of horses, sheep,
and cattle, all of them of a peculiarly small breed, and capable of
yielding but little profit. The number of horses generally kept by
a farmer was out of all proportion to the size of his farm and the
number of other cattle belonging to him. The proportion of horses to
cattle often ranged from one in eight to one in four. For example,
Dr Webster mentions a farm in Kintail, upon which there were forty
milk cows, which with the young stock made one hundred and twenty
head of cattle, about two hundred and fifty goats and ewes, young
and old, and ten horses. The reason that so great a proportion of
horses was kept, was evidently the great number that were necessary
for the operation of ploughing, and the fact that in the greater part
of the Highlands carts were unknown, and fuel, grain, manure, and
many other things generally carried in machines, had to be conveyed
on the backs of the horses, which were of a very small breed,
although of wonderful strength considering their rough treatment
and scanty fare. They were frequently plump, active, and endurable,
though they had neither size nor strength for laborious cultivation.
They were generally from nine to twelve hands high, short-necked,
chubby-headed, and thick and flat at the withers.[24] “They are so
small that a middle-sized man must keep his legs almost in lines
parallel to their sides when carried over the stony ways; and it is
almost incredible to those who have not seen it how nimbly they skip
with a heavy rider among the rocks and large moor-stones, turning
zig-zag to such places as are passable.”[25] Walker believes that
scarcely any horses could go through so much labour and fatigue upon
so little sustenance.[26] They were generally called _garrons_, and
seem in many respects to have resembled the modern Shetland pony.
These horses for the greater part of the year were allowed to run
wild among the hills, each having a mark indicating its owner; during
the severest part of winter they were sometimes brought down and fed
as well as their owners could afford. They seem frequently to have
been bred for exportation.
Sheep, latterly so intimately associated with the Highlands, bore but
a very small proportion to the number of black cattle. Indeed, before
sheep-farming began to take place upon so large a scale, and to
receive encouragement from the proprietors, the latter were generally
in the habit of restricting their tenants to a limited number of
sheep, seldom more than one sheep for one cow. This restriction
appears to have arisen from the real or supposed interest of the
landlord, who looked for the money part of his rent solely from the
produce of sale of the tenants’ cattle. Sheep were thus considered
not as an article of profit, but merely as part of the means by which
the farmer’s family was clothed and fed, and therefore the landlord
was anxious that the number should not be more than was absolutely
necessary. In a very few years after 1745, a complete revolution took
place in this respect.
The old native sheep of the Highlands, now rare, though common in
some parts of Shetland, is thus described by Dr Walker. “It is the
smallest animal of its kind. It is of a thin lank shape, and has
short straight horns. The face and legs are white, the tail extremely
short, and the wool of various colours; for, beside black and white,
it is sometimes of a bluish grey colour, at other times brown, and
sometimes of a deep russet, and frequently an individual is blotched
with two or three of these different colours. In some of the low
islands, where the pasture answers, the wool of this small sheep
is of the finest kind, and the same with that of Shetland. In the
mountainous islands, the animal is found of the smallest size, with
coarser wool, and with this very remarkable character, that it has
often four, and sometimes even six horns.
“Such is the original breed of sheep over all the Highlands and
Islands of Scotland. It varies much indeed in its properties,
according to the climate and pasture of different districts; but,
in general, it is so diminutive in size, and of so bad a form, that
it is requisite it should be given up, wherever sheep-farming is to
be followed to any considerable extent. From this there is only one
exception: in some places the wool is of such a superior quality, and
so valuable, that the breed perhaps may, on that account, be with
advantage retained.”
The small, shaggy black cattle, so well known even at the present
day in connection with the Highlands, was the principal live-stock
cultivated previous to the alterations which followed 1745. This
breed appears to have been excellent in its kind, and the best
adapted for the country, and was quite capable of being brought to
admirable perfection by proper care, feeding, and management. But
little care, however, was bestowed on the rearing of these animals,
and in general they were allowed to forage for themselves as best
they could. As we have said already, the Highland farmer of those
days regarded his cattle as the only money-producing article with
which his farm was stocked, all the other products being necessary
for the subsistence of himself and his family. It was mainly the
cattle that paid the rent. It was therefore very natural that the
farmer should endeavour to have as large a stock of this commodity
as possible, the result being that, blind to his own real interests,
he generally to a large extent overstocked his farm. According to Dr
Walker,[27] over all the farms in the north, there was kept above
one-third more of cattle than what under the then prevailing system
of management could be properly supported. The consequence of course
was, that the cattle were generally in a half-fed and lean condition,
and, during winter especially, they died in great numbers.
As a rule, the arable land in the Highlands bore, and still bears,
but a very small proportion to that devoted to pasture. The arable
land is as a rule by the sea-shore, on the side of a river or lake,
or in a valley; while the rest of the farm, devoted to pasturage,
stretches often for many miles away among the hills. The old
mode of valuing or dividing lands in Scotland was into shilling,
sixpenny, and threepenny lands of Scotch money. Latterly the English
denomination of money was used, and these divisions were termed
penny,[28] halfpenny, and farthing lands. A tacksman generally rented
a large number of these penny lands, and either farmed them himself,
or, as was very often done, sublet them to a number of tenants, none
of whom as a rule held more than a penny land, and many, having less
than a farthing land, paying from a few shillings to a few pounds of
rent. Where a number of tenants thus rented land from a tacksman or
proprietor, they generally laboured the arable land in common, and
each received a portion of the produce proportioned to his share in
the general holding. The pasturage, which formed by far the largest
part of the farm, they had in common for the use of their cattle,
each tenant being allowed to pasture a certain number of cattle and
sheep, _soumed_ or proportioned[29] to the quantity of land he held.
“The tenant of a penny land often keeps four or five cows, with what
are called their followers, six or eight horses, and some sheep.
The followers are the calf, a one-year-old, a two-year-old, and a
three-year-old, making in all with the cow five head of black cattle.
By frequent deaths among them, the number is seldom complete, yet
this penny land has or may have upon it about twenty or twenty-five
head of black cattle, besides horses and sheep.” The halfpenny and
farthing lands seem to have been allowed a larger proportion of
live stock than the penny lands, considering their size.[30] It
was seldom, however, that a tenant confined himself strictly to
the number for which he was soumed, the desire to have as much as
possible of the most profitable commodity frequently inducing to
overstock, and thus defeat his main purpose.
During summer and autumn, the cattle and other live stock were
confined to the hills to prevent them doing injury to the crops,
for the lands were totally unprotected by enclosures. After the
ground was cleared of the crops, the animals were allowed to roam
promiscuously over the whole farm, if not over the farms of a whole
district, having little or nothing to eat in the winter and spring
but what they could pick up in the fields. It seems to have been a
common but very absurd notion in the Highlands that the housing of
cattle tended to enfeeble them; thus many cattle died of cold and
starvation every winter, those who survived were mere skeletons, and,
moreover, the farmer lost all their dung which could have been turned
to good use as manure. Many of the cows, from poverty and disease,
brought a calf only once in two years, and it was often a month or
six weeks before the cow could give sufficient milk to nourish her
offspring. Thus many of the Highland cattle were starved to death in
their calf’s skin.
A custom prevailed among the Highlanders of old, common to them with
other mountainous pastoral countries, _e.g._, Switzerland. During
winter the tenants of a farm with their families, cottars, and
servants, lived in the _Bailte Geamhre_, or winter town, in the midst
of the arable land; but in summer, after all the sowing was done,
about the middle of June, a general migration was made to the hills
along with the cattle, the arable ground with all its appurtenances
being allowed to take care of itself. The following passage, quoted
from the old Statistical Account of Boleskine and Abertarff,
Inverness-shire, will give a notion of the working of this practice:--
“The whole country, with two exceptions, consists of a variety of
half davoch-lands, each of which was let or disponed by the Lovat
family or their chamberlain to a wadsetter or principal tacksman, and
had no concern with the sub-tenantry; each sub-tenant had again a
variety of cottars, equally unconnected with the principal tacksman;
and each of these had a number of cattle of all denominations,
proportional to their respective holdings, with the produce whereof
he fed and clad himself and whole family. As there were extensive
sheallings or grasings attached to this country, in the neighbourhood
of the lordship of Badenoch, the inhabitants in the beginning of
summer removed to these sheallings with their whole cattle, man,
woman, and child; and it was no uncommon thing to observe an infant
in one creel, and a stone on the other side of the horse, to keep up
an equilibrium; and when the grass became scarce in the sheallings,
they returned again to their principal farms, where they remained
while they had sufficiency of pasture, and then, in the same manner,
went back to their sheallings, and observed this ambulatory course
during the seasons of vegetation; and the only operations attended
to during the summer season was their peats or fuel, and repairing
their rustic habitations. When their small crops were fit for it, all
hands descended from the hills, and continued on the farms till the
same was cut and secured in barns, the walls of which were generally
made of dry stone, or wreathed with branches or boughs of trees; and
it was no singular custom, after harvest, for the whole inhabitants
to return to their sheallings, and to abide there till driven from
thence by the snow. During the winter and spring, the whole pasturage
of the country was a common, and a poind-fold was a thing totally
unknown. The cultivation of the country was all performed in spring,
the inhabitants having no taste for following green crops or other
modern improvements.”
The milk produced by the small Highland cows was, and indeed is,
small in quantity, but in quality it resembles what in the Lowlands
is known as cream. Of course, the butter and cheese made from such
milk is unusually rich.
About the end of August or beginning of September, the cattle had
generally been got into good condition by their summer feeding, the
beef then, according to Captain Burt, being “extremely sweet and
succulent.” It was at this time that the drovers collected their
herds, and drove them to the fairs and markets on the borders of the
lowlands, and sometimes so far south as the north of England. As from
the want of good roads and any means of rapid conveyance, the drovers
took a considerable time to reach their destination, and had in the
meantime to be fed, a certain sum per head had to be paid to the
owners of the territories through which they passed, for the liberty
of being allowed grazing for the cattle. Burt gives the following
graphic account of a scene he himself witnessed on the march south
of one of these herds of cattle. “I have several times seen them
driving great numbers of cattle along the sides of the mountains at
a great distance, but never, except once, was near them. This was
in a time of rain, by a wide river, where there was a boat to ferry
over the drovers. The cows were about fifty in number, and took the
water like spaniels; and when they were in, their drivers made a
hideous cry to urge them forwards: this, they told me, they did to
keep the foremost of them from turning about; for, in that case, the
rest would do the like, and then they would be in danger, especially
the weakest of them, to be driven away and drowned by the torrent. I
thought it a very odd sight to see so many noses and eyes just above
water, and nothing of them more to be seen, for they had no horns,
and upon the land they appeared like so many large Lincolnshire
calves.” These drovers do not seem as a rule to have been the owners
of cattle, but a class of men whose business it was to collect
into one herd or drove the saleable cattle of a number of farmers,
take them south to the markets and bring back the money, receiving
a small commission for their trouble. As a rule they seem to have
been men who, when their integrity was relied on, made it a point of
honour to be able to render a satisfactory account of every animal
and every farthing; although probably no one would be more ready to
join in a _creach_ or cattle-lifting expedition, which in those days
was considered as honourable as warfare. The drovers “conducted the
cattle by easy stages across the country in trackways, which, whilst
they were less circuitous than public roads, were softer for the
feet of the animals, and he often rested at night in the open fields
with his herds.”[31] A good idea of the character of this class of
Highlanders may be obtained from Sir Walter Scott’s _Chronicles of
the Canongate_.[32]
All the other operations connected with or arising out of agriculture
were conducted in as rude and ineffective a manner as those
above mentioned. The harvest was always an anxious season with
the Highlander, as from the wetness of the climate and the early
period at which rain set in, their crops might never come to useful
perfection, or might be swept away by floods or heavy rains before
they could be gathered in.[33] Dr Walker declares that in the
Hebrides and Western Highlands the people made up their minds to lose
one harvest in four on account of the wetness of the climate. If the
crops, however, escaped destruction from the elements, the farmers
were glad to get them reaped as quickly as possible. As a rule, the
common sickle seems to have been used for cutting down the grain,
although it appears to have been not uncommon to tear it from the
earth by the roots.[34] The harvest work seems to have been generally
performed by women, as is indeed the case still in some parts of
Scotland. This, Burt thinks, tended much to retard the harvest, as it
sometimes took a woman and a girl a fortnight to do what with the aid
of a man might have been done in a couple of days.[35] So short-lived
was the supply of grain, and so ill-off were the people sometimes,
that it was not uncommon for them to pluck the ears as they ripened,
like fruit, and even scorch the grain when green and squeeze it into
an unwholesome pulp.[36]
The flail appears to have been the only article used to separate
the grain from its husk, and the only winnowing it got was from
the draught that passed through the rude barn, which had two doors
opposite each other for the purpose.
The quern or hand-mill is the oldest machine used for grinding grain.
It consisted of two stones, one above the other, the former turned
round by a handle and having an opening in the top to admit the
grain. This primitive kind of mill, even for long after 1745, was
used all over the Highlands to convert the scanty supply of grain
into meal. The quern was generally driven by two women sitting
opposite each other, but it was also adapted to a rude water-wheel,
the axle of which was fixed in the upper stone. This rude water-mill
is still used in Shetland, and is of the very simplest construction.
[Illustration: Quern, from the collection of the late Sir James Y.
Simpson, Bart.]
A common method of preparing the grain for the quern was called
_graddaning_, which consisted in taking a handful of corn in the
stalk, setting fire to it, and when it had burnt long enough,
knocking the grain from the head by means of a stick; thus both
thrashing and drying it at the same time. This of course was a
wretched and most extravagant mode of procedure, blackening and
otherwise spoiling the grain, and wasting the straw. This process
was common in the Western Islands, where also there was a kind of
very rude kiln, on the bare ribs of which were put the heads of
the grain, which, when dried, were pulled down on the floor and
immediately thrashed and winnowed, and stored up hot in plates, ready
for the quern. Thus could a man have cut the sheaves, dry and thrash
the barley, clean it for the quern, and make his breakfast thereof
after it was ground.[37] Another method common in Badenoch and the
central Highlands was to switch the corn out of the ear with a stick,
separate it from the chaff, and put it in a pot on the fire, while a
person kept stirring it with a wooden spatula. “I have seen,” says a
gentleman from Laggan, “the corn cut, dried, ground, baked, and eaten
in less than two hours.”[38]
There must, however, have been a mill on a somewhat larger scale
than either the hand or water-quern, situated in a great many of the
Highland districts, as it is well known that in the Highlands as well
as the Lowlands, multure and thirlage were common exactions by which
the tenants were oppressed. The tenants would be no doubt glad in
many cases to escape the heavy mill-dues by grinding their grain for
themselves, as well as their rude contrivances would allow them. But
the convenience of a well-constructed mill in a district is evident,
and of course it is but fair that those who take advantage of the
mill should pay for it. Moreover, in early times, when large mills
were first introduced into a district by the laird or proprietor, it
was natural enough that he should endeavour, either by bargain or
force, to get his tenants to take their grain to the district-mill
to be ground, as only by this means could the expense of building
and keeping up of the mill be defrayed and a miller induced to rent
it. As money was scarce in those days, and as rent and other dues
were paid in kind, it was natural and fair enough that the landlord
should exact a small portion of the grain taken to his mill as due to
him for keeping the mill up, and also for the miller to take payment
for his trouble and time by keeping to himself a certain proportion
of the meal into which he had converted the grain. But like every
other custom, this was liable to abuse, and did in the end turn out
to be a most grievous exaction and a great hindrance to agricultural
improvement. Every farmer was thirled to a particular mill, thirlage
being a due payable to the landlord; and the miller, besides having
a croft or small farm attached to the mill, was allowed to exact
multure, or a proportion of meal, to pay himself for his trouble.
Besides these there appears to have been other exactions which could
be made by the miller on various pretexts, and the amount of which
depended pretty much upon his own caprice. Altogether they not
unfrequently amounted to an eighth or a tenth of the meal produced by
the grain. Yet for long after 1745, even into the present century,
did these exactions continue to be in force in many parts of the
country; and an almost universal complaint by the writers of the
articles on the Highland parishes in the Old Statistical Account, is
the grievous nature of these and other exactions.
Almost the only fuel used by the Highlanders, not only in the early
part but during the whole of last century, was peat, still used in
many Highland districts, and the only fuel used in a great part of
Orkney and Shetland. The cutting and preparing of the fuel, composed
mainly of decayed roots of various plants, consumed a serious part of
the Highlander’s time, as it was often to be found only at a great
distance from his habitation; and he had to cut not only for himself
but for his laird, the process itself being long and troublesome,
extending from the time the sods were first cut till they were formed
in a stack at the side of the farmer’s or cottar’s door, over five or
six months; and after all, they frequently turned out but a wretched
substitute for either wood or coal; often they were little else than
a mass of red earth. It generally took five people to cut peats out
of one spot. One cut the peats, which were placed by another on the
edge of the trench from which they were cut; a third spread them
on the field, while a fourth trimmed them, a fifth resting in the
meantime ready to relieve the man that was cutting.
As would naturally be expected, the houses and other buildings of the
Highlanders were quite in keeping with their agricultural implements
and general mode of life. Even the tacksmen or gentlemen of the clan,
the relations of the chief, lived in huts or hovels, that the poorest
farmer in most parts of Scotland at the present day, would shudder to
house his cattle in. In most cases they appear to have been pretty
much the same as those of the small farmers or cottars, only perhaps
a little larger. Burt mentions such a house belonging to a gentleman
of the clan, which he visited in one of his peregrinations round
Inverness. He says[39] it consisted of one long apartment without
any partition, “where the family was at one end, and some cattle
at the other.” The owner of this rude habitation must have been
somewhat shrewd and sensible, as he could not only perceive the
disadvantages of this mode of life to which he was doomed, but had
insight and candour enough to be able to account for his submission
to them. “The truth is,” Captain Burt reports him to have said, “we
are insensibly inured to it by degrees; for, when very young, we
know no better; being grown up, we are inclined, or persuaded by
our near relations, to marry--thence come children, and fondness
for them: but above all,” says he, “is the _love of our chief_, so
strongly is it inculcated to us in our infancy; and if it were not
for that, I think the Highlands would be much thinner of people than
they now are.” How much truth there is in that last statement is
clearly evidenced by the history of the country after the abolition
of the hereditary jurisdictions, which was the means of breaking up
the old intimate relation between, and mutual dependence of, chief
and people. Burt says elsewhere, that near to Inverness, there were
a few gentlemen’s houses built of stone and lime, but that in the
inner part of the mountains there were no stone-buildings except
the barracks, and that one might have gone a hundred miles without
seeing any other dwellings but huts of turf. By the beginning of
last century the houses of most of the chiefs, though comparatively
small, seem to have been substantially built of stone and lime,
although their food and manner of life would seem to have been pretty
much the same as those of the tacksmen. The children of chiefs and
gentlemen seem to have been allowed to run about in much the same
apparently uncared for condition as those of the tenants, it having
been a common saying, according to Burt, “that a gentleman’s bairns
are to be distinguished by their speaking English.” To illustrate
this he tells us that once when dining with a laird not very far
from Inverness--possibly Lord Lovat--he met an English soldier at
the house who was catching birds for the laird to exercise his hawks
on. This soldier told Burt that for three or four days after his
first coming, he had observed in the kitchen (“an out-house hovel”) a
parcel of dirty children half naked, whom he took to belong to some
poor tenant, but at last discovered they were part of the family.
“But,” says the fastidious English Captain, “although these were so
little regarded, the young laird, about the age of fourteen, was
going to the university; and the eldest daughter, about sixteen, sat
with us at table, clean and genteelly dressed.”[40]
There is no reason to doubt Burt’s statement when he speaks of what
he saw or heard, but it must be remembered he was an Englishman, with
all an Englishman’s prejudices in favour of the manners and customs,
the good living, and general fastidiousness which characterise his
own half of the kingdom, and many of an Englishman’s prejudices
against the Scotch generally and the turbulent Highlanders in
particular. His letters are, however, of the utmost value in giving
us a clear and interesting glimpse into the mode of life of the
Highlanders shortly before 1745, and most Scotchmen at least will
be able to sift what is fact from what is exaggeration and English
colouring. Much, no doubt, of what Burt tells of the Highlanders
when he was there is true, but it is true also of people then living
in the same station in other parts of Scotland, where however among
the better classes, and even among the farmers, even then, there was
generally a rough abundance combined with a sort of affectation of
rudeness of manner. It is not so very long ago since the son of the
laird, and he might have been a duke, and the son of the hind were
educated at the same parish school; and even at the present day it is
no uncommon sight to see the sons of the highest Scottish nobility
sitting side by side on the same college-benches with the sons of
day-labourers, ploughmen, mechanics, farmers, and small shop-keepers.
Such a sight is rare in the English universities; where there are
low-born intruders, it will in most cases be found that they belong
to Scotland. We do not make these remarks to prejudice the reader in
any way against the statements of Burt or to depreciate the value of
his letters; all we wish the reader to understand is that he was an
Englishman, rather fond of gossip, and perhaps of adding point to
a story at the expense of truth, with all the prejudices and want
of enlightenment and cosmopolitanism of even educated Englishmen of
150 years ago. He states facts correctly, but from a peculiar and
very un-Scottish point of view. His evidence, even when stripped
of its slight colouring, is invaluable, and, even to the modern
Highlander, must prove that his ancestors lived in a very miserable
way, although they themselves might not have realised its discomfort
and wretchedness, but on the contrary, may have been as contented as
the most well-to-do English squire or prosperous English farmer.
Even among the higher members of the clans, the tacksmen and most
extensive farmers, the fare does not seem to have been by any means
abundant, and generally was of the commonest kind. For a few months
in the end of the year, when the cattle and sheep were in condition
to be killed, animal food appears to have been plentiful enough, as
it must also have been after any successful cattle-foray. But for
the rest of the year, the food of even the gentlemen in many places
must have been such as any modern farmer would have turned up his
nose at. In other districts again, where the chief was well-off and
liberal, he appears to have been willing enough to share what he had
with his relations the higher tenants, who again would do their best
to keep from want the under tenants and cottars. Still it will be
seen, the living of all was very precarious. “It is impossible for
me,” says Burt,[41] “from my own knowledge, to give you an account
of the ordinary way of living of these gentlemen; because, when any
of us (the English) are invited to their houses there is always an
appearance of plenty to excess; and it has been often said they
will ransack all their tenants rather than we should think meanly
of their housekeeping: but I have heard it from many whom they have
employed, and perhaps had little regard to their observations as
inferior people, that, although they have been attended at dinner
by five or six servants, yet, with all that state, they have often
dined upon oat meal varied several ways, pickled herrings, or other
such cheap and indifferent diet.” Burt complains much of their want
of hospitality; but at this he need not have been surprised. He and
every other soldier stationed in the Highlands would be regarded
with suspicion and even dislike by the natives, who were by no means
likely to give them any encouragement to frequent their houses,
and pry into their secrets and mode of life. The Highlanders were
well-known for their hospitality, and are so in many places even
at the present day, resembling in this respect most people living
in a wild and not much frequented country. As to the everyday fare
above mentioned, those who partook of it would consider it no
hardship, if indeed Burt had not been mistaken or been deceived as
to details. Oatmeal, in the form of porridge and brose, is common
even at the present day among the lower classes in the country, and
even among substantial farmers. As for the other part of it, there
must have been plenty of salmon and trout about the rivers and lochs
of Inverness-shire, and abundance of grain of various kinds on the
hills, so that the gentlemen to whom the inquisitive Captain refers,
must have taken to porridge and pickled herring from choice: and it
is well known, that in Scotland at least, when a guest is expected,
the host endeavours to provide something better than common for his
entertainment. Burt also declares that he has often seen a laird’s
lady coming to church with a maid behind her carrying her shoes and
stockings, which she put on at a little distance from the church.
Indeed, from what he says, it would seem to have been quite common
for those in the position of ladies and gentlemen to go about in
this free and easy fashion. Their motives for doing so were no doubt
those of economy and comfort--not because they had neither shoes nor
stockings to put on. The practice is quite common at the present day
in Scotland, for both respectable men and women when travelling on
a dusty road on a broiling summer-day, to do so on their bare feet,
as being so much more comfortable and less tiresome than travelling
in heavy boots and thick worsted stockings. No one thinks the worse
of them for it, nor infers that they must be wretchedly ill off. The
practice has evidently at one time been much more common even among
the higher classes, but, like many other customs, lingers now only
among the common people.
From all we can learn, however, the chiefs and their more immediate
dependants and relations appear by no means to have been ill-off, so
far as the necessaries of life went, previous to the rebellion of
1745. They certainly had not a superfluity of money, but many of the
chiefs were profuse in their hospitality, and had always abundance
if not variety to eat and drink. Indeed it is well known, that
about 200 years before the rebellion, an enactment had to be made
by parliament limiting the amount of wine and brandy to be used by
the various chiefs. Claret, in Captain Burt’s time, was as common in
and around Inverness as it was in Edinburgh; the English soldiers
are said to have found it selling at sixpence a quart, and left it
at three or four times that price. In their habits and mode of life,
their houses and other surroundings, these Highland gentlemen were no
doubt rough and rude and devoid of luxuries, and not over particular
as to cleanliness either of body or utensils, but still always
dignified and courteous, respectful to their superiors and affable
to their inferiors. Highland pride is still proverbial, and while
often very amusing and even pitiable, has often been of considerable
service to those who possess it, stimulating them to keep up their
self-respect and to do their best in whatever situation they may be
placed. It was this pride that made the poorest and most tattered of
the tacksmen tenants with whom Burt came in contact, conduct himself
as if he had been lord of all he surveyed, and look with suspicion
and perhaps with contempt upon the unknown English red-coat.
As a kind of set-off to Burt’s disparaging account of the condition
of Highland gentlemen, and yet to some extent corroborating it, we
quote the following from the Old Statistical Account of the parish
of Boleskine and Abertarf in Inverness-shire. The district to which
this account refers was at least no worse than most other Highland
parishes, and in some respects must have been better than those
that were further out of the reach of civilisation.[42] “Till the
beginning of this century, the whole heritors and wadsetters in this
parish lived in houses composed of cupple trees, and the walls and
thatch made up of sod and divot; but in every wadsetter’s house there
was a spacious hall, containing a large table, where he and his
family and dependants eat their two meals a-day with this single
distinction, that he and his family sat at the one end of the table,
and his dependants at the other; and it was reckoned no disparagement
for the gentlemen to sit with commoners in the inns, such as the
country then afforded, where one _cap_, and afterwards a single
glass, went round the whole company. As the inhabitants experienced
no want, and generally lived on the produce of their farms, they were
hospitable to strangers, providing they did not attempt a settlement
among them. But it was thought then disgraceful for any of the
younger sons of these wadsetters to follow any other profession than
that of arms and agriculture; and it is in the remembrance of many
now living, when the meanest tenant would think it disparaging to sit
at the same table with a manufacturer.”
The following quotation from the Statistical Account of Rannoch,
in Perthshire, will give an idea of another phase of the life of
Highland gentlemen in those days, as well as enable the reader to see
how it was, considering the general poverty of the country, the low
rent, the unproductiveness of the soil, and the low price of cattle,
they were still able to keep open table and maintain more retainers
than the land could support. “Before the year 1745 Rannoch was in an
uncivilized barbarous state, under no check, or restraint of laws.
As an evidence of this, one of the principal proprietors never could
be compelled to pay his debts. Two messengers were sent from Perth,
to give him a charge of horning. He ordered a dozen of his retainers
to bind them across two hand-barrows, and carry them, in this state,
to the bridge of Cainachan, at nine miles distance. His property
in particular was a nest of thieves. They laid the whole country,
from Stirling to Coupar of Angus, under contribution, obliging the
inhabitants to pay them Black Meal, as it is called, to save their
property from being plundered. This was the centre of this kind of
traffic. In the months of September and October they gathered to the
number of about 300, built temporary huts, drank whisky all the time,
settled accounts for stolen cattle, and received balances. Every man
then bore arms. It would have required a regiment to have brought a
thief from that country.”
As to the education of the Highland gentry, in this respect they seem
not to have been so far behind the rest of the country, although
latterly they appear to have degenerated in this as in other
respects; for, as will be seen in the Chapter on Gaelic Literature,
there must have been at one time many learned men in the Highlands,
and a taste for literature seems not to have been uncommon. Indeed,
from various authorities quoted in the Introduction to Stuart’s
_Costume of the Clans_, it was no uncommon accomplishment in the
16th and 17th centuries for a Highland gentleman to be able to use
both Gaelic and Latin, even when he could scarcely manage English.
“If, in some instances,” says Mrs Grant,[43] “a chief had some taste
for literature, the Latin poets engaged his attention more forcibly
than the English, which he possibly spoke and wrote, but inwardly
despised, and in fact did not understand well enough to relish its
delicacies, or taste its poetry.” “Till of late years,” says the same
writer on the same page, “letters were unknown in the Highlands
except among the highest rank of gentry and the clergy. The first
were but partially enlightened at best. Their minds had been early
imbued with the stores of knowledge peculiar to their country, and
having no view beyond that of passing their lives among their tenants
and dependants, they were not much anxious for any other.... In some
instances, the younger brothers of patrician families were sent early
out to lowland seminaries, and immediately engaged in some active
pursuit for the advancement of their fortune.” In short, so far as
education went, the majority of the Highland lairds and tacksmen
appear to have been pretty much on the same footing with those in a
similar station in other parts of the kingdom.
From what has been said then as to the condition of the chiefs or
lairds and their more immediate dependants the tacksmen, previous to
1745, it may be inferred that they were by no means ill-off so far as
the necessaries and even a few of the luxuries of life went. Their
houses were certainly not such as a gentleman or even a well-to-do
farmer would care to inhabit now-a-days, neither in build nor in
furnishing; but the chief and principal tenants as a rule had always
plenty to eat and drink, lived in a rough way, were hospitable to
their friends, and, as far as they were able, kind and lenient to
their tenants.
It was the sub-tenants and cottars, the common people or peasantry of
the Highlands, whose condition called for the utmost commiseration.
It was they who suffered most from the poverty of the land, the
leanness of the cattle, the want of trades and manufactures, the
want, in short, of any reliable and systematic means of subsistence.
If the crops failed, or disease or a severe winter killed the
half of the cattle, it was they who suffered, it was they who
were the victims of famine, a thing of not rare occurrence in the
Highlands.[44] It seems indeed impossible that any one now living
could imagine anything more seemingly wretched and miserable than
the state of the Highland subtenants and cottars as described in
various contemporary accounts. The dingiest hovel in the dirtiest
narrowest “close” of Edinburgh may be taken as a fair representative
of the house inhabited formerly in the Highlands by the great mass of
the farmers and cottars. And yet they do not by any means appear to
have regarded themselves as the most miserable of beings, but on the
contrary to have been light-hearted and well content if they could
manage to get the year over without absolute starvation. No doubt
this was because they knew no better state of things, and because
love for the chief would make them endure any thing with patience.
Generally the houses of the subtenants and cottars who occupied
a farm were built in one spot, “all irregularly placed, some one
way, some another, and at any distance, look like so many heaps of
dirt.” They were generally built in some small valley or strath by
the side of a stream or loch, and the collection of houses on one
farm was known as the “toon” or town, a term still used in Shetland
in the very same sense, and in many parts of Scotland applied to
the building occupied by even a single farmer. The cottages were
generally built of round stones without any cement, thatched with
sods, and sometimes heath; sometimes they were divided into two
apartments by a slender partition, but frequently no such division
was made. In the larger half resided the family, this serving for
kitchen, eating, and sleeping-room to all. In the middle of this
room, on the floor, was the peat fire, above which was a gaping hole
to allow the escape of the smoke, very little however of this finding
its way out, the surplus, after every corner of the room was filled,
escaping by the door. The other half of the cottage was devoted to
the use of the live-stock when “they did not choose to mess and lodge
with the family.”[45] Sometimes these cottages were built of turf
or mud, and sometimes of wattle-work like baskets, a common system
of fencing even yet in many parts of the Highlands where young wood
is abundant. As a rule these huts had to be thatched and otherwise
repaired every year to keep them habitable; indeed, in many places it
was quite customary every spring to remove the thatch and use it as
manure.
[Illustration: A Cottage in Islay. From Pennant’s _Voyage to the
Hebrides_, 1774.]
Buchanan, even in the latter half of the 18th century, thus speaks of
the dwellings of tenants in the Western Isles; and, in this respect
at least, it is not likely they were in worse plight than those who
lived in the early part of the century. “The huts of the oppressed
tenants are remarkably naked and open; quite destitute of furniture,
except logs of timbers collected from the wrecks of the sea, to sit
on about the fire, which is placed in the middle of the house, or
upon seats made of straw, like foot hassacks, stuffed with straw or
stubble. Many of them must rest satisfied with large stones placed
around the fire in order. As all persons must have their own blankets
to sleep in, they make their beds in whatever corner suits their
fancy, and in the mornings they fold them up into a small compass,
with all their gowns, cloaks, coats, and petticoats, that are not in
use. The cows, goats, and sheep, with the ducks, hens, and dogs, must
have the common benefit of the fire, and particularly the young and
tenderest are admitted next to it. This filthy sty is never cleaned
but once a-year, when they place the dung on the fields as manure
for barley crops. Thus, from the necessity of laying litter below
these cattle to keep them dry, the dung naturally increases in height
almost mid-wall high, so that the men sit low about the fire, while
the cattle look down from above upon the company.” We learn from the
same authority that in the Hebrides every tenant must have had his
own beams and side timbers, the walls generally belonging to the
tacksman or laird, and these were six feet thick with a hollow wall
of rough stones, packed with moss or earth in the centre. A tenant
in removing carried his timbers with him to his new location, and
speedily mounted them on the top of four rude walls. But indeed the
condition of many of the Western Isles both before and after 1745
and even at the present day, was frequently much more wretched than
the Highlands in the mainland generally. Especially was this the
case after 1745, although even before that their condition can by no
means be taken as typical of the Highlands generally. The following,
however, from the Statistical Account of the island of Tiree, might
have applied at the time (about 1745), to almost any part of the
Highlands. “About 40 years ago, a great part of the lands in this
parish lay in their natural uncultivated state, and such of them
as were in culture produced poor starved crops. The tenants were in
poor circumstances, the rents low, the farm houses contemptible.
The communication from place to place was along paths which were to
be known by the footsteps of beasts that passed through them. No
turnips, potatoes, or cabbages, unless a few of the latter in some
gardens; and a great degree of poverty, indolence, and meanness
of spirit, among the great body of the people. The appearance of
the people, and their mode of thinking and acting, were but mean
and indelicate; their peats were brought home in creels; the few
things the farmer had to sell were carried to market upon the backs
of horses; and their dunghills were hard by their doors.” We have
reliable testimony, however, to prove, that even the common Highland
tenants on the mainland were but little better off than those in the
islands; their houses were almost equally rude and dirty, and their
furniture nearly as scanty. The Statistical Account of the parish of
Fortingal, in Perthshire, already quoted, gives a miserable account
of the country and inhabitants previous to 1745, as does also the
letters of Captain Burt in reference to the district which came under
his observation; and neither of these districts was likely to be in
worse condition than other parts of the Highlands, further removed
from intercourse with the Lowlands. “At the above period (1745), the
bulk of the tenants in Rannoch had no such thing as beds. They lay on
the ground, with a little heather, or fern, under them. One single
blanket was all their bed-cloaths, excepting their body-cloaths.
Now they have standing-up beds, and abundance of blankets. At that
time the houses in Rannoch were huts of, what they called, ‘Stake
and Rife.’ One could not enter but on all fours; and after entering,
it was impossible to stand upright. Now there are comfortable
houses built of stone. Then the people were miserably dirty, and
foul-skinned. Now they are as cleanly, and are clothed as well as
their circumstances will admit of. The rents of the parish, at that
period, were not much above £1500, and the people were starving.
Now they pay £4660 _per annum_, and upwards, and the people have
fulness of bread. It is hardly possible to believe, on how little
the Highlanders formerly lived. They bled their cows several times
in the year, boiled the blood, eat a little of it like bread, and a
most lasting meal it was. The present incumbent has known a poor man,
who had a small farm hard by him, by this means, with a boll of meal
for every mouth in his family, pass the whole year.” This bleeding
of the cattle to eke out the small supply of oatmeal is testified to
by many other witnesses. Captain Burt refers to it;[46] and Knox,
in his _View of the British Empire_,[47] thus speaks of it:--“In
winter, when the grounds are covered with snow, and when the naked
wilds afford them neither shelter nor subsistence, the few cows,
small, lean, and ready to drop down through want of pasture, are
brought into the hut where the family resides, and frequently share
with them their little stock of meal, which had been purchased or
raised for the family only, while the cattle thus sustained are bled
occasionally to afford nourishment for the children, after it has
been boiled or made into cakes.”
It must be borne in mind that at that time potatoes were all but
unknown in the Highlands, and even in the Lowlands had scarcely got
beyond the stage of a garden root. The staple food of the common
Highlander was the various preparations of oats and barley; even fish
seems to have been a rarity, but why it is difficult to say, as there
were plenty both in the sea and in freshwater rivers and lochs. For
a month or two after Michaelmas, the luxury of fresh meat seems to
have been not uncommon, as at that time the cattle were in condition
for being slaughtered; and the more provident or less needy might
even go the length of salting a quantity for winter, but even this
practice does not seem to have been common except among the tacksmen.
“Nothing is more deplorable than the state of this people in time of
winter.” Then they were completely confined to their narrow glens,
and very frequently night and day to their houses, on account of
the severe snow and rain storms. “They have no diversions to amuse
them, but sit brooding in the smoke over the fire till their legs
and thighs are scorched to an extraordinary degree, and many have
sore eyes and some are quite blind. This long continuance in the
smoke makes them almost as black as chimney-sweepers; and when the
huts are not water-tight, which is often the case, the rain that
comes through the roof and mixes with the sootiness of the inside,
where all the sticks look like charcoal, falls in drops like ink.
But, in this circumstance, the Highlanders are not very solicitous
about their outward appearance.”[48] We need not wonder under these
circumstances at the prevalence of a loathsome distemper, almost
peculiar to the Highlands, and the universality of various kinds of
vermin; and indeed, had it not been that the people spent so much of
their time in the open air, and that the pure air of the mountains,
and been on the whole temperate in drinking and correct in morals,
their condition must have been much more miserable than it really
was. The misery seems to have been apparent only to onlookers, not
to those whose lot it was to endure it. No doubt they were most
mercilessly oppressed sometimes, but even this oppression they do not
seem to have regarded as any hardship, as calling for complaint on
their part:--they were willing to endure anything at the hands of the
chief, who, they believed, could do no wrong.
As a rule the chiefs and gentlemen of the clan appear to have
treated their inferiors with kindness and consideration, although,
at the same time, it was their interest and the practice of most of
them to encourage the notions the people entertained of their duty
to their chiefs, and to keep them in ignorance of everything that
would tend to diminish this profitable belief. No doubt many of the
chiefs themselves believed as firmly in the doctrine of clanship as
their people; but there is good reason to believe, that many of them
encouraged the old system from purely interested and selfish motives.
Burt tells us that when a chief wanted to get rid of any troublesome
fellow, he compelled him, under threat of perpetual imprisonment
or the gallows, to sign a contract for his own banishment, when he
was shipped off from the nearest port by the first vessel bound
for the West Indies. Referring no doubt to Lord Lovat,[49] he
informs us that this versatile and long-headed chief acted on the
maxim that to render his clan poor would double the tie of their
obedience; and accordingly he made use of all oppressive means to
that end. “To prevent any diminution of the number of those who do
not offend him, he dissuades from their purpose all such as show an
inclination to traffic, or to put their children out to trades, as
knowing they would, by such an alienation shake off at least good
part of their slavish attachment to him and his family. This he does,
when downright authority fails, by telling them how their ancestors
chose to live sparingly, and be accounted a martial people, rather
than submit themselves to low and mercenary employments like the
Lowlanders, whom their forefathers always despised for the want of
that warlike temper which they (his vassals) still retained, &c.”
This cunning chief was in the habit, according to Dr Chambers’s
_Domestic Annals_, of sending from Inverness and paying for the
insertion in the Edinburgh _Courant_ and _Mercury_ of glaring
accounts of feasts and rejoicings given by himself or held in his
honour.[50] And it is well known that this same lord during his
lifetime erected a handsome tombstone for himself inscribed with a
glowing account of his heroic exploits, intended solely for the use
of his clansmen. By these and similar means would crafty selfish
lairds keep their tenants and cottars in ignorance of their rights,
and make them resigned to all the oppressive impositions laid upon
them. No doubt Lovat’s was an extreme case, and there must have been
many gradations of oppressions, and many chiefs who really cared for
their people, and did their best to make them happy and comfortable,
although, considering their circumstances and general surroundings,
it is difficult to see how they could succeed. Yet notwithstanding
their miserable and filthy huts, their scanty and poor food, their
tattered and insufficient clothes, their lean cattle and meagre
crops, their country wet above and below, their apparent want of all
amusements and of anything to lighten their cheerless condition,
and the oppressive exactions of their chiefs, the Highlanders as a
body certainly do not seem to have been an unhappy or discontented
people, or to have had any feeling of the discomfort attending their
lot.[51] There seems to have been little or no grumbling, and it is a
most remarkable fact that suicide was and probably is all but unknown
among the Highlanders. Your genuine Highlander was never what could
strictly be called a merry man; he never had any of the effervescence
of the French Celt, nor of the inimitable never failing light-hearted
humour of his Irish brother; but, on the other hand, under the old
system, at heart he showed little or no discontent, but on the
contrary seems to have been possessed of a self-satisfied, contented
cheerfulness, a quiet resignation to fate, and a belief in the power
and goodness of his chief, together with an ignorance and contempt
for all outside his own narrow sphere, that made him feel as happy
and contented as the most comfortable peasant farmer in France. They
only became discontented and sorely cut up when their chiefs,--it
being no longer the interest of the latter to multiply and support
their retainers,--began to look after their own interests solely,
and show little or no consideration for those who regarded them with
reverence alone, and who thought their chief as much bound to support
and care for them and share his land and his bread with them, as a
father is to maintain his children. After the heritable jurisdictions
were abolished, of course everything was changed; but before that
there is every reason to believe that the Highland tenants and
cottars were as contented and happy, though by no means so well
off, as the majority of those in the same condition throughout the
United Kingdom. Indeed the evils which prevailed formerly in the
Highlands, like all other evils, look far worse in prospect (in
this case retrospect) than they do in reality. Misery in general is
least perceived by those who are in its midst, and no doubt many poor
and apparently miserable people wonder what charitable associations
for their relief make so much fuss about, for they themselves see
nothing to relieve. Not that this misery is any the less real and
fruitful of evil consequences, and demanding relief; it is simply
that those who are in the midst of it can’t, very naturally, see it
in its true light. As to the Highlands, the tradition remained for
a long time, and we believe does so still in many parts, that under
the old regime, chiefs were always kind as fathers, and the people
faithful and loving as children; the men were tall and brave, and
the women fair and pure; the cattle were fat and plentiful, and the
land produced abundance for man and beast; the summers were always
warm, and the winters mild; the sun was brighter than ever it has
been since, and rain came only when wanted. In short everybody had
plenty with a minimum of work and abundance of time for dancing and
singing and other amusements; every one was as happy as the day was
long. It was almost literally “a land flowing with milk and honey,”
as will be seen from the following tradition:[52]--“It is now indeed
idle, and appears fabulous, to relate the crops raised here 30 or 40
years ago. The seasons were formerly so warm, that the people behoved
to unyoke their ploughs as soon as the sun rose, when sowing barley;
and persons yet living, tell, that in traveling through the meadows
in the loan of Fearn, in some places drops of honey were seen as the
dew in the long grass and plantain, sticking to their shoes as they
passed along in a May morning; and also in other parts, their shoes
were oiled as with cream, going through such meadows. Honey and bee
hives were then very plenty.... Cattle, butter, and cheese, were then
very plenty and cheap.” This glowing tradition, we fear, must melt
away before the authentic and too sober accounts of contemporaries
and eye-witnesses.
As for wages to day-labourers and mechanics, in many cases no money
whatever was given; every service being frequently paid for in
kind; where money was given, a copper or two a day was deemed an
ample remuneration, and was probably sufficient to provide those
who earned it with a maintenance satisfactory to themselves, the
price of all necessary provisions being excessively low. A pound of
beef or mutton, or a fowl could be obtained for about a penny, a
cow cost about 30 shillings, and a boll of barley or oatmeal less
than 10 shillings; butter was about twopence a pound, a stone (21
lbs.) of cheese was to be got for about two shillings. The following
extract, from the Old Statistical Account of Caputh, will give the
reader an idea of the rate of wages, where servants were employed,
of the price of provisions, and how really little need there was
for actual cash, every man being able to do many things for himself
which would now require perhaps a dozen workmen to perform. This
parish being strictly in the lowlands, but on the border of the
Highlands, may be regarded as having been, in many respects, further
advanced than the majority of Highland parishes.[53] “The ploughs
and carts were usually made by the farmer himself; with little iron
about the plough, except the colter and share; none upon the cart or
harrows; no shoes upon the horses; no hempen ropes. In short, every
instrument of farming was procured at small expense, wood being at
a very low price. Salt was a shilling the bushel: little soap was
used: they had no candles, instead of which they split the roots of
fir trees, which, though brought 50 or 60 miles from the Highlands,
were purchased for a trifle. Their clothes were of their own
manufacturing. The average price of weaving ten yards of such cloth
was a shilling, which was paid partly in meal and partly in money.
The tailor worked for a quantity of meal, suppose 3 pecks or a firlot
a-year, according to the number of the farmer’s family. In the year
1735, the best ploughman was to be had for L.8 Scots (13s. 4d.) a
year, and what was termed a bounty, which consisted of some articles
of clothing, and might be estimated at 11s. 6d.; in all L.1, 4s.
10d. sterling. Four years after, his wages rose to L.24 Scots, (L.2)
and the bounty. Female servants received L.2 Scots, (3s. 4d.) and a
bounty of a similar kind; the whole not exceeding 6s. or 7s. Some
years after their wages rose to 15s. Men received for harvest work
L.6 Scots, (10s.); women, L.5 Scots, (8s. 4d.). Poultry was sold at
40 pennies Scots, (3⅓d.) Oat-meal, bear and oats, at L.4 or L.5 Scots
the boll. A horse that then cost 100 merks Scots, (L.5 : 11 : 1¾)
would now cost L.25. An ox that cost L.20 Scots, (L.1 : 13 : 4) would
now be worth L.8 or L.9. Beef and mutton were sold, not by weight,
but by the piece; about 3s. 4d. for a leg of beef of 3½ stones; and
so in proportion. No tea nor sugar was used: little whisky was drunk,
and less of other spirits: but they had plenty of good ale; there
being usually one malt barn (perhaps two) on each farm.”[54]
When a Highlander was in need of anything which he could not produce
or make himself, it was by no means easy for him to obtain it, as
by far the greater part of the Highlands was utterly destitute of
towns and manufactures; there was little or no commerce of any kind.
The only considerable Highland town was Inverness, and, if we can
believe Captain Burt, but little business was done there; the only
other places, which made any pretensions to be towns were Stornoway
and Campbeltown, and these at the time we are writing of, were little
better than fishing villages. There were no manufactures strictly
speaking, for although the people spun their own wool and made their
own cloth, exportation, except perhaps in the case of stockings,
seems to have been unknown. In many cases a system of merchandise
somewhat similar to the ruinous, oppressive, and obstructive system
still common in Shetland, seems to have been in vogue in many parts
of the Highlands. By this system, some of the more substantial
tacksmen would lay in a stock of goods such as would be likely to
be needed by their tenants, but which these could not procure for
themselves, such as iron, corn, wine, brandy, sugar, tobacco, &c.
These goods the tacksman would supply to his tenants as they needed
them, charging nothing for them at the time; but, about the month
of May, the tenant would hand over to his tacksman-merchant as many
cattle as the latter considered an equivalent for the goods supplied.
As the people would seldom have any idea of the real value of the
goods, of course there was ample room for a dishonest tacksman to
realise an enormous profit, which, we fear, was too often done. “By
which traffic the poor wretched people were cheated out of their
effects, for one half of their value; and so are kept in eternal
poverty.”[55]
As to roads, with the exception of those made for military purposes
by General Wade, there seems to have been none whatever, only tracts
here and there in the most frequented routes, frequently impassable,
and at all time unsafe without a guide. Captain Burt could not move
a mile or two out of Inverness without a guide. Bridges seem to have
been even rarer than slated houses or carriages.
We have thus endeavoured to give the reader a correct idea of the
state of the country and people of the Highlands previous to the
abolition of the heritable jurisdictions. Our only aim has been
to find out the truth, and we have done so by appealing to the
evidence of contemporaries, or of those whose witness is almost as
good. We have endeavoured to exhibit both the good and bad side of
the picture, and we are only sorry that space will not permit of
giving further details. However, from what has been said above, the
reader must see how much had to be accomplished by the Highlanders
to bring them up to the level of the rest of the country, and will
be able to understand the nature of the changes which from time to
time took place, the difficulties which had to be overcome, the
prejudices which had to be swept away, the hardships which had to
be encountered, in assimilating the Highlands with the rest of the
country.
Having thus, as far as space permits, shown the condition of the
Highlands previous to 1745, we shall now, as briefly as possible,
trace the history down to the present day, showing the march of
change, and we hope, of progress after the abolition of the heritable
jurisdictions. In doing so we must necessarily come across topics
concerning which there has been much rancorous and unprofitable
controversy; but, as we have done in the case of other disputed
matters, we shall do our best to lay facts before the reader,
and allow him to form his opinions for himself. The history of
the Highlands since 1745 is no doubt in some respects a sad one;
much misery and cruel disappointment come under the notice of
the investigator. But in many respects, and, we have no doubt in
its ultimate results, the history is a bright one, showing as it
does the progress of a people from semi-barbarism and slavery and
ignorance towards high civilisation, freedom of action with the
world before them, and enlightenment and knowledge, and vigorous
and successful enterprise. Formerly the Highlanders were a nuisance
to their neighbours, and a drag upon the progress of the country;
now they are not surpassed by any section of her Majesty’s subjects
for character, enterprise, education, loyalty, and self-respect.
Considering the condition of the country in 1745, what could we
expect to take place on the passing and enforcing of an act such as
that which abolished the heritable jurisdictions? Was it not natural,
unavoidable that a fermentation should take place, that there should
be a war of apparently conflicting interests, that, in short, as
in the achievement of all great results by nations and men, there
should be much experimenting, much groping to find out the best way,
much shuffling about by the people to fit themselves to their new
circumstances, before matters could again fall into something like
a settled condition, before each man would find his place in the
new adjustment of society? Moreover, the Highlanders had to learn
an inevitable and a salutary lesson, that in this or in any country
under one government, where prosperity and harmony are desired, no
particular section of the people is to consider itself as having a
right to one particular part of the country. The Highlands for the
Highlanders is a barbarous, selfish, obstructive cry in a united and
progressive nation. It seems to be the law of nature, as it is the
law of progress, that those who can make the best use of any district
ought to have it. This has been the case with the world at large, and
it has turned out, and is still turning out to be the case with this
country. The Highlands now contain a considerable lowland population,
and the Highlanders are scattered over the length and breadth of the
land, and indeed of the world, honourably fulfilling the noble part
they have to play in the world’s history. Ere long there will be
neither Highlander nor Lowlander; we shall all be one people, having
the best qualities of the blood of the formerly two antagonistic
races running in our veins. It is, we have no doubt, with men as with
other animals, the best breeds are got by judicious crossings.
Of course it is seldom the case that any great changes take place in
the social or political policy of a country without much individual
suffering: this was the case at all events in the Highlands. Many of
the poor people and tacksmen had to undergo great hardships during
the process of this new adjustment of affairs; but that the lairds
or chiefs were to blame for this, it would be rash to assert. Some
of these were no doubt unnecessarily harsh and unfeeling, but even
where they were kindest and most considerate with their tenants,
there was much misery prevailing among the latter. In the general
scramble for places under the new arrangements, every one, chief,
tacksman, tenant, and cottar, had to look out for himself or go to
the wall, and it was therefore the most natural thing in the world
that the instinct of self-preservation and self-advancement, which
is stronger by far than that of universal benevolence, should urge
the chiefs to look to their own interests in preference to those of
the people, who unfortunately, from the habit of centuries, looked
to their superiors alone for that help which they should have been
able to give themselves. It appears to us that the results which have
followed from the abolition of the jurisdictions and the obliteration
of the power of the chiefs, were inevitable; that they might have
been brought about in a much gentler way, with much less suffering
and bitterness and recrimination, there is no doubt; but while the
process was going on, who had time to think of these things, or look
at the matter in a calm and rational light? Certainly not those
who were the chief actors in bringing about the results. With such
stubbornness, bigotry, prejudice, and ignorance on one side, and such
power and poverty and necessity for immediate and decided action
on the other, and with selfishness on both sides, it was all but
inevitable that results should have been as they turned out to be. We
shall do what we can to state plainly, briefly, and fairly the real
facts of the case.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Gartmore MS. in Appendix to Burt’s _Letters_.
[2] Pennant’s _Tour in Scotland_.
[3] As a specimen of the manner in which justice was administered
in old times in the Highlands, we give the following: In the second
volume of the Spalding Club Miscellany, p. 128, we read of a certain
“John MacAlister, in Dell of Rothemurkus,” cited on 19th July 1594
“before the Court of Regality of Spynie.” He was “decerned by the
judge--ryplie aduysit with the action of spuilzie persewit contrane
him be the Baron of Kincardine, ... to have vrongouslie intromittit
with and detenit the broune horse lybellit, and thairfor to content
and pay to the said Complainer the soume of threttene schillings
and four pennis money.” The reader will notice the delicate manner
in which what looks very like a breach of the eighth commandment
is spoken of in a legal document of that period. John the son of
Alister “confessed” the intromission with the brown horse, but pled
in defence that he “took him away ordowrlie and nocht spulyed, but
be vertue of the Act of Athell, boynd for ane better horse spuilzeat
be the said persewar from the said Defender.” Whether this was the
truth, or whether, though it were true, John the son of Alister was
justified in seizing upon the Baron’s broune horse in lieu of the one
taken by the Baron from him, or whether it was that the Baron was
the more powerful of the two, the judge, it will have been noticed,
decerned against the said John M’Alister, not, however, ordaining
him to return the horse, but to pay the Baron “thairfor” the sum of
thirteen shillings.--_Memorials of Clan Shaw_, by Rev. W. G. Shaw, p.
24.
[4] _Observations on the Present State of Highlands_, by the Earl of
Selkirk, p. 13.
[5] Burt’s _Letters_, vol. ii. p. 5.
[6] Burt’s _Letters_, vol. ii. p. 5.
[7] Burt’s _Letters_, vol. ii. pp. 341-3.
[8] _Beauties of Scotland_, vol. v. pp. 184, 5.
[9] Old Statistical Account of North Knapdale.
[10] Burt’s _Letters_, vol. ii. p. 57.
[11] Gartmore MS.
[12] Old Statistical Account, vol. ix. p. 494.
[13] “When I first saw this awkward method as I then thought it,
I rode up to the person who guided the machine, to ask him some
questions concerning it: he spoke pretty good English, which made
me conclude he was a gentleman; and yet, in quality of a proprietor
and conductor, might, without dishonour, employ himself in such a
work. My first question was, whether that method was common to the
Highlands, or peculiar to that part of the country? and, by way of
answer, he asked me, if they ploughed otherwise anywhere else? Upon
my further inquiry why the man went backwards? he stopped, and very
civilly informed me that there were several small rocks, which I did
not see, that had a little part of them just peeping on the surface,
and therefore it was necessary his servant should see and avoid them,
by guiding the horses accordingly, or otherwise his plough might be
spoiled by the shock. The answer was satisfactory and convincing,
and I must here take notice that many other of their methods are too
well suited to their own circumstances, and those of the country,
to be easily amended by such as undertake to deride them.”--Burt’s
_Letters_, vol. ii. pp. 42, 43.
[14] Walker’s _Hebrides_, vol. i. p. 122.
[15] Walker’s _Hebrides_, vol. i. p. 127.
[16] Idem, 131.
[17] Walker’s _Hebrides_, vol. i. p. 133.
[18] _Old Statistical Account_, vol. xx. p. 74.
[19] “Nothing is more common than to hear the Highlanders boast how
much their country might be improved, and that it would produce
double what it does at present if better husbandry were introduced
among them. For my own part, it was always the only amusement I had
in the hills, to observe every minute thing in my way; and I do
assure you, I do not remember to have seen the least spot that would
bear corn uncultivated, not even upon the sides of the hills, where
it could be no otherwise broke up than with a spade. And as for
manure to supply the salts and enrich the ground they have hardly
any. In summer their cattle are dispersed about the _sheelings_,
and almost all the rest of the year in other parts of the hills;
and, therefore, all the dung they can have must be from the trifling
quantity made by the cattle while they are in the house. I never knew
or heard of any limestone, chalk, or marl, they have in the country;
and, if some of their rocks might serve for limestone, in that
case their kilns, carriage, and fuel would render it so expensive,
it would be the same thing to them as if there were none. Their
great dependence is upon the nitre of the snow, and they lament the
disappointment if it does not fall early in the season.”--_Burt’s
Letters_, vol. ii. p. 48-9.
[20] “An English lady, who found herself something decaying in her
health, and was advised to go among the hills, and drink goat’s
milk or whey, told me lately, that seeing a Highlander basking at
the foot of a hill in his full dress, while his wife and her mother
were hard at work in reaping the oats, she asked the old woman how
she could be contented to see her daughter labour in that manner,
while her husband was only an idle spectator? And to this the woman
answered, that her son-in-law was a _gentleman_, and it would be
a disparagement to him to do any such work; and that both she and
her daughter too were sufficiently honoured by the alliance. This
instance, I own, has something particular in it, as such; but the
thing is very common, _à la Palatine_, among the middling sort of
people.”--_Burt’s Letters_, vol. ii. p. 45.
The Highlander at home is indolent. It is with impatience that he
allows himself to be diverted from his favourite occupation of
traversing the mountains and moors in looking after his flocks, a
few days in spring and autumn, for the purposes of his narrow scheme
of agriculture. It is remarked, however, that the Highlander, when
removed beyond his native bounds, is found capable of abundant
exertion and industry.--_Graham’s Perthshire_, 235.
[21] Walker’s _Hebrides_, &c., vol. i. p. 197.
[22] _Old Statistical Account_, vol. x. p. 17.
[23] See accounts of various Highland parishes in the _Old
Statistical Account_.
[24] Walker’s _Hebrides_, &c., vol. ii. p. 159.
[25] Burt’s _Letters_, vol. ii. p. 38.
[26] Still they would seem to have been of comparatively little use
for farming operations; for Dr Walker, writing about 1760, when the
breed was at least no worse than it was previous to 1745, speaks
thus:--“The number of horses is by far too great upon every Highland
farm. They are so numerous, because they are inefficient; and they
are inefficient, because they have neither stature nor food to render
them sufficiently useful. Their number has never been restrained by
the authority of the landlords, like that of the sheep. For in many
places, they are bred and sold off the farm to advantage, being sent
in droves to the south. In this case, their numbers upon a farm may
be proper. But in general, there are six, eight, or ten horses upon
the smaller farms, and sixteen, twenty, or more upon the larger;
without any being bred for sale, and even few for supporting the
stock. None of them perform the work of a horse; even where such
numbers are kept, and purely for labour, each of them, in many
places, do not plough two acres of land annually. They get no food
the whole year round, but what they can pick up upon the hills, and
their sustenance is therefore unluckily accounted as nothing.”
[27] _Hebrides_, &c., vol. ii. p. 50.
[28] A penny land apparently contained about the tenth part of a
davoch, _i.e._, about forty acres.
[29] The rule in souming seems to have been that one cow was equal to
eight, in some places ten, sheep, and two cows equal to one horse.
[30] Walker’s _Hebrides_, &c., vol. i. p. 56.
[31] Logan’s _Scottish Gael_, vol. ii. p. 65.
[32] The following remarks, taken from the Gartmore MS. at the end of
Burt’s _Letters_, gives one by no means a favourable idea of these
drovers, but it must be borne in mind that the writer lived on the
border of the most notorious and ill-behaved part of the Highlands,
Rob Roy’s country, and that he himself was properly a Lowlander. The
extract will serve to show how business transactions were conducted
in the Highlands. “It is alledged, that much of the Highlands lye
at a great distance from publick fairs, mercates, and places of
commerce, and that the access to these places is both difficult and
dangerous; by reason of all which, trading people decline to go into
the country in order to traffick and deal with the people. It is on
this account that the farmers, having no way to turn the produce of
their farms, which is mostly cattle, into money, are obliged to pay
their rents in cattle, which the landlord takes at his own price,
in regaird that he must either grase them himself, send them to
distant markets, or credite some person with them, to be againe at
a certain profite disposed of by him. This introduced the busieness
of that sort of people commonly known by the name of Drovers. These
men have little or no substance, they must know the language, the
different places, and consequently be of that country. The farmers,
then, do either sell their cattle to these drovers upon credite,
at the drovers price (for ready money they seldom have), or to the
landlord at his price, for payment of his rent. If this last is the
case, the landlord does again dispose of them to the drover upon
credite, and these drovers make what profites they can by selling
them to grasiers, or at markets. These drovers make payments, and
keep credite for a few years, and then they either in reality become
bankrupts, or pretend to be so. The last is most frequently the
case, and then the subject of which they have cheated is privately
transferred to a confident person in whose name, upon that reall
stock, a trade is sometimes carried on, for their behoof, till
this trustee gett into credite, and prepaire _his_ affairs for a
bankruptcy. Thus the farmers are still keept poor; they first sell at
an under rate, and then they often lose alltogether. The landlords,
too, must either turn traders, and take their cattle to markets, or
give these people credite, and by the same means suffer.”--Burt’s
_Letters_, vol. ii. pp. 364, 365.
[33] “The latter part of the season is often very wet; and the corn,
particularly oats, suffer very much. June and August are the months
which have least rain. September and October are frequently very wet:
during these months, not only a greater quantity of rain falls, but
it is more constant, accompanied by a cold and cloudy atmosphere,
which is very unfavourable either to the ripening of grain, or drying
it after it is cut. In July and August a good deal of rain falls; but
it is in heavy showers, and the intervals are fine, the sun shining
clear and bright often for several days together.”--_Garnett’s Tour_,
vol. i. p. 24.
[34] Buchanan’s _Travels in the Hebrides_, p. 154.
[35] “In larger farms belonging to gentlemen of the clan, where
there are any number of women employed in harvest-work, they all
keep time together by several barbarous tones of the voice, and
stoop and rise together as regularly as a rank of soldiers when they
ground their arms. Sometimes they are incited to their work by the
sound of a bagpipe, and by either of these they proceed with great
alacrity, it being disgraceful for any one to be out of time with
the sickle.” This custom of using music to enable a number of common
workers to keep time, seems to have been in vogue in many operations
in the Highlands. We quote the following graphic account of the
process of fulling given by Burt in the same letter that contains
the above quotation, (vol. ii. p. 48.) “They use the same tone, or
a piper, when they thicken the newly-woven plaiding, instead of a
fulling-mill. This is done by six or eight women sitting upon the
ground, near some river or rivulet, in two opposite ranks, with the
wet cloth between them; their coats are tucked up, and with their
naked feet they strike one against another’s, keeping exact time as
above mentioned. And among numbers of men, employed in any work that
requires strength and joint labour (as the launching a large boat, or
the like), they must have the piper to regulate their time, as well
as usky to keep up their spirits in the performance; for pay they
often have little, or none at all.”--Burt’s _Letters_.
[36] Burton’s _Scotland_ (1689-1748), vol. ii. p. 395.--“The poverty
of the field labourers hereabouts is deplorable. I was one day riding
out for air and exercise, and in my way I saw a woman cutting green
barley in a little plot before her hut: this induced me to turn aside
and ask her what use she intended it for, and she told me it was to
make bread for her family. The grain was so green and soft that I
easily pressed some of it between my fingers; so that when she had
prepared it, certainly it must have been more like a poultice than
what she called it, bread.”--Burt’s _Letters_, vol. i. p. 224.
[37] Buchanan’s _Hebrides_, p. 156.
[38] Logan’s _Gael_, vol. ii. p. 97.
[39] _Letters_, vol. ii. p. 7.
[40] Burt’s _Letters_, vol. ii. p. 96.
[41] _Letters_, vol. ii. p. 97.
[42] The following quotations from Mr Dunbar’s _Social Life in
Former Days_, giving details of household furniture and expenses,
may be taken as “a correct index of the comforts and conveniences”
of the best off of the old Highland lairds; for as they refer to
Morayshire, just on the borders of the Highlands, they cannot be held
as referring to the Highlands generally, the interior and western
districts of which were considerably behind the border lands in many
respects:--
“SIR ROBERT GORDON’S ALLOWANCE FOR HIS LADY AND FAMILY, FROM
DECEMBER 14TH 1740 TO DECEMBER 14TH 1741.
Sterling.
£ S. D.
Imprimis, to 36 bolls malt, at 8 shillings and 4 pence
per boll, 15 0 0
Item, to 36 bolls meal, at same price, 15 0 0
Item, to 10 bolls wheat, at 13 shillings and 4 pence
per boll, 6 13 4
Item, to 12 beeves at £1 per piece, 12 0 0
Item, to meal to servants without doors, 9 7 6
Item, to servants’ wages within and without doors, 41 5 0
Item, to cash instantly delivered, 50 6 2
Item, to be paid monthly, £4, 4s., 50 8 0
------------
£200 0 0
------------
“_Servants’ Wages 1741._
Imprimis to gentlewomen 10 0 0
Item, to five maids, 5 6 8
Item, to two cooks, 5 0 0
Item, to two porters, 3 0 0
Item, to Robin’s servant, 1 0 0
Item, to the groom, 5 5 0
Item, to the neighbour, 3 6 8
Item, to three out-servants, 7 0 0
Item, to two herds, 1 6 8
------------
£41 5 0
------------
“INVENTAR OF PLENISHING IN THUNDERTON’S LODGING IN DUFFUS, MAY 25,
1708.
“_Strypt Room._
“Camlet hangings and curtains, feather bed and bolster, two pillows,
five pair blankets, and an Inglish blanket, a green and white cover,
a blew and white chamber-pot, a blew and white bason, a black jopand
table and two looking-glasses, a jopand tee-table with a tee-pat and
plate, and nine cups and nine dyshes, and a tee silver spoon, two
glass sconces, two little bowles, with a leam stoap and a pewter
head, eight black ken chairs, with eight silk cushens conform, an
easie chair with a big cushen, a jopand cabinet with a walnut tree
stand, a grate, shuffle, tonges, and brush; in the closet, three
piece of paper hangings, a chamber box, with a pewter pan therein,
and a brush for cloaths.
“_Closet next the Strypt Room._
“Four dishes, two assiets, six broth plates, and twelve flesh plates,
a quart flagon, and a pynt flagon, a pewter porenger, and a pewter
flacket, a white iron jaculate pot, and a skellet pann, twenty-one
timber plates, a winter for warming plates at the fire, two Highland
plaids, and a sewed blanket, a bolster, and four pillows, a
chamber-box, a sack with wool, and a white iron dripping pann.
“_In the farest Closet._
“Seventeen drinking glasses, with a glass tumbler and two decanters,
a oil cruet, and a vinegar cruet, a urinal glass, a large blew and
white posset pot, a white leam posset pat, a blew and white bowl, a
dozen of blew and white leam plates, three milk dishes, a blew and
white leam porenger, and a white leam porenger, four jelly pots, and
a little butter dish, a crying chair, and a silk craddle.
“_In the Moyhair Room._
“A sute of stamped cloath hangings, and a moyhair bed with feather
bed, bolster, and two pillows, six pair blankets, and an Inglish
blanket and a twilt, a leam chamber-pat, five moyhair chairs, two
looking-glasses, a cabinet, a table, two stands, a table cloak, and
window hangings, a chamber-box with a pewter pann, a leam bason, with
a grate and tongs and a brush; in the closet, two carpets, a piece
of Arres, three pieces lyn’d strypt hangings, three wawed strypt
curtains, two piece gilded leather, three trunks and a craddle, a
chamber-box, and a pewter pann, thirty-three pound of heckled lint, a
ston of vax, and a firkin of sop, and a brush for cloaths, two pair
blankets, and a single blanket.
“_In the Dyning-Room._
“A sute of gilded hangings, two folding tables, eighteen low-backed
ken chairs, a grate, a fender, a brass tongs, shuffle, brush, and
timber brush, and a poring iron, and a glass kes.
“_In my Lady’s Room._
“Gilded hangings, standing bed, and box bed, stamped drogged
hangings, feather bed, bolster, and two pillows, a pallise, five
pair of blankets, and a single one, and a twilt, and two pewter
chamber-pots, six chairs, table, and looking-glass a little folding
table, and a chist of drawers, tonges, shuffle, porrin-iron, and
a brush, two window curtains of linen; in the Laird’s closet,
two trunks, two chists, and a citrena cabinet, a table, and a
looking-glass, the dow holes, two carpet chairs, and a chamber-box
with a pewter pan, and a little bell, and a brush for cloath.
“_My Lady’s Closet._
“A cabinet, three presses, three kists, and a spicerie box, a dozen
leam white plates, a blew and white leam plate, a little blew butter
plate, a white leam porenger, and three gelly pots, two leam dishes,
and two big timber capes, four tin congs, a new pewter basson, a pynt
chopen, and mutchken stoups, two copper tankers, two pewter salts, a
pewter mustard box, a white iron peper and suggar box, two white iron
graters, a pot for starch, and a pewter spoon, thirteen candlesticks,
five pair snuffers and snuf dishes conform, a brass mortar and
pistol, a lantern, a timber box, a dozen knives and a dozen forks,
and a carpet chair, two milk congs, a milk cirn, and kirn staff, a
sisymilk, and creamen dish and a cheswel, a neprie basket, and two
new pewter chamber pots.
“_A Note of Plate._
“Three silver salvers, four salts, a large tanker, a big spoon, and
thirteen littler spoons, two jugs, a sugar box, a mustard box, a
peper box, and two little spoons.
“_An Account of Bottles in the Salt Cellar._
“_June the first 1708._
Of Sack, five dozen and one, 5 1
Of Brandie, three dozen and three, 3 3
Of Vinegar and Aquavitie, seven, 0 7
Of Strong Ale, four dozen and four, 4 4
Of other Ale, nine dozen, 9 0
In the ale cellar, fifteen dozen and ten, 15 10
In the hamper, five dozen empty, 5 0
In the wine cellar, nine with Inglish Ale, 0 9
White Wine, ten, 0 10
Of Brandy, three, 0 3
With Brandy and Surop, two, 0 2
With Claret, fifteen, 1 3
With Mum, fifteen, 1 3
Throw the house, nineteen, 1 7
--------
There is in all, forty-nine dozen and two, 49 2
And of mutchkin bottles twenty-five, 2 1
--------
“Received ten dozen and one of chapen bottles full of claret. More
received--eleven dozen and one of pynt bottles, whereof there was six
broke in the home-coming. 1709, June the 4th, received from Elgin
forty-three chopen bottles of claret.”
[43] _Essays_, vol. i. p. 30.
[44] There appears to have been a dreadful one just three years
before ’45. See Stat. Account of various Highland parishes.
[45] Garnett’s _Tour_, vol. i. p. 121.
[46] _Letters_, vol. ii. 28.
[47] Vol. i. p. 124.
[48] Burt, ii. p. 34.
[49] _Letters_, vol. i. p. 51.
[50] Fraser-Mackintosh’s _Antiquarian Notes_, p. 1.
[51] “The manners and habits of this parish [as of all other Highland
parishes] have undergone a material change within these 50 years;
before that period they lived in a plain simple manner, experienced
few wants, and possessed not the means, nor had any desire, of
procuring any commodities. If they had salt [upon which there was
a grievous duty] and tobacco, paid their pittance of rents, and
performed their ordinary services to their superiors, and that
their conduct in general met their approbation, it seemed to be the
height of their ambition.”--_Old Statistical Account of Boleskin and
Abertarf, Inverness-shire_ (1798).
[52] Old Statistical Account of Fearn, Ross-shire.
[53] “The spades, ploughs, harrows, and sledges, of the most
feeble and imperfect kinds, with all their harnessing, are made
by the farmer and his servants; as also the boats, with all their
tackle.--The boat has a Highland plaid for a sail; the running
rigging is made of leather thongs and willow twigs; and a large stone
and a heather rope serve for an anchor and cable; and all this, among
a people of much natural ingenuity and perseverance. There is no
fulling mill nor bleachfield; no tanner, maltster, or dyer; all the
yarn is dyed, and all the cloth fulled or bleached by the women on
the farm. The grain for malt is steeped in sacks in the river; and
the hides are tanned, and the shoes made at home. There are, indeed,
itinerant shoemakers, tailors, wrights, and masons, but none of
these has full employment in his business, as all the inhabitants,
in some measure, serve themselves in these trades: hence, in the
royal boroughs of Inveraray, Campbelton, and Inverness, and in the
considerable villages of Crieff, Callander, Oban, Maryburgh, Fort
Augustus, and Stornoway, there are fewer tradesmen, and less demand
for the workmanship of mechanics, than in any other places of the
same size; yet these are either situated in, or are next adjacent to,
a more extensive and populous country, than any other similar towns
or villages in Scotland.”--Walker’s _Hebrides_, vol. ii. pp. 374, 5.
[54] _Old Stat. Account_, vol. ix. pp. 494, 5.
[55] Gartmore Paper, in Burt’s _Letters_, vol. ii. p. 364.
CHAPTER XLIII.
State of Highlands subsequent to 1745--Progress of Innovation--First
mention of Emigration--Pennant’s account of the country--Dr
Johnson--Emigration fairly commenced in 1760--The Tacksmen the first
to suffer and emigrate--Consequences to those who remained--Wretched
condition of the Western Islands--Introduction of large
sheep-farms--Ejection of small tenants--“Mailers”--Hebrides--Real
Highland grievance--Title-deeds--The two sides of the Highland
Question--Truth on both sides--Excessive population--Argument
of those who condemn depopulation--The sentimental and
military arguments--Testimony as to wretched condition of
Highlanders--Highlands admirably suited for sheep--Effect of
sheep-farming on Highland scenery--Highlands unsuited to black
cattle--Large and small farms--Interference--Fishing and farming
cannot be successfully united--Raising rents--Depopulation--How far
the landlords were to blame--Kelp--Advantages and disadvantages of
its manufacture--Potatoes--Introduction into the Highlands--Their
importance--Failures of Crop--Disease--Amount of progress made
during latter part of 18th century.
As we have said already, the Highlanders, chiefs and people, were so
confounded, and prostrated by the cruel proceedings and stringent
measures which followed Culloden, that it was some time ere they
could realise the new position of affairs. Little alteration
appears to have, for some years, been effected in the relationship
subsisting between people and chiefs, the latter being now simply
landlords. The gentlemen and common people of the clans continued
to regard their chief in the same light as they did previous to the
abolition of the jurisdictions, for they did not consider that their
obedience to the head of the clan was in the least dependent upon
any legislative enactments. They still considered it their duty to
do what they could to support their chief, and were still as ready
as ever to make any sacrifice for his sake. At the same time, their
notions of the chief’s duty to his people remained unaltered; he,
they thought, was bound as much as ever to see to it that they did
not want, to share with them the land which belonged to the chief not
so much as a proprietor, but as the head and representative of his
people. The gentlemen, especially, of the clan, the tacksmen or large
farmers, most firmly and sincerely believed that they had as much
right to a share of the lands as the chief himself, their relation;
he was as much bound to provide for them as a father is bound to make
provision for his children. There is no doubt also that many of the
chiefs themselves, especially the older ones, held the same belief
on this matter as their subordinates, so that in many instances it
was not till the old laird had passed away, and a new one had filled
his place, that the full effect of the measures already described
began to be felt. Of course, many of the chiefs and gentlemen who had
taken part in the rebellion had been compelled to leave the country
in order to save their lives, and many of the estates had been
forfeited to government, which entrusted the management of them to
commissioners. It was probably these estates upon which changes began
to be first effected.
All the accounts we have of the Highlands from travellers and others
down to the end of the 18th century, show the country in a state of
commotion and confusion, resulting from the changes consequent on
the rebellion, the breaking up of old relationships, and the gradual
encroachment of lowland civilisation, lowland modes of life, and
lowland methods of agriculture. Up to the end of the century, the
positive changes do not appear to have been great or extensive, they
seem more to have been of a tentative experimental kind, attempts to
find out the most suitable or profitable way of working under the
new regime. The result of these experiments of this unsettling of
many-century-old customs and ideas, and of the consequent shifting
and disturbing of the people, was for a long time much discontent
and misery. The progress of change, both with regard to place and in
respect of the nature of the innovations, was gradual, beginning, as
a rule, with those districts of the Highlands which bordered on the
lowlands, and proceeding in a direction somewhat north-west. It was
these border districts which got first settled down and assimilated
in all respects to the lowlands, and, although in some instances
the commotion was felt in the Western Islands and Highlands a few
years after 1746, yet these localities, as a rule, were longest
in adjusting themselves to the new state of things; indeed, in
many western districts, the commotion has not yet subsided, and
consequently misery and discontent still frequently prevail. In the
same way it was only little by little that changes were effected,
first one old custom giving way and then another, their places being
filled by others which had prevailed in the lowlands for many years
before. Indeed, we think the progress made by the Highlands during
the last century has been much greater than that of the lowlands
during the same period; for when, in the case of the Highlands, the
march of progress commenced, they were in many respects centuries
behind the rest of the country, whereas at the present day, with the
exception of some outlying districts above mentioned, they are in
almost every respect as far forward and as eager to advance farther
as the most progressive districts of the south. This is no doubt
owing to the extra pressure which was brought to bear upon them in
the shape of the measures which followed Culloden, without which they
no doubt must have progressed, but at a much slower rate. Perhaps
this is the reason why certain outlying districts have lagged behind
and are still in a state of unsettlement and discontent, the people,
and often the lairds, refusing to acknowledge and give way to the
necessity for change, but even yet attempting to live and act in
accordance with the old-fashioned clannish mode of managing men and
land.
The unsettled state of the Highlands, and the fact that many
Highlanders were leaving the country, attracted attention so
early as about 1750. For in 1752, a pamphlet was published by
a Mr John Campbell, pretending to give “A Full and Particular
Description of the Highlands,” and propounding a scheme which, in
the author’s estimation, would “prove effectual in bringing in the
most disaffected among them.” There is little said in this book of
the actual condition of the Highlanders at that time, only a few
details as to their manners, funeral-customs, marriages, &c., and a
lamentation, ever since repeated, that so many should be compelled
to leave their native land and settle among foreigners. The author
does not mention emigration to America; what he chiefly deplores
is the fact that so many Highlanders, from the unkindness of their
superiors at home, should have taken service in various capacities,
civil and military, in other European countries, frequently fighting
in foreign armies against their fellow-countrymen. However, from
the general tone of his remarks, it may be gathered that he refers
mainly to those who were compelled to leave the country on account
of the part they took in the late rebellion, and not on account of
any alterations which had yet taken place in the internal affairs of
the Highlands. Still it is plainly to be inferred that already much
misery and discontent prevailed in the country.
Pennant made his two tours in Scotland in the years 1769 and 1772.
His travels in the Highlands were confined mainly to the Western
Islands and the districts on the west coast, and his account is
little else than a tale of famine and wretchedness from beginning
to end. What little agriculture there was, was as bad as ever, the
country rarely producing enough of grain to supply the inhabitants,
and in many places he fears “the isles annually experience a
temporary famine.” In the island of Islay a thousand pounds worth of
meal was annually imported, and at the time of Pennant’s visit “a
famine threatened.” Indeed, the normal state of the Western Highlands
at least appears for long to have been one bordering on famine, or
what would have been considered so in any less wretched country; and
periodically many seem to have died from absolute want of food. Here
is a sad picture of misery; Pennant is speaking more particularly
of Skye, but his remarks might have been applied to most of the
Western Islands. “The poor are left to Providence’s care; they prowl
like other animals along the shores to pick up limpets and other
shell-fish, the casual repasts of hundreds during part of the year
in these unhappy islands. Hundreds thus annually drag through the
season a wretched life; and numbers, unknown, in all parts of the
Western Highlands, fall beneath the pressure, some of hunger, more
of the putrid fever, the epidemic of the coasts, originating from
unwholesome food, the dire effects of necessity.”[56] No change for
the better to record in agriculture, the farms still overstocked with
horses, black cattle and men, the fishing still all but neglected,
hovels wretched as ever, and clothes as tattered and scanty--nothing
in short to be seen but want and wretchedness, with apparently no
inclination in the people to better their condition. Johnson, who
visited the Western Islands in the autumn of 1773, has a very similar
report to make. Everything seemed to be in a state of transition;
old relationships were being broken up, and a spirit of general
discontent and feeling of insecurity were abroad. As to the poor
condition of the people generally, Johnson essentially confirms the
statements of Pennant, although he hints that they did by no means
appear to be unhappy, or able to realise their wretched condition.
At the time of Pennant’s and Johnson’s visits to the Highlands,
the new leaven of change had fairly begun to work. Already had
depopulation and emigration begun, and to some extent sheep-farming
on a large scale had been introduced.
Emigration from the Highlands to America seems to have fairly
commenced shortly after 1760, as, in a pamphlet[57] published in
1784, it is stated that between the years 1763 and 1775 above 20,000
Highlanders left their homes to settle on the other side of the
Atlantic. The first apparently to suffer from the altered state
of things in the Highlands, the decreasing value of men and the
increasing value of money, were the tacksmen, or large farmers,
the relations of the old chiefs, who had held their farms from
generation to generation, who regarded themselves as having about as
much right to the land as the lairds, and who had hitherto been but
little troubled about rent. After a time, when the chiefs, now merely
lairds, began to realise their new position and to feel the necessity
of making their land yield them as large an income as possible, they
very naturally sought to get a higher rent for the farms let to these
tacksmen, who, in most cases, were the only immediate holders of
land from the proprietor. These tacksmen, in many cases, appear to
have resented this procedure as they would a personal injury from
their dearest friends. It was not that the addition to the rents was
excessive, or that the rents were already as high as the land could
bear, for generally the additions seem to have been trifling, and it
is well known that the proprietors received nothing like the rents
their lands should have yielded under a proper system of management.
What seems to have hurt these gentlemen was the idea that the laird,
the father of his people, should ever think of anything so mercenary
as rent, or should ever by any exercise of his authority indicate
that he had it in his power to give or let his farms to the highest
bidders. It was bad enough, they thought, that an alien government
should interfere with their old ways of doing; but that their chiefs,
the heads of their race, for whom they were ready to lay down their
lives and the lives of all over whom they had any power, should turn
against them, was more than they could bear. The consequence was that
many of them, especially in the west, threw up their farms, no doubt
thinking that the lairds would at once ask them to remain on the old
terms. This, however, was but seldom done, and the consequence was
that many of these tacksmen emigrated to America, taking with them,
no doubt, servants and sub-tenants, and enticing out more by the
glowing accounts they sent home of their good fortune in that far-off
land.
In some cases, the farms thus vacated were let to other tacksmen or
large tenants, but in most instances, the new system was introduced
of letting the land directly to what were formerly the sub-tenants,
those who had held the land immediately from the ousted tacksmen.
A number of these sub-tenants would take a large farm among them,
sub-dividing it as they chose, and each becoming liable for his
proportion of the rent. The farms thus let were generally cultivated
on the run-rig system already referred to, the pasture being common
to all the tenants alike.
That certain advantages followed these changes there is no doubt.
Every account we have of the Highlands during the earlier part
of the 18th century, agrees in the fact that the Highlands were
over-peopled and over-stocked, that it was impossible for the land
to yield sufficient to support the men and beasts who lived upon it.
Hence, this drafting off of a considerable portion of the population
gave that which remained breathing-room; fewer people were left to
support, and it is to be supposed that the condition of these would
be improved. Moreover, they would probably have their farms at a
cheaper rent than under the old system, when the demands of both
tacksmen and laird had to be satisfied, the former, of course, having
let the land at a much higher rate than that at which they held it
from their superior. Now, it was possible enough for the laird to
get a higher rent than before, and at the same time the people might
have their farms at a lower rent than they had previously given to
the tacksmen. There would also be fewer oppressive services demanded
of these small tenants than under the old system, for now they had
only the laird to satisfy, whereas previously they had both him and
the tacksman. There would still, of course, be services required by
the laird from these tenants, still would part of the rent be paid
in kind, still would they be thirled to particular mills, and have
to submit to many similar exactions, of the oppressiveness of which,
however, it was long before they became conscious; but, on the whole,
the condition of those districts from which emigrations took place
must to some extent have been the better for the consequent thinning
of the population. Still no alteration appears to have taken place
in the mode of farming, the nature of tenures, mode of paying rent,
houses, clothes, food of the people. In some parts of the Highlands
and islands, no alteration whatever appears to have been made on the
old system; the tacksmen were allowed to remain undisturbed, and the
people lived and held land as formerly. But even in those districts
from which emigrations were largely made, little or no improvement
seems to have been the consequence, if we may trust the reports of
those who saw how things stood with their own eyes. Pennant, Johnson,
Buchanan,[58] Newte,[59] the Old Statistical Account, all agree that
but little improvement was noticeable over the greater part of the
Highlands from 1745 down till near the end of the 18th century.
One reason why perhaps emigration made so little odds in the way of
improvement on the condition of those who remained in the country
was, that no check was put upon the over-stocking of the farms with
men and animals. In spite of emigration, the population in many
districts increased instead of diminished. A common practice among
those tenants who conjointly held a large farm was for a father,
on the marriage of a son or daughter, to divide his share of the
farm with the young couple, who either lived in the old man’s
house or built a hut for themselves and tried to make a living out
of the share of the pendicle allotted to them. To such an extent
was this practice carried, that often a portion of land of a few
acres, originally let to and sufficient to maintain one family,
might in a few years be divided among six or eight families, and
which, even if cultivated in the best manner possible, could not
support its occupants for more than two or three months a year. On
account of this ruinous practice, Skye, which in 1750 had 15,000
inhabitants, most of whom were in a condition of misery and want, in
1857, in spite of large and repeated emigrations, had a population
of about 23,000. This custom was common in many Highland (chiefly
western) districts down to only a few years ago, and was fruitful
of many pernicious consequences--of frequent famines, the constant
impoverishing of the soil, the over-stocking of pasture-land, and
continual wretchedness.
In some cases, the farms vacated by the old tacksmen, instead of
being let to the old subtenants, were let to whatever stranger
would give the highest offer. On farms so let, the condition of
the sub-tenants who were continued on the old footing, appears
often to have been miserable in the extreme. These newcome tacksmen
or middlemen cared nothing either for chiefs or people; they paid
their rent and were determined to squeeze from those under them as
large a return as possible for their outlay. In confirmation of
these statements, and to show the sad condition of many parts of
the Highlands in their state of transition, we quote the following
passage from Buchanan’s _Travels in the Hebrides_, referring to about
1780. Even allowing for exaggeration, although there is no reason
to believe the writer goes beyond the truth, the picture is almost
incredibly deplorable:--
“At present they are obliged to be much more submissive to their
tacksmen than ever they were in former times to their lairds or
lords. There is a great difference between that mild treatment which
is shown to sub-tenants and even scallags, by the old lessees,
descended of ancient and honourable families, and the outrageous
rapacity of those necessitous strangers who have obtained leases from
absent proprietors, who treat the natives as if they were a conquered
and inferior race of mortals. In short, they treat them like beasts
of burthen; and in all respects like slaves attached to the soil, as
they cannot obtain new habitations, on account of the combinations
already mentioned, and are entirely at the mercy of the laird or
tacksman. Formerly, the personal service of the tenant did not
usually exceed eight or ten days in the year. There lives at present
at Scalpa, in the Isle of Harris, a tacksman of a large district, who
instead of six days’ work paid by the sub-tenants to his predecessor
in the lease, has raised the predial service, called in that and in
other parts of Scotland, _manerial bondage_, to fifty-two days in
the year at once; besides many other services to be performed at
different though regular and stated times: as tanning leather for
brogues, making heather ropes for thatch, digging and drying peats
for fuel; one pannier of peat charcoal to be carried to the smith; so
many days for gathering and shearing sheep and lambs; for ferrying
cattle from island to island, and other distant places, and several
days for going on distant errands; so many pounds of wool to be spun
into yarn. And over and above all this, they must lend their aid upon
any unforeseen occurrence whenever they are called on. The constant
service of two months at once is performed at the proper season in
the making of kelp. On the whole, this gentleman’s subtenants may be
computed to devote to his service full three days in the week. But
this is not all: they have to pay besides yearly a certain number
of cocks, hens, butter, and cheese, called CAORIGH-FERRIN, the
WIFE’S PORTION! This, it must be owned, is one of the most severe
and rigorous tacksmen descended from the old inhabitants, in all the
Western Hebrides: but the situation of his sub-tenants exhibits but
too faithful a picture of the sub-tenants of those places in general,
and the exact counterpart of such enormous oppression is to be found
at Luskintire.”
Another cause of emigration and of depopulation generally, was the
introduction of sheep on a large scale, involving the junction into
one of several small farms, each of which might before have been
occupied by a number of tenants. These subjects of the introduction
of sheep, engrossing of farms, and consequent depopulation, have
occupied, and still to some extent do occupy, the attention of all
those who take an interest in the Highlands, and of social economists
in general. Various opinions have been passed on the matters in
question, some advocating the retention of the people at all costs,
while others declare that the greatest part of the Highlands is fit
only for pasture, and it would be sheer madness, and shutting our
eyes wilfully to the sad lessons of experience, to stock a land with
people that is fit only to sustain sheep, and which at its very best
contains mere specks of arable ground, which, even when cultivated to
the utmost, can yield but a poor and unprofitable return.
Whatever opinion may be passed upon the general question, there can
be no doubt that at first the introduction of sheep was fruitful
of misery and discontent to those who had to vacate their old home
and leave their native glens to find shelter they knew not well
where. Many of those thus displaced by sheep and by one or two
lowland shepherds, emigrated like the discontented tacksmen to
America, those who remained looking with ill-will and an evil eye
on the lowland intruders. Although often the intruder came from the
South country, and brought his sheep and his shepherds with him,
still this was not always the case; for many of the old tacksmen
and even subtenants, after they saw how immensely more profitable
the new system was over the old, wisely took a lesson in time, and
following the example of the new lowland tenant, took large farms
and stocked them with sheep and cattle, and reduced the arable
land to a minimum. But, generally speaking, in cases where farms
formerly subdivided among a number of tenants were converted into
sheep farms, the smaller tenant had to quit and find a means of
living elsewhere. The landlords in general attempted to prevent
the ousted tenants from leaving the country by setting apart some
particular spot either by the sea-shore or on waste land which had
never been touched by plough, on which they might build houses and
have an acre or two of land for their support. Those who were removed
to the coast were encouraged to prosecute the fishing along with
their agricultural labours, while those who were settled on waste
land were stimulated to bring it into a state of cultivation. It
was mainly by a number of such ousted Highlanders that the great
and arduous undertaking was accomplished of bringing into a state
of cultivation Kincardine Moss, in Perthshire. At the time the task
was undertaken, about 1767, it was one of stupendous magnitude; but
so successfully was it carried out, that in a few years upwards of
2000 acres of fine clay-soil, which for centuries had been covered
to the depth of seven feet with heath and decayed vegetable matter,
were bearing luxuriant crops of all kinds. In a similar way, many
spots throughout the Highlands, formerly yielding nothing but heath
and moss, were, by the exertions of those who were deprived of their
farms, brought into a state of cultivation. Those who occupied ground
of this kind were known as _mailers_, and, as a rule, they paid no
rent for the first few years, after which they generally paid the
proprietor a shilling or two per acre, which was gradually increased
as the land improved and its cultivation extended. For the first
season or two the proprietor usually either lent or presented them
with seed and implements. In the parish of Urray, in the south-east
of Ross-shire, about the year 1790, there were 248 families of this
kind, most of whom had settled there within the previous forty years.
Still the greater number of these, both tacksmen and sub-tenants,
who were deprived of their farms, either on account of the raising
of the rents or because of their conversion into large sheep-walks,
emigrated to America. The old _Statistical Account of North Uist_
says that between the years 1771 and 1775, a space of only four
years, several thousands emigrated from the Western Highlands and
Islands alone. At first few of the islands appear to have been put
under sheep; where any alteration on the state of things took place
at all, it was generally in the way of raising rents, thus causing
the tacksmen to leave, who were succeeded either by strangers who
leased the farms, or by the old sub-tenants, among whom the lands
were divided, and who held immediately from the laird. It was long,
however, as we have already indicated, before the innovations took
thorough hold upon the Hebrides, as even down almost to the present
time many of the old proprietors, either from attachment to their
people, or from a love of feudal show, struggle to keep up the old
system, leaving the tacksmen undisturbed, and doing all they can to
maintain and keep on their property a large number of subtenants and
cottars. Almost invariably, those proprietors who thus obstinately
refused to succumb to the changes going on around them, suffered for
their unwise conduct. Many of them impoverished their families for
generations, and many of the estates were disposed of for behoof of
their creditors, and they themselves had to sink to the level of
landless gentlemen, and seek their living in commerce or otherwise.
Gradually, however, most of the proprietors, especially those whose
estates were on the mainland Highlands, yielded, in general no doubt
willingly, to change, raised their rents, abolished small tenancies,
and gave their lands up to the sheep farmers. The temptation was, no
doubt, often very great, on account of the large rents offered by
the lowland graziers. One proprietor in Argyleshire, who had some
miles of pasture let to a number of small tenants for a few shillings
yearly, on being offered by a lowlander who saw the place £300 a
year, could not resist, but, however ruefully, cleared it of his old
tenants, and gave it up to the money-making lowlander. It was this
engrossing of farms and the turning of immense tracts of country into
sheep-walks, part of which was formerly cultivated and inhabited by
hundreds of people, that was the great grievance of the Highlanders
during the latter part of last century. Not that it could aggravate
their wretchedness to any great extent, for that was bad enough
already even before 1745; it seems to have been rather the fact that
their formerly much-loved chiefs should treat them worse than they
could strangers, prefer a big income to a large band of faithful
followers, and eject those who believed themselves to have as great
a right to the occupancy of the land as the chiefs themselves. “The
great and growing grievance of the Highlands is not the letting of
the land to tacksmen, but the making of so many sheep-walks, which
sweep off both tacksmen and sub-tenants all in a body.”[60] The
tacksmen especially felt naturally cut to the quick by what they
deemed the selfish and unjust policy of the chiefs. These tacksmen
and their ancestors in most cases had occupied their farms for many
generations; their birth was as good and their genealogy as old as
those of the chief himself, to whom they were all blood relations,
and to whom they were attached with the most unshaken loyalty. True,
they had no writing, no document, no paltry “sheep-skin,” as they
called it, to show as a proof that they had as much right to their
farms as the laird himself. But what of that? Who would ever have
thought that their chiefs would turn against them, and try to wrest
from them that which had been gifted by a former chief to their
fathers, who would have bitten out their tongue before they would
ask a bond? The gift, they thought, was none the less real because
there was no written proof of it. These parchments were quite a
modern innovation, not even then universally acknowledged among the
Highlanders, to whom the only satisfactory proof of proprietorship
and chiefship was possession from time immemorial. Occasionally
a chief, who could produce no title-deed to his estate, was by
law deprived of it, and his place filled by another. But the clan
would have none of this; they invariably turned their backs upon
the intruder, and acknowledged only the ousted chief as their head
and the real proprietor, whom they were bound to support, and whom
they frequently did support, by paying to him the rents which were
legally due to the other. In some cases, it would seem,[61] the
original granters of the land to the tacksmen conveyed it to them by
a regular title-deed, by which, of course, they became proprietors.
And we think there can be no doubt, that originally when a chief
bestowed a share of his property upon his son or other near relation,
he intended that the latter should keep it for himself and his
descendants; he was not regarded merely as a tenant who had to pay a
yearly rent, but as a sub-proprietor, who, from a sense of love and
duty would contribute what he could to support the chief of his race
and clan. In many cases, we say, this was the light in which chief,
tacksmen, and people regarded these farms tenanted by the gentlemen
of the clan; and it only seems to have been after the value of men
decreased and of property increased, that most of the lairds began
to look at the matter in a more commercial, legal, and less romantic
light. According to Newte--and what he says is supported to a
considerable extent by facts--“in the southern parts of Argyleshire,
in Perthshire, Aberdeenshire, Moray, and Ross, grants of land were
made in writing, while in Inverness-shire, Sutherlandshire, the
northern parts of Argyleshire, and the Western Islands, the old mode
was continued of verbal or emblematical transference. In Ross-shire,
particularly, it would appear that letters and the use of letters
in civil affairs had been early introduced and widely spread; for
property is more equally divided in that country than in most other
counties in Scotland, and than in any other of the Highlands.
Agreeably to these observations, it is from the great estates on
the northern and western sides of Scotland that the descendants
of the original tacksmen of the land, with their families, have
been obliged to migrate by the positive and unrelenting demands of
rent beyond what it was in their power to give, and, indeed, in
violation of those conditions that were understood and observed
between the original granter and original tenant and their posterity
for centuries.”[62] These statements are exceedingly plausible, and
we believe to a certain extent true; but it is unnecessary here to
enter upon the discussion of the question. What we have to do with
is the unquestionable fact that the Highland proprietors did in many
instances take advantage of the legal power, which they undoubtedly
possessed, to do with their land as they pleased, and, regardless
of the feelings of the old tacksmen and sub-tenants, let it to the
highest bidders. The consequence was that these tacksmen, who to a
certain extent were demoralised and knew not how to use the land
to best advantage, had to leave the homes of their ancestors; and
many of the small farmers and cottars, in the face of the new system
of large sheep-farms, becoming cumberers of the ground, were swept
from the face of the country, and either located in little lots by
the sea-side, where they became useful as fishers and kelp-burners,
or settled on some waste moor, which they occupied themselves in
reclaiming from its native barrenness, or, as was frequently the
case, followed the tacksmen, and sought a home in the far west, where
many of them became lairds in their own right.
These then are the great results of the measures which followed the
rebellion of 1745-6, and the consequent breaking up of the old clan
system--extensive sheep-farming, accompanied with a great rise in
the rent of land, depopulation, and emigration. As to the legality
of the proceedings of the proprietors, there can be no doubt; as
little doubt is there that the immediate consequence to many of the
Highlanders was great suffering, accompanied by much bitterness
and discontent. As to the morality or justice of the laird’s
conduct, various opinions have been, and no doubt for long will be,
expressed. One side maintains that it was the duty of these chiefs
upon whom the people depended, whom they revered, and for whom they
were ready to die, at all events, to see to it that their people were
provided for, and that ultimately it would have been for the interest
of the proprietors and the country at large to do everything to
prevent from emigrating in such numbers as they did, such a splendid
race of men, for whose services to the country no money equivalent
could be found. It is maintained that the system of large farms is
pernicious in every respect, and that only by the system of moderate
sized farms can a country be made the best of, an adequate rural
population be kept up, and self-respect and a high moral tone be
nourished and spread throughout the land. Those who adopt this side
of the question pooh-pooh the common maxims of political economy,
and declare that laws whose immediate consequences are wide-spread
suffering, and the unpeopling of a country, cannot be founded on any
valid basis; that proprietors hold their lands only in trust, and
it is therefore their duty not merely to consider their own narrow
interests, but also to consult the welfare and consult the feelings
of their people. In short, it is maintained by this party, that the
Highland lairds, in acting as they did, showed themselves to be
unjust, selfish, heartless, unpatriotic, mercenary, and blind to
their own true interests and those of their country.
On the other hand, it is maintained that what occurred in the
Highlands subsequent to 1745 was a step in the right direction,
and that it was only a pity that the innovations had not been
more thorough and systematic. For long previous to 1745, it is
asserted the Highlands were much over-peopled, and the people, as
a consequence of the vicious system under which they had lived for
generations, were incurably lazy, and could be roused from this
sad lethargy only by some such radical measures as were adopted.
The whole system of Highland life and manners and habits were
almost barbarous, the method of farming was thoroughly pernicious
and unproductive, the stock of cattle worthless and excessive, and
so badly managed that about one half perished every winter. On
account of the excessive population, the land was by far too much
subdivided, the majority of so-called farmers occupying farms of so
small a size that they could furnish the necessaries of life for no
more than six months, and consequently the people were continually
on the verge of starvation. The Highlands, it is said, are almost
totally unsuited for agriculture, and fit only for pasturage, and
that consequently this subdivision into small farms could be nothing
else than pernicious; that the only method by which the land could
be made the most of was that of large sheep-farms, and that the
proprietors, while no doubt studying their own interests, adopted
the wisest policy when they let out their land on this system. In
short, it is maintained by the advocates of innovations, the whole
body of the Highlanders were thoroughly demoralised, their number was
greater by far than the land could support even if managed to the
best advantage, and was increasing every year; the whole system of
renting land, of tenure, and of farming was ruinous to the people and
the land, and that nothing but a radical change could cure the many
evils with which the country was afflicted.
There has been much rather bitter discussion between the advocates
of the two sides of the Highland question; often more recrimination
and calling of names than telling argument. This question, we think,
is no exception to the general rule which governs most disputed
matters; there is truth, we believe, on both sides. We fear the
facts already adduced in this part of the book comprise many of
the assertions made by the advocates of change. As to the wretched
social condition of the Highlanders, for long before and after 1745,
there can be no doubt, if we can place any reliance on the evidence
of contemporaries, and we have already said enough to show that the
common system of farming, if worthy of the name, was ruinous and
inefficient; while their small lean cattle were so badly managed that
about one half died yearly. That the population was very much greater
than the land, even if used to the best advantage, could support, is
testified to by every candid writer from the Gartmore paper[63] down
almost to the present day. The author of the Gartmore paper, written
about 1747, estimated that the population of the Highlands at that
time amounted to about 230,000; “but,” he says, “according to the
present economy of the Highlands, there is not business for more than
one half of that number of people.... The other half, then, must be
idle and beggars while in the country.” “The produce of the crops,”
says Pennant,[64] “very rarely are in any degree proportioned to the
wants of the inhabitants; golden seasons have happened, when they
have had superfluity, but the years of famine are as ten to one.” It
is probable, from a comparison with the statistics of Dr Webster,
taken in 1755,[65] that the estimate of the author of the Gartmore
paper was not far from being correct; indeed, if anything, it must
have been under the mark, as in 1755 the population of the Highlands
and Islands amounted, according to Webster, to about 290,000, which,
in 1795, had increased to 325,566,[66] in spite of the many thousands
who had emigrated. This great increase in the population during the
latter part of the 18th century is amply confirmed by the writers
of the Statistical Accounts of the various Highland parishes, and
none had better opportunities of knowing the real state of matters
than they. The great majority of these writers likewise assert
that the population was far too large in proportion to the produce
of the land and means of employment, and that some such outlet as
emigration was absolutely necessary. Those who condemn emigration and
depopulation, generally do so for some merely sentimental reason, and
seldom seek to show that it is quite possible to maintain the large
population without disastrous results. It is a pity, they say, that
the Highlander, possessing so many noble qualities, and so strongly
attached to his native soil, should be compelled to seek a home
in a foreign land, and bestow upon it the services which might be
profitably employed by his mother country. By permitting, they say,
these loyal and brave Highlanders to leave the country, Britain is
throwing away some of the finest recruiting material in the world,
for--and it is quite true--the Highland soldier has not his match for
bravery, moral character, and patriotism.
These statements are no doubt true; it certainly is a pity that an
inoffensive, brave, and moral people should be compelled to leave
their native land, and devote to the cultivation of a foreign soil
those energies which might be used to the benefit of their own
country. It would also be very bad policy in government to lose the
chance of filling up the ranks of the army with some of the best men
obtainable anywhere. But then, if there was nothing for the people
to do in the country, if their condition was one of chronic famine,
as was undoubtedly the case with the Highlanders, if the whole
productions of the country were insufficient even to keep them in
bare life, if every few years the country had to contribute thousands
of pounds to keep these people alive, if, in short, the majority
of them were little else than miserable beggars, an encumbrance on
the progress of their country, a continual source of sadness to all
feeling men, gradually becoming more and more demoralised by the
increasingly wretched condition in which they lived, and by the
ever-recurring necessity of bestowing upon them charity to keep
them alive,--if such were the case, the advocates for a thinning of
the population urge, whom would it profit to keep such a rabble of
half-starved creatures huddled together in a corner of the country,
reaping for themselves nothing but misery and degradation, and
worse than useless to everybody else. Moreover, as to the military
argument, it is an almost universal statement made by the writers
of the Old Statistical Account (about 1790), that, at that time, in
almost all the Highland parishes it was scarcely possible to get a
single recruit, so great was the aversion of the people both to a
naval and military life. Besides, though the whole of the surplus
population had been willing to volunteer into the army, of what value
would it have been if the country had no use for them; and surely
it would be very questionable policy to keep thousands of men in
idleness on the bare chance that they might be required as soldiers.
The sentimental and military arguments are no doubt very touching and
very convincing to men in whom impulse and imagination predominate
over reason and clearness of vision, and are fitting subjects for a
certain kind of poetry, which has made much of them; but they cannot
for one moment stand the test of facts, and become selfishly cruel,
impracticable, and disastrous, when contrasted with the teachings of
genuine humanity and the best interests of the Highlanders. On this
subject, the writer of the Old Statistical Account of the parish
of Lochgoilhead makes some remarks so sensible, and so much to the
point, that we are tempted to quote them here. “It is frequent,” he
says, “with people who wish well to their country, to inveigh against
the practice of turning several small farms into one extensive
grazing, and dispossessing the former tenants. If the strength of
a country depends upon the number of its inhabitants, it appears a
pernicious measure to drive away the people by depriving them of
their possessions. This complaint is very just with regard to some
places in Scotland; for it must be greatly against the interest of
the nation to turn rich arable land, which is capable at the same
time of supporting a number of people, and of producing much grain,
into pasture ground. But the complaint does not seem to apply to this
country. The strength of a nation cannot surely consist in the number
of idle people which it maintains; that the inhabitants of this part
of the country were formerly sunk in indolence, and contributed
very little to the wealth, or to the support of the state, cannot
be denied. The produce of this parish, since sheep have become the
principal commodity, is at least double the intrinsic value of what
it was formerly, so that half the number of hands produce more than
double the quantity of provisions, for the support of our large
towns, and the supply of our tradesmen and manufacturers; and the
system by which land returns the most valuable produce, and in the
greatest abundance, seems to be the most beneficial for the country
at large. Still, however, if the people who are dispossessed of
this land emigrated into other nations, the present system might be
justly condemned, as diminishing the strength of the country. But
this is far from being the case; of the great number of people who
have been deprived of their farms in this parish, for thirty years
past, few or none have settled out of the kingdom; they generally
went to sea, or to the populous towns upon the Clyde. In these
places, they have an easy opportunity, which they generally embrace,
of training up their children to useful and profitable employments,
and of rendering them valuable members of society. So that the former
inhabitants of this country have been taken from a situation in
which they contributed nothing to the wealth, and very little to the
support of the state, to a situation in which their labour is of the
greatest public utility. Nor has the present system contributed to
make the condition of the inhabitants of the country worse than it
was before; on the contrary, the change is greatly in their favour.
The partiality in favour of former times, and the attachment to the
place of their nativity, which is natural to old people, together
with the indolence in which they indulged themselves in this country,
mislead them in drawing a comparison between their past and their
present situations. But indolence was almost the only comfort which
they enjoyed. There was scarcely any variety of wretchedness with
which they were not obliged to struggle, or rather to which they were
not obliged to submit. They often felt what it was to want food;
the scanty crops which they raised were consumed by their cattle in
winter and spring; for a great part of the year they lived wholly
on milk, and even that in the end of spring and beginning of winter
was very scarce. To such extremity were they frequently reduced,
that they were obliged to bleed their cattle in order to subsist for
some time upon the blood; and even the inhabitants of the glens and
valleys repaired in crowds to the shore, at the distance of three
or four miles, to pick up the scanty provision which the shell-fish
afforded them. They were miserably ill clothed, and the huts in which
they lived were dirty and mean beyond expression. How different
from their present situation? They now enjoy the necessaries, and
many of the comforts of life in abundance: even those who are
supported by the charity of the parish feel no real want. Much of the
wretchedness which formerly prevailed in this and in other parishes
in the Highlands, was owing to the indolence of the people, and to
their want of management; but a country which is neither adapted for
agriculture nor for rearing black cattle, can never maintain any
great number of people comfortably.”
No doubt the very men who deplore what they call the depopulation
of the Highlands would advocate the advisability of emigration in
the case of the unemployed surplus population of any other part
of the country. If their arguments against the emigration of the
Highlanders to another country, and in favour of their being retained
in their own district were logically carried out, to what absurd
and disastrous consequences would they lead? Supposing that all the
people who have emigrated from this country to America, Australia,
and elsewhere, had been kept at home, where would this country
have been? There would scarcely have been standing room for the
population, the great majority of whom must have been in a state of
indescribable misery. The country would have been ruined. The same
arguments might also be used against the emigration of the natives
of other countries, many of whom are no doubt as attached to their
native soil as the Highlanders; and if the principle had been rigidly
carried out, what direful consequences to the world at large would
have been the result. In fact, there would have been little else
but universal barbarism. It seems to be admitted by all thoughtful
men that the best outlet for a redundant or idle population is
emigration; it is beneficial to the mother country, beneficial to the
emigrants, and beneficial to the new country in which they take up
their abode. Only thus can the earth be subdued, and made the most of.
Why then should there be any lamentation over the Highlanders leaving
their country more than over any other class of respectable willing
men? Anything more hopelessly wretched than their position at various
times from 1745 down to the present day it would be impossible to
imagine. If one, however, trusted the descriptions of some poets
and sentimentalists, a happier or more comfortably situated people
than the Highlanders at one time were could not be found on the face
of the globe. They were always clean, and tidy, and well dressed,
lived in model cottages, surrounded by model gardens, had always
abundance of plain wholesome food and drink, were exuberant in their
hospitality, doated on their chiefs, carefully cultivated their lands
and tended their flocks, but had plenty of time to dance and sing,
and narrate round the cheerful winter hearth the legends of their
people, and above all, feared God and honoured the king. Now, these
statements have no foundation in fact, at least within the historical
period; but generally the writers on this side of the question refer
generally to the period previous to 1745, and often, in some cases,
to a time subsequent to that. Every writer who pretends to record
facts, the result of observation, and not to draw imaginary Arcadian
pictures, concurs in describing the country as being sunk in the
lowest state of wretchedness. The description we have already given
of the condition of the people before 1745, applies with intensified
force to the greater part of the Highlands for long after that year.
Instead of improving, and often there were favourable opportunities
for improvement, the people seemed to be retrograding, getting
more and more demoralised, more and more miserable, more and more
numerous, and more and more famine-struck. In proof of what we say,
we refer to all the writers on and travellers in the Highlands of
last century, to Pennant, Boswell, Johnson, Newte, Buchanan,[67]
and especially the Old Statistical Account. To let the reader judge
for himself as to the value of the statements we make as to the
condition of the Highlands during the latter part of last century,
we quote below a longish extract from a pamphlet written by one who
had visited and enquired into the state of the Highlands about the
year 1780.[68] It is written by one who deplores the extensive
emigration which was going on, but yet who, we are inclined to
believe, has slightly exaggerated the misery of the Highlanders
in order to make the sin of absentee chiefs, who engross farms,
and raise enormously the rents, as great as possible. Still, when
compared with the statements made by other contemporary authorities,
the exaggeration seems by no means great, and making allowances, the
picture presented is a mocking, weird contrast to the fancies of the
sentimentalist. That such a woful state of things required radical
and uncompromising measures of relief, no one can possibly deny. Yet
this same writer laments most pitiably that 20,000 of these wretched
people had to leave their wretched homes and famine-struck condition,
and the oppression of their lairds, for lands and houses of their own
in a fairer and more fertile land, where independence and affluence
were at the command of all who cared to bend their backs to labour.
What good purpose, divine or human, could be served by keeping
an increasing population in a land that cannot produce enough to
keep the life in one-half of its people? Nothing but misery, and
degradation, and oppression here; happiness, advancement, riches,
and freedom on the other side of the water. Is there more than one
conclusion?
In spite of all the emigration that has taken place from this
country, no one has, we daresay, any real dread of depopulation; the
population is increasing over all the land every year, not excepting
the Highlands. As for soldiers, no doubt plenty will be forthcoming
when wanted; if not so, it is not for want of men well enough fitted
for the occupation. As every one knows, there is seldom a want of
willing workers in this country, but far more frequently a great want
of work to do.
That by far the larger part of the surface of the Highland districts
is suited only for the pasturage of sheep, is the testimony of
every one who knows anything about the subject. Those who speak
otherwise must either ignore facts or speak of what they do not
know, urged merely by impulse and sentimentalism. True, there are
many spots consisting of excellent soil suited for arable purposes,
but generally where such do occur the climate is so unfavourable
to successful agriculture that no expenditure will ever produce an
adequate return.[69] Other patches again, not, however, of frequent
occurrence, have everything in their favour, and are as capable
of producing luxuriant crops as the most fertile district of the
lowlands. But nearly all these arable spots, say those who advocate
the laying of the whole country under sheep, it is absolutely
necessary to retain as winter pasturage, if sheep-farming is to be
carried on successfully. The mountainous districts, comprising nearly
the whole of the Highlands, are admirably suited for sheep pasturage
when the weather is mild; but in winter are so bleak and cold, and
exposed to destructive storms, that unless the sheep during winter
can be brought down to the low and sheltered grounds, the loss of a
great part of the flocks would inevitably be the consequence. Hence,
it is maintained, unless nearly the whole of the country is allowed
to lie waste, or unless a sheep farmer makes up his mind to carry
on an unprofitable business, the arable spots in the valleys and
elsewhere must, as a rule, be retained as pasture. And this seems
to be the case in most districts. It must not be imagined, however,
that the surface of the Highlands is one universal expanse of green
and brown fragrant heather; every tourist knows that in almost
every glen, by the side of many lochs, streams, and bogs, patches
of cultivated land are to be met with, bearing good crops of oats,
barley, potatoes, and turnips. These productions chiefly belong to
the large sheep farmers, and are intended for the use of themselves,
their servants, and cattle, and but seldom have they any to dispose
of. Others of these arable spots belong to small farmers, the race
of whom is happily not yet extinct. But, on the whole, it would seem
that so far as agricultural products are concerned, the Highlands
seldom, if ever, produce sufficient to supply the wants of the
inhabitants, importation being thus necessary.
A curious and interesting point connected with the introduction
of sheep into the Highlands may be mentioned here:--By means of
this innovation, the whole aspect of the country seems to have
been changed. Previous to that, the whole country seems to have
borne a universal aspect of blackness, rarely relieved by a spot of
green, arising from the fact that almost the only product of the
mountains was dark-brown heath. Captain Burt and others who visited
the Highlands previous to the extensive introduction of sheep,
indulge in none of the raptures over Highland scenery, that the most
common-place and prosy tourist thinks it his duty to get into at
the present day. They speak of the country almost with horror, as a
black howling wilderness, full of bogs and big boulders, and almost
unfit for human habitation. They could see no beauty in the country
that it should be desired; it was a place to get out of as soon as
possible. How far these sentiments may have been justified by facts
it is impossible now to say; but it is the almost universal assertion
by the writers in the _Old Statistical Account_, that the appearance
of the Highland hills was rapidly changing, and that instead of the
universal dark-brown heath which previously covered them, there was
springing up the light-brown heath and short green bent or strong
grass so well known to all modern tourists. If the Highland hills
formerly bore anything like the aspect presented at the present day
by the dreary black wet hills of Shetland, the remarks of Burt and
others need not cause astonishment. But as the great outlines and
peculiar features of the country must have been the same then as now,
we suspect that these early English adventurers into the Highlands
wanted training in scenery or were determined to see nothing to
admire. But, indeed, admiration of and hunting for fine scenery seem
to be quite a modern fashion, and were quite unknown to our ancestors
in the beginning of last century, or were confined to a few crazy
poets. Men require to be trained to use their eyes in this as in
many other respects. There can be no doubt that the first impulse
to the admiration of the Highlands and Highlanders was given by the
poems and novels of Sir Walter Scott; it was he who set the sheepish
stream of tourists agoing, and indirectly to him many a Highland
hotel-keeper owes a handsome fortune. The fact at all events seems
unquestionable, that the extensive introduction of sheep has to a
large extent changed the external aspect of the Highlands.
It must not be imagined that, previous to the changes we are speaking
of, there were no sheep in the Highlands; there were always a few
of a very small native breed, but the staple stock of the Highland
farmer was, as we previously mentioned, black cattle. The sheep,
however, have also to a very large extent superseded them, a fact
which is deplored by those who lament the many innovations which
have been introduced since 1745. But by all accounts much of the
country is unsuited to the pasturage of black cattle, and as cattle
and sheep do not thrive well together, the only alternative seems to
be the introduction of sheep alone into those districts unsuited for
cattle. “More than one-third of the country consists of mountains and
declivities too steep and abrupt for black cattle, and the grass they
produce too short and fine to afford them a tolerable pasture except
in the height of summer. The greater part of the pasture is therefore
lost, though it might all be beneficially consumed with sheep. A
flock of sheep will thrive where cows and oxen would starve, and will
go at all seasons of the year to such heights as are inaccessible to
black cattle.... In a situation of this kind the very wool of a flock
would amount to more than the whole profit to be obtained by black
cattle.”[70] The only conclusion to be drawn from these statements
is, that the wisest thing that could be done was to introduce sheep
into those districts which were being wasted on black cattle.
Along with the introduction of sheep, indeed, to a great extent
caused by that, was the enlargement of farms, which with the raising
of rents led to the depopulation of many districts. The old system
of letting farms in the Highlands has already been sufficiently
explained, and the introduction of sheep seems to have rendered it
necessary that this old system should be abolished, and that a large
extent of country should be taken by one man. The question between
large and small farms does not appear to us to be the same as between
the old and new system of letting land. Under the old system, a farm
of no great extent was often let to a large number of tenants, who
frequently subdivided it still more, by either sub-letting part,
or by sharing their respective portions with their newly-married
sons and daughters. The testimony as to the perniciousness of this
old system is universal; it was, and until recently continued to
be, the chief source of all the misfortunes that have afflicted the
Highlands. As to whether, however, this old system should have been
entirely abolished, or whether some modification of it might not have
been retained, has been a matter of dispute. Some maintain that the
Highlands can be profitably managed only on the large farm system,
and only thus can sheep be made to pay, while others assert that,
though many districts are suitable for large farms, still there are
others that might with great profit be divided into small holdings.
By this latter method, it is said, a fair proportion of all classes
would be maintained in the Highlands, noblemen, gentlemen, farmers
large and small, cottars, labourers, and that only when there is
such a mixture can a country be said to be prosperous. Moreover, it
is held a proprietor, who in this country should be considered as a
steward rather than the absolute owner of his estate, has no right to
exclude the small farmer from having a chance of making a respectable
living by the occupation for which he is suited; that he stands in
the way of his own and his country’s interests when he discourages
the small farmer, for only by a mixture of the two systems can the
land be made the most of; and that, to say the least of it, it is
selfish and wrong in proprietors not to consider the case of the poor
as well as the rich.
On the question as to the expediency of large or small farms we
cannot pretend to be able to judge; we know too little of its real
merits. However, it appears to us that there is no reason why both
systems cannot be very well combined in many parts of the Highlands,
although there are many districts, we believe, totally unsuited for
anything else but sheep-farms of the largest dimensions. Were the
small farms made large enough to sufficiently support the farmer
and his family, and remunerate him for his outlay and labour, were
precautions taken against the subdivision of these moderate-sized
holdings, and were leases of sufficient duration granted to all, it
seems to us that there is nothing in the nature of things why there
should not be farms of a small size in the Highlands as well as farms
covering many miles in extent. We certainly do think it too bad to
cut out the small respectable class of farmers entirely, and put the
land of the country in the hands of a sort of farmer aristocracy; it
is unfair and prejudicial to the best interests of the country. But
the small farmers must first show that they deserve to be considered;
certainly the small farmers under the old Highland system, which we
believe is not yet quite extinct in some remote districts, deserved
only to have the land they so mismanaged taken from them and given
to others who could make a better use of it. Some consideration, we
think, ought to be had towards the natives of the country, those
whose ancestors have occupied the land for centuries, and if they are
able to pay as good a rent as others, and show themselves willing
to manage the land as well, in all humanity they ought to have the
preference. But these are matters which we think ought to be left to
adjust themselves according to the inevitable laws which regulate
all human affairs. Interference in any way between landlord and
tenant by way of denunciation, vituperation, or legislation, seems
to us only to make matters worse. It seems to us that the simplest
commercial maxims--the laws of profit and loss, if they have fair
play--will ultimately lead to the best system of managing the land
of the Highlands and of every other district, both in the interests
of the proprietors and those of the tenants. If proprietors find
it most profitable to let their lands in large lots, either for
agriculture, for cattle, for sheep, or for deer, there is no reason
why they should not do so, and there is no doubt that in the end what
is most advantageous to the proprietor is so to the tenant, and _vice
versa_, as also to the country at large. If, on the other hand, it
be found that letting land in small lots is more profitable than the
other practice, few proprietors, we daresay, would hesitate to cut up
their land into suitable lots. But all this, we think, must be left
to experiment, and it cannot be said that the Highlands as a whole
have as yet got beyond the stage of probation; changes from small to
large and from large to small farms--mostly the former--and changes
from sheep to deer and deer to sheep are still going on; but, no
doubt, ere long both proprietors and tenants of land will find out
what their real common interest is, and adjust themselves in their
proper relations to each other. It is best to leave them alone and
allow them to fight the battle out between themselves. Interference
was attempted at the end of last century to stop emigration and to
settle the ousted tenants on small lots by the sea-shore, where both
fishing and farming could be carried on, but the interference did no
good. Emigration was not diminished, although curiously it was the
proprietors themselves, who subsequently did their best to promote
emigration, that at this time attempted to stop it. The people seem
generally until lately to have been quite willing and even anxious to
emigrate at least those of most intelligence; not that they cared not
for their country, but that, however much they loved it, there was no
good in staying at home when nothing but misery and starvation stared
them in the face. We say that the landlords and others, including
the Highland Society, interfered, and endeavoured to get government
to interfere, to prevent the great emigrations which were going
on, and which they feared would ere long leave the country utterly
peopleless. But the interference was of no use, and was quite
uncalled for. Emigration still went on, and will go on so long as
there is a necessity for it; and the country will always have plenty
of inhabitants so long as it can afford a decent subsistence. When
men know better the laws of sociology--the laws which govern human
affairs--interference of this kind will be simply laughed at.
The scheme of the landlords--who, while they raised the rents and
extended their farms, were still loath to lose their numerous tenants
and retainers--of settling those on the coast where they could
combine farming and fishing, failed also, for the simple reason that,
as it has been fairly proved, one man cannot unite successfully the
two occupations in his own person. In this sense “no man can serve
two masters.” “No two occupations can be more incompatible than
farming and fishing, as the seasons which require undivided exertion
in fishing are precisely those in which the greatest attention should
be devoted to agriculture. Grazing, which is less incompatible with
fishing than agriculture, is even found to distract the attention and
prevent success in either occupation. This is demonstrated by the
very different success of those who unite both occupations from those
who devote themselves exclusively to fishing. Indeed, the industrious
fisher finds the whole season barely sufficient for the labours of
his proper occupation.”[71] It seems clear, then, that the Highland
proprietors should be left alone and allowed to dispose of their
land as they think fit, just as the owner of any other commercial
commodity takes it to whatever market he chooses, and no harm accrues
from it. If the Highland peasantry and farmers see it to be to their
advantage to leave their native land and settle in a far-off soil
where they will have some good return for hard work, we do not see
that there is any call for interference or lamentation. Give all help
and counsel to those who require and deserve them by all means either
to stay at home or go abroad; but to those who are able to think and
free to act for themselves nothing is necessary but to be left alone.
As we have already said, another cause of emigration besides
sheep-farming, though to some extent associated with it, was the
raising of rents. Naturally enough, when the number of tenants upon
a laird’s estate ceased to make him of importance and give him
power, he sought by raising his rents to give himself the importance
derived from a large income. There can be no doubt that, previous
to this, farms were let far below their real value, and often at a
merely nominal rent; and thus one of the greatest incitements to
industry was wanting in the case of the Highland tenants, for when
a man knows that his landlord will not trouble him about his rent,
but would rather let him go scot-free than lose him, it is too much
to expect of human nature in general that it will bestir itself to
do what it feels there is no absolute necessity for. Thus habits
of idleness were engendered in the Highlanders, and the land, for
want of industrious cultivation, was allowed to run comparatively
waste. That the thinning of the population gave those who remained
a better chance of improving their condition, is testified to
by many writers in the _Old Statistical Account_, and by other
contemporary authorities, including even Dr Walker, who was no friend
to emigration. He says,[72] “these measures in the management of
property, and this emigration, were by no means unfriendly to the
population of the country. The sub-tenants, who form the bulk of
the people, were not only retained but raised in their situation,
and rendered more useful and independent.” It is amusing now to
read Dr Walker’s remarks on the consequences of emigration from the
Highlands; had his fears been substantiated,--and had they been well
grounded, they ought to have been by this time, for sheep-farming,
rent-raising, depopulation, and emigration have been going on
rapidly ever since his time--the Highlands must now have been “a
waste howling wilderness.” “If the [Highlanders],” he says,[73] “are
expelled, the Highlands never can be reclaimed or improved by any
other set of men, but must remain a mere grazing-field for England
and the South of Scotland. By this alteration, indeed, the present
rents may, no doubt, be augmented, but they must become immediately
stationary, without any prospect of further advancement, and will
in time from obvious causes be liable to great diminution. All
improvement of the country must cease when the people to improve it
are gone. The soil must remain unsubdued for ever, and the progress
of the Highlands must be finally stopt, while all the cultivated
wastes of the kingdom are advancing in population and wealth.” How
these predictions have been belied by facts, all who know anything
of the progress of the Highlands during the present century must
perceive. All these changes and even grievances have taken place,
and yet the Highlands are far enough from anything approximating to
depopulation or unproductiveness, and rents, we believe, have not yet
ceased to rise.
Notwithstanding the large emigration which has been going on, the
population of the Highlands at the census of 1861 was at least 70,000
greater than it was in the time of Dr Walker.[74] The emigration,
especially from the west, does not seem to have been large enough,
for periodically, up even to the present day, a rueful call for help
to save from famine comes from that quarter. “This very year (1863)
the cry of destitution in Skye has been loud as ever, and yet from
no part of the Highlands has there been a more extensive emigration.
From the very earliest period in the history of emigration down to
this date, Skye has been largely drawn upon, and yet the body of the
people in Skye were never more wretched than at this moment.”[75]
Dr Walker himself states that, in spite of an emigration of about
6000 between the years 1771 and 1794 from the Hebrides and Western
Highlands, the population had increased by about 40,000 during
the forty years subsequent to 1750.[76] Yet though he knew of the
wretched condition of the country from an over-crowded population,
practical man as he was, he gives way to the vague and unjustifiable
fears expressed above. It is no doubt sad to see the people of a
country, and these possessing many high qualities, compelled to leave
it in order to get room to breathe; but to tirade against emigration
as Dr Walker and others do in the face of such woful facts as are
known concerning the condition of the Highlands is mere selfish and
wicked sentimentalism.
Another fact, stated by the same author, and which might have taught
him better doctrines in connection with some of the border parishes,
is worth introducing here. The population of seventeen parishes in
Dumbartonshire, Perthshire, and Argyllshire, bordering on the low
country, decreased in population between 1755 and 1795, from 30,525
to 26,748, _i.e._, by 3,787; these parishes having been during that
time to a great extent laid out in cattle and sheep. Now, according
to the _Old Statistical Account_ (about 1795), these very parishes
were on the whole among the most prosperous in the Highlands, those
in which improvements were taking place most rapidly, and in which
the condition of the people was growing more and more comfortable.
It appears to us clear that the population of the Highlands did
require a very considerable thinning; that depopulation to a certain
extent was, and in some places still is, a necessary condition to
improvement.
The main question is, we think, how to get these districts which are
in a state of wretchedness and retrogression from over-population
rid of the surplus. Unless some sudden check be put upon the rate of
increase of the general population, there never will be a lack of
hands to bring in the waste places when wanted, and to supply all
other demands for men. No doubt, it is a pity, if it be the case,
that any extensive districts which could be brought to a high style
of cultivation, and would then be better employed than in pasture
should be allowed to lie waste, when there is every necessity for the
land being made to yield as much as possible. And if the Highlanders
are willing, it certainly does seem to be better to keep them at home
and employ them for such purposes rather than let them go abroad
and give their services to strangers. We should fancy the larger
a population there is in a country where there is room enough for
them, and which can give them enough to eat and drink, the better
for that country. All we maintain is, that it being proved that the
population in many parts of the Highlands having been redundant, so
much so as to lead to misery and degradation, it was far better that
the surplus should emigrate than that they should be kept at home
to increase the misery and be an obstruction to the progress of the
country. Keep them at home if possible; if not, permit them without
any weak sentimental lamentation to go abroad. It has been said that
if the Highlander is compelled to leave his native glen, he would
as soon remove to a distance of 4000 as to a distance of 40 miles;
and that indeed many of them, since they must move, prefer to leave
the country altogether rather than settle in any part of it out of
sight of their native hills. There is no doubt much truth in this, so
that the outcry about keeping the Highlanders at home is to a great
extent uncalled for; they don’t wish to stay at home. Still many of
them have been willing to settle in the lowlands or in other parts
of the Highlands. We have already referred to the great services
rendered by the ousted tenants on the borders of the Perthshire and
Dumbartonshire Highlands who settled in the neighbourhood of Stirling
and reclaimed many thousand acres of Kincardine moss, now a fertile
strath. Similar services have been rendered to other barren parts of
the country by many Highlanders, who formerly spent their time in
lolling idleness, but who, when thus given the opportunity, showed
themselves to be as capable of active and profitable exertion as
any lowland peasant or farmer. Many Highlanders also, when deprived
of their farms, removed to some of our large towns, and by their
exertions raised themselves and their families to an honourable
and comfortable position, such as they could never have hoped to
reach had they never left their native hills. By all means keep the
Highlanders at home if they are willing to stay and there is work for
them to do; but what purpose can be served in urging them to stay at
home if the consequence be to increase the already enormous sort of
pauperism?
That the landlords, the representatives of the old chiefs, were
not accountable for much of the evil that flowed from the changes
of which we have been speaking, no one who knows the history of
the Highlands during the last century will venture to assert. Had
they all uniformly acted towards their old tenants with humanity,
judiciousness, and unselfishness, much misery, misunderstanding,
and bitter ill-will might have been avoided. It is, we venture
to believe, quite against the spirit of the British constitution
as it now exists, and quite out of accordance with enlightened
reason and justice, not to say humanity, that these or any other
landed proprietors should be allowed to dispose of their land as
they choose without any consideration for the people whose fathers
have been on it for centuries, or without regard to the interests
of the country to which the land belongs. Many of the Highland
proprietors, in their haste to get rich, or at least to get money
to spend in the fashionable world, either mercilessly, and without
warning, cleared their estates of the tenants, or most unseasonably
oppressed them in the matter of rent. The great fault of many of
the landlords--for they were not all alike--was in bringing about
too suddenly changes, in themselves, perhaps, desirable enough.
Rents seem to have been too suddenly raised to such a rate as tended
to inspire the tenant with despair of being able to meet it. Some
also, in their desire to introduce the large farm system, swept the
tenants off the ground without warning, and left them to provide
for themselves; while others made a show of providing for them by
settling them in hamlets by the sea-side, where, in general, they
were worse off than ever. It was in their utter want of consideration
for these old tenants that many of the Highland landlords were to
blame. Had they raised the rents gradually, extended the size of
their farms slowly, giving the old tenants a chance under the new
system, and doing their best to put these necessarily ejected in a
way of making a living for themselves, tried to educate their people
up to the age in the matter of agriculture, social habits, and
other matters; lived among them, and shown them a good example;--in
short, as proprietors, rigidly done their duty to their tenants, as
descendants of the old chiefs treated with some tender consideration
the sons of those who worshipped and bled for the fathers of their
clan, and as men, shown some charity and kindness to their poorer
brethren, the improvement of the Highlands might have been brought
about at a much less expense of misery and rancour. That these old
Highlanders were open to improvement, enlightenment, and education,
when judiciously managed, is proved by what took place in some of the
border and other districts, where many improvements were effected
without great personal inconvenience to any one, and without any
great or sudden diminution of the population. Especially in the
Western and Northern Highlands and the Islands, the landlords went
to extremes in both directions. Some of them acted as we have just
indicated, while others again, moved by a laudable consideration
for, and tenderness towards the old tenants, retained the old system
of small holdings, which they allowed to be now and then still more
subdivided, endeavouring, often unsuccessfully, to obtain a rise of
rent. In most cases the latter course was as fatal and as productive
of misery and ruin as the former. Indeed, in some cases it was more
so; for not only was the lot of the tenant not improved, but the
laird had ultimately to sell his estate for behoof of his creditors,
and himself emigrate to the lowlands or to a foreign country. This
arose from the fact that, as the number of tenants increased, the
farms were diminished in size more and more, until they could neither
support the tenant nor yield the landlord a rent adequate to his
support. In this way have many of the old hospitable chiefs with
small estates dropped out of sight; and their places filled by some
rich lowland merchants, who would show little tenderness to the
helpless tenantry.
But it is an easy matter now to look calmly back on these commotions
and changes among the Highlanders, and allot praise or blame to
chiefs and people for the parts they played, forgetting all the time
how difficult these parts were. Something decisive had to be done
to prevent the Highlands from sinking into inconceivable misery and
barbarism; and had the lairds sat still and done nothing but allowed
their estates to be managed on the old footing, ruin to themselves
and their tenants would have been the consequence, as indeed was
the case with most of those who did so. It was very natural, then,
that they should deem it better to save themselves at the expense of
their tenants, than that both land and tenants should be involved in
a common ruin. They were not the persons to find out the best mode
of managing their estates, so that they themselves might be saved,
and the welfare of their tenants only considered. In some cases, no
doubt, the lairds were animated by utter indifference as to the fate
of their tenants; but we are inclined to think these were few, and
that most of them would willingly have done much for the welfare of
their people, and many of them did what they could; but their first
and most natural instinct was that of self-preservation, and in
order to save themselves, they were frequently compelled to resort
to measures which brought considerable suffering upon their poor
tenants. We have no doubt most did their best, according to their
knowledge and light, to act well their parts, and deal fairly with
their people; but the parts were so difficult, and the actors were
so unaccustomed to their new situation, that they are not to be too
severely blamed if they sometimes blundered. No matter how gently
changes might have been brought about, suffering and bitterness would
necessarily to a certain extent have followed; and however much we
may deplore the great amount of unnecessary suffering that actually
occurred, still we think the lasting benefits which have accrued
to the Highlands from the changes which were made, far more than
counterbalance this temporary evil.
What we have been saying, while it applies to many recent changes in
the Highlands, refers chiefly to the period between 1750 and 1800,
during which the Highlands were in a state of universal fermentation,
and chiefs and people were only beginning to realise their position
and perceive what were their true interests. We shall very briefly
notice one or two other matters of interest connected with that
period.
The only manufacture of any consequence that has ever been introduced
into the Highlands is that of kelp, which is the ashes of various
kinds of sea-weed containing some of the salts, potash, and chiefly
soda, used in some of the manufactures, as soap, alum, glass, &c. It
is used as a substitute for barilla, imported from Spain, America,
and other places, during the latter part of last century, on account
of the American and continental wars, as well as of the high duties
imposed on the importation of salt and similar commodities. The weeds
are cut from the rocks with a hook or collected on the shore, and
dried to a certain degree on the beach. They are afterwards burnt
in a kiln, in which they are constantly stirred with an iron rake
until they reach a fluid state; and when they cool, the ashes become
condensed into a dark blue or whitish-coloured mass, nearly of the
hardness and solidity of rock. The manufacture is carried on during
June, July, and August; and even at the present day, in some parts
of the Islands and Highlands, affords occupation to considerable
numbers of both sexes.[77] This manufacture seems to have been
introduced into some of the lowland parts of the Scottish coast early
in the eighteenth century, but was not thoroughly established in
the Highlands till about the year 1750. At first it was of little
importance, but gradually the manufacture spread until it became
universal over all the western islands and coasts, and the value
of the article, from the causes above-mentioned, rose rapidly from
about £1 per ton, when first introduced, to from £12 to £20 per
ton[78] about the beginning of the present century. While the great
value of the article lasted, rents rose enormously, and the income
of proprietors of kelp-shore rose in proportion. As an example, it
may be stated that the rent of the estate of Clanranald in South
Uist previous to 1790 was £2200, which, as kelp increased in value,
rapidly rose to £15,000.[79] While the kelp season lasted, the whole
time of the people was occupied in its manufacture, and the wages
they received, while it added somewhat to their scanty income, and
increased their comfort, were small in proportion to the time and
labour they gave, and to the prices received by those to whom the
kelp belonged. Moreover, while the kelp-fever lasted, the cultivation
of the ground and other agricultural matters seem to have been to a
great extent neglected, extravagant habits were contracted by the
proprietors, whose incomes were thus so considerably increased,--and
the permanent improvement of their estates were neglected in their
eagerness to make the most of an article whose value, they did not
perceive, was entirely factitious, and could not be lasting. Instead
of either laying past their surplus income or expending it on the
permanent improvement of their estates, they very foolishly lived
up to it, or borrowed heavily in the belief that kelp would never
decrease in value. The consequence was that when the duties were
taken off the articles for which kelp was used as a substitute in the
earlier part of the 19th century, the price of that article gradually
diminished till it could fetch, about 1830-40, only from £2 to £4 a
ton. With this the incomes of the proprietors of kelp-shores also
rapidly decreased, landing not a few of them in ruin and bankruptcy,
and leading in some instances to the sale of the estates. The income
above mentioned, after the value of kelp decreased, fell rapidly from
£15,000 to £5000. The manufacture of this article is still carried
on in the West Highlands and Islands, and to a greater extent in
Orkney, but although it occupies a considerable number of hands, it
is now of comparatively little importance, much more of the sea-weed
being employed as manure. While it was at its best, however, the
manufacture of this article undoubtedly increased to a very large
extent the revenue of the West Highlands, and gave employment to and
kept at home a considerable number of people who otherwise might
have emigrated. Indeed, it was partly on account of the need of many
hands for kelp-making that proprietors did all they could to prevent
the emigration of those removed from the smaller farms, and tried to
induce them to settle on the coast. On the whole, it would seem that
this sudden source of large income ultimately did more harm than good
to the people and to the land. While this manufacture flourished,
the land was to a certain extent neglected, and the people somewhat
unfitted for agricultural labour; instead of looking upon this as a
temporary source of income, and living accordingly, both they and
the proprietors lived as if it should never fail, so that when the
value of kelp rapidly decreased, ruin and absolute poverty stared
both proprietors and people in the face. Moreover, by preventing the
small tenants from leaving the country, and accumulating them on the
coasts, the country became enormously over-peopled, so that when the
importance of this source of employment waned, multitudes were left
with little or no means of livelihood, and the temporary benefits
which accrued to the Highlanders from the adventitious value of kelp,
indirectly entailed upon them ultimately hardships and misfortunes
greater than ever they experienced before, and retarded considerably
their progress towards permanent improvement.
By all accounts the potato, introduced from Chili into Spain about
the middle of the sixteenth century, was first introduced into
Ireland by or through the instrumentality of Sir Walter Raleigh
about the end of that century. From Ireland it seems shortly after
to have been introduced into England, although its cultivation did
not become anything like common till more than a century afterwards,
and its use seems to have been restricted to the upper classes.[80]
Its value as a staple article of food for the poorer classes remained
for long unappreciated. According to the Old Statistical Account of
Scotland, potatoes were first cultivated in the fields there in the
county of Stirling, in the year 1739, although for long after that,
in many parts of the country, they were planted only as a garden
vegetable. According to Dr Walker, potatoes were first introduced
into the Hebrides from Ireland in the year 1743, the island of
South Uist being the first to welcome the strange root, although
the welcome from the inhabitants seems to have been anything but
hearty. The story of its introduction, as told by Dr Walker,[81] is
amusing, though somewhat ominous when read in the light of subsequent
melancholy facts. “In the spring of that year, old Clanronald was in
Ireland, upon a visit to his relation, Macdonnel of Antrim; he saw
with surprise and approbation the practice of the country, and having
a vessel of his own along with him, brought home a large cargo of
potatoes. On his arrival, the tenants in the island were convened,
and directed how to plant them, but they all refused. On this they
were all committed to prison. After a little confinement, they
agreed, at last, to plant these unknown roots, of which they had a
very unfavourable opinion. When they were raised in autumn, they were
laid down at the chieftain’s gate, by some of the tenants, who said,
the Laird indeed might order them to plant these foolish roots, but
they would not be forced to eat them. In a very little time, however,
the inhabitants of South Uist came to know better, when every man of
them would have gone to prison rather than not plant potatoes.”
By the year 1760 potatoes appear to have become a common crop
all over the country; and by 1770 they seem to have attained to
that importance as a staple article of food for the common people
which they have ever since maintained.[82] The importance of the
introduction of this valuable article of food, in respect both of the
weal and the woe of the Highlands, cannot be over-estimated. As an
addition to the former scanty means of existence it was invaluable;
had it been used only as an addition the Highlanders might have been
spared much suffering. Instead of this, however, it ere long came to
be regarded as so all-important, to be cultivated to such a large
extent, and to the exclusion of other valuable productions, and to
be depended upon by the great majority of the Highlanders as almost
their sole food, that one failure in the crop by disease or otherwise
must inevitably have entailed famine and misery. For so large a share
of their food did the common Highlanders look to potatoes, that,
according to the _Old Statistical Account_, in many places they fed
on little else for nine months in the year.
The first remarkable scarcity subsequent to 1745 appears to have been
in the year 1770,[83] arising apparently from the unusual severity
of the weather, causing the destruction of most of the crops, and
many of the cattle. That, however, of 1782-83 seems to have been
still more terrible, and universal over all the Highlands, according
to the _Old Statistical Account_. It was only the interference of
government and the charity of private individuals that prevented
multitudes from dying of starvation. Neither of these famines,
however, seem to have been caused by any failure in the potato crop
from disease, but simply by the inclemency of seasons. But when to
this latter danger there came subsequently to be added the liability
of the staple article of food to fail from disease, the chances of
frequently recurring famines came to be enormously increased. About
1838 potatoes constituted four-fifths of the food of the common
Highlanders.[84] However, we are anticipating. It is sufficient to
note here as a matter of great importance in connection with the
later social history of the Highlands, the universal cultivation of
the potato sometime after the middle of the eighteenth century. Even
during the latter part of last century, potato-disease was by no
means unknown, though it appears to have been neither so destructive
nor so wide-spread as some of the forms of disease developed at a
later period. New forms of disease attacked the root during the early
part of the present century, working at times considerable havoc,
but never apparently inducing anything approaching a famine. But
about 1840, the potato disease _par excellence_ seems to have made
its first appearance, and after visiting various parts of the world,
including the Highlands, it broke out generally in 1845, and in 1846
entailed upon the Highlands indescribable suffering and hardship.
Of this, however, more shortly. One effect attributed frequently in
the _Old Statistical Account_ to the introduction and immoderate use
of the potato is the appearance of diseases before unknown or very
rare. One of the principal of these was dropsy, which, whether owing
to the potato or not, became certainly more prevalent after it came
into common use, if we may trust the testimony of the writers of the
_Statistical Account_.
In looking back, then, by the aid of the authority just mentioned,
along with others, on the progress made by the Highlands during
the latter half of the eighteenth century, while there is much to
sadden, still there is much that is cheering. The people generally
appear in a state of ferment and discontent with themselves, and
doing their best blindly to grope their way to a better position.
While still there remain many traces of the old thraldom, there
are many indications that freedom and a desire after true progress
were slowly spreading among the people. Many of the old grievous
services were still retained; still were there many districts thirled
to particular mills; still were leases rare and tenures uncertain,
and rents frequently paid in kind; in many districts the houses were
still unsightly and uncomfortable huts, the clothing scanty, and the
food wretched and insufficient. In most Highland districts, we fear,
the old Scotch plough, with its four or five men, and its six or ten
cattle, was still the principal instrument of tillage; drainage was
all but unknown; the land was overstocked in many places with people
and cattle; the ground was scourged with incessant cropping, and much
of the produce wasted in the gathering and in the preparing it for
food. Education in many places was entirely neglected, schools few
and far between, and teachers paid worse than ploughmen! The picture
has certainly a black enough background, but it is not unrelieved by
a few bright and hopeful streaks.
On many parts of the border-Highlands improvements had been
introduced which placed them in every respect on a level with the
lowlands. Many of the old services had been abolished, leases
introduced, the old and inefficient agricultural instrument
replaced by others made on the most approved system. Houses, food,
and clothing were all improved; indeed, in the case of the last
article, there is frequent complaint made that too much attention
and money were expended on mere ornamentation. The old method of
constant cropping had in not a few districts been abolished, and
a proper system of rotation established; more attention was paid
to proper manuring and ingathering, and instead of restricting
the crops, as of old, to oats and barley, many other new cereals,
and a variety of green crops and grasses had been introduced. Not
only in the districts bordering on the Lowlands, but in many other
parts of the Highlands, the breed of sheep, and cattle, and horses
had been improved, and a much more profitable system of management
introduced. By means of merciful emigration, the by far too redundant
population of the Highlands had been considerably reduced, the
position of those who left the country vastly improved, and more
room and more means of living afforded to those who remained. A
more rational system of dividing the land prevailed in many places,
and sheep-farming--for which alone, according to all unprejudiced
testimony, the greater part of the surface of the Highlands is
fitted--had been extensively introduced. The want of education was
beginning to be felt, and in many districts means were being taken
to spread its advantages, while the moral and religious character
of the people, as a whole, stood considerably above the average
of most other districts of Scotland. In short, the Highlanders,
left to themselves, were advancing gradually towards that stage
of improvement which the rest of the country had reached, and the
natural laws which govern society had only not to be thwarted and
impertinently interfered with, to enable the Highlanders ere long
to be as far forward as the rest of their countrymen. From the
beginning of this century down to the present time they have had
much to struggle with, many trials to undergo, and much unnecessary
interference to put up with, but their progress has been sure and
steady, and even comparatively rapid. We must glance very briefly at
the state of the Highlands during the present century; great detail
is uncalled for, as much that has been said concerning the previous
period applies with equal force to the present.
FOOTNOTES:
[56] Pennant’s _Tour_, vol. ii. p. 305.
[57] _A View of the Highlands, &c._
[58] _Travels in the Western Islands._
[59] _Tour in England and Scotland_ (1785).
[60] Newte.
[61] Newte’s _Travels_, p. 127.
[62] Newte’s _Travels_, p. 127.
[63] Burt’s _Letters_, Appendix.
[64] _Tour_, ii. 306.
[65] See Walker’s _Hebrides_, vol. i. pp. 24, 28.
[66] Walker, vol. i. p. 31.
[67] _Western Isles._
[68] “Upon the whole, the situation of these people, inhabitants of
Britain! is such as no language can describe, nor fancy conceive. If,
with great labour and fatigue, the farmer raises a slender crop of
oats and barley, the autumnal rains often baffle his utmost efforts,
and frustrate all his expectations; and instead of being able to pay
an exorbitant rent, he sees his family in danger of perishing during
the ensuing winter, when he is precluded from any possibility of
assistance elsewhere.
“Nor are his cattle in a better situation; in summer they pick up
a scanty support amongst the morasses or heathy mountains; but in
winter, when the grounds are covered with snow, and when the naked
wilds afford neither shelter nor subsistence, the few cows, small,
lean, and ready to drop down through want of pasture, are brought
into the hut where the family resides, and frequently share with them
the small stock of meal which had been purchased, or raised, for the
family only; while the cattle thus sustained, are bled occasionally,
to afford nourishment for the children after it hath been boiled or
made into cakes.
“The sheep being left upon the open heaths, seek to shelter
themselves from the inclemency of the weather amongst the hollows
upon the lee-side of the mountains, and here they are frequently
buried under the snow for several weeks together, and in severe
seasons during two months or upwards. They eat their own and each
other’s wool, and hold out wonderfully under cold and hunger; but
even in moderate winters, a considerable number are generally found
dead after the snow hath disappeared, and in rigorous seasons few or
none are left alive.
“Meanwhile the steward, hard pressed by letters from Almack’s or
Newmarket, demands the rent in a tone which makes no great allowance
for unpropitious seasons, the death of cattle, and other accidental
misfortunes; disguising the feelings of his own breast--his Honour’s
wants must at any rate be supplied, the bills must be duly negotiated.
“Such is the state of farming, if it may be so called, throughout
the interior parts of the Highlands; but as that country hath an
extensive coast, and many islands, it may be supposed that the
inhabitants of those shores enjoy all the benefits of their maritime
situation. This, however, is not the case; those gifts of nature,
which in any other commercial kingdom would have been rendered
subservient to the most valuable purposes, are in Scotland lost, or
nearly so, to the poor natives and the public. The only difference,
therefore, between the inhabitants of the interior parts and those of
the more distant coasts, consists in this, that the latter, with the
labours of the field, have to encounter alternately the dangers of
the ocean and all the fatigues of navigation.
“To the distressing circumstances at home, as stated above, new
difficulties and toils await the devoted farmer when abroad. He
leaves his family in October, accompanied by his sons, brothers,
and frequently an aged parent, and embarks on board a small open
boat, in quest of the herring fishery, with no other provision than
oatmeal, potatoes, and fresh water; no other bedding than heath,
twigs, or straw, the covering, if any, an old sail. Thus provided,
he searches from bay to bay, through turbulent seas, frequently for
several weeks together, before the shoals of herrings are discovered.
The glad tidings serve to vary, but not to diminish his fatigues.
Unremitting nightly labour (the time when the herrings are taken),
pinching cold winds, heavy seas, uninhabited shores covered with
snow, or deluged with rains, contribute towards filling up the
measure of his distresses; while to men of such exquisite feelings as
the Highlanders generally possess, the scene which awaits him at home
does it most effectually.
“Having disposed of his capture to the Busses, he returns in January
through a long navigation, frequently admidst unceasing hurricanes,
not to a comfortable home and a cheerful family, but to a hut
composed of turf, without windows, doors, or chimney, environed with
snow, and almost hid from the eye by its astonishing depth. Upon
entering this solitary mansion, he generally finds a part of his
family, sometimes the whole, lying upon heath or straw, languishing
through want or epidemical disease; while the few surviving cows,
which possess the other end of the cottage, instead of furnishing
further supplies of milk or blood, demand his immediate attention to
keep them in existence.
“The season now approaches when he is again to delve and labour the
ground, on the same slender prospect of a plentiful crop or a dry
harvest. The cattle which have survived the famine of the winter, are
turned out to the mountains; and, having put his domestic affairs
into the best situation which a train of accumulated misfortunes
admits of, he resumes the oar, either in quest of the herring or the
white fishery. If successful in the latter, he sets out in his open
boat upon a voyage (taking the Hebrides and the opposite coast at a
medium distance) of 200 miles, to vend his cargo of dried cod, ling,
&c., at Greenock or Glasgow. The produce, which seldom exceeds twelve
or fifteen pounds, is laid out, in conjunction with his companions,
upon meal and fishing tackle; and he returns through the same tedious
navigation.
“The autumn calls his attention again to the field; the usual round
of disappointment, fatigue, and distress awaits him; thus dragging
through a wretched existence in the hope of soon arriving in that
country where the weary shall be at rest.”--_A View of the Highlands,
&c._, pp. 3-7.
[69] See Old and New _Statistical Accounts_, _passim_.
[70] Walker’s _Hebrides and Highlands_.
[71] Essay on _The Fisheries of Scotland_, in _Highland Society Prize
Essays_, vol. ii.
[72] _Hebrides and Highlands_, vol. ii. p. 406.
[73] _Idem_, p. 409.
[74] Social Science Transactions for 1863, p. 608.
[75] _Idem._
[76] _Hebrides_, &c., vol. ii. p. 401.
[77] _Beauties of Scotland_, vol. v. p. 95.
[78] _New Statistical Account of Baray._
[79] _New Stat. Account of South Uist._
[80] _Rural Cyclopædia_, article POTATO.
[81] _Hebrides and Highlands_, vol. i. p. 251.
[82] Tennant’s _Tour_, vol. ii. p. 306.
[83] Johnson’s _Tour_, p. 196, and Pennant in several places.
[84] Fullarton & Baird’s _Remarks on the Highlands and Islands_, p.
10. 1838.
CHAPTER XLIV.
Progress of Highlands during present century--Depopulation and
emigration--Questions between landlords and tenants--Hardships
of the ousted tenants--Sutherland clearings--Compulsory
emigration--Famines--Poorer tenants compelled to take service--Sir
John M’Neill’s Report--Changes complained of inevitable--Emigration
the only remedy--Large and small farms--Experiments--Highlanders
succeed when left to themselves--Substitution of deer for
sheep--Recent state of Highlands--Means of improvement--Increased
facilities for intercourse of great value--Population of chief
Highland counties--Highland colonies--Attachment of Highlanders to
their old home--Conclusion.
The same causes have been at work and the same processes going on
since 1800, as there were during the latter half of last century.
Taking stand at the date, about 1840, of the _New Statistical
Account_, and looking back, the conclusion which, we think, any
unprejudiced inquirer must come to is, that the Highlands as a
whole had improved immensely. With the exception of some of the
Western Islands, agriculture and sheep-farming at the above date
were generally abreast of the most improved lowland system, and the
social condition of the people was but little, if any, behind that
of the inhabitants of any other part of the country. In most places
the old Scotch plough was abolished, and the improved two-horse
one introduced; manuring was properly attended to, and a system
of rotation of crops introduced; runrig was all but abolished,
and the land properly inclosed; in short, during the early half
of the present century the most approved agricultural methods had
been generally adopted, where agriculture was of any importance.
Thirlage, multures, services, payment in kind, and other oppressions
and obstructions to improvement, were fast dying out, and over a
great part of the country the houses, food, clothing, and social
condition of the people generally were vastly improved from what
they were half a century before. Education, moreover, was spreading,
and schools were multiplied, especially after the disruption of the
Established Church in 1843, the Free Church laudably planting schools
in many places where they had never been before. In short, one side
of the picture is bright and cheering enough, although the other is
calculated to fill a humane observer with sadness.
Depopulation and emigration went on even more vigorously than before.
Nearly all the old lairds and those imbued with the ancient spirit
of the chiefs had died out, and a young and new race had now the
disposal of the Highland lands, a race who had little sympathy with
the feelings and prejudices of the people, and who were, naturally,
mainly anxious to increase as largely as possible their rent-roll. In
the earlier part of the century at least, as in the latter half of
the previous one, few of the proprietors wished, strictly speaking,
to depopulate their estates, and compel the inhabitants to emigrate,
but simply to clear the interior of the small farms into which
many properties were divided, convert the whole ground into sheep
pasture, let it out in very large farms, and remove the ejected
population to the coasts, there to carry on the manufacture of kelp,
or engage in fishing. It was only when the value of kelp decreased,
and the fishing proved unprofitable, that compulsory emigration was
resorted to.
It is unnecessary to say more here on the question of depopulation
and emigration, the question between Highland landlords and Highland
tenants, the dispute as to whether large or small farms are to be
preferred, and whether the Highlands are best suited for sheep and
cattle or for men and agriculture. Most that has been written on the
subject has been in advocacy of either the one side or the other;
one party, looking at the question exclusively from the tenant’s
point of view, while the other writes solely in the interests of
the landlords. The question has scarcely yet been dispassionately
looked at, and perhaps cannot be for a generation or two yet, when
the bitter feelings engendered on both sides shall have died out,
when both landlords and tenants will have found out what is best
for themselves and for the country at large, and when the Highlands
will be as settled and prosperous as the Lothians and the Carse
of Gowrie. There can be no doubt, however, that very frequently
landlords and their agents acted with little or no consideration for
the most cherished old feelings, prejudices, and even rights, of the
tenants, whom they often treated with less clemency than they would
have done sheep and cattle. It ought to have been remembered that
the Highland farmers and cottars were in a condition quite different
from those in the lowlands. Most of them rented farms which had been
handed down to them from untold generations, and which they had come
to regard as much belonging to them as did the castle to the chief.
They had no idea of lowland law and lowland notions of property, so
that very often, when told to leave their farms and their houses,
they could not realise the order, and could scarcely believe that
it came from the laird, the descendant of the old chiefs, for whom
their fathers fought and died. Hence the sad necessity often, of
laying waste their farms, driving off their cattle, and burning
their houses about their ears, before the legal officers could get
the old tenants to quit the glens and hill-sides where their fathers
had for centuries dwelt. It was not sheer pig-headed obstinacy or a
wish to defy the law which induced them to act thus; only once, we
think, in Sutherland, was there anything like a disturbance, when the
people gathered together and proceeded to drive out the sheep which
were gradually displacing themselves. The mere sight of a soldier
dispersed the mob, and not a drop of blood was spilt. When forced to
submit and leave their homes they did so quietly, having no spirit to
utter even a word of remonstrance. They seemed like a people amazed,
bewildered, taken by surprise, as much so often as a family would be
did a father turn them out of his house to make room for strangers.
In the great majority of instances, the people seem quietly to have
done what they were told, and removed from their glens to the coast,
while those who could afford it seem generally to have emigrated.
Actual violence seems to have been resorted to in very few cases.
Still the hardships which had to be endured by many of the ousted
tenants, and the unfeeling rigour with which many of them were
treated is sad indeed to read of. Many of them had to sleep in caves,
or shelter themselves, parents and children, under the lee of a rock
or a dyke, keeping as near as they could to the ruins of their burnt
or fallen cottage, and living on what shell-fish they could gather
on the shore, wild roots dug with their fingers, or on the scanty
charity of their neighbours; for all who could had emigrated. Many
of the proprietors, of course, did what they could to provide for
the ousted tenants, believing that the driving of them out was a sad
necessity. Houses, and a small piece of ground for each family, were
provided by the shore, on some convenient spot, help was given to
start the fishing, or employment in the manufacture of kelp, and as
far as possible their new condition was made as bearable as possible.
Indeed, we are inclined to believe, that but few of the landlords
acted from mere wantonness, or were entirely dead to the interests of
the old tenants; but that, their own interests naturally being of the
greatest importance to them, and some radical change being necessary
in the management of lands in the Highlands, the lairds thoughtlessly
acted as many of them did. It was the natural rebound from the old
system when the importance and wealth of a chief were rated at the
number of men on his estate; and although the consequent suffering is
to be deplored, still, perhaps, it was scarcely to be avoided. It is
easy to say that had the chiefs done this or the government done the
other thing, much suffering might have been spared, and much benefit
accrued to the Highlanders; but all the suffering in the world might
be spared did people know exactly when and how to interfere. It would
be curious, indeed, if in the case of the Highlands the faults were
all on one side. We believe that the proprietors acted frequently
with harshness and selfishness, and did not seek to realise the
misery they were causing. They were bound, more strongly bound
perhaps than the proprietors of any other district, to show some
consideration for the people on their estates, and not to act as if
proprietors had the sole right to benefit by the land of a country,
and that the people had no right whatever. Had they been more gentle,
introduced the changes gradually and judiciously, and given the
native Highlanders a chance to retrieve themselves, much permanent
good might have been done, and much suffering and bitterness spared.
But so long as the world is merely learning how to live, groping
after what is best, so long as men act on blind unreasoning impulse,
until all men learn to act according to the immutable laws of Nature,
so long will scenes such as we have been referring to occur. The
blame, however, should be laid rather to ignorance than to wanton
intention.
Of all the Highland counties, perhaps Sutherland is better known
than any other in connection with the commotions which agitated the
Highlands during the early part of this century, and, according to
all accounts, the depopulation is more marked there than anywhere
else. The clearance of that county of the old tenants, their
removal to the coast, and the conversion of the country into large
sheep-farms commenced about 1810, under the Marquis of Stafford, who
had married the heiress of the Sutherland estate. The clearing was,
of course, carried out by Mr Sellar, the factor, who, on account of
some of the proceedings to which he was a party, was tried before a
Court of Justiciary, held at Inverness in 1816, for culpable homicide
and oppression. Many witnesses were examined on both sides, and,
after a long trial, the jury returned a verdict of “Not guilty,” in
which the judge, Lord Pitmilly, completely concurred. This, we think,
was the only verdict that could legally be given, not only in the
case of the Sutherland clearings, but also in the case of most of
the other estates where such measures were carried on. The tenants
were all duly warned to remove a considerable number of weeks before
the term, and as few of them had many chattels to take with them,
this could easily have been done. Most of them generally obeyed
the warning, although a few, generally the very poor and very old,
refused to budge from the spot of their birth. The factor and his
officers, acting quite according to law, compelled them, sometimes
by force, to quit the houses, which were then either burnt or pulled
to the ground. As a rule, these officers of the law seem to have
done their duty as gently as law officers are accustomed to do; but
however mildly such a duty had been performed, it could not but
entail suffering to some extent, especially on such a people as many
of the Highlanders were who knew not how to make a living beyond the
bounds of their native glen. The pictures of suffering drawn, some
of them we fear too true, are sometimes very harrowing, and any one
who has been brought up among the hills, or has dwelt for a summer
in a sweet Highland glen, can easily fancy with how sad a heart the
Highlander must have taken his last long lingering look of the little
cottage, however rude, where he passed his happiest years, nestled
at the foot of a sunny brae, or guarded by some towering crag, and
surrounded with the multitudinous beauties of wood and vale, heather
and ferns, soft knoll and rugged mountain. The same result as has
followed in the Highlands has likewise taken place in other parts of
the country, without the same outcry about depopulation, suffering,
emigration, &c., simply because it has been brought about gradually.
The process commenced in the Highlands only about a hundred years
since, was commenced in the lowlands and elsewhere centuries ago;
the Highlanders have had improvements thrust upon them, while the
lowlanders were allowed to develope themselves.
After the decline in the price of kelp (about 1820), when it
ceased to be the interest of the proprietors to accumulate people
on the shore, they did their best to induce them to emigrate,
many proprietors helping to provide ships for those whom they had
dispossessed of their lands and farms. Indeed, until well on in
the present century, the Highlanders generally seem to have had no
objections to emigrate, but, on the contrary, were eager to do so
whenever they could, often going against the will of the lairds
and of those who dreaded the utter depopulation of the country
and a dearth of recruits for the army. But about 1840 and after,
compulsion seems often to have been used to make the people go on
board the ships provided for them by the lairds, who refused to give
them shelter on any part of their property. But little compulsion,
however, in the ordinary sense of the term, seems to have been
necessary, as the Highlanders, besides having a hereditary tendency
to obey their superiors, were dazed, bewildered, and dispirited by
what seemed to them the cruel, heartless, and unjust proceedings of
their lairds.
The earliest extensive clearing probably took place on the estate of
Glengarry, the traditional cause of it being that the laird’s lady
had taken umbrage at the clan. “Summonses of ejection were served
over the whole property, even on families most closely connected
with the chief.”[85] From that time down to the present day, the
clearing off of the inhabitants of many parts of the Highlands has
been steadily going on. We have already spoken of the Sutherland
clearings, which were continued down to a comparatively recent time.
All the Highland counties to a greater or less extent have been
subjected to the same kind of thinning, and have contributed their
share of emigrants to America, Australia, New Zealand, and elsewhere.
It would serve no purpose to enter into details concerning the
clearing of the several estates in the various Highland counties;
much, as we have said, has been written on both sides, and if faith
can be put in the host of pamphlets that have been issued during
the present century on the side of the ejected Highlanders, some of
the evictions were conducted with great cruelty;[86] much greater
cruelty and disregard for the people’s feelings than we think there
was any need for, however justifiable and necessary the evictions and
clearings were.
We have already referred to the frequent occurrence of famines during
the past and present centuries in the Highlands, arising from the
failure of the crops, principally, latterly, through the failure of
the potatoes. These frequent famines gave a stimulus to emigration,
as, of course, the people were anxious to escape from their misery,
and the proprietors were glad to get quit of the poor they would
otherwise have had to support. Besides the failure of the crops,
other causes operated, according to Mr Tregelles, in the pamphlet
already referred to, to produce the frequent occurrence of distress
in the Highlands; such as the relation of landlord and tenant, the
defective character of the poor-law, the excessive division and
subdivision of the land, the imprudence and ignorance of some of
the peasantry, inertness, also consequent on chronic poverty, want
of capital. Every few years, up even to the present time, a cry
of distress comes from the Highlands. Besides the famines already
referred to in 1837 and 1846, a still more severe and distressing
one occurred in 1850, and seems, according to the many reports and
pamphlets issued, to have continued for some years after. In the one
of 1837, many Highland proprietors and private gentlemen, forming
themselves into an association, did what they could to assist the
Highlanders, mainly by way of emigration. Not only was it for the
advantage of Highland proprietors, in respect of being able to let
their lands at a better rent, to do what they could to enable
the people to emigrate, but by doing so, and thus diminishing the
number of poor on their estates, they considerably decreased the
large tax they had to pay under the recent Scotch Poor-law Act.
“Formerly the poor widows and orphans and destitute persons were
relieved by the parish minister from the poors’ box, by voluntary
subscriptions, which enabled the extremely needy to receive four or
five shillings the quarter; and this small pittance was felt on all
hands to be a liberal bounty. The landlord added his five or ten
pound gift at the beginning of the year, and a laudatory announcement
appeared in the newspaper. But the Act for the relief of the poor
of Scotland now provides that a rate shall be levied on the tenant
or occupier, and some of those who formerly paid £10 per annum, and
were deemed worthy of much commendation, have now to pay £400 per
annum without note or comment! Can we be surprised, then, that some
of the landlords, with increased claims on their resources, and
perhaps with diminished ability to meet such claims, should look
round promptly and earnestly for a remedy? One of the most obvious
and speedy remedies was emigration; hence the efforts to clear the
ground of those who, with the lapse of time, might become heavy
encumbrances. It need not be matter of surprise that the landlord
should clear his ground of tenants who, for a series of years, had
paid no rent; although perhaps a wiser and better course would have
been to have sought for and found some good means of continued
lucrative employment.... The lands are divided and subdivided until
a family is found existing on a plot which is totally inadequate
for their support; and here we see their imprudence and ignorance.
Families are reared up in misery, struggling with impossibilities,
producing at last that inertness and dimness of vision which result
from a sick heart.”[87] Most of those who write, like Mr Tregelles,
of the distress of the Highlands in 1850 and succeeding years, do so
in the same strain. They declare there is no need for emigration,
that the land and sea, if properly worked, are quite sufficient to
support all the inhabitants that were ever on it at any time, and
that the people only need to be helped on, encouraged and taught,
to make them as prosperous and the land as productive as the people
and land of any other part of the kingdom. While this may be true
of many parts, we fear it will not hold with regard to most of the
Western Islands, where until recently, in most places, especially in
Skye, the land was so subdivided and the population so excessive,
that under the most productive system of agriculture the people could
not be kept in food for more than half the year. Even in some of the
best off of the islands, it was the custom for one or more members
of a family to go to the south during summer and harvest, and earn
as much as would pay the rent and eke out the scanty income. “The
fact is, that the working classes of Skye, for many years anterior
to 1846, derived a considerable part of their means from the wages
of labour in the south. Even before the manufacture of kelp had been
abandoned, the crofters of some parts at least of Skye appear to have
paid their rents chiefly in money earned by labour in other parts
of the kingdom. When that manufacture ceased, the local employment
was reduced to a small amount, and the number who went elsewhere
for wages increased. The decline of the herring-fishery, which for
several years had yielded little or no profit in Skye, had a similar
effect. The failure of the potato crop in 1846 still further reduced
the local means of subsistence and of employing labour, and forced
a still greater number to work for wages in different parts of the
country. From the Pentland Firth to the Tweed, from the Lewis to
the Isle of Man, the Skye men sought the employment they could not
find at home; and there are few families of cottars, or of crofters
at rents not exceeding £10, from which at least one individual
did not set out to earn by labour elsewhere the means of paying
rent and buying meal for those who remained at home. Before 1846,
only the younger members of the family left the district for that
purpose; since that year, the crofter himself has often found it
necessary to go. But young and old, crofters and cottars, to whatever
distance they may have gone, return home for the winter, with rare
exceptions, and remain there nearly altogether idle, consuming the
produce of the croft, and the proceeds of their own labour, till the
return of summer and the failure of their supplies warn them that
it is time to set out again. Those whose means are insufficient to
maintain them till the winter is past, and who cannot find employment
at that season at home, are of course in distress, and, having
exhausted their own means, are driven to various shifts, and forced
to seek charitable aid.”
The above extract is from the Report by Sir John M’Neill, on the
distress in Highlands and Islands in 1850-51, caused by the failure
of the crops. He went through most of the western island and western
mainland parishes examining into the condition of the people, and the
conclusion he came to was, that the population was excessive, that
no matter how the land might be divided, it could not support the
inhabitants without extraneous aid, and that the only remedy was the
removal of the surplus population by means of emigration. Whether
the population was excessive or not, it appears to us, that when the
sudden, deep, and extensive distresses occurred in the Highlands,
it was merciful to help those who had no means of making a living,
and who were half starving, to remove to a land where there was
plenty of well-paid work. Sir John believes that even although no
pressure had been used by landlords, and no distresses had occurred,
the changes which have been rapidly introduced into the Highlands,
extending farms and diminishing population, would have happened
all the same, but would have been brought about more gradually
and with less inconvenience and suffering to the population. “The
change which then (end of last century) affected only the parishes
bordering on the Lowlands, has now extended to the remotest parts
of the Highlands, and, whether for good or for evil, is steadily
advancing. Every movement is in that direction, because the tendency
must necessarily be to assimilate the more remote districts to
the rest of the country, and to carry into them, along with the
instruction, industry, and capital, the agricultural and commercial
economy of the wealthier, more intelligent, and influential majority
of the nation. If it were desirable to resist this progress, it
would probably be found impracticable. Every facility afforded to
communication and intercourse must tend to hasten its march, and it
is not to be conceived that any local organisation could resist, or
even materially retard it. If nothing had occurred to disturb the
ordinary course of events, this inevitable transition would probably
have been effected without such an amount of suffering as to call for
special intervention, though no such change is accomplished without
suffering. The crofter would have yielded to the same power that
has elsewhere converted the holdings of small tenants into farms
for capitalists; but increased facilities of communication, and
increased intercourse, might previously have done more to assimilate
his language, habits, and modes of living and of thinking to those of
men in that part of the country to which he is now a stranger, and in
which he is a foreigner.
“There would thus have been opened up to him the same means of
providing for his subsistence that were found by those of his
class, who, during the last century, have ceased to cultivate land
occupied by themselves. But the calamity that suddenly disabled
him from producing his food by his own labour on his croft, has
found him generally unprepared to provide by either means for his
maintenance. All the various attempts that have yet been made in so
many parishes to extricate the working classes from the difficulties
against which they are unsuccessfully contending, have not only
failed to accomplish that object, but have failed even to arrest
the deterioration in their circumstances and condition that has
been in progress for the last four years. In every parish, with
one or two exceptions, men of all classes and denominations concur
unanimously in declaring it to be impossible, by any application
of the existing resources, or by any remunerative application of
extraneous resources, to provide for the permanent subsistence of
the whole of the present inhabitants; and state their conviction
that the population cannot be made self-sustaining, unless a portion
removes from the parish.... The working classes in many parishes are
convinced that the emigration of a part of their number affords the
only prospect of escape from a position otherwise hopeless; and in
many cases individuals have earnestly prayed for aid to emigrate.
Petitions numerously signed by persons desirous to go to the North
American colonies, and praying for assistance to enable them to do
so, have been transmitted for presentation to Parliament. In some
of the parishes where no desire for emigration had been publicly
expressed, or was supposed to exist, that desire began to be
announced as soon as the expectation of extraneous aid was abandoned.
It has rarely happened that so many persons, between whom there was
or could have been no previous concert or intercourse, and whose
opinions on many important subjects are so much at variance, have
concurred in considering any one measure indispensable to the welfare
of the community; and there does not appear to be any good reason for
supposing that this almost unanimous opinion is not well founded.”[88]
These are the opinions of one who thoroughly examined into the
matter, and are corroborated by nearly all the articles on the
Highland parishes in the _New Statistical Account_. That it was and
is still needful to take some plan to prevent the ever-recurring
distress of the Western Highlands, and especially Islands, no one
can doubt; that emigration is to some extent necessary, especially
from the islands, we believe, but that it is the only remedy, we are
inclined to doubt. There is no doubt that many proprietors, whose
tenants though in possession of farms of no great size were yet
very comfortable, have cleared their estate, and let it out in two
or three large farms solely for sheep. Let emigration by all means
be brought into play where it is necessary, but it is surely not
necessary in all cases to go from one extreme to another, and replace
thousands of men, women, and children by half-a-dozen shepherds and
their dogs. Many districts may be suitable only for large farms,
but many others, we think, could be divided into farms of moderate
size, large enough to keep a farmer and his family comfortably after
paying a fair rent. This system, we believe, has been pursued with
success in some Highland districts, especially in that part of
Inverness-shire occupied by the Grants.
In Sir John M’Neill’s report there are some interesting and curious
statements which, we think, tend to show that when the Highlanders
are allowed to have moderate-sized farms, and are left alone to make
what they can of them, they can maintain themselves in tolerable
comfort. In the island of Lewis, where the average rent of the
farms was £2, 12s., the farmer was able to obtain from his farm
only so much produce as kept himself and family for six months in
the year; his living for the rest of the year, his rent and other
necessary expenses, requiring to be obtained from other sources, such
as fishing, labour in the south, &c. So long as things went well,
the people generally managed to struggle through the year without
any great hardship; but in 1846, and after, when the potato crops
failed, but for the interference of the proprietor and others, many
must have perished for want of food. In six years after 1846, the
proprietor expended upwards of £100,000 in providing work and in
charity, to enable the people to live. Various experiments were tried
to provide work for the inhabitants, and more money expended than
there was rent received, with apparently no good result whatever. In
1850, besides regular paupers, there were above 11,000 inhabitants
receiving charitable relief. Yet, notwithstanding every encouragement
from the proprietor, who offered to cancel all arrears, provide a
ship, furnish them with all necessaries, few of the people cared to
emigrate. In the same way in Harris, immense sums were expended to
help the people to live, with as little success as in Lewis; the
number of those seeking relief seemed only to increase. As this plan
seemed to lead to no good results, an attempt was made to improve the
condition of the people by increasing the size of their farms, which
in the best seasons sufficed to keep them in provisions for only six
months. The following is the account of the experiment given by Mr
Macdonald, the resident factor:--“At Whitsunday 1848 forty crofters
were removed from the island of Bernera, then occupied by eighty-one;
and the lands thus vacated were divided among the forty-one who
remained. Those who were removed, with two or three exceptions, were
placed in crofts upon lands previously occupied by tacksmen. Six of
the number who, with one exception, had occupied crofts of about
five acres in Bernera, were settled in the Borves on crofts of ten
acres of arable, and hill-grazing for four cows, and their followers
till two years old, with forty sheep and a horse,--about double the
amount of stock which, with one exception, they had in Bernera. The
exceptional case referred to was that of a man who had a ten-acre
croft in Bernera, with an amount of black cattle stock equal to that
for which he got grazing in the Borves, but who had no sheep. They
are all in arrear of rent, and, on an average, for upwards of two
years. These six tenants were selected as the best in Bernera, in
respect to their circumstances. I attribute their want of success
to the depreciation in the price of black cattle, and to their not
having sufficient capital to put upon their lands a full stock when
they entered. Their stipulated rent in the Borves was, on an average,
£12. Of the forty-one who remained, with enlarged crofts, in Bernera,
the whole are now largely in arrear, and have increased their arrears
since their holdings were enlarged. I attribute their want of success
to the same causes as that of the people in the Borves. The result of
his attempt to improve the condition of these crofters, by enlarging
their crofts, while it has failed to accomplish that object, has
at the same time entailed a considerable pecuniary loss upon the
proprietor.
“An attempt was made, at the same time, to establish some
unsuccessful agricultural crofters, practised in fishing, as
fishermen, on lands previously occupied by tacksmen, where each
fisherman got a croft of about two acres of arable land, with grazing
for one or two cows, and from four to six sheep, at a rent of from
£1 to £2 sterling. This experiment was equally unsuccessful. It is
doubtful whether they were all adequately provided with suitable
boats and tackle, or ‘gear;’ but many of them were; and some of
those who were not originally well provided were supplied with
what was wanted by the destitution fund. Of these fishermen Mr
Macdonald says:--‘Not one of them, since entering on the fishing
croft, has paid an amount equal to his rent. The attempt to improve
the condition of those men, who had previously been unsuccessful
as agricultural crofters, by placing them in a position favourable
for fishing, has also failed; and this experiment also has entailed
a considerable pecuniary loss upon the proprietor, who is not now
receiving from these fishermen one-fourth of the rent he formerly
received from tacksmen for the same lands. I therefore state
confidently, that in Harris the proprietor cannot convert lands
held by tacksmen into small holdings, either for the purposes of
agriculture or fishing, without a great pecuniary sacrifice; and that
this will continue to be the case, unless potatoes should again be
successfully cultivated. I cannot estimate the loss that would be
entailed upon the proprietor by such a change at less than two-thirds
of the rental paid by the tacksmen. The results of the experiments
that have been made on this property would, in every case, fully bear
out this estimate. It is my conscientious belief and firm conviction,
that if this property were all divided into small holdings amongst
the present occupants of land, the result would be, that in a few
years the rent recoverable would not be sufficient to pay the public
burdens, if the potatoes continue to fail, and the price of black
cattle does not materially improve.’”[89]
Yet not one family in Harris would accept the proprietor’s offer to
bear all the expense of their emigration.
The condition of Lewis and Harris, as above shown, may be taken
as a fair specimen of the Western Islands at the time of Sir John
M’Neill’s inquiry in 1851.
An experiment, which if properly managed, might have succeeded, was
tried in 1850 and the two following years; it also proved a failure.
The following is the account given in the _Edinburgh Review_ for
October 1857. The reader must remember, however, that the article is
written by an advocate of all the modern Highland innovations:--A
number of people in the district of Sollas in North Uist had agreed
to emigrate, but “a committee in the town of Perth, which had on
hand £3000 collected for the Highland Destitution Relief Fund of
1847, resolved to form these people into a ‘settlement,’ Lord
Macdonald assenting, and giving them the choice of any land in the
island not under lease. The tenants, about sixty in number, removed
to the selected place in autumn 1850, provided by the committee
with an agricultural overseer. In the following spring a large
crop of oats and potatoes was laid down. The oats never advanced
above a few inches in height, and ultimately withered and died, and
the potatoes gave little or no return. A great part of the land
so dealt with has never since been touched, and it is now even of
less value than before, having ceased to produce even heather. This
result, however, we are bound to mention, was at the time, and
perhaps still, popularly ascribed, like all Highland failures, to
the fault of those in authority. A new overseer was therefore sent,
and remained about a year and a half; but in 1852 a third of the
people, becoming painfully impressed with the truth of the matter,
went off to Australia. In 1853 a third manager was sent ‘to teach
and encourage;’ but as the money was now running short, he had
little to give but advice, and as the people could not subsist on
_that_ any more than on the produce of their lots, they went off
to seek employment elsewhere--and so ended what was called ‘this
interesting experiment,’ but of which it seems to be now thought
inexpedient to say anything at all. The results were to spend £3000
in making worse a piece of the worst possible land, and in prolonging
the delusions and sufferings of the local population, but also in
supplying one more proof of the extreme difficulty or impossibility
of accomplishing, and the great mischief of attempting, what so
many paper authorities in Highland matters assume as alike easy and
beneficial.”
It would almost seem, from the failure of the above and many other
experiments which have been tried to improve the condition of the
Highlanders, that any extraneous positive interference by way of
assistance, experiments, charity, and such like, leading the people
to depend more on others than on themselves, leads to nothing but
disastrous results. This habit of depending on others, a habit many
centuries old, was one which, instead of being encouraged, ought
to have been by every possible means discouraged, as it was at
the bottom of all the evils which followed the abolition of the
jurisdictions. They had been accustomed to look to their chiefs for
generations to see that they were provided with houses, food, and
clothing; and it could only be when they were thoroughly emancipated
from this slavish and degrading habit that they could find scope for
all their latent energies, have fair play, and feel the necessity for
strenuous exertion.
As a contrast to the above accounts, and as showing that it is
perfectly possible to carry out the small or moderate farm system,
even on the old principle of runrig, both with comfort to the tenants
and with profit to the proprietors; and also as showing what the
Highlanders are capable of when left entirely to themselves, we give
the following extract from Sir J. M’Neill’s Report, in reference to
the prosperity of Applecross in Ross-shire:--
“The people have been left to depend on their own exertions, under a
kind proprietor, who was always ready to assist individuals making
proper efforts to improve their condition, but who attempted no new
or specific measure for the general advancement of the people. Their
rents are moderate, all feel secure of their tenure so long as they
are not guilty of any delinquency, and a large proportion of those
who hold land at rents of £6 and upwards, have leases renewable every
seven years. During the fifteen years ending at Whitsunday 1850, they
have paid an amount equal to fifteen years’ rent. Many of the small
crofters are owners, or part owners, of decked vessels, of which
there are forty-five, owned by the crofters on the property; and a
considerable number have deposits of money in the banks. The great
majority of these men have not relied on agriculture, and no attempt
has been made to direct their efforts to that occupation. Left to
seek their livelihood in the manner in which they could best find it,
and emancipated from tutelage and dependence on the aid and guidance
of the proprietor, they have prospered more than their neighbours,
apparently because they have relied less upon the crops they could
raise on their lands, and have pursued other occupations with more
energy and perseverance.
“Of the crofters or small tenants on this property who are not
fishermen, and who are dependent solely on the occupation of land,
the most prosperous are those who have relied upon grazing, and
who are still cultivating their arable land in ‘runrig.’ These
club-farmers, as they are called, hold a farm in common, each having
an equal share. They habitually purchase part of their food. They
have paid their rents regularly, and several of them have deposits
of money in bank. Mr Mackinnon, who has for more than fifteen years
been the factor on the property, gives the following account of the
club-farmers of Lochcarron:--
“‘Of the lotters or crofters paying £6 and upwards, a large
proportion have long had leases for seven years, which have been
renewed from time to time. Those paying smaller rents have not
leases. The lots which are occupied by tenants-at-will are much
better cultivated than those which are held on leases. I don’t, of
course, attribute the better cultivation to the want of leases;
all I infer from this fact is, that granting leases to the present
occupants of lots has not made them better cultivators of their
lots. The most successful of the small tenants are those who have
taken farms in common, in which the grazings are chiefly stocked
with sheep, and in which there happens to be a sufficient extent of
arable land connected with a moderate extent of grazing to enable
them to raise crops for their own subsistence. Since the failure
of the potatoes, however, all the tenants of this class have been
obliged to buy meal. On those farms which are held on lease, the
land is still cultivated on the ‘runrig’ system. There are five such
farms on Mr Mackenzie’s property in the parish of Lochcarron. One of
these is let at £48, to six persons paying £8 each; another for £56,
to seven men at £8 each; another for £72, to eight men at £9 each;
another to eight men at £13, 10s., equal to £108; another to eight
men at £15 each, equal to £120. The cultivation on all of these farms
is on the ‘runrig’ system. Their sales of stock and wool are made in
common,--that is, in one lot. Their stock, though not common property
(each man having his own with a distinctive mark), are managed in
common by a person employed for that purpose. The tenants of this
class have paid their rents with great punctuality, and have never
been in arrear to any amount worth mentioning. A considerable number
of them have money in bank. They have their lands at a moderate
rent, which is no doubt one cause of their prosperity. Another cause
is, that no one of the tenants can subdivide his share without the
consent of his co-tenants and of the proprietor. The co-tenants are
all opposed to such subdivision of a share by one of their number,
and practically no sub-division has taken place. Their families,
therefore, as they grow up, are sent out to shift for themselves.
Some of the children find employment at home,--some emigrate to the
colonies.’”[90]
Of course it is not maintained that this is the most profitable way
for the proprietor to let his lands; it is not at all improbable that
by adopting the large-farm system, his rent might be considerably
increased; only it shows, that when the Highlanders are left to
themselves, and have fair play and good opportunities, they are quite
capable of looking after their own interests with success.
A comparatively recent Highland grievance is the clearance off of
sheep, and the conversion of large districts, in one case extending
for about 100 miles, into deer forests. Great complaint has been
made that this was a wanton abuse of proprietorship, as it not
only displaced large numbers of people, but substituted for such
a useful animal as the sheep, an animal like the deer, maintained
for mere sport. No doubt the proprietors find it more profitable to
lay their lands under deer than under sheep, else they would not
do it, and by all accounts[91] it requires the same number of men
to look after a tract of country covered with deer, as it would do
if the same district were under sheep. But it certainly does seem
a harsh, unjust, and very un-British proceeding to depopulate a
whole district, as has sometimes been done, of poor but respectable
and happy people, for the mere sake of providing sport for a few
gentlemen. It is mere sophistry to justify the substitution of deer
for sheep, by saying that one as well as the other is killed and
eaten as food. For thousands whose daily food is mutton, there is not
more than one who regards venison as anything else than a rarity;
and by many it is considered unpalatable. Landlords at present can
no doubt do what they like with their lands; but it seems to us that
in the long-run it is profitable neither to them nor to the nation
at large, that large tracts of ground, capable of maintaining such
a universally useful animal as the sheep, or of being divided into
farms of a moderate size, should be thrown away on deer, an animal of
little value but for sport.
As we have more than once said already, the Highlands are in a state
of transition, though, we think, near the end of it; and we have no
doubt that ere long both proprietors and tenants will find out the
way to manage the land most profitable for both, and life there will
be as comfortable, and quiet, and undisturbed by agitations of any
kind, as it is in any other part of the country.
Since the date of the New Statistical Account and of Sir J. M’Neill’s
Report, the same processes have been going on in the Highlands
with the same results as during the previous half century. The old
population have in many places been removed from their small crofts
to make way for large sheep-farmers, sheep having in some districts
been giving place to deer, and a large emigration has been going
on. Much discontent and bitter writing have of course been caused
by these proceedings, but there is no doubt that, as a whole, the
Highlands are rapidly improving, although improvement has doubtless
come through much tribulation. Except, perhaps, a few of the remoter
districts, the Highlands generally are as far forward as the rest of
the country. Agriculture is as good, the Highland sheep and cattle
are famous, the people are about as comfortable as lowlanders in
the same circumstances; education is well diffused; churches of all
sects are plentiful, and ere long, doubtless, so far as outward
circumstances are concerned, there will be no difference between
the Highlands and Lowlands. How the universal improvement of the
Highlands is mainly to be accomplished, we shall state in the words
of Sir John M’Neill. What he says refers to the state of the country
during the distress of 1851, but they apply equally well at the
present day.
“It is evident that, were the population reduced to the number that
can live in tolerable comfort, that change alone would not secure
the future prosperity and independence of those who remain. It may be
doubted whether any specific measures calculated to have a material
influence on the result, could now be suggested that have not
repeatedly been proposed. Increased and improved means of education
would tend to enlighten the people, and to fit them for seeking their
livelihood in distant places, as well as tend to break the bonds
that now confine them to their native localities. But, to accomplish
these objects, education must not be confined to reading, writing,
and arithmetic. The object of all education is not less to excite
the desire for knowledge, than to furnish the means of acquiring
it; and in this respect, education in the Highlands is greatly
deficient. Instruction in agriculture and the management of stock
would facilitate the production of the means of subsistence. A more
secure tenure of the lands they occupy would tend to make industrious
and respectable crofters more diligent and successful cultivators.
But the effects of all such measures depends on the spirit and manner
in which they are carried out, as well as on the general management
with which they are connected throughout a series of years. It is,
no doubt, in the power of every proprietor to promote or retard
advancement, and he is justly responsible for the manner in which he
uses that power; but its extent appears to have been much overrated.
The circumstances that determine the progress of such a people as the
inhabitants of those districts, in the vicinity, and forming a part
of a great nation far advanced in knowledge and in wealth, appear to
be chiefly those which determine the amount of intercourse between
them. Where that intercourse is easy and constant, the process of
assimilation proceeds rapidly, and the result is as certain as that
of opening the sluices in the ascending lock of a canal. Where that
intercourse is impeded, or has not been established, it may perhaps
be possible to institute a separate local civilization, an isolated
social progress; but an instance of its successful accomplishment is
not to be found in those districts.
“Whatever tends to facilitate and promote intercourse between
the distressed districts and the more advanced parts of the
country, tends to assimilate the habits and modes of life of their
inhabitants, and, therefore, to promote education, industry, good
management, and everything in which the great body excels the small
portion that is to be assimilated to it.”[92]
Notwithstanding the immense number of people who have emigrated from
the Highlands during the last 100 years, the population of the six
chief Highland counties, including the Islands, was in 1861 upwards
of 100,000 more than it was in 1755. In the latter year the number
of inhabitants in Argyll, Inverness, Caithness, Perth, Ross, and
Sutherland, was 332,332; in 1790-98 it was 392,263, which, by 1821,
had increased to 447,307; in 1861 it had reached 449,875. Thus,
although latterly, happily, the rate of increase has been small
compared with what it was during last century, any fear of the
depopulation of the Highlands is totally unfounded.
Until lately, the great majority of Highland emigrants preferred
British America to any other colony, and at the present day Cape
Breton, Prince Edward’s Island, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and many
other districts of British North America, contain a large Highland
population, proud of their origin, and in many instances still
maintaining their original Gaelic. One of the earliest Highland
settlements was, however, in Georgia, where in 1738, a Captain
Mackintosh settled along with a considerable number of followers from
Inverness-shire. Hence the settlement was called New Inverness.[93]
The favourite destination, however, of the earlier Highland emigrants
was North Carolina, to which, from about 1760 till the breaking out
of the American war, many hundreds removed from Skye and other of
the Western Islands. During that war these colonists almost to a man
adhered to the British Government, and formed themselves into the
Royal Highland Emigrant Regiment, which did good service, as will
be seen in the account of the Highland Regiments. At the conclusion
of the war, many settled in Carolina, while others removed to
Canada, where land was allotted to them by Government. That the
descendants of these early settlers still cherish the old Highland
spirit, is testified to by all travellers; some interesting notices
of their present condition maybe seen in Mr David Macrae’s _American
Sketches_ (1869). Till quite lately, Gaelic sermons were preached to
them, and the language of their forefathers we believe has not yet
fallen into disuse in the district, being spoken even by some of the
negroes. Those who emigrated to this region seem mostly to have been
tacksmen, while many of the farmers and cottars settled in British
America. Although their fortunes do not seem to have come up to the
expectations of themselves and those who sent them out, still there
is no doubt that their condition after emigration was in almost every
respect far better than it was before, and many of their descendants
now occupy responsible and prominent positions in the colony, while
all seem to be as comfortable as the most well-to-do Scottish farmers
having the advantage of the latter in being proprietors of their
own farms. According to the Earl of Selkirk, who himself took out
and settled several bands of colonists, “the settlers had every
incitement to vigorous exertion from the nature of their tenure. They
were allowed to purchase in fee-simple, and to a certain extent on
credit. From 50 to 100 acres were allotted to each family at a very
moderate price, but none was given gratuitously. To accommodate those
who had no superfluity of capital, they were not required to pay the
price in full, till the third or fourth year of their possession; and
in that time an industrious man may have it in his power to discharge
his debt out of the produce of the land itself.”[94] Those who went
out without capital at all, could, such was the high rate of wages,
soon save as much as would enable them to undertake the management of
land of their own. That the Highlanders were as capable of hand and
good labour as the lowlanders, is proved by the way they set to work
in these colonies, when they were entirely freed from oppression,
and dependence, and charity, and had to depend entirely on their own
exertions.
Besides the above settlements, the mass of the population in
Caledonia County, State of New York, are of Highland extraction, and
there are large settlements in the State of Ohio, besides numerous
families and individual settlers in other parts of the United States.
Highland names were numerous among the generals of the United States
army on both sides in the late civil war.[95]
The fondness of these settlers for the old country, and all that is
characteristic of it, is well shown by an anecdote told in Campbell’s
_Travels_ in North America (1793). The spirit manifested here is, we
believe, as strong even at the present day when hundreds will flock
from many miles around to hear a Gaelic sermon by a Scotch minister.
Campbell, in his travels in British America, mainly undertaken with
the purpose of seeing how the new Highland colonists were succeeding,
called at the house of a Mr Angus Mackintosh on the Nashwack. He
was from Inverness-shire, and his wife told Campbell they had every
necessary of life in abundance on their own property, but there was
one thing which she wished much to have--that was heather. “And
as she had heard there was an island in the Gulf of St Lawrence,
opposite to the mouth of the Merimashee river, where it grew, and as
she understood I was going that way, she earnestly entreated I would
bring her two or three stalks, or cows as she called it, which she
would plant on a barren brae behind her house where she supposed it
would grow; that she made the same request to several going that way,
but had not got any of it, which she knew would greatly beautify the
place; for, said she, ‘This is an ugly country that has no heather;
I never yet saw any good or pleasant place without it.’” Latterly,
very large numbers of Highlanders have settled in Australia and
New Zealand, where, by all accounts, they are in every respect as
successful as the most industrious lowland emigrants.
No doubt much immediate suffering and bitterness was caused when the
Highlanders were compelled to leave their native land, which by no
means treated them kindly; but whether emigration has been disastrous
to the Highlands or not, there can be no doubt of its ultimate
unspeakable benefit to the Highland emigrants themselves, and to
the colonies in which they have settled. Few, we believe, however
tempting the offer, would care to quit their adopted home, and return
to the bleak hills and rugged shores of their native land.
FOOTNOTES:
[85] Those who wish further details may refer to the following
pamphlets:--_The Glengarry Evictions_, by Donald Ross; _Hist. of
the Hebrides_, by E. O. Tregelles; _Twelve Days in Skye_, by Lady
M’Caskill; _Exterminations of the Scottish Peasantry_, and other
works, by Mr Robertson of Dundonnachie; _Highland Clearances_, by the
Rev. E. J. Findlater; _Sutherland as it was and is_; and the pamphlet
in last note. On the other side, see Selkirk on Emigration; Sir J.
M’Neill’s report and article in _Edin. Review_ for Oct. 1857.
[86] _The Depopulation System in the Highlands_, by an Eye-Witness.
Pamphlet. 1849.
[87] Tregelles’ _Hints on the Hebrides_.
[88] _Sir John M’Neill’s Report_, pp. xxxiv.-xxxv.
[89] _Sir John M’Neill’s Report_, pp. xxii., xxiii.
[90] _Sir John M’Neill’s Report_, xxvi. xxvii.
[91] See _Edin. Rev._ for Oct. 1857.
[92] _Sir John M’Neill’s Report_, xxxviii. xxxix.
[93] The American Gazetteer. Lond. 1762. Art. _Inverness, New_.
[94] Selkirk on _Emigration_, p. 212.
[95] Dr M’Lauchlan’s paper in Social Science Transactions for 1863.
CHAPTER XLV.
GAELIC LITERATURE, LANGUAGE, AND MUSIC.
BY THE REV. THOMAS MACLAUCHLAN, LL.D., F.S.A.S.
Extent of Gaelic literature--Claims of Ireland--Circumstances
adverse to preservation of Gaelic literature--“The Lament
of Deirdre”--“The Children of Usnoth”--“The Book of Deer”--The
Legend of Deer--The memoranda of grants--The “Albanic Duan”
--“Muireadhach Albannach”--Gaelic charter of 1408--Manuscripts
of the 15th century--“The Dean of Lismore’s Book”--Macgregor,
Dean of Lismore--“Ursgeul”--“Bas Dhiarmaid”--Ossian’s Eulogy on
Fingal--Macpherson’s Ossian--“Fingal”--Cuchullin’s chariot--“Temora”
--Smith’s “Sean Dana”--Ossianic collections--Fingal’s address to
Oscar--Ossian’s address to the setting sun--John Knox’s Liturgy
--Kirk’s Gaelic Psalter--Irish Bible--Shorter Catechism--Confession
of Faith--Gaelic Bible--Translations from the English--Original
prose writings--Campbell’s Ancient Highland Tales--“Maol
A Chliobain”--“The man in the tuft of wool”--Alexander Macdonald
--Macintyre--Modern poetry--School-books--The Gaelic language
--Gaelic music.
The literature of the Highlands, although not extensive, is varied,
and has excited not a little interest in the world of letters.
The existing remains are of various ages, carrying us back, in
the estimation of some writers, to the second century, while
contributions are making to it still, and are likely to be made for
several generations.
It has been often said that the literature of the Celts of Ireland
was much more extensive than that of the Celts of Scotland--that the
former were in fact a more literary people--that the ecclesiastics,
and medical men, and historians (_seanachies_) of Scotland had less
culture than those of the sister island, and that they must be held
thus to have been a stage behind them in civilisation and progress.
Judging by the remains which exist, there seems to be considerable
ground for such a conclusion. Scotland can produce nothing like
the MS. collections in possession of Trinity College Dublin, or the
Royal Irish Academy. There are numerous fragments of considerable
value in the Advocates’ Library, Edinburgh, and in the hands of
private parties throughout Scotland, but there is nothing to compare
with the Book of Lecan, _Leabhar na h-uidhre_, and the other remains
of the ancient literary culture of Ireland, which exist among the
collections now brought together in Dublin; nor with such remains
of what is called Irish scholarship as are to be found in Milan,
Brussels, and other places on the continent of Europe.
At the same time there is room for questioning how far the claims
of Ireland to the whole of that literature are good. Irish scholars
are not backward in pressing the claims of their own country to
everything of any interest that may be called Celtic. If we acquiesce
in these claims, Scotland will be left without a shred of aught
which she can call her own in the way of Celtic literature; and
there is a class of Scottish scholars who, somewhat more generous
than discriminating, have been disposed to acquiesce but too
readily in those claims. We have our doubts as to Ireland having
furnished Scotland with its Gaelic population, and we have still
stronger doubts as to Ireland having been the source of all the
Celtic literature which she claims. A certain class of writers are
at once prepared to allow that the Bobbio MSS. and those other
continental Gaelic MSS. of which Zeuss has made such admirable use
in his _Grammatica Celtica_, are all Irish, and they are taken as
illustrative alike of the zeal and culture of the early Irish Church.
And yet there is no evidence of such being the case. The language
certainly is not Irish, nor are the names of such of the writers as
are usually associated with the writings. Columbanus, the founder of
the Bobbio Institution, may have been an Irishman, but he may have
been a Scotchman. He may have gone from Durrow, but he may have gone
from Iona. The latter was no less famous than the former, and had
a staff of men quite as remarkable. We have authentic information
regarding its ancient history. It sent out Aidan to Northumberland,
and numerous successors after him, and there is much presumptive
evidence that many of these early missionaries took their departure
from Scotland, and carried with them their Scottish literature to the
Continent of Europe. And the language of the writers is no evidence
to the contrary. In so far as the Gaelic was written at this early
period, the dialect used was common to Ireland and Scotland. To say
that a work is Irish because written in what is called the Irish
dialect is absurd. There was no such thing as an Irish dialect.
The written language of the whole Gaelic race was long the same
throughout, and it would have been impossible for any man to have
said to which of the sections into which that race was divided any
piece of writing belonged. This has long been evident to men who
have made a study of the question, but recent relics of Scottish
Gaelic which have come to light, and have been published, put the
matter beyond a doubt. Mr Whitley Stokes, than whom there is no
better authority, has said of a passage in the “Book of Deer” that
the language of it is identical with that of the MSS. which form the
basis of the learned grammar of Zeuss: and there can be no doubt
that the “Book of Deer” is of Scottish authorship. It is difficult
to convince Irish scholars of this, but it is no less true on that
account. Indeed, what is called the Irish dialect has been employed
for literary purposes in Scotland down to a recent period, the first
book in the vernacular of the Scottish Highlands having been printed
so lately as the middle of last century. And it is important to
observe that this literary dialect, said to be Irish, is nearly as
far apart from the ordinary Gaelic vernacular of Ireland as it is
from that of Scotland.
But besides this possibility of having writings that are really
Scottish counted as Irish from their being written in the same
dialect, the Gaelic literature of Scotland has suffered from other
causes. Among these were the changes in the ecclesiastical condition
of the country which took place from time to time. First of all there
was the change which took place under the government of Malcolm
III. (Ceann-mor) and his sons, which led to the downfall of the
ancient Scottish Church, and the supplanting of it by the Roman
Hierarchy. Any literature existing in the 12th century would have
been of the older church, and would have little interest for the
institution which took its place. That there was such a literature
is obvious from the “Book of Deer,” and that it existed among all
the institutions of a like kind in Scotland is a fair and reasonable
inference from the existence and character of that book. Why this
is the only fragment of such a literature remaining is a question
of much interest, which may perhaps be solved by the fact that
the clergy of the later church could have felt little interest in
preserving the memorials of a period which they must have been glad
to have seen passed away. Then the Scottish Reformation and the rise
of the Protestant Church, however favourable to literature, would
not have been favourable to the preservation of such literature. The
old receptacles of such writings were broken up, and their contents
probably destroyed or dispersed, as associated with what was now
felt to be a superstitious worship. There is reason to believe that
the Kilbride collection of MSS. now in the Advocates’ Library, and
obtained from the family of Maclachlan of Kilbride, was to some
extent a portion of the old library of Iona, one of the last Abbots
of which was a Ferquhard M’Lachlan.
Besides these influences, unfavourable to the preservation of the
ancient literature of the Scottish Highlands, we have the fierce raid
of Edward I. of England into the country, and the carrying away of
all the national muniments. Some of these were in all probability
Gaelic. A Gaelic king and a Gaelic kingdom were then things not long
past in Scotland; and seeing they are found elsewhere, is there not
reason to believe that among them were lists of Scottish and Pictish
kings, and other documents of historical importance, such as formed
the basis of those Bardic addresses made by the royal bards to the
kings on the occasion of their coronation? These might have been
among the records afterwards intended to be returned to Scotland,
and which perished in the miserable shipwreck of the vessel that
bore them. These causes may account for the want of a more extensive
ancient Celtic literature in Scotland, and for the more advantageous
position occupied in this respect by Ireland. Ireland neither
suffered from the popular feeling evoked at the Reformation, nor
from the spoliations of an Edward of England, as Scotland did. And
hence the abundant remains still existing of a past literature there.
And yet Scotland does not altogether want an ancient Celtic
literature, and the past few years have done much to bring it to
light. It is not impossible that among our public libraries and
private repositories relics may be still lying of high interest and
historical value, and which more careful research may yet bring into
view. The Dean of Lismore’s book has only been given to the world
within the last six years, and more recently still we have the “Book
of Deer,” a relic of the 11th or 12th century.
On taking a survey of this literature, it might be thought most
natural to commence with the Ossianic remains, both on account of the
prominence which they have received and the interest and controversy
they have excited, and also because they are held by many to have
a claim to the highest antiquity,--to be the offspring of an age
not later than the 2d or 3d century. But it is usual to associate
literature with writing, and as the Gaelic language has been a
written one from a very early period, we think it best to keep up
this association, and to take up the written remains of the language
as nearly as may be in their chronological order. The first of these
to which reference may be made is
THE LAMENT OF DEIRDRE.
This poem is found in a MS. given to the Highland Society by Lord
Bannatyne, and now in the archives of the Advocates’ Library. The
date of the MS. is 1208, but there is every reason to believe that
the poem is of much higher antiquity. The preserved copy bears to
have been written at Glenmasan, a mountain valley in the parish
of Dunoon, in Cowal. The MS. contains other fragments of tales in
prose, but we shall refer only to the poetical story of Deirdre,
or, as it is usually called in Gaelic, “Dàn Chloinn Uisneachain.”
The tale is a famous one in the Highlands, and the heroes of it,
the sons of Usnoth, have given name to Dun Mhac Uisneachain, or Dun
Mac Sniochain, said to be the Roman _Beregonium_, in the parish of
Ardchattan in Argyleshire. We give the following version of the poem
as it appears in the Report of the Highland Society on the Poems of
Ossian (p. 298).
_Do dech Deardir ar a héise ar crichibh Alban, agus ro chan an
Laoidh_--
Inmain tir in tir ud thoir,
Alba cona lingantaibh
Nocha tiefuinn eisdi ille
Mana tisain le Naise.
Inmain Dun Fidhgha is Dun Finn
Inmain in Dun os a cinn
Inmain Inis Draignde
Is inmain Dun Sùibnei.
Caill cuan gar tigeadh Ainnle mo nuar
Fagair lim ab bitan
Is Naise an oirear Alban.
Glend Laidh do chollain fan mboirmin caoimh
Iasg is sieng is saill bruich
Fa hi mo chuid an Glend laigh.
Glend masain ard a crimh geal a gasain
Do nimais colladh corrach
Os Inbhhar mungach Masain.
Glend Eitchi ann do togbhus mo ched tigh
Alaind a fidh iar neirghe
Buaile grene Ghlind eitchi.
Mo chen Glend Urchaidh
Ba hedh in Glend direach dromchain
Uallcha feara aoisi ma Naise
An Glend Urchaidh.
Glend da ruadh
Mo chen gach fear da na dual
Is binn guth cuach
Ar cracib chruim
Ar in mbinn os Glenndaruadh
Inmain Draighen is tren traigh
Inmain Auichd in ghainimh glain
Nocha tiefuin eisde anoir
Mana tisuinn lem Inmain.
_English Translation._
_Deirdre looked back on the land of Alban, and sung this lay_:--
Beloved is that eastern land,
Alba (Scotland), with its lakes.
Oh that I might not depart from it,
Unless I were to go with Naos!
Beloved is Dunfigha and Dunlin.
Beloved is the Dun above it.
Beloved is Inisdraiyen (Imstrynich?),
And beloved is Dun Sween.
The forest of the sea to which Ainnle would come, alas!
I leave for ever,
And Naos, on the sea-coast of Alban.
Glen Lay (Glen Luy?), I would sleep by its gentle murmur.
Fish and venison, and the fat of meat boiled,
Such would be my food in Glen Lay.
Glenmasan! High is its wild garlic, fair its branches.
I would sleep wakefully
Over the shaggy Invermasan.
Glen Etive! in which I raised my first house,
Delightful were its groves on rising
When the sun struck on Glen Etive.
My delight was Glen Urchay;
It is the straight vale of many ridges.
Joyful were his fellows around Naos
In Glen Urchay.
Glendaruadh (Glendaruel?),
My delight in every man who belongs to it.
Sweet is the voice of the cuckoo
On the bending tree,
Sweet is it above Glendaruadh.
Beloved is Drayen of the sounding shore!
Beloved is Avich (Dalavich?) of the pure sand.
Oh that I might not leave the east
Unless it were to come along with me! Beloved--
There is some change in the translation as compared with that given
in the Highland Society’s Report, the meaning, however, being
nearly identical in both. The tale to which this mournful lyric is
attached,--the story of the children of Usnoth and their sad fate,
bears that Conor was king of Ulster. Visiting on one occasion the
house of Feilim, his _seanachie_, Feilim’s wife, was delivered of
a daughter while the king was in the house. Cathbad the Druid, who
was present, prophesied that many disasters should befall Ulster on
account of the child then born. The king resolved to bring her up as
his own future wife, and for this end enclosed her in a tower where
she was excluded from all intercourse with men, except her tutor,
her nurse, and an attendant called Lavarcam. It happened that in the
course of time, by means of this Lavarcam, she came to see Naos,
the son of Usnoth. She at once formed a warm affection for him; the
affection was reciprocated, and Naos and Deirdre, by which name the
young woman was called, fled to Scotland, accompanied by Ainle and
Ardan, the brothers of Naos. Here they were kindly received by the
king, and had lands given them for their support. It is not unlikely
that these lands were in the neighbourhood of Dun Mhac Uisneachain in
Lorn. Here they lived long and happily. At length Conor desired their
return, and sent a messenger to Scotland, promising them welcome
and security in Ireland if they would but return. Deirdre strongly
objected, fearing the treachery of Conor, but she was overruled by
the urgency of her husband and his brothers. They left Scotland,
Deirdre composing and singing the above mournful lay. In Ireland
they were at first received with apparent kindness, but soon after
the house in which they dwelt was surrounded by Conor and his men,
and after deeds of matchless valour the three brothers were put to
death, in defiance of Conor’s pledge. The broken hearted Deirdre
cast herself on the grave of Naos and died, having first composed
and sung a lament for his death. This is one of the most touching
in the catalogue of Celtic tales; and it is interesting to observe
the influence it exerted over the Celtic mind by its effect upon
the topographical nomenclature of the country. There are several
Dun Deirdres to be found still. One is prominent in the vale of
the Nevis, near Fortwilliam, and another occupies the summit of
a magnificent rock overhanging Loch Ness, in Stratherrick. Naos,
too, has given his name to rocks, and woods, and lakes ranging from
Ayrshire to Inverness-shire, but the most signal of all is the great
lake which fills the eastern portion of the Caledonian valley, Loch
Ness. The old Statistical Account of Inverness states that the name
of this lake was understood to be derived from some mythical person
among the old Celts; and there can be little doubt that the person
was Naos. The lake of Naos (_Naise_ in the genitive), lies below, and
overhanging it is the Tower of Deirdre. The propinquity is natural,
and the fact is evidence of the great antiquity of the tale.
There are other MSS. of high antiquity in existence said to be
Scotch; but it is sufficient to refer for an account of these to
the Appendix to the Report of the Highland Society on the Poems of
Ossian, an account written by an admirable Celtic scholar, Dr Donald
Smith, the brother of Dr John Smith of Campbeltown, so distinguished
in the same field.
The next relic of Celtic literature to which we refer is
THE BOOK OF DEER.
This is a vellum MS. of eighty-six folios, about six inches long by
three broad, discovered in the University Library of Cambridge, by
Mr Bradshaw, the librarian of the University. It had belonged to
a distinguished collector of books, Bishop Moore of Norwich, and
afterwards of Ely, whose library was presented to the University
more than a century ago. The chief portion of the book is in Latin,
and is said to be as old as the 9th century. This portion contains
the Gospel of St John, and portions of the other three Gospels. The
MS. also contains part of an Office for the visitation of the sick,
and the Apostles’ Creed. There is much interest in this portion
of the book as indicative of the state of learning in the Celtic
Church at the time. It shows that the ecclesiastics of that Church
kept pace with the age in which they lived, that they knew their
Bible, and could both write and read in Latin. The MS. belonged to
a Culdee establishment, and is therefore a memorial of the ancient
Celtic Church. It is a pity that we possess so few memorials of
that Church, convinced as we are that, did we know the truth, many
of the statements made regarding it by men of a different age, and
belonging to a differently constituted ecclesiastical system, would
be found to be unsupported by the evidence. It is strange that if
the Culdee establishments were what many modern writers make them to
have been, they should have had so many tokens of their popularity as
this volume exhibits; and we know well that that Church did not fall
before the assaults of a hostile population, but before those of a
hostile king.
But the more interesting portion of the _Book of Deer_, in connection
with our inquiry, will be found in the Gaelic entries on the margin
and in the vacant spaces of the volume. These have all been given
to the world in the recent publication of portions of the book by
the Spalding Club, under the editorship of Dr John Stuart. Celtic
scholars are deeply indebted to the Spalding Club for this admirable
publication, and although many of them will differ from the editor in
some of the views which he gives in his accompanying disquisitions,
and even in some of the readings of the Gaelic, they cannot but feel
indebted to him for the style in which he has furnished them with
the original, for it is really so, in the plates which the volume
contains. On these every man can comment for himself and form his own
inferences. We have given ours in this MS.
THE LEGEND OF DEER.
Columcille acusdrostán mac cosgreg adálta tangator áhi marroalseg día
doíb goníc abbordobóir acusbéde cruthnec robomormær bûchan aragínn
acusessé rothídnaíg dóib ingathráig sáin insaere gobraíth ómormaer
acusóthóséc. tangator asááthle sen incathráig ele acusdoráten
ricolumcille sì iàrfallán dórath dé acusdorodloeg arinmormær i bédé
gondas tabràd dó acusníthárat acusrogab mac dó galár iarnéré naglerêc
acusrobomaréb act mádbec iarsén dochuíd inmormaer dattác naglerec
gondendæs ernaede les inmac gondisád slánté dó acusdórat inedbaírt
doíb uácloic intiprat goníce chlóic petti mic garnáit doronsat
innernaede acustanic slante dó; larsén dorat collumcille dódrostan
inchadráig sén acusrosbenact acusforacaib imbrether gebe tisaid
ris nabad blienec buadacc tangator deara drostán arscartháin fri
collumcille rolaboir columcille bedeár áním ó húnn ímácé.
_English Translation._
Columcille and Drostan, son of Cosgreg, his pupil, came from I as God
revealed to them to Aberdour, and Bede the Pict was Mormaor of Buchan
before them, and it was he who gifted to them that town in freedom
for ever from mormaor and toiseach. After that they came to another
town, and it pleased Columcille, for it was full of the grace of God,
and he asked it of the Mormaor, that is Bede, that he would give it
to him, and he would not give it, and a son of his took a sickness
after refusing the clerics, and he was dead but a little. After that
the Mormaor went to entreat of the clerics that they would make
prayer for the son that health might come to him, and he gave as an
offering to them from Cloch an tiprat (the stone of the well) as far
as Cloch Pit mac Garnad (the stone of Pitmacgarnad). They made the
prayer, and health came to him. After that Collumcille gave that town
to Drostan, and he blessed it, and left the word, Whosoever comes
against it, let him not be long-lived or successful. Drostan’s tears
came (Deara) on separating from Collumcille. Collumcille said, Let
Deer (Tear) be its name from hence forward.
Such is the legend of the foundation of the old monastery of Deer,
as preserved in this book, and written probably in the twelfth
century. It was in all probability handed down from the close of
the sixth or from a later period, but it must not be forgotten that
a period of six hundred years had elapsed between the events here
recorded and the record itself as it appears. It is hard to say
whether Columba ever made this expedition to Buchan, or whether
Drostan, whose name is in all likelihood British, lived in the time
of Columba. The Aberdeen Breviary makes him nephew of the saint, but
there is no mention of him in this or any other connection by early
ecclesiastical writers, and there is every reason to believe that he
belonged to a later period. It was of some consequence at this time
to connect any such establishment as that at Deer with the name of
Columba. There is nothing improbable in its having been founded by
Drostan.
It is interesting to observe several things which are brought to
light by this legend of the twelfth century. It teaches us what the
men of the period believed regarding the sixth. The ecclesiastics of
Deer believed that their own institution had been founded so early
as the sixth century, and clearly that they were the successors of
the founders. If this be true, gospel light shone among the Picts
of Buchan almost as soon as among the people of Iona. It has been
maintained that previous to Columba’s coming to Scotland the country
had felt powerfully the influence of Christianity,[96] and the
legend of Deer would seem to corroborate the statement. From the
palace of Brude the king, in the neighbourhood of Inverness, on to
the dwelling of the Mormaor, or Governor of Buchan, Christianity
occupied the country so early as the age of Columba. But this is a
legend, and must not be made more of than it is worth. Then this
legend gives us some view of the civil policy of the sixth century,
as the men of the twelfth viewed it. The chief governor of Buchan
was Bede, the same name with that of the venerable Northumbrian
historian of the eighth century. He is simply designated as Cruthnec
(Cruithneach) or the Pict. Was this because there were other
inhabitants in the country besides Picts at the time, or because they
were Picts in contrast with the people of that day? The probability
is, that these writers of the twelfth century designated Bede as a
Pict, in contradistinction to themselves, who were probably of Scotic
origin. Then the names in this document are of interest. Besides
that of Bede, we have Drostan and Cosgreg, his father, and Garnaid.
Bede, Drostan, Cosgreg, and Garnaid, are names not known in the
Gaelic nomenclature of Scotland or Ireland. And there are names of
places, Aberdobhoir, known as Aberdour to this day, Buchan also in
daily use, Cloch in tiprat not known now, and Pit mac garnaid also
become obsolete. Aberdobhoir (Aberdwfr) is purely a British name;
Buchan, derived from the British _Bwch_, a cow, is also British;
Pit mac garnaid, with the exception of the Mac, is not Gaelic, so
that the only Gaelic name in the legend is Cloch in tiprat, a merely
descriptive term. This goes far to show what the character of the
early topography of Scotland really is.
Then there is light thrown upon the civil arrangements of the Celtic
state. We read nothing of chiefs and clans, but we have Mormaors
(great officers), and Toiseachs (leaders), the next officer in point
of rank, understood to be connected with the military arrangements
of the country, the one being the head of the civil and the other of
the military organisation. At this time there was a Celtic kingdom
in Scotland, with a well established and well organised government,
entirely different from what appears afterwards under the feudal
system of the Anglo-Saxons, when the people became divided into
clans, each under their separate chiefs, waging perpetual war with
each other. Of all this the Book of Deer cannot and does not speak
authoritatively, but it indicates the belief of the twelfth century
with regard to the state of the sixth.
The farther Gaelic contents of the Book of Deer are notices of grants
of land conferred by the friends of the institution. None of these
are real charters, but the age of charters had come, and it was
important that persons holding lands should have some formal title
to them. Hence the notices of grants inscribed on the margin of this
book, all without date, save that there is a copy of a Latin charter
of David I., who began his reign in the year 1124.
The _memoranda_ of grants to the monastery are in one case headed
with the following blessing--_Acus bennact inchomded arcecmormar
acusarcectosech chomallfas acusdansil daneis_. “And the blessing
of the one God on every governor and every leader who keeps this,
and to their seed afterwards.” The first grant recorded follows
immediately after the legend given above. It narrates that Comgeall
mac eda gave from Orti to Furene to Columba and to Drostan; that
Moridach M’Morcunn gave Pit mac Garnait and Achad toche temni, the
former being Mormaor and the latter Toiseach. Matain M’Caerill gave
a Mormaor’s share in Altin (not Altere, as in the Spalding Club’s
edition), and Culn (not Culii) M’Batin gave the share of a Toiseach.
Domnall M’Giric and Maelbrigte M’Cathail gave Pett in muilenn to
Drostan. Cathal M’Morcunt gave Achad naglerech to Drostan. Domnall
M’Ruadri and Malcolum M’Culeon gave Bidbin to God and to Drostan.
Malcolum M’Cinatha (Malcolm the Second) gave a king’s share in Bidbin
and in Pett M’Gobroig, and two davachs above Rosabard. Malcolum
M’Mailbrigte gave the Delerc. Malsnecte M’Luloig gave Pett Malduib
to Drostan. Domnall M’Meic Dubhacin sacrificed every offering to
Drostan. Cathal sacrificed in the same manner his Toiseach’s share,
and gave the food of a hundred every Christmas, and every Pasch to
God and to Drostan. Kenneth Mac meic Dobarcon and Cathal gave Alterin
alla from Te (Tigh) na Camon as far as the birch tree between the
two Alterins. Domnall and Cathal gave Etdanin to God and to Drostan.
Cainneach and Domnall and Cathal sacrificed all these offerings to
God and to Drostan from beginning to end free, from Mormaors and from
Toiseachs to the day of judgment.
It will be observed that some of the words in this translation are
different from those given in the edition of the Spalding Club.
Some of the readings in that edition, notwithstanding its general
accuracy, are doubtful. In the case of _uethe na camone_, unless the
_ue_ is understood as standing for _from_, there is no starting point
at all in the passage describing the grant. Besides, we read Altin
allend, as the name of Altin or Alterin in another grant. This seems
to have escaped the notice of the learned translator.
These grants are of interest for various reasons. We have first of
all the names of the grantees and others, as the names common during
the twelfth and previous centuries, for these grants go back to a
period earlier than the reign of Malcolm the Second, when the first
change began to take place in the old Celtic system of polity. We
have such names as _Comgeall Mac Eda_, probably _Mac Aoidh_, or,
as spelt now in English, Mackay; _Moridach M’Morcunn_ (_Morgan_),
or, as now spelt, M’Morran; _Matain M’Caerill_, Matthew M’Kerroll;
_Culn M’Batin_, Colin M’Bean; _Domhnall M’Girig_, Donald M’Erig
(Gregor or Eric?); _Malbrigte M’Cathail_, Gilbert M’Kail; _Cathal
M’Morcunt_, Cathal M’Morran; _Domhnall M’Ruadri_, Donald M’Rory;
_Malcolum M’Culeon_, Malcolm M’Colin; _Malcolum M’Cinnatha_, Malcolm
M’Kenneth, now M’Kenzie. This was king Malcolm the Second, whose
Celtic designation is of the same character with that of the other
parties in the notice. _Malcolum M’Mailbrigte_, Malcolm M’Malbride;
the nearest approach to the latter name in present use is Gilbert.
Malsnecte M’Luloig, _Malsnechta M’Lulaich_. The former of these
names is obsolete, but M’Lullich is known as a surname to this day.
Domnall M’Meic Dubhacin (not Dubbacin), the latter name not known
now. The name _Dobharcon_ is the genitive of _Dobharcu_, an otter.
The names of animals were frequently applied to men at the time among
the Celts. The father of King Brude was _Mialchu_, a greyhound.
_Loilgheach_ (Lulach), a man’s name, is in reality a milch cow.
The next set of grants entered on the margin of this remarkable
record are as follows:--Donchad M’Meic Bead mec Hidid (probably the
same with Eda, and therefore Aoidh), gave Acchad Madchor to Christ
and to Drostan and to Columcille; Malechi and Comgell and Gillecriosd
M’Fingun witnesses, and Malcoluim M’Molini. Cormac M’Cennedig gave as
far as Scali merlec. Comgell M’Caennaig, the Toiseach of Clan Canan,
gave to Christ and to Drostan and to Columcille as far as the Gortlie
mor, at the part nearest to Aldin Alenn, from Dubuci to Lurchara,
both hill and field free from Toiseachs for ever, and a blessing on
those who observe, and a curse on those who oppose this.
The names here are different from those in the former entry, with
few exceptions. They are Duncan, son of Macbeth, son of Hugh or Ay,
Malachi, Comgall, Gilchrist M’Kinnon, and Malcolm M’Millan, Comgall
M’Caennaig (M’Coinnich or M’Kenzie?) In this entry we have the
place which is read Altere and Alterin by Mr Whitley Stokes. It is
here entered as Aldin Alenn, as it is in a former grant entered as
_Altin_. In no case is the _er_ written in full, so that Alterin
is a guess. But there is no doubt that _Aldin Alenn_ and _Alterin
alla_ are the same place. If it be _Alterin_ the _Alla_ may mean
rough, stony, as opposed to a more level and smooth place of the
same name. It will be observed that in this entry the name of a clan
appears _Clande Canan_ (_Clann Chanain_). There was such a clan in
Argyleshire who were treasurers of the Argyle family, and derived
their name from the Gaelic _Càin_, a Tax. It is not improbable that
the name in Buchan might have been applied to a family of hereditary
tax-gatherers.
The next series of grants entered on the margin of the “Book of Deer”
are as follows:--Colbain Mormaor of Buchan, and Eva, daughter of
Gartnait, his wife, and Donnalic M’Sithig, the Toiseach of Clenni
Morgainn, sacrificed all the offerings to God and to Drostan, and to
Columcille, and to Peter the Apostle, from all the exactions made on
a portion of four _davachs_, from the high monasteries of Scotland
generally and the high churches. The witnesses are Brocein and
Cormac, Abbot of Turbruaid, and Morgann M’Donnchaid, and Gilli Petair
M’Donnchaid, and Malæchin, and the two M’Matni, and the chief men of
Buchan, all as witnesses in Elain (Ellon).
The names in this entry are Colban, the mormaor, a name obsolete
now--although it would seem to appear in M’Cubbin--Eva, and Gartnait.
The former seems to have been the Gaelic form of Eve, and the latter,
the name of Eva’s father, is gone out of use, unless it appear in
M’Carthy--Donnalic (it is Donnachac, as transcribed in the edition of
the Spalding Club), M’Sithig or Donnalic M’Keich, the surname well
known still in the Highlands--_Brocein_, the little badger, _Cormac_,
_Morgan_, _Gillepedair_, _Malæchin_, the servant of Eachainn or
Hector, and _M’Matni_ or M’Mahon, the English Matheson. There is
another instance here of a clan, the clan Morgan.
The most of these names must be understood merely as patronymic, the
son called, according to the Celtic custom, after the name of his
father. There is no reason to think that these were clan names in the
usual sense. King Malcolm II. is called _Malcolum M’Cinnatha_, or
Malcolm the son of Kenneth, but it would be sufficiently absurd to
conclude that Malcolm was a Mackenzie. And yet there are two clans
referred to in these remarkable records, the clan Canan and the clan
Morgan. There is no reason to believe that either the Buchanans of
Stirlingshire or of Argyleshire had any connection with the tribe of
Canan mentioned here; but it is possible that the Mackays of the Reay
country, whose ancient name was Clan Morgan, may have derived their
origin from Buchan. It is interesting to observe that the Toiseachs
are associated with these clans, _Comgell Mac Caennaig_ being called
the _Toiseach_ of Clan Canan, and _Donnalic M’Sithig_ the _Toiseach_
of Clan Morgan, although neither of the men are designated by the
clan name. It would seem that under the _Mormaors_ the family system
existed and was acknowledged, the _Mormaor_ being the representative
of the king, and the _Toiseach_ the head of the sept, who led his
followers to battle when called upon to do so. At the same time
the clan system would seem to have been in an entirely different
condition from that to which it attained after the introduction of
the feudal system, when the chiefs for the first time got feudal
titles to their lands.
Many other inferences might be made from these interesting records.
It is enough, however, to say that they prove beyond a question the
existence of a literary culture and a social organisation among the
ancient Celts for which they do not always get credit; and if such
a book existed at Deer, what reason is there to doubt that similar
books were numerously dispersed over the other ecclesiastical
institutions of the country?
There is one curious entry towards the close of the MS.--“_Forchubus
caichduini imbia arrath in lebran colli. aratardda bendacht foranmain
in truagan rodscribai_ ... 7,” which is thus translated by Mr Whitley
Stokes:--“Be it on the conscience of every one in whom shall be for
grace the booklet with splendour: that he give a blessing on the soul
of the wretchock who wrote it.”
This is probably the true meaning of the Gaelic. But the original
might be rendered in English by the following translation:--“Let it
be on the conscience of each man in whom shall be for good fortune
the booklet with colour, that he give a blessing on the soul of the
poor one who wrote it.” _Rath_ is good fortune, and _li_ is colour,
referring probably to the coloured portions of the writing, and
_Truaghan_ is the Gaelic synonym of the “miserus” or “miserimus” of
the old Celtic church. Mr Whitley Stokes, as quoted by Dr Stuart,
says (p. lx), “In point of language this is identical with the oldest
Irish glosses in Zeuss’ _Grammatica Celtica_.”
THE ALBANIC DUAN.
This relic of Celtic literature might have been taken as
chronologically preceding the Book of Deer, but while portions of the
latter are looked upon as having been written previous to the ninth
century, the former, so far as we know, is of the age of Malcolm III.
It is said to have been sung by the Gaelic bard of the royal house at
the coronation of Malcolm. It is transcribed here as it appears in
the _Chronicles of the Picts and Scots_, where it is given as copied
from the M’Firbis MS. in the Royal Irish Academy:--
A eolcha Alban uile,
A shluagh feuta foltbhuidhe,
Cia ceud ghabhail, au còl duibh,
Ro ghabhasdair Albanbruigh.
Albanus ro ghabh, lià a shlogh,
Mac sen oirderc Isicon,
Brathair is Briutus gan brath,
O raitear Alba eathrach.
Ro ionnarb a brathair bras,
Briutus tar muir n-Icht-n-amhnas,
Ro gabh Briutus Albain ain,
Go rinn fhiadhnach Fotudain.
Fota iar m-Briutus m-blaith, m-bil,
Ro ghabhsad Clanna Nemhidh,
Erglan iar teacht as a loing,
Do aithle thoghla thuir Conuing.
Cruithnigh ros gabhsad iarttain,
Tar ttiachtain a h-Erean-mhuigh,
.X. righ tri fichid righ ran,
Gabhsad diobh an Cruithean-chlar.
Cathluan an ced righ diobh-soin,
Aisnedhfead daoibh go cumair,
Rob e an righ degheanach dhibh
An cur calma Cusaintin.
Clanna Eathach ina n-diaigh,
Gabhsad Albain iar n-airdghliaidh,
Clanna Conaire an chaomhfhir,
Toghaidhe na treun Ghaoidhil.
Tri mec Erc mec Eachdach ait,
Triar fuair beannachtair Patraice,
Ghabhsad Albain, ard a n-gus,
Loarn, Fearghus, is Aonghus.
Dech m-bliadhna Loarn, ler bladh,
I fflaitheas Oirir Alban,
Tar es Loarn fhel go n-gus,
Seacht m-bliadhna ficheat Fearghus.
Domhangart mac d’Fheargus ard,
Aireamh cuig m bliadhan m-biothgarg,
A .XXXIIII. gan troid,
Do Comghall mac Domhangoirt.
Da bhliadhan Conaing gan tair,
Tar es Comhghaill do Gobhran,
Ti bliadhna fo cuig gan roinn
Ba ri Conall mac Comhghoill.
Cethre bliadhna ficheat tall
Ba ri Aodhan na n-iol-rann,
Dech m-bliadhna fo seacht seol n-gle,
I fflaitheas Eathach buidhe.
Connchadh Cearr raithe, rel bladh,
A .XVI. dia mac Fearchar,
Tar es Ferchair, feaghaidh rainn,
.XIIII. bliadhna Domhnaill.
Tar es Domhnaill bric na m-bla,
Conall, Dunghall .X. m-bliadhna,
.XIII. bliadhna Domhnaill duinn
Tar es Dunghail is Chonail.
Maolduin mac Conaill na cereach
A .XVII. do go dlightheach,
Fearchair fadd, feagha leat,
Do chaith bliadhain thar .XX.
Da bliadhain Eachdach na-n-each,
Ro ba calma an ri rightheach,
Aoin bhliadhain ba flaith iarttain,
Ainceallach maith mac Fearchair.
Seachd m-bliadhna Dunghail dein,
Acus a ceither do Ailpen,
Tri bliadhna Muireadhiogh mhaith,
.XXX. do Aodh na ardfhlaith.
A ceathair ficheat, nir fhann,
Do bhliadhnaibh do chaith Domhnall,
Da bhliadhain Conaill, cem n-gle,
Is a ceathair Chonall ele.
Naoi m-bliadhna Cusaintin chain,
A naoi Aongusa ar Albain,
Cethre bliadhna Aodha ain,
Is a tri deng Eoghanain.
Triocha bliadhain Cionaoith chruaidh,
A ceathair Domhnall drechruaidh,
.XXX. bliadhain co na bhrigh,
Don churadh do Cusaintin.
Da bhliadhain, ba daor a dath,
Da brathair do Aodh fhionnscothach,
Domhnall mac Cusaintin chain,
Ro chaith bliadhain fa cheathair.
Cusaintin ba calma a ghleac,
Ro chaith a se is da fhicheat,
Maolcoluim cethre bliadhna,
Iondolbh a h-ocht airdriagla.
Seacht m-bliadhna Dubhod der.
Acus a ceathair Cuilen,
A .XXVII, os gach cloinn
Do Cionaoth mac Maolcholuim.
Seacht m-bliadhna Cusaintin cluin
Acus a ceathair Macdhuibh
Triochadh bliadhain, breacaid rainn
Ba ri Monaidh Maolcoluim.
Se bliadhna Donnchaid glain gaoith
.XVII. bliadhna mac Fionnlaoich
Tar es Mecbeathaidh go m-blaidh
.vii mis i fflaithios Lughlaigh.
Maolcholuim anosa as ri,
Mac Donnchaidh dhata dhrechbhi,
A re nocha n-fidir neach,
Acht an t-eolach as eolach
A eolcha.
Da righ for chaogad, cluine,
Go mac Donnchaidh drech ruire,
Do shiol Erc ardghlain anoir,
Gabhsad Albain, a eolaigh.
_English Translation._
Ye learned of Alban altogether
Ye people shy, yellow-haired
Which was the first invasion, do ye know
That took the land of Alban?
Albanus took it, active his men,
That famous son of Isacon,
The brother of Briutus without guile
From whom Alba of the ships is said.
Briutus banished his bold brother
Over the stormy sea of Icht.
Briutus took the beautiful Alban
To the tempestuous promontory of Fotudan.
Long after Briutus the noble, the good,
The race of Neimhidh took it,
Erglan, after coming out of his ship
After the destruction of the tower of Conaing.
The Cruithne took it after that
On coming out of Erin of the plain,
Seventy noble kings of them
Took the Cruithnean plain.
Cathluan was the first king of them,
I tell it you in order,
The last king of them was
The brave hero Constantine.
The children of Eochy after them
Seized Alban after a great fight,
The children of Conair, the gentle man,
The choice of the brave Gael.
Three sons of Erc the son of Eochy the joyous,
Three who got the blessing of Patrick,
Seized Alban; great was their courage,
Lorn, Fergus, and Angus.
Ten years to Lorn, by which was renown,
In the sovereignty of Oirir Alban,
After Lorn the generous and strong
Seven and twenty years to Fergus.
Domangart, son of the great Fergus,
Had the number of five terrible years.
Twenty-four years without a fight
Were to Comghall son of Domangart.
Two years of success without contempt
After Comghall to Gobhran.
Three years with five without division
Was king Conall son of Comghall.
Four and twenty peaceful years
Was king Aodhan of many songs.
Ten years with seven, a true tale,
In sovereignty Eochy buy.
Connchadh Cearr a quarter, star of renown,
Sixteen years to his son Ferchar,
After Ferchar, see the poems,
Thirteen years to Donald.
After Donald breac of the shouts,
Was Conall, Dungal ten years,
Thirteen years Donald Donn
After Dungal and Conall.
Maolduin, son of Conall of spoils,
Seventeen years to him rightfully.
Ferchar fadd, see you it
Spent one year over twenty.
Two years was Eochy of steeds,
Bold was the king of palaces.
One year was king after that
Aincellach the good, son of Ferchar.
Seven years was Dungal the impetuous,
And four to Ailpin.
Three years Murdoch the good,
Thirty to Aodh as high chief.
Eighty, not feeble
Years did Donald spend.
Two years Conall, a noble course,
And four another Conall.
Nine years Constantine the mild,
Nine Angus over Alban,
Four years the excellent Aodh,
And thirteen Eoghanan.
Thirty years Kenneth the hardy,
Four Donald of ruddy face,
Thirty years with effect
To the hero, to Constantine.
Two years, sad their complexion,
To his brother Aodh the youthfully fair,
Donald, son of Constantine the mild,
Spent a year above four.
Constantine, bold was his conflict
Spent forty and six.
Malcolm four years.
Indulf eight in high sovereignty.
Seven years Dubhoda the impetuous,
And four Cuilen.
And twenty-seven over all the tribes
To Kenneth the son of Malcolm.
Seven years Constantine, listen,
And four to Macduff,
Thirty years, the verses mark it,
Was king of Monaidh, Malcolm.
Six years was Duncan of pure wisdom,
Seventeen years the son of Finlay,
After him Macbeth with renown,
Seven months in sovereignty Lulach.
Malcolm is now the king,
Son of Duncan the yellow-coloured,
His time knoweth no one
But the knowing one who is knowing,
Ye learned.
Two kings over fifty, listen,
To the son of Duncan of coloured face,
Of the seed of Erc the noble, in the east,
Possessed Alban, ye learned.
Although this poem is given in Gaelic as it appears in the
_Chronicles of the Picts and Scots_,[97] the English translation
differs in some places. At p. 60 _Tri bliadhna fo cuig_[98] is
translated by Mr Skene “three years five times,” while in the same
page _dech m-bliadhna fo seacht_ is translated “ten years and
seven.” There is no apparent ground for such a distinction. So in
p. 61 _ceathar ficheat_, eighty, is translated “four and twenty,”
which is at variance with the usus of the Gaelic language. The above
translation seems the true one.
This poem is manifestly of great antiquity and of deep historical
interest. Of the authorship little is known. It has been suggested
that it is of Irish origin.[99] This is possible, for judging by
the synchronisms of Flann Mainistreach, the Irish seanachies were
well informed on Scottish matters. But whether Irish or not, the
whole poem refers to Scotland, and is entitled to a place among the
Celtic remains of the country. It is our oldest and most authentic
record of the Scottish kings, and in this respect commended itself
to the regard of Pinkerton, who was no friend of anything that was
creditable to the Celts or helped to establish their claims.
MUIREADHACH ALBANNACH.
The name of Muireadhach Albannach is well known among the literary
traditions of Celtic Scotland. In a curious genealogy by Lachlan Mac
Mhuireadhaich or Vuirich, usually called Lachlan M’Pherson, given
in the Report of the Highland Society of Scotland on Ossian,[100]
the said Lachlan traces his own genealogy back through eighteen
generations to this Muireadhach or Murdoch of Scotland, and states
that his ancestors were bards to M’Donald of Clanronald during the
period. The original Murdoch was an ecclesiastic, and has probably
given their name to the whole M’Pherson clan. There is a curious
poetical dialogue given in the Dean of Lismore’s Book between him and
Cathal Cròdhearg, King of Connaught, who flourished in the close of
the 12th century, upon their entering at the same time on a monastic
life. The poem would seem to show Murdoch to have been a man of high
birth, while his own compositions are evidence both of his religious
earnestness and his poetical talent. Until the publication of the
Dean of Lismore’s book, it was not known that there were any remains
of his compositions in existence, but that collection contains
several, all on religious subjects. The following is a specimen
of his composition, and of the Gaelic poetry of the 12th or 13th
century:--
Mithich domh triall gu tigh Pharais,
’N uair a’ ghuin gun e soirbh.
Cosnaim an tigh treun gun choire,
Gun sgeul aig neach ’eil oirnn.
Dean do sriuth ri do shagairt
’S coir cuimhne ach gu dlù umad ole.
Na beir do thigh righ gun agh
Sgeul a’s priomh ri agradh ort.
Na dean folchainn a’d pheacadh,
Ge grain ri innseadh a h-ole;
Leigeadh de’d chuid an cleith diomhar,
Mur be angair a gabhail ort.
Dean do shith ris an luchd-dreuchd,
Ge dona, ge anmhuinn le’d chor,
Sguir ri’d lochd, do ghul dean domhain,
Mu’m bi olc ri fhaighinn ort.
Mairg a threigeadh tigh an Ardrigh,
Aig ghràdh peacaidh, turagh an ni,
An t-olc ni duine gu diomhair
Iomadh an sin fiachan mu’n ghniomh.
Aig so searmoin do shiol an Adhaimh,
Mar shaoilim nach bheil se an bhreug,
Fulang a bhais seal gu seachainn
An fear nach domh gu’n teid.
Fhir a cheannaich siol an Adhaimh
D’fhuil, a cholla, ’us da chridhe,
Air a reir gu’n deanadh sealga,
Ger ge dian ri ’m pheacadh mi.
_English Translation._
’Tis time for me to go to the house of Paradise
While this wound is not easily borne,
Let me win this house, famous, faultless,
While others can tell nought else of us.
Confess thyself now to thy priest,
Remember clearly all thy sins;
Carry not to the house of the spotless King
Aught that may thee expose to charge.
Conceal not any of thy sins
However hateful its evil to tell;
Confess what has been done in secret,
Lest thou expose thyself to wrath;
Make thy peace now with the clergy
That thou mayst be safe as to thy state;
Give up thy sin, deeply repent,
Lest its guilt be found in thee.
Woe to him forsook the great King’s house
For love of sin, sad is the deed;
The sin a man commits in secret
Much is the debt his sin incurs.
This is a sermon for Adam’s race,
I think I’ve nothing said that’s false,
Though men may death for a time avoid,
’Tis true they can’t at length escape.
Thou who hast purchased Adam’s race,
Their blood, their body, and their heart,
The things we cherish thou dost assail
However I may sin pursue[101]
It is not necessary to give farther specimens of Murdoch of
Scotland’s poetry here, as those existing are very similar to the
above; but several specimens will be found in the Dean of Lismore’s
Book, from which the above is taken. The original has been difficult
to read, and in consequence to render accurately, but there is little
doubt that the real meaning of the poem is given. If the Book of Deer
be a specimen of the Gaelic at the close of the 12th century in the
east of Scotland, the above is a specimen of the same language from
the west, probably from the Hebrides.
GAELIC CHARTER.
In 1408, Donald, Lord of the Isles, the hero of Harlaw, made a grant
of lands in Islay to Brian Vicar Mackay, one of the old Mackays of
the island. The charter conveying these lands still exists, and
is written in the Gaelic language. As it is now published by the
Record Commission, it is not necessary to give it here, but it is a
document of much interest, written by Fergus M’Beth or Beaton, one
of the famous Beatons who were physicians to the Lord of the Isles,
and signed with the holograph of the great island chief himself.
The lands conveyed are in the eastern part of the island, north of
the Mull of Oa, and embrace such well-known places as Baile-Vicar,
Cornabus, Tocamol, Cracobus, &c. The style of the charter is that
of the usual feudal charters written in Latin, but the remarkable
thing is to find a document of the kind written in Gaelic at a time
when such a thing was almost unknown in the Saxon dialects of either
Scotland or England.
MANUSCRIPTS OF THE 15TH CENTURY.
The Highlands seem to have had a large number of men of letters
during the 15th century, and most of our existing manuscript
materials seem to be of that age. These materials are of various
kinds. They consist of short theological treatises, with traditional
anecdotes of saints and others which seem to have been prevalent
in the church at the time. One of the theological treatises now in
the library of the Faculty of Advocates in Edinburgh, has reference
to the Sacrament of the Supper, and maintains the purely Protestant
doctrine that the sacrament can only profit those who receive it in
faith. There are anecdotes of priests, often called by the Gaelic
name of _maighistir_, which would indicate that the priests of the
period had wives, and that the doctrine of celibacy had not then
entered the Scottish church.
Some of the manuscripts are genealogical, and as such are of much
value to the Scottish historian. They show what the ideas of the
_seanachies_ of the thirteenth century were regarding the origin
of the Highland clans. Some of these genealogical records have
been published by the Iona Club, and are in this way accessible to
the general reader. They are indicative of the care taken at the
period to preserve memorials of family history, and were of value
not only as conducing to the gratification of family pride, but to
the preservation of family property, inasmuch as these were the
only means in accordance with which succession to property could
be determined. The consequence is, that they are not always very
reliable, favour being apt to bias the recorder on one side, just
as enmity and ill-will were apt to bias him on the other. It is
remarkable how ready the _seanachy_ of a hostile clan was to proclaim
the line of the rival race illegitimate. This affects the value of
these records, but they are valuable notwithstanding, and are to a
considerable extent reliable, especially within the period where
authentic information could be obtained by the writer.
A portion of these manuscripts deals with medical and metaphysical
subjects, the two being often combined. We are hardly prepared to
learn to how great an extent these subjects were studied at an
early period in the Highlands. We are apt to think that the region
was a barbarous one without either art or science. A sight of the
sculptures which distinguished the 14th and 15th centuries is prone
to remove this impression. We find a style of sculpture still
remaining in ancient crosses and gravestones that is characteristic
of the Highlands; elaborate ornaments of a distinct character, rich
and well executed tracery, figures well designed and finished. Such
sculptures, following upon those of the prehistoric period found
still within the ancient Pictish territory, exist chiefly throughout
the West Highlands, and indicate that one art, at least, of native
growth, distinguished the Gaelic Celts of the Middle Ages.
The medical manuscripts existing are chiefly the productions of the
famous Macbeths or Beatons, the hereditary physicians of the Lords
of the Isles for a long series of years. The charter of lands in
Islay, already referred to, drawn out by Fergus Beaton, is of a date
as early as 1408, and three hundred years after, men of the same
race are found occupying the same position. Hereditary physicians
might seem to offer but poor prospects to their patients, and that
especially at a time when schools of medicine were almost if not
altogether unknown in the country; but the fact is, that this was
the only mode in which medical knowledge could be maintained at
all. If such knowledge were not transmitted from father to son, the
probability was that it would perish, just as was the case with
the genealogical knowledge of the _seanachies_. This transmission,
however, was provided for in the Celtic system, and while there
was no doubt a considerable difference between individuals in the
succession in point of mental endowments, they would all possess a
certain measure of skill and acquirement as the result of family
experience. These men were students of their science as it existed at
the time. The Moors were then the chief writers on medicine. Averroes
and Avicenna were men whose names were distinguished, and whose
works, although little known now, extended to folios. Along with
their real and substantial scientific acquirements, they dived deep
into the secrets of Astrology, and our Celtic students, while ready
disciples of them in the former study, followed them most faithfully
and zealously in the latter likewise. There are numerous medical
and astrological treatises still existing written in the Gaelic
language, and taken chiefly from the works of Moorish and Arabian
writers. How these works reached the Scottish Highlands it is hard
to say, nor is it easier to understand how the ingredients of the
medical prescriptions of these practitioners could be obtained in
a region so inaccessible at the time. The following specimen of the
written Gaelic of medical manuscripts, is taken from Dr O’Donovan’s
grammar:--[102]
“Labhrum anois do leighes na h-eslainti so oir is eígin nethi imda
d’fhaghbhail d’a leighes; ocus is é céd leighes is ferr do dhénamh
dhi. 1. na lenna truaillighthi do glanad maille caterfusia; óir
a deir Avicenna ’s an 4 Cān. co n-déin in folmhughadh na leanna
loisgi d’inarbad. An 2.ní oilemhain bidh ocus dighi d’ordughadh
dóibh; an tres ní, an t-adhbhar do dhileaghadh; an 4.ní a
n-innarbadh go h-imlán; an 5.ní, fothraiethi do dhénum dóibh; an
6.ní, is eígin lictuber comhfhurtachta do thobhairt dóib. An 7.ní,
is eígin neithi noch aentuighius riu do thobhairt dóib muna roib an
corp línta do droch-leannaíbh.”
_English Translation._
“Let me now speak of the cure of this disease (scurvy), for many
things must be got for its cure; the first cure which is best to be
made is to clean the corrupt humours with caterfusia; for Avicenna
says in the fourth Canon that evacuation causes an expulsion of the
burnt humours. The second thing, to order the patients a proper
regimen of meat and drink; the third thing, to digest the matter;
the fourth thing, to expel them completely; the fifth thing, to
prepare a bath for them; the sixth, it is necessary to give them
strengthening lictub. The seventh, it is necessary to give them such
things as agree with them, unless the body be full of bad humours.”
This extract is taken from an Irish manuscript, but the language is
identical with that in use in the writings of the Beatons. Celtic
Scotland and Celtic Ireland followed the same system in medicine as
in theology and poetry.
The metaphysical discussions, if they may be so called, are very
curious, being characterised by the features which distinguished
the science of metaphysics at the time. The most remarkable thing
is that there are Gaelic terms to express the most abstract ideas
in metaphysics;--terms which are now obsolete, and would not be
understood by any ordinary Gaelic speaker. A perusal of these ancient
writings shows how much the language has declined, and to what an
extent it was cultivated at an early period. So with astrology, its
terms are translated and the science is fully set forth. Tables are
furnished of the position of the stars by means of which to foretell
the character of future events. Whatever literature existed in
Europe in the 14th and 15th centuries, extended its influence to the
Scottish Highlands. The nation was by no means in such a state of
barbarism as some writers would lead us to expect. They had legal
forms, for we have a formal legal charter of lands written in Gaelic;
they had medical men of skill and acquirement; they had writers
on law and theology, and they had men skilled in architecture and
sculpture.
THE DEAN OF LISMORE’S BOOK.
When the Highland Society of Scotland were engaged in preparing
their report on the poems of Ossian, they thought it important to
search with all possible diligence after such sources of ancient
Gaelic poetry as might have been open to Macpherson, and especially
for such written remains as might still be found in the country.
Among others they applied to the Highland Society of London, whose
secretary at the time, Mr John Mackenzie, was an enthusiastic
Highlander, and an excellent Gaelic scholar. The Society furnished
several interesting manuscripts which they had succeeded in
collecting, and among these an ancient paper book which has since
been called the “Book of the Dean of Lismore.” This book, which now
lies in the library of the Faculty of Advocates, Edinburgh, is a
small quarto very much defaced, of about seven inches square, and one
inch and a quarter in thickness. It is bound in a piece of coarse
sheepskin, and seems to have been much tossed about. The manuscript
is written in what may be called phonetic Gaelic, the words being
spelled on the same principle as the Welsh and Manx, although the
application of the principle is very different. “Athair,” _father_,
is “Ayr;” “Saor,” _free_, is “Seyr;” “Fhuair,” _found_, is “Hoar;”
“Leodhas,” _Lewis_, is “Looyss;” “iuchair,” _a key_, is “ewthir;”
“ghràdh,” _love_, is “Zrau.” This principle of phonetic spelling,
with a partial admission of the Irish eclipsis and the Irish dot
in aspiration, distinguishes the whole manuscript, and has made it
very difficult to interpret. The letter used is the English letter
of the 15th and 16th centuries, and the MS. was transcribed by the
late Mr Ewen M’Lachlan of Aberdeen, an admirable Gaelic scholar. But
no attempt was made to transfer its contents into modern Gaelic, or
to interpret them, save in the case of a few fragments which were
transferred and interpreted by Dr Smith for the Highland Society.
Recently, however, the whole manuscript, with few exceptions, has
been transcribed, presented in a modern Gaelic dress, translated
and annotated, by the writer; and a historical introduction and
additional notes have been furnished by Dr W. F. Skene.
The volume is full of interest, as presenting a view of the native
literature of the Highlands in the 15th and 16th centuries, while
it contains productions of a much earlier age. The fragments which
it contains are both Scottish and Irish, showing how familiar the
bardic schools were with the productions of both countries. Much of
the contents consists of fragments of what is usually called Ossianic
poetry--compositions by Ossian, by Fergus filidh his brother, by
Conall MacEdirsceoil, by Caoilte M’Ronan, and by poets of a later
age, who imitated these ancient bards, such as Allan MacRorie,
Gilliecallum Mac an Olla, and others. The collection bears on one of
its pages the name “Jacobus M’Gregor decanus Lismorensis,” _James
M’Gregor, Dean of Lismore_, and it has been conjectured from this
fact and the resemblance of the writing in the signature to that of
the body of the manuscript, that this was the compiler of the work.
That the manuscript was the work of a M’Gregor is pretty evident.
It contains a series of obits of important men, most of them chiefs
and other men of note of the clan Gregor, and there are among the
poetical pieces of a date later than the Ossianic, numerous songs in
praise of that clan. It seems, however, that M’Gregor had a brother
called Dougal, who designates himself _daoroglach_, or “apprentice,”
who had some share in making the compilation. These M’Gregors
belonged to Fortingall in Perthshire, although James held office in
the diocese of Argyll. He was vicar of the parish of Fortingall, and
it is presumed usually resided there.
In giving specimens from M’Gregor’s collection, it may be desirable
to treat of the whole of what is called the Ossianic poetry. It is in
this collection that we find the earliest written specimens of it,
and although Macpherson’s Ossian did not appear for two centuries
later, it seems better to group the whole together in this portion
of our notice. The word “ursgeul” was applied by the Highlanders to
these poetical tales. This word has been translated “a _new_ tale,”
as if the _ùr_ here meant “new” in contradistinction to older tales.
But the word _ùr_ meant “noble” or “great,” as well as “new,” and
the word as so used must be understood as meaning a “_noble_ tale”
in contradistinction to the _sgeulachd_, or other tale of less note.
From what source M’Gregor derived his materials is not said, but
the probability is that he was indebted both to manuscripts and to
oral tradition for them. We shall here give a specimen of the Dean’s
collection as it appears in the original, with a version in regular
Gaelic spelling, and an English translation. It is the poem usually
called “Bàs Dhiarmaid,” or _the Death of Diarmad_.
A HOUDIR SO ALLANE M’ROYREE.
Glennschee in glenn so rame heive
A binn feig agus lon
Menik redeis in nane
Ar on trath so in dey agon
A glen so fa wenn Zwlbin zwrm
Is haald tulchi fa zran
Ner wanew a roythi gi dark
In dey helga o inn na vane
Estith beg ma zalew leith
A chuddycht cheive so woym
Er wenn Zulbin is er inn fail
Is er M’ezoynn skayl troyg
Gur lai finn fa troyg in shelga
Er V’ezwn is derk lei
Zwll di wenn Zwlbin di helga
In turkgi nach fadin erm zei
Lai M’ezwnn narm ay
Da bay gin dorchirre in tork
Gillir royth ba zoill finn
Is sche assne rin do locht
Er fa harlow a zail
M’ozunn graw nin sgoll
Ach so in skayll fa tursych mnaan
Gavr less di layve an tork
Zingywal di lach ni wane
Da gurri ea assi gnok
In schenn tork schee bi garv
Di vag ballerych na helve mok
Soeyth finn is derk dreach
Fa wenn zwlbin zlass in telga
Di fre dinnit less in tork
Mor in tolga a rin a shelga
Di clastich cozar ni wane
Nor si narm teach fa a cann
Ersi in a vest o swoyn
Is glossis woyth er a glenn
Curris ri faggin nin leich
In shen tork schee er freich borb
Bi geyr no ganyth sleygh
Bi traneiseygh na gath bolga
M’ozwnn ni narm geyr
Frager less in na vest olk
Wa teive reyll trom navynyth gay
Currir sleygh in dayl in turk
Brissir in cran less fa thre
Si chran fa reir er in mwk
In sleygh o wasi waryerka vlaye
Rait less nochchar hay na corp
Targir in tan lann o troyle
Di chossin mor loye in narm
Marviss M’ozunn fest
Di hanyth feyn de hess slane
Tuttis sprocht er Inn ne wane
Is soyis sea si gnok
Makozunn nar dult dayve
Olk less a hecht slane o tork
Er weith zoyth faddi no host
A durt gar wolga ri ray
Tothiss a zermit o hocht
Ga maid try sin tork so id taa
Char zult ay a chonyth finn
Olk leinn gin a heacht da hygh
Toissi tork er a zrum
M’ozunn nach trome trygh
Toiss na ye reiss
A zermit gi meine a torc
Fa lattis troygh ya chinn
A zil nin narm rim gort
Ymbeis bi hurrus goye
Agus toissi zayve in tork
Gunne i freich neive garve
Boonn in leich bi zarg in drod
Tuttis in sin er in rein
M’ O’Zwne nar eyve fealle
Na la di heive in turk
Ach sen ayd zut gi dorve
A la schai in swn fa creay
M’ O’Zwne keawe in gleacht
Invakane fullich ni wane
Sin tulli so chayme fa art
Saywic swlzorme essroye
Far la berrit boye gi ayr
In dey a horchirt la tork
Fa hulchin a chnokso a taa
Dermit M’ O’Zwne oyill
Huttom tra ead nin noor
Bi gil a wrai no grane
Bu derk a wail no blai k ...
Fa boe innis a alt
Fadda rosk barglan fa lesga
Gurme agus glassi na hwle
Maissi is cassi gowl ni gleacht
Binnis is grinnis na zloyr
Gil no zoid varzerk vlaa
Mayd agis evycht sin leich
Seng is ser no kness bayn
Coythtyc is maaltor ban
M’ O’Zwne bi vor boye
In turri char hog swle
O chorreich wr er a zroy
Immin deit eyde is each
Fer in neygin creach nar charre
Gilli a bar gasga is seith
Ach troyg mir a teich so glenn
Glennschee.
_Modern Gaelic._
A H ÙGHDAIR SO AILEAN M’RUADHRAIDH.
Gleannsìth an gleann so ri’m thaobh,
’S am binn feidh agus loin,
Is minig a rachas an Fheinn
Air an t-srath so an deigh an con.
An gleann so fa Bheinn Ghulbainn ghuirm.
Is aillidh tulcha fo’n ghréin,
Na sruthana a ruith gu dearg,
An deigh shealg o Fhionn na Feinn.
Eisdibh beag mar dh’fhalbh laoch,
A chuideachd chaoimh so uam,
Air Bheinn Ghulbainn ’us air Fionn fial,
’Us air M’ O’Dhuinn, sgeul truagh:
Gur le Fionn fa truagh an t-sealg
Air Mhac O’Dhuinn a’s deirge lith,
Dhol do Bheinn Ghulbainn do shealg
An tuire nach faodainn airm dhith.
Le Mac O’Dhuinn an airm aigh,
Do’m b’e gu’n torchradh an torc,
Geillear roimhe, bu dh’fhoill Fhinn,
Is e esan a rinn do lochd.
Fear fa tharladh an gaol,
Mac O’Dhuinn gràdh nan sgoil,
Ach so an sgeul fa tursach mnathan,
Gabhar leis do laimh an torc.
Diongal do laoch na Feinn
Do chuireadh e as a chnoc,
An seann torc Sithe bu ghairbhe,
Do fhac ballardaich na h-alla-muic.
Suidhidh Fionn is deirge dreach,
Fa Bheinn Ghulbainn ghlais an t-seilg,
Do frith dh’ imich leis an torc,
Mòr an t-olc a rinn a shealg.
Ri clàisdeachd co-ghair na Feinn
’N uair ’s an arm a teachd fa ’ceann
Eireas a bheisd o shuain,
’Us gluaiseas uath’ air a ghleann.
Cuireas ri fàgail nan laoch,
An seann torc ’us e air friodh borb,
Bu gheire no gath nan sleagh,
Bu treine a shaigh no gath bolga.
Mac O’Dhuinn nan arm geur,
Freagras leis a’ bheisd olc,
O’ thaobh thriall trom, nimhneach, gath,
Cuirear sleagh an dail an tuirc.
Brisear a crann leis fa thri,
Is i a crann fa rèir air a’ mhuc,
An t-sleagh o bhos bhar-dhearg, bhlàth,
Raitleis noch char e’ na corp.
Tairngear an tan lann o’ truaill,
Do choisinn mòr luaidh an arm,
Marbhas Mac O’Dhuinn a’ bheisd,
Do thainig e féin as slàn.
Tuiteas sprochd air Fionn na Feinn,
’Us suidheas e ’s a chnoc,
Mac O’ Dhuinn nach do dhiult daimh
Olc leis a thighinn slàn o’n torc.
Air bhith dha fada ’n a thosd,
A dubhairt, ged a b’ olc ri ràdh,
Tomhais, a Dhiarmaid o’ shoc,
Cia meud troidh ’s an torc a ta.
Char dhiult e athchuinge Fhinn,
Olc leinn gun e theachd d’a thigh.
Tombaisidh an torc air a dhruim,
Mac O’Dhuinn nach trom troidh.
Tomhais ’n a aghaidh a rìs,
A Dhiarmaid gu mion an torc;
Fa leat is truagh dha chinn,
A ghille nan arm roinn ghoirt.
Imicheas, bu thurus goimh,
Agus tomhaisidh dhoibh an torc.
Guinidh a fhriogh nimh, garbh
Bonn an laoich bu gharbh an trod.
Tuiteas an sin air an raon,
Mac O’Dhuinn nior aoibh feall;
’N a luidhe do thaobh an tuirc,
Ach sin e dhuit gu doirbh.
A ta se an sin fa chreuchd
Mac O’Dhuinn caomh an gleachd;
Aon mhacan fulangach nam Fiann
’S an tulach so chitheam fa fheart.
Seabhag suilghorm Easruaidh,
Fear le’m beireadh buaidh gach àir,
An deigh a thorchairt le torc
Fa thulchain a chnuic so a ta.
Diarmad Mac O’Dhuinn aibheil,
A thuitcam troimh eud; mo nuar!
Bu ghile a bhràgh’d no grian,
Bu dheirge a bheul no blàth caora.
Fa buidhe innis a fhalt,
Fada rosg barghlan fa liosg,
Guirme agus glaise ’n a shùil,
Maise ’us caise cùl nan cleachd.
Binneas ’us grinneas ’n a ghlòir,
Gile ’n a dhoid bhar-dhearg bhlàth,
Meud agus éifeachd ’s an laoch
Seang ’us saor ’n a chneas bàn.
Cothaich ’us mealltair bhan,
Mac O’Dhuinn bu mhòr buaidh,
’S an t-suiridh cha thog sùil,
O chuireadh ùir air a ghruaidh.
Immirdich fhaoghaid ’us each,
Fear an éigin chreach nar char,
Gille b’fhearr gaisge ’us sitheadh,
Ach is truagh mar a theich ’s a ghleann.
Gleannsìth.
_English Translation._
THE AUTHOR OF THIS IS ALLAN M’RORIE.
Glenshee the vale that close beside me lies
Where sweetest sounds are heard of deer and elk,
And where the Feinn did oft pursue the chase
Following their hounds along the lengthening vale.
Below the great Ben Gulbin’s grassy height,
Of fairest knolls that lie beneath the sun
The valley winds. It’s streams did oft run red,
After a hunt by Finn and by the Feinn.
Listen now while I detail the loss
Of one a hero in this gentle band;
’Tis of Ben Gulbin and of generous Finn
And Mac O’Duine, in truth a piteous tale.
A mournful hunt indeed it was for Finn
When Mac O’Duine, he of the ruddiest hue,
Up to Ben Gulbin went, resolved to hunt
The boar, whom arms had never yet subdued.
Though Mac O’Duine of brightest burnished arms,
Did bravely slay the fierce, and furious boar,
Yet Finn’s deceit did him induce to yield,
And this it was that did his grievous hurt.
Who among men was so belov’d as he?
Brave Mac O’Duine, beloved of the schools;
Women all mourn this sad and piteous tale
Of him who firmly grasped the murderous spear.
Then bravely did the hero of the Feinn
Rouse from his cover in the mountain side
The great old boar, him so well known in Shee,
The greatest in the wild boar’s haunt e’er seen.
Finn sat him down, the man of ruddiest hue,
Beneath Ben Gulbin’s soft and grassy side;
For swift the boar now coursed along the heath;
Great was the ill came of that dreadful hunt.
’Twas when he heard the Feinn’s loud ringing shout,
And saw approach the glittering of their arms,
The monster wakened from his heavy sleep
And stately moved before them down the vale.
First, to distance them he makes attempt
The great old boar, his bristles stiff on end,
These bristles sharper than a pointed spear,
Their point more piercing than the quiver’s shaft.
Then Mac O’Duine, with arms well pointed too,
Answers the horrid beast with ready hand;
Away from his side then rushed the heavy spear,
Hard following on the course the boar pursued.
The javelin’s shaft fell shivered into three,
The shaft recoiling from the boar’s tough hide.
The spear hurl’d by his warm red-fingered hand,
Ne’er penetrated the body of the boar.
Then from its sheath he drew his thin-leav’d sword,
Of all the arms most crowned with victory.
Mac O’Duine did then the monster kill
While he himself escaped without a wound.
Then on Finn of the Feinn did sadness fall,
And on the mountain side he sat him down;
It grieved his soul that generous Mac O’Duine
Should have escaped unwounded by the boar.
For long he sat, and never spake a word,
Then thus he spake, although’t be sad to tell;
“Measure, Diarmad, the boar down from the snout,
And tell how many feet ’s the brute in length;”
What Finn did ask he never yet refused;
Alas! that he should never see his home.
Along the back he measures now the boar,
Light-footed Mac O’Duine of active step.
“Measure it the other way against the hair,
And measure, Diarmad, carefully the boar.”
It was indeed for thee a mournful deed,
Furth of the sharply-pointed, piercing arms,
He went, the errand grievous was and sad,
And measured for them once again the boar.
The envenomed pointed bristle sharply pierced
The soul of him the bravest in the field.
Then fell and lay upon the grassy plain
The noble Mac O’Duine, whose look spoke truth;
He fell and lay along beside the boar
And then you have my mournful saddening tale.
There does he lie now wounded to the death,
Brave Mac O’Duine so skilful in the fight,
The most enduring even among the Feinn,
Up there where I see his grave.
The blue-eyed hawk that dwelt at Essaroy
The conqueror in every sore-fought field
Slain by the poisoned bristle of the boar.
Now does he lie full-stretched upon the hill,
Brave, noble Diarmad Mac O’Duine
Slain, it is shame! victim of jealousy.
Whiter his body than the sun’s bright light,
Redder his lips than blossoms tinged with red;
Long yellow locks did rest upon his head,
His eye was clear beneath the covering brow,
Its colour mingled was of blue and gray;
Waving and graceful were his locks behind,
His speech was elegant and sweetly soft;
His hands the whitest, fingers tipped with red;
Elegance and power were in his form,
His fair soft skin covering a faultless shape,
No woman saw him but he won her love.
Mac O’Duine crowned with his countless victories,
Ne’er shall he raise his eye in courtship more;
Or warrior’s wrath give colour to his cheek;
The following of the chase, the prancing steed,
Will never move him, nor the search for spoil.
He who could bear him well in wary fight,
Has now us sadly left in that wild vale.
Glenshee.
This is, in every way, a fair specimen of the Dean’s MS., and of
the story of the death of Diarmad as it existed in Scotland in the
year 1512. The story is entirely a Scottish one, Glenshee being
a well-known locality in the county of Perth, and Ben Gulbin a
well-known hill in Glenshee. This has been called an Ossianic poem,
but, according to Dean M’Gregor, it was not composed by Ossian, but
by a poet obviously of more recent times;--Allan MacRorie, who was
probably a composer of the 15th century. The resemblance of Diarmad
to Achilles will occur at once to the classical reader, and there is
no reason to doubt that there were large classes in the Highlands in
the middle ages well acquainted with classical literature.
Another specimen of the Dean’s poems may be given as one which the
compiler attributes to Ossian. It is Ossian’s eulogy on his father
Finn, or Fingal, as he is called by M’Pherson:--
_Modern Gaelic._
AUCTOR HUJUS OISIAN MAC FHINN.
Sé la gus an dé o nach fhaca mi Fionn,
Cha-n fhaca ri’m ré se bu gheire leam;
Mac nighinn O’Théige, rìgh nam buillean tròm,
M’oide, ’us mo rath, mo chiall ’us mo chon.
Fa filidh fa flath, fa rìgh air ghéire,
Fionn flath, rìgh na Feinn, fa triath air gach tìr;
Fa miall mòr mara, fa leobhar air leirg,
Fa seabhag glan gaoithe, fa saoi air gach ceaird.
Fa h-oileanach ceart, fa marcaich nior mhearbh,
Fa h-ullamh air ghniomh, fa steith air gach seirm;
Fa fior, ceart, a bhreith, fa tamhaiche tuaith.
Fa ionnsaichte ’n a àigh, fa brathach air buaidh;
Fa h-e an teachdair ard, air chalm’us air cheòl,
Fa diùltadh nan daimh o dh’fhàg graidh na gloir.
A chneas mar an caile, a ghruaidh mar an ròs,
Bu ghlan gorm a rosg, ’fholt mar an t-òr.
Fa dùil daimh ’us daoine, fa aireach nan àgh,
Fa h-ullamh air ghniomh, fa mìn ri mnathaibh.
Fa h-e am miall mòr, mac muirne gach magh,
B’fhear loinneadh nan lann, an crann os gach fiodh.
Fa saoibhir an rìgh, a bhotul mòr glas,
D’fhion dhoirt gheur dhoibh, tairbh nochchar threa
. . . . . . . . . . . . broinn bhàin
. . . air an t-sluagh, fa bu chruaidh cheum,
Fa chosnadh an gniomh, fa Bhanbha nam beann
Gun d’thug am flath triochaid catha fa cheann,
Air sgraiteach dha, M’Cumhail nior cheil,
A deir fa ghò, ni clos gò ’n a bheul;
Ni euradh air neach, a fhuair fear o Fhionn,
Cha robh ach rìgh gréine, rìgh riamh os a chionn.
Nior dh’fhàg beist an loch, no nathair an nimh,
An Eirinn nan naomh, nar mharbh an saor seimh.
Ni h-innisinn a ghniomh, a bhithinn gu de bhràth,
Nior innisinn uam, trian a bhuaidh ’s a mhaith.
Ach is olc a taim, an deigh Fhinn na Feinn,
Do chaith leis an fhlath, gach maith bha ’na dheigh.
Gun anghnath aoin mhòir, gun eineach glan gaoithe,
Gun òr ’us mnathaibh rìgh, ’s gun bhreith nan laoch.
Is tuirseach a taim, an deigh chiun nan ceud,
Is mi an crann air chrith, is mo chiabh air n-eug
Is mi a chno chith, is mi an t-each gun sréin,
Achadan mi an uair, is mi an tuath gun treith;
Is mi Oisian MacFhinn, air trian de’m ghnioimh,
An fhad ’s bu bheò Fionn, do bu leam gach ni.
Seachd slios air a thigh, M’Cumhail gon fleadh,
Seachd fichead sgiath chlis, air gach slios diubh sin;
Caogad uidheam olaidh an timchioll mo rìgh,
Caogad laoch gun iomagain anns gach uidheam dhiubh.
Deich bleidh bàn, ’n a thalla ri òl,
Deich eascradh gorm, deich corn de’n òr.
Ach bu mhaith an treabh, a bh’aig Fionn na Feinn,
Gun doichioll, gun drùth, gun gleois, gun gléidh.
Gun tàrchuis aun, air aon fhear d’a Fheinn,
Aig dol air gach nì, do bhì càch d’a réir.
Fionn flath an t-sluaigh, sothran air a luaidh,
Rìgh nan uile àigh, roimh dhuine nior dhiùlt.
Nior dhiùlt Fionn roimh neach, ge bu bheag a loinn,
Char chuir as a theach, neach dha’r thainig ann.
Maith an duine Fionn, maith an duine e,
Noch char thiodhlaic neach, leth dhe’r thiodhlaic se.
Sé.
_English Translation._
THE AUTHOR OF THIS IS OSSIAN, THE SON OF FINN.
’Twas yesterday week I last saw Finn,
Ne’er did I feel six days so long;
Teige’s daughter’s son, a powerful king;
My teacher, my luck, my mind, and my light,
Both poet and chief, as brave as a king,
Finn, chief of the Feine, lord of all lands,
Leviathan at sea, as great on land,
Hawk of the air, foremost in arts,
Courteous, just, a rider bold,
Of vigorous deeds, the first in song,
A righteous judge, firm his rule,
Polished his mein, who knew but victory.
Who is like him in fight or song?
Resists the foe in house or field,
Marble his skin, the rose his cheek.
Blue was his eye, his hair like gold,
All men’s trust, of noble mind.
Of ready deeds, to women mild,
A giant he, the field’s delight,
Best polished spears, no wood like their shafts.
Rich was the king, his great green bottle
Full of sharp wine, of substance rich.
Excellent he, of noble form,
His people’s head, his step so firm,
Who often warred, in beauteous Banva,
There thirty battles he bravely fought.
With miser’s mind from none withheld,
Anything false his lips ne’er spoke.
He never grudged, no, never, Finn;
The sun ne’er saw king who him excelled,
The monsters in lakes, the serpent by land,
In Erin of saints, the hero slew.
Ne’er could I tell, though always I lived,
Ne’er could I tell the third of his praise.
But sad am I now, after Finn of the Feinn;
Away with the chief, my joy is all fled.
No friends ’mong the great, no courtesy;
No gold, no queen, no princes and chiefs;
Sad am I now, our head ta’en away!
I’m a shaking tree, my leaves all gone;
An empty nut, a reinless horse.
Sad, sad am I, a feeble kern,
Ossian I, the son of Finn, strengthless indeed.
When Finn did live all things were mine;
Seven sides had the house of Cumhal’s son,
Seven score shields on every side;
Fifty robes of wool around the king;
Fifty warriors filled the robes.
Ten bright cups for drink in his hall,
Ten blue flagons, ten horns of gold.
A noble house was that of Finn.
No grudge nor lust, babbling nor sham;
No man despised among the Feinn;
The first himself, all else like him.
Finn was our chief, easy’s his praise;
Noblest of kings, Finn ne’er refused
To any man, howe’er unknown;
Ne’er from his house sent those who came.
Good man was Finn, good man was he;
No gifts e’er given like his so free.
’Twas yesterday week.
This is a specimen of a peculiar kind of ancient Celtic poetry. It
was usually sung to music, and has a remarkable resemblance to some
of the hymns of the early Latin Church. There is another composition
of the same kind in praise of Gaul, called usually “Rosg Ghuill,” or
the War-Song of Gaul.
It is unnecessary to give further specimens of these remains of the
ancient heroic poetry of the Highlands here, nor is it necessary to
quote any of the more modern compositions with which the Dean of
Lismore’s MS. abounds. It is enough to remark how great an amount
of poetry was composed in the Highlands in the 14th, 15th, and 16th
centuries. That was indeed an age of bards when poetical genius was
amply rewarded by great and liberal chiefs. It is of interest further
to observe how ample the answer furnished by the Lismore MS. is to
the ill-natured remarks of Dr Johnson, who maintained that there was
not a word of written Gaelic in the Highlands more than a hundred
years old. We shall now dismiss the Dean’s MS., but we shall exhaust
the subject of Ossian’s poems by a cursory view of the other and
later collections of those poems, and especially the collection of
Macpherson.
MACPHERSON’S OSSIAN.
It is quite unnecessary here to enter on the question of the
authenticity of the poems of Ossian, as edited by Macpherson.[103]
The subject has been so largely treated in numerous publications,
that we consider it better to give a short historical sketch of the
publication, with such specimens as may serve to show the character
of the work.
The first of Macpherson’s publications appeared in the year 1760. It
is entitled, “Fragments of Ancient Poetry collected in the Highlands
of Scotland, and translated from the Gaelic or Erse Language.” The
first edition of this volume was immediately followed by a second,
and the deepest interest was excited in the subject of Celtic
literature among literary men. The work originally consisted of
fifteen fragments, to which a sixteenth was added in the second
edition. These are all in English, there not being one word of
Gaelic in the book. Not that there is any reason to doubt that the
fragments are genuine, and that Macpherson spoke what was perfectly
consistent with truth when he said, as he does at the beginning
of his preface, “The public may depend on the following fragments
as genuine remains of ancient Scottish poetry.” Still it is to be
regretted that the original Gaelic of these compositions was not
given. It would have enabled the public, in the Highlands at least,
to have judged for themselves on the question of their authenticity,
and it would have afforded a guarantee for the accuracy of the
translation. This, however, was not done, and there are none of the
fragments contained in this little volume, the original of which can
now be found anywhere.
In his preface to these “Fragments,” Macpherson gives the first
intimation of the existence of the poem of “Fingal.” He says:--“It
is believed that, by a careful inquiry, many more remains of
ancient genius, no less valuable than those now given to the
world, might be found in the same country where these have been
collected. In particular, there is reason to hope that one work
of considerable length, and which deserved to be styled an heroic
poem, might be recovered and translated, if encouragement were given
to such an undertaking. The subject is an invasion of Ireland by
Swarthan, king of Lochlyn, which is the name of Denmark in the Erse
language. Cuchulaid, the general or chief of the Irish tribes, upon
intelligence of the invasion, assembles his forces; councils are
held, and battles fought; but after several unsuccessful engagements
the Irish are forced to submit. At length Fingal, king of Scotland,
called in this poem ‘The Desert of the Hills,’ arrives with his
ships to assist Cuchulaid. He expels the Danes from the country, and
returns home victorious. This poem is held to be of greater antiquity
than any of the rest that are preserved; and the author speaks of
himself as present in the expedition of Fingal.” In the “Fragments”
the opening of this poem is given, but whether from tradition or MS.
is not said. It proceeds:--“Cuchulaid sat by the wall, by the tree
of the rustling leaf. His spear leaned against the mossy rock. His
shield lay by him on the grass. Whilst he thought on the mighty
Carbre, whom he slew in battle, the scout of the ocean came, Moran
the son of Fithil.” In 1762 there appeared a quarto volume, edited
by Macpherson, containing the poem of “Fingal” and several other
compositions. The poem commences, “Cuchullin sat by Tura’s walls; by
the tree of the rustling leaf. His spear leaned against the mossy
rock. His shield lay by him on the grass. As he thought of mighty
Carbar, a hero whom he slew in war, the scout of the ocean came,
Moran the son of Fithil.” It will be seen that there are several
variations in the two versions, and as we proceed these will appear
to be more numerous and more marked. It is somewhat remarkable
that the Garve of the earlier version should become Swaran in the
second. The whole comparison is interesting, and sheds some light
on the progress of the poems in the hand of the editor. It may be
interesting, in juxtaposition with the above extracts, to give
the Gaelic, as furnished at a later period, by the executors of
Macpherson. It is as follows:--
“Shuidh Cuchullin aig balla Thura,
Fo dhùbhra craoibh dhuille na fuaim;
Dh’aom a shleagh ri carraig nan còs,
A sgiath mhòr r’a thaobh air an fheur.
Bha smaointean an fhir air Cairbre,
Laoch a thuit leis an garbh-chòmhrag,
’N uair a thàinig fear-coimhid a’ chuain,
Luath mhac Fhithil nan ceum àrd.”
The English in both the versions--that of 1760 and that of 1762--is a
pretty accurate rendering of this. In some cases the Gaelic expletive
is awanting, as in “garbh-chòmhrag,” and the name Moran is, in the
last line, substituted for the Gaelic description, “The swift son of
Fithil, of bounding steps.” These, however, are allowable liberties
in such a case. The variations are, however, more considerable as
the several versions proceed, but that of 1760 turns out to be a
mere fragment of the first book of the great epic of 1762. The other
fragments have also their representatives in the larger work. Some of
them appear in the poem called “Carrickthura,” and some of them in
the epic of “Fingal,” but in all these cases the later compositions
are great expansions of the shorter poems given in the earlier work.
A comparison of these versions is full of interest, and in the
hands of fair and acute criticism, is capable, as already said, of
shedding much light on the whole question of Macpherson’s Ossian.
One thing is beyond question, that the names of Ossian’s heroes were
familiar to the Scottish Highlanders from the earliest period; that
they knew more of their deeds, and spoke more of them than of those
of Wallace and Bruce; that the country was teeming with poetical
compositions bearing to have these deeds as their subjects; that the
topography of the country was in every quarter enriched with names
drawn from Fingal and his men; and that to say that the whole of this
was the invention of Macpherson, is nothing but what the bitterest
national prejudice could alone receive as truth.
There are many of the pieces in Macpherson’s Ossian of marvellous
power. The description of Cuchullin’s chariot in the first book of
Fingal is equal to any similar composition among the great classical
epics. It proceeds:--
“Carbad! carbad garbh a’ chòmhraig,
’Gluasad thar ’chomhnard le bàs;
Carbad cuimir, luath, Chuchullin,
Sàr-mhac Sheuma nan cruaidh chàs.
Tha ’earr a’ lùbadh siòs mar thonn,
No ceò mu thom nan carragh geur,
Solus chlocha-buadh mu’n cuairt,
Mar chuan mu eathar ’s an oidhche.
Dh’iubhar faileusach an crann;
Suidhear ann air chnàmhaibh caoin;
’S e tuineas nan sleagh a th’ann,
Nan sgiath, nan lann, ’s nan laoch.
Ri taobh deas a’ mhòr-charbaid
Chithear an t-each meanmnach, séidear,
Mac ard-mhuingeach, cliàbh-fharsuing, dorcha,
Ard-leumach, talmhaidh, na beinne;
’S farumach, fuaimear, a chos;
Tha sgaoileadh a dhosain shuas,
Mar cheathach air àros nan os;
Bu shoilleir a dhreach, ’s bu luath
’Shiubhal, Sithfada b’e ’ainm.
Ri taobh eile a charbaid thall
Tha each fiarasach nan srann,
Caol-mhuingeach, aiginneach, brògach,
Luath-chosach, srònach, nam beann.
Dubh-sròn-gheal a b’ainm air an steud-each.
Làn mhìle dh’iallaibh tana
’Ceangal a’ charbaid gu h-àrd;
Cruaidh chabstar shoilleir nan srian
’Nan gialaibh fo chobhar bàn;
Tha clochan-boillsge le buaidh
’Cromadh sios mu mhuing nan each,
Nan each tha mar cheò air sliabh,
A’ giùlan an triath gu chliù.
Is fiadhaiche na fiadh an colg,
Co làidir ri iolair an neart;
Tha ’m fuaim mar an geamhradh borb
Air Gorm-mheall mùchta fo shneachd.
’Sa charbad chithear an triath,
Sar mhac treun nan geur lann,
Cuchullin nan gorm-bhallach sgiath,
Mac Sheuma mu’n éireadh dan.
A ghruaidh mar an t-iubhair caoin,
A shuil nach b’fhaoin a’ sgaoileadh àrd,
Fo mhala chruim, dhorcha, chaoil;
A chiabh bhuidhe ’n a caoir m’a cheann,
’Taomadh mu ghnùis àluinn an fhir,
’S e ’tarruing a shleagh o ’chùl.
Teich-sa, shàr cheannard nan long,
Teich o’n t-sonn ’s e ’tighinn a nall,
Mar ghaillinn o ghleann nan sruth.”
It is difficult to give an English rendering of the above passage
that would convey the elegance and force of the original. The admirer
of Gaelic poetry cannot but regret that the English reader cannot
peruse the Gaelic version, assured, as he feels, that his doing so
would raise considerably his estimate of the Gaelic muse. There is
not, perhaps, in any language a richer piece of poetical description
than the above. Macpherson’s English version of it is as follows:--
“The car, the car of battle comes, like the flame of death; the
rapid car of Cuchullin, the noble son of Semo. It bends behind
like a wave near a rock; like the golden mist of the heath. Its
sides are embossed with stones, and sparkle like the sea round the
boat of night. Of polished yew is its beam, and its seat of the
smoothest bone. The sides are replenished with spears; and the
bottom is the footstool of heroes. Before the right side of the car
is seen the snorting horse, the high-maned, broad-breasted, proud,
high-leaping, strong steed of the hill. Loud and resounding is his
hoof; the spreading of his mane above is like that stream of smoke
on the heath. Bright are the sides of the steed, and his name is
Sulin-sifadda. Before the left side of the car is seen the snorting
horse; the thin-maned, high-headed, strong-hoofed, fleet, bounding
son of the hill; his name is Dusronnal among the stormy sons of the
sword. A thousand thongs bind the car on high. Hard polished bits
shine in a wreath of foam. Thin thongs, bright-studded with gems,
bend on the stately necks of the steeds--the steeds that, like
wreaths of mist, fly over the streamy vales. The wildness of deer
is in their course, the strength of the eagle descending on her
prey. Their noise is like the blast of winter on the sides of the
snow-headed Gormal.
“Within the car is seen the chief, the strong, stormy son of the
sword; the hero’s name is Cuchullin, son of Semo, king of shells. His
red check is like my polished yew. The look of his blue rolling eye
is wide beneath the dark arch of his brow. His hair flies from his
head like a flame, as, bending forward, he wields the spear. Fly,
king of ocean, fly; he comes like a storm along the streamy vale.”
The Gaelic scholar will at once observe that the above is a free but
a fair translation of the original Gaelic, and the character of the
translation is such as to give no idea of imposition. It is just such
a translation as a man of poetic temperament and talent would give of
the passage.
In 1763 Macpherson published a second quarto containing the poem of
Temora in eight books, along with several other pieces. The first
book of the former had appeared in the collection of 1762, the editor
saying that it was merely the opening of the poem; but the great
interest about the publication of 1763 is that here for the first
time we are presented with the Gaelic original of one of the books
of the poem. It is not true that Macpherson never offered to publish
any portion of the original until he was obliged to do so by the
pressure of public opinion, for in this case he published the Gaelic
original of a part of the work altogether of his own accord. In a
short introductory paragraph to the Gaelic, he says that he chooses
the seventh book of Temora, “not from any other superior merit than
the variety of its versification. To print any part of the former
collection,” he adds, “was unnecessary, as a copy of the originals
lay for many months in the bookseller’s hands for the inspection of
the curious.” Of this new publication, however, he sees it right
to furnish a portion “for the satisfaction of those who doubt the
authenticity of Ossian’s poems.” The editor adds that “though the
erroneous orthography of the bards is departed from in many instances
in the following specimen, yet several quiescent consonants are
retained, to show the derivation of the words.” He accounts for the
uncouth appearance of the language by the use of the Roman letters,
which are incapable of expressing the sounds of the Gaelic. What kind
of orthography Macpherson would have selected he does not say. He
could not be unacquainted with the phonetic orthography of the Dean
of Lismore’s book, and may, perhaps, have had it in view in the above
remarks. But the orthography which he himself uses is neither the
bardic nor the phonetic, and is more uncouth than any orthography
which the bards were in the habit of using. One thing is clear, that
the Gaelic of the seventh book of Temora was never copied from any
manuscript written by a bard. The book opens as follows:--
“O linna doir-choille na _Leigo_
Air uair, eri’ ceo taobh-ghórm nan tón;
Nuair dhunas dorsa na h’oicha
Air iulluir shuil-greina nan speur.
Tomhail, mo Lara nan sruth
Thaomas du’-nial, as doricha cruaim;
Mar ghlas-scia’, roi taoma nan nial
Snamh seachad, ta Gellach na h’oicha.
Le so edi’ taisin o-shean
An dlù-ghleus, a measc na gaoith,
’S iad leumach o osna gn osna
Air du’-aghai’ oicha nan sian.
An taobh oitaig, gu palin nan seoid
Taomas iad cëach nan speur
Gorm-thalla do thannais nach beo
Gu am eri’ fón marbh-rán nan teud.”
Translated by Macpherson thus:--
“From the wood-skirted waters of Lego ascend at times grey-bosomed
mists; when the gates of the west are closed, on the sun’s eagle
eye. Wide over Lara’s stream is poured the vapour dark and deep;
the moon like a dim shield, is swimming through its folds. With
this, clothe the spirits of old their sudden gestures on the wind
when they stride from blast to blast along the dusky night. Often,
blended with the gale, to some warrior’s grave, they roll the mist,
a grey dwelling to his ghost until the songs arise.”
Any reader who understands the Gaelic must allow, without hesitation,
that while this is a free it is a fair rendering of the original;
while he will be constrained to add that in point of force and
elegance the Gaelic is superior to the English version. Many of
the expletives in Gaelic are not rendered in English at all, and
these add largely to the poetic force and beauty of the former.
The orthography of the Gaelic will be seen to be most uncouth and
unphilosophical. “Linna” for “Linne” has no principle to warrant it;
so with “oicha” for “oidhche,” “Gellach” for “gealach,” “cruaim”
for “gruaim,” “taisin” for “taibh-sean.” Then there are no accents
to guide the reader except that the acute accent is used in such
extraordinary words as “tón,” “fón,” which are written for “tonn,”
“fonn.” Altogether it would appear that the writer of the Gaelic of
this book of Temora was to a large extent unacquainted with Gaelic
orthography, and was unable to write the Gaelic language accurately.
The orthography is, indeed, a mere jumble. Still the fact is an
interesting and significant one as connected with the whole history
of the Ossianic poetry that, at so early a period, Macpherson should
have given, as a debt which he felt to be due to the public, a large
specimen of the original of one of his poems. If there is any cause
of regret connected with the matter, it is that he did not let
the country know where he found these poems, and refer others to
the sources whence he derived them himself. These have never been
discovered by any body else, although numerous pieces of Ossianic
poetry are well known in the Highlands to the present day.
There were various versions of Macpherson’s collection, but the
most interesting of all was the Gaelic original of the whole poems
published in 1807. In this edition a Latin translation was furnished
by Mr Robert M’Farlane. The book is a very handsome one, and in
every way creditable to its editors. Mr M’Lachlan of Aberdeen
revised the Gaelic, and no man was more competent for such a duty.
The introduction to the edition of 1818 is understood to have been
written by an excellent Gaelic scholar, the late Rev. Dr Ross of
Lochbroom, and is an eloquent and powerful composition. Several
translations of Ossian’s poems have appeared, but the interest of
the work is mainly associated with the name and labours of James
Macpherson.
SMITH’S SEAN DANA.
In 1780 appeared a volume of Ossian’s Poems, translated and edited
by the Rev. John Smith of Kilbrandon, afterwards the Rev. Dr Smith
of Campbeltown. The volume is entitled “Gaelic Antiquities, &c.,”
containing, among other things, “A Collection of Ancient Poems,
translated from the Gaelic of Ullin, Ossian, &c.” Dr Smith was an
admirable Gaelic scholar, as was evidenced by his translation of
a portion of the Scriptures into that language, and his metrical
version of the Gaelic Psalms. The work before us is a work highly
creditable to Dr Smith’s talents and industry, and although he
complains of the reception which his efforts on behalf of Gaelic
literature met with, it is still prized by Gaelic scholars.
In the year 1787 appeared the Gaelic version of the same poems in an
octavo volume, entitled, “Sean Dana le Oisian, Orran, Ulann, &c.”
It is a pity that the two versions did not appear simultaneously, as
there have not been wanting those who have charged Dr Smith, as was
done in the case of Macpherson, with composing himself much of the
poetry which he gives as Ossian’s. The same has been said of another
collector of the name of Kennedy, who collected a large number of
poems which now lie in MS. in the Advocates’ Library in Edinburgh;
but it is a curious fact that some of the pieces which Kennedy is
said to have acknowledged having composed, can be shown to be ancient.
Dr Smith’s collection begins with the poem called “Dan an Deirg,”
_the Song of Dargo_, or _the Red Man_. It is a famous song in the
Highlands, as is indicated by the proverbial saying, “Gach dàn gu
dàn an Deirg,” _Every song yields to the song of Dargo_. It was sung
to a simple, touching air, which is still known. This poem is given
by Dr Smith in two sections, entitled severally, “A’ cheud chuid,”
and “An dara cuid.” The song is given by the M’Callums (referred to
below), but it is most perplexing that not one word of their version
agrees with Dr Smith’s. Their version is manifestly of the ancient
form and rhythm, with the usual summary at the head of it given by
Gaelic reciters ere beginning one of their songs. None of this is
found in Dr Smith’s version, which is cast very much in the mould of
Macpherson’s Gaelic Ossian. Mr J. A. Campbell, in his _Popular Tales
of the Highlands_ (vol. iii., p. 51), gives a few lines of the lament
of the wife of Dargo for her husband, but they do not correspond in
one line with the version of Dr Smith. The same may be said of Dr
Smith’s “Diarmad,” which is entirely different from all the existing
versions of the same poem. The versions of the Dean of Lismore and of
Gillies (mentioned below) are identical, and so are to a large extent
other existing versions taken down from oral recitation, but Dr
Smith’s differs largely from them in locality, matter, and rhythm. It
removes the story of the death of this Fingalian hero from Glenshee
to Sliabh Ghaodhail, in Kintyre. At the same time, it is quite
possible that different poems existed bearing the same name; and Dr
Smith’s poems are compositions of decided excellence. They add much
to the stores of the Gaelic scholar, and the English translation is
done with a skill little inferior to that of Macpherson himself.
OTHER COLLECTIONS OF OSSIANIC POEMS.
The earliest collector and publisher of the poems of Ossian was
Mr Jerome Stone at Dunkeld, who furnished the _Scots Magazine_ in
1756 with a translation in rhyme of “Bàs Fhraoich,” or the Death
of Fraoch. Stone did not give the Gaelic original of this or of
any other of his collections, but they were found after his death,
and a selection of them is printed in the Report of the Highland
Society on Ossian. A Mr Hill, an English gentleman, made some
collections in Argyleshire in 1780; and several pieces were published
by a bookseller of the name of Gillies at Perth, who published an
excellent volume of Gaelic poetry in 1786.
Gillies’s pieces have the true ring of the ancient poetry of the
Highlands, and are in many cases to be found floating still among the
traditional poetry of the people. The Ossianic pieces are numerous.
They are--“Suiridh Oisein air Eamhair àluinn,” _the Courtship of
Ossian and Eviralin_; “Comhrag Fhinn agus Mhanuis,” _the Conflict
of Fingal and Manus_; “Marbhadh Chonlaoich le Cuchulain,” _the
Slaughter of Conlach by Cuchullin_; “Aisling Mhailmhìne,” _Malvina’s
Dream_; “Briathran Fhinn ri Oscar,” _Fingal’s Address to Oscar_;
“Rosg Ghuill,” _the War-song of Gaul_; “Dàn na h-Inghin,” _the Song
of the Maiden_, usually called “Fainesoluis;” “Conn mac an Deirg,”
_Conn, son of Dargo_; “Duan Fhraoich,” _the Song of Fraoch_; “Cath
righ Sorcha,” _the Battle of the King of Sorcha_; “Marbh-rann
Oscair,” _the Death-song of Oscar_; “Ceardach Mhic Luinn,” _the
Smithy of the Son of Linn_; “Duan a Mhuireartaich,” _the Song of
Muireartach_; “Caoidh Dhéirdir,” _Deirdre’s Lament_, in which the
poem given already from the old MS. of 1268 appears as a part of it.
It is most interesting in this case to compare the written with the
traditional poem; “Bàs Dhiarmaid,” _the Death of Diarmad_; “Dearg
mac Deirg,” _the Song of Dargo_; “Teanntachd mòr na Feinn,” _the
great trial of the Fingalians_; “Laoidh Laomuinn mhic an Uaimh-fhir,”
_the Song of Laomuinn_; “Eairagan,” _Earragon_; “Na Brataichean,”
_the Banners_; “Bàs Oscair,” _the Death of Oscar_; in all twenty-one
fragments or whole pieces, some of them of considerable length, and
almost all, if not all, taken down from oral recitation. This list
is given in full, in order to show what pieces of professed Ossianic
poetry could be found in the Highlands soon after the publication of
Macpherson’s work by other and independent compilers. A comparison of
those pieces with Macpherson’s Ossian is interesting to the inquirer
in this field. The following specimen of one of Gillies’s alleged
compositions of Ossian may be given here:--
BRIATHRAN FHINN RI OSCAR.
A mhic mo mhic ’s e thubhairt an righ,
Oscair, a righ nan òg fhlath,
Chunnaic mi dealradh do lainne ’s b’e m’ uaill
’Bhi ’g amharc do bhuaidh ’s a chath.
Lean gu dlù ri cliù do shinnsircachd
’S na dìbir a bhi mar iadsan.
’N uair bu bheò Treunmhor nan rath,
’Us Trathull athair nan treun laoch,
Chuir iad gach cath le buaidh,
’Us bhuannaich iad cliù gach teugbhail.
’Us mairidh an iomradh ’s an dàn
Air chuimhn’ aig na baird an déigh so.
O! Oscair, claoidh thus’ an treun-armach,
’S thoir tearmunn do’n lag-lamhach, fheumach;
Bi mar bhuinne-shruth reothairt geamhraidh
Thoirt gleachd do naimhdibh na Feinn,
Ach mar fhann-ghaoth sheimh, thlàth, shambraidh,
Bi dhoibhsan a shireas do chabhar.
Mar sin bha Treunmhor nam buadh,
S bha Trathull nan ruag ’n a dheigh ann,
S bha Fionn ’na thaic do ’n fhann
G a dhion o ainneart luchd-eucoir.
’N a aobhar shininn mo lamh,
Le failte rachainn ’n a choinnimh,
’Us gheibheadh e fasgath ’us caird,
Fo sgàil dhrithlinneach mo loinne.
_English Translation._
ADDRESS OF FINGAL TO OSCAR.
Son of my son, so said the king,
Oscar, prince of youthful heroes,
I have seen the glitter of thy blade, and ’twas my pride
To see thy triumph in the conflict.
Cleave thou fast to the fame of thine ancestors,
And do not neglect to be like them.
When Treunmor the fortunate lived,
And Trathull the father of warriors,
They fought each field triumphantly,
And won the fame in every fight.
And their names shall flourish in the song
Commemorated henceforth by the bards.
Oh! Oscar, crush thou the armed hero,
But spare the feeble and the needy;
Be as the rushing winter, spring-tide, stream,
Giving battle to the foes of the Fingalians,
But as the gentle, soothing, summer breeze
To such as seek for thy help.
Such was Treunmor of victories,
And Trathull of pursuits, thereafter,
And Fingal was a help to the weak,
To save him from the power of the oppressor.
In his cause I would stretch out my hand,
With a welcome I would go to meet him,
And he should find shelter and friendship
Beneath the glittering shade of my sword.
The above is a true relic of the ancient Ossianic poetry, full of
power and full of life, and indicates the existence of a refinement
among the ancient Celts for which the opponents of Macpherson would
not give them credit. Gillies tells us that his collection was made
from gentlemen in every part of the Highlands. It is perhaps the most
interesting collection of Highland song which we possess.
In 1816 there appeared a collection of Gaelic poetry by Hugh and John
M’Callum. It was printed at Montrose, and the original Gaelic version
and an English translation were published simultaneously. The work is
called “An Original Collection of the Poems of Ossian, Orann, Ulin,
and other bards who flourished in the same age.” There are twenty-six
pieces altogether, and the editors give the sources whence they were
all derived. These are such as Duncan Matheson in Snizort, Isle of
Skye; Hector M’Phail in Torasay, Mull; Donald M’Innes, teacher,
Gribun, Mull; Dr M’Donald of Killean, from whom “Teanntachd mòr
na Feinn” was obtained--the Doctor maintaining, it appears, that
his version was a better one than that given by Gillies; Archibald
M’Callum in Killean; and others who furnish “Laoidh nan ceann,” a
poem found in the collection of the Dean of Lismore, as are several
others of the M’Callums’ collection.
This collection is a very admirable one, perfectly honest, and
presents us with some compositions of high poetic merit. The
addresses of Ossian to the sun, which Macpherson declines to give in
Gaelic, substituting for one of them a series of asterisks, although
he gives it in English, are here given in both languages; and the
Gaelic versions are perhaps the finest compositions in the book.
The address to the setting sun is here given as a specimen of the
M’Callums’ collection:--
OISIAN DO ’N GHREIN AN AM LUIDH.
An d’ fhàg tha gorm astar nan speur,
A mhic gun bheud a’s òr bhuidh ciabh?
Tha dorsa na h-oidhche dhuit féin,
Agus pàilliuin do chlos ’s an Iar,
Thig na tonna mu’n cuairt gu mall
’Choimhead an fhir a ’s gloine gruaidh,
A’ togail fo eagal an ceann
Ri ’d fhaicinn cho àillidh a’d shuain;
Theich iadsan gun tuar o’d thaobh.
Gabh-sa codal ann ad uaimh
A ghrian, ’us pill an tùs le h-aoibhneas.
Mar bhoillsge grein’ ’s a gheamhradh
’S e ruith ’n a dheann le raon Lena
Is amhuil laithe nam Fiann.
Mar ghrian eadar frasaibh a’ tréigsinn
Dh’ aom neoil chiar-dhubh nan speur,
’Us bhuin iad an deò aoibhinn o ’n t-sealgair,
Tha lom gheugan na coill’ a’ caoidh,
Is maoth lusrach an t-sleibh’ a’ seargadh;
Ach pillidh fathasd a’ ghrian
Ri doire sgiamhach nan geug ùra,
’Us ni gach crann ’s a Chéitean gàire
Ag amharc an àird ri mac an speura.
_English Translation._
OSSIAN’S ADDRESS TO THE SETTING SUN.
Hast thou left the blue course of the sky
Faultless son of golden locks?
The gates of the night are for thee,
And thy place of repose is in the west.
The waves gather slowly around
To see him of fairest countenance;
Raising their heads in fear.
As they witness thy beauty in repose,
They fled pale from thy side.
Take thou rest in thy cave,
O sun, and return with rejoicing.
As the sunbeam in the winter time
Descending quick on the slope of Lena,
So are the days of the Fingalians.
As the sun becoming darkened among showers,
The dark clouds of the sky descended
And bore away the joyous light from the huntsman.
The bare branches of the wood weep,
And the soft herbage of the mountain withers.
But the sun shall return again
To the beautiful forest of the fresh-clothed branch,
And each bough shall smile in the early summer,
Looking up to the son of the sky.
The collection of the M’Callums was a real addition to the stores
of Gaelic poetry, and is most helpful in bringing to a satisfactory
conclusion the whole question of the ancient Gaelic poetry of
Scotland. Were there no other Gaelic compositions in existence save
those pieces which this volume contains, they would be sufficient to
prove the high character of the heroic poetry of the Scottish Gael
for everything that constitutes true poetic power.
It would be wrong in such a sketch as this to overlook the
interesting and ingenious contribution made to the discussion of
the Ossianic question in the third and fourth volumes of Mr J.
Campbell’s _Tales of the West Highlands_. The whole four volumes are
full of interesting materials for the student of Gaelic literature
and antiquities, but the third and fourth volumes are those in which
a place is given to the ancient Ossianic poems. Mr Campbell, the
representative of a distinguished Highland family, and unlike many
of the class to which he belongs, an excellent Gaelic scholar, made
collections on his own account all over the Highlands. He had as
his chief coadjutor in the work Mr Hector M’Lean, teacher in Islay,
and he could not have had a better--Mr M’Lean being possessed of
scholarship, enthusiasm, and sound judgment. The result is a very
remarkable collection of the oral literature of the Highlands,
including selections from a large amount of poetry attributed to
Ossian. This book is a truly honest book, giving the compositions
collected just as they were found among the native Highlanders. We
shall take occasion again to refer to the Sgeulachds, or tales, and
shall only refer at present to the Ossianic remains presented to us
by Mr Campbell.
Mr Campbell’s collections include most of the pieces that have
been brought together in the same way, with such variations, of
course, as must be looked for in the circumstances. He furnishes
us with a version of the Lay of Diarmad (vol. iii., 50), having
peculiar features of its own, but to a large extent identical with
the versions of the Dean of Lismore and of Gillies. It is of much
interest to compare this version, taken down within the last few
years, with one taken down one hundred years ago, and another taken
down three hundred and fifty years ago. The retentive power of human
memory for generations is remarkably illustrated by the comparison.
Mr Campbell also gives us “The Lay of Oscar,” “The Praise of Gaul,”
“The Poem of Oscar,” and several other minor compositions, some of
which had never before been printed. These, with Mr Campbell’s own
disquisitions, are full of interest; but for the details we must
refer the reader to Mr Campbell’s volumes.
From all that has been written on the subject of these ancient
Gaelic poems of Ossian, it is perfectly clear that Ossian himself
is no creation of James Macpherson. His name has been familiar to
the people both of the Highlands and Ireland, for a thousand years
and more. “Oisian an deigh na Feinn,” _Ossian after the Fingalians_,
has been a proverbial saying among them for numberless generations.
Nor did Macpherson invent Ossian’s poems. There were poems reputed
to be Ossian’s in the Highlands for centuries before he was born,
and poems, too, which for poetic power and interest are unsurpassed;
which speak home to the heart of every man who can sympathise with
popular poetry marked by the richest felicities of diction; and which
entitles them justly to all the commendation bestowed upon the poems
edited by Macpherson.
MODERN GAELIC LITERATURE.
It will be seen that a large proportion of the existing Gaelic
literature of the early period is poetical. Not that it is so
altogether, by any means; and if any large amount of it had come down
to us, there is no reason for believing that so large a share of it
would be poetical. But the prose MS. writings of the ancient Gael
have, with the few exceptions already referred to, perished; and have
left us with such poetical compositions as adhered to the national
memory.
As we enter upon the era of printing, we are disposed to look for a
more extensive literature, and no doubt we find it. But with the era
of printing came the use of another language, and the Gaelic ceased
to be the vehicle for carrying abroad the thoughts of the learned.
Religion still continued to make use of its services, but it ceased
to be the handmaid of science and philosophy.
The first printed Gaelic book which we find is Bishop Carsewell’s
Gaelic translation of the Liturgy of John Knox. It is well known that
Knox compiled a prayer-book for the use of the Scottish Reformed
Church, and that it was thought desirable that this prayer-book
should be translated into the Gaelic language for the use of the
Highlanders. The translation was undertaken by Mr John Carsewell,
who was appointed superintendent of the ancient diocese of Argyle,
which office he filled for many years. The book was printed at
Edinburgh, in 1567. The language is what is in modern times called
Irish, but might in Carsewell’s time be called Scotch, for none
other was written in Scotland in so far as Gaelic was written at
all. There are but three copies of this book known to exist--an
entire copy in the library of the Duke of Argyle, and two imperfect
copies, one in the library of the University of Edinburgh, and one
in the British Museum. This book was printed before one line of
Irish Gaelic was printed. Extracts from the volume will be found in
the _Highland Society’s Report upon Ossian_, and in M’Lauchlan’s
_Celtic Gleanings_. The former extract is made to show that the
names of Fingal and the Fingalians were well known in the Highlands
at the period of the Reformation. In 1631 a translation of Calvin’s
Catechism appeared, probably executed by Carsewell.
In 1659 appeared the first fifty of the Psalms of David in metre
by the Synod of Argyle. It is called “An ceud chaogad do Shalmaibh
Dhaibhidh a meadrachd Gaoidhilg,” _the first Fifty of the Psalms of
David in Gaelic Metre_. The language of the original here is what
is called Irish, although it is, as is the Gaelic of Carsewell, the
ordinary written Gaelic of the period. This translation forms the
groundwork of all the editions of the Psalms that have been used
since in the Scottish Church. The rest of the Psalms followed the
first fifty in 1694, and the Psalter of the Argyle Synod became then
complete. The introduction to the little volume of 1659 details
the difficulties which the authors met in converting the Psalms
into Gaelic metre, one of which, they say, was the necessity of
adapting them to the structure of the English Psalm tunes. How Gaelic
congregational singing was conducted in the Highlands previous to
this little book appearing, it is hard to say. The introduction
concludes with the words, “Anois, a Legthora, dense dithcheall ann
sann obair bhigse bhuiliughadh gu maith, agus guidh ar an Tighearna
é feín do bheannughadh an tshoisgeil ann sna tirthaibh gaoidhlachsa,
agus lasair shoilleir lán teasa do dheanamh don tsraid bhig do lasadh
cheana ionta. Grasa maille roit.”
_English Translation._
“And now, reader, strive to use this little work, and pray the Lord
that He himself would bless the gospel in these Gaelic lands, and
that He would make a bright flame full of heat of this little spark
which has been now lighted in it.”
This little volume is now scarce, but full of interest to the Gaelic
student.
Alongside of the Synod of Argyle, another indefatigable labourer in
the same field was at work. This was Mr Robert Kirk, minister at
Balquhidder. There seems to have been no Rob Roy in the district
at the time, and Mr Kirk appears to have had a quiet life in his
Highland parish; more so, indeed, than other Scottish ministers of
the time, for he seems to have been engaged in his translation during
the heat of the persecution of the Covenanters, and it was published
in 1684, four years before the Revolution. Kirk is said to have
been so anxious to have precedence of the Synod of Argyle, that he
invented a machine for awakening him in the morning by means of water
made to fall upon his face at a certain hour. His Psalter preceded
that of the Synod by a period of ten years.
Mr Kirk dedicates his volume, which is published with the sanction
of the Privy Council, and with the approbation of “the Lords of the
Clergy, and some reverend ministers who best understand the Irish
language,” to the Marquis of Athole, &c., of whom he says that his
“Lordship has been of undoubted courage and loyalty for the king,
and still alongst inflexible to the persuasions or threats of frozen
neutralists or flaming incendiaries in Church or State.” Kirk further
states that the work was “done by such as attained not the tongue
(which he calls Scottish-Irish) without indefatigable industry,”
manifestly pointing to himself as one who had so acquired it.
This little volume of the minister of Balquhidder is a most
interesting contribution to our Gaelic literature. The language is
what many writers call Irish, although there is no reason to believe
that Mr Kirk ever was in Ireland, or conversed with speakers of Irish
Gaelic. He knew and used the dialect which writers of the Gaelic
language had used for centuries, and used at the time. No Irish
writer could use a dialect more purely Irish than that found in
Kirk’s Gaelic preface. Kirk concludes his preface with the following
lines:--
Imthigh a Dhuilleachain gu dàn,
Le Dan glan diagha duisg iad thall.
Cuir failte air Fonn fial na bFionn,
Ar garbh-chriocha, ’s Indseadh gall.
_English Translation._
Go, little leaflet, boldly,
With pure holy songs wake them yonder,
Salute the hospitable land of the Fingalians,
The rugged borders, and the Isles of the strangers.
“The land of the Fingalians” was the Highlands generally; “the rugged
borders” was the west coast of Inverness-shire and Ross-shire; and
“the Isles of the Strangers” were the Hebrides, so called from being
long in possession of the Norsemen.
In 1690 Mr Kirk edited in Roman letters an edition of Bedel’s
Irish Bible, with O’Donnell’s New Testament, for the use of the
Highlanders. Kirk says in the title-page of the work, “Nocha ta
anois chum maitheas coit-cheann na nGaoidheil Albanach athruighte
go hair-each as an litir Eireandha chum na mion-litir shoileighidh
Romhanta” _which is now for the common good of the Highlanders
changed carefully from the Irish letter to the small readable Roman
letter_. At the close of the book there is a vocabulary of Irish
words with their Gaelic equivalents. Many of the equivalents are as
difficult to understand as the original Irish.
In 1694 the completed Psalm-book of the Synod of Argyle appeared. It
was very generally accepted, and although some editions of Kirk’s
Psalter appeared, the Synod’s Psalter became the Psalter of the
Church, and was the basis of all the metrical versions of the Gaelic
Psalms that have appeared since.
The Shorter Catechism was published in Gaelic by the Synod of Argyle
about the same time with their first fifty Psalms. Numerous editions
have been printed since, and perhaps there is no better specimen of
the Gaelic language in existence than what is to be found in the
common versions of it. The earlier versions are in the dialect so
often referred to, called Irish. The title of the book is “Foirceadul
aithghearr cheasnuighe, an dus ar na ordughadh le coimhthional na
Ndiaghaireadh ag Niarmhanister an Sasgan, &c.” That may be called
Irish, but it was a Scottish book written by Scottish men.
In 1725 the Synod of Argyle, who cannot be too highly commended for
their anxiety to promote the spiritual good of their countrymen in
the Highlands, published a translation of the Confession of Faith
into Gaelic. It is a small duodecimo volume printed at Edinburgh.
The Larger and Shorter Catechisms, with the Ten Commandments, the
Lord’s Prayer, and the Creed follow the Confession. The book is well
printed, and the language is still the so-called Irish. The title
runs:--“Admhail an Chreidimh, air an do reitigh air ttus coimhthionol
na nDiaghaireadh aig Niarmhoinister an Sasgan; &c.... ar na chur a
Ngaoidheilg le Seanadh Earraghaoidheal.” _The Confession of Faith,
&c., translated into Gaelic by the Synod of Argyle._
It is interesting with respect to the dialect in which all the
works referred to appear, to inquire whence the writers obtained
it, if it be simply Irish. Carsewell’s Prayer-book appeared before
any work in Irish Gaelic was printed. The ministers of the Synod of
Argyle were surely Scottish Highlanders and not Irishmen. Mr Kirk of
Balquhidder was a lowland Scot who acquired the Gaelic tongue. Now
these men, so far as we know, were never in Ireland, and there were
no Irish-Gaelic books from which they could acquire the tongue. There
might be manuscripts, but it is not very probable that men would
inspect manuscripts in order to enable them to write in a dialect
that was foreign to the people whom they intended to benefit. Yet
these all write in the same dialect, and with the identical same
orthography. Surely this proves that the Scottish Gael were perfectly
familiar with that dialect as the language of their literature, that
its orthography among them was fixed, that the practice of writing
it was common, as much so as among the Irish, and that the people
readily understood it. It is well known that the reading of the
Irish Bible was common in Highland churches down to the beginning
of this century, and that the letter was, from the abbreviations
used, called “A’ chorra litir,” and was familiar to the people.
At the same time, the language was uniformly called Irish, as the
people of the Highlands were called Irish, although there never was a
greater misnomer. Such a designation was never employed by the people
themselves, and was only used by those who wrote and spoke English.
In the title of the Confession of Faith published in Gaelic in 1725,
it is said to be translated into the Irish language by the Synod of
Argyle.
GAELIC BIBLE.
Religious works formed the staple of the literature issued from
the Gaelic press from the period now spoken of to the present day.
The great want for many years was the Bible. For a long time the
clergy used the Irish edition reprinted for the use of the Highlands
by Mr Kirk; but this was not satisfactory, from the difference of
the dialect; many in consequence preferred translating from the
English. This habit pervaded all classes, and it is not improbable
that there are in the Highlands still persons who prefer translating
the Scriptures for their own use to the common version. Certain
traditional forms of translation were at one time in general use,
and occasionally the translations given bordered on the ludicrous. A
worthy man was once translating the phrase “And they were astonied,”
and he made it “Bha iad air an clachadh,” _They were stoned_. It
was in every way desirable that a correct translation of the Gaelic
Bible should be provided for the use of the Highlands, and this
was finally undertaken by the Society for Propagating Christian
Knowledge. The person employed to perform the work was the Rev. James
Stewart of Killin, a man fully qualified for it, and although his
translation retained too much of the Irish dialect of O’Donnell’s
Irish New Testament, it was welcomed as a highly creditable work, and
as a great boon to the Highlands. Many minor changes have been made
in the Gaelic New Testament of 1767, but it has been the basis of
all subsequent editions which have sought merely to render certain
portions of the work more idiomatic and pleasing to a Scottish ear.
The publishing of this version of the New Testament proved a great
benefit to the Highlands.
Soon after the publication of the New Testament, it was resolved
that the Old Testament should be translated into Gaelic also. This
work, like the former, was undertaken by the Society for Propagating
Christian Knowledge, assisted by a collection made throughout the
congregations of the Church of Scotland amounting to £1483. The
principal translator employed was the Rev. Dr John Stewart of Luss,
son of the translator of the New Testament, who translated three
portions of the work, while a fourth portion, including the Prophets,
was executed by the Rev. Dr Smith, of Campbellton, the accomplished
editor of the Sean Dana. The whole work was completed and published
in the year 1801. This work has been of incalculable service to
the Highlands, and is one of the many benefits conferred upon that
portion of the country by the excellent Society who undertook it.
Objections have been taken to the many Irish idioms introduced into
the language, and to the extent to which the Irish orthography was
followed, but these are minor faults, and the work itself is entitled
to all commendation.
TRANSLATIONS FROM THE ENGLISH.
Much of our modern Gaelic prose literature consists of translations
from the English. In this the Gaelic differs from the Welsh, in which
is to be found a large amount of original prose writing on various
subjects. This has arisen from the demand for such a literature
being less among the Highlanders, among whom the English language
has made greater progress, so much so, that when a desire for
extensive reading exists, it is generally attended with a sufficient
knowledge of English. Translations of religious works, however, have
been relished, and pretty ample provision has been made to meet
the demand. The first book printed in modern Scottish Gaelic was a
translation of Baxter’s _Call to the Unconverted_, executed by the
Rev. Alex. M’Farlane, of Kilninver, and published in 1750. There is
much of the Irish orthography and idiom retained in this work, but it
is a near approach to the modern spoken language of the Highlands.
Since then many of the works of well-known religious authors have
been translated and published, among which may be mentioned works
by Boston, Bunyan, Brookes, Colquhoun, and Doddridge. These are
much prized and read throughout the Highlands. The translations are
of various excellence; some of them accurate and elegant, while
others are deficient in both these qualities. Dr Smith’s version of
Alleine’s _Alarm_ is an admirable specimen of translation, and is
altogether worthy of the fame of Dr Smith. The same may be said of
Mr M’Farlane’s translation of _The History of Joseph_, which is an
excellent specimen of Gaelic writing. The _Monthly Visitor_ tract has
been translated by the writer for the last twelve years, and it has a
large circulation.
ORIGINAL PROSE WRITINGS.
Of these Mr Reid, in his _Bibliotheca Scoto-Celtica_, gives but a
scanty catalogue. He gives but a list of ten, most of them single
sermons. There are several other such writings, however, which
have been added since Reid’s list was made up. Among these appears
M’Kenzie’s _Bliadhna Thearlaich_, “Charles’s year,” a vigorous
well-written account of the rebellion of 1745-6. M’Kenzie was the
compiler of a volume of Gaelic poetry in which the best specimens of
the works of the bards are generally given, and although having ideas
of his own on the subject of orthography, few men knew the Gaelic
language better. We have also a volume on astronomy by the Rev. D.
Connell; and a _History of Scotland_ by the Rev. Angus Mackenzie,
both of them creditable performances. It is doubtful how far these
works have been patronised by the public, and how far they have been
of pecuniary benefit to their authors, but they are deserving works,
and if they have not proved a remunerative investment, it is from
want of interest on the part of the readers more than from want of
ability on the part of the writers. In addition to these have been
several magazines, the contents of which have in some instances been
collected into a volume and published separately. Of these are _An
teachdaire Gaidhealach_, “The Gaelic Messenger,” edited by the late
Rev. Dr M’Leod of Glasgow, and a Free Church magazine _An Fhianuis_,
“The Witness,” edited by the Rev. Dr Mackay, now of Harris. “The
Gaelic Messenger,” _An Teachdaire Gaidhealach_, contained a large
proportion of papers furnished by the editor, Dr M’Leod. These have
been since that time collected into a volume by his son-in-law the
Rev. Archibald Clerk of Kilmallie, and published under the title
of _Caraid nan Gaidheal_, “The Friend of the Highlanders.” This is
an admirable volume, containing, as it does, our best specimens
of racy, idiomatic Gaelic, of which Dr M’Leod was a master. It
is a most interesting addition to our Gaelic literature. Besides
this, Dr M’Leod produced _Leabhar nan Cnoc_, “The Book of the
Knowes,” a school collection of prose and poetry, and several other
lesser works. The _Leabhar nan Cnoc_ is an admirable collection
of fragments, well adapted for school use, and at the same time
interesting to the general reader.
But the most remarkable addition that has recently been made to
Gaelic prose literature is Mr J. F. Campbell’s collection of
“Sgeulachdan” or ancient Highland tales. It was long known that a
large amount of this kind of literature existed in the Highlands;
that it formed the treasure of the reciter, a character recognised
and appreciated in every small community; and that it was the staple
fireside amusement of many a winter evening. Specimens of this
literature appeared occasionally in print, and one of great interest,
and remarkably well given, called _Spiorad na h-aoise_, “The Spirit
of Age,” appears in _Leabhar nan Cnoc_, the collection already
spoken of. Mr Campbell set himself to collect this literature from
the traditions of the people, and he has embodied the result in four
goodly volumes, which every lover of the language and literature
of the Celt must prize. Many coadjutors aided Mr Campbell in his
undertaking, and he was happy in finding, as has been already said,
in Mr Hector M’Lean, teacher, Islay, a most efficient collector
and transcriber of the tales. These tales were known among the
Highlanders as “Sgeulachdan” Tales, or “Ursgeulan” Noble Tales, the
latter having reference usually to stories of the Fingalian heroes.
They are chiefly “Folk lore” of the kinds which are now known to
pervade the world amongst a certain class as their oral literature.
The Tales themselves are of various degrees of merit, and are
manifestly derived from various sources. Some of them took their
origin in the fertile imagination of the Celt, while others are
obviously of classical origin, and are an adaptation of ancient Greek
and Latin stories to the taste of the Celt of Scotland. Mr Campbell,
in his disquisitions accompanying the tales, which are often as
amusing and instructive as the tales themselves, traces numerous
bonds of connection between them and similar legends common to almost
all the European nations. He shows where they meet and where they
diverge, and makes it very clear that most of them must have had a
common origin. It has been maintained that many of these legends were
brought to Scotland by returning Crusaders; that they were often the
amusement of the camp among these soldiers of the ancient Church; and
that, related among hearers of all nations, they became dispersed
among those nations, and that thus Scotland came to obtain and to
retain her share of them.
That Scotland felt largely the influence of the Crusades cannot be
denied by any observant student of her history. Her whole political
and social system was modified by them, while to them is largely due
the place and power which the mediæval Church obtained under the
government of David I. That Scottish literature should have felt
their influence is more than likely, and it is possible, although
it is hardly safe to go further, that some of these tales of the
Scottish Highlands owe their existence to the wanderings of Scottish
Crusaders. Be their origin, however, what it may, they afford a
deeply interesting field of enquiry to the student of the popular
literature of the country. In our own view, they are of great value,
as presenting us with admirable specimens of idiomatic Gaelic. We
transcribe one tale, making use of the ordinary orthography of the
Gaelic, Mr Campbell having used forms of spelling which might serve
to express the peculiarities of the dialect in which he found them
couched.
MAOL A CHLIOBAIN.
Bha bantrach ann roimhe so, ’us bha trì nigheanan aice, ’us
thubhairt iad rithe, gu’n rachadh iad a dh’iarraidh an fhortain.
Dheasaich i trì bonnaich. Thubhairt i ris an té mhòir, “Cò aca
is fhearr leat an leth bheag ’us mo bheannachd, no’n leth mhòr
’s mo mhallachd?” “Is fhearr leam, ars’ ise, an leth mhòr ’us
do mhallachd.” Thubhairt i ris an té mheadhonaich, “Co aca’s
fhearr leat an leth bheag ’us mo bheannachd, no’n leth mhòr ’us mo
mhallachd.” “Is fhearr leam an leth mhòr ’us do mhallachd,” ars’
ise. Thubhairt i ris an té bhig, “Co aca ’s fhearr leat an leth mhòr
’us mo mhallachd, no’n leth bheag ’s mo bheannachd?” “Is fhearr leam
an leth bheag’us do bheannachd.” Chord so r’a màthair, ’us thug i
dhi an leth eile cuideachd.
Dh’ fhalbh iad, ach cha robh toil aig an dithis ’bu shine an té
’b’òige ’bhi leo, ’us cheangail iad i ri carragh cloiche. Ghabh
iad air an aghaidh, ’s ’n uair a dh’amhairc iad as an déigh, co a
chunnaic iad ach ise ’us a’ chreig air a muin. Leig iad leatha car
treis gus an d’ràinig iad cruach mhòine, ’us cheangail iad ris a
chruaich mhòine i. Ghabh iad air an aghaidh treis, ’us dh’amhairc
iad ’n an déigh, ’us cò a chunnaic iad ach ise a’ tighinn, ’s a’
chruach mhòine air a muin. Leig iad leatha car tacan gus an d’ràinig
iad craobh, ’us cheangail iad ris a’chraoibh i. Ghabh iad air an
aghaidh treis, ’us ’n’uair a dh’amhairc iad ’n an déigh, cò a
chunnaic iad ach ise a’ tighinn, ’s a’chraobh air a muin. Chunnaic
iad nach robh maith bhí rithe. Dh’fhuasgail iad i ’us leig iad leo
i. Bha iad a’ falbh gus an d’thàinig an oidhche orra. Chunnaic iad
solus fada uatha, ’us ma b’fhada uatha, cha b’fhada bha iadsan ’g
a ruigheachd. Chaidh iad a stigh. Ciod e bha so ach tigh famhair.
Dh’iarr iad fuireach ’s an oidhche. Fhuair iad sin ’us chuireadh a
luidhe iad le trì nigheanan an fhamhair.
Bha caran de chneapan òmbair mu mhuinealan nigheanan an fhamhair,
agus sreangan gaosaid mu’m muinealan-san. Choidil iad air fad, ach
cha do choidil Maol a’ chliobain. Feadh na h-oidhche thàinig pathadh
air an fhamhar. Ghlaodh e r’a ghille maol carrach uisge ’thoirt
d’a ionnsuidh. Thubhairt an gille maol carrach nach robh deur a
stigh. “Marbh, ars’ esan, té de na nigheanan coimheach, ’us thoir
a’m ionnsuidhse a fuil.” “Ciamar a dh’ aithuicheas mi eatorra?”
ars’ an gille maol carrach. “Tha caran de chneapan mu mhuinealan
mo nigheanan-sa, agus caran gaosaid mu mhuinealan chàich.” Chuala
Maol a chliobain am famhar, ’us cho clis ’s a b’urrainn i, chuir i
na sreanganan gaosaid a bha m’a muineal féin agus mu mhuinealan a
peathraichean mu mhuinealan nigheanan an fhamhair, agus na cneapan
a bha mu mhuinealan nigheanan an fhamhair m’a muineal féin agus mu
mhuinealan a peathraichean, ’us luidh i sios gu samhach. Thàinig
an gille maol carrach, ’us mharbh e té de nigheanan an fhamhair,
’us thug e an fhuil d’a ionnsuidh. Dh’iarr e tuilleadh a thoirt d’a
ionnsuidh. Mharbh e an ath thé. Dh’iarr e tuilleadh ’us mharbh e an
treas té. Dhùisg Maol a’ chliobain a’ peathraichean, ’us thug i air
a muin iad, ’us ghabh i air falbh. Mhothaich am famhar dith ’us lean
e i.
Na spreadan teine a bha ise ’cur as na clachan le a sàiltean, bha
iad a’ bualadh an fhamhair ’s an smigead; agus na spreadan teine a
bha am famhar ’toirt as na clachan le barraibh a chos, bha iad a’
bualadh Mhaol a’ chliobain an cùl a’ chinn. Is e so ’bu dual doibh
gus an d’ràinig iad amhainn. Leum Maol a’ chliobain an amhainn ’us
cha b’urrainn am famhar an amhainn a leum. “Tha thu thall, a Mhaol
a’ chliobain.” “Tha, ma’s oil leat.” “Mharbh thu mo thrì nigheanan
maola, ruagha.” “Mharbh, ma ’s oil leat.” “’Us c’uine thig thu ris?”
“Thig, ’n uair bheir mo ghnothuch ann mi.”
Ghabh iad air an aghaidh gus an d’ràinig iad tigh tuathanaich. Bha
aig an tuathanach tri mic. Dh’innis iad mar a thachair dhoibh. Ars’
an tuatha ach ri Maol a’chliobain, “Bheir mi mo mhac a’s sine do’d
phiuthair a’s sine, ’us faigh dhomh cìr mhìn òir, ’us cìr gharbh
airgid, a th’aig an fhamhar.” “Cha chosd e tuilleadh dhuit,” ars’
Maol a’ chliobain. Dh’fhalbh i ’us ràinig i tigh an fhamhair. Fhuair
i stigh gun fhios. Thug i leatha na cìrean ’us dhalbh i mach.
Mhothaich am famhar dhìth; ’us as a deigh a bha e gus an d’ràinig
e an amhainn. Leum ise an amhainn ’us cha b’urrainn am famhar an
amhainn a leum. “Tha thu thall, a Mhaol a’ chliobain.” “Tha, ma ’s
oil leat.” “Mharbh, thu mo thrì nigheanan maola, ruagha.” “Mharbh,
ma ’s oil leat.” “Ghoid thu mo chìr mhìn òir, ’us mo chìr gharbh
airgid.” “Ghoid, ma ’s oil leat.” “C’ uine thig thu rìs?” “Thig, ’n
uair bheir mo ghnothuch ann mi.”
Thug i na cìrean thun an tuathanaich, ’us phòs a piuthair mhòr-sa
mac mòr an tuathanaich.
“Bheir mi mo mhac meadhonach do’d phiuthair mheadhonaich, ’us faigh
dhomh claidheamh soluis an fhamhair.” “Cha chosd e tuilleadh dhuit,”
ars’ Maol a’ chliobain. Ghabh i air falbh, ’us ràinig i tigh an
fhamhair. Chaidh i suas ann an barr craoibhe ’bha os cionn tobair
an fhamhair. Anns an oidhche thainig an gille maol carrach, ’us
an claidheamh soluis leis, a dh’iarraidh uisge. An uair a chrom e
a thogail an uisge, thainig Maol a’ chliobain a nuas, ’us phut i
sios ’s an tobar e ’us bhàth i e, ’us thug i leatha an claidheamh
soluis. Lean am famhar i gus an d’ràinig i an amhainn. Leum i an
amhainn, ’us cha b’urrainn am famhar a leantuinn. “Tha thu thall,
a Mhaol a’ chliobain.” “Tha, ma ’s oil leat.” “Mharbh thu mo thrì
nigheanan maola, ruadha.” “Mharbh ma ’s oil leat.” “Ghoid thu mo
chìr mhìn òir, ’s mo chìr gharbh airgid.” “Ghoid, ma ’s oil leat.”
“Mharbh thu mo ghille maol carrach.” “Mharbh ma ’s oil leat.” “Ghoid
thu mo chlaidheamh soluis.” “Ghoid, ma ’s oil leat.” “C’uine thig
thu rìs.” “Thig, ’n uair bheir mo ghnothuch ann mi.” Ràinig i tigh
an tuathanaich leis a’ chlaidheamh sholuis, ’us phòs a piuthair
mheadhonach ’us mac meadhonach an tuathanaich.
“Bheir mi dhuit féin mo mhac a’s òige,” ars’ an tuathanach, “’us
thoir a’m ionnsuidh boc a th’aig an fhamhar.” “Cha chosd e tuilleadh
dhuit” ars’ Maol a’ chliobain. Dh’fhalbh i ’us ràinig i tigh an
fhamhair, ach an uair a bha greim aice air a bhoc, rug am famhar,
oirre. “Ciod e” ars’ am famhar, “a dheanadh tus’ ormsa, nan deanainn
uibhir a choire ort ’s a rinn thus’ ormsa.” “Bheirinn ort gu’n
sgàineadh tu thu fhéin le brochan bainne; chuirinn an sin ann am poc
thu; chrochainn thu ri druim an tighe; chuirinn teine fothad; ’us
ghabhainn duit le cabar gus an tuiteadh thu ’n ad chual chrionaich
air an ùrlar. Rinn am famhar brochan bainne ’us thugar dhìth ri òl
e. Chuir ise am brochan bainne m’ a beul ’us m’ a h-eudainn, ’us
luidh i seachad mar gu’m bitheadh i marbh. Chuir am famhar ann am
poc i, ’us chroch e i ri druim an tighe, ’us dh’fhalbh e fhéin ’us a
dhaoine a dh’iarraidh fiodha do’n choille. Bha màthair an fhamhair a
stigh.” Theireadh Maol a’ chliobain ’n uair a dh’fhalbh am famhar,
“Is mise ’tha ’s an t-sòlas, is mise ’tha ’s a chaithir òir.” “An
leig thu mise ann?” ars’ a’ chailleach. “Cha leig, gu dearbh.”
Mu dheireadh, leig i nuas am poca; chuir i stigh a’ chailleach,
’us cat, ’us laogh, ’us soitheach uachdair; thug i leatha am boc,
’us dh’fhalbh i. An uair a thainig am famhar, thoisich e fhéin
’us a dhaoine air a’ phoca leis na cabair. Bha a’ chailleach a’
glaodhaich, “’S mi fhéin a th’ ann.” “Tha fios agam gur tu fhéin a
th ’ann,” theireadh am famhar, ’us e ag éiridh air a’ phoca. Thàinig
am poc’ a nuas ’n a chual’ chrionaich ’us ciod e ’bha ann ach a
mhàthair. An uair a chunnaic am famhar mar a bha, thug e as an déigh
Mhaol a’ chliobain. Lean e i gus an d’ràinig i an amhainn. Leum Maol
a’ chliobain an amhainn ’us cha b’urrainn am famhar a leum. “Tha thu
thall, a Mhaol a’ chliobain.” “Tha, ma ’s oil leat.” “Mharbh thu
mo thrì nigheanan maola, ruadha.” “Mharbh, ma ’s oil leat.” “Ghoid
thu mo chìr mhin òir, ’us mo chìr gharbh airgid.” “Ghoid, ma ’s oil
leat.” “Mharbh thu mo ghille maol, carrach.” “Mharbh, ma ’s oil
leat.” “Ghoid thu mo chlaidheamh soluis.” “Ghoid, ma ’s oil leat.”
“Mharbh thu mo mhàthair.” “Mharbh, ma ’s oil leat.” “Ghoid thu mo
bhoc.” “Ghoid, ma ’s oil leat.” “C’uine a thig thu rìs?” “Thig ’n
uair bheir mo ghnothuch ann mi.” “Nam bitheadh tusa bhos ’us mise
thall” ars’ am famhar, “Ciod e dheanadh tu airson mo leantuinn?”
“Stopainn mi fhéin, agus dh’olainn gus an traoghainn, an amhainn.”
Stop am famhar e fhéin, ’us dh’ òl e gus an do sgàin e. Phòs Maol a’
chliobain Mac òg an tuathanaich.
_English Translation._
There was a widow once of a time, and she had three daughters, and
they said to her that they were going to seek their fortunes. She
prepared three bannocks. She said to the big daughter, “Whether do
you like best the little half with my blessing, or the big half with
my curse?” “I like best,” said she, “the big half with your curse.”
She said to the middle one, “Whether do you like best the big half
with my curse, or the little half with my blessing?” “I like best,”
said she, “the big half with your curse.” She said to the little
one, “Whether do you like best the big half with my curse, or the
little half with my blessing?” “I like best the little half with
your blessing.” This pleased her mother, and she gave her the other
half likewise.
They left, but the two older ones did not wish to have the younger
one with them, and they tied her to a stone. They held on, and when
they looked behind them, whom did they see coming but her with the
rock on her back. They let her alone for a while until they reached
a stack of peats, and they tied her to the peat-stack. They held on
for a while, when whom did they see coming but her with the stack of
peats on her back. They let her alone for a while until they reached
a tree, and they tied her to the tree. They held on, and whom did
they see coming but her with the tree on her back. They saw that
there was no use in meddling with her. They loosed her, and they let
her come with them. They were travelling until night overtook them.
They saw a light far from them, and if it was far from them they
were not long reaching it. They went in. What was this but the house
of a giant. They asked to remain overnight. They got that, and they
were set to bed with the three daughters of the giant.
There were turns of amber beads around the necks of the giant’s
daughters, and strings of hair around their necks. They all slept,
but Maol a chliobain kept awake. During the night the giant got
thirsty. He called to his bald rough-skinned lad to bring him water.
The bald rough-skinned lad said that there was not a drop within.
“Kill,” said he, “one of the strange girls, and bring me her blood.”
“How will I know them?” said the bald rough-skinned lad. “There are
turns of beads about the necks of my daughters, and turns of hair
about the necks of the rest.” Maol a chliobain heard the giant, and
as quickly as she could she put the strings of hair that were about
her own neck and the necks of her sisters about the necks of the
giant’s daughters, and the beads that were about the necks of the
giant’s daughters about her own neck and the necks of her sisters,
and laid herself quietly down. The bald rough-skinned lad came and
killed one of the daughters of the giant, and brought him her blood.
He bade him bring him more. He killed the second one. He bade him
bring him more, and he killed the third. Maol a chliobain wakened
her sisters, and she took them on her back and went away. The giant
observed her, and he followed her.
The sparks of fire which she was driving out of the stones with her
heels were striking the giant in the chin, and the sparks of fire
that the giant was taking out of the stones with the points of his
feet, they were striking Maol a chliobain in the back of her head.
It was thus with them until they reached a river. Maol a chliobain
leaped the river, and the giant could not leap the river. “You are
over, Maol a chliobain.” “Yes, if it vex you.” “You killed my three
bald red-skinned daughters.” “Yes, if it vex you.” “And when will
you come again?” “I will come when my business brings me.”
They went on till they reached a farmer’s house. The farmer had
three sons. They told what happened to them. Says the farmer to Maol
a chliobain, “I will give my eldest son to your eldest sister, and
get for me the smooth golden comb and the rough silver comb that
the giant has.” “It won’t cost you more,” said Maol a chliobain.
She left and reached the giant’s house. She got in without being
seen. She took the combs and hastened out. The giant observed her,
and after her he went until they reached the river. She leaped
the river, and the giant could not leap the river. “You are over,
Maol a chliobain.” “Yes, if it vex you.” “You killed my three bald
red-skinned daughters.” “Yes, if it vex you.” “You stole my smooth
golden comb and my rough silver comb.” “Yes, if it vex you.” “When
will you come again.” “When my business brings me.”
She brought the combs to the farmer, and the big sister married the
big son of the farmer.
“I will give my middle son to your middle sister, and get for me
the giant’s sword of light.” “It won’t cost you more,” says Maol a
chliobain. She went away, and reached the giant’s house. She went
up in the top of a tree that was above the giant’s well. In the
night the bald, rough-skinned lad came for water, having the sword
of light with him. When he bent over to raise the water, Maol a
chliobain came down and pushed him into the well and drowned him,
and took away the sword of light. The giant followed her till she
reached the river. She leaped the river, and the giant could not
follow her. “You are over, Maol a chliobain.” “Yes, if it vex you.”
“You killed my three bald red-haired daughters.” “Yes, if it vex
you.” “You stole my smooth golden comb and my rough silver comb.”
“Yes, if it vex you.” “You killed my bald rough-skinned lad.” “Yes,
if it vex you.” “You stole my sword of light.” “Yes, if it vex
you.” “When will you come again?” “When my business brings me.” She
reached the farmer’s house with the sword of light, and her middle
sister married the middle son of the farmer.
“I will give yourself my youngest son,” said the farmer, “and bring
me the buck that the giant has.” “It won’t cost you more,” said
Maol a chliobain. She went and she reached the giant’s house, but
as she got hold of the buck, the giant laid hands upon her. “What,”
said the giant, “would you do to me if I had done to you as much
harm as you have done to me?” “I would make you burst yourself with
milk porridge. I would then put you in a bag; I would hang you to
the roof of the house; I would place fire under you; and I would
beat you with sticks until you fell a bundle of dry sticks on the
floor.” The giant made milk porridge, and gave it her to drink. She
spread the milk porridge over her mouth and her face, and lay down
as if she had been dead. The giant put her in a bag which he hung to
the roof of the house, and he and his men went to the wood to get
sticks. The mother of the giant was in. When the giant went away,
Maol a chliobain cried, “It is I that am in comfort; it is I that
am in the golden seat.” “Will you let me there?” said the hag. “No,
indeed.” At length she let down the bag; she put the hag inside,
and a cat, and a calf, and a dish of cream; she took away the buck,
and she left. When the giant came, he and his men fell upon the
bag with the sticks. The hag was crying out, “It’s myself that’s
here.” “I know it is yourself that’s there,” the giant would say,
striking the bag. The bag fell down a bundle of dry sticks, and what
was there but his mother. When the giant saw how it was, he set off
after Maol a chliobain. He followed her till she reached the river.
Maol a chliobain leaped the river, but the giant could not leap the
river. “You are over, Maol a chliobain.” “Yes, if it vex you.” “You
killed my three bald red-skinned daughters.” “Yes, if it vex you.”
“You stole my smooth golden comb and my rough silver comb.” “Yes, if
it vex you.” “You killed my bald, rough-skinned lad.” “Yes, if it
vex you.” “You stole my sword of light.” “Yes, if it vex you.” “You
killed my mother.” “Yes, if it vex you.” “You stole my buck.” “Yes,
if it vex you.” “When will you come again?” “When my business brings
me.” “If you were over here and I over there, what would you do to
follow me?” “I would stop myself up, and I would drink until I dried
the river.” The giant stopped himself up, and drunk until he burst.
Maol a chliobain married the young son of the farmer.
The above is a fair specimen of these tales with which the
story-tellers of the Highlands were wont to entertain their
listeners, and pass agreeably a long winter evening. The versions
of such tales are various, but the general line of the narrative is
always the same. Scores of these tales may still be picked up in the
West Highlands, although Mr Campbell has sifted them most carefully
and skilfully, and given to the public those which are undoubtedly
best. The following is a specimen referring to the famous Tom na
h-iùbhraich, in the neighbourhood of Inverness. It was taken down
by the writer from the recital of an Ardnamurchan man in Edinburgh,
and has never been printed before. The resemblance of a portion of
it to what is told of Thomas the Rhymer and the Eildon Hills, is too
close to escape observation. These tales are valuable as preserving
admirable specimens of the idioms of the Gaelic language.
NA FIANTAICHEAN.
FEAR A’ GHEADAIN CLÒIMHE.
Bha fear air astar uaireigin mu thuath, a réir coslais, mu
Shiorramachd Inbhirnis. Bha e a’ coiseachd là, ’us chunnaic e fear
a’ buain sgrath leis an làr-chaipe. Thainig e far an robh an duine.
Thubhairt e ris, “Oh, nach sean sibhse, ’dhuine, ris an obair sin.”
Thubhairt an duine ris, “Oh, nam faiceadh tu m’athair, is e a’s
sine na mise.” “D’athair” ars’ an duine, “am bheil d’athair beò
’s an t-saoghal fhathasd?” “Oh, tha” ars’ esan. “C’àite am bheil
d’athair” ars’ esan, “am b’urrainn mi ’fhaicinn?” “Uh, is urrainn”
ars’ esan, “tha e a’ tarruing dhathigh nan sgrath.” Dh’innis e an
rathad a ghabhadh e ach am faiceadh e ’athair. Thàinig e far an
robh e. Thubhairt e ris, “Nach sean sibhse, ’dhuine, ris an obair
sin.” “Uh,” ars’ esan, “nam faiceadh tu m’ athair, is e a ’s sine na
mise.” “Oh, am bheil d’athair ’s an t-saoghai fhathasd?” “Uh, tha,”
ars’ esan. “C’aite am bheil e” ars’ esan, “an urrainn mi ’fhaicinn?”
“Uh, is urrainn,” ars’ esan, “tha e a’ tilgeadh nan sgrath air an
tigh.” Ràinig e am fear a bha ’tilgeadh nan sgrath. “Oh, nach sean
sibhse, ’dhuine, ris an obair sin,” ars’ esan. “Uh, nam faiceadh
tu m’athair,” ars’ esan, “tha e mòran na ’s sine na mise.” “Am
bheil d’athair agam r’a fhaicinn?” “Uh, tha,” ars’ esan, “rach
timchioll, ’us chi thu e a’cur nan sgrath.” Thainig e ’us chunnaic
e am fear a bha ’cur nan sgrath. “Oh, a dhuine” ars’ esan, “is mòr
an aois a dh’fheumas sibse a bhi.” “Oh,” ars’ esan, “nam faiceadh tu
m’athair.” “An urrainn mi d’athair fhaicinn?” ars’ esan, “C’àite am
bheil e?” “Mata” ars’ an duine, is òlach tapaidh coltach thu, tha mi
’creidsinn gu’m faod mi m’athair a shealltuinn duit. “Tha e,” ars’
esan, “stigh ann an geadan clòimhe an ceann eile an tighe.” Chaidh
e stigh leis ’g a fhaicinn. Bha na h-uile gin diùbhsan ro mhòr,
nach ’eil an leithid a nis r’a fhaotainn. “Tha duine beag an so,”
ars esan, ’athair, “air am bheil coslas òlaich thapaidh, Albannach,
’us toil aige ’ur faicinn.” Bhruidhinn e ris, ’us thubbairt e, “Co
as a thàinig thu? Thoir dhomh do làmh, ’Albannaich.” Thug a mhac
làmh air seann choltair croinn a bha ’na luidhe làimh riu. Shnaim e
aodach uime. “Thoir dha sin,” ars’ esan ris an Albannach, “’us na
toir dha do làmh.” Rug an seann duine air a’ choltair, ’us a’ cheann
eile aig an duine eile ’na làimh. An àite an coltair a bhi leathann,
rinn e cruinn e, ’us dh’fhàg e làrach nan cuig meur ann, mar gu’m
bitheadh uibe taois ann. “Nach cruadalach an làmh a th’agad,
’Albannaich,” ars’ esan, “Nam bitheadh do chridhe cho cruadalach,
tapaidh, dh’iarrainnse rud ort nach d’iarr mi’ air fear roimhe.”
“Ciod e sin, a dhuine?” ars’ esan, “ma tha ni ann a’s urrainn mise
’dheanamh, ni mi e.” “Bheirinnse dhuit” ars’ esan, “fìdeag a tha an
so, agus fiosraichidh tu far am bheil Tòm na h-iùbhraich, laimh ri
Inbhirnis, agus an uair a theid thu ann, chi thu creag bheag, ghlas,
air an dara taobh dheth.” An uair a’ theid thu a dh’ionnsuidh na
creige, chi thu mu mheudachd doruis, ’us air cumadh doruis bhige air
a’ chreig. Buail sròn do choise air trì uairean, ’us air an uair mu
dheireadh fosgailidh e. Dh’fhalbh e, ’us ràinig e ’us fhuair e an
dorus.” Thubhairt an seann duine ris, “An uair a dh’fhosgaileas tu
an dorus, seirmidh tu an fhìdeag, bheir thu tri seirmean oirre ’us
air an t-seirm mu dheireadh,” ars’ esan, “eiridh leat na bhitheas
stigh, ’us ma bhitheas tu cho tapaidh ’us gun dean thu siu, is
fheairrd thu fhéin e ’us do mhac, ’us d’ ogha, ’us d’iar-ogha.” Thug
e a’ cheud sheirm air an fhìdeag. Sheall e ’us stad e. Shin na coin
a bha ’n an luidhe làthair ris na daoinibh an cosan, ’us charaich
na daoine uile. Thug e an ath sheirm oirre. Dh’éirich na daoine
air an uilnibh ’us dh’éirich na coin ’n an suidhe. Thionndaidh am
fear ris an dorus, ’us ghabh e eagal. Tharruing e an dorus ’n a
dhéigh. Ghlaodh iadsan uile gu léir, “Is miosa ’dh’fhàg na fhuair,
is miosa ’dh’fhàg na fhuair.” Dh’fhalbh e ’n a ruith. Thàinig e gu
lochan uisge, a bha an sin, ’us thilg e an fhìdeag anns an lochan.
Dhealaich mise riu.
_English Translation._
THE FINGALIANS.
THE MAN IN THE TUFT OF WOOL.
There was a man once on a journey in the north, according to all
appearance in the sheriffdom of Inverness. He was travelling one
day, and he saw a man casting divots with the flaughter-spade. He
came to where the man was. He said to him, “Oh, you are very old to
be employed in such work.” The man said to him, “Oh, if you saw my
father, he is much older than I am.” “Your father,” said the man, “is
your father alive in the world still?” “Oh, yes,” said he. “Where is
your father?” said he; “could I see him?” “Oh, yes,” said he, “he
is leading home the divots.” He told him what way he should take in
order to see his father. He came where he was. He said to him “You
are old to be engaged in such work.” “Oh,” said he, “if you saw my
father, he is older than I.” “Oh, is your father still in the world?”
“Oh, yes,” said he. “Where is your father?” said he; “can I see him!”
“Oh, yes,” said he, “he is reaching the divots at the house.” He came
to the man who was reaching the divots. “Oh, you are old,” said he,
“to be employed in such work.” “Oh, if you saw my father,” said he,
“he is much older than I.” “Is your father to be seen?” said he. “Oh,
yes, go round the house and you will see him laying the divots on the
roof.” He came and he saw the man who was laying the divots on the
roof. “Oh, man,” said he, “you must be a great age.” “Oh, if you saw
my father.” “Oh, can I see your father; where is he?” “Well,” said
the man, “you look like a clever fellow; I daresay I may show you my
father.” “He is,” said he, “inside in a tuft of wool in the further
end of the house.” He went in with him to show him to him. Every
one of these men was very big, so much so that their like is not to
be found now. “There is a little man here,” said he to his father,
“who looks like a clever fellow, a Scotchman, and he is wishful to
see you.” He spoke to him, and said, “Where did you come from? Give
me your hand, Scotchman.” His son laid hold of the old coulter of a
plough that lay there. He knotted a cloth around it. “Give him that,”
said he to the Scotchman, “and don’t give him your hand.” The old man
laid hold of the coulter, while the man held the other end in his
hand. Instead of the coulter being broad, he made it round, and left
the mark of his five fingers in it as if it were a lump of leaven.
“You have a brave hand, Scotchman,” said he. “If your heart were as
brave and clever, I would ask something of you that I never asked of
another.” “What is that, man?” said he; “if there is anything that
I can do, I shall do it.” “I would give you,” said he, “a whistle
that I have here, and you will find out where Tomnahurich is near
Inverness, and when you find it you will see a little grey rock on
one side of it. When you go to the rock you will see about the size
of a door, and the shape of a little door in the rock. Strike the
point of your foot three times, and at the third time it will open.”
He went away, and he reached and found the door. “When you open the
door,” the old man said, “you will sound the whistle; you will sound
it thrice. At the third sounding all that are within will rise along
with you; and if you be clever enough to do that, you, and your
son, and your grandson, and your great-grandson, will be the better
of it.” He gave the first sound on the whistle. He looked, and he
stopped. The dogs that lay near the men stretched their legs, and
all the men moved. He gave the second sound. The men rose on their
elbows, and the dogs sat up. The man turned to the door and became
frightened. He drew the door after him. They all cried out, “Left us
worse than he found us; left us worse than he found us.” He went away
running. He came to a little fresh water loch that was there, and he
threw the whistle into the loch. I left them.
These specimens give a good idea of the popular prose literature of
the Highlands. Whence it was derived it is difficult to say. It may
have originated with the people themselves, but many portions of it
bear the marks of having been derived even, as has been said, from an
Eastern source, while the last tale which has been transcribed above
gives the Highland version of an old Scottish tradition.
POETRY.
Gaelic poetry is voluminous. Exclusive of the Ossianic poetry which
has been referred to already, there is a long catalogue of modern
poetical works of various merit. Fragments exist of poems written
early in the 17th century, such as those prefixed to the edition
of Calvin’s Catechism, printed in 1631. One of these, _Faosid Eoin
Steuart Tighearn na Happen_, “The Confession of John Stewart, laird
of Appin,” savours more of the Church of Rome than of the Protestant
faith. To this century belongs also the poetry of John Macdonell,
usually called Eoin Lorn, and said to have been poet-laureate to
Charles II. for Scotland. Other pieces exist of the same period, but
little would seem to have been handed down to us of the poetry of
this century.
We have fragments belonging to the early part of the 17th century in
the introduction to “Lhuyd’s Archæologia.” These are of much interest
to the Gaelic student. In 1751 appeared the first edition of Songs
by Alexander Macdonald, usually called Mac Mhaighistir Alasdair.
These songs are admirable specimens of Gaelic versification, giving
the highest idea of the author’s poetical powers. Many editions of
them have appeared, and they are very popular in the Highlands.
Macintyre’s poems appeared in 1768. Macdonald and he stand at the
very top of the list of Gaelic poets. They are both distinguished
by the power and the smoothness of their composition. Macdonald’s
highest gifts are represented in his _Biorluinn Chloinn Raonuill_,
“Clan Ranald’s Galley,” and Macintyre’s in his _Beinn Dobhrain_, “Ben
Douran.”
Later than Macintyre, Ronald M’Donald, commonly called Raonull Dubh,
or Black Ranald, published an excellent collection of Gaelic songs.
This Ranald was son to Alexander already referred to, and was a
schoolmaster in the island of Eigg. His collection is largely made
up of his father’s compositions, but there are songs of his own and
of several other composers included. Many of the songs of this period
are Jacobite, and indicate intense disloyalty to the Hanoverian royal
family.
Gillies’s Collection in 1786 is an admirable one, containing many of
the genuine Ossianic fragments. This collection is of real value to
the Gaelic scholar, although it is now difficult to be had.
In addition to these, and at a later period, we have Turner’s
Collection and Stewart’s Collection, both of them containing many
excellent compositions. We have, later still, M’Kenzie’s Beauties
of Gaelic Poetry, and we have, besides these, separate volumes of
various sizes; by the admirable religious bard, Dugald Buchanan; by
Rob Donn, the Reay bard; William Ross, the Gairloch bard; and many
others, who would form a long catalogue. As might be supposed, the
pieces included in these collections are of various merit, but there
is much really good poetry worthy of the country which has cultivated
the poetic art from the earliest period of its history, and a country
which, while it gave to Gaelic poetry such a name as Ossian, gave to
the poetry of England the names of Thomas Campbell and Lord Macaulay.
GRAMMARS.
There are no early treatises on the structure and composition of the
Gaelic language, such as the ancient MS. writings which still exist
on Irish Grammar. Still, so early as the middle of last century,
the subject had excited notice, and demands began to exist for a
grammatical treatise on the Gaelic language. The first attempt to
meet this demand was made by the Rev. William Shaw, at one time
minister of Ardclach, in Nairnshire, and afterwards a resident in
England; the author of a Gaelic dictionary, and an associate of
Johnson’s in opposing M’Pherson and his Ossian, as it was called by
adversaries. Shaw’s Grammar is made of no account by Dr Stewart, in
the reference which he makes to it in his excellent grammar; but
the work is interesting as the first attempt made to reduce Gaelic
grammar to shape at all, and as showing several indications of a
fair, if not a profound scholarship. That the volume, however, is
to be held in any way as a correct analysis of the Gaelic language,
is out of the question. Mr Shaw presents his readers, at the end
of his volume, with specimens of Gaelic writing, which he intends
to settle the orthography of the language. Anything more imperfect
than the orthography of these specimens can hardly be conceived--at
least it is of a kind that makes the language in many of the words
unintelligible to any ordinary reader. Mr Shaw’s Grammar reached a
second edition, showing the interest that was taken in the subject at
the time.
An abler scholar, in the person of the Rev. Dr Stewart, of Moulin,
Dingwall, and the Canongate, Edinburgh, successively, took up the
subject of Gaelic grammar after Mr Shaw. Mr Stewart was an eminent
minister of the Scottish Church. Few ministers stood higher than
he did as a preacher, and few laboured more assiduously in their
pastoral work; still he found time for literary studies, and to none
did he direct more of his care than to that of his native Gaelic. A
native of Perthshire himself, he made himself acquainted with all
the dialects of the tongue, and gives an admirable analysis of the
language as it appears in the Gaelic Bible. Few works of the kind are
more truly philosophical. The modesty which is ever characteristic
of genius distinguishes every portion of it, while the work is of a
kind that does not admit of much emendation. If it be defective in
any part, it is in the part that treats of syntax. There the rules
laid down comprehend but few of those principles which govern the
structure of the language, and it is necessary to have recourse to
other sources for information regarding many of the most important of
these.
A third grammar was published about thirty years ago by Mr James
Munro, at the time parish schoolmaster of Kilmonivaig. This volume
is highly creditable to Mr Munro’s scholarship, and in many respects
supplied a want that was felt by learners of the language. The
numerous exercises with which the work abounds are of very great
value, and must aid the student much in its acquisition.
A double grammar, in both Gaelic and English, by the Rev. Mr Forbes,
latterly minister of Sleat, presents a very fair view of the
structure of the Gaelic language, while grammars appear attached to
several of the existing dictionaries. There is a grammar prefixed
to the dictionary of the Highland Society, another to that of
Mr Armstrong, and a third to that of Mr M’Alpine. All these are
creditable performances, and worthy of perusal. In fact, if the
grammar of the Gaelic language be not understood, it is not for
want of grammatical treatises. There are seven or eight of them in
existence.
Mr Shaw, in the introduction to his grammar, says:--“It was not the
mercenary consideration of interest, nor, perhaps, the expectation
of fame among my countrymen, in whose esteem its beauties are too
much faded, but a taste for the beauties of the original speech of a
now learned nation, that induced me either to begin, or encouraged
me to persevere in reducing to grammatical principles a language
spoken only by imitation; while, perhaps, I might be more profitably
employed in tasting the various productions of men, ornaments of
human nature, afforded in a language now teeming with books. I beheld
with astonishment the learned in Scotland, since the revival of
letters, neglect the Gaelic as if it was not worthy of any pen to
give a rational account of a speech used upwards of 2000 years by the
inhabitants of more than one kingdom. I saw with regret, a language
once famous in the western world, ready to perish, without any
memorial; a language by the use of which Galgacus having assembled
his chiefs, rendered the Grampian hills impassable to legions that
had conquered the world, and by means of which Fingal inspired his
warriors with the desire of immortal fame.”
That the Gaelic language is worthy of being studied, the researches
of modern philologers have amply proved. For comparative philology
it is of the highest value, being manifestly one of the great links
in the chain of Aryan languages. Its close relation to the classical
languages gives it a place almost peculiar to itself. In like manner
its study throws light on national history. Old words appear in
charters and similar documents which a knowledge of Gaelic can alone
interpret, while for the study of Scottish topography the knowledge
of it is essential. From the Tweed to the Pentland Frith words appear
in every part of the country which can only be analysed by the Gaelic
scholar. In this view the study of the language is important, and
good grammars are of essential value for its prosecution.
DICTIONARIES.
At an early period vocabularies of Gaelic words began to be compiled
for the benefit of readers of the language. The first of these
appears attached to Mr Kirk’s edition of Bedell’s Irish Bible, to
which reference has been made already. The list of words is not very
extensive, and, as has been said, the equivalents of the words given
are in many cases as difficult to understand as the words themselves.
Mr Kirk’s object in his vocabulary is to explain Irish words in
Bedell’s Bible to Scottish readers.
In 1707 Lhuyd’s _Archæologia Britannica_ appeared. It contains a
grammar of the Iberno-Scottish Gaelic, and a vocabulary which is in a
large measure a vocabulary of the Gaelic of Scotland. All that this
learned writer did was done in a manner worthy of a scholar. His
vocabulary, although defective, is accurate so far as it goes, and
presents us with a very interesting and instructive view of the state
of the language in his day. Lhuyd’s volume is one which should be
carefully studied by every Celtic scholar.
In 1738 the Rev. David Malcolm, minister at Duddingstone, published
an essay on the antiquities of Great Britain and Ireland, with the
view of showing the affinity betwixt “the languages of the ancient
Britons and the Americans of the Isthmus of Darien.” In this essay
there is a list of Gaelic words beginning with the letter A,
extending to sixteen pages, and a list of English words with their
Gaelic equivalents, extending to eight pages. Mr Malcolm brought
the project of compiling a Gaelic dictionary before the General
Assembly of the Scottish Church, and he seems to have had many
conferences with Highland ministers friendly to his object. The
Assembly appointed a committee on the subject, and they reported most
favourably of Mr Malcolm’s design. Still the work never seems to have
gone farther; and beyond the lists referred to, we have no fruits
of Mr Malcolm’s labours. Mr Malcolm calls the language Irish, as was
uniformly done by English writers at the time, and spells the words
after the Irish manner.
Three years after the publication of Mr Malcolm’s essay in the year
1741, the first attempt at a complete vocabulary of the Gaelic
language appeared. The compiler was Alexander M’Donald, at the time
schoolmaster of Ardnamurchan, known throughout the Highlands as Mac
Mhaighistir Alasdair, and a bard of high reputation. The compilation
was made at the suggestion of the Society for Propagating Christian
Knowledge, in whose service M’Donald was at the time. The Society
submitted the matter to the Presbytery of Mull, and the Presbytery
committed the matter to M’Donald as the most likely man within their
bounds to execute the work in a satisfactory manner. M’Donald’s
book is dedicated to the Society, and he professes a zeal for
Protestantism, although he turned over to the Church of Rome himself
on the landing of Charles Edward in the Highlands in 1745. The
vocabulary is arranged under the heads of subjects, and not according
to the letters of the alphabet. It begins with words referring to
God, and so on through every subject that might suggest itself. It is
upon the whole well executed, seeing that the author was the pioneer
of Gaelic lexicographers; but the publishers found themselves obliged
to insert a caveat in an advertisement at the close of the volume,
in which they say that “all or most of the verbs in this vocabulary
from page 143 to page 162 are expressed in the Gaelic by single
words, though our author generally expresses them by a needless
circumlocution.” M’Donald’s orthography is a near approach to that of
modern Gaelic writing.
In 1780 the Rev. Mr Shaw, the author of the Gaelic grammar already
referred to, published a dictionary of the Gaelic language in
two volumes, the one volume being Gaelic-English, and the other
English-Gaelic. This work did not assume a high place among scholars.
Following upon Shaw’s work was that of Robert M’Farlane in 1795. This
vocabulary is of little value to the student.
Robert M’Farlane’s volume was followed in 1815 by that of Peter
M’Farlane, a well known translator of religious works. The collection
of words is pretty full, and the work upon the whole is a creditable
one.
Notwithstanding all these efforts at providing a dictionary of the
Gaelic language, it was felt by scholars that the want had not
been really supplied. In those circumstances Mr R. A. Armstrong,
parish schoolmaster of Kenmore, devoted his time and talents to the
production of a work that might be satisfactory. The Gaelic language
was not Mr Armstrong’s mother tongue, and he had the great labour
to undergo of acquiring it. Indefatigable energy, with the genius
of a true scholar, helped him over all his difficulties, and, after
years of toil, he produced a work of the highest merit, and one whose
authority is second to none as an exposition of the Scoto-Celtic
tongue.
Mr Armstrong’s dictionary was succeeded by that of the Highland
Society of Scotland, which was published in two quarto volumes in
1828. A portion of the labour of this great work was borne by Mr Ewen
Maclachlan of Aberdeen, the most eminent Celtic scholar of his day.
Mr Maclachlan brought the most ample accomplishments to the carrying
out of the undertaking; a remarkable acquaintance with the classical
languages, which he could write with facility, a very extensive
knowledge of the Celtic tongues, and a mind of remarkable acuteness
to discern distinctions and analogies in comparative philology.
But he died ere the work was far advanced, and other scholars had
to carry it through. The chief of these was the Rev. Dr M’Leod of
Dundonald, aided by the Rev. Dr Irvine of Little Dunkeld, and the
Rev. Alexander M’Donald of Crieff; and the whole was completed and
edited under the superintendence of the Rev. Dr Mackay, afterwards of
Dunoon, to whose skill and care much of the value of the work is due.
In 1831 an octavo dictionary by the Rev. Dr Macleod of Glasgow, and
the Rev. D. Dewar, afterwards Principal Dewar of Aberdeen, appeared.
It is drawn largely from the dictionary of the Highland Society, and
is an exceedingly good and useful book.
There is a still later dictionary by Mr Neil M’Alpine, schoolmaster
in Islay. It is an excellent vocabulary of the Islay dialect, with
some features peculiar to itself, especially directions as to the
pronouncing of the words, which, from the peculiar orthography of the
Gaelic, the learner requires.
It will be seen from the above list that there is no lack of
Gaelic dictionaries any more than of Gaelic grammars, and that
some of the dictionaries are highly meritorious. And yet there is
room for improvement still if competent hands could be found. The
student of Scottish topography meets with innumerable words which
he feels assured are of the Scoto-Celtic stock. He applies to his
dictionaries, and he almost uniformly finds that the words which
puzzle him are absent. There seems to have been an entire ignoring of
this source for words on the part of all the Gaelic lexicographers,
and from the number of obsolete words found in it, but which an
acquaintance with ancient MS. literature helps to explain, a large
supply, and a supply of the deepest interest, might be found. Irish
dictionaries afford considerable aid in searching this field, but
Gaelic dictionaries furnish very little. At the same time it must be
remembered that topography is itself a recent study, and that men’s
minds have only latterly been more closely directed to these words.
We have thus given a general view of the literature of the Scottish
Gael. It is not extensive, but it is full of interest. That the
language was at one time subjected to cultivation cannot be doubted
by any man acquainted with the literary history of the Celtic race.
The MSS. which exist are enough to demonstrate the fact, of which no
rational doubt can exist, that an immense number of such MSS. have
perished. An old Gaelic MS. was once seen in the Hebrides cut down by
a tailor to form measuring tapes for the persons of his customers.
These MSS. treated of various subjects, Philology, theology, and
science found a place among Celtic scholars, while poetry was largely
cultivated. The order of bards ensured this, an order peculiar to the
Celts. Johnson’s estimate of the extent of ancient Celtic culture was
an entirely mistaken one, and shows how far prejudice may operate
towards the perversion of truth, even in the case of great and good
men.
GAELIC LANGUAGE.
Of the Gaelic language in which this literature exists, this is
not the place to say much. To know it, it is necessary to study
its grammars and dictionaries, and written works. With regard
to the class of languages to which it belongs, many and various
opinions were long held; but it has been settled latterly without
room for dispute that it belongs to the Indo-European, or, as it is
now called, the Aryan class. That it has relations to the Semitic
languages cannot be denied, but these are no closer than those of
many others of the same class. Its relation to both the Greek and
the Latin, especially to the latter, is very close, many of the
radical words in both languages being almost identical. Natural
objects, for instance, and objects immediately under observation,
have terms wonderfully similar to represent them. _Mons_, a
mountain, appears in the Gaelic _Monadh_; _Amnis_, a river, appears
in _Amhainn_; _Oceanus_, the ocean, in _Cuan_; _Muir_, the sea,
in _Mare_; _Caballus_, a horse, in _Capull_; _Equus_, a horse, in
_Each_; _Canis_, a dog, in _Cu_; _Sol_, the sun, in _Solus_, light;
_Salus_, safety, in _Slainte_; _Rex_, a king, in _Righ_; _Vir_, a
man, in _Fear_; _Tectum_, a roof, in _Tigh_; _Monile_, a necklace, in
_Muineal_. This list might be largely extended, and serves to bring
out to what an extent original terms in Gaelic and Latin correspond.
The same is true of the Greek, but not to the same extent.
At the same time there is a class of words in Gaelic which are
derived directly from the Latin. These are such words as have been
introduced into the service of the church. Christianity having come
into Scotland from the European Continent, it was natural to suppose
that with it terms familiar to ecclesiastics should find their way
along with the religion. This would have occurred to a larger extent
after the Roman hierarchy and worship had been received among the
Scots. Such words as _Peacadh_, sin; _Sgriobtuir_, the scriptures;
_Faosaid_, confession; _aoibhrinn_, mass or offering; _Caisg_,
Easter; _Inid_, initium or shrove-tide; _Calainn_, new year’s day;
_Nollaig_, Christmas; _Domhnach_, God or Dominus; _Diseart_, a
hermitage; _Eaglais_, a church; _Sagart_, a priest; _Pearsa_ or
_Pearsoin_, a parson; _Reilig_, a burying place, from _reliquiæ_;
_Ifrionn_, hell; are all manifestly from the Latin, and a little care
might add to this list. It is manifest that words which did not exist
in the language must be borrowed from some source, and whence so
naturally as from the language which was, in fact, the sacred tongue
in the early church.
But besides being a borrower, the Gaelic has been largely a
contributor to other languages. What is usually called Scotch is
perhaps the greatest debtor to the Gaelic tongue, retaining, as it
does, numerous Gaelic words usually thought to be distinctive of
itself. A list of these is not uninteresting, and the following
is given as a contribution to the object:--Braw, from the Gaelic
_Breagh_, pretty; Burn, from _Burn_, water; Airt, from _Airde_, a
point of the compass; Baugh, from _Baoth_, empty; Kebbuck, from
_Càbaig_, a cheese; Dour, from _Dùr_, hard; Fey, from _Fé_, a rod
for measuring the dead; Teem, from _Taom_, to empty; Sicker, from
_Shicker_, sure, retained in Manx; Leister, from _Lister_, a fishing
spear, Manx; Chiel, from _Gille_, a lad; Skail, from _Sgaoil_, to
disperse; Ingle, from _Aingeal_, fire; Arles, from _Earlas_, earnest;
Sain, from _Sean_, to consecrate. This list, like the former, might
be much increased, and shows how relics of the Gaelic language may
be traced in the spoken tongue of the Scottish Lowlands after the
language itself has retired. Just in like manner, but arising from
a much closer relation, do relics of the Celtic languages appear in
the Greek and Latin. The fact seems to be that a Celtic race and
tongue did at one time occupy the whole of Southern Europe, spreading
themselves from the Hellespont along the shores of the Adriatic, and
the western curves of the Mediterranean, bounded on the north by the
Danube and the Rhine, and extending to the western shores of Ireland.
Of this ample evidence is to be found in the topography of the whole
region; and the testimony of that topography is fully borne out by
that of the whole class of languages still occupying the region, with
the exception of the anomalous language of Biscay, and the Teutonic
speech carried by the sword into Britain and other northern sections
of it.
Mere resemblance of words does not establish identity of class among
languages, such a similarity being often found to exist, when in
other respects the difference is radical. It requires similarity of
idiom and grammatical structure to establish the existence of such
an identity. This similarity exists to a remarkable extent between
the Gaelic and the Latin. There is not space here for entering into
details, but a few examples may be given. There is no indefinite
article in either language, the simple form of the noun including
in it the article, thus, a man is _fear_, Latin _vir_, the former
having in the genitive _fir_, the latter _viri_. The definite article
_am_, _an_, _a’_, in Gaelic would seem to represent the Latin
_unus_; thus _an duine_ represents _unus homo_. The inflection in a
large class of Gaelic nouns is by attenuation, while the nominative
plural and genitive singular of such nouns are alike. So with the
Latin, _monachus_, gen. _monachi_, nom. plur. _monachi_; Gaelic,
manach, gen. manaich, nom. plur. manaich. The structure of the verb
is remarkably similar in both languages. This appears specially in
the gerund, which in Gaelic is the only form used to represent the
infinitive and the present participle. The use of the subjunctive
mood largely is characteristic of the Gaelic as of the Latin.
The prepositions which are so variously and extensively used in
Gaelic, present another analogy to the Latin. But the analogies in
grammatical structure are so numerous that they can only be accounted
for by tracing the languages to the same source. Another series of
resemblances is to be found in the peculiar idioms which characterise
both tongues. Thus, possession is in both represented by the peculiar
use of the verb _to be_. _Est mihi liber_, there is to me a book, is
represented in Gaelic by _tha leabhar agam_, which means, like the
Latin, a book is to me.
But there is one peculiarity which distinguishes the Gaelic and the
whole class of Celtic tongues from all others. Many of the changes
included in inflection and regimen occur in the initial consonant of
the word. This change is usually held to be distinctive of gender,
but its effect is wider than that, as it occurs in cases where no
distinction of gender is expressed. This change, usually called
aspiration, implies a softening of the initial consonants of words.
Thus _b_ becomes _v_, _m_ becomes _v_, _p_ becomes _f_, _g_ becomes
_y_, _d_ becomes _y_, _c_ becomes _ch_, more or less guttural,
_s_ and _t_ become _h_, and so on. These changes are marked in
orthography by the insertion of the letter _h_. This is a remarkable
peculiarity converting such a word as _mòr_ into _vòr_, spelled
_mhòr_; _bàs_ into _vàs_, spelled _bhàs_; _duine_ into _yuine_,
spelled _dhuine_. This peculiarity partly accounts for the number
of letters _h_ introduced into Gaelic spelling, loading the words
apparently unnecessarily with consonants, but really serving a very
important purpose.
It is not desirable, however, in a work like this to prosecute this
dissertation farther. Suffice it to say, that philologists have come
to class the Gaelic with the other Celtic tongues among the great
family of Aryan languages, having affinities, some closer, some more
distant, with almost all the languages of Europe. It is of much
interest to scholars in respect both of the time and the place which
it has filled, and fills still, and it is gratifying to all Scottish
Celts to know that it has become more than ever a subject of study
among literary men.
THE MUSIC OF THE HIGHLANDS.
Among the Celts, poetry and music walked hand in hand. There need
be no controversy in this case as to which is the more ancient art,
they seem to have been coeval. Hence the bards were musicians.
Their compositions were all set to music, and many of them composed
the airs to which their verses were adapted. The airs to which the
ancient Ossianic lays were sung still exist, and several of them may
be found noted in Captain Fraser’s excellent collection of Highland
music. They are well known in some parts of the Highlands, and those
who are prepared to deny with Johnson the existence of any remains
of the ancient Celtic bard, must be prepared to maintain at the same
time that these ancient airs to which the verses were sung were,
like themselves, the offspring of modern imposition. But this is
too absurd to obtain credence. In fact these airs were essential to
the recitation of the bards. Deprive them of the music with which
their lines were associated, and you deprived them of the chief aid
to their memory; but give them their music, and they could recite
almost without end.
The same is true of the poetry of the modern bards. Song-singing
in the Highlands was usually social. Few songs on any subject were
composed without a chorus, and the intention was that the chorus
should be taken up by all the company present. A verse was sung
in the interval by the individual singer, but the object of the
chorus was to be sung by all. It is necessary to keep this in view
in judging of the spirit and effect of Gaelic song. Sung as songs
usually are, the object of the bard is lost sight of, and much of the
action of the music is entirely overlooked. But what was intended
chiefly to be said was, that the compositions of the modern bards
were all intended to be linked with music, sung for the most part
socially. We do not at this moment know one single piece of Gaelic
poetry which was intended merely for recitation, unless it be found
among a certain class of modern compositions which are becoming
numerous, and which are English in everything but the language.
The music to which these compositions were sung was peculiar; one
can recognise a Gaelic air at once, among a thousand. Quaint and
pathetic, irregular and moving on with the most singular intervals,
the movement is still self-contained and impressive,--to the Celt
eminently so. It is beyond a question that what is called Scottish
music has been derived from the Gaelic race. Its characteristics are
purely Celtic. So far as the poetry of Burns is concerned, his songs
were composed in many cases to airs borrowed from the Highlands,
and nothing could fit in better than the poetry and the music. But
Scottish Lowland music, so much and so deservedly admired, is a
legacy from the Celtic muse throughout. There is nothing in it which
it holds in common with any Saxon race in existence. Compare it with
the common melodies in use among the English, and the two are proved
totally distinct. The airs to which “Scots wha hae,” “Auld Langsyne,”
“Roy’s Wife,” “O’ a’ the airts,” and “Ye Banks and Braes,” are sung,
are airs to which nothing similar can be found in England. They
are Scottish, and only Scottish, and can be recognised as such at
once. But airs of a precisely similar character can be found among
all the Celtic races. In Ireland, melodies almost identical with
those of Scotland are found. In fact, the Irish claim such tunes as
“The Legacy,” “The Highland Laddie,” and others. So with the Isle
of Man. The national air of the Island, “Mollacharane,” has all the
distinctive characteristics of a Scottish tune. The melodies of Wales
have a similar type. Such a tune as “The Men of Harlech” might at any
time be mistaken for a Scottish melody. And if we cross to Brittany
and hear a party of Bretons of a night singing a national air along
the street, as they often do, the type of the air will be found to be
largely Scottish. These facts go far to prove the paternity of what
is called Scottish music, and show to conviction that this music, so
sweet, so touching, is the ancient inheritance of the Celt.
[Illustration: No. 1.
A C D E G A C
No. 2.
A B C D E F G A B C
No. 3.]
The ancient Scottish scale consists of six notes, as shown in the
annexed exemplification, No. 1. The lowest note A, was afterwards
added, to admit of the minor key in wind instruments. The notes in
the diatonic scale, No. 2, were added about the beginning of the
fifteenth century, and when music arrived at its present state of
perfection, the notes in the chromatic scale, No. 3, were farther
added. Although many of the Scottish airs have had the notes last
mentioned introduced into them, to please modern taste they can be
played without them, and without altering the character of the
melody. Any person who understands the ancient scale can at once
detect the later additions.
“The Gaelic music consists of different kinds or species. 1. Martial
music, the Golltraidheacht of the Irish, and the Brosnachadh Catha of
the Gael, consisting of a spirit-stirring measure short and rapid. 2.
The Geantraidheacht, or plaintive or sorrowful, a kind of music to
which the Highlanders are very partial. The Coronach, or Lament, sung
at funerals, is the most noted of this sort. 3. The Suantraidheacht,
or composing, calculated to calm the mind, and to lull the person to
sleep. 4. Songs of peace, sung at the conclusion of a war. 5. Songs
of victory sung by the bards before the king on gaining a victory.
6. Love songs. These last form a considerable part of the national
music, the sensibility and tenderness of which excite the passion of
love, and stimulated by its influence, the Gael indulge a spirit of
the most romantic attachment and adventure, which the peasantry of
perhaps no other country exhibit.”
The last paragraph is quoted from Mr Logan’s eloquent and patriotic
work on the _Scottish Gael_,[104] and represents the state of Gaelic
music when more flourishing and more cultivated than it is to-day.
The following quotation is from the same source, and is also
distinguished by the accuracy of its description.
“The ancient Gael were fond of singing whether in a sad or cheerful
frame of mind. Bacon justly remarks, ‘that music feedeth that
disposition which it findeth:’ it was a sure sign of brewing
mischief, when a Caledonian warrior was heard to ‘hum his surly
hymn.’ This race, in all their labours, used appropriate songs, and
accompanied their harps with their voices. At harvest the reapers
kept time by singing; at sea the boatmen did the same; and while the
women were graddaning, performing the _luadhadh_, or waulking of
cloth, or at any rural labour, they enlivened their work by certain
airs called luinneags. When milking, they sung a certain plaintive
melody, to which the animals listened with calm attention. The
attachment which the natives of Celtic origin have to their music, is
strengthened by its intimate connection with the national songs. The
influence of both on the Scots character is confessedly great--the
pictures of heroism, love, and happiness, exhibited in their songs,
are indelibly impressed on the memory, and elevate the mind of the
humblest peasant. The songs, united with their appropriate music,
affect the sons of Scotia, particularly when far distant from their
native glens and majestic mountains, with indescribable feelings,
and excite a spirit of the most romantic adventure. In this respect,
the Swiss, who inhabit a country of like character, and who resemble
the Highlanders in many particulars, experience similar emotions. On
hearing the national _Ranz de vaches_, their bowels yearn to revisit
the ever dear scenes of their youth. So powerfully is the _amor
patriæ_ awakened by this celebrated air, that it was found necessary
to prohibit its being played, under pain of death, among the troops,
who would burst into tears on hearing it, desert their colours, and
even die.
“No songs could be more happily constructed for singing during labour
than those of the Highlanders, every person being able to join in
them, sufficient intervals being allowed for breathing time. In a
certain part of the song, the leader stops to take breath, when all
the others strike in and complete the air with a chorus of words and
syllables, generally without signification, but admirably adapted to
give effect to the time.” The description proceeds to give a picture
of a social meeting in the Highlands where this style of singing is
practised, and refers to the effect with which such a composition as
“Fhir à bhàta,” or the _Boatman_, may be thus sung.
Poetical compositions associated with music are of various kinds.
First of all is the _Laoidh_, or lay, originally signifying a stately
solemn composition, by one of the great bards of antiquity. Thus we
have “Laoidh Dhiarmaid,” The lay of Diarmad; “Laoidh Oscair,” The lay
of Oscar; “Laoidh nan Ceann,” The lay of the heads; and many others.
The word is now made use of to describe a religious hymn; a fact
which proves the dignity with which this composition was invested in
the popular sentiment. Then there was the “Marbhrann,” or elegy. Few
men of any mark but had their elegy composed by some bard of note.
Chiefs and chieftains were sung of after their deaths in words and
music the most mournful which the Celt, with so deep a vein of pathos
in his soul, could devise. There is an elegy on one of the lairds
of Macleod by a famous poetess “Mairi nighean Alasdair Ruaidh,” or
Mary M’Leod, which is exquisitely touching. Many similar compositions
exist. In modern times these elegies are mainly confined to the
religious field, and ministers and other men of mark in that field
are often sung of and sung sweetly by such bards as still remain.
Then there are compositions called “Iorrams” usually confined to sea
songs; “Luinneags,” or ordinary lyrics, and such like. These are
all “wedded” to music, which is the reason for noticing them here,
and the music must be known in order to have the full relish of the
poetry.
There are several collections of Highland music which are well
worthy of being better known to the musical world than they are. The
oldest is that by the Rev. Peter Macdonald of Kilmore, who was a
famous musician in his day. More recently Captain Simon Fraser, of
Inverness, published an admirable collection; and collections of pipe
music have been made by Macdonald, Mackay, and, more recently, Ross,
the two latter pipers to her Majesty, all of which are reported of as
good.
The secular music of the Highlands, as existing now, may be divided
into that usually called by the Highlanders “An Ceol mòr,” the great
music, and in English pibrochs. This music is entirely composed for
the Highland bagpipe, and does not suit any other instrument well. It
is composed of a slow movement, with which it begins, the movement
proceeding more rapidly through several variations, until it attains
a speed and an energy which gives room for the exercise of the most
delicate and accurate fingering. Some of these pieces are of great
antiquity, such as “Mackintosh’s Lament” and “Cogadh na Sith,” Peace
or War, and are altogether remarkable compositions. Mendelssohn, on
his visit to the Highlands, was impressed by them, and introduced
a portion of a pibroch into one of his finest compositions. Few
musicians take the trouble of examining into the structure of these
pieces, and they are condemned often with little real discrimination.
Next to these we have the military music of the Highlands, also for
the most part composed for the pipe, and now in general employed by
the pipers of Highland regiments. This kind of music is eminently
characteristic, having features altogether distinctive of itself,
and is much relished by Scotsmen from all parts of the country.
Recently a large amount of music of this class has been adapted to
the bagpipe which is utterly unfit for it, and the effect is the
opposite of favourable to the good name either of the instrument or
the music. This practice is in a large measure confined to regimental
pipe music. Such tunes as “I’m wearying awa’, Jean,” or “Miss Forbes’
Farewell to Banff,” have no earthly power of adaptation to the notes
of the bagpipe, and the performance of such music on that instrument
is a violation of good taste and all musical propriety. One cannot
help being struck with the peculiar good taste that pervades all the
compositions of the M’Crimmons, the famous pipers of the Macleods,
and how wonderfully the music and the instrument are adapted to
each other throughout. This cannot be said of all pibroch music,
and the violation of the principle in military music is frequently
most offensive to an accurate ear. This has, no doubt, led to the
unpopularity of the bagpipe and its music among a large class of
the English-speaking community, who speak of its discordant notes,
a reflection to which it is not in the least liable in the case of
compositions adapted to its scale.
Next to these two kinds follows the song-music of the Gael, to which
reference has been made already. It abounds in all parts of the
Highlands, and is partly secular, partly sacred. There are beautiful,
simple, touching airs, to which the common songs of the country are
sung, and there are airs of a similar class, but distinct, which
are used with the religious hymns of Buchanan, Matheson, Grant, and
other writers of hymns, of whom there are many. The dance music of
the Highlands is also distinct from that of any other country, and
broadly marked by its own peculiar features. There is the strathspey
confined to Scotland, a moderately rapid movement well known to
every Scotchman; there is the jig in 6/8th time, common to Scotland
with Ireland; and there is the reel, pretty much of the same class
with the Strathspey, but marked by greater rapidity of motion.
There is one thing which strikes the hearer in this music, that there
is a vein of pathos runs through the whole of it. The Celtic mind is
largely tinged with pathos. If a musical symbol might be employed to
represent them, the mind of the Saxon may be said to be cast in the
mould of the major mode, and the mind of the Celt in the minor. The
majority of the ordinary airs in the Highlands are in the minor mode,
and in the most rapid kinds of music, the jig and the reel, an acute
ear will detect the vein of pathos running through the whole.
In sacred music there is not much that is distinctive of the Celt.
In forming their metrical version of the Gaelic Psalms, the Synod of
Argyll say that one of the greatest difficulties they had to contend
with was in adapting their poetry to the forms of the English psalm
tunes. There were no psalm tunes which belonged to the Highlands, and
it was necessary after the Reformation to borrow such as had been
introduced among other Protestants, whether at home or abroad. More
lately a peculiar form of psalm tune has developed itself in the
North Highlands, which is deserving of notice. It is not a class of
new tunes that has appeared, but a peculiar method of singing the old
ones. The tunes in use are only six, all taken from the old Psalter
of Scotland. They are--French, Dundee, Elgin, York, Martyrs, and Old
London. The principal notes of the original tunes are retained, but
they are attended with such a number of variations, that the tune
in its new dress can hardly be at all recognised. These tunes may
not be musically accurate, and artists may make light of them, but
sung by a large body of people, they are eminently impressive and
admirably adapted to purposes of worship. Sung on a Communion Sabbath
by a crowd of worshippers in the open air, on the green sward of a
Highland valley, old Dundee is incomparable, and exercises over the
Highland mind a powerful influence. And truly, effect cannot be left
out of view as an element in judging of the character of any music.
The pity is that this music is fast going out of use even in the
Highlands. It has always been confined to the counties of Caithness,
Sutherland, Ross, and part of Inverness. Some say that this music
took its complexion from the old chants of the mediæval Church. One
thing is true of this and all Gaelic psalmody, that the practice
of chanting the line is rigidly adhered to, although from the more
advanced state of general education in the Highlands the necessity
that once existed for it is now passed away.
Connected with the Gaelic music, the _musical instruments_ of the
Celts remain to be noticed; but we shall confine our observations
to the harp and to the bagpipe, the latter of which has long since
superseded the former in the Highlands. The harp is the most noted
instrument of antiquity, and was in use among many nations. It was,
in particular, the favourite instrument of the Celts. The Irish
were great proficients in harp music, and they are said to have
made great improvements on the instrument itself. So honourable was
the occupation of a harper among the Irish, that none but freemen
were permitted to play on the harp, and it was reckoned a disgrace
for a gentleman not to have a harp, and be able to play on it. The
royal household always included a harper, who bore a distinguished
rank. Even kings did not disdain to relieve the cares of royalty by
touching the strings of the harp; and we are told by Major that James
I., who died in 1437, excelled the best harpers among the Irish and
the Scotch Highlanders. But harpers were not confined to the houses
of kings, for every chief had his harper as well as his bard.
“The precise period when the harp was superseded by the bagpipe, it
is not easy to ascertain. Roderick Morrison, usually called Ruaraidh
Dall, or _Blind Roderick_, was one of the last native harpers; he was
harper to the Laird of M’Leod. On the death of his master, Morrison
led an itinerant life, and in 1650 he paid a visit to Robertson of
Lude, on which occasion he composed a _Port_ or air, called Suipeir
Thighearna Leoid or _The Laird of Lude’s Supper_, which, with other
pieces, is still preserved. M’Intosh, the compiler of the Gaelic
Proverbs, relates the following anecdote of Mr Robertson, who, it
appears, was a harp-player himself of some eminence:--‘One night my
father, James M’Intosh, said to Lude that he would be happy to hear
him play on the harp, which at that time began to give place to the
violin. After supper Lude and he retired to another room, in which
there was a couple of harps, one of which belonged to Queen Mary.
James, says Lude, here are two harps; the largest one is the loudest,
but the small one is the sweetest, which do you wish to hear played?
James answered the small one, which Lude took up and played upon till
daylight.’
“The last harper, as is commonly supposed, was Murdoch M’Donald,
harper to M’Lean of Coll. He received instructions in playing from
Rory Dall in Skye, and afterwards in Ireland; and from accounts of
payments made to him by M’Lean, still extant, Murdoch seems to have
continued in his family till the year 1734, when he appears to have
gone to Quinish, in Mull, where he died.”
The history of the _bagpipe_ is curious and interesting, but such
history does not fall within the scope of this work. Although a
very ancient instrument, it does not appear to have been known to
the Celtic nations. It was in use among the Trojans, Greeks, and
Romans, but how, or in what manner it came to be introduced into the
Highlands is a question which cannot be solved. Two suppositions
have been started on this point, either that it was brought in by
the Romans or by the northern nations. The latter conjecture appears
to be the most probable, for we cannot possibly imagine that if the
bagpipe had been introduced so early as the Roman epoch, no notice
should have been taken of that instrument by the more early annalists
and poets. But if the bagpipe was an imported instrument, how does
it happen that the great Highland pipe is peculiar to the Highlands,
and is perhaps the only national instrument in Europe? If it was
introduced by the Romans, or by the people of Scandinavia, how has it
happened that no traces of that instrument in its present shape are
to be found anywhere except in the Highlands? There is, indeed, some
plausibility in these interrogatories, but they are easily answered,
by supposing, what is very probable, that the great bagpipe in its
present form is the work of modern improvement, and that originally
the instrument was much the same as is still seen in Belgium and
Italy.
The effects of this national instrument in arousing the feelings
of those who have from infancy been accustomed to its wild and
warlike tunes are truly astonishing. In halls of joy and in scenes
of mourning it has prevailed; it has animated Scotland’s warriors
in battle, and welcomed them back after their toils to the homes
of their love and the hills of their nativity. Its strains were
the first sounded on the ears of infancy, and they are the last
to be forgotten in the wanderings of age. Even Highlanders will
allow that it is not the quietest of instruments, but when far
from their mountain homes, what sounds, however melodious, could
thrill round their heart like one burst of their own wild native
pipe? The feelings which other instruments awaken are general and
undefined, because they talk alike to Frenchmen, Spaniards, Germans,
and Highlanders, for they are common to all; but the bagpipe is
sacred to Scotland, and speaks a language which Scotsmen only feel.
It talks to them of home and all the past, and brings before them,
on the burning shores of India, the wild hills and oft-frequented
streams of Caledonia, the friends that are thinking of them, and
the sweethearts and wives that are weeping for them there; and need
it be told here to how many fields of danger and victory its proud
strains have led! There is not a battle that is honourable to Britain
in which its war-blast has not sounded. When every other instrument
has been hushed by the confusion and carnage of the scene, it has
been borne into the thick of battle, and, far in the advance, its
bleeding but devoted bearer, sinking on the earth, has sounded at
once encouragement to his countrymen and his own coronach.
CATALOGUE
OF
GAELIC AND IRISH MANUSCRIPTS.
As connected with the literary history of the Gaelic Celts, the
following lists of Gaelic and Irish manuscripts will, it is thought,
be considered interesting.
CATALOGUE OF ANCIENT GAELIC MSS. IN THE POSSESSION OF THE HIGHLAND
SOCIETY OF SCOTLAND.
1. A folio MS., beautifully written on parchment or vellum, from the
collection of the late Major Maclauchlan of Kilbride. This is the
oldest MS. in the possession of the Highland Society of Scotland.
It is marked Vo. A. No. I. The following remark is written on
the margin of the fourth leaf of the MS.:--“Oidche bealtne ann a
coimhtech mo Pupu Muirciusa agus as olc lium nach marunn diol in
linesi dem dub Misi Fithil acc furnuidhe na scoile.” Thus Englished
by the late Dr Donald Smith:--“The night of the first of May in
Coenobium of my Pope Murchus, and I regret that there is not left
of my ink enough to fill up this line. I am Fithil, an attendant on
the school.” This MS., which, from its orthography, is supposed to
be as old as the eighth or ninth century, “consists (says Dr Smith)
of a poem, moral and religious, some short historical anecdotes, a
critical exposition of the Tain, an Irish tale, which was composed
in the time of Diarmad, son of Cearval, who reigned over Ireland
from the year 544 to 565; and the Tain itself, which claims respect,
as exceeding in point of antiquity, every production of any other
vernacular tongue in Europe.”[105]
On the first page of the vellum, which was originally left blank,
there are genealogies of the families of Argyll and Mac Leod in the
Gaelic handwriting of the sixteenth century. The genealogy of the
Argyll family ends with Archibald, who succeeded to the earldom
in 1542, and died in 1588.[106] This is supposed to be the oldest
Gaelic MS. extant. Dr Smith conjectures that it may have come into
the possession of the Maclachlans of Kilbride in the sixteenth
century, as a Ferquhard, son of Ferquhard Maclachlan, was bishop of
the Isles, and had Iona or I Colum Kille in commendam from 1530 to
1544.--See _Keith’s Catalogue of Scottish Bishops_.
To the _Tain_ is prefixed the following critical exposition, giving
a brief account of it in the technical terms of the Scots literature
of the remote age in which it was written. “Ceathardha connagur in
cach ealathuin is cuincda don tsairsisi na Tana. Loc di cedumus
lighe Fercusa mhic Roich ait in rou hathnachd four mach Nai. Tempus
umorro Diarmuta mhic Ceruailt in rigno Ibeirnia. Pearsa umorro
Fergusa mhic Roich air is e rou tirchan do na hecsib ar chenu. A
tucaid scriuint dia ndeachai Seanchan Toirpda cona III. ri ecces ...
do saighe Cuaire rig Condacht.” That is--the four things which are
requisite to be known in every regular composition are to be noticed
in this work of the Tain. The _place_ of its origin is the stone of
Fergus, son of Roich, where he was buried on the plain of Nai. The
_time_ of it, besides, is that in which Diarmad, son of Cervail,
reigned over Ireland. The _author_, too, is Fergus, son of Roich;
for he it was that prompted it forthwith to the bards. The _cause_
of writing it was a visit which Shenachan Torbda, with three chief
bards, made to Guaire, king of Connaught.[107]
O’Flaherty thus concisely and accurately describes the subject and
character of the _Tain_:--“Fergusius Rogius solo pariter ac solio
Ultoniæ exterminatus, in Connactiam ad Ollilum et Maudam ibidem
regnantes profugit; quibus patrocinantibus, memorabile exarsit
bellum septannale inter Connacticos et Ultonios multis poeticis
figmentis, ut ea ferebat ætas, adornatum. Hujus belli circiter
medium, octennio ante caput æræ Christianæ Mauda regina Connactiæ,
Fergusio Rogio ductore, immensam bonum prœdam conspicuis agentium et
insectantium virtutibus memorabilem, e Cualgnio in agro Louthiano re
portavit.”[108]
From the expression, “Ut ea ferebat ætas,” Dr Smith thinks that
O’Flaherty considered the tale of the Tain as a composition of the
age to which it relates; and that of course he must not have seen
the Critical Exposition prefixed to the copy here described. From
the silence of the Irish antiquaries respecting this Exposition, it
is supposed that it must have been either unknown to, or overlooked
by them, and consequently that it was written in Scotland.
The Exposition states, that Sheannachan, with the three bards and
those in their retinue, when about to depart from the court of
Guaire, being called upon to relate the history of the _Tain bho_,
or cattle spoil of Cuailgne, acknowledged their ignorance of it, and
that having ineffectually made the round of Ireland and Scotland in
quest of it, Eimin and Muircheartach, two of their number, repaired
to the grave of Fergus, son of Roich, who, being invoked, appeared
at the end of three days in terrific grandeur, and related the whole
of the Tain, as given in the twelve Reimsgeala or Portions of which
it consists. In the historical anecdotes allusion is made to Ossian,
the son of Fingal, who is represented as showing, when young, an
inclination to indulge in solitude his natural propensity for
meditation and song. A _fac simile_ of the characters of this MS. is
given in the Highland Society’s Report upon Ossian, Plate I., fig.
1, 2, and in Plate II.
2. Another parchment MS. in quarto, equally beautiful as the former,
from the same collection. It consists of an Almanack bound up with
a paper list of all the holidays, festivals, and most remarkable
saints’ days in verse throughout the year--A Treatise on Anatomy,
abridged from Galen--Observations on the Secretions, &c.--The Schola
Salernitana, in Leonine verse, drawn up about the year 1100, for the
use of Robert, Duke of Normandy, the son of William the Conqueror,
by the famous medical school of Salerno. The Latin text is
accompanied with a Gaelic explanation, which is considered equally
faithful and elegant, of which the following is a specimen:--
_Caput I._--Anglorum regi scripsit schola tota Salerni.
1. As iat scol Salerni go hulidhe do seriou na fearsadh so do chum
rig sag san do choimhed a shlainnte.
Si vis incolumem, si vis te reddere sanum;
Curas tolle graves, irasci crede prophanum.
Madh ail bhidh fallann, agus madh aill bhidh slan; Cuir na
himsnimha troma dhit, agus creit gurub diomhain duit fearg do
dhenumh.
The words _Leabhar Giollacholaim Meigbeathadh_ are written on the
last page of this MS., which being in the same form and hand, with
the same words on a paper MS. bound up with a number of others
written upon vellum in the Advocates’ Library, and before which is
written _Liber Malcolmi Bethune_, it has been conjectured that both
works originally belonged to Malcolm Bethune, a member of a family
distinguished for learning, which supplied the Western Isles for many
ages with physicians.[109]
3. A small quarto paper MS. from the same collection, written at
Dunstaffnage by Ewen Macphaill, 12th October 1603. It consists of a
tale in prose concerning a King of Lochlin and the Heroes of Fingal:
An Address to Gaul, the son of Morni, beginning--
Goll mear mileant--
Ceap na Crodhachta--
An Elegy on one of the earls of Argyle, beginning--
A Mhic Cailin a chosg lochd;
and a poem in praise of a young lady.
4. A small octavo paper MS. from the same collection, written
by Eamonn or Edmond Mac Lachlan, 1654-5. This consists of a
miscellaneous collection of sonnets, odes, and poetical epistles,
partly Scots, and partly Irish. There is an _Ogham_ or alphabet of
secret writing near the end of it.
5. A quarto paper MS. from same collection. It wants ninety pages at
the beginning, and part of the end. What remains consists of some
ancient and modern tales and poems. The names of the authors are
not given, but an older MS. (that of the Dean of Lismore) ascribes
one of the poems to Conal, son of Edirskeol. This MS. was written
at Aird-Chonail upon Lochowe, in the years 1690 and 1691, by Ewan
Mac Lean for Colin Campbell. “Caillain Caimpbel leis in leis in
leabharan. 1, Caillin mac Dhonchai mhic Dhughil mhic Chaillain oig.”
Colin Campbell is the owner of this book, namely Colin, son of
Duncan, son of Dougal, son of Colin the younger. The above Gaelic
inscription appears on the 79th leaf of the MS.
6. A quarto paper MS., which belonged to the Rev. James MacGregor,
Dean of Lismore, the metropolitan church of the see of Argyle,
dated, page 27, 1512, written by Duncan the son of Dougal, son of
Ewen the Grizzled. This MS. consists of a large collection of Gaelic
poetry, upwards of 11,000 verses. It is said to have been written
“out of the books of the History of the Kings.” Part of the MS.,
however, which closes an obituary, commencing in 1077, of the kings
of Scotland, and other eminent persons of Scotland, particularly
of the shires of Argyle and Perth, was not written till 1527. The
poetical pieces are from the times of the most ancient bards down to
the beginning of the sixteenth century. The more ancient pieces are
poems of Conal, son of Edirskeol, Ossian, son of Fingal, Fearghas
Fili (Fergus the bard), and Caoilt, son of Ronan, the friends and
contemporaries of Ossian. This collection also contains the works of
Sir Duncan Campbell of Glenurchay, who fell in the battle of Flodden,
and Lady Isabel Campbell, daughter of the Earl of Argyle, and wife
of Gilbert, Earl of Cassilis.[110] “The writer of this MS. (says Dr
Smith) rejected the ancient character for the current handwriting
of the time, and adopted a new mode of spelling conformable to the
Latin and English sounds of his own age and country, but retained
the aspirate mark (’).... The Welsh had long before made a similar
change in their ancient orthography. Mr Edward Lhuyd recommended it,
with some variation, in a letter to the Scots and Irish, prefixed
to his Dictionary of their language in the Archæologia Britannica.
The bishop of Sodor and Man observed it in the devotional exercises,
admonition, and catechism, which he published for the use of his
diocese. It was continued in the Manx translation of the Scriptures,
and it has lately been adopted by Dr Reilly, titular Primate of
Ireland, in his TAGASG KREESTY, or _Christian Doctrine_. But yet
it must be acknowledged to be much inferior to the ancient mode of
orthography, which has not only the advantage of being grounded on a
knowledge of the principles of grammar, and philosophy of language,
but of being also more plain and easy. This volume of the Dean’s
is curious, as distinguishing the genuine poetry of Ossian from
the imitations made of it by later bards, and as ascertaining the
degree of accuracy with which ancient poems have been transmitted by
tradition for the last three hundred years, during a century of which
the order of bards has been extinct, and ancient manners and customs
have suffered a great and rapid change in the Highlands.”[111] A _fac
simile_ of the writing is given in the Report of the Committee of the
Highland Society, plate III. No. 5. Since the above was written, the
whole of this manuscript, with a few unimportant exceptions, has been
transcribed, translated, and annotated by the Rev. Dr M’Lauchlan,
Edinburgh, and an introductory chapter was furnished by W. F.
Skene, Esq., LL.D. The work has been published by Messrs Edmonston
& Douglas, of Edinburgh, and is a valuable addition to our Gaelic
literature.
7. A quarto paper MS. written in a very beautiful regular hand,
without date or the name of the writer. It is supposed to be at least
two hundred years old, and consists of a number of ancient tales and
short poems. These appear to be transcribed from a much older MS., as
there is a vocabulary of ancient words in the middle of the MS. Some
of the poetry is ascribed to Cuchulin.
8. Another quarto paper MS. the beginning and end of which have
been lost. It consists partly of prose, partly of poetry. With the
exception of two loose leaves, which appear much older, the whole
appears to have been written in the 17th century. The poetry, though
ancient, is not Fingalian. The name, Tadg Og CC., before one of the
poems near the end, is the only one to be seen upon it.
9. A quarto parchment MS. consisting of 42 leaves, written by
different hands, with illuminated capitals. It appears at one time to
have consisted of four different MSS. bound to together and covered
with skin, to preserve them. This MS. is very ancient and beautiful,
though much soiled. In this collection is a life of St Columba,
supposed, from the character, (being similar to No. 27,) to be of the
twelfth or thirteenth century.
10. A quarto parchment medical MS. beautifully written. No date or
name, but the MS. appears to be very ancient.
11. A quarto paper MS., partly prose, partly verse, written in a very
coarse and indifferent hand. No date or name.
12. A small quarto MS. coarse. Bears date 1647, without name.
13. A small long octavo paper MS. the beginning and end lost,
and without any date. It is supposed to have been written by the
Macvurichs of the fifteenth century. Two of the poems are ascribed to
Tadg Mac Daire Bruaidheadh, others to Brian O’Donalan.
14. A large folio parchment MS. in two columns, containing a tale
upon Cuchullin and Conal, two of Ossian’s heroes. Without date or
name and very ancient.
15. A large quarto parchment of 7½ leaves, supposed by Mr Astle,
author of the work on the origin and progress of writing, to be of
the ninth or tenth century. Its title is _Emanuel_, a name commonly
given by the old Gaelic writers to many of their miscellaneous
writings. Engraved specimens of this MS. are to be seen in the first
edition of Mr Astle’s work above-mentioned, 18th plate, Nos. 1 and
2, and in his second edition, plate 22. Some of the capitals in the
MS. are painted red. It is written in a strong beautiful hand, in the
same character as the rest. This MS. is only the fragment of a large
work on ancient history, written on the authority of Greek and Roman
writers, and interspersed with notices of the arts, armour, dress,
superstitions, manners, and usages, of the Scots of the author’s own
time. In this MS. there is a chapter titled, “_Slogha Chesair an Inis
Bhreatan_,” or Cæsar’s expedition to the island of Britain, in which
_Lechlin_, a country celebrated in the ancient poems and tales of the
Gäel, is mentioned as separated from Gaul by “the clear current of
the Rhine.” Dr Donald Smith had a complete copy of this work.
16. A small octavo parchment MS. consisting of a tale in prose,
imperfect. Supposed to be nearly as old as the last mentioned MS.
17. A small octavo paper MS. stitched, imperfect; written by the
Macvurichs. It begins with a poem upon Darthula, different from
Macpherson’s, and contains poems written by Cathal and Nial Mor
Macvurich, (whose names appear at the beginning of some of the
poems,) composed in the reign of King James the Fifth, Mary, and
King Charles the First. It also contains some Ossianic poems, such
as Cnoc an àir, &c. i.e. The Hill of Slaughter, supposed to be part
of Macpherson’s Fingal. It is the story of a woman who came walking
alone to the Fingalians for protection from Taile, who was in pursuit
of her. Taile fought them, and was killed by Oscar. There was another
copy of this poem in Clanranald’s little book--not the Red book,
as erroneously supposed by Laing. The Highland Society are also in
possession of several copies taken from oral tradition. The second
Ossianic poem in this MS. begins thus:
Sè la gus an dè
O nach fhaca mi fein Fionn.
It is now six days yesterday
Since I have not seen Fingal.
18. An octavo paper MS. consisting chiefly of poetry, but very much
defaced. Supposed to have been written by the last of the Macvurichs,
but without date. The names of Tadg Og and Lauchlan Mac Taidg occur
upon it. It is supposed to have been copied from a more ancient MS.
as the poetry is good.
19. A very small octavo MS. written by some of the Macvurichs. Part
of it is a copy of Clanranald’s book, and contains the genealogy of
the Lords of the Isles and others of that great clan. The second part
consists of a genealogy of the kings of Ireland (ancestors of the
Macdonalds) from Scota and Gathelic. The last date upon it is 1616.
20. A paper MS. consisting of a genealogy of the kings of Ireland, of
a few leaves only, and without date.
21. A paper MS. consisting of detached leaves of different sizes,
and containing, 1. The conclusion of a Gaelic chronicle of the kings
of Scotland down to King Robert III.; 2. A Fingalian tale, in which
the heroes are Fingal, Goll Mac Morni, Oscar, Ossian, and Conan; 3.
A poem by Macdonald of Benbecula, dated 1722, upon the unwritten
part of a letter sent to Donald Macvurich of Stialgary; 4. A poem
by Donald Mackenzie; 5. Another by Tadg Og CC, copied from some
other MS.; 6. A poem by Donald Macvurich upon Ronald Macdonald of
Clanranald. Besides several hymns by Tadg, and other poems by the
Macvurichs and others.
22. A paper MS. consisting of religious tracts and genealogy, without
name or date.
23. A paper MS. containing instruction for children in Gaelic and
English. Modern, and without date.
24. Fragments of a paper MS., with the name of Cathelus Macvurich
upon some of the leaves, and Niall Macvurich upon some others. _Conn
Mac an Deirg_, a well known ancient poem, is written in the Roman
character by the last Niall Macvurich, the last Highland bard, and is
the only one among all the Gaelic MSS. in that character.
With the exception of the first five numbers, all the before
mentioned MSS. were presented by the Highland Society of London
to the Highland Society of Scotland in January, 1803, on the
application of the committee appointed to inquire into the nature
and authenticity of the poems of Ossian. All these MSS. (with the
single exception of the Dean of Lismore’s volume,) are written in the
very ancient form of character which was common of old to Britain
and Ireland, and supposed to have been adopted by the Saxons at
the time of their conversion to Christianity. This form of writing
has been discontinued for nearly eighty years in Scotland, as the
last specimen which the Highland Society of Scotland received of it
consists of a volume of songs, supposed to have been written between
the years 1752 and 1768, as it contains a song written by Duncan
Macintyre, titled, _An Taileir Mac Neachdain_, which he composed
the former year, the first edition of Macintyre’s songs having been
published during the latter year.[112]
25. Besides these, the Society possesses a collection of MS. Gaelic
poems made by Mr Duncan Kennedy, formerly schoolmaster at Craignish
in Argyleshire, in three thin folio volumes. Two of them are written
out fair from the various poems he had collected about sixty years
ago. This collection consists of the following poems, viz., Luachair
Leothaid, Sgiathan mac Sgairbh, An Gruagach, Rochd, Sithallan, Mùr
Bheura, Tiomban, Sealg na Cluana, Gleanncruadhach, Uirnigh Oisein,
Earragan, (resembling Macpherson’s Battle of Lora,) Manus, Maire
Borb, (Maid of Craca,) Cath Sisear, Sliabh nam Beann Sionn, Bas
Dheirg, Bas Chuinn, Righ Liur, Sealg na Leana, Dun an Oir, An Cu
dubh, Gleann Diamhair, Conal, Bas Chiuinlaich Diarmad, Carril, Bas
Ghuill (different from the Death of Gaul published by Dr Smith,)
Garaibh, Bas Oscair, (part of which is the same narrative with the
opening of Macpherson’s _Temora_,) in three parts; Tuiridh nam
Fian, and Bass Osein. To each of these poems Kennedy has prefixed
a dissertation containing some account of the _Sgealachd_ story,
or argument of the poem which is to follow. It was very common for
the reciter, or _history-man_, as he was termed in the Highlands,
to repeat the Sgealachds to his hearers before reciting the poems
to which they related. Several of the poems in this collection
correspond pretty nearly with the ancient MS. above mentioned, which
belonged to the Dean of Lismore.[113]
26. A paper, medical, MS. in the old Gaelic character, a thick
volume, written by Angus Connacher at Ardconel, Lochow-side,
Argyleshire, 1612, presented to the Highland Society of Scotland by
the late William Macdonald, Esq. of St Martins, W.S.
27. A beautiful parchment MS., greatly mutilated, in the same
character, presented to the Society by the late Lord Bannatyne,
one of the judges of the Court of Session. The supposed date upon
the cover is 1238, is written in black letter, but it is in a
comparatively modern hand. “Gleann Masain an cuige la deag do an ...
Mh : : : do bhlian ar tsaoirse Mile da chead, trichid sa hocht.” That
is, Glen-Masan, the 15th day of the ... of M : : : of the year of our
Redemption 1238. It is supposed that the date has been taken from the
MS. when in a more entire state. Glenmasan, where it was written,
is a valley in the district of Cowal. From a note on the margin of
the 15th leaf, it would appear to have formerly belonged to the
Rev. William Campbell, minister of Kilchrenan and Dalavich, and a
native of Cowal, and to whom Dr D. Smith supposes it may, perhaps,
have descended from his grand-uncle, Mr Robert Campbell, in Cowal, an
accomplished scholar and poet, who wrote the eighth address prefixed
to Lhuyd’s _Archæologia_.
The MS. consists of some mutilated tales in prose, interspersed with
verse, one of which is part of the poem of “Clan Uisneachan,” called
by Macpherson _Darthula_, from the lady who makes the principal
figure in it. The name of this lady in Gaelic is Deirdir, or
Dearduil. A _fac simile_ of the writing is given in the appendix to
the Highland Society’s Report on Ossian. Plate iii. No. 4.
28. A paper MS. in the same character, consisting of an ancient tale
in prose, presented to the Society by Mr Norman Macleod, son of the
Rev. Mr Macleod of Morven.
29. A small paper MS. in the same character, on religion.
30. A paper MS. in the same character, presented to the Highland
Society by James Grant, Esquire of Corymony. It consists of the
history of the wars of Cuchullin, in prose and verse. This MS. is
much worn at the ends and edges. It formerly belonged to Mr
Grant’s mother, said to have been an excellent Gaelic scholar.
CATALOGUE OF ANCIENT GAELIC MSS. WHICH BELONGED TO THE LATE MAJOR
MACLAUCHLAN OF KILBRIDE, BESIDES THE FIVE FIRST ENUMERATED IN
THE FOREGOING LIST, AND WHICH ARE NOW IN THE ADVOCATES’ LIBRARY,
EDINBURGH.
1. A beautiful medical MS. with the other MSS. formerly belonging to
the collection. The titles of the different articles are in Latin,
as are all the medical Gaelic MSS., being translations from Galen
and other ancient physicians. The capital letters are flourished and
painted red.
2. A thick folio paper MS., medical, written by Duncan Conacher, at
Dunollie, Argyleshire, 1511.
3. A folio parchment MS. consisting of ancient Scottish and Irish
history, very old.
4. A folio parchment medical MS. beautifully written. It is older
than the other medical MSS.
5. A folio parchment medical MS. of equal beauty with the last.
6. A folio parchment MS. upon the same subject, and nearly of the
same age with the former.
7. A folio parchment, partly religious, partly medical.
8. A folio parchment MS. consisting of the Histories of Scotland and
Ireland, much damaged.
9. A folio parchment medical MS., very old.
10. A folio parchment MS. Irish history and poetry.
11. A quarto parchment MS., very old.
12. A long duodecimo parchment MS. consisting of hymns and maxims.
It is a very beautiful MS., and may be as old as the time of St
Columba.
13. A duodecimo parchment MS. much damaged and illegible.
14. A duodecimo parchment MS. consisting of poetry, but not
Ossianic. Hardly legible.
15. A duodecimo parchment MS. much injured by vermin. It consists of
a miscellaneous collection of history and poetry.
16. A duodecimo parchment MS. in large beautiful letter, very old
and difficult to be understood.
17. A folio parchment MS. consisting of the genealogies of the
Macdonalds, Macniels, Macdougals, Maclauchlans, &c.
All these MSS. are written in the old Gaelic character, and, with
the exception of No. 2, have neither date nor name attached to them.
Besides those enumerated, there are, it is believed, many ancient
Gaelic MSS. existing in private libraries. The following are known:--
A Deed of Fosterage between Sir Norman Macleod of Bernera, and John
Mackenzie, executed in the year 1640. This circumstance shows that
the Gaelic language was in use in legal obligations at that period
in the Highlands. This MS. was in the possession of the late Lord
Bannatyne.
A variety of parchment MSS. on medicine, in the Gaelic character,
formerly in the possession of the late Dr Donald Smith. He was also
possessed of a complete copy of the Emanuel MS. before mentioned,
and of copies of many other MSS., which he made at different times
from other MSS.
Two paper MS. Gaelic grammars, in the same character, formerly in
the possession of the late Dr Wright of Edinburgh.
Two ancient parchment MSS. in the same character, formerly in the
possession of the late Rev. James Maclagan, at Blair-Athole. Now in
possession of his family. It is chiefly Irish history.
A paper MS. written in the Roman character, in the possession of Mr
Matheson of Fearnaig, Ross-shire. It is dated in 1688, and consists
of songs and hymns by different persons, some by Carswell, Bishop of
the Isles. There is reason to fear that this MS. has been lost.
A paper MS. formerly in the possession of a Mr Simpson in Leith.
The Lilium Medecinæ, a paper folio MS. written and translated by
one of the Bethunes, the physicians of Skye, at the foot of Mount
Peliop. It was given to the Antiquarian Society of London by the
late Dr Macqueen of Kilmore, in Skye.
Two treatises, one on astronomy, the other on medicine, written in
the latter end of the thirteenth or beginning of the fourteenth
century, formerly in the possession of Mr Astle.
GAELIC AND IRISH MSS. IN PUBLIC LIBRARIES.
IN THE ADVOCATES’ LIBRARY.
Three volumes MS. in the old character, chiefly medical, with some
fragments of Scottish and Irish history; and the life of St Columba,
said to have been translated from the Latin into Gaelic, by Father
Calohoran.
IN THE HARLEIAN LIBRARY.
A MS. volume (No. 5280) containing twenty-one Gaelic or Irish
treatises, of which Mr Astle has given some account. One of these
treats of the Irish militia, under Fion Maccumhail, in the reign of
Cormac-MacAirt, king of Ireland, and of the course of probation or
exercise which each soldier was to go through before his admission
therein. Mr Astle has given a _fac simile_ of the writing, being the
thirteenth specimen of Plate xxii.
IN THE BODLEIAN LIBRARY, OXFORD.
An old Irish MS. on parchment, containing, among other tracts, An
account of the Conquest of Britain by the Romans:--Of the Saxon
Conquest and their Heptarchy:--An account of the Irish Saints,
in verse, written in the tenth century:--The Saints of the Roman
Breviary:--An account of the Conversion of the Irish and English to
Christianity, with some other subjects. Laud. F. 92. This book, as
is common in old Irish manuscripts, has here and there some Latin
notes intermixed with Irish, and may possibly contain some hints of
the doctrines of the Druids.
An old vellum MS. of 140 pages, in the form of a music-book,
containing the works of St Columba, in verse, with some account of
his own life; his exhortations to princes and his prophecies. Laud.
D. 17.
A chronological history of Ireland, by Jeffrey Keating, D.D.
_Among the Clarendon MSS. at Oxford are_--
Annales Ultonienses, sic dicti quod precipué contineant res gestas
Ultoniensium. Codex antiquissimus caractere Hibernico scriptus; sed
sermone, partim Hibernico, partim Latino. Fol. membr. The 16th and
17th specimens in Plate xxii. of Astle’s work are taken from this
MS., which is numbered 31 of Dr Rawlinson’s MSS.
Annales Tigernaci (Erenaci. ut opiniatur Warœus Clonmanaisensis.
Vid. Annal. Ulton. ad an. 1088), mutili in initio et alibi. Liber
charactere et lingua Hibernicis scriptus. Memb.
These annals, which are written in the old Irish character, were
originally collected by Sir James Ware, and came into the possession
successively of the Earl of Clarendon, the Duke of Chandos, and of
Dr Rawlinson.
Miscellanea de Rebus Hibernicis, metricè. Lingua partim Latina,
partim Hibernica; collecta per Œngusium O’Colode (fortè Colidium).
Hic liber vulgò Psalter Na rann appellatur.
Elegiæ Hibernicæ in Obitus quorundam Nobilium fo. 50.
Notæ quædam Philosophicæ, partim Latiné, partim Hibernicé,
Characteribus Hibernicis, fo. 69. Membr.
Anonymi cujusdàm Tractatus de varies apud Hibernos veteres occultis
scribendi Formulis, Hibernicé Ogum dictis.
Finleachi O Catalai Gigantomachia (vel potiùs Acta Finni Mac
Cuil, cum Prœlio de Fintra), Hibernicé. Colloquia quædam de Rebus
Hibernicis in quibus colloquentes introducuntur S. Patricius,
Coillius, et Ossenus Hibernicé f. 12. Leges Ecclesiasticæ Hibernicé
f. 53. Membr.
Vitæ Sanctorum Hibernicorum, per Magnum sive Manum, filium Hugonis
O’Donnel, Hibernigé descriptæ. An. 1532, Fol. Membr.
Calieni Prophetiæ, in Lingua Hibernica. Ejusdem libri exemplar extat
in Bibl. Cotton, f. 22. b.
Extracto ex Libro Killensi, Lingua Hibernica, f. 39.
Historica quædam, Hibernicé, ab An. 130, ad An. 1317, f. 231.
A Book of Irish Poetry, f. 16.
Tractatus de Scriptoribus Hibernicis.
Dr Keating’s History of Ireland.
_Irish MSS. in Trinity College, Dublin_:--
Extracto ex Libro de Kells Hibernicé.
A book in Irish, treating,--1. Of the Building of Babel. 2. Of
Grammar. 3. Of Physic. 4. Of Chirurgery. Fol. D. 10.
A book containing several ancient historical matters, especially of
the coming of Milesius out of Spain. B. 35.
The book of Balimote, containing,--1. The Genealogies of all
the ancient Families in Ireland. 2. The Uracept, or a book for
the education of youth, written by K. Comfoilus Sapiens. 3. The
Ogma, or Art of Writing in Characters. 4. The History of the Wars
of Troy, with other historical matters contained in the book of
Lecane, D. 18. The book of Lecane, _alias_ Sligo, contains the
following treatises:--1. A treatise of Ireland and its divisions
into provinces, with the history of the Irish kings and sovereigns,
answerable to the general history; but nine leaves are wanting. 2.
How the race of Milesius came into Ireland, and of their adventures
since Moses’s passing through the Red Sea. 3. Of the descent and
years of the ancient fathers. 4. A catalogue of the kings of
Ireland in verse. 5. The maternal genealogies and degrees of the
Irish saints. 6. The genealogies of our Lady, Joseph, and several
other saints mentioned in the Scripture. 7. An alphabetic catalogue
of Irish saints. 8. The sacred antiquity of the Irish saints in
verse. 9. Cormac’s life. 10. Several transactions of the monarchs
of Ireland and their provincial kings. 11. The history of Eogain
M’or, Knight; as also of his children and posterity. 12. O’Neil’s
pedigree. 13. Several battles of the Sept of Cinet Ogen, or tribe
of Owen, from Owen Mac Neile Mac Donnoch. 14. Manne, the son of
King Neal, of the nine hostages and his family. 15. Fiacha, the son
of Mac Neil and his Sept. 16. Leogarius, son of Nelus Magnus, and
his tribe. 17. The Connaught book. 18. The book of Fiatrach. 19.
The book of Uriel. 20. The Leinster book. 21. The descent of the
Fochards, or the Nolans. 22. The descent of those of Leix, or the
O’Mores. 23. The descent of Decyes of Munster, or the Ophelans.
24. The coming of Muscrey to Moybreagh. 25. A commentary upon the
antiquity of Albany, now called Scotland. 26. The descent of some
Septs of the Irish, different from those of the most known sort,
that is, of the posterity of Lugadh Frith. 27. The Ulster book. 28.
The British book. 29. The Uracept, or a book for the education of
youth, written by K. Comfoilus Sapiens. 30. The genealogies of St
Patrick and other saints, as also an etymology of the hard words
in the said treatise. 31. A treatise of several prophecies. 32.
The laws, customs, exploits, and tributes of the Irish kings and
provincials. 33. A treatise of Eva, and the famous women of ancient
times. 34. A poem that treats of Adam and his posterity. 35. The
Munster book. 36. A book containing the etymology of all the names
of the chief territories and notable places in Ireland. 37. Of
the several invasions of Clan-Partholan, Clan-nan vies, Firbolhg,
Tu’atha de Danaan, and the Milesians into Ireland. 38. A treatise of
the most considerable men in Ireland, from the time of Leogarius the
son of Nelus Magnus, alias Neale of the nine hostages in the time of
Roderic O’Conner, monarch of Ireland, fol. parchment. D. 19.
De Chirurgia. De Infirmitatibus Corporis humane, Hibernicé, f.
Membr. C. 1.
Excerpta quædam de antiquitatibus Incolarum, Dublin ex libris
Bellemorensi et Sligantino, Hibernicé.
Hymni in laudem B. Patricii, Brigidæ et Columbiæ, Hibern. plerumque.
Invocationes Apostolorum et SS. cum not. Hibern. interlin. et
margin. Orationes quædam excerptæ ex Psalmis; partim Latiné, partim
Hibernicé, fol. Membr. I. 125.
Opera Galeni et Hippocratis de Chirurgia, Hibernicé, fol. Membr. C.
29.
A book of Postils in Irish, fol. Membr. D. 24.
Certain prayers, with the argument of the four Gospels and the Acts,
in Irish (10.), ’Fiechi Slebthiensis. Hymnus in laudem S. Patricii,
Hibernicé (12.), A hymn on St Bridget, in Irish, made by Columkill
in the time of Eda Mac Ainmireck, cum Regibus Hibern. et success. S.
Patricii (14.), Sanctani Hymnus. Hibern.
Reverendissimi D. Bedelli Translatio Hibernica S. Bibliorum.
BRITISH MUSEUM.
In addition to the above, there has been a considerable collection
of Gaelic MSS. made at the British Museum. They were all catalogued
a few years ago by the late Eugene O’Curry, Esq. It is unnecessary
to give the list here, but Mr O’Curry’s catalogue will be found
an admirable directory for any inquirer at the Museum. Foreign
libraries also contain many such MSS.
FOOTNOTES:
[96] _Early Scottish Church_, p. 146.
[97] P. 57.
[98] _Fo_ here and elsewhere in the poem seems to represent _fa_,
upon, rather than _ar_, as Mr Skene supposes.
[99] _Chronicles of the Picts and Scots_, Int. p. xxxvii.
[100] P. 275.
[101] From _Dean of Lismore’s Book_, with a few verbal alterations,
p. 157.
[102] _Irish Grammar_, p. 449.
[103] This question has been recently discussed by the Rev. Archibald
Clerk of Kilmallie, in his elegant edition of the _Poems of Ossian_,
published since the above was written, under the auspices of the
Marquis of Bute. We refer our readers to Mr Clerk’s treatise for a
great deal of varied and interesting information on this subject.
[104] Logan on the _Scottish Gael_, vol. ii. 252-3.
[105] Report of the Committee of the Highland Society of Scotland on
the Poems of Ossian, App. No. xix., p. 290.
[106] It is, therefore, probable that these genealogies were written
about the middle of the sixteenth century. A fac simile of the
writing is to be found in the Report of the Committee of the Highland
Society on the authenticity of Ossian, Plate II.
[107] Report of the Committee of the Highland Society on Ossian, App.
No. xix., p. 291.
[108] Ogyg., p. 275.
[109] Appendix, _ut supra_, No. xix.
[110] Report of the Highland Society on Ossian. p. 92.
[111] Appendix to the Highland Society’s Report, p. 300-1.
[112] Report on Ossian, Appendix, p. 312.
[113] Report on Ossian, pp. 108-9.
PART SECOND.
HISTORY OF THE HIGHLAND CLANS.
CHAPTER I.
Clanship--Principle of _kin_--Mormaordoms--Traditions as
to origin of Clans--Distinction between Feudalism and
Clanship--Peculiarities of Clanship--Consequences of
Clanship--_Manrent_--Customs of Succession--Tanistry and
Gavel--Highland Marriage Customs--Hand-fasting--Highland
gradation of ranks--_Calpe_--Native-men--Righ or King--Mormaor,
Tighern, Thane--Tanist--_Ceantighes_--Toshach--“Captain” of a
Clan--Ogtiern--Duine-wassels, Tacksmen, or Goodmen--Brehon--Position
and power of Chief--Influence of Clanship on the people--Chiefs
sometimes abandoned by the people--Number and Distribution of Clans.
The term _clan_, now applied almost exclusively to the tribes into
which the Scottish Highlanders were formerly, and still to some
extent are divided, was also applied to those large and powerful
septs into which the Irish people were at one time divided, as well
as to the communities of freebooters that inhabited the Scottish
borders, each of which, like the Highland clans, had a common
surname. Indeed, in an Act of the Scottish Parliament for 1587,
the Highlanders and Borderers are classed together as being alike
“dependents on chieftains or captains of clans.” The border clans,
however, were at a comparatively early period broken up and weaned
from their predatory and warlike habits, whereas the system of
clanship in the Highlands continued to flourish in almost full vigour
down to the middle of last century. As there is so much of romance
surrounding the system, especially in its later manifestations,
and as it was the cause of much annoyance to Britain, it has become
a subject of interest to antiquarians and students of mankind
generally; and as it flourished so far into the historical period,
curiosity can, to a great extent, be gratified as to its details and
working.
A good deal has been written on the subject in its various aspects,
and among other authorities we must own our indebtedness for much
of our information to Skene’s _Highlanders of Scotland_, Gregory’s
_Highlands and Isles_, Robertson’s _Scotland under her Early Kings_,
Stewart’s _Sketches of the Highlanders_, Logan’s _Scottish Gael_ and
_Clans_, and _The Iona Club Transactions_, besides the publications
of the various other Scottish Clubs.
We learn from Tacitus and other historians, that at a very early
period the inhabitants of Caledonia were divided into a number of
tribes, each with a chief at its head. These tribes, from all we
can learn, were independent of, and often at war with each other,
and only united under a common elected leader when the necessity of
resisting a common foe compelled them. In this the Caledonians only
followed a custom which is common to all barbarous and semi-barbarous
peoples; but what was the bond of union among the members of the
various tribes it is now not easy to ascertain. We learn from the
researches of Mr E. W. Robertson that the feeling of _kindred_ was
very strong among all the early Celtic and even Teutonic nations,
and that it was on the principle of _kin_ that land was allotted
to the members of the various tribes. The property of the land
appears to have been vested in the _Cean-cinneth_, or head of the
lineage for the good of his clan; it was “burdened with the support
of his kindred and _Amasach_” (military followers), these being
allotted parcels of land in proportion to the nearness of their
relation to the chief of the clan.[114] The word _clan_ itself, from
its etymology,[115] points to the principle of _kin_, as the bond
which united the members of the tribes among themselves, and bound
them to their chiefs. As there are good grounds for believing that
the original Caledonians, the progenitors of the present genuine
Highlanders, belonged to the Celtic family of mankind, it is highly
probable that when they first entered upon possession of Alban,
whether peaceably or by conquest, they divided the land among their
various tribes in accordance with their Celtic principle. The word
clan, as we have said, signifies family, and a clan was a certain
number of families of the same name, sprung, as was believed, from
the same root, and governed by the lineal descendant of the parent
family. This patriarchal form of society was probably common in
the infancy of mankind, and seems to have prevailed in the days of
Abraham; indeed, it was on a similar principle that Palestine was
divided among the twelve tribes of Israel, the descendants of the
twelve sons of Jacob.
As far back as we can trace, the Highlands appear to have been
divided into a number of districts, latterly known as Mormaordoms,
each under the jurisdiction of a Mormaor, to whom the several tribes
in each district looked up as their common head. It is not improbable
that Galgacus, the chosen leader mentioned by Tacitus, may have held
a position similar to this, and that in course of time some powerful
or popular chief, at first elected as a temporary leader, may have
contrived to make his office permanent, and even to some extent
hereditary. The title Mormaor, however, is first met with only after
the various divisions of northern Scotland had been united into a
kingdom. “In Scotland the royal official placed over the crown or
fiscal lands, appears to have been originally known as the _Maor_,
and latterly under the Teutonic appellation of Thane.... The original
Thanage would appear to have been a district held of the Crown,
the holder, Maor or Thane, being accountable for the collection of
the royal dues, and for the appearance of the royal tenantry at
the yearly ‘hosting,’ and answering to the hereditary _Toshach_,
or captain of a clan, for the king stood in the place of the
_Cean-cinneth_, or chief.... When lands were strictly retained in the
Crown, the Royal Thane, or Maor, was answerable directly to the King;
but there was a still greater official among the Scots, known under
the title of _Mormaor_, or Lord High Steward ... who was evidently
a Maor placed over a province instead of a thanage--an earldom
or county instead of a barony--a type of Harfager’s royal Jarl,
who often exercised as a royal deputy that authority which he had
originally claimed as the independent lord of the district over which
he presided.”[116] According to Mr Skene,[117] it was only about
the 16th century when the great power of these Mormaors was broken
up, and their provinces converted into thanages or earldoms, many
of which were held by Saxon nobles, who possessed them by marriage,
that the clans first make their appearance in these districts and
in independence. By this, we suppose, he does not mean that it was
only when the above change took place that the system of clanship
sprang into existence, but that then the various great divisions
of the clans, losing their _cean-cinneth_, or head of the kin, the
individual clans becoming independent, sprang into greater prominence
and assumed a stronger individuality.
Among the Highlanders themselves various traditions have existed as
to the origin of the clans. Mr Skene mentions the three principal
ones, and proves them to be entirely fanciful. The first of these
is the _Scottish_ or _Irish_ system, by which the clans trace their
origin or foundation to early Irish or Scoto-Irish kings. The second
is what Mr Skene terms the _heroic_ system, by which many of the
Highland clans are deduced from the great heroes in the fabulous
histories of Scotland and Ireland, by identifying one of these
fabulous heroes with an ancestor of the clan of the same name. The
third system did not spring up till the 17th century, “when the
fabulous history of Scotland first began to be doubted, when it was
considered to be a principal merit in an antiquarian to display his
scepticism as to all the old traditions of the country.”[118] Mr
Skene terms it the _Norwegian_ or _Danish_ system, and it was the
result of a _furor_ for imputing everything and deriving everybody
from the Danes. The idea, however, never obtained any great credit in
the Highlands. The conclusion to which Mr Skene comes is, “that the
Highland clans are not of different or foreign origin, but that they
were a part of the original nation, who have inhabited the mountains
of Scotland as far back as the memory of man, or the records of
history can reach; that they were divided into several great tribes
possessing their hereditary chiefs; and that it was only when the
line of these chiefs became extinct, and Saxon nobles came into their
place, that the Highland clans appeared in the peculiar situation and
character in which they were afterwards found.” Mr Skene thinks this
conclusion strongly corroborated by the fact that there can be traced
existing in the Highlands, even so late as the 16th century, a still
older tradition than that of the Irish origin of the clans. This
tradition is found in the often referred to letter of “John Elder,
clerk, a Reddschanke,” dated 1542, and addressed to King Henry VIII.
This tradition, held by the Highlanders of the “more auncient stoke”
in opposition to the “Papistical curside spiritualite of Scotland,”
was that they were the true descendants of the ancient Picts, then
known as “Redd Schankes.”
Whatever may be the value of Mr Skene’s conclusions as to the purity
of descent of the present Highlanders, his researches, taken in
conjunction with those of Mr E. W. Robertson, seem pretty clearly
to prove, that from as far back as history goes the Highlanders
were divided into tribes on the principle of _kin_, that the germ
of the fully developed clan-system can be found among the earliest
Celtic inhabitants of Scotland; that clanship, in short, is only a
modern example, systematised, developed, and modified by time of the
ancient principle on which the Celtic people formed their tribes and
divided their lands. The clans were the fragments of the old Celtic
tribes, whose mormaors had been destroyed, each tribe dividing into a
number of clans. When, according to a recent writer, the old Celtic
tribe was deprived of its chief, the bolder spirits among the minor
chieftains would gather round them each a body of partisans, who
would assume his name and obey his orders. It might even happen that,
from certain favourable circumstances, a Saxon or a Norman stranger
would thus be able to gain a circle of adherents out of a broken or
chieftainless Celtic tribe, and so become the founder of a clan.
As might be expected, this primitive, patriarchal state of society
would be liable to be abolished as the royal authority became
extended and established, and the feudal system substituted in its
stead. This we find was the case, for under David and his successors,
during the 12th and 13th centuries, the old and almost independent
mormaordoms were gradually abolished, and in their stead were
substituted earldoms feudally dependent upon the Crown. In many
instances these mormaordoms passed into the hands of lowland barons,
favourites of the king; and thus the dependent tribes, losing their
hereditary heads, separated, as we have said, into a number of
small and independent clans, although even the new foreign barons
themselves for a long time exercised an almost independent sway, and
used the power which they had acquired by royal favour against the
king himself.
As far as the tenure of lands and the heritable jurisdictions
were concerned, the feudal system was easily introduced into the
Highlands; but although the principal chiefs readily agreed, or were
induced by circumstances to hold their lands of the Crown or of
low-country barons, yet the system of clanship remained in full force
amongst the native Highlanders until a very recent period, and its
spirit still to a certain extent survives in the affections, the
prejudices, the opinions, and the habits of the people.[119]
The nature of the Highlands of Scotland was peculiarly favourable
to the clan system, and no doubt helped to a considerable extent to
perpetuate it. The division of the country into so many straths, and
valleys, and islands, separated from one another by mountains or arms
of the sea, necessarily gave rise to various distinct societies.
Their secluded situation necessarily rendered general intercourse
difficult, whilst the impenetrable ramparts with which they were
surrounded made defence easy. The whole race was thus broken into
many individual masses, possessing a community of customs and
character, but placed under different jurisdictions; every district
became a sort of petty independent state; and the government of each
community or clan assumed the patriarchal form, being a species
of hereditary monarchy, founded on custom, and allowed by general
consent, rather than regulated by positive laws.
The system of clanship in the Highlands,[120] although possessing an
apparent resemblance to feudalism, was in principle very different
indeed from that system as it existed in other parts of the country.
In the former case, the people followed their chief as the head of
their race, and the representative of the common ancestor of the
clan; in the latter, they obeyed their leader as feudal proprietor
of the lands to which they were attached, and to whom they owed
military service for their respective portions of these lands. The
Highland chief was the hereditary lord of all who belonged to his
clan, wherever they dwelt or whatever lands they occupied; the feudal
baron was entitled to the military service of all who held lands
under him, to whatever race they might individually belong. The one
dignity was personal, the other was territorial; the rights of the
chief were inherent, those of the baron were accessory; the one might
lose or forfeit his possessions, but could not thereby be divested of
his hereditary character and privileges; the other, when divested
of his fee, ceased to have any title or claim to the service of
those who occupied the lands. Yet these two systems, so different
in principle, were in effect nearly identical. Both exhibited the
spectacle of a subject possessed of unlimited power within his own
territories, and exacting unqualified obedience from a numerous train
of followers, to whom he stood in the several relations of landlord,
military leader, and judge, with all the powers and prerogatives
belonging to each of those characters. Both were equally calculated
to aggrandise turbulent chiefs and nobles, at the expense of the
royal authority, which they frequently defied, generally resisted,
and but seldom obeyed; although for the most part, the chief was less
disloyal than the baron, probably because he was farther removed
from the seat of government, and less sensible of its interference
with his own jurisdiction. The one system was adapted to a people
in a pastoral state of society, and inhabiting a country, like
the Highlands of Scotland, which from its peculiar nature and
conformation, not only prevented the adoption of any other mode of
life, but at the same time prescribed the division of the people into
separate families or clans. The other system, being of a defensive
character, was necessary to a population occupying a fertile but
open country, possessing only a rude notion of agriculture, and
exposed on all sides to aggressions on the part of neighbours
or enemies. But the common tendency of both was to obstruct the
administration of justice, nurse habits of lawless violence, exclude
the cultivation of the arts of peace, and generally to impede the
progress of improvement; and hence neither was compatible with the
prosperity of a civilised nation, where the liberty of the subject
required protection, and the security of property demanded an equal
administration of justice.
The peculiarities of clanship are nowhere better described than
in Burt’s _Letters from an Officer of Engineers to his Friend in
London_.[121] “The Highlanders,” he says, “are divided into tribes or
clans, under chiefs or chieftains, and each clan is again divided
into branches from the main stock, who have chieftains over them.
These are subdivided into smaller branches of fifty or sixty men,
who deduce their original from their particular chieftains, and rely
upon them as their more immediate protectors and defenders. The
ordinary Highlanders esteem it the most sublime degree of virtue to
love their chief and pay him a blind obedience, although it be in
opposition to the government. Next to this love of their chief is
that of the particular branch whence they sprang; and, in a third
degree, to those of the whole clan or name, whom they will assist,
right or wrong, against those of any other tribe with which they
are at variance. They likewise owe good-will to such clans as they
esteem to be their particular well-wishers. And, lastly, they have an
adherence to one another as Highlanders in opposition to the people
of the low country, whom they despise as inferior to them in courage,
and believe they have a right to plunder them whenever it is in their
power. This last arises from a tradition that the Lowlands, in old
times, were the possessions of their ancestors.
“The chief exercises an arbitrary authority over his vassals,
determines all differences and disputes that happen among them, and
levies taxes upon extraordinary occasions, such as the marriage of
a daughter, building a house, or some pretence for his support or
the honour of his name; and if any one should refuse to contribute
to the best of his ability, he is sure of severe treatment, and,
if he persists in his obstinacy, he would be cast out of his tribe
by general consent. This power of the chief is not supported by
interest, as they are landlords, but by consanguinity, as lineally
descended from the old patriarchs or fathers of the families, for
they hold the same authority when they have lost their estates, as
may appear from several instances, and particularly that of one (Lord
Lovat) who commands his clan, though at the same time they maintain
him, having nothing left of his own. On the other hand, the chief,
even against the laws, is bound to protect his followers, as they are
sometimes called, be they never so criminal. He is their leader in
clan quarrels, must free the necessitous from their arrears of rent,
and maintain such who by accidents are fallen to total decay. Some of
the chiefs have not only personal dislikes and enmity to each other,
but there are also hereditary feuds between clan and clan, which have
been handed down from one generation to another for several ages.
These quarrels descend to the meanest vassals, and thus sometimes an
innocent person suffers for crimes committed by his tribe at a vast
distance of time before his being began.”
This clear and concise description will serve to convey an idea of
clanship as it existed in the Highlands, about the beginning of the
eighteenth century, when the system was in full force and vigour. It
presented a singular mixture of patriarchal and feudal government;
and everything connected with the habits, manners, customs, and
feelings of the people tended to maintain it unimpaired, amidst all
the changes which were gradually taking place in other parts of
the country, from the diffusion of knowledge, and the progress of
improvement. There was, indeed, something almost oriental in the
character of immutability which seemed to belong to this primitive
institution, endeared as it was to the affections, and singularly
adapted to the condition of the people amongst whom it prevailed.
Under its influence all their habits had been formed; with it all
their feelings and associations were indissolubly blended. When the
kindred and the followers of a chief saw him surrounded by a body of
adherents, numerous, faithful, and brave, devoted to his interests,
and ready at all times to sacrifice their lives in his service, they
could conceive no power superior to his; and, when they looked back
into the past history of their tribe, they found that his progenitors
had, from time immemorial, been at their head. Their tales, their
traditions, their songs, constantly referred to the exploits or
the transactions of the same tribe or fraternity living under the
same line of chiefs; and the transmission of command and obedience,
of protection and attachment, from one generation to another,
became in consequence as natural, in the eye of a Highlander, as
the transmission of blood or the regular laws of descent. This
order of things appeared to him as fixed and as inviolable as the
constitution of nature or the revolutions of the seasons. Hence
nothing could shake his fidelity to his chief, or induce him to
compromise what he believed to be for the honour and interest of
his clan. He was not without his feelings of independence, and he
would not have brooked oppression where he looked for kindness and
protection. But the long unbroken line of chiefs is of itself a
strong presumptive proof of the general mildness of their sway. The
individuals might change, but the ties which bound one generation
were drawn more closely, although by insensible degrees, around the
succeeding one; and thus each family, in all its various successions,
retained something like the same sort of relation to the parent stem,
which the renewed leaves of a tree in spring preserve, in point of
form and position, to those which had dropped off in the preceding
autumn.
Many important consequences, affecting the character of the
Highlanders, resulted from this division of the people into small
tribes, each governed in the patriarchal manner already described.
The authority of the sovereign, if nominally recognised, was nearly
altogether unfelt and inoperative. His mandates could neither arrest
the mutual depredations of the clans, nor allay their hereditary
hostilities. Delinquents could not be pursued into the bosom of the
clan which protected them, nor could the judges administer the laws,
in opposition to the will or the interests of the chiefs. Sometimes
the sovereign attempted to strengthen his hands by fomenting
divisions between the different clans, and entering occasionally
into the interests of one, in the hope of weakening another; he
threw his weight into one scale that the other might kick the beam,
and he withdrew it again, that, by the violence of the reaction,
both parties might be equally damaged and enfeebled. Many instances
of this artful policy occur in Scottish history, which, for a long
period, was little else than a record of internal disturbances. The
general government, wanting the power to repress disorder, sought
to destroy its elements by mutual collision; and the immediate
consequence of its inefficiency was an almost perpetual system of
aggression, warfare, depredation, and contention. Besides, the
little principalities into which the Highlands were divided touched
at so many points, yet they were so independent of one another;
they approached so nearly in many respects, yet, in some others,
were so completely separated; there were so many opportunities of
encroachment on the one hand, and so little disposition to submit
to it on the other; and the quarrel or dispute of one individual of
the tribe so naturally involved the interest, the sympathies, and
the hereditary feelings or animosities of the rest, that profound
peace or perfect cordiality scarcely ever existed amongst them, and
their ordinary condition was either a chronic or an active state of
internal warfare. From opposing interests or wounded pride, deadly
feuds frequently arose amongst the chiefs, and being warmly espoused
by the clans, were often transmitted, with aggravated animosity, from
one generation to another.
If it were profitable, it might be curious to trace the negotiations,
treaties, and bonds of amity, or _manrent_ as they were called, by
which opposing clans strengthened themselves against the attacks
and encroachments of their enemies or rivals, or to preserve what
may be called the balance of power. Amongst the rudest communities
of mankind may be discovered the elements of that science which has
been applied to the government and diplomacy of the most civilised
nations. By such bonds they came under an obligation to assist one
another; and, in their treaties of mutual support and protection,
smaller clans, unable to defend themselves, and those families or
septs which had lost their chieftains, were also included. When such
confederacies were formed, the smaller clans followed the fortunes,
engaged in the quarrels, and fought under the chiefs, of the greater.
Thus the MacRaes followed the Earl of Seaforth, the MacColls the
Stewarts of Appin, and the MacGillivrays and MacBeans the Laird
of Mackintosh; but, nevertheless, their ranks were separately
marshalled, and were led by their own subordinate chieftains and
lairds, who owned submission only when necessary for the success
of combined operations. The union had for its object aggression or
revenge, and extended no further than the occasion for which it
had been formed; yet it served to prevent the smaller clans from
being swallowed up by the greater, and at the same time nursed the
turbulent and warlike spirit which formed the common distinction of
all. From these and other causes, the Highlands were for ages as
constant a theatre of petty conflicts as Europe has been of great and
important struggles; in the former were enacted, in miniature, scenes
bearing a striking and amusing analogy to those which took place upon
a grand scale in the latter. The spirit of opposition and rivalry
between the clans perpetuated a system of hostility; it encouraged
the cultivation of the military at the expense of the social virtues,
and it perverted their ideas both of law and morality. Revenge was
accounted a duty, the destruction of a neighbour a meritorious
exploit, and rapine an honourable employment. Wherever danger was
to be encountered, or bravery displayed, there they conceived that
distinction was to be obtained; the perverted sentiment of honour
rendered their feuds more implacable, their inroads more savage and
destructive; and superstition added its influence in exasperating
animosities, by teaching that to revenge the death of a kinsman or
friend was an act agreeable to his manes; thus engaging on the side
of the most implacable hatred and the darkest vengeance, the most
amiable and domestic of all human feelings, namely, reverence for the
memory of the dead, and affection for the virtues of the living.
Another custom, which once prevailed, contributed to perpetuate
this spirit of lawless revenge. “Every heir or young chieftain of a
tribe,” says Martin, who had studied the character and manners of
the Highlanders, and understood them well, “was obliged to give a
specimen of his valour before he was owned and declared governor or
leader of his people, who obeyed and followed him on all occasions.
This chieftain was usually attended with a retinue of young men, who
had not before given any proof of their valour, and were ambitious
of such an opportunity to signalise themselves. It was usual for the
chief to make a desperate incursion upon some neighbour or other
that they were in feud with, and they were obliged to bring, by open
force, the cattle they found in the land they attacked, or to die in
the attempt. After the performance of this achievement, the young
chieftain was ever after reputed valiant, and worthy of government,
and such as were of his retinue acquired the like reputation. This
custom being reciprocally used among them, was not reputed robbery;
for the damage which one tribe sustained by the inauguration of the
chieftain of another, was repaired when their chieftain came in his
turn to make his specimen.”[122] But the practice seems to have died
out about half a century before the time at which Martin’s work
appeared, and its disuse removed one fertile source of feuds and
disorders. Of the nature of the depredations in which the Highlanders
commonly engaged, the sentiments with which they were regarded, the
manner in which they were conducted, and the effects which they
produced on the character, habits, and manners of the people, an
ample and interesting account will be found in the first volume of
General Stewart’s valuable work on the Highlands.
It has been commonly alleged, that ideas of succession were so loose
in the Highlands, that brothers were often preferred to grandsons
and even to sons. But this assertion proceeds on a most erroneous
assumption, inasmuch as election was never in any degree admitted,
and a system of hereditary succession prevailed, which, though
different from that which has been instituted by the feudal law,
allowed of no such deviations or anomalies as some have imagined.
The Highland law of succession, as Mr Skene observes, requires to be
considered in reference, first, to the chiefship and the superiority
of the lands belonging to the clan; and secondly, in respect to the
property or the land itself. The succession to the chiefship and its
usual prerogatives was termed the law of _tanistry_; that to the
property or the land itself, _gavel_. But when the feudal system
was introduced, the law of tanistry became the law of succession to
the property as well as the chiefship; whilst that of gavel was too
directly opposed to feudal principles to be suffered to exist at all,
even in a modified form. It appears, indeed, that the Highlanders
adhered strictly to succession in the male line, and that the great
peculiarity which distinguished their law of succession from that
established by the feudal system, consisted in the circumstance that,
according to it, brothers invariably succeeded before sons. In the
feudal system property was alone considered, and the nearest relation
to the last proprietor was naturally accounted the heir. But, in
the Highland system, the governing principle of succession was not
property, but the right of chiefship, derived from being the lineal
descendant of the founder or patriarch of the tribe; it was the
relation to the common ancestor, to whom the brother was considered
as one degree nearer than the son, and through whom the right was
derived, and not to the last chief, which regulated the succession.
Thus, the brothers of the chief invariably succeeded before the
sons, not by election, but as a matter of right, and according to a
fixed rule which formed the law or principle of succession, instead
of being, as some have supposed, a departure from it, occasioned
by views of temporary expediency, by usurpation, or otherwise. In
a word, the law of tanistry, however much opposed to the feudal
notions of later times, flowed naturally from the patriarchal
constitution of society in the Highlands, and was peculiarly adapted
to the circumstances of a people such as we have described, whose
warlike habits and love of military enterprise, or armed predatory
expeditions, made it necessary to have at all times a chief competent
to act as their leader or commander.
But if the law of tanistry was opposed to the principles of the
feudal system, that of gavel or the succession to property amongst
the Highlanders was still more adverse. By the feudal law the eldest
son, when the succession opened, not only acquired the superiority
over the rest of the family, but he also succeeded to the whole
of the property, whilst the younger branches were obliged to push
their fortune by following other pursuits. But in the Highlands the
case was altogether different. By the law of gavel, the property of
the clan was divided in certain proportions amongst all the male
branches of the family, to the exclusion of females, who, by this
extraordinary Salic anomaly, could no more succeed to the property
than to the chiefship itself. The law of gavel in the Highlands,
therefore, differed from the English custom of gavel-kind in being
exclusively confined to the male branches of a family. In what
proportions the property was divided, or whether these proportions
varied according to circumstances, or the will of the chief, it is
impossible to ascertain. But it would appear that the principal seat
of the family, with the lands immediately surrounding it, always
remained the property of the chief; and besides this, the latter
retained a sort of superiority over the whole possessions of the
clan, in virtue of which he received from each dependent branch
a portion of the produce of the land as an acknowledgment of his
chiefship, and also to enable him to support the dignity of his
station by the exercise of a commensurate hospitality. Such was the
law of gavel, which, though adverse to feudal principles, was adapted
to the state of society amongst the Highlands, out of which indeed
it originally sprang; because, where there were no other pursuits
open to the younger branches of families except rearing flocks and
herds during peace, and following the chief in war; and where it was
the interest as well as the ambition of the latter to multiply the
connexions of his family, and take every means to strengthen the
power as well as to secure the obedience of his clan, the division
of property, or the law of gavel, resulted as naturally from such an
order of things, as that of hereditary succession to the patriarchal
government and chiefship of the clan. Hence, the chief stood to
the cadets of his family in a relation somewhat analogous to that
in which the feudal sovereign stood to the barons who held their
fiefs of the crown, and although there was no formal investiture,
yet the tenure was in effect pretty nearly the same. In both cases
the principle of the system was essentially military, though it
apparently led to opposite results; and, in the Highlands, the law
under consideration was so peculiarly adapted to the constitution
of society, that it was only abandoned after a long struggle, and
even at a comparatively recent period traces of its existence and
operation may be observed amongst the people of that country.[123]
Similar misconceptions have prevailed regarding Highland
marriage-customs. This was, perhaps, to be expected. In a country
where a bastard son was often found in undisturbed possession of the
chiefship or property of a clan, and where such bastard generally
received the support of the clansmen against the claims of the
feudal heir, it was natural to suppose that very loose notions of
succession were entertained by the people; that legitimacy conferred
no exclusive rights; and that the title founded on birth alone might
be set aside in favour of one having no other claim than that of
election. But this, although a plausible, would nevertheless be an
erroneous supposition. The person here considered as a bastard,
and described as such, was by no means viewed in the same light
by the Highlanders, because, according to their law of marriage,
which was originally very different from the feudal system in this
matter, his claim to legitimacy was as undoubted as that of the
feudal heir afterwards became. It is well known that the notions
of the Highlanders were peculiarly strict in regard to matters of
hereditary succession, and that no people on earth was less likely
to sanction any flagrant deviation from what they believed to be the
right and true line of descent. All their peculiar habits, feelings,
and prejudices were in direct opposition to a practice, which, had
it been really acted upon, must have introduced endless disorder
and confusion; and hence the natural explanation of this apparent
anomaly seems to be, what Mr Skene has stated, namely, that a person
who was feudally a bastard might in their view be considered as
legitimate, and therefore entitled to be supported in accordance
with their strict ideas of hereditary right, and their habitual
tenacity of whatever belonged to their ancient usages. Nor is this
mere conjecture or hypothesis. A singular custom regarding marriage,
retained till a late period amongst the Highlanders, and clearly
indicating that their law of marriage originally differed in some
essential points from that established under the feudal system, seems
to afford a simple and natural explanation of the difficulty by which
genealogists have been so much puzzled.
“This custom was termed _hand-fasting_, and consisted in a species
of contract between two chiefs, by which it was agreed that the
heir of one should live with the daughter of the other as her
husband for twelve months and a day. If in that time the lady became
a mother, or proved to be with child, the marriage became good in
law, even although no priest had performed the marriage ceremony
in due form; but should there not have occurred any appearance of
issue, the contract was considered at an end, and each party was at
liberty to marry or hand-fast with any other. It is manifest that
the practice of so peculiar a species of marriage must have been in
terms of the original law among the Highlanders, otherwise it would
be difficult to conceive how such a custom could have originated;
and it is in fact one which seems naturally to have arisen from the
form of their society, which rendered it a matter of such vital
importance to secure the lineal succession of their chiefs. It is
perhaps not improbable that it was this peculiar custom which gave
rise to the report handed down by the Roman and other historians,
that the ancient inhabitants of Great Britain had their wives in
common, or that it was the foundation of that law of Scotland by
which natural children became legitimized by subsequent marriage;
and as this custom remained in the Highlands until a very late
period, the sanction of the ancient custom was sufficient to induce
them to persist in regarding the offspring of such marriages as
legitimate.”[124]
It appears, indeed, that, as late as the sixteenth century, the
issue of a hand-fast marriage claimed the earldom of Sutherland. The
claimant, according to Sir Robert Gordon, described himself as one
lawfully descended from his father, John, the third earl, because,
as he alleged, “his mother was _hand-fasted_ and fianced to his
father;” and his claim was bought off (which shows that it was not
considered as altogether incapable of being maintained) by Sir Adam
Gordon, who had married the heiress of Earl John. Such, then, was
the nature of the peculiar and temporary connexion, which gave rise
to the apparent anomalies which we have been considering. It was a
custom which had for its object, not to interrupt, but to preserve
the lineal succession of the chiefs, and to obviate the very evil
of which it is conceived to afford a glaring example. But after the
introduction of the feudal law, which, in this respect, was directly
opposed to the ancient Highland law, the lineal and legitimate heir,
according to Highland principles, came to be regarded as a bastard
by the government, which accordingly considered him as thereby
incapacitated for succeeding to the honours and property of his race;
and hence originated many of those disputes concerning succession and
chiefship, which embroiled families with one another as well as with
the government, and were productive of incredible disorder, mischief,
and bloodshed. No allowance was made for the ancient usages of the
people, which were probably but ill understood; and the rights of
rival claimants were decided according to the principles of a foreign
system of law, which was long resisted, and never admitted except
from necessity. It is to be observed, however, that the Highlanders
themselves drew a broad distinction between bastard sons and the
issue of the hand-fast unions above described. The former were
rigorously excluded from every sort of succession, but the latter
were considered as legitimate as the offspring of the most regularly
solemnized marriage.
Having said thus much respecting the laws of succession and marriage,
we proceed next to consider the gradation of ranks which appears to
have existed amongst the Highlanders, whether in relation to the
lands of which they were proprietors, or the clans of which they
were members. And here it may be observed, that the classification
of society in the Highlands seems to have borne a close resemblance
to that which prevailed in Wales and in Ireland amongst cognate
branches of the same general race. In the former country there were
three different tenures of land, and nine degrees of rank. Of these
tenures, the first was termed Maerdir, signifying a person who
has jurisdiction, and included three ranks; the second was called
Uchilordir, or property, and likewise consisted of three ranks; and
the third, denominated Priodordir, or native, included that portion
of the population whom we would now call tenants, divided into the
degrees of yeomen, labourers, and serfs. A similar order of things
appears to have prevailed in Ireland, where, in the classification of
the people, we recognise the several degrees of Fuidir, Biadhtach,
and Mogh. In the Highlands, the first tenure included the three
degrees of Ard Righ, Righ, and Mormaor; the Tighern or Thane, the
Armin and the Squire, were analogous to the three Welsh degrees
included in the Uchilordir; and a class of persons, termed native
men, were evidently the same in circumstances and condition with the
Priodordir of Wales. These native men were obviously the tenants or
farmers on the property, who made a peculiar acknowledgment, termed
_calpe_, to the chief or head of their clan. For this we have the
authority of Martin, who informs us that one of the duties “payable
by all the tenants to their chiefs, though they did not live upon his
lands,” was called “calpich,” and that “there was a standing law for
it,” denominated “calpich law.” The other duty paid by the tenants
was that of _herezeld_, as it was termed, which, along with calpe,
was exigible if the tenant happened to occupy more than the eighth
part of a davoch of land. That such was the peculiar acknowledgment
of chiefship incumbent on the native men, or, in other words, the
clan tribute payable by them in acknowledgment of the power and
in support of the dignity of the chief, appears from the bonds of
amity or _manrent_, in which we find them obliging themselves to pay
“_calpis_ as native men ought and should do to their chief.”
But the native men of Highland properties must be carefully
distinguished from the _cumerlach_, who, like the _kaeth_ of the
Welsh, were merely a species of serfs, or _adscripti glebæ_. The
former could not be removed from the land at the will of their lord,
but there was no restriction laid on their personal liberty; the
latter might be removed at the pleasure of their lord, but their
personal liberty was restrained, or rather abrogated. The native
man was the tenant who cultivated the soil, and as such possessed
a recognised estate in the land which he occupied. As long as he
performed the requisite services he could not be removed, nor could
a greater proportion of labour or produce be exacted from him than
custom or usage had fixed. It appears, therefore, that these
possessed their farms, or holdings, by a sort of hereditary right,
which was not derived from their lord, and of which, springing as it
did from immemorial usage, and the very constitution of clanship,
it was not in his power to deprive them. The _cumerlach_ were the
cottars and actual labourers of the soil, who, possessing no legal
rights either of station or property, were in reality absolute
serfs. The changes of succession, however, occasionally produced
important results, illustrative of the peculiarities above described.
“When a Norman baron,” says Mr Skene, “obtained by succession, or
otherwise, a Highland property, the Gaelic _nativi_ remained in
actual possession of the soil under him, but at the same time paid
their _calpes_ to the natural chief of their clan, and followed him
in war. When a Highland chief, however, acquired by the operation
of the feudal succession, an additional property which had not been
previously in the possession of his clan, he found it possessed by
the _nativi_ of another race. If these _nativi_ belonged to another
clan which still existed in independence, and if they chose to
remain on the property, they did so at the risk of being placed in a
perilous situation, should a feud arise between the two clans. But if
they belonged to no other independent clan, and the stranger chief
had acquired the whole possessions of their race, the custom seems to
have been for them to give a bond of _manrent_ to their new lord, by
which they bound themselves to follow him as their chief, and make
him the customary acknowledgment of the _calpe_. They thus became a
dependent sept upon a clan of a different race, while they were not
considered as forming a part of that clan.”[125]
The gradation of ranks considered in reference to the clan or tribe
may be briefly described. The highest dignitary was the _righ_ or
_king_, who in point of birth and station was originally on a footing
of equality with the other chiefs, and only derived some additional
dignity during his life from a sort of regal pre-eminence. “Among the
ancient Celtæ the prince or king had nothing actually his own, but
everything belonging to his followers was freely at his service;” of
their own accord they gave their prince so many cattle, or a certain
portion of grain. It seems probable that the Celtic chief held the
public lands in trust for his people, and was on his succession
invested with those possessions which he afterwards apportioned
among his retainers. Those only, we are told by Cæsar, had lands,
“magistrates and princes, and they give to their followers as they
think proper, removing them at the year’s end.”[126] The Celtic
nations, according to Dr Macpherson, limited the regal authority to
very narrow bounds. The old monarchs of North Britain and Ireland
were too weak either to control the pride and insolence of the great,
or to restrain the licentiousness of the populace. Many of those
princes, if we credit history, were dethroned, and some of them even
put to death by their subjects, which is a demonstration that their
power was not unlimited.
Next to the king was the _Mormaor_, who seems to have been identical
with the _Tighern_[127] and the later _Thane_. As we have already
indicated, the persons invested with this distinction were the
patriarchal chiefs or heads of the great tribes into which the
Highlanders were formerly divided. But when the line of the ancient
mormaors gradually sank under the ascendant influence of the feudal
system, the clans forming the great tribes became independent, and
their leaders or chiefs were held to represent each the common
ancestor or founder of his clan, and derived all their dignity and
power from the belief in such representation. The chief possessed
his office by right of blood alone, as that right was understood
in the Highlands; neither election nor marriage could constitute
any title to this distinction; it was, as we have already stated,
purely hereditary, nor could it descend to any person except him who,
according to the Highland rule of succession, was the nearest male
heir to the dignity.
Next to the chief stood the _tanist_ or person who, by the laws of
tanistry, was entitled to succeed to the chiefship; he possessed
this title during the lifetime of the chief, and, in virtue of his
apparent honours, was considered as a man of mark and consequence.
“In the settlement of succession, the law of tanistry prevailed in
Ireland from the earliest accounts of time. According to that law,”
says Sir James Ware, “the hereditary right of succession was not
maintained among the princes or the rulers of countries; but the
strongest, or he who had the most followers, very often the eldest
and most worthy of the deceased king’s blood and name, succeeded
him. This person, by the common suffrage of the people, and in the
lifetime of his predecessor, was appointed to succeed, and was called
_Tanist_, that is to say, the second in dignity. Whoever received
this dignity maintained himself and followers, partly out of certain
lands set apart for that purpose, but chiefly out of tributary
impositions, which he exacted in an arbitrary manner; impositions
from which the lands of the church only, and those of persons vested
with particular immunities, were exempted. The same custom was a
fundamental law in Scotland for many ages. Upon the death of a king,
the throne was not generally filled by his son, or daughter, failing
of male issue, but by his brother, uncle, cousin-german, or near
relation of the same blood. The personal merit of the successor,
the regard paid to the memory of his immediate ancestors, or his
address in gaining a majority of the leading men, frequently advanced
him to the crown, notwithstanding the precautions taken by his
predecessor.”[128]
According to Mr E. W. Robertson,[129] the _Tanist_, or heir-apparent,
appears to have been nominated at the same time as the monarch or
chief, and in pursuance of what he considers a true Celtic principle,
that of a “divided authority;” the office being immediately filled
up in case of the premature death of the Tanist, the same rule being
as applicable to the chieftain of the smallest territory as to the
chosen leader of the nation. According to Dr Macpherson, it appears
that at first the Tanist or successor to the monarchy, or chiefship,
was elected, but at a very early period the office seems to have
become hereditary, although not in the feudal sense of that term. Mr
Skene has shown that the succession was strictly limited to heirs
male, and that the great peculiarity of the Highland system was that
brothers invariably were preferred to sons. This perhaps arose partly
from an anxiety to avoid minorities “in a nation dependent upon a
competent leader in war.” This principle was frequently exemplified
in the succession to the mormaordoms, and even to the kingly power
itself; it formed one of the pleas put forward by Bruce in his
competition for the crown with Baliol.
After the family of the chief came the _ceantighes_, or heads of the
subordinate houses into which the clan was divided, the most powerful
of whom was the _toisich_, or toshach, who was generally the oldest
cadet. This was a natural consequence of the law of _gavel_, which,
producing a constant subdivision of the chief’s estate, until in
actual extent of property he sometimes came to possess less than
any of the other branches of the family, served in nearly the same
proportion to aggrandise the latter, and hence that branch which
had been longest separated from the original became relatively the
most powerful. The _toshach_, military leader, or captain of the
clan, certainly appears to have been at first elected to his office
among the Celtic nations, as indeed were all the dignitaries who at
a later period among the Highlanders succeeded to their positions
according to fixed laws.[130] As war was the principal occupation of
all the early Celtic nations, the office of _toshach_, or “war-king,”
as Mr Robertson calls him, was one of supreme importance, and gave
the holder of it many opportunities of converting it into one of
permanent kingship although the Celts carefully guarded against
this by enforcing the principle of divided authority among their
chiefs, and thus maintaining the “balance of power.” The _toshach’s_
duties were strictly military, he having nothing to do with the
internal affairs of the tribe or nation, these being regulated
by a magistrate, judge, or _vergobreith_, elected annually, and
invested with regal authority and the power of life and death. It
would appear that the duties of _toshach_ sometimes devolved on the
_tanist_, though this appears to have seldom been the case among
the Highlanders.[131] From a very early time the oldest cadet held
the highest rank in the clan, next to the chief; and when the clan
took the field he occupied, as a matter of right, the principal
post of honour. On the march he headed the van, and in battle took
his station on the right; he was, in fact, the lieutenant-general
of the chief, and when the latter was absent he commanded the whole
clan.[132] Another function exercised by the oldest cadet was that of
_maor_, or steward, the principal business of which officer was to
collect the revenues of the chief; but, after the feudal customs were
introduced, this duty devolved upon the baron-bailie, and the _maor_
consequently discontinued his fiscal labours.
The peculiar position of the _toshach_, with the power and
consequence attached to it, naturally pointed him out as the person
to whom recourse would be had in circumstances of difficulty;
and hence arose an apparent anomaly which has led to no little
misconception and confusion. The difficulty, however, may easily
be cleared by a short explanation. When, through misfortune or
otherwise, the family of the chief had become so reduced that he
could no longer afford to his clan the protection required, and which
formed the correlative obligation on his part to that of fealty and
obedience on theirs, then the clansmen followed the oldest cadet as
the head of the most powerful sept or branch of the clan; and he
thus enjoyed, sometimes for a considerable period, all the dignity,
consequence, and privileges of a chief, without, of course, either
possessing a right, _jure sanguinis_, to that station, or even
acquiring the title of the office which he, _de facto_, exercised. He
was merely a sort of patriarchal regent, who exercised the supreme
power, and enjoyed prerogatives of royalty without the name. While
the system of clanship remained in its original purity, no such
regency, or interregnum, could ever take place. But, in process
of time, many circumstances occurred to render it both expedient
and necessary. In fact, clanship, in its ancient purity, could
scarcely co-exist with the feudal system, which introduced changes
so adverse to its true spirit; and hence, when the territory had
passed, by descent, into the hands of a Lowland baron, or when, by
some unsuccessful opposition to the government, the chief had brought
ruin upon himself and his house, and was no longer in a condition to
maintain his station and afford protection to his clan, the latter
naturally placed themselves under the only head capable of occupying
the position of their chief, and with authority sufficient to command
or enforce obedience. In other words, they sought protection at
the hands of the oldest cadet; and he, on his part, was known by
the name, not of chief, which would have been considered a gross
usurpation, but of _captain_, or leader of the clan. It is clear,
therefore, that this dignity was one which owed its origin to
circumstances, and formed no part of the original system, as has been
generally but erroneously supposed. If an anomaly, it was one imposed
by necessity, and the deviation was confined, as we have seen, within
the narrowest possible limits. It was altogether unknown until a
recent period in the history of the Highlands, and, when it did come
into use, it was principally confined to three clans, namely, Clan
Chattan, Clan Cameron, and Clan Ranald; an undoubted proof that it
was not a regular but an exceptional dignity, that it was a temporary
expedient, not part of a system; and that a captain differed as
essentially from a chief as a regent differs from an hereditary
sovereign. “It is evident,” says Mr Skene, who has the merit of being
the first to trace out this distinction clearly, “that a title,
which was not universal among the Highlanders, must have arisen
from peculiar circumstances connected with those clans in which it
is first found; and when we examine the history of these clans,
there can be little doubt that it was simply a person who had, from
various causes, become _de facto_ head of the clan, while the person
possessing the hereditary right to that dignity remained either in a
subordinate situation, or else for the time disunited from the rest
of the clan.”[133]
Another title known among the ancient Highlanders was that of
_ogtiern_, or _lesser tighern_, or Thane, and was applied either
to the son of a _tighern_, or to those members of the clan whose
kinship to the chief was beyond a certain degree. They appear to
have to a large extent formed the class of _duinewassels_, or
gentry of the clan, intermediate between the chief and the body
of the clan, and known in later times as _tacksmen_ or _goodmen_.
“These, again, had a circle of relations, who considered them as
their immediate leaders, and who in battle were placed under their
immediate command. Over them in peace, these chieftains exercised a
certain authority, but were themselves dependent on the chief, to
whose service all the members of the clan were submissively devoted.
As the _duinewassels_ received their lands from the bounty of the
chief, for the purpose of supporting their station in the tribe, so
these lands were occasionally resumed or reduced to provide for those
who were more immediately related to the laird; hence many of this
class necessarily sank into commoners. This transition strengthened
the feeling which was possessed by the very lowest of the community,
that they were related to the chief, from whom they never forgot
they originally sprang.”[134] The duinewassels were all cadets of
the house of the chief, and each had a pedigree of his own as long,
and perchance as complicated as that of his chief. They were, as
might be expected, the bravest portion of the clan; the first in the
onset, and the last to quit the strife, even when the tide of battle
pressed hardest against them. They cherished a high and chivalrous
sense of honour, ever keenly alive to insult or reproach; and they
were at all times ready to devote themselves to the service of
their chief, when a wrong was to be avenged, an inroad repressed or
punished, or glory reaped by deeds of daring in arms.
Another office which existed among the old Gaelic inhabitants of
Scotland was that of _Brehon_, deemster, or judge, the representative
of the _vergobreith_ previously referred to. Among the continental
Celts this office was elective, but among the Highlanders it appears
to have been hereditary, and by no means held so important, latterly
at least, as it was on the continent. As we referred to this office
in the former part of this work, we shall say nothing farther of it
in this place.
To this general view of the constitution of society in the Highlands,
little remains to be added. The chief, as we have seen, was a sort
of _regulus_, or petty prince, invested with an authority which
was in its nature arbitrary, but which, in its practical exercise,
seems generally to have been comparatively mild and paternal. He was
subjected to no theoretical or constitutional limitations, yet, if
ferocious in disposition, or weak in understanding, he was restrained
or directed by the elders of the tribe, who were his standing
counsellors, and without whose advice no measure of importance
could be decided on. Inviolable custom supplied the deficiency of
law. As his distinction and power consisted chiefly in the number
of his followers, his pride as well as his ambition became a
guarantee for the mildness of his sway; he had a direct and immediate
interest to secure the attachment and devotion of his clan; and his
condescension, while it raised the clansman in his own estimation,
served also to draw closer the ties which bound the latter to his
superior, without tempting him to transgress the limits of propriety.
The Highlander was thus taught to respect himself in the homage
which he paid to his chief. Instead of complaining of the difference
of station and fortune, or considering prompt obedience as slavish
degradation, he felt convinced that he was supporting his own honour
in showing respect to the head of his family, and in yielding a ready
compliance to his will. Hence it was that the Highlanders carried in
their demeanour the politeness of courts without the vices by which
these are too frequently dishonoured, and cherished in their bosoms
a sense of honour without any of its follies or extravagances. This
mutual interchange of condescension and respect served to elevate the
tone of moral feeling amongst the people, and no doubt contributed to
generate that principle of incorruptible fidelity of which there are
on record so many striking and even affecting examples. The sentiment
of honour, and the firmness sufficient to withstand temptation, may
in general be expected in the higher classes of society; but the
voluntary sacrifice of life and fortune is a species of self-devotion
seldom displayed in any community, and never perhaps exemplified to
the same extent in any country as in the Highlands of Scotland.[135]
The punishment of treachery was a kind of conventional outlawry or
banishment from society, a sort of _aquæ et ignis interdictio_ even
more terrible than the punishment inflicted under that denomination,
during the prevalence of the Roman law. It was the judgment of all
against one, the condemnation of society, not that of a tribunal; and
the execution of the sentence was as complete as its ratification was
universal. Persons thus intercommuned were for ever cut off from the
society to which they belonged; they incurred civil death in its most
appalling form, and their names descended with infamy to posterity.
What higher proof could possibly be produced of the noble sentiments
of honour and fidelity cherished by the people, than the simple fact
that the breach of these was visited with such a fearful retribution?
On the other hand, when chiefs proved worthless or oppressive,
they were occasionally deposed, and when they took a side which
was disapproved by the clan, they were abandoned by their people.
Of the former, there are several well authenticated examples, and
General Stewart has mentioned a remarkable instance of the latter.
“In the reign of King William, immediately after the Revolution,
Lord Tullibardine, eldest son of the Marquis of Athole, collected
a numerous body of Athole Highlanders, together with three hundred
Frasers, under the command of Hugh, Lord Lovat, who had married a
daughter of the Marquis. These men believed that they were destined
to support the abdicated king, but were in reality assembled to serve
the government of William. When in front of Blair Castle, their real
destination was disclosed to them by Lord Tullibardine. Instantly
they rushed from their ranks, ran to the adjoining stream of Banovy,
and filling their bonnets with water, drank to the health of King
James; then with colours flying and pipes playing, fifteen hundred
of the men of Athole put themselves under the command of the Laird
of Ballechin, and marched off to join Lord Dundee, whose chivalrous
bravery and heroic exploits had excited their admiration more than
those of any other warrior since the days of Montrose.”
The number of Highland clans has been variously estimated, but it
is probable that when they were in their most flourishing condition
it amounted to about forty. Latterly, by including many undoubtedly
Lowland houses, the number has been increased to about a hundred,
the additions being made chiefly by tartan manufacturers. Mr Skene
has found that the various purely Highland clans can be clearly
classified and traced up as having belonged to one or other of the
great mormaordoms into which the north of Scotland was at one time
divided. In his history of the individual clans, however, this is not
the classification which he adopts, but one in accordance with that
which he finds in the manuscript genealogies. According to these, the
people were originally divided into several great tribes, the clans
forming each of these separate tribes being deduced from a common
ancestor. A marked line of distinction may be drawn between the
different tribes, in each of which indications may be traced serving
more or less, according to Mr Skene, to identify them with the
ancient mormaorships or earldoms.
In the old genealogies each tribe is invariably traced to a common
ancestor, from whom all the different branches or clans are supposed
to have descended. Thus we have--1. _Descendants of Conn of the
Hundred Battles_, including the Lords of the Isles, or Macdonalds,
the Macdougals, the Macneills, the Maclachlans, the Macewens, the
Maclaisrichs, and the Maceacherns; 2. _Descendants of Fearchar
Fada Mac Feradaig_, comprehending the old mormaors of Moray, the
Mackintoshes, the Macphersons, and the Macnauchtans; 3. _Descendants
of Cormac Mac Oirbertaig_, namely, the old Earls of Ross, the
Mackenzies, the Mathiesons, the Macgregors, the Mackinnons, the
Macquarries, the Macnabs, and the Macduffies; 4. _Descendants
of Fergus Leith Dearg_, the Macleods and the Campbells; and 5.
_Descendants of Krycul_, the Macnicols.
Whatever may be the merits or defects of this distribution, it is
convenient for the purpose of classification. It affords the means of
referring the different clans to their respective tribes, and thus
avoiding an arbitrary arrangement; and it is further in accordance
with the general views which have already been submitted to the
reader respecting the original constitution of clanship. We shall
not, however, adhere strictly to Mr Skene’s arrangement.
FOOTNOTES:
[114] _Scotland under her Early Kings_, Ap. D.
[115] Gaelic, _clann_; Irish, _clann_, or _cland_; Manx, _cloan_,
children, offspring, tribe.
[116] Robertson’s _Early Kings_, i. 102, 103, 104.
[117] _Highlanders_, i. 16.
[118] _Highlanders_, p. 7, _et. seq._
[119] For details concerning the practical working of the clan
system, in addition to what are given in this introduction, we refer
the reader to chaps. xviii., xlii., xliii., xliv. of Part First.
[120] We are indebted for much of what follows to Skene’s
_Highlanders of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 153, _et seq._
[121] Letter xix., part of which has already been quoted in ch.
xlii., but may with advantage be again introduced here.
[122] _Description of the Western Islands._ London, 1703.
[123] Skene’s _Highlanders of Scotland_, vol. ii. ch. 7.
[124] Skene’s _Highlanders of Scotland_, vol. i. chap. 7, pp. 166,
167.
[125] Skene’s _Highlanders of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 172, 173.
[126] Logan’s _Scottish Gael_, i. 171.
[127] According to Dr Macpherson, _Tighern_ is derived from two
words, meaning “a man of land.”
[128] _Dissertation_, pp. 165-6.
[129] _Early Kings._
[130] Robertson’s _Early Kings_, i. 24.
[131] Logan’s _Gael_, i. 188.
[132] “_Toisich_,” says Dr Macpherson, “was another title of
honour which obtained among the Scots of the middle ages. Spelman
imagined that this dignity was the same with that of Thane. But the
Highlanders, among whose predecessors the word was once common,
distinguished carefully in their language the _toisich_ from the
_tanistair_ or the _tierna_. When they enumerate the different
classes of their great men, agreeably to the language of former
times, they make use of these three titles, in the same sentence,
with a disjunctive particle between them.” “In Gaelic,” he adds,
“_tus_, _tos_, and _tosich_ signify the _beginning_ or _first part_
of anything, and sometimes the _front_ of an army or battle.” Hence
perhaps the name _toisich_, implying the post of honour which
the oldest cadet always occupied as his peculiar privilege and
distinction. Mr Robertson, however, thinks _toshach_ is derived from
the same root as the Latin _dux_. (_Early Kings_, i. 26.)
[133] Skene’s _Highlanders_, vol. ii. pp. 177, 178. That the captains
of clans were originally the oldest cadets, is placed beyond all
doubt by an instance which Mr Skene has mentioned in the part of
his work here referred to. “The title of captain occurs but once in
the family of the Macdonalds of Slate, and the single occurrence of
this peculiar title is when the clan Houston was led by the uncle of
their chief, then in minority. In 1545, we find Archibald Maconnill,
captain of the clan Houston; and thus, on the only occasion when this
clan followed as a chief a person who had not the right of blood to
that station, he styles himself captain of the clan.”
[134] Logan’s _Gael_, i. 173.
[135] “All who are acquainted with the events of the unhappy
insurrection of 1745, must have heard of a gentleman of the name
of M’Kenzie, who had so remarkable a resemblance to Prince Charles
Stuart, as to give rise to the mistake to which he cheerfully
sacrificed his life, continuing the heroic deception to the last, and
exclaiming with his expiring breath, ‘Villains, you have killed your
Prince.’” (Stewart’s _Sketches_, &c., vol. i. p. 59).
CHAPTER II.
The Gallgael, or Western Clans--Fiongall and Dubhgall--Lords of the
Isles--Somerled--Suibne--Gillebride Mac Gille Adomnan--Somerled
in the West--Defeat and death--His children--Dugall and
his descendants--Ranald’s three sons, Ruari, Donald,
Dugall--Roderick--Ranald--The Clan Donald--Origin--Angus Og--His
son John--His sons Godfrey and Donald--Donald marries Mary, sister
of Earl of Ross--Battle of Harlaw--Policy of James I.--Alexander
of the Isles--Donald Balloch--John of the Isles--Angus Og
declares himself Lord of the Isles--Seizes Earl and Countess
of Athole--Intrigues with England--Battle of Lagebread--Battle
of Bloody Bay--Alexander of Lochalsh--Expedition of James
IV.--Donald _Dubh_--Donald _Galda_--Donald Gorme--Donald _Dubh_
reappears--Somerled’s descendants fail--The various Island
Clans--The Chiefship--Lord Macdonald and Macdonald of Clan
Ranald--Donald Gorme Mor--Feuds with the Macleans and Macleods--Sir
Donald, fourth Baronet--Sir Alexander’s wife befriends Prince
Charles--Sir James, eighth Baronet--Sir Alexander, ninth Baronet,
created a peer of Ireland--Present Lord Macdonald--Macdonalds
of Islay and Kintyre--Alexander of Islay’s rebellions--Angus
Macdonald--Feud with Macleans--Sir James imprisoned--His lands
pass to the Campbells--Macdonalds of Keppoch, or Clanranald
of Lochaber--Disputes with the Mackintoshes--The Macdonalds
at Culloden--Clanranald Macdonalds of Garmoran and their
offshoots--Battle of Kinloch-lochy or Blar-nan-leine--Macdonalds
of Benbecula, Boisdale, Kinlochmoidart, Glenaladale--Marshal
Macdonald, Duke of Tarentum--Macdonalds of Glencoe--Macdonnells
of Glengarry--Feud between the Glengarry Macdonalds and Mackenzie
of Kintail--General Sir James Macdonnell--Colonel Alexander
Ranaldson Macdonnell, last specimen of a Highland Chief--Families
descended from the Macdonnells of Glengarry--Strength of the
Macdonalds--Characteristic in the arms of the Coast-Gael.
The clans that come first in order in Mr Skene’s classification are
those whose progenitor is said by the genealogists to have been the
fabulous Irish King Conn “of the hundred battles.” They are mostly
all located in the Western Islands and Highlands, and are said by Mr
Skene to have been descended from the _Gallgael_, or Gaelic pirates
or rovers, who are said to have been so called to distinguish them
from the Norwegian and Danish _Fingall_ and _Dugall_, or white and
black strangers or rovers. Mr Skene advocates strongly the unmixed
Gaelic descent of these clans, as indeed he does of almost all the
other clans. He endeavours to maintain that the whole of these
western clans are of purely Pictish descent, not being mixed with
even that of the Dalriadic Scots. We are inclined, however, to agree
with Mr Smibert in thinking that the founders of these clans were to
a large extent of Irish extraction, though clearly distinguishable
from the primitive or Dalriadic Scots, and that from the time of
the Scottish conquest they formed intimate relationships with the
Northern Picts. “From whatever race,” to quote the judicious remarks
of Mr Gregory, “whether Pictish or Scottish, the inhabitants of the
Isles, in the reign of Kenneth MacAlpin, were derived, it is clear
that the settlements and wars of the Scandinavians in the Hebrides,
from the time of Harald Harfager to that of Olave the Red, a period
of upwards of two centuries, must have produced a very considerable
change in the population. As in all cases of conquest, this change
must have been most perceptible in the higher ranks, owing to the
natural tendency of invaders to secure their new possessions, where
practicable, by matrimonial alliances with the natives. That in the
Hebrides a mixture of the Celtic and Scandinavian blood was thus
effected at an early period seems highly probable, and by no means
inconsistent with the ultimate prevalence of the Celtic language
in the mixed race, as all history sufficiently demonstrates. These
remarks regarding the population of the Isles apply equally to that
of the adjacent mainland districts, which, being so accessible by
numerous arms of the sea, could hardly be expected to preserve the
blood of their inhabitants unmixed. The extent to which this mixture
was carried is a more difficult question, and one which must be left
in a great measure to conjecture; but, on the whole, the Celtic
race appears to have predominated. It is of more importance to know
which of the Scandinavian tribes it was that infused the greatest
portion of northern blood into the population of the Isles. The
Irish annalists divide the piratical bands, which, in the ninth and
following centuries infested Ireland, into two great tribes, styled
by these writers _Fiongall_, or white foreigners, and _Dubhgall_, or
black foreigners. These are believed to represent, the former the
Norwegians, the latter the Danes; and the distinction in the names
given to them is supposed to have arisen from a diversity, either in
their clothing or in the sails of their vessels. These tribes had
generally separate leaders; but they were occasionally united under
one king; and although both bent first on ravaging the Irish shores,
and afterwards on seizing portions of the Irish territories, they
frequently turned their arms against each other. The Gaelic title
of _Righ Fhiongall_, or King of the Fiongall, so frequently applied
to the Lords of the Isles, seems to prove that Olave the Red, from
whom they were descended in the female line, was so styled, and that,
consequently, his subjects in the Isles, in so far as they were not
Celtic, were Fiongall or Norwegians. It has been remarked by one
writer, whose opinion is entitled to weight,[136] that the names of
places in the exterior Hebrides, or the Long Island, derived from
the Scandinavian tongue, resemble the names of places in Orkney,
Shetland, and Caithness. On the other hand, the corresponding names
in the interior Hebrides are in a different dialect, resembling that
of which the traces are to be found in the topography of Sutherland;
and appear to have been imposed at a later period than the first
mentioned names. The probability is, however, that the difference
alluded to is not greater than might be expected in the language of
two branches of the same race, after a certain interval; and that the
Scandinavian population of the Hebrides was, therefore, derived from
two successive Norwegian colonies. This view is further confirmed by
the fact that the Hebrides, although long subject to Norway, do not
appear to have ever formed part of the possessions of the Danes.”[137]
As by far the most important, and at one time most extensive and
powerful, of these western clans, is that of the Macdonalds, and as
this, as well as many other clans, according to some authorities, can
clearly trace their ancestry back to Somerled, the progenitor of the
once powerful Lords of the Isles, it may not be out of place to give
here a short summary of the history of these magnates.
The origin of Somerled, the undoubted founder of the noble race
of the Island Lords, is, according to Mr Gregory, involved in
considerable obscurity. Assuming that the clan governed by Somerled
formed part of the great tribe of Gallgael, it follows that the
independent kings of the latter must in all probability have been
his ancestors, and should therefore be found in the old genealogies
of his family. But this scarcely appears to be the case. The last
king of the Gallgael was Suibne, the son of Kenneth, who died in the
year 1034; and, according to the manuscript of 1450, an ancestor of
Somerled, contemporary with this petty monarch, bore the same name,
from which it may be presumed that the person referred to in the
genealogy and the manuscript is one and the same individual. The
latter, however, calls Suibne’s father Nialgusa; and in the genealogy
there is no mention whatever of a Kenneth. But from the old Scottish
writers we learn that at this time there was a Kenneth, whom they
call Thane of the Isles, and that one of the northern mormaors also
bore the same name, although it is not very easy to say what precise
claim either had to be considered as the father of Suibne. There is
also a further discrepancy observable in the earlier part of the
Macdonald genealogies, as compared with the manuscript; and besides,
the latter, without making any mention of these supposed kings,
deviates into the misty region of Irish heroic fable and romance.
At this point, indeed, there is a complete divergence, if not
contrariety, between the history as contained in the Irish Annals,
and the genealogy developed in the manuscript; for, whilst the latter
mentions the Gallgael under their leaders as far back as the year
856, the former connect Suibne, by a different genealogy, with the
kings of Ireland. The fables of the Highland and Irish Sennachies
now became connected with the genuine history. The real descent of
the chiefs was obscured or perplexed by the Irish genealogies, and
previously to the eleventh century neither these genealogies nor even
that of the manuscript of 1450 can be considered as of any authority
whatsoever. It seems somewhat rash, however, to conclude, as Mr Skene
has done, that the Siol-Cuinn, or descendants of Conn, were of native
origin. This exceeds the warrant of the premises, which merely carry
the difficulty a few removes backwards into the obscurity of time,
and there leave the question in greater darkness than ever.
From the death of Suibne till the accession of Gillebride Mac Gille
Adomnan, the father of Somerled, nothing whatever is known of the
history of the clan. The latter, having been expelled from his
possessions by the Lochlans and the Fingalls, took refuge in Ireland,
where he persuaded the descendants of Colla to espouse his quarrel
and assist him in an attempt to recover his possessions. Accordingly,
four or five hundred persons put themselves under his command, and
at their head he returned to Alban, where he effected a landing; but
the expedition, it would seem, proved unsuccessful. Somerled, the
son of Gillebride, was, however, a man of a very different stamp. At
first he lived retired, musing in solitude upon the ruined fortunes
of his house. But when the time for action arrived, he boldly put
himself at the head of the inhabitants of Morven; attacked the
Norwegians, whom, after a considerable struggle, he expelled; made
himself master of the whole of Morven, Lochaber, and northern Argyle;
and not long afterwards added to his other possessions the southern
districts of that country. In the year 1135, when David I. expelled
the Norwegians from Man, Arran, and Bute, Somerled appears to have
obtained a grant of those Islands from the king. But finding himself
still unable to contend with the Norwegians of the Isles, whose power
remained unbroken, he resolved to recover by policy what he despaired
of acquiring by force of arms; and, with this view, he succeeded in
obtaining (about 1140) the hand of Ragnhildis, the daughter of Olaf,
surnamed the Red, who was then the Norwegian king of the Isles. This
lady brought him three sons, namely, Dugall, Reginald, and Angus;
and, by a previous marriage, he had one named Gillecallum.
The prosperous fortunes of Somerled at length inflamed his ambition.
He had already attained to great power in the Highlands, and success
inspired him with the desire of extending it. His grandsons having
formerly claimed the earldom of Moray, their pretensions were now
renewed, and this was followed by an attempt to put them in actual
possession of their alleged inheritance. The attempt, however,
failed. It had brought the _regulus_ of Argyll into open rebellion
against the king, and the war appears to have excited great alarm
amongst the inhabitants of Scotland; but Somerled, having encountered
a more vigorous opposition than he had anticipated, found it
necessary to return to the Isles, where the tyrannical conduct of
his brother-in-law, Godred, had irritated his vassals and thrown
everything into confusion. His presence gave confidence to the party
opposed to the tyrant, and Thorfinn, one of the most powerful of the
Norwegian nobles, resolved to depose Godred, and place another prince
on the throne of the Isles. Somerled readily entered into the views
of Thorfinn, and it was arranged that Dugall, the eldest son of the
former, should occupy the throne from which his maternal uncle was
to be displaced. But the result of the projected deposition did not
answer the expectations of either party. Dugall was committed to the
care of Thorfinn, who undertook to conduct him through the Isles,
and compel the chiefs not only to acknowledge him as their sovereign,
but also to give hostages for their fidelity and allegiance. The Lord
of Skye, however, refused to comply with this demand, and, having
fled to the Isle of Man, apprised Godred of the intended revolution.
Somerled followed with eight galleys; and Godred having commanded his
ships to be got ready, a bloody but indecisive battle ensued. It was
fought on the night of the Epiphany; and as neither party prevailed,
the rival chiefs next morning entered into a sort of compromise or
convention, by which the sovereignty of the Isles was divided, and
two distinct principalities established. By this treaty Somerled
acquired all the islands lying to the southward of the promontory
of Ardnamurchan, whilst these to the northward remained in the
possession of Godred.
But no sooner had he made this acquisition than he became involved
in hostilities with the government. Having joined the powerful party
in Scotland, which had resolved to depose Malcolm IV., and place
the boy of Egremont on the throne, he began to infest various parts
of the coast, and for some time carried on a vexatious predatory
warfare. The project, however, failed; and Malcolm, convinced
that the existence of an independent chief was incompatible with
the interests of his government and the maintenance of public
tranquillity, required of Somerled to resign his lands into the
hands of the sovereign, and to hold them in future as a vassal of
the crown. Somerled, however, was little disposed to comply with
this demand, although the king was now preparing to enforce it by
means of a powerful army. Emboldened by his previous successes, he
resolved to anticipate the attack, and having appeared in the Clyde
with a considerable force, he landed at Renfrew, where being met by
the royal army under the command of the High Steward of Scotland,
a battle ensued which ended in his defeat and death (1164). This
celebrated chief has been traditionally described as “a well-tempered
man, in body shapely, of a fair piercing eye, of middle stature, and
of quick discernment.” He appears, indeed, to have been equally brave
and sagacious, tempering courage with prudence, and, excepting in
the last act of his life, distinguished for the happy talent, rare
at any period, of profiting by circumstances, and making the most of
success. In the battle of Renfrew his son Gillecallum perished by
his side. Tradition says that Gillecallum left a son Somerled, who
succeeded to his grandfather’s possessions in the mainland, which
he held for upwards of half a century after the latter’s death. The
existence of this second Somerled, however, seems very doubtful
although Mr Gregory believes that, besides the three sons of his
marriage with Olave the Red, Somerled had other sons, who seem to
have shared with their brothers, according to the then prevalent
custom of gavelkind, the mainland possessions held by the Lord of
Argyle; whilst the sons descended of the House of Moray divided
amongst them the South Isles ceded by Godred in 1156. Dugall, the
eldest of these, got for his share, Mull, Coll, Tiree, and Jura;
Reginald, the second son, obtained Isla and Kintyre; and Angus, the
third son, Bute. Arran is supposed to have been divided between the
two latter. The Chronicle of Man mentions a battle, in 1192, between
Reginald and Angus, in which the latter obtained the victory. He was
killed, in 1210, with his three sons, by the men of Skye, leaving
no male issue. One of his sons, James, left a daughter and heiress,
Jane, afterwards married to Alexander, son and heir of Walter, High
Steward of Scotland, who, in her right, claimed the isle of Bute.
Dugall, the eldest son of his father by the second marriage, seems to
have possessed not only a share of the Isles, but also the district
of Lorn, which had been allotted as his share of the territories
belonging to his ancestors. On his death, however, the Isles, instead
of descending immediately to his children, were acquired by his
brother Reginald, who in consequence assumed the title of King of
the Isles; but, by the same law of succession, the death of Reginald
restored to his nephews the inheritance of their father. Dugall
left two sons, Dugall Scrag and Duncan, who appear in the northern
Sagas, under the title of the Sudereyan Kings. They appear to have
acknowledged, at least nominally, the authority of the Norwegian
king of the Hebrides; but actually they maintained an almost entire
independence. Haco, the king of Norway, therefore came to the
determination of reducing them to obedience and subjection, a design
in which he proved completely successful. In a night attack the
Norwegians defeated the Sudereyans, and took Dugall prisoner.
Duncan was now the only member of his family who retained any power
in the Sudereys; but nothing is known of his subsequent history
except that he founded the priory of Ardchattan, in Lorn. He was
succeeded by his son Ewen, who appears to have remained more faithful
to the Norwegian kings than his predecessors had shown themselves;
for, when solicited by Alexander II. to join him in an attempt he
meditated to obtain possession of the Western Isles, Ewen resisted
all the promises and entreaties of the king, and on this occasion
preserved inviolate his allegiance to Haco. Alexander, it is well
known, died in Kerreray (1249), when about to commence an attack
upon the Isles, and was succeeded by his son Alexander III. When
the latter had attained majority, he resolved to renew the attempt
which his father had begun, and with this view excited the Earl of
Ross, whose possessions extended along the mainland opposite to
the Northern Isles, to commence hostilities against them. The earl
willingly engaged in the enterprise, and having landed in Skye,
ravaged the country, burned churches and villages, and put to death
numbers of the inhabitants without distinction of age or sex. Haco
soon appeared with a Norwegian force, and was joined by most of the
Highland chiefs. But Ewen having altered his views, excused himself
from taking any part against the force sent by the Scottish king;
and the unfortunate termination of Haco’s expedition justified the
prudence of this timely change. In the year 1263 the Norwegians were
completely defeated by the Scots at the battle of Largs; and the
Isles were, in consequence of this event, finally ceded to the kings
of Scotland. This event, however, rather increased than diminished
the power of Ewen, who profited by his seasonable defection from
the Norwegians, and was favoured by the government to which that
defection had been useful. But he died without any male issue to
succeed him, leaving only two daughters, one of whom married the
Norwegian king of Man, and the other, Alexander of the Isles, a
descendant of Reginald.
The conquest and partition of Argyle by Alexander II., and the
subsequent annexation of the Western Islands to the kingdom of
Scotland, under the reign of his successor, annihilated the power of
the race of Conn as an independent tribe; and, from the failure of
the male descendants of Dugall in the person of Ewen, had the effect
of dividing the clan into three distinct branches, the heads of which
held their lands of the crown. These were the clan Ruari or Rory, the
clan Donald, and the clan Dugall, so called from three sons of Ranald
or Reginald, the son of Somerled by Ragnhildis, daughter of Olave.
Of this Ranald or Reginald, but little comparatively is known.
According to the Highland custom of gavel, Somerled’s property was
divided amongst all his sons; and in this division the portion which
fell to the share of Reginald appears to have consisted of the
island of Islay, with Kintyre, and part of Lorn on the mainland.
Contemporary with Reginald there was a Norwegian king of Man and the
Isles, who, being called by the same name, is liable to be confounded
with the head of the Siol Conn. Reginald, after the death of his
brother Dugall, was designated as Lord, and sometimes even as King,
of the Isles;[138] and he had likewise the title of Lord of Argyle
and Kintyre, in which last capacity he granted certain lands to an
abbey that had been founded by himself at Saddel in Kintyre. But
these titles did not descend to his children. He was succeeded by
his eldest son Roderick,[139] who, on the conquest of Argyle, agreed
to hold his lands of Rory, or the crown, and afterwards was commonly
styled Lord of Kintyre. In this Roderick the blood of the Norwegian
rovers seems to have revived in all its pristine purity. Preferring
“the good old way, the simple plan” to more peaceful and honest
pursuits, he became one of the most noted pirates of his day, and
the annals of the period are filled with accounts of his predatory
expeditions. But his sons, Dugall and Allan, had the grace not to
follow the vocation of their father, for which they do not seem to
have evinced any predilection. Dugall having given important aid
to Haco in his expedition against the Western Isles, obtained in
consequence a considerable increase of territory, and died without
descendants. Allan succeeded to the possessions of this branch of the
race of Conn, and, upon the annexation of the Isles to the crown of
Scotland, transferred his allegiance to Alexander III., along with
the other chiefs of the Hebrides.[140]
Allan left one son, Roderick, of whom almost nothing is known,
except that he was not considered as legitimate by the feudal law,
and in consequence was succeeded in his lordship of Garmoran by
his daughter Christina. Yet the custom or law of the Highlands,
according to which his legitimacy could ‘moult no feather,’ had
still sufficient force amongst the people to induce the daughter to
legalise her father’s possession of the lands by a formal resignation
and reconveyance; a circumstance which shows how deeply it had
taken root in the habits and the opinions of the people. Roderick,
however, incurred the penalty of forfeiture during the reign of
Robert Bruce, “probably,” as Mr Skene thinks, “from some connection
with the Soulis conspiracy of 1320;” but his lands were restored to
his son Ranald by David II. Ranald, however, did not long enjoy his
extensive possessions. Holding of the Earl of Ross some lands in
North Argyle, he unhappily became embroiled with that powerful chief,
and a bitter feud, engendered by proximity, arose between them. In
that age the spirit of hostility seldom remained long inactive. In
1346, David II. having summoned the barons of Scotland to meet him
at Perth, Ranald, like the others, obeyed the call, and having made
his appearance, attended by a considerable body of men, took up his
quarters at the monastery of Elcho, a few miles distant from the
Fair City. To the Earl of Ross, who was also with the army, this
seemed a favourable opportunity for revenging himself on his enemy;
and accordingly having surprised and entered the monastery in the
middle of the night, he slew Ranald and seven of his followers. By
the death of Ranald, the male descendants of Roderick became extinct;
and John of the Isles, the chief of the Clan Donald, who had married
Amy, the only sister of Ranald, now claimed the succession to that
principality.
THE MACDONALDS OR CLAN DONALD.
[Illustration: BADGE.--Heath.]
The Clan Donald derive their origin from a son of Reginald, who
appears to have inherited South Kintyre, and the island of Islay;
but little is known of their history until the annexation of the
Isles to the crown in the year 1266. According to Highland tradition,
Donald made a pilgrimage to Rome to do penance, and obtain absolution
for the various enormities of his former life; and, on his return,
evinced his gratitude and piety by making grants of land to the
monastery of Saddel, and other religious houses in Scotland. He was
succeeded by his son, Angus Mor, who, on the arrival of Haco with
his fleet, immediately joined the Norwegian king, and assisted him
during the whole of the expedition; yet, when a treaty of peace was
afterwards concluded between the kings of Norway and Scotland, he
does not appear to have suffered in consequence of the part which
he took in that enterprise. In the year 1284 he appeared at the
convention, by which the Maid of Norway was declared heiress of the
crown, and obtained as the price of his support on that occasion
a grant of Ardnamurchan, a part of the earldom of Garmoran,[141]
and the confirmation of his father’s and grandfather’s grants to
the monastery of Saddel. Angus left two sons, Alexander and Angus
Og (_i.e._, the younger). Alexander, by a marriage with one of the
daughters of Ewen of Ergadia, acquired a considerable addition to his
possessions; but having joined the Lord of Lorn in his opposition
to the claims of Robert Bruce, he became involved in the ruin of
that chief; and being obliged to surrender to the king, he was
imprisoned in Dundonald Castle, where he died. His whole possessions
were forfeited, and given to his brother, Angus Og, who, having
attached himself to the party of Bruce, and remained faithful in
the hour of adversity, now received the reward of his fidelity and
devotion. Angus assisted in the attack upon Carrick, when the king
recovered “his father’s hall;” and he was present at Bannockburn,
where, at the head of his clan, he formed the reserve, and did battle
“stalwart and stout,” on that never-to-be-forgotten day. Bruce,
having at length reaped the reward of all his toils and dangers, and
secured the independence of Scotland, was not unmindful of those
who had participated in the struggle thus victoriously consummated.
Accordingly, he bestowed upon Angus the lordship of Lochaber, which
had belonged to the Comyns, together with the lands of Durrour and
Glencoe, and the islands of Mull, Tyree, &c., which had formed
part of the possessions of the family of Lorn. Prudence might have
restrained the royal bounty. The family of the Isles were already
too powerful for subjects; but the king, secure of the attachment
and fidelity of Angus, contented himself with making the permission
to erect a castle or fort at Tarbet in Kintyre, a condition of the
grants which he had made. This distinguished chief died early in the
fourteenth century, leaving two sons, John his successor, and John
Og, the ancestor of the Macdonalds of Glencoe.
[Illustration: MACDONALD. (Tartan)]
Angus, as we have already seen, had all his life been a steady friend
to the crown, and had profited by his fidelity. But his son John
does not seem to have inherited the loyalty along with the power,
dignities, and possessions of his father. Having had some dispute
with the Regent concerning certain lands which had been granted by
Bruce, he joined the party of Edward Baliol and the English king;
and, by a formal treaty concluded on the 12th of December 1335, and
confirmed by Edward III. on the 5th October 1336, engaged to support
the pretensions of the former, in consideration of a grant of the
lands and islands claimed by the Earl of Moray, besides certain
other advantages. But all the intrigues of Edward were baffled;
Scotland was entirely freed from the dominion of the English; and,
in the year 1341, David II. was recalled from France to assume the
undisputed sovereignty of his native country. Upon his accession to
the throne, David, anxious to attach to his party the most powerful
of the Scottish barons, concluded a treaty with John of the Isles,
who, in consequence, pledged himself to support his government. But
a circumstance soon afterwards occurred which threw him once more
into the interest of Baliol and the English party. In 1346, Ranald
of the Isles having been slain at Perth by the Earl of Ross, as
already mentioned, John, who had married his sister Amy, immediately
laid claim to the succession. The government, however, unwilling
to aggrandise a chief already too powerful, determined to oppose
indirectly his pretensions, and evade the recognition of his claim.
It is unnecessary to detail the pretexts employed, or the obstacles
which were raised by the government. Their effect was to restore to
the party of Baliol one of its most powerful adherents, and to enable
John in the meanwhile to concentrate in his own person nearly all the
possessions of his ancestor Somerled.
But ere long a most remarkable change took place in the character
and position of the different parties or factions, which at that
time divided Scotland. The king of Scotland now appeared in the
extraordinary and unnatural character of a mere tool or partisan of
Edward, and even seconded covertly the endeavours of the English
king to overturn the independence of Scotland. Its effect was to
throw into active opposition the party which had hitherto supported
the throne and the cause of independence; and, on the other hand,
to secure to the enemies of both the favour and countenance of the
king. But as soon as by this interchange the English party became
identified with the royal faction, John of the Isles abandoned it,
and formed a connection with that party to which he had for many
years been openly opposed. At the head of the national party was the
Steward of Scotland, who, being desirous of strengthening himself
by alliances with the more powerful barons, hailed the accession of
John to his interests as an extraordinary piece of good fortune,
and cemented their union by giving to the Lord of the Isles his
own daughter in marriage. The real aim of this policy was not for
a moment misunderstood; but any open manifestation of force was
at first cautiously avoided. At length, in 1366, when the heavy
burdens imposed upon the people to raise the ransom of the king had
produced general discontent, and David’s jealousy of the Steward had
displayed itself by throwing into prison the acknowledged successor
to the throne, the northern barons broke out into open rebellion, and
refused either to pay the tax imposed, or to obey the king’s summons
to attend the parliament.
In this state matters remained for some time, when David applied
to the Steward, as the only person capable of restoring peace to
the country, and, at the same time, commissioned him to put down
the rebellion. The latter, satisfied that his objects would be more
effectually forwarded by steady opposition to the court than by
avowedly taking part with the insurgents, accepted the commission,
and employed every means in his power to reduce the refractory barons
to obedience. His efforts, however, were only partially successful.
The Earls of Mar and Ross, and other northern barons, whose object
was now attained, at once laid down their arms; John of Lorn and
Gillespie Campbell likewise gave in their submission; but the Lord
of the Isles, secure in the distance and inaccessible nature of his
territories, refused to yield, and, in fact, set the royal power
at defiance. The course of events, however, soon enabled David to
bring this refractory subject to terms. Edward, finding that France
required his undivided attention, was not in a condition to prosecute
his ambitious projects against Scotland; a peace was accordingly
concluded between the rival countries; and David thus found himself
at liberty to turn his whole force against the Isles. With this view
he commanded the attendance of the Steward and other barons of the
realm, and resolved to proceed in person against the rebels. But
the Steward, perceiving that the continuance of the rebellion might
prove fatal to his party, prevailed with his son-in-law to meet the
king at Inverness, where an agreement was entered into, by which the
Lord of the Isles not only engaged to submit to the royal authority,
and pay his share of all public burdens, but further promised to put
down all others who should attempt to resist either; and, besides
his own oath, he gave hostages to the king for the fulfilment of
this obligation. The accession of Robert Steward or Stewart to the
throne of Scotland, which took place in 1371, shortly after this act
of submission, brought the Lord of the Isles into close connection
with the court; and during the whole of this reign he remained in as
perfect tranquillity, and gave as loyal support to the government as
his father Angus had done under that of King Robert Bruce.[142] In
those barbarous and unsettled times, the government was not always
in a condition to reduce its refractory vassals by force; and, from
the frequent changes and revolutions to which it was exposed, joined
to its general weakness, the penalty of forfeiture was but little
dreaded. Its true policy, therefore, was to endeavour to bind to its
interests, by the ties of friendship and alliance, those turbulent
chiefs whom it was always difficult and often impossible to reduce to
obedience by the means commonly employed for that purpose.
The advice which King Robert Bruce had left for the guidance of
his successors, in regard to the Lords of the Isles, was certainly
dictated by sound political wisdom. He foresaw the danger which
would result to the crown were the extensive territories and
consequent influence of these insular chiefs ever again to be
concentrated in the person of one individual; and he earnestly
recommended to those who should come after him never, under any
circumstances, to permit or to sanction such aggrandisement.
But, in the present instance, the claims of John were too great
to be overlooked; and though Robert Stewart could scarcely have
been insensible of the eventual danger which might result from
disregarding the admonition of Bruce, yet he had not been more than
a year on the throne when he granted to his son-in-law a feudal
title to all those lands which had formerly belonged to Ranald the
son of Roderick, and thus conferred on him a boon which had often
been demanded in vain by his predecessors. King Robert, however,
since he could not with propriety obstruct the accumulation of so
much property in one house, attempted to sow the seeds of future
discord by bringing about a division of the property amongst the
different branches of the family. With this view he persuaded John,
who had been twice married, not only to gavel the lands amongst his
offspring, which was the usual practice of his family, but also to
render the children of both marriages feudally independent of one
another. Accordingly King Robert, in the third year of his reign,
confirmed a charter granted by John to Reginald, the second son of
the first marriage, by which the lands of Garmoran, forming the dowry
of Reginald’s mother, were to be held of John’s heirs; that is, of
the descendants of the eldest son of the first marriage, who would,
of course, succeed to all his possessions that had not been feudally
destined or devised to other parties. Nor was this all. A short time
afterwards John resigned into the king’s hands nearly the whole of
the western portion of his territories, and received from Robert
charters of these lands in favour of himself and the issue of his
marriage with the king’s daughter; so that the children of the second
marriage were rendered feudally independent of those of the first,
and the seeds of future discord and contention effectually sown
between them. After this period little is known of the history of
John, who is supposed to have died about the year 1380.
During the remainder of this king’s reign, and the greater part
of that of his successor, Robert III., no collision seems to have
taken place between the insular chiefs and the general government;
and hence little or nothing is known of their proceedings. But when
the dissensions of the Scottish barons, occasioned by the marriage
of the Duke of Rothesay, and the subsequent departure of the Earl
of March to the English court, led to a renewal of the wars between
the two countries, and the invasion of Scotland by an English army,
the insular chiefs appear to have renewed their intercourse with
England; being more swayed by considerations of interest or policy,
than by the ties of relationship to the royal family of Scotland. At
this time the clan was divided into two branches, the heads of which
seemed to have possessed co-ordinate rank and authority. Godfrey, the
eldest surviving son of the first marriage, ruled on the mainland, as
lord of Garmoran and Lochaber; Donald, the eldest son of the second
marriage, held a considerable territory of the crown, then known
as the feudal lordship of the Isles; whilst the younger brothers,
having received the provisions usually allotted by the law of gavel,
held these as vassals either of Godfrey or of Donald. This temporary
equipoise was, however, soon disturbed by the marriage of Donald
with Mary, the sister of Alexander Earl of Ross, in consequence
of which alliance he ultimately succeeded in obtaining possession
of the earldom. Euphemia, only child of Alexander, Earl of Ross,
entered a convent and became a nun, having previously committed the
charge of the earldom to her grandfather, Albany. Donald, however,
lost no time in preferring his claim to the succession in right of
his wife, the consequences of which have already been narrated in
detail.[143] Donald, with a considerable force, invaded Ross, and
met with little or no resistance from the people till he reached
Dingwall, where he was encountered by Angus Dhu Mackay, at the head
of a considerable body of men from Sutherland, whom, after a fierce
conflict, he completely defeated and made their leader prisoner.
Leaving the district of Ross, which now acknowledged his authority,
he advanced at the head of his army, through Moray, and penetrated
into Aberdeenshire. Here, however, a decisive check awaited him.
On the 24th of July, 1411, he was met at the village of Harlaw by
the Earl of Mar, at the head of an army inferior in numbers, but
composed of better materials; and a battle ensued, upon the event
of which seemed to depend the decision of the question, whether the
Celtic or the Sassenach part of the population of Scotland were in
future to possess the supremacy. The immediate issue of the conflict
was doubtful, and, as is usual in such cases, both parties claimed
the victory. But the superior numbers and irregular valour of the
Highland followers of Donald had received a severe check from the
steady discipline and more effective arms of the Lowland gentry; they
had been too roughly handled to think of renewing the combat, for
which their opponents seem to have been quite prepared; and, as in
such circumstances a drawn battle was equivalent to a defeat, Donald
was compelled, as the Americans say, “to advance backwards.” The
Duke of Albany, having obtained reinforcements, marched in person
to Dingwall; but Donald, having no desire to try again the fate of
arms, retired with his followers to the Isles, leaving Albany in
possession of the whole of Ross, where he remained during the winter.
Next summer the war was renewed, and carried on with various success,
until at length the insular chief found it necessary to come to terms
with the duke, and a treaty was concluded by which Donald agreed to
abandon his claim to the earldom of Ross, and to become a vassal of
the crown of Scotland.
The vigour of Albany restored peace to the kingdom, and the remainder
of his regency was not disturbed by any hostile attempt upon the
part of Donald of the Isles. But when the revenge of James I. had
consummated the ruin of the family of Albany, Alexander, the son of
Donald, succeeded, without any opposition, to the earldom of Ross,
and thus realised one grand object of his father’s ambition. At
almost any other period the acquisition of such extensive territories
would have given a decided and dangerous preponderance to the
family of the Isles. The government of Scotland, however, was then
in the hands of a man who, by his ability, energy, and courage,
proved himself fully competent to control his turbulent nobles, and,
if necessary, to destroy their power and influence. Distrustful,
however, of his ability to reduce the northern barons to obedience
by force of arms, he had recourse to stratagem; and having summoned
them to attend a parliament at Inverness, whither he proceeded,
attended by his principal nobility and a considerable body of troops,
he there caused forty of them to be arrested as soon as they made
their appearance. Alexander, Earl of Ross and Lord of the Isles, his
mother the Countess of Ross, and Alexander MacGodfrey, of Garmoran,
were amongst the number of those arrested on this occasion. Along
with several others, MacGodfrey was immediately executed, and his
whole possessions forfeited to the crown, and the remainder were
detained in captivity. By this bold stroke, James conceived that
he had effectually subdued the Highland chiefs; and, under this
impression, he soon afterwards liberated Alexander of the Isles. But
he seems to have forgotten that “vows made in pain,” or at least in
durance, “are violent and void.” The submission of the captive was
merely feigned. As soon as he had recovered his liberty, the Lord
of the Isles flew to arms, with what disastrous results to himself
has already been told.[144] So vigorously did the king’s officers
follow up the victory, that the insular chief, finding concealment
or escape equally impossible, was compelled to throw himself upon
the royal clemency. He went to Edinburgh, and, on the occasion of
a solemn festival celebrated in the chapel of Holyrood, on Easter
Sunday 1429, the unfortunate chief, whose ancestors had treated with
the crown on the footing of independent princes, appeared before the
assembled court in his shirt and drawers, and implored on his knees,
with a naked sword held by the point in his hand, the forgiveness
of his offended monarch. Satisfied with this extraordinary act of
humiliation, James granted the suppliant his life, and directed him
to be forthwith imprisoned in Tantallon castle.
The spirit of clanship could not brook such a mortal affront. The cry
for vengeance was raised; the strength of the clan was mustered; and
Alexander had scarcely been two years in captivity when the Isles
once more broke out into open insurrection. Under the command of
Donald Balloch, the cousin of Alexander and chief of clan Ranald,
the Islanders burst into Lochaber, where, having encountered an army
which had been stationed in that country for the purpose of overawing
the Highlanders, they gained a complete victory. The king’s troops
were commanded by the Earls of Mar and Caithness, the latter of whom
fell in the action, whilst the former saved with difficulty the
remains of the discomfited force. Donald Balloch, however, did not
follow up his victory, but having ravaged the adjacent districts,
withdrew first to the Isles, and afterwards to Ireland. In this
emergency James displayed his usual energy and activity. To repair
the reverse sustained by his lieutenants, he proceeded in person to
the North; his expedition was attended with complete success; and he
soon received the submission of all the chiefs who had been engaged
in the rebellion. Not long afterwards he was presented with what was
believed to be the head of Donald Balloch; “but,” says Mr Gregory,
“as Donald Balloch certainly survived king James many years, it is
obvious that the sending of the head to Edinburgh was a stratagem
devised by the crafty islander, in order to check further pursuit.”
The king, being thus successful, listened to the voice of clemency.
He restored to liberty the prisoner of Tantallon, granted him a free
pardon for his various acts of rebellion, confirmed to him all his
titles and possessions, and further conferred upon him the lordship
of Lochaber, which, on its forfeiture, had been given to the Earl of
Mar. The wisdom of this proceeding soon became apparent. Alexander
could scarcely forget the humiliation he had undergone, and the
imprisonment he had endured; and, in point of fact, he appears to
have joined the Earls of Crawford and Douglas, who at that time
headed the opposition to the court; but during the remainder of
his life the peace of the country was not again disturbed by any
rebellious proceedings on his part, and thus far the king reaped the
reward of his clemency. Alexander died about 1447, leaving three
sons, John, Hugh, and Celestine.
The opposition of Crawford, Douglas, and their associates had
hitherto been chronic; but, on the death of Alexander, it broke
out into active insurrection; and the new Lord of the Isles, as
determined an opponent of the royal party as his father had been,
seized the royal castles of Inverness, Urquhart, and Ruthven in
Badenoch, at the same time declaring himself independent. In thus
raising the standard of rebellion, John of the Isles was secretly
supported by the Earl of Douglas, and openly by the barons, who
were attached to his party. But a series of fatalities soon
extinguished this insurrection. Douglas was murdered in Edinburgh
Castle; Crawford was entirely defeated by Huntly; and John, by
the rebellion of his son Angus, was doomed to experience, in his
own territories, the same opposition which he had himself offered
to the general government. Submission was, therefore, inevitable.
Having for several years maintained a species of independence, he
was compelled to resign his lands into the hands of the king, and to
consent to hold them as a vassal of the crown. This, however, was
but a trifling matter compared with the rebellion of his son, which,
fomented probably by the court, proved eventually the ruin of the
principality of the Isles, after it had existed so long in a state
of partial independence. Various circumstances are stated as having
given rise to this extraordinary contest, although in none of these,
probably, is the true cause to be found. It appears, however, that
Angus Og,[145] having been appointed his father’s lieutenant and
representative in all his possessions, took advantage of the station
or office which was thus conferred on him, deprived his father of
all authority, and got himself declared Lord of the Isles. How this
was effected we know not; but scarcely had he attained the object
of his ambition, when he resolved to take signal vengeance upon the
Earl of Athole, an inveterate enemy of his house, and, at the same
time, to declare himself altogether independent of the crown. With
this view, having collected a numerous army, he suddenly appeared
before the castle of Inverness, and having been admitted by the
governor, who had no suspicion whatever of his design, immediately
proclaimed himself king of the Isles. He then invaded the district
of Athole; stormed and took Blair Castle; and having seized the earl
and countess, carried them prisoners to Islay. The reason given by Mr
Gregory for Angus’s enmity against the Earl and Countess of Athole
is, that the former having crossed over privately to Islay, carried
off the infant son of Angus, called Donald _Dubh_, or the Black, and
committed him to the care of Argyle, his maternal grandfather, who
placed him in the Castle of Inchconnely, where he was detained for
many years. Mr Gregory places this event after the Battle of Bloody
Bay. On his return to the Isles with the booty he had obtained, the
marauder was overtaken by a violent tempest, in which the greater
part of his galleys foundered. Heaven seemed to declare against
the spoiler, who had added sacrilege to rapine by plundering and
attempting to burn the chapel of St Bridget in Athole. Stricken with
remorse for the crime he had committed, he released the earl and
countess, and then sought to expiate his guilt by doing penance on
the spot where it had been incurred.
As a proof of the sincerity of his repentance, this Angus Og next
engaged in treason upon a larger scale. At the instigation of
this hopeful son, his father, whom he had already deprived of all
authority, now entered into a compact with the king of England and
the Earl of Douglas, the object of which was nothing less than
the entire subjugation of Scotland, and its partition amongst the
contracting parties. By this treaty, which is dated the 18th of
February 1462, the Lord of the Isles agreed, on the payment of a
stipulated sum, to become the sworn ally of the king of England,
and to assist that monarch, with the whole body of his retainers,
in the wars in Ireland and elsewhere; and it was further provided,
that in the event of the entire subjugation of Scotland, the whole of
that kingdom, to the north of the Firth of Forth, should be equally
divided between Douglas, the Lord of the Isles, and Donald Balloch
of Islay; whilst, on the other hand, Douglas was to be reinstated
in possession of those lands between the Forth and the English
borders, from which he had, at this time, been excluded. Conquest,
partition, and spoliation, were thus the objects contemplated in
this extraordinary compact. Yet no proceeding appears to have been
taken, in consequence of the treaty, until the year 1473, when we
find the Lord of the Isles again in arms against the government. He
continued several years in open rebellion; but having received little
or no support from the other parties to the league, he was declared
a traitor in a parliament held at Edinburgh in 1475, his estates
were also confiscated, and the Earls of Crawford and Athole were
directed to march against him at the head of a considerable force.
The meditated blow was, however, averted by the timely interposition
of his father, the Earl of Ross. By a seasonable grant of the lands
of Knapdale, he secured the influence of the Earl of Argyll, and
through the mediation of that nobleman, received a remission of his
past offences, was reinstated in his hereditary possessions, which
he had resigned into the hands of the crown, and created a peer of
parliament, by the title of the Lord of the Isles. The earldom of
Ross, the lands of Knapdale, and the sheriffships of Inverness and
Nairn were, however, retained by the crown, apparently as the price
of the remission granted to this doubly unfortunate man.
But Angus Og was no party to this arrangement. He continued to defy
the power of the government; and when the Earl of Athole was sent to
the north to reinstate the Earl of Ross in his remaining possessions,
he placed himself at the head of the clan, and prepared to give him
battle. Athole was joined by the Mackenzies, Mackays, Frasers, and
others; but being met by Angus at a place called Lagebread, he was
defeated with great slaughter, and escaped with great difficulty from
the field. The Earls of Crawford and Huntly were then sent against
this desperate rebel, the one by sea and the other by land; but
neither of them prevailed against the victorious insurgent. A third
expedition, under the Earls of Argyll and Athole, accompanied by
the father of the rebel and several families of the Isles, produced
no result; and the two earls, who seem to have had little taste for
an encounter with Angus, returned without effecting anything. John
the father, however, proceeded onwards through the Sound of Mull,
accompanied by the Macleans, Macleods, Macneills, and others, and
having encountered Angus in a bay on the south side of the promontory
of Ardnamurchan,[146] a desperate combat ensued, in which Angus was
again victorious, and his unfortunate parent overthrown. By the
battle of the Bloody Bay, as it is called in the traditions of the
country, Angus obtained possession of the extensive territories of
his clan, and, as “when treason prospers ’tis no longer treason,”
was recognised as its head. Angus, some time before 1490, when
marching to attack Mackenzie of Kintail, was assassinated by an Irish
harper.[147]
The rank of heir to the lordship of the Isles devolved on the nephew
of John, Alexander of Lochalsh, son of his brother, Celestine.
Placing himself at the head of the vassals of the Isles, he
endeavoured, it is said, with John’s consent, to recover possession
of the earldom of Ross, and in 1491, at the head of a large body of
western Highlanders, he advanced from Lochaber into Badenoch, where
he was joined by the clan Chattan. They then marched to Inverness,
where, after taking the royal castle, and placing a garrison in
it, they proceeded to the north-east, and plundered the lands of
Sir Alexander Urquhart, sheriff of Cromarty. They next hastened
to Strathconnan, for the purpose of ravaging the lands of the
Mackenzies. The latter, however, surprised and routed the invaders,
and expelled them from Ross, their leader, Alexander of Lochalsh,
being wounded, and as some say, taken prisoner. In consequence of
this insurrection, at a meeting of the Estates in Edinburgh in
May 1493, the title and possessions of the lord of the Isles were
declared to be forfeited to the crown. In January following the aged
John appeared in the presence of the king, and made a voluntary
surrender of his lordship, after which he appears to have remained
for some time in the king’s household, in the receipt of a pension.
He finally retired to the monastery of Paisley, where he died about
1498; and was interred, at his own request, in the tomb of his royal
ancestor, Robert II.[148]
With the view of reducing the insular chiefs to subjection, and
establishing the royal authority in the Islands, James IV., soon
after the forfeiture in 1493, proceeded in person to the West
Highlands, when Alexander of Lochalsh, the principal cause of the
insurrection which had led to it, and John of Isla, grandson and
representative of Donald Balloch, were among the first to make their
submission. On this occasion they appear to have obtained royal
charters of the lands they had previously held under the Lord of the
Isles, and were both knighted. In the following year the king visited
the Isles twice, and having seized and garrisoned the castle of
Dunaverty in South Kintyre, Sir John of Isla, deeply resenting this
proceeding, collected his followers, stormed the castle, and hung the
governor from the wall, in the sight of the king and his fleet. With
four of his sons, he was soon after apprehended at Isla, by MacIan
of Ardnamurchan, and being conveyed to Edinburgh, they were there
executed for high treason.
In 1495 King James assembled an army at Glasgow, and on the 18th
May, he was at the castle of Mingarry in Ardnamurchan, when several
of the Highland chiefs made their submission to him. In 1497 Sir
Alexander of Lochalsh again rebelled, and invading the more fertile
districts of Ross, was by the Mackenzies and Munroes, at a place
called Drumchatt, again defeated and driven out of Ross. Proceeding
southward among the Isles, he endeavoured to rouse the Islanders to
arms in his behalf, but without success. He was surprised in the
island of Oransay, by MacIan of Ardnamurchan, and put to death.
In 1501, Donald _Dubh_, whom the islanders regarded as their rightful
lord, and who, from his infancy, had been detained in confinement in
the castle of Inchconnell, escaped from prison, and appeared among
his clansmen. They had always maintained that he was the lawful
son of Angus of the Isles, by his wife the Lady Margaret Campbell,
daughter of the first Earl of Argyll, but his legitimacy was denied
by the government when the islanders combined to assert by arms his
claims as their hereditary chief. His liberation he owed to the
gallantry and fidelity of the men of Glencoe. Repairing to the isles
of Lewis, he put himself under the protection of its lord, Torquil
Macleod, who had married Katherine, another daughter of Argyll, and
therefore sister of the lady whom the islanders believed to be his
mother. A strong confederacy was formed in his favour, and about
Christmas 1503 an irruption of the islanders and western clans, under
Donald _Dubh_, was made into Badenoch, which was plundered and wasted
with fire and sword. To put down this formidable rebellion, the
array of the whole kingdom north of Forth and Clyde was called out;
and the Earls of Argyll, Huntly, Crawford, and Marischal, and Lord
Lovat, with other powerful barons, were charged to lead this force
against the islanders. But two years elapsed before the insurrection
was finally quelled. In 1505 the Isles were again invaded from the
south by the king in person, and from the north by Huntly, who took
several prisoners, but none of them of any rank. In these various
expeditions the fleet under the celebrated Sir Andrew Wood and
Robert Barton was employed against the islanders, and at length
the insurgents were dispersed. Carniburg, a strong fort on a small
isolated rock, near the west coast of Mull, in which they had taken
refuge, was reduced; the Macleans and the Macleods submitted to the
king, and Donald _Dubh_, again made a prisoner, was committed to the
castle of Edinburgh, where he remained for nearly forty years. After
this the great power formerly enjoyed by the Lords of the Isles was
transferred to the Earls of Argyll and Huntly, the former having
the chief rule in the south isles and adjacent coasts, while the
influence of the latter prevailed in the north isles and Highlands.
The children of Sir Alexander of Lochalsh, the nephew of John the
fourth and last Lord of the Isles, had fallen into the hands of the
king, and as they were all young, they appear to have been brought
up in the royal household. Donald, the eldest son, called by the
Highlanders, Donald _Galda_, or the foreigner, from his early
residence in the Lowlands, was allowed to inherit his father’s
estates, and was frequently permitted to visit the Isles. He was with
James IV. at the battle of Flodden, and appears to have been knighted
under the royal banner on that disastrous field. Two months after,
in November 1513, he raised another insurrection in the Isles, and
being joined by the Macleods and Macleans, was proclaimed Lord of
the Isles. The numbers of his adherents daily increased. But in the
course of 1515, the Earl of Argyll prevailed upon the insurgents to
submit to the regent. At this time Sir Donald appeared frequently
before the council, relying on a safe-conduct, and his reconciliation
to the regent (John, Duke of Albany) was apparently so cordial that
on 24th September 1516, a summons was despatched to ‘Monsieur de
Ylis,’ to join the royal army, then about to proceed to the borders.
Ere long, however, he was again in open rebellion. Early in 1517 he
razed the castle of Mingarry to the ground, and ravaged the whole
district of Ardnamurchan with fire and sword. His chief leaders now
deserted him, and some of them determined on delivering him up to
the regent. He, however, effected his escape, but his two brothers
were made prisoners by Maclean of Dowart and Macleod of Dunvegan,
who hastened to make their submission to the government. In the
following year, Sir Donald was enabled to revenge the murder of his
father on the MacIans of Ardnamurchan, having defeated and put to
death their chief and two of his sons, with a great number of his
men. He was about to be forfeited for high treason, when his death,
which took place a few weeks after his success against the MacIans,
brought the rebellion, which had lasted for upwards of five years, to
a sudden close. He was the last male of his family, and died without
issue.
In 1539, Donald Gorme of Sleat claimed the lordship of the Isles, as
lawful heir male of John, Earl of Ross. With a considerable force he
passed over into Ross-shire, where, after ravaging the district of
Kinlochewe, he proceeded to Kintail, with the intention of surprising
the castle Eilandonan, at that time almost without a garrison.
Exposing himself rashly under the wall, he received a wound in the
foot from an arrow, which proved fatal.
In 1543, under the regency of the Earl of Arran, Donald _Dubh_,
the grandson of John, last Lord of the Isles, again appeared upon
the scene. Escaping from his long imprisonment, he was received
with enthusiasm by the insular chiefs, and, with their assistance,
he prepared to expel the Earls of Argyll and Huntly from their
acquisitions in the Isles. At the head of 1800 men he invaded
Argyll’s territories, slew many of his vassals, and carried off
a great quantity of cattle, with other plunder. At first he was
supported by the Earl of Lennox, then attached to the English
interest, and thus remained for a time in the undisputed possession
of the Isles. Through the influence of Lennox, the islanders agreed
to transfer their alliance from the Scottish to the English crown,
and in June 1545 a proclamation was issued by the regent Arran and
his privy council against ‘Donald, alleging himself of the Isles,
and other Highland men, his partakers.’ On the 28th July of that
year, a commission was granted by Donald, ‘Lord of the Isles, and
Earl of Ross,’ with the advice and consent of his barons and council
of the Isles, of whom seventeen are named, to two commissioners,
for treating, under the directions of the Earl of Lennox, with
the English king. On the 5th of August, the lord and barons of
the Isles were at Knockfergus, in Ireland, with a force of 4000
men and 180 galleys, when they took the oath of allegiance to the
king of England, at the command of Lennox, while 4000 men in arms
were left to guard and defend the Isles in his absence. Donald’s
plenipotentiaries then proceeded to the English court with letters
from him both to King Henry and his privy council; by one of which
it appears that the Lord of the Isles had already received from the
English monarch the sum of one thousand crowns, and the promise of
an annual pension of two thousand. Soon after the Lord of the Isles
returned with his forces to Scotland, but appears to have returned to
Ireland again with Lennox. There he was attacked with fever, and died
at Drogheda, on his way to Dublin. With him terminated the direct
line of the Lords of the Isles.
All hopes of a descendant of Somerled again governing the Isles
were now at an end; and from this period the race of Conn, unable
to regain their former united power and consequence, were divided
into various branches, the aggregate strength of which was rendered
unavailing for the purpose of general aggrandisement, by the
jealousy, disunion, and rivalry, which prevailed among themselves.
After the forfeiture of the Lords of the Isles, and the failure of
the successive attempts which were made to retrieve their fortunes,
different clans occupied the extensive territories which had once
acknowledged the sway of those insular princes. Of these some were
clans, which, although dependent upon the Macdonalds, were not of
the same origin as the race of Conn; and, with the exception of
the Macleods, Macleans, and a few others, they strenuously opposed
all the attempts which were made to effect the restoration of the
family of the Isles, rightly calculating that the success of such
opposition would tend to promote their own aggrandisement. Another
class, again, were of the same origin as the family of the Isles; but
having branched off from the principal stem before the succession
of the elder branches reverted to the clan, in the person of John
of the Isles, during the reign of David II., they now appeared as
separate clans. Amongst these were the Macalisters, the MacIans, and
some others. The Macalisters, who are traced to Alister, a son of
Angus Mor, inhabited the south of Knapdale and the north of Kintyre.
After the forfeiture of the Isles they became independent; but being
exposed to the encroachments of the Campbells, their principal
possessions were ere long absorbed by different branches of that
powerful clan. The MacIans of Ardnamurchan were descended from John,
a son of Angus Mor, to whom his father conveyed the property which
he had obtained from the crown. The Macdonalds of Glencoe are also
MacIans, being descended from John Fraoch, a son of Angus Og, Lord
of the Isles; and hence their history is in no degree different
from that of the other branches of the Macdonalds. A third class
consisted of the descendants of the different Lords of the Isles,
who still professed to form one clan, although the subject of the
representation of the race soon introduced great dissensions, and all
adopted the generic name of Macdonald in preference to secondary or
collateral patronymics.
We shall now endeavour to give a short account of the different
branches of the Macdonalds, from the time of the annexation of the
Lordship of the Isles to the crown in 1540.
Since the extinction of the direct line of the family of the Isles,
in the middle of the 16th century, Macdonald of Sleat, now Lord
Macdonald, has always been styled in Gaelic _Mac Dhonuill nan
Eilean_, or Macdonald of the Isles.[149]
As the claim of Lord Macdonald, however, to this distinction has been
keenly disputed, we shall here lay before the reader, as clearly as
possible, the pretensions of the different claimants to the honour
of the chiefship of the clan Donald, as these have been very fairly
stated by Mr Skene.
That the family of Sleat are the undoubted representatives of
John, Earl of Ross, and the last Lord of the Isles, appears to be
admitted on all sides; but, on the other hand, if the descendants
of Donald, from whom the clan received its name, or even of John
of the Isles, who flourished in the reign of David II., are to be
held as constituting one clan, then, according to the Highland
principles of clanship, the _jus sanguinis_, or right of blood to
the chiefship, rested in the male representative of John, whose own
right was undoubted. By Amy, daughter of Roderick of the Isles, John
had three sons,--John, Godfrey, and Ranald; but the last of these
only left descendants; and it is from him that the Clan Ranald derive
their origin. Again, by the daughter of Robert II. John had four
sons--Donald, Lord of the Isles, the ancestor of the Macdonalds of
Sleat; John Mor, from whom proceeded the Macconnells of Kintyre;
Alister, the progenitor of Keppoch; and Angus, who does not appear
to have left any descendants. That Amy, the daughter of Roderick,
was John’s legitimate wife, is proved, first, by a dispensation
which the supreme Pontiff granted to John in the year 1337; and
secondly, by a treaty concluded between John and David II. in
1369, when the hostages given to the king were a son of the second
marriage, a grandson of the first, and a _natural_ son. Besides, it
is certain that the children of the first marriage were considered as
John’s feudal heirs; a circumstance which clearly establishes their
legitimacy. It is true that Robert II., in pursuance of the policy he
had adopted, persuaded John to make the children of these respective
marriages feudally independent of each other; and that the effect of
this was to divide the possessions of his powerful vassals into two
distinct and independent lordships. These were, first, the lordship
of Garmoran and Lochaber, which was held by the eldest son of the
first marriage,--and secondly, that of the Isles, which passed to
the eldest son of the second marriage; and matters appear to have
remained in this state until 1427, when, as formerly mentioned, the
Lord of Garmoran was beheaded, and his estates were forfeited to the
crown. James I., however, reversing the policy which had been pursued
by his predecessor, concentrated the possessions of the Macdonalds
in the person of the Lord of the Isles, and thus sought to restore
to him all the power and consequence which had originally belonged
to his house; “but this arbitrary proceeding,” says Mr Skene, “could
not deprive the descendants of the first marriage of the feudal
representation of the chiefs of the clan Donald, which now, on the
failure of the issue of Godfrey in the person of his son Alexander,
devolved on the feudal representative of Reginald, the youngest son
of that marriage.”
The clan Ranald are believed to have derived their origin from this
Reginald or Ranald, who was a son of John of the Isles, by Amy
MacRory, and obtained from his father the lordship of Garmoran,
which he held as vassal of his brother Godfrey. That this lordship
continued in possession of the clan appears evident from the
Parliamentary Records, in which, under the date of 1587, mention is
made of the clan Ranald of Knoydart, Moydart, and Glengarry. But
considerable doubt has arisen, and there has been a good deal of
controversy, as to the right of chiefship; whilst of the various
families descended from Ranald each has put forward its claim to
this distinction. On this knotty and ticklish point we shall content
ourselves with stating the conclusions at which Mr Skene arrived
‘after,’ as he informs us, ‘a rigid examination’ of the whole subject
in dispute. According to him, the present family of Clanranald
have no valid title or pretension whatever, being descended from
an illegitimate son of a second son of the old family of Moydart,
who, in 1531, assumed the title of Captain of Clanranald; and,
consequently, as long as the descendants of the eldest son of that
family remain, they can have no claim by right of blood to the
chiefship. He then proceeds to examine the question,--Who was the
chief previous to this assumption of the captaincy of Clanranald?
and, from a genealogical induction of particulars, he concludes
that Donald, the progenitor of the family of Glengarry, was the
eldest son of the Reginald or Ranald above-mentioned; that from
John, the eldest son of Donald, proceeded the senior branch of this
family, in which the chiefship was vested; that, in consequence of
the grant of Garmoran to the Lord of the Isles, and other adverse
circumstances, they became so much reduced that the oldest cadet
obtained the actual chiefship, under the ordinary title of captain;
and that, on the extinction of this branch in the beginning of the
seventeenth century, the family of Glengarry descended from Alister,
second son of Donald, became the legal representatives of Ranald,
the common ancestor of the clan, and consequently possessed that
_jus sanguinis_ of which no usurpation could deprive them. Such are
the results of Mr Skene’s researches upon this subject. Latterly,
the family of Glengarry have claimed not only the chiefship of clan
Ranald, but likewise that of the whole clan Donald, as being the
representative of Donald, the common ancestor of the clan; and it can
scarcely be denied that the same evidence which makes good the one
point must serve equally to establish the other. Nor does this appear
to be any new pretension. When the services rendered by this family
to the house of Stuart were rewarded by Charles II. with a peerage,
the Glengarry of the time indicated his claim by assuming the title
of Lord Macdonnell and Aros; and although, upon the failure of heirs
male of his body, this title did not descend to his successors, yet
his lands formed, in consequence, the barony of Macdonnell.
Donald Gorme, the claimant of the lordship of the Isles mentioned
above as having been slain in 1539, left a grandson, a minor, known
as Donald Macdonald Gormeson of Sleat. His title to the family
estates was disputed by the Macleods of Harris. He ranged himself on
the side of Queen Mary when the disputes about her marriage began in
1565. He died in 1585, and was succeeded by Donald Gorme Mor, fifth
in descent from Hugh of Sleat. This Donald Gorme proved himself to be
a man of superior abilities, and was favoured highly by James VI., to
whom he did important service in maintaining the peace of the Isles.
“From this period, it may be observed, the family were loyal to the
crown, and firm supporters of the national constitution and laws; and
it is also worthy of notice that nearly all the clans attached to the
old Lords of the Isles, on the failure of the more direct line in the
person of John, transferred their warmest affections to those royal
Stuarts, whose throne they had before so often and so alarmingly
shaken. This circumstance, as all men know, became strikingly
apparent when misfortune fell heavily in turn on the Stuarts.”[150]
Donald Gorme Mor, soon after succeeding his father, found himself
involved in a deadly feud with the Macleans of Dowart, which raged
to such an extent as to lead to the interference of government, and
to the passing in 1587 of an act of parliament, commonly called “The
general Bond” or Band for maintaining good order both on the borders
and in the Highlands and Isles. By this act, it was made imperative
on all landlords, bailies, and chiefs of clans, to find sureties
for the peaceable behaviour of those under them. The contentions,
however, between the Macdonalds and the Macleans continued, and in
1589, with the view of putting an end to them, the king and council
adopted the following plan. After remissions under the privy seal
had been granted to Donald Gorme of Sleat, his kinsman, Macdonald
of Islay, the principal in the feud, and Maclean of Dowart, for all
crimes committed by them, they were induced to proceed to Edinburgh,
under pretence of consulting with the king and council for the good
rule of the country, but immediately on their arrival they were
seized and imprisoned in the castle. In the summer of 1591, they
were set at liberty, on paying each a fine to the king, that imposed
on Sleat being £4,000, under the name of arrears of feu-duties and
crown-rents in the Isles, and finding security for their future
obedience and the performance of certain prescribed conditions. They
also bound themselves to return to their confinement in the castle of
Edinburgh, whenever they should be summoned, on twenty days’ warning.
In consequence of their not fulfilling the conditions imposed upon
them, and their continuing in opposition to the government, their
pardons were recalled, and the three island chiefs were cited before
the privy council on the 14th July 1593, when, failing to appear,
summonses of treason were executed against them and certain of their
associates.
In 1601, the chief of Sleat again brought upon himself and his clan
the interference of government by a feud with Macleod of Dunvegan,
which led to much bloodshed and great misery and distress among
their followers and their families. He had married a sister of
Macleod; but, from jealousy or some other cause, he put her away, and
refused at her brother’s request to take her back. Having procured
a divorce, he soon after married a sister of Kenneth Mackenzie of
Kintail. Macleod immediately assembled his clan, and carried fire and
sword through Macdonald’s district of Trotternish. The latter, in
revenge, invaded Harris, and laid waste that island, killing many of
the inhabitants, and carrying off their cattle. “These spoliations
and incursions were carried on with so much inveteracy, that both
clans were brought to the brink of ruin; and many of the natives of
the districts thus devastated were forced to sustain themselves by
killing and eating their horses, dogs, and cats.” The Macdonalds
having invaded Macleod’s lands in Skye, a battle took place on the
mountain Benquillin between them and the Macleods, when the latter,
under Alexander, the brother of their chief, were defeated with great
loss, and their leader, with thirty of their clan, taken captive. A
reconciliation was at length effected between them by the mediation
of Macdonald of Islay, Maclean of Coll, and other friends; when the
prisoners taken at Benquillin were released.[151]
In 1608, we find Donald Gorme of Sleat one of the Island chiefs who
attended the court of Lord Ochiltree, the king’s lieutenant, at
Aros in Mull, when he was sent there for the settlement of order
in the Isles, and who afterwards accepted his invitation to dinner
on board the king’s ship, called the Moon. When dinner was ended,
Ochiltree told the astonished chiefs that they were his prisoners
by the king’s order; and weighing anchor he sailed direct to Ayr,
whence he proceeded with his prisoners to Edinburgh and presented
them before the privy council, by whose order they were placed
in the castles of Dumbarton, Blackness, and Stirling. Petitions
were immediately presented by the imprisoned chiefs to the council
submitting themselves to the king’s pleasure, and making many offers
in order to procure their liberation. In the following year the
bishop of the Isles was deputed as sole commissioner to visit and
survey the Isles, and all the chiefs in prison were set at liberty,
on finding security to a large amount, not only for their return to
Edinburgh by a certain fixed day, but for their active concurrence,
in the meantime, with the bishop in making the proposed survey.
Donald Gorme of Sleat was one of the twelve chiefs and gentlemen of
the Isles, who met the bishop at Iona, in July 1609, and submitted
themselves to him, as the king’s representative. At a court then held
by the bishop, the nine celebrated statutes called the “Statutes of
Icolmkill,” for the improvement and order of the Isles, were enacted,
with the consent of the assembled chiefs, and their bonds and oaths
given for the obedience thereto of their clansmen.[152]
In 1616, after the suppression of the rebellion of the Clanranald
in the South Isles, certain very stringent conditions were imposed
by the privy council on the different Island chiefs. Among these
were, that they were to take home-farms into their own hands, which
they were to cultivate, “to the effect that they might be thereby
exercised and eschew idleness,” and that they were not to use in
their houses more than a certain quantity of wine respectively.
Donald Gorme of Sleat, having been prevented by sickness from
attending the council with the other chiefs, ratified all their
proceedings, and found the required sureties, by a bond dated in
the month of August. He named Duntulm, a castle of his family in
Trotternish, Skye, as his residence, when six household gentlemen,
and an annual consumption of four tun of wine, were allowed to
him; and he was once-a-year to exhibit to the council three of his
principal kinsmen. He died the same year, without issue, and was
succeeded by his nephew, Donald Gorme Macdonald of Sleat.
On July 14th 1625, after having concluded, in an amicable manner, all
his disputes with the Macleods of Harris, and another controversy in
which he was engaged with the captain of Clanranald, he was created
a baronet of Nova Scotia by Charles I., with a special clause of
precedency placing him second of that order in Scotland. He adhered
to the cause of that monarch, but died in 1643. He had married Janet,
commonly called “fair Janet,” second daughter of Kenneth, first
Lord Mackenzie of Kintail, by whom he had several children. His
eldest son, Sir James Macdonald, second baronet of Sleat, joined
the Marquis of Montrose in 1645, and when Charles II. marched into
England in 1651, he sent a number of his clan to his assistance. He
died 8th December 1678.
Sir James’ eldest son, Sir Donald Macdonald, third baronet of Sleat,
died in 1695. His son, also named Sir Donald, fourth baronet, was one
of those summoned by the Lord Advocate, on the breaking out of the
rebellion of 1715, to appear at Edinburgh, under pain of a year’s
imprisonment and other penalties, to give bail for their allegiance
to the government. Joining in the insurrection, his two brothers
commanded the battalion of his clan, on the Pretender’s side, at
Sheriffmuir; and, being sent out with the Earl Marischal’s horse to
drive away a reconnoitring party, under the Duke of Argyll, from
the heights, may be said to have commenced the battle. Sir Donald
himself had joined the Earl of Seaforth at his camp at Alness with
700 Macdonalds. After the suppression of the rebellion, Sir Donald
proceeded to the Isle of Skye with about 1000 men; but although
he made no resistance, having no assurance of protection from the
government in case of a surrender, he retired into one of the Uists,
where he remained till he obtained a ship which carried him to
France. He was forfeited for his share in the insurrection, but the
forfeiture was soon removed. He died in 1718, leaving one son and
four daughters.
His son, Sir Alexander Macdonald, seventh baronet, was one of the
first persons asked by Prince Charles to join him, on his arrival off
the Western Islands, in July 1745, but refused, as he had brought no
foreign force with him. After the battle of Preston, the prince sent
Mr Alexander Macleod, advocate, to the Isle of Skye, to endeavour
to prevail upon Sir Alexander Macdonald and the laird of Macleod
to join the insurgents; but instead of doing so, these and other
well-affected chiefs enrolled each an independent company for the
service of government, out of their respective clans. The Macdonalds
of Skye served under Lord Loudon in Ross-shire.
After the battle of Culloden, when Prince Charles, in his wanderings,
took refuge in Skye, with Flora Macdonald, they landed near
Moydhstat, or Mugstot, the seat of Sir Alexander Macdonald, near the
northern extremity of that island. Sir Alexander was at that time
with the Duke of Cumberland at Fort Augustus, and as his wife, Lady
Margaret Montgomerie, a daughter of the ninth Earl of Eglinton, was
known to be a warm friend of the prince. Miss Macdonald proceeded to
announce to her his arrival. Through Lady Margaret the prince was
consigned to the care of Mr Macdonald of Kingsburgh, Sir Alexander’s
factor, at whose house he spent the night, and afterwards departed
to the island of Rasay. Sir Alexander died in November 1746, leaving
three sons.
His eldest son, Sir James, eighth baronet, styled “The Scottish
Marcellus,” was born in 1741. At his own earnest solicitation he was
sent to Eton, on leaving which he set out on his travels, and was
everywhere received by the learned with the distinction due to his
unrivalled talents. At Rome, in particular, the most marked attention
was paid to him by several of the cardinals. He died in that city
on 26th July 1766, when only 25 years old. In extent of learning,
and in genius, he resembled the admirable Crichton. On his death the
title devolved on his next brother, Alexander, ninth baronet, who
was created a peer of Ireland, July 17, 1776, as Baron Macdonald
of Sleat, county Antrim. He married the eldest daughter of Godfrey
Bosville, Esq. of Gunthwaite, Yorkshire, and had seven sons and three
daughters. Diana, the eldest daughter, married in 1788 the Right Hon.
Sir John Sinclair of Ulbster. His lordship died Sept. 12, 1795.
His eldest son, Alexander Wentworth, second Lord Macdonald, died
unmarried, June 9, 1824, when his brother, Godfrey, became third Lord
Macdonald. He assumed the additional name of Bosville. He married
Louise Maria, daughter of Farley Edsir, Esq.; issue, three sons and
seven daughters. He died Oct. 13, 1832.
The eldest son, Godfrey William Wentworth, fourth Lord Macdonald,
born in 1809, married in 1845, daughter of G. T. Wyndham, Esq. of
Cromer Hall, Norfolk; issue, Somerled James Brudenell, born in 1849,
two other sons and four daughters.
The MACDONALDS of ISLA and KINTYRE, called the Clan IAN VOR, whose
chiefs were usually styled lords of Dunyveg (from their castle in
Isla) and the Glens, were descended from John Mor, second son of “the
good John of Isla,” and of Lady Margaret Stewart, daughter of King
Robert II. From his brother Donald, Lord of the Isles, he received
large grants of land in Isla and Kintyre, and by his marriage with
Marjory Bisset, heiress of the district of the Glens in Antrim, he
acquired possessions in Ulster. He was murdered before 1427 by an
individual named James Campbell, who is said to have received a
commission from King James I. to apprehend him, but that he exceeded
his powers by putting him to death. His eldest son was the famous
Donald Balloch. From Ranald Bane, a younger brother of Donald
Balloch, sprang the Clanranaldbane of Largie in Kintyre.
Donald Balloch’s grandson, John, surnamed _Cathanach_, or warlike,
was at the head of the clan Ian Vor, when the lordship of the Isles
was finally forfeited by James IV. in 1493. In that year he was among
the chiefs, formerly vassals of the Lord of the Isles, who made their
submission to the king, when he proceeded in person to the West
Highlands. On this occasion he and the other chiefs were knighted.
Alexander of Isla was with Sir Donald of Lochalsh when, in 1518,
he proceeded against the father-in-law of the former, MacIan of
Ardnamurchan, who was defeated and slain, with two of his sons, at
a place called Craiganairgid, or the Silver Craig in Morvern. The
death of Sir Donald soon after brought the rebellion to a close. In
1529 Alexander of Isla and his followers were again in insurrection,
and being joined by the Macleans, they made descents upon Roseneath,
Craignish, and other lands of the Campbells, which they ravaged with
fire and sword. Alexander of Isla being considered the prime mover
of the rebellion, the king resolved in 1531 to proceed against him
in person, on which, hastening to Stirling, under a safeguard and
protection, he submitted, and received a new grant, during the king’s
pleasure, of certain lands in the South Isles and Kintyre, and a
remission to himself and his followers for all crimes committed by
them during the late rebellion.
In 1543, on the second escape of Donald Dubh, grandson of John, last
lord of the Isles, and the regent Arran’s opposing the views of
the English faction, James Macdonald of Isla, son and successor to
Alexander, was the only insular chief who supported the regent. In
the following year his lands of Kintyre were ravaged by the Earl of
Lennox, the head of the English party.
After the death of Donald Dubh, the islanders chose for their leader
James Macdonald of Isla, who married Lady Agnes Campbell, the Earl of
Argyll’s sister, and though the most powerful of the Island chiefs,
he relinquished his pretensions to the lordship of the Isles, being
the last that assumed that title.
A dispute between the Macleans and the clan Ian Vor, relative to the
right of occupancy of certain crown lands in Isla, led to a long and
bloody feud between these tribes, in which both suffered severely.
In 1562 the matter was brought before the privy council, when it was
decided that James Macdonald of Isla was really the crown tenant, and
as Maclean refused to become his vassal, in 1565 the rival chiefs
were compelled to find sureties, each to the amount of £10,000, that
they would abstain from mutual hostilities.
James having been killed while helping to defend his family estates
in Ulster, Ireland, his eldest son, Angus Macdonald, succeeded to
Isla and Kintyre, and in his time the feud with the Macleans was
renewed, details of which will be found in the former part of this
work. In 1579, upon information of mutual hostilities committed by
their followers, the king and council commanded Lauchlan Maclean
of Dowart and Angus Macdonald of Dunyveg or Isla, to subscribe
assurances of indemnity to each other, under the pain of treason,
and the quarrel was, for the time, patched up by the marriage of
Macdonald with Maclean’s sister. In 1585, however, the feud came to
a height, and after involving nearly the whole of the island clans
on one side or the other, and causing its disastrous consequences
to be felt throughout the whole extent of the Hebrides, by the
mutual ravages of the contending parties, government interfered,
and measures were at last adopted for reducing to obedience the
turbulent chiefs, who had caused so much bloodshed and distress in
the Isles.
James Macdonald, son of Angus Macdonald of Dunyveg, had remained in
Edinburgh for four years as a hostage for his father, and early in
1596 he received a license to visit him, in the hope that he might
be prevailed upon to submit to the laws, that the peace of the Isles
might be secured. He sent his son, who was soon afterwards knighted,
back to court to make known to the privy council, in his father’s
name and his own, that they would fulfil whatever conditions should
be prescribed to them by his majesty. At this time Angus made over
to his son all his estates, reserving only a proper maintenance for
himself and his wife during their lives. When Sir William Stewart
arrived at Kintyre, and held a court there, the chief of Isla and his
followers hastened to make their personal submission to the king’s
representative, and early in the following year he went to Edinburgh,
when he undertook to find security for the arrears of his crown
rents, to remove his clan and dependers from Kintyre and the Rinns of
Isla, and to deliver his castle of Dunyveg to any person sent by the
king to receive it.
Angus Macdonald having failed to fulfil these conditions, his son,
Sir James, was in 1598 sent to him from court, to induce him to
comply with them. His resignation of his estates in favour of his
son was not recognised by the privy council, as they had already
been forfeited to the crown; but Sir James, on his arrival, took
possession of them, and even attempted to burn his father and mother
in their house of Askomull in Kintyre. Angus Macdonald, after having
been taken prisoner, severely scorched, was carried to Smerbie in
Kintyre, and confined there in irons for several months. Sir James,
now in command of his clan, conducted himself with such violence,
that in June 1598 a proclamation for another royal expedition to
Kintyre was issued. He, however, contrived to procure from the king
a letter approving of his proceedings in Kintyre, and particularly
of his apprehension of his father; and the expedition, after being
delayed for some time, was finally abandoned.
In August of the following year, with the view of being reconciled to
government, Sir James appeared in presence of the king’s comptroller
at Falkland, and made certain proposals for establishing the royal
authority in Kintyre and Isla; but the influence of Argyll, who took
the part of Angus Macdonald, Sir James’s father, and the Campbells,
having been used against their being carried into effect, the
arrangement came to nothing, and Sir James and his clan were driven
into irremediable opposition to the government, which ended in their
ruin.
Sir James, finding that it was the object of Argyll to obtain for
himself the king’s lands in Kintyre, made an attempt in 1606 to
escape from the castle of Edinburgh, where he was imprisoned; but
being unsuccessful, was put in irons. In the following year a charter
was granted to Argyll of the lands in North and South Kintyre, and in
the Isle of Jura, which had been forfeited by Angus Macdonald, and
thus did the legal right to the lands of Kintyre pass from a tribe
which had held them for many hundred years.[153]
Angus Macdonald and his clan immediately took up arms, and his son,
Sir James, after many fruitless applications to the privy council,
to be set at liberty, and writing both to the king and the Duke of
Lennox, made another attempt to escape from the castle of Edinburgh,
but having hurt his ancle by leaping from the wall whilst encumbered
with his fetters, he was retaken near the West Port of that city,
and consigned to his former dungeon. Details of the subsequent
transactions in this rebellion will be found in the former part of
this work.[154]
After the fall of Argyll, who had turned Roman Catholic, and had
also fled to Spain, where he is said to have entered into some
very suspicious dealings with his former antagonist, Sir James
Macdonald, who was living there in exile, the latter was, in 1620,
with MacRanald of Keppoch, recalled from exile by King James. On
their arrival in London, Sir James received a pension of 1000 merks
sterling, while Keppoch got one of 200 merks. His majesty also wrote
to the Scottish privy council in their favour, and granted them
remissions for all their offences. Sir James, however, never again
visited Scotland, and died at London in 1626, without issue. The clan
Ian Vor from this period may be said to have been totally suppressed.
Their lands were taken possession of by the Campbells, and the
most valuable portion of the property of the ducal house of Argyll
consists of what had formerly belonged to the Macdonalds of Isla and
Kintyre.
The MACDONALDS of GARRAGACH and KEPPOCH, called the CLANRANALD of
LOCHABER, were descended from Alexander, or Allaster Carrach, third
son of John, Lord of the Isles, and Lady Margaret Stewart. He was
forfeited for joining the insurrection of the Islanders, under Donald
Balloch, in 1431, and the greater part of his lands were bestowed
upon Duncan Mackintosh, captain of the clan Chattan, which proved the
cause of a fierce and lasting feud between the Mackintoshes and the
Macdonalds. It was from Ranald, the fourth in descent from Allaster
Carrach, that the tribe received the name of the Clanranald of
Lochaber.
In 1498, the then chief of the tribe, Donald, elder brother of
Allaster MacAngus, grandson of Allaster Carrach, was killed in
a battle with Dougal Stewart, first of Appin. His son John, who
succeeded him, having delivered up to Mackintosh, chief of the clan
Chattan, as steward of Lochaber, one of the tribe who had committed
some crime, and had fled to him for protection, rendered himself
unpopular among his clan, and was deposed from the chiefship. His
cousin and heir-male presumptive, Donald Glas MacAllaster, was
elected chief in his place. During the reign of James IV., says Mr
Gregory, this tribe continued to hold their lands in Lochaber, as
occupants merely, and without a legal claim to the heritage.[155]
In 1546 Ranald Macdonald Glas, who appears to have been the son of
Donald Glas MacAllaster, and the captain of the clan Cameron, being
present at the slaughter of Lord Lovat and the Frasers at the battle
of Kinloch-lochy, and having also supported all the rebellions of
the Earl of Lennox, concealed themselves in Lochaber, when the Earl
of Huntly entered that district with a considerable force and laid
it waste, taking many of the inhabitants prisoners. Having been
apprehended by William Mackintosh, captain of the clan Chattan,
the two chiefs were delivered over to Huntly, who conveyed them to
Perth, where they were detained in prison for some time. They were
afterwards tried at Elgin for high treason, and being found guilty,
were beheaded in 1547.
Allaster MacRanald of Keppoch and his eldest son assisted Sir James
Macdonald in his escape from Edinburgh Castle in 1615, and was with
him at the head of his clan during his subsequent rebellion. On its
suppression, he fled towards Kintyre, and narrowly escaped being
taken with the loss of his vessels and some of his men.
In the great civil war the Clanranald of Lochaber were very active
on the king’s side. Soon after the Restoration, Alexander Macdonald
Glas, the young chief of Keppoch, and his brother were murdered by
some of their own discontented followers. Coll Macdonald was the
next chief. Previous to the Revolution of 1688, the feud between
his clan and the Mackintoshes, regarding the lands he occupied, led
to the last clan battle that was ever fought in the Highlands. The
Mackintoshes having invaded Lochaber, were defeated on a height
called Mulroy. So violent had been Keppoch’s armed proceedings before
this event that the government had issued a commission of fire and
sword against him. After the defeat of the Mackintoshes, he advanced
to Inverness, to wreak his vengeance on the inhabitants of that town
for supporting the former against him, if they did not purchase his
forbearance by paying a large sum as a fine. Dundee, however, anxious
to secure the friendship of the people of Inverness, granted Keppoch
his own bond in behalf of the town, obliging himself to see Keppoch
paid 2000 dollars, as a compensation for the losses and injuries
he alleged he had sustained from the Mackintoshes. Keppoch brought
to the aid of Dundee 1000 Highlanders, and as Mackintosh refused
to attend a friendly interview solicited by Dundee, Keppoch, at
the desire of the latter, drove away his cattle. We are told that
Dundee “used to call him Coll of the cowes, because he found them
out when they were driven to the hills out of the way.” He fought
at the battle of Killiecrankie, and, on the breaking out of the
rebellion of 1715, he joined the Earl of Mar, with whom he fought at
Sheriffmuir. His son, Alexander Macdonald of Keppoch, on the arrival
of Prince Charles in Scotland in 1745, at once declared for him, and
at a meeting of the chiefs to consult as to the course they should
pursue, he gave it as his opinion that as the prince had risked his
person, and generously thrown himself into the hands of his friends,
they were bound, in duty at least, to raise men instantly for the
protection of his person, whatever might be the consequences.
At the battle of Culloden, on the three Macdonald regiments giving
way, Keppoch, seeing himself abandoned by his clan, advanced with
his drawn sword in one hand and his pistol in the other, but was
brought to the ground by a musket shot. Donald Roy Macdonald, a
captain in Clanranald’s regiment, followed him, and entreated him not
to throw away his life, assuring him that his wound was not mortal,
and that he might easily rejoin his regiment in the retreat, but
Keppoch, after recommending him to take care of himself, received
another shot, which killed him on the spot. There are still numerous
cadets of this family in Lochaber, but the principal house, says Mr
Gregory,[156] if not yet extinct, has lost all influence in that
district. Latterly they changed their name to Macdonnell.
CLANRANALD.
[Illustration: BADGE.--Heath.]
The CLANRANALD MACDONALDS of GARMORAN are descended from Ranald,
younger son of John, first Lord of the Isles, by his first wife,
Amy, heiress of the MacRorys or Macruaries of Garmoran. In 1373 he
received a grant of the North Isles, Garmoran, and other lands, to
be held of John, Lord of the Isles, and his heirs. His descendants
comprehended the families of Moydart, Morar, Knoydart, and Glengarry,
and came in time to form the most numerous tribe of the Clandonald.
Alexander Macruari of Moydart, chief of the Clanranald, was one
of the principal chiefs seized by James I. at Inverness in 1427,
and soon after beheaded. The great-grandson of Ranald, named Allan
Macruari, who became chief of the Clanranald in 1481, was one of the
principal supporters of Angus, the young Lord of the Isles, at the
battle of Bloody Bay, and he likewise followed Alexander of Lochalsh,
nephew of the Lord of the Isles, in his invasion of Ross and Cromarty
in 1491, when he received a large portion of the booty taken on the
occasion.[157] In 1495, on the second expedition of James IV. to the
Isles, Allan Macruari was one of the chiefs who made their submission.
During the whole of the 15th century the Clanranald had been engaged
in feuds regarding the lands of Garmoran and Uist; first, with
the Siol Gorrie, or race of Godfrey, eldest brother of Ranald,
the founder of the tribe, and afterwards with the Macdonalds or
Clanhuistein of Sleat, and it was not till 1506, that they succeeded
in acquiring a legal title to the disputed lands. John, eldest son
of Hugh of Sleat, having no issue, made over all his estates to
the Clanranald, including the lands occupied by them. Archibald,
or Gillespock, Dubh, natural brother of John, having slain Donald
Gallach and another of John’s brothers, endeavoured to seize the
lands of Sleat, but was expelled from the North Isles by Ranald Bane
Allanson of Moydart, eldest son of the chief of Clanranald. The
latter married Florence, daughter of MacIan of Ardnamurchan, and had
four sons--1. Ranald Bane; 2. Alexander, who had three sons, John,
Farquhar, and Angus, and a daughter; 3. Ranald Oig; and 4. Angus
Reochson. Angus Reoch, the youngest son, had a son named Dowle or
Coull, who had a son named Allan, whose son, Alexander, was the
ancestor of the Macdonells of Morar.
In 1509 Allan Macruari was tried, convicted, and executed, in
presence of the king at Blair-Athol, but for what crime is not
known. His eldest son, Ranald Bane, obtained a charter of the lands
of Moydart and Arisaig, Dec. 14, 1540, and died in 1541. He married
a daughter of Lord Lovat, and had one son, Ranald Galda, or the
stranger, from his being fostered by his mother’s relations, the
Frasers.
On the death of Ranald Bane, the fifth chief, the clan, who had
resolved to defeat his son’s right to succeed, in consequence of his
relations, the Frasers, having joined the Earl of Huntly, lieutenant
of the north, against the Macdonalds, chose the next heir to the
estate as their chief. This was the young Ranald’s cousin-german,
John Moydartach, or John of Moydart, eldest son of Alexander
Allanson, second son of Allan Macruari, and John was, accordingly,
acknowledged by the clan captain of Clanranald. Lovat, apprised of
the intentions of the clan against his grandchild, before their
scheme was ripe for execution, marched to Castletirrim, and, by the
assistance of the Frasers, placed Ranald Galda in possession of the
lands. The Clanranald, assisted by the Macdonalds of Keppoch and
the Clan Cameron, having laid waste and plundered the districts of
Abertarf and Stratherrick, belonging to Lovat, and the lands of
Urquhart and Glenmoriston, the property of the Grants, the Earl
of Huntly, the king’s lieutenant in the north, to drive them back
and put an end to their ravages, was obliged to raise a numerous
force. He penetrated as far as Inverlochy in Lochaber, and then
returned to his own territories. The battle of Kinloch-lochy, called
Blar-nan-leine, “the field of shirts,” followed, as related in the
account of the clan Fraser. The Macdonalds being the victors, the
result was that John Moydartach was maintained in possession of the
chiefship and estates, and transmitted the same to his descendants.
On the return of Huntly with an army, into Lochaber, John Moydartach
fled to the Isles, where he remained for some time.
The Clanranald distinguished themselves under the Marquis of
Montrose in the civil wars of the 17th century. At the battle of
Killiecrankie, their chief, then only fourteen years of age, fought
under Dundee, with 500 of his men. They were also at Sheriffmuir. In
the rebellion of 1745, the Clanranald took an active part. Macdonald
of Boisdale, the brother of the chief, then from age and infirmities
unfit to be of any service, had an interview with Prince Charles,
on his arrival off the island of Eriska, and positively refused to
aid his enterprise. On the following day, however, young Clanranald,
accompanied by his kinsmen, Alexander Macdonald of Glenaladale and
Æneas Macdonald of Dalily, the author of a Journal and Memoirs of the
Expedition, went on board the prince’s vessel, and readily offered
him his services. He afterwards joined him with 200 of his clan, and
was with him throughout the rebellion.
At the battles of Preston and Falkirk, the Macdonalds were on the
right, which they claimed as their due, but at Culloden the three
Macdonald regiments of Clanranald, Keppoch, and Glengarry, formed
the left. It was probably their feeling of dissatisfaction at being
placed on the left of the line that caused the Macdonald regiments,
on observing that the right and centre had given way, to turn their
backs and fly from the fatal field without striking a blow.
At Glenboisdale, whither Charles retreated, after the defeat at
Culloden, he was joined by young Clanranald, and several other
adherents, who endeavoured to persuade him from embarking for the
Isles, but in vain. In the act of indemnity passed in June 1747,
young Clanranald was one of those who were specially excepted from
pardon.
The ancestor of the Macdonalds of Benbecula was Ranald, brother of
Donald Macallan, who was captain of the Clanranald in the latter
part of the reign of James VI. The Macdonalds of Boisdale are cadets
of Benbecula, and those of Staffa of Boisdale. On the failure of
Donald’s descendants, the family of Benbecula succeeded to the barony
of Castletirrim, and the captainship of the Clanranald, represented
by Reginald George Macdonald of Clanranald.
From John, another brother of Donald Macallan, came the family of
Kinlochmoidart, which terminated in an heiress. This lady married
Colonel Robertson, who, in her right, assumed the name of Macdonald.
From John Oig, uncle of Donald Macallan, descended the Macdonalds
of Glenaladale. “The head of this family,” says Mr Gregory, “John
Macdonald of Glenaladale, being obliged to quit Scotland about 1772,
in consequence of family misfortunes, sold his Scottish estates to
his cousin (also a Macdonald), and emigrating to Prince Edward’s
Island, with about 200 followers, purchased a tract of 40,000 acres
there, while the 200 Highlanders have increased to 3000.”
One of the attendants of Prince Charles, who, after Culloden,
embarked with him for France, was Neil MacEachan Macdonald, a
gentleman sprung from the branch of the Clanranald in Uist. He served
in France as a lieutenant in the Scottish regiment of Ogilvie, and
was father of Stephen James Joseph Macdonald, marshal of France, and
Duke of Tarentum, born Nov. 17, 1765; died Sept. 24, 1840.
The MACDONALDS of GLENCOE are descended from John Og, surnamed
_Fraoch_, natural son of Angus Og of Isla, and brother of John,
first Lord of the Isles. He settled in Glencoe, which is a wild and
gloomy vale in the district of Lorn, Argyleshire, as a vassal under
his brother, and some of his descendants still possess lands there.
This branch of the Macdonalds was known as the clan Ian Abrach, it is
supposed from one of the family being fostered in Lochaber. After the
Revolution, MacIan or Alexander Macdonald of Glencoe, was one of the
chiefs who supported the cause of King James, having joined Dundee in
Lochaber at the head of his clan, and a mournful interest attaches
to the history of this tribe from the dreadful massacre, by which it
was attempted to exterminate it in February 1692. The story has often
been told, but as full details have been given in the former part of
this work, it is unnecessary to repeat them here.
The Macdonalds of Glencoe joined Prince Charles on the breaking out
of the rebellion in 1745, and General Stewart, in his Sketches of the
Highlanders, relates that when the insurgent army lay at Kirkliston,
near the seat of the Earl of Stair, grandson of Secretary Dalrymple,
the prince, anxious to save his lordship’s house and property, and to
remove from his followers all excitement and revenge, proposed that
the Glencoe-men should be marched to a distance, lest the remembrance
of the share which his grandfather had in the order for the massacre
of the clan should rouse them to retaliate on his descendant.
Indignant at being supposed capable of wreaking their vengeance on an
innocent man, they declared their resolution of returning home, and
it was not without much explanation and great persuasion that they
were prevented from marching away the following morning.
MACDONNELL OF GLENGARRY.
[Illustration: BADGE.--Heath.]
The GLENGARRY branch of the Macdonalds spell their name MACDONNELL.
The word _Dhonuill_, whence the name Donald is derived, is said
to signify “brown eye.” The most proper way, says Mr Gregory, of
spelling the name, according to the pronunciation, was that formerly
employed by the Macdonalds of Dunyveg and the Glens, who used
_Macdonnell_. Sir James Macdonald, however, the last of this family
in the direct male line, signed _Makdonall_.[158]
The family of Glengarry are descended from Alister, second son of
Donald, who was eldest son of Reginald or Ranald (progenitor also of
the Clanranald), youngest son of John, lord of the Isles, by Amy,
heiress of MacRory. Alexander Macdonnell, who was chief of Glengarry
at the beginning of the 16th century, supported the claims of Sir
Donald Macdonald of Lochalsh to the lordship of the Isles, and in
November 1513 assisted him, with Chisholm of Comer, in expelling the
garrison and seizing the Castle of Urquhart in Loch Ness. In 1527
the Earl of Argyll, lieutenant of the Isles, received from Alexander
Macranald of Glengarry and North Morar, a bond of manrent or service;
and in 1545 he was among the lords and barons of the Isles who, at
Knockfergus in Ireland, took the oath of allegiance to the king of
England, “at the command of the Earl of Lennox.” He married Margaret,
eldest daughter of Celestine, brother of John Earl of Ross, and
one of the three sisters and coheiresses of Sir Donald Macdonald
of Lochalsh. His son, Angus or Æneas Macdonnell of Glengarry, the
representative, through his mother, of the house of Lochalsh, which
had become extinct in the male line on the death of Sir Donald in
1518, married Janet, only daughter of Sir Hector Maclean of Dowart,
and had a son, Donald Macdonnell of Glengarry, styled Donald MacAngus
MacAlister.
In 1581 a serious feud broke out between the chief of Glengarry, who
had inherited one half of the districts of Lochalsh, Lochcarron,
and Lochbroom in Wester Ross, and Colin Mackenzie of Kintail, who
was in possession of the other half. The Mackenzies, having made
aggressions upon Glengarry’s portion, the latter, to maintain his
rights, took up his temporary residence in Lochcarron, and placed a
small garrison in the castle of Strone in that district. With some of
his followers he unfortunately fell into the hands of a party of the
Mackenzies, and after being detained in captivity for a considerable
time, only procured his release by yielding the castle of Lochcarron
to the Mackenzies. The other prisoners, including several of his near
kinsmen, were put to death. On complaining to the privy council, they
caused Mackenzie of Kintail to be detained for a time at Edinburgh,
and subsequently in the castle of Blackness. In 1602, Glengarry, from
his ignorance of the laws, was, by the craft of the clan Kenzie,
as Sir Robert Gordon says, “easalie intrapped within the compass
thereof,” on which they procured a warrant for citing him to appear
before the justiciary court at Edinburgh. Glengarry, however, paid
no attention to it, but went about revenging the slaughter of two of
his kinsmen, whom the Mackenzies had killed after the summons had
been issued. The consequence was that he and some of his followers
were outlawed, and Kenneth Mackenzie, who was now lord of Kintail,
procured a commission of fire and sword against Glengarry and his
men, in virtue of which he invaded and wasted the district of North
Morar, and carried off all the cattle. In retaliation the Macdonalds
plundered the district of Applecross, and, on a subsequent occasion,
they landed on the coast of Lochalsh, with the intention of burning
and destroying all Mackenzie’s lands, as far as Easter Ross, but
their leader, Allaster MacGorrie, having been killed, they returned
home. To revenge the death of his kinsman, Angus Macdonnell, the
young chief of Glengarry, at the head of his followers, proceeded
north to Lochcarron, where his tribe held the castle of Strone, now
in ruins. After burning many of the houses in the district, and
killing the inhabitants, he loaded his boats with the plunder, and
prepared to return. In the absence of their chief, the Mackenzies,
encouraged by the example of his lady, posted themselves at the
narrow strait or kyle which separates Skye from the mainland, for the
purpose of intercepting them. Night had fallen, however, before they
made their appearance, and taking advantage of the darkness, some
of the Mackenzies rowed out in two boats towards a large galley, on
board of which was young Glengarry, which was then passing the kyle.
This they suddenly attacked with a volley of musketry and arrows.
Those on board in their alarm crowding to one side, the galley
overset, and all on board were thrown into the water. Such of them
as were able to reach the shore were immediately despatched by the
Mackenzies, and among the slain was the young chief of Glengarry
himself. The rest of the Macdonnells, on reaching Strathaird in Skye,
left their boats, and proceeded on foot to Morar. Finding that the
chief of the Mackenzies had not returned from Mull, a large party
was sent to an island near which he must pass, which he did next
day in Maclean’s great galley, but he contrived to elude them, and
was soon out of reach of pursuit. He subsequently laid siege to the
castle of Strone, which surrendered to him, and was blown up.
In 1603, “the Clanranald of Glengarry, under Allan Macranald of
Lundie, made an irruption into Brae Ross, and plundered the lands of
Kilchrist, and others adjacent, belonging to the Mackenzies. This
foray was signalized by the merciless burning of a whole congregation
in the church of Kilchrist, while Glengarry’s piper marched round
the building, mocking the cries of the unfortunate inmates with
the well-known pibroch, which has been known, ever since, under
the name of Kilchrist, as the family tune of the Clanranald of
Glengarry.”[159] Eventually, Kenneth Mackenzie, afterwards Lord
Kintail, succeeded in obtaining a crown charter to the disputed
districts of Lochalsh, Lochcarron, and others, dated in 1607.
Donald MacAngus of Glengarry died in 1603. By his wife, Margaret,
daughter of Alexander Macdonald, Captain of Clanranald, he had,
besides Angus above mentioned, two other sons, Alexander, who died
soon after his father, and Donald Macdonnell of Scothouse.
Alexander, by his wife, Jean, daughter of Allan Cameron of Lochiel,
had a son, Æneas Macdonnell of Glengarry, who was one of the first
in 1644 to join the royalist army under Montrose, and never left
that great commander, “for which,” says Bishop Wishart, “he deserves
a singular commendation for his bravery and steady loyalty to the
king, and his peculiar attachment to Montrose.”[160] Glengarry also
adhered faithfully to the cause of Charles II., and was forfeited
by Cromwell in 1651. As a reward for his faithful services he was
at the Restoration created a peer by the title of Lord Macdonnell
and Aross, by patent dated at Whitehall, 20th December 1660, the
honours being limited to the heirs male of his body. This led him to
claim not only the chiefship of Clanranald, but likewise that of the
whole Clandonald, as being the representative of Donald, the common
ancestor of the clan: and on 18th July 1672, the privy council issued
an order, commanding him as chief to exhibit before the council
several persons of the name of Macdonald, to find caution to keep the
peace.
The three branches of the Clanranald engaged in all the attempts
which were made for the restoration of the Stuarts. On 27th August
1715, Glengarry was one of the chiefs who attended the pretended
grand hunting match at Braemar, appointed by the Earl of Mar,
previous to the breaking out of the rebellion of that year. After
the suppression of the rebellion, the chief of Glengarry made his
submission to General Cadogan at Inverness. He died in 1724. By his
wife, Lady Mary Mackenzie, daughter of the third Earl of Seaforth, he
had a son, John Macdonnell, who succeeded him.
In 1745, six hundred of the Macdonnells of Glengarry joined Prince
Charles, under the command of Macdonnell of Lochgarry, who afterwards
escaped to France with the prince, and were at the battles of
Preston, Falkirk, and Culloden. The chief himself seems not to have
engaged in the rebellion. He was however arrested, and sent to London.
General Sir James Macdonnell, G.C.B., who distinguished himself when
lieut.-col. in the guards, by the bravery with which he held the
buildings of Hougomont, at the battle of Waterloo, was third son of
Duncan Macdonnell, Esq. of Glengarry. He was born at the family seat,
Inverness-shire, and died May 15, 1857.
Colonel Alexander Ranaldson Macdonnell of Glengarry, who, in January
1822, married Rebecca, second daughter of Sir William Forbes of
Pitsligo, baronet, was the last genuine specimen of a Highland chief.
His character in its more favourable features was drawn by Sir Walter
Scott, in his romance of Waverley, as Fergus MacIvor. He always wore
the dress and adhered to the style of living of his ancestors, and
when away from home in any of the Highland towns, he was followed
by a body of retainers, who were regularly posted as sentinels at
his door. He revived the claims of his family to the chiefship of
the Macdonalds, styling himself also of Clanranald. In January 1828
he perished in endeavouring to escape from a steamer which had gone
ashore. As his estate was very much mortgaged and encumbered, his
son was compelled to dispose of it, and to emigrate to Australia,
with his family and clan. The estate was purchased by the Marquis of
Huntly from the chief, and in 1840 it was sold to Lord Ward (Earl of
Dudley, Feb. 13, 1860,) for £91,000. In 1860 his lordship sold it to
Edward Ellice, Esq. of Glenquoich, for £120,000.
The principal families descended from the house of Glengarry, were
the Macdonnells of Barrisdale, in Knoydart, Greenfield, and Lundie.
The strength of the Macdonalds has at all times been considerable. In
1427, the Macdonnells of Garmoran and Lochaber mustered 2000 men; in
1715, the whole clan furnished 2820; and in 1745, 2330. In a memorial
drawn up by President Forbes of Culloden, and transmitted to the
government soon after the insurrection in 1745, the force of every
clan is detailed, according to the best information which the author
of the report could procure at the time. This enumeration, which
proceeds upon the supposition that the chieftain calculated on the
military services of the youthful, the most hardy, and the bravest of
his followers, omitting those who, from advanced age, tender years,
or natural debility, were unable to carry arms, gives the following
statement of the respective forces of the different branches of the
Macdonalds:--
Men.
Macdonald of Sleat, 700
Macdonald of Clanranald, 700
Macdonell of Glengarry, 500
Macdonell of Keppoch, 300
Macdonald of Glencoe, 130
----
In all, 2330
Next to the Campbells, therefore, who could muster about 5000 men,
the Macdonalds were by far the most numerous and powerful clan in the
Highlands of Scotland.
“The clans or septs,” says Mr Smibert,[161] “sprung from the
Macdonalds, or adhering to and incorporated with that family,
though bearing subsidiary names, were very numerous. One point
peculiarly marks the Gael of the coasts, as this great connection
has already been called, and that is the device of a _Lymphad_ or
old-fashioned _Oared Galley_, assumed and borne in their arms.
It indicates strongly a common origin and site. The Macdonalds,
Maclachlans, Macdougals, Macneils, Macleans, and Campbells, as well
as the Macphersons, Mackintoshes, and others, carry, and have always
carried, such a galley in their armorial shields. Some families of
Macdonald descent do not bear it; and indeed, at most, it simply
proves a common coast origin, or an early location by the western
lochs and lakes.”
FOOTNOTES:
[136] Chalmers’ _Caledonia_, vol. i. p. 266.
[137] _Western Highlands_, p. 7.
[138] “Both Dugall and Reginald were called Kings of the Isles at
the same time that Reginald, the son of Godred the Black, was styled
King of Man and the Isles; and in the next generation we find mention
of these kings of the Isles of the race of Somerled existing at one
time.” The word _king_ with the Norwegians therefore corresponds to
Magnate.--Gregory, p. 17.
[139] “The seniority of Roderick, son of Reginald, has not been
universally admitted, some authors making Donald the elder by
birth. But the point is of little moment, seeing that the direct
and legitimate line of Roderick, who, with his immediate progeny,
held a large portion of the Isles, terminated in a female in the
third generation, when the succession of the house of Somerled
fell indisputably to the descendants of Donald, second grandson
of Somerled, and head of the entire and potent clan of the
Macdonalds.”--Smibert, p. 20.
[140] In the list of the Barons who assembled at Scone in 1284 to
declare Margaret, the Maid of Norway, heiress to the crown, he
appears under the name of _Allangus filius Roderici_.
[141] “The Lordship of Garmoran (also called Garbh-chrioch)
comprehends the districts of Moidart, Arisaig, Morar, and
Knoydart.”--Gregory, p. 27.
[142] The properties of Moidart, Arisaig, Morar, and Knoidart, on the
mainland, and the isles of Uist, Barra, Rum, Egg, and Harris, were
assigned and confirmed to him and his heirs by charter dated at Scone
March 9, 1371-2.
[143] For details, see vol. i., p. 69, _et seq._
[144] See vol. i. p. 73.
[145] “The authority of Mr Skene is usually to be received as of
no common weight, but the account given by him of this portion of
the Macdonald annals does not consist with unquestionable facts.
As such, the statements in the national collections of _Foedera_
(Treaties), and the _Records of Parliament_, ought certainly to be
regarded; and a preference must be given to their testimony over
the counter-assertions of ancient private annalists. Some of the
latter parties seem to assert that John II., who had no children
by Elizabeth Livingston (daughter of Lord Livingston), had yet ‘a
natural son begotten of Macduffie of Colonsay’s daughter, and Angus
Og, his legitimate son, by the Earl of Angus’s daughter.’ No mention
of this Angus’ marriage occurs in any one public document relating to
the Lords of the Isles, or to the Douglases, then Earls of Angus. On
the other hand, the acknowledged wife of John of the Isles, Elizabeth
Livingston, was certainly alive in 1475, at which date he, among
other charges, is accused of making ‘his bastard son’ a lieutenant to
him in ‘insurrectionary convocations of the lieges;’ and Angus could
therefore come of no second marriage. He indubitably is the same
party still more distinctly named in subsequent Parliamentary Records
as ‘Angus of the Isles, _bastard son_ to umquhile John of the Isles.’
The attribution of noble and legitimate birth to Angus took its
origin, without doubt, in the circumstance of John’s want of children
by marriage having raised his natural son to a high degree of power
in the clan, which the active character of Angus well fitted him to
use as he willed.”--Smibert’s _Clans_ pp. 23, 24.
[146] Gregory (p. 52) says this combat was fought in a bay in the
Isle of Mull, near Tobermory.
[147] See Gregory’s _Highlands_, p. 54.
[148] Gregory, p. 581.
[149] Gregory’s _Highlands_, p. 61.
[150] Smibert’s _Clans_, p. 25.
[151] Gregory’s _Highlands_, p. 297.
[152] Gregory’s _Highlands_, p. 330.
[153] Gregory’s _Highlands and Isles_, p. 312.
[154] Vol. i., chap. x.
[155] _Highlands and Isles_, p. 109.
[156] _Highlands and Isles_, p. 415.
[157] Gregory’s _Highlands and Isles_, page 66.
[158] _Highlands and Isles_, p. 417, Note.
[159] _Gregory’s Highlands_, pp. 301-303.
[160] _Memoirs_, p. 155.
[161] _Clans_, 29.
CHAPTER III.
The Macdougalls--Bruce’s adventures with the Macdougalls of
Lorn--The Brooch of Lorn--The Stewarts acquire Lorn--Macdougalls
of Raray, Gallanach, and Scraba--Macalisters--Siol
Gillevray--Macneills--Partly of Norse descent--Two branches
of Barra and Gigha--Sea exploits of the former--Ruari the
Turbulent’s two families--Gigha Macneills--Macneills of
Gullochallie, Carskeay, and Tirfergus--The chiefship--Macneills
of Colonsay--Maclauchlans--Kindred to the Lamonds and MacEwens
of Otter--Present representative--Castle Lachlan--Force of the
clan--Cadets--MacEwens--Macdougall Campbells of Craignish--Policy of
Argyll Campbells--Lamonds--Massacred by the Campbells--The laird of
Lamond and MacGregor of Glenstrae.
MACDOUGALL.
[Illustration: BADGE.--Cypress; according to others, Bell Heath.]
The next clan that demands our notice is that of the Macdougalls,
Macdugalls, Macdovals, Macdowalls, for in all these ways is the
name spelled. The clan derives its descent from Dugall, who was
the eldest son of Somerled, the common ancestor of the clan Donald;
and it has hitherto been supposed, that Alexander de Ergadia, the
undoubted ancestor of the clan Dugall, who first appears in the year
1284, was the son of Ewen de Ergadia, who figured so prominently
at the period of the cession of the Isles. This opinion, however,
Mr Skene conceives to be erroneous; first, because Ewen would seem
to have died without leaving male issue; and, secondly, because it
is contradicted by the manuscript of 1450, which states that the
clan Dugall, as well as the clan Rory and the clan Donald, sprung
not from Ewen, but from Ranald, the son of Somerled, through his
son Dugall, from whom indeed they derived their name. Mr Smibert’s
remarks, however, on this point are deserving of attention. “It
seems very evident,” he says, “that they formed one of the primitive
branches of the roving or stranger tribes of visitants to Scotland
of the Irish, or at least Celtic race. Their mere name puts the fact
almost beyond doubt. It also distinguishes them clearly from the
Norsemen of the Western Isles, who were always styled _Fion-galls_,
that is, Fair Strangers (Rovers, or Pirates). The common account of
the origin of the Macdougalls is, that they sprung from a son or
grandson of Somerled, of the name of Dougal. But though a single
chieftain of that appellation may have flourished in the primitive
periods of Gaelic story, it appears most probable, from many
circumstances, that the clan derived their name from their descent
and character generally. They were Dhu-Galls, ‘black strangers.’
The son or grandson of Somerled, who is said to have specially
founded the Macdougall clan, lived in the 12th century. In the 13th,
however, they were numerous and strong enough to oppose Bruce, and
it is therefore out of the question to suppose that the descendant
of Somerled could do more than consolidate or collect an already
existing tribe, even if it is to be admitted as taking from him its
name.”[162]
[Illustration: MACDOUGALL. (Tartan)]
The first appearance which this family makes in history is at the
convention which was held in the year 1284. In the list of those
who attended on that occasion, we find the name of Alexander de
Ergadia, whose presence was probably the consequence of his holding
his lands by a crown charter; but from this period we lose sight of
him entirely, until the reign of Robert Bruce, when the strenuous
opposition offered by the Lord of Lorn and by his son John to the
succession of that king, restored his name to history, in connection
with that of Bruce. Alister having married the third daughter of
the Red Comyn, whom Bruce slew in the Dominican church at Dumfries,
became the mortal enemy of the king; and, upon more than one
occasion, during the early part of his reign, succeeded in reducing
him to the greatest straits.
Bruce, after his defeat at Methven, on the 19th of June 1306,
withdrew to the mountainous parts of Breadalbane, and approached the
borders of Argyleshire. His followers did not exceed three hundred
men, who, disheartened by defeat, and exhausted by privation, were
not in a condition to encounter a superior force. In this situation,
however, he was attacked by Macdougall of Lorn, at the head of a
thousand men, part of whom were Macnabs, who had joined the party
of John Baliol; and, after a severe conflict, he was compelled to
abandon the field. In the retreat from Dalree, where the battle had
been fought, the king was hotly pursued, and especially by three of
the clansmen of Lorn, probably personal attendants or _henchmen_
of the Macdougalls, who appear to have resolved to slay the Bruce
or die. These followed the retreating party, and when King Robert
entered a narrow pass, threw themselves suddenly upon him. The king
turning hastily round, cleft the skull of one with his battle-axe.
“The second had grasped the stirrup, and Robert fixed and held him
there by pressing down his foot, so that the captive was dragged
along the ground as if chained to the horse. In the meantime, the
third assailant had sprung from the hillside to the back of the
horse, and sat behind the king. The latter turned half round and
forced the Highlander forward to the front of the saddle, where ‘he
clave the head to the harns.’ The second assailant was still hanging
by the stirrup, and Robert now struck at him vigorously, and slew
him at the first blow.” Whether the story is true or not, and it is
by no means improbable, it shows the reputation for gigantic strength
which the doughty Bruce had in his day. It is said to have been in
this contest that the king lost the magnificent brooch, since famous
as the “brooch of Lorn.” This highly-prized trophy was long preserved
as a remarkable relic in the family of Macdougall of Dunolly, and
after having been carried off during the siege of Dunolly Castle,
the family residence, it was, about forty years ago, again restored
to the family.[163] In his day of adversity the Macdougalls were the
most persevering and dangerous of all King Robert’s enemies.
But the time for retribution at length arrived. When Robert Bruce
had firmly established himself on the throne of Scotland, one of the
first objects to which he directed his attention, was to crush his
old enemies the Macdougalls,[164] and to revenge the many injuries
he had suffered at their hands. With this view, he marched into
Argyleshire, determined to lay waste the country, and take possession
of Lorn. On advancing, he found John of Lorn and his followers posted
in a formidable defile between Ben Cruachan and Loch Awe, which it
seemed impossible to force, and almost hopeless to turn. But having
sent a party to ascend the mountain, gain the heights, and threaten
the enemy’s rear, Bruce immediately attacked them in front, with the
utmost fury. For a time the Macdougalls sustained the onset bravely;
but at length, perceiving themselves in danger of being assailed
in the rear, as well as the front, and thus completely isolated
in the defile, they betook themselves to flight. Unable to escape
from the mountain gorge, they were slaughtered without mercy, and
by this reverse, their power was completely broken. Bruce then laid
waste Argyleshire, besieged and took the castle of Dunstaffnage,
and received the submission of Alister of Lorn, the father of John,
who now fled to England. Alister was allowed to retain the district
of Lorn: but the rest of his possessions were forfeited and given
to Angus of Isla, who had all along remained faithful to the king’s
interests.
When John of Lorn arrived as a fugitive in England, King Edward was
making preparations for that expedition, which terminated in the
ever-memorable battle of Bannockburn. John was received with open
arms, appointed to the command of the English fleet, and ordered
to sail for Scotland, in order to co-operate with the land forces.
But the total defeat and dispersion of the latter soon afterwards
confirmed Bruce in possession of the throne; and being relieved from
the apprehension of any further aggression on the part of the English
kings he resolved to lose no time in driving the Lord of Lorn from
the Isles, where he had made his appearance with the fleet under
his command. Accordingly, on his return from Ireland, whither he
had accompanied his brother Edward, he directed his course towards
the Isles, and having arrived at Tarbet, is said to have caused his
galleys to be dragged over the isthmus which connects Kintyre and
Knapdale. This bold proceeding was crowned with success. The English
fleet was surprised and dispersed; and its commander having been made
prisoner, was sent to Dumbarton, and afterwards to Lochleven, where
he was detained in confinement during the remainder of King Robert’s
reign.
In the early part of the reign of David II., John’s son, John or
Ewen, married a grand-daughter of Robert Bruce, and through her
not only recovered the ancient possessions of his family, but even
obtained a grant of the property of Glenlyon. These extensive
territories, however, were not destined to remain long in the family.
Ewen died without male issue; and his two daughters having married,
the one John Stewart of Innermeath, and the other his brother Robert
Stewart, an arrangement was entered into between these parties, in
virtue of which the descendants of John Stewart acquired the whole of
the Lorn possessions, with the exception of the castle of Dunolly and
its dependencies, which remained to the other branch of the family;
and thus terminated the power of this branch of the descendants of
Somerled. The chieftainship of the clan now descended to the family
of Dunolly, which continued to enjoy the small portion which remained
to them of their ancient possessions until the year 1715, when the
representative of the family incurred the penalty of forfeiture for
his accession to the insurrection of that period; thus, by a singular
contrast of circumstances, “losing the remains of his inheritance
to replace upon the throne the descendants of those princes, whose
accession his ancestors had opposed at the expense of their feudal
grandeur.” The estate, however, was restored to the family in
1745, as a reward for their not having taken any part in the more
formidable rebellion of that year. In President Forbes’s Report on
the strength of the clans, the force of the Macdougalls is estimated
at 200 men.
The Macdougalls of Raray, represented by Macdougall of Ardencaple,
were a branch of the house of Lorn. The principal cadets of the
family of Donolly were those of Gallanach and Soraba. The Macdougalls
still hold possessions in Galloway, where, however, they usually
style themselves Macdowall.
MACALISTERS.
A clan at one time of considerable importance, claiming connection
with the great clan Donald, is the Macalisters, or MacAlesters,
formerly inhabiting the south of Knapdale, and the north of Kintyre
in Argyleshire. They are traced to Alister or Alexander, a son of
Angus Mor, of the clan Donald. Exposed to the encroachments of the
Campbells, their principal possessions became, ere long, absorbed by
different branches of that powerful clan. The chief of this sept
of the Macdonalds is Somerville MacAlester of Loup in Kintyre, and
Kennox in Ayrshire. In 1805 Charles Somerville MacAlester, Esq. of
Loup, assumed the name and arms of Somerville in addition to his own,
in right of his wife, Janet Somerville, inheritrix of the entailed
estate of Kennox, whom he had married in 1792.
From their descent from Alexander, eldest son of Angus Mor, Lord
of the Isles and Kintyre in 1281, the grandson of Somerled, thane
of Argyle, the MacAlesters claim to be the representatives, after
MacDonell of Glengarry, of the ancient Lords of the Isles, as heirs
male of Donald, grandson of Somerled.
After the forfeiture of the Lords of the Isles in 1493, the
MacAlesters became so numerous as to form a separate and independent
clan. At that period their chief was named John or Ian Dubh, whose
residence was at Ard Phadriuc or Ardpatrick in South Knapdale. One of
the family, Charles MacAlester, is mentioned as steward of Kintyre in
1481.
Alexander MacAlester was one of those Highland chieftains who were
held responsible, by the act “called the Black Band,” passed in 1587,
for the peaceable behaviour of their clansmen and the “broken men”
who lived on their lands. He died when his son, Godfrey or Gorrie
MacAlester, was yet under age.
In 1618 the laird of Loup was named one of the twenty barons and
gentlemen of the shire of Argyle who were made responsible for
the good rule of the earldom during Argyll’s absence. He married
Margaret, daughter of Colin Campbell of Kilberry, and though, as
a vassal of the Marquis of Argyll, he took no part in the wars of
the Marquis of Montrose, many of his clan fought on the side of the
latter.
The principal cadet of the family of Loup was MacAlester of Tarbert.
There is also MacAlister of Glenbarr, county of Argyle.
SIOL GILLEVRAY.
Under the head of the Siol or clan Gillevray, Mr Skene gives other
three clans said by the genealogists to have been descended from the
family of Somerled, and included by Mr Skene under the Gallgael.
The three clans are those of the Macneills, the Maclauchlans, and
the Macewens. According to the MS. of 1450, the Siol Gillevray are
descended from a certain Gillebride, surnamed King of the Isles,
who lived in the 12th century, and who derived his descent from a
brother of Suibne, the ancestor of the Macdonalds, who was slain in
the year 1034. Even Mr Skene, however, doubts the genealogy by which
this Gillebride is derived from an ancestor of the Macdonalds in the
beginning of the 11th century, but nevertheless, the traditionary
affinity which is thus shown to have existed between these clans
and the race of Somerled at so early a period, he thinks seems to
countenance the notion that they had all originally sprung from the
same stock. The original seat of this race appears to have been in
Lochaber. On the conquest of Argyle by Alexander II., they were
involved in the ruin which overtook all the adherents of Somerled;
with the exception of the Macneills, who consented to hold their
lands of the crown, and the Maclauchlans, who regained their former
consequence by means of marriage with an heiress of the Lamonds.
After the breaking up of the clan, the other branches appear to have
followed, as their chief, Macdougall Campbell of Craignish, the head
of a family, which is descended from the kindred race of MacInnes of
Ardgour.
MACNEILL.
[Illustration: BADGE.--Sea Ware.]
The Macneills consisted of two independent branches, the Macneills of
Barra and the Macneills of Gigha, said to be descended from brothers.
Their badge was the sea ware, but they had different armorial
bearings, and from this circumstance, joined to the fact that they
were often opposed to each other in the clan fights of the period,
and that the Christian names of the one, with the exception of Neill,
were not used by the other, Mr Gregory thinks the tradition of their
common descent erroneous. Part of their possessions were completely
separated, and situated at a considerable distance from the rest.
The clan Neill were among the secondary vassal tribes of the lords
of the Isles, and its heads appear to have been of Norse or Danish
origin. Mr Smibert thinks this probable from the fact that the
Macneills were lords of Castle Swen, plainly a Norse term. “The
clan,” he says,[165] “was in any case largely Gaelic, to a certainty.
We speak of the fundamental line of the chiefs mainly, when we say
that the Macneills appear to have at least shared the blood of the
old Scandinavian inhabitants of the western islands. The names of
those of the race first found in history are partly indicative of
such a lineage. The isle of Barra and certain lands in Uist were
chartered to a Macneill in 1427; and in 1472, a charter of the
Macdonald family is witnessed by Hector _Mactorquil_ Macneill, keeper
of Castle Swen. The appellation ‘Mac-Torquil,’ half Gaelic, half
Norse, speaks strongly in favour of the supposition that the two
races were at this very time in the act of blending with one people.
After all, we proceed not beyond the conclusion, that, by heirs male
or heirs female, the founders of the house possessed a sprinkling of
the blood of the ancient Norwegian occupants of the western isles and
coasts, interfused with that of the native Gael of Albyn, and also of
the Celtic visitants from Ireland. The proportion of Celtic blood,
beyond doubt, is far the largest in the veins of the clan generally.”
About the beginning of the 15th century, the Macneills were a
considerable clan in Knapdale, Argyleshire. As this district was not
then included in the sheriffdom of Argyle, it is probable that their
ancestor had consented to hold his lands of the crown.
The first of the family on record is Nigellus Og, who obtained
from Robert Bruce a charter of Barra and some lands in Kintyre.
His great-grandson, Gilleonan Roderick Muchard Macneill, in 1427,
received from Alexander, Lord of the Isles, a charter of that island.
In the same charter were included the lands of Boisdale in South
Uist, which lies about eight miles distant from Barra. With John
Garve Maclean he disputed the possession of that island, and was
killed by him in Coll. His grandson, Gilleonan, took part with John,
the old Lord of the Isles, against his turbulent son, Angus, and
fought on his side at the battle of Bloody Bay. He was chief of this
sept or division of the Macneills in 1493, at the forfeiture of the
lordship of the Isles.
The Gigha Macneills are supposed to have sprung from Torquil
Macneill, designated in his charter, “filius Nigelli,” who, in the
early part of the 15th century, received from the Lord of the Isles
a charter of the lands of Gigha and Taynish, with the constabulary
of Castle Sweyn, in Knapdale. He had two sons, Neill his heir, and
Hector, ancestor of the family of Taynish. Malcolm Macneill of Gigha,
the son of Neill, who is first mentioned in 1478, was chief of this
sept of the Macneills in 1493. After that period the Gigha branch
followed the banner of Macdonald of Isla and Kintyre, while the Barra
Macneills ranged themselves under that of Maclean of Dowart.
In 1545 Gilliganan Macneill of Barra was one of the barons and
council of the Isles who accompanied Donald Dubh, styling himself
Lord of the Isles and Earl of Ross, to Ireland, to swear allegiance
to the king of England. His elder son, Roderick or Ruari Macneill,
was killed at the battle of Glenlivet, by a shot from a fieldpiece,
on 3d Oct. 1594. He left three sons--Roderick, his heir, called
Ruari the turbulent, John, and Murdo. During the memorable and
most disastrous feud which happened between the Macleans and the
Macdonalds at this period, the Barra Macneills and the Gigha branch
of the same clan fought on different sides.
The Macneills of Barra were expert seamen, and did not scruple to act
as pirates upon occasion. An English ship having been seized off the
island of Barra by Ruari the turbulent, Queen Elizabeth complained of
this act of piracy. The laird of Barra was in consequence summoned to
appear at Edinburgh, to answer for his conduct, but he treated the
summons with contempt. All the attempts made to apprehend him proving
unsuccessful, Mackenzie, tutor of Kintail, undertook to effect
his capture by a stratagem frequently put in practice against the
island chiefs when suspecting no hostile design. Under the pretence
of a friendly visit, he arrived at Macneill’s castle of Chisamul
(pronounced Kisimul), the ruins of which stand on an insulated rock
in Castlebay, on the south-east end of Barra, and invited him and
all his attendants on board his vessel. There they were well plied
with liquor, until they were all overpowered with it. The chief’s
followers were then sent on shore, while he himself was carried a
prisoner to Edinburgh. Being put upon his trial, he confessed his
seizure of the English ship, but pleaded in excuse that he thought
himself bound by his loyalty to avenge, by every means in his power,
the fate of his majesty’s mother, so cruelly put to death by the
queen of England. This politic answer procured his pardon, but his
estate was forfeited, and given to the tutor of Kintail. The latter
restored it to its owner, on condition of his holding it of him, and
paying him sixty merks Scots, as a yearly feu duty. It had previously
been held of the crown. Some time thereafter Sir James Macdonald
of Sleat married a daughter of the tutor of Kintail, who made over
the superiority to his son-in-law, and it is now possessed by Lord
Macdonald, the representative of the house of Sleat.
The old chief of Barra, Ruari the turbulent, had several sons by a
lady of the family of Maclean, with whom, according to an ancient
practice in the Highlands, he had _handfasted_, instead of marrying
her. He afterwards married a sister of the captain of the Clanranald,
and by her also he had sons. To exclude the senior family from the
succession, the captain of the Clanranald took the part of his
nephews, whom he declared to be the only legitimate sons of the
Barra chief. Having apprehended the eldest son of the first family
for having been concerned in the piratical seizure of a ship of
Bourdeaux, he conveyed him to Edinburgh for trial, but he died there
soon after. His brothers-german, in revenge, assisted by Maclean of
Dowart, seized Neill Macneill, the eldest son of the second family,
and sent him to Edinburgh, to be tried as an actor in the piracy of
the same Bourdeaux ship; and, thinking that their father was too
partial to their half brothers, they also seized the old chief, and
placed him in irons. Neill Macneill, called Weyislache, was found
innocent, and liberated through the influence of his uncle. Barra’s
elder sons, on being charged to exhibit their father before the
privy council, refused, on which they were proclaimed rebels, and
commission was given to the captain of the Clanranald against them.
In consequence of these proceedings, which occurred about 1613,
Clanranald was enabled to secure the peaceable succession of his
nephew to the estate of Barra, on the death of his father, which
happened soon after.[166]
The island of Barra and the adjacent isles are still possessed by the
descendant and representative of the family of Macneill. Their feudal
castle of Chisamul has been already mentioned. It is a building of
hexagonal form, strongly built, with a wall above thirty feet high,
and anchorage for small vessels on every side of it. Martin, who
visited Barra in 1703, in his _Description of the Western Islands_,
says that the Highland Chroniclers or sennachies alleged that the
then chief of Barra was the 34th lineal descendant from the first
Macneill who had held it. He relates that the inhabitants of this
and the other islands belonging to Macneill were in the custom of
applying to him for wives and husbands, when he named the persons
most suitable for them, and gave them a bottle of strong waters for
the marriage feast.
The chief of the Macneills of Gigha, in the first half of the 16th
century, was Neill Macneill, who was killed, with many gentlemen of
his tribe, in 1530, in a feud with Allan Maclean of Torlusk, called
_Ailen nan Sop_, brother of Maclean of Dowart. His only daughter,
Annabella, made over the lands of Gigha to her natural brother,
Neill. He sold Gigha to James Macdonald of Isla in 1554, and died
without legitimate issue in the latter part of the reign of Queen
Mary.
On the extinction of the direct male line, Neill Macneill vic Eachan,
who had obtained the lands of Taynish, became heir male of the
family. His descendant, Hector Macneill of Taynish, purchased in 1590
the island of Gigha from John Campbell of Calder, who had acquired
it from Macdonald of Isla, so that it again became the property
of a Macneill. The estates of Gigha and Taynish were possessed by
his descendants till 1780, when the former was sold to Macneill of
Colonsay, a cadet of the family.
The representative of the male line of the Macneills of Taynish
and Gigha, Roger Hamilton Macneill of Taynish, married Elizabeth,
daughter and heiress of Hamilton Price, Esq. of Raploch, Lanarkshire,
with whom he got that estate, and assumed, in consequence, the name
of Hamilton. His descendants are now designated of Raploch.
The principal cadets of the Gigha Macneills, besides the Taynish
family, were those of Gallochallie, Carskeay, and Tirfergus. Torquil,
a younger son of Lachlan Macneill Buy of Tirfergus, acquired the
estate of Ugadale in Argyleshire, by marriage with the heiress of
the Mackays in the end of the 17th century. The present proprietor
spells his name Macneal. From Malcolm Beg Macneill, celebrated in
Highland tradition for his extraordinary prowess and great strength,
son of John Oig Macneill of Gallochallie, in the reign of James VI.,
sprung the Macneills of Arichonan. Malcolm’s only son, Neill Oig, had
two sons, John, who succeeded him, and Donald Macneill of Crerar,
ancestor of the Macneills of Colonsay, now the possessors of Gigha.
Many cadets of the Macneills of Gigha settled in the north of Ireland.
Both branches of the clan Neill laid claim to the chiefship.
According to tradition, it has belonged, since the middle of the 16th
century, to the house of Barra. Under the date of 1550, a letter
appears in the register of the privy council, addressed to “Torkill
Macneill, chief and principal of the clan and surname of Macnelis.”
Mr Skene conjectures this Torkill to have been the hereditary
keeper of Castle Sweyn, and connected with neither branch of the
Macneills. He is said, however, to have been the brother of Neill
Macneill of Gigha, killed in 1530, as above mentioned, and to have,
on his brother’s death, obtained a grant of the non-entries of Gigha
as representative of the family. If this be correct, according to
the above designation, the chiefship was in the Gigha line. Torquil
appears to have died without leaving any direct succession.
The first of the family of Colonsay, Donald Macneill of Crerar, in
South Knapdale, exchanged that estate in 1700, with the Duke of
Argyll, for the islands of Colonsay and Oronsay. The old possessors
of these two islands, which are only separated by a narrow sound,
dry at low water, were the Macduffies or Macphies. Donald’s
great-grandson, Archibald Macneill of Colonsay, sold that island to
his cousin, John Macneill, who married Hester, daughter of Duncan
Macneill of Dunmore, and had six sons. His eldest son, Alexander,
younger of Colonsay, became the purchaser of Gigha. Two of his
other sons, Duncan, Lord Colonsay, and Sir John Macneill, have
distinguished themselves, the one as a lawyer and judge, and the
other as a diplomatist.
MACLACHLAN.
[Illustration: BADGE.--Mountain Ash.]
Maclachlan, or Maclauchlan, is the name of another clan classified
by Skene as belonging to the great race of the Siol Conn, and in the
MS., so much valued by this writer, of 1450, the Maclachlans are
traced to Gilchrist, a grandson of that Anradan or Henry, from whom
all the clans of the Siol Gillevray are said to be descended. They
possessed the barony of Strathlachlan in Cowal, and other extensive
possessions in the parishes of Glassrie and Kilmartin, and on Loch
Awe side, which were separated from the main seat of the family by
Loch Fyne.
They were one of those Gaelic tribes who adopted the oared galley
for their special device, as indicative of their connection, either
by residence or descent, with the Isles. An ancestor of the family,
Lachlan Mor, who lived in the 13th century, is described in the
Gaelic MS. of 1450, as “son of Patrick, son of Gilchrist, son of De
dalan, called the clumsy, son of Anradan, from whom are descended
also the clan Neill.”
[Illustration: MACLACHLAN. (Tartan)]
By tradition the Maclachlans are said to have come from Ireland,
their original stock being the O’Loughlins of Meath.
According to the Irish genealogies, the clan Lachlan, the Lamonds,
and the MacEwens of Otter, were kindred tribes, being descended from
brothers who were sons of De dalan above referred to, and tradition
relates that they took possession of the greater part of the district
of Cowal, from Toward Point to Strachur at the same time; the Lamonds
being separated from the MacEwens by the river of Kilfinan, and
the MacEwens from the Maclachlans by the stream which separates
the parishes of Kilfinan and Strath Lachlan. De dalan, the common
ancestor of these families, is stated in ancient Irish genealogies to
have been the grandson of Hugh Atlaman, the head of the great family
of O’Neils, kings of Ireland.
About 1230, Gilchrist Maclachlan, who is mentioned in the manuscript
of 1450 as chief of the family of Maclachlan at the time, is a
witness to a charter of Kilfinan granted by Laumanus, ancestor of the
Lamonds.
In 1292, Gilleskel Maclachlan got a charter of his lands in Ergadia
from Baliol.
In a document preserved in the treasury of Her Majesty’s Exchequer,
entitled “Les petitions de terre demandees en Escoce,” there is the
following entry,--“Item Gillescop Macloghlan ad demandi la Baronie de
Molbryde juvene, apelle Strath, que fu pris contre le foi de Roi.”
From this it appears that Gillespie Maclachlan was in possession
of the lands still retained by the family, during the occupation of
Scotland by Edward I. in 1296.[167]
In 1314, Archibald Maclachlan in Ergadia, granted to the Preaching
Friars of Glasgow forty shillings to be paid yearly out of his lands
of Kilbride, “juxta castrum meum quod dicitur Castellachlan.” He died
before 1322, and was succeeded by his brother Patrick. The latter
married a daughter of James, Steward of Scotland, and had a son,
Lachlan, who succeeded him. Lachlan’s son, Donald, confirmed in 1456,
the grant by his predecessor Archibald, to the Preaching Friars of
Glasgow of forty shillings yearly out of the lands of Kilbride, with
an additional annuity of six shillings and eightpence “from his lands
of Kilbryde near Castellachlan.”[168]
Lachlan, the 15th chief, dating from the time that written evidence
can be adduced, was served heir to his father, 23d September 1719.
He married a daughter of Stewart of Appin, and was killed at
Culloden, fighting on the side of Prince Charles. The 18th chief, his
great-grandson, Robert Maclachlan of Maclachlan, convener and one
of the deputy-lieutenants of Argyleshire, married in 1823, Helen,
daughter of William A. Carruthers of Dormont, Dumfries-shire, without
issue. His brother, the next heir, George Maclachlan, Esq., has
three sons and a daughter. The family seat, Castle Lachlan, built
about 1790, near the old and ruinous tower, formerly the residence
of the chiefs, is situated in the centre of the family estate, which
is eleven miles in length, and, on an average, a mile and a half
in breadth, and stretches in one continued line along the eastern
side of Loch Fyne. The effective force of the clan previous to the
rebellion of 1745, was estimated at 300 men. Their original seat,
according to Mr Skene, appears to have been in Lochaber, where a very
old branch of the family has from the earliest period been settled as
native men of the Camerons.
In Argyleshire also are the families of Maclachlan of Craiginterve,
Inchconnell, &c., and in Stirlingshire, of Auchintroig. The
Maclachlans of Drumblane in Monteith were of the Lochaber branch.
MACEWENS.
Upon a rocky promontory situated on the coast of Lochfyne, may still
be discerned the vestige of a building, called in Gaelic Chaistel
Mhic Eobhuin, or the castle of MacEwen. In the Old Statistical
Account of the parish of Kilfinnan, quoted by Skene, this MacEwen
is described as the chief of a clan, and proprietor of the northern
division of the parish called Otter; and in the manuscript of 1450,
which contains the genealogy of the _Clan Eoghan na Hoitreic_,
or Clan Ewen of Otter, they are derived from Anradan, the common
ancestor of the Maclauchlans and the Macneills. This family soon
became extinct, and their property gave title to a branch of the
Campbells, by whom it appears to have been subsequently acquired,
though in what manner we have no means of ascertaining.
SIOL EACHERN.
Under the name of _Siol Eachern_ are included by Mr Skene the
Macdougall Campbells of Craignish, and the Lamonds of Lamond, both
very old clans in Argyleshire, and supposed to have been originally
of the same race.
MACDOUGALL CAMPBELLS OF CRAIGNISH.
“The policy of the Argyll family,” says Mr Skene, “led them to employ
every means for the acquisition of property, and the extension of the
clan. One of the arts which they used for the latter purpose was to
compel those clans which had become dependant upon them to adopt the
name of Campbell; and this, when successful, was generally followed
at an after period, by the assertion that that clan was descended
from the house of Argyll. In general, the clans thus adopted into the
race of Campbell, are sufficiently marked out by their being promoted
only to the honour of their being an illegitimate branch; but the
tradition of the country invariably distinguishes between the real
Campbells, and those who were compelled to adopt their name.” Of
the policy in question, the Campbells of Craignish are said to have
afforded a remarkable instance. According to the Argyll system, as
here described, they are represented as the descendants of Dugall,
an illegitimate son of a Campbell, who lived in the twelfth century.
But the common belief amongst the people is, that their ancient
name was MacEachern, and that they were of the same race with the
Macdonalds; nor are there wanting circumstances which seem to give
countenance to this tradition. Their arms are charged with the galley
of the Isles, from the mast of which depends a shield exhibiting
some of the distinctive bearings of the Campbells; and, what is even
more to the purpose, the manuscript of 1450 contains a genealogy
of the MacEacherns, in which they are derived from a certain Nicol
MacMurdoch, who lived in the twelfth century. Besides, when the
MacGillevrays and MacIans of Morvern and Ardgour were broken up and
dispersed, many of their septs, although not resident on the property
of the Craignish family, acknowledged its head as their chief. But
as the MacGillevrays and the MacIans were two branches of the same
clan, which had separated as early as the twelfth century; and as
the MacEacherns appear to have been of the same race, Murdoch, the
first of the clan, being contemporary with Murdoch the father of
Gillebride, the ancestor of the Siol Gillevray; it may be concluded
that the Siol Eachern and the MacIans were of the same clan; and
this is further confirmed by the circumstance, that there was an
old family of MacEacherns which occupied Kingerloch, bordering on
Ardgour, the ancient property of the MacIans. That branch of the
Siol Eachern which settled at Craignish, were called Clan Dugall
Craignish, and obtained, it is said, the property known by this
name from the brother of Campbell of Lochow, in the reign of David
II.[169] The lands of Colin Campbell of Lochow having been forfeited
in that reign, his brother, Gillespie Campbell, appears to have
obtained a grant of them from the crown; and it is not improbable
that the clan Dugall Craignish acquired from the latter their right
to the property of Craignish. After the restoration of the Lochow
family, by the removal of the forfeiture, that of Craignish were
obliged to hold their lands, not of the crown, but of the house of
Argyll. Nevertheless, they continued for some time a considerable
family, maintaining a sort of independence, until at length, yielding
to the influence of that policy which has already been described,
they merged, like most of the neighbouring clans, in that powerful
race by whom they were surrounded.[170]
LAMOND.
[Illustration: BADGE.--Crab-Apple Tree.]
It is an old and accredited tradition in the Highlands, that the
Lamonds or Lamonts were the most ancient proprietors of Cowal, and
that the Stewarts, Maclauchlans, and Campbells obtained possession
of their property in that district by marriage with daughters of
the family. At an early period a very small part only of Cowal was
included in the sheriffdom of Upper Argyle, the remainder being
comprehended in that of Perth. It may, therefore, be presumed that,
on the conquest of Argyle by Alexander II., the lord of Lower Cowal
had submitted to the king, and obtained a crown charter. But, in
little more than half a century after that event, we find the High
Steward in possession of Lower Cowal, and the Maclauchlans in
possession of Strathlachlan. It appears, indeed, that, in 1242,
Alexander the High Steward of Scotland, married Jean, the daughter
of James, son of Angus MacRory, who is styled Lord of Bute; and,
from the manuscript of 1450, we learn that, about the same period,
Gilchrist Maclauchlan married the daughter of Lachlan MacRory;
from which it is probable that this Roderic or Rory was the third
individual who obtained a crown charter for Lower Cowal, and that
by these intermarriages the property passed from his family into
the hands of the Stewarts and the Machlauchlans. The coincidence of
these facts, with the tradition above-mentioned, would seem also to
indicate that Angus MacRory was the ancestor of the Lamonds.
After the marriage of the Steward with the heiress of Lamond, the
next of that race of whom any mention is made is Duncan MacFercher,
and “Laumanus,” son of Malcolm, and grandson of the same Duncan,
who appear to have granted to the monks of Paisley a charter of the
lands of Kilmore, near Lochgilp, and also of the lands “which they
and their predecessors held at Kilmun” (_quas nos et antecessores
nostri apud Kilmun habuerunt_). In the same year, “Laumanus,” the
son of Malcolm, also granted a charter of the lands of Kilfinnan,
which, in 1295, is confirmed by Malcolm, the son and heir of the
late “Laumanus” (_domini quondam Laumanis_). But in an instrument,
or deed, dated in 1466, between the monastery of Paisley and John
Lamond of Lamond, regarding the lands of Kilfinan, it is expressly
stated, that these lands had belonged to the ancestors of John
Lamond; and hence, it is evident, that the “Laumanus,” mentioned in
the previous deed, must have been one of the number, if not indeed
the chief and founder of the family. “From Laumanus,” says Mr Skene,
“the clan appear to have taken the name of Maclaman or Lamond, having
previously to this time borne the name of Macerachar, and Clan Mhic
Earachar.”
The connection of this clan with that of Dugall Craignish, is
indicated by the same circumstances which point out the connection
of other branches of the tribe; for whilst the Craignish family
preserved its power it was followed by a great portion of the Clan
Mhic Earachar, although it possessed no feudal right to their
services. “There is one peculiarity connected with the Lamonds,”
says Mr Skene, “that although by no means a powerful clan, their
genealogy can be proved by charters, at a time when most other
Highland families are obliged to have recourse to tradition, and the
genealogies of their ancient sennachies; but their antiquity could
not protect the Lamonds from the encroachments of the Campbells, by
whom they were soon reduced to as small a portion of their original
possessions in Lower Cowal, as the other Argyleshire clans had been
of theirs.”[171] The Lamonds were a clan of the same description as
the Maclauchlans, and, like the latter, they have, notwithstanding
“the encroachments of the Campbells,” still retained a portion of
their ancient possessions. The chief of this family is Lamond of
Lamond.
According to Nisbet, the clan Lamond were originally from Ireland,
but whether they sprung from the Dalriadic colony, or from a still
earlier race in Cowal, it is certain that they possessed, at a very
early period, the superiority of the district. Their name continued
to be the prevailing one till the middle of the 17th century. In June
1646, certain chiefs of the clan Campbell in the vicinity of Dunoon
castle, determined upon obtaining the ascendency, took advantage of
the feuds and disorders of the period, to wage a war of extermination
against the Lamonds. The massacre of the latter by the Campbells,
that year, formed one of the charges against the Marquis of Argyll in
1661, although he does not seem to have been any party to it.
An interesting tradition is recorded of one of the lairds of Lamond,
who had unfortunately killed, in a sudden quarrel, the son of
MacGregor of Glenstrae, taking refuge in the house of the latter, and
claiming his protection, which was readily granted, he being ignorant
that he was the slayer of his son. On being informed, MacGregor
escorted him in safety to his own people. When the MacGregors were
proscribed, and the aged chief of Glenstrae had become a wanderer,
Lamond hastened to protect him and his family, and received them into
his house.
FOOTNOTES:
[162] _Clans_, 44, 45.
[163] Mr Smibert (_Clans_, p. 46) thus describes this interesting
relic:--“That ornament, as observed, is silver, and consists of
a circular plate, about four inches in diameter, having a tongue
like that of a common buckle on the under side. The upper side
is magnificently ornamented. First, from the margin rises a
neatly-formed rim, with hollows cut in the edge at certain distances,
like the embrasures in an embattled wall. From a circle within this
rim rise eight round tapering obelisks, about an inch and a quarter
high, finely cut, and each studded at top with a river pearl. Within
this circle of obelisks there is a second rim, also ornamented
with carved work, and within which rises a neat circular case,
occupying the whole centre of the brooch, and slightly overtopping
the obelisks. The exterior of this case, instead of forming a plain
circle, projects into eight semi-cylinders, which relieve it from
all appearance of heaviness. The upper part is likewise carved very
elegantly, and in the centre there is a large gem. This case may be
taken off, and within there is a hollow, which might have contained
any small articles upon which a particular value was set.”
[164] In referring to this incident in the first part of this work
(p. 63), the name “Stewart” (which had crept into the old edition)
was allowed to remain instead of that of “Macdougall.” The Stewarts
did not possess Lorn till some years after.
[165] _Clans_, p. 84.
[166] _Gregory’s Highlands and Isles_, p. 346.
[167] See _Sir Francis Palgrave’s Scottish Documents_, vol. i. p. 319.
[168] _Munimenta Fratrum Predicatorum de Glasgu. Maitland Club._
[169] “Nisbet, that acute heraldist,” says Smibert, “discovered an
old seal of the family, on which the words are, as nearly as they
can be made out, _S(igillum) Dugalli de Craignish_, showing that the
Campbells of Craignish were simply of the Dhu-Gall race. The seal is
very old, though noticed only by its use in 1500. It has the grand
mark upon it of the bearings of all the Gael of the Western Coasts,
namely, the Oared Galley.”
[170] Skene’s _Highlanders_.
[171] Skene’s _Highlanders_, vol. ii. part ii. chap. 4.
CHAPTER IV.
Robertsons or Clan Donnachie--Macfarlanes--Campbells of Argyll and
offshoots--Royal Marriage--Campbells of Breadalbane--Macarthur
Campbells of Strachur--Campbells of Cawdor, Aberuchill,
Ardnamurchan, Auchinbreck, Ardkinglass, Barcaldine, Dunstaffnage,
Monzie--The Macleods of Lewis and Harris--Macleods of Rasay.
ROBERTSON.
[Illustration: BADGE.--Fern or Brackens.]
Besides the clans already noticed, there are other two which,
according to Skene, are set down by the genealogists as having
originally belonged to the Gallgael or Celts of the Western Isles;
these are the Robertsons or clan Donnachie, and the Macfarlanes.
Tradition claims for the clan Donnachie a descent from the great
sept of the Macdonalds, their remote ancestor being said to have
been Duncan (hence the name _Donnachie_) the Fat, son of Angus
Mor, Lord of the Isles, in the reign of William the Lion. Smibert
thinks this is certainly the most feasible account of their origin.
Skene, however, endeavours to trace their descent from Duncan, King
of Scotland, eldest son of Malcolm III., their immediate ancestor,
according to him, having been Conan, second son of Henry, fourth and
last of the ancient Celtic Earls of Athole. This Conan, it is said,
received from his father, in the reign of Alexander II., the lands
of Generochy, afterwards called Strowan, in Gaelic _Struthan_--that
is, streamy. Conan’s great-grandson, Andrew, was styled of Athole,
_de Atholia_, which was the uniform designation of the family,
indicative, Mr Skene thinks, of their descent from the ancient Earls
of Athole. According to the same authority, it was from Andrew’s son,
Duncan, that the clan derived their distinctive appellation of the
clan _Donnachie_, or children of Duncan. Duncan is said to have been
twice married, and acquired by both marriages considerable territory
in the district of Rannoch. By his first wife he had a son, Robert de
Atholia.
As it is well known that Mr Skene’s Celtic prejudices are very
strong, and as his derivation of the Robertsons from Duncan, king
of Scotland, is to a great extent conjectural, it is only fair to
give the other side of the question, viz., the probability of their
derivation from the Celts of the Western Isles. We shall take the
liberty of quoting here Mr Smibert’s judicious and acute remarks on
this point. “There unquestionably exist doubts about the derivation
of the Robertsons from the Macdonalds; but the fact of their
acquiring large possessions at so early a period in Athole, seems to
be decisive of their descent from some great and strong house among
the Western Celts. And what house was more able so to endow its
scions than that of Somerled, whose heads were the kings of the west
of Scotland? The Somerled or Macdonald power, moreover, extended into
Athole beyond all question; and, indeed, it may be said to have been
almost the sole power which could so have planted there one of its
offshoots, apart from the regal authority. Accordingly, though Duncan
may not have been the son of Angus Mor (Macdonald), a natural son of
the Lord of the Isles, as has been commonly averred, it by no means
follows that the family were not of the Macdonald race. The proof
may be difficult, but probability must be accepted in its stead. An
opposite course has been too long followed on all sides. Why should
men conceal from themselves the plain fact that the times under
consideration were barbarous, and that their annals were necessarily
left to us, not by the pen of the accurate historian, but by the
dealers in song and tradition?”
Referring to the stress laid by Mr Skene upon the designation _de
Atholia_, which was uniformly assumed by the Robertsons, Mr Smibert
remarks,--“In the first place, the designation _De Atholia_ can
really be held to prove nothing, since, as in the case of _De
Insulis_, such phrases often pointed to mere residence, and were
especially used in reference to large districts. A gentleman ‘of
Athole’ is not necessarily connected with the Duke; and, as we now
use such phrases without any meaning of that kind, much more natural
was the custom of old, when general localities alone were known
generally. In the second place, are the Robertsons made more purely
Gaelic, for such is partly the object in the view of Mr Skene, by
being traced to the ancient Athole house? That the first lords of
the line were Celts may be admitted; but heiresses again and again
interrupted the male succession. While one wedded a certain Thomas
of London, another found a mate in a person named David de Hastings.
These strictly English names speak for themselves; and it was by the
Hastings marriage, which took place shortly after the year 1200, that
the first house of Athole was continued. It is clear, therefore, that
the supposition of the descent of the Robertsons from the first lords
of Athole leaves them still of largely mingled blood--Norman, Saxon,
and Gaelic. Such is the result, even when the conjecture is admitted.
“As a Lowland neighbourhood gave to the race of Robert, son of
Duncan, the name of Robertson, so would it also intermingle their
race and blood with those of the Lowlanders.”[172]
It is from the grandson of Robert of Athole, also named Robert,
that the clan Donnachie derive their name of Robertson. This Robert
was noted for his predatory incursions into the Lowlands, and is
historically known as the chief who arrested and delivered up to
the vengeance of the government Robert Graham and the Master of
Athole, two of the murderers of James I., for which he was rewarded
with a crown charter, dated in 1451, erecting his whole lands into
a free barony. He also received the honourable augmentation to his
arms of a naked man manacled under the achievement, with the motto,
_Virtutis gloria merces_. He was mortally wounded in the head near
the village of Auchtergaven, in a conflict with Robert Forrester of
Torwood, with whom he had a dispute regarding the lands of Little
Dunkeld. Binding up his head with a white cloth, he rode to Perth,
and obtained from the king a new grant of the lands of Strowan. On
his return home, he died of his wounds. He had three sons, Alexander,
Robert, and Patrick. Robert, the second son, was the ancestor of the
Earls of Portmore, a title now extinct.
The eldest son, Alexander, was twice married, his sons becoming
progenitors of various families of Robertsons. He died in, or shortly
prior to, 1507, and was succeeded by his grandson, William. This
chief had some dispute with the Earl of Athole concerning the marches
of their estates, and was killed by a party of the earl’s followers,
in 1530. Taking advantage of a wadset or mortgage which he held over
the lands of Strowan, the earl seized nearly the half of the family
estate, which the Robertsons could never again recover. William’s
son, Robert, had two sons--William, who died without issue, and
Donald, who succeeded him.
Donald’s grandson, 11th laird of Strowan, died in 1636, leaving an
infant son, Alexander, in whose minority the government of the clan
devolved upon his uncle, Donald. Devoted to the cause of Charles I.,
the latter raised a regiment of his name and followers, and was with
the Marquis of Montrose in all his battles. After the Restoration,
the king settled a pension upon him.
His nephew, Alexander Robertson of Strowan, was twice married. By his
second wife, Marion, daughter of General Baillie of Letham, he had
two sons and one daughter, and died in 1688. Duncan, the second son
by the second marriage, served in Russia, with distinction, under
Peter the Great.
Alexander, the elder son of the second marriage, was the celebrated
Jacobite chief and poet. Born about 1670, he was destined for the
church, and sent to the university of St Andrews; but his father
and brother by the first marriage dying within a few months of each
other, he succeeded to the family estate and the chiefship in 1688.
Soon after, he joined the Viscount Dundee, when he appeared in
arms in the Highlands for the cause of King James; but though he
does not appear to have been at Killiecrankie, and was still under
age, he was, for his share in this rising, attainted by a decreet
of parliament in absence in 1690, and his estates forfeited to the
crown. He retired, in consequence, to the court of the exiled monarch
at St Germains, where he lived for several years, and served one or
two campaigns in the French army. In 1703, Queen Anne granted him a
remission, when he returned to Scotland, and resided unmolested on
his estates, but neglecting to get the remission passed the seals,
the forfeiture of 1690 was never legally repealed. With about 500 of
his clan he joined the Earl of Mar in 1715, and was taken prisoner
at the battle of Sheriffmuir, but rescued. Soon after, however, he
fell into the hands of a party of soldiers in the Highlands, and was
ordered to be conducted to Edinburgh; but, with the assistance of
his sister, he contrived to escape on the way, when he again took
refuge in France. In 1723, the estate of Strowan was granted by the
government to Margaret, the chief’s sister, by a charter under the
great seal, and in 1726 she disponed the same in trust for the behoof
of her brother, substituting, in the event of his death without
lawful heirs of his body, Duncan, son of Alexander Robertson of
Drumachune, her father’s cousin, and the next lawful heir male of the
family. Margaret died unmarried in 1727. Her brother had returned to
Scotland the previous year, and obtaining in 1731 a remission for his
life, took possession of his estate. In 1745 he once more “marshalled
his clan” in behalf of the Stuarts, but his age preventing him from
personally taking any active part in the rebellion, his name was
passed over in the list of proscriptions that followed. He died in
his own house of Carie, in Rannoch, April 18, 1749, in his 81st year,
without lawful issue, and in him ended the direct male line. A volume
of his poems was published after his death. An edition was reprinted
at Edinburgh in 1785, 12mo, containing also the “History and Martial
Achievements of the Robertsons of Strowan.” He is said to have formed
the prototype of the Baron of Bradwardine in “Waverley.”
The portion of the original estate of Strowan which remained
devolved upon Duncan Robertson of Drumachune, a property which his
great-grandfather, Duncan _Mor_ (who died in 1687), brother of Donald
the tutor, had acquired from the Athole family. As, however, his
name was not included in the last act of indemnity passed by the
government, he was dispossessed of the estate in 1752, when he and
his family retired to France. His son, Colonel Alexander Robertson,
obtained a restitution of Strowan in 1784, and died, unmarried, in
1822. Duncan _Mor’s_ second son, Donald, had a son, called Robert
_Bane_, whose grandson, Alexander Robertson, now succeeded to the
estate.
The son of the latter, Major-general George Duncan Robertson of
Strowan, C.B., passed upwards of thirty years in active service, and
received the cross of the Imperial Austrian order of Leopold. He was
succeeded by his son, George Duncan Robertson, born 26th July 1816,
at one time an officer in the 42d Highlanders.
The force which the Robertsons could bring into the field was
estimated at 800 in 1715, and 700 in 1745.
Of the branches of the family, the Robertsons of Lude, in
Blair-Athole, are the oldest, being of contemporary antiquity to that
of Strowan.
Patrick de Atholia, eldest son of the second marriage of Duncan
de Atholia, received from his father, at his death, about 1358,
the lands of Lude. He is mentioned in 1391, by Wyntoun (Book ii.
p. 367) as one of the chieftains and leaders of the clan. He had,
with a daughter, married to Donald, son of Farquhar, ancestor of
the Farquharsons of Invercauld, two sons, Donald and Alexander. The
latter, known by the name of _Rua_ or Red, from the colour of his
hair, acquired the estate of Straloch, for which he had a charter
from James II. in 1451, and was ancestor of the Robertsons of
Straloch, Perthshire. His descendants were called the Barons Rua.
The last of the Barons _Rua_, or _Red_, was Alexander Robertson of
Straloch, who died about the end of the last century, leaving an
only son, John, who adopted the old family _soubriquet_, and called
himself Reid (probably hoping to be recognised as the chief of the
Reids). John Reid entered the army, where he rose to the rank of
General, and died in 1803, leaving the reversion of his fortune
(amounting to about £70,000) for the endowment of a chair of music,
and other purposes, in the University of Edinburgh. This ancient
family is represented by Sir Archibald Ava Campbell, Bart.
Donald, the elder son, succeeded his father. He resigned his lands
of Lude into the king’s hand on February 7, 1447, but died before
he could receive his infeftment. He had two sons: John, who got the
charter under the great seal, dated March 31, 1448, erecting the
lands of Lude into a barony, proceeding on his father’s resignation;
and Donald, who got as his patrimony the lands of Strathgarry. This
branch of Lude ended in an heiress, who married an illegitimate son
of Stewart of Invermeath. About 1700, Strathgarry was sold to another
family of the name of Stewart.
The Robertsons of Inshes, Inverness-shire, are descended from Duncan,
second son of Duncan _de Atholia, dominus de Ranagh_, above mentioned.
The Robertsons of Kindeace descend from William Robertson, third
son of John, ancestor of the Robertsons of the Inshes, by his wife,
a daughter of Fearn of Pitcullen. He obtained from his father, in
patrimony, several lands about Inverness, and having acquired great
riches as a merchant, purchased, in 1615, the lands of Orkney,
Nairnshire, and in 1639, those of Kindeace, Ross-shire; the latter
becoming the chief title of the family.
The Robertsons of Kinlochmoidart, Inverness-shire, are descended
from John Robertson of Muirton, Elginshire, second son of Alexander
Robertson of Strowan, by his wife, Lady Elizabeth, daughter of the
Earl of Athole.
The fifth in succession, the Rev. William Robertson, one of the
ministers of Edinburgh, was father of Principal Robertson, and
of Mary, who married the Rev. James Syme, and had an only child,
Eleonora, mother of Henry, Lord Brougham. The Principal had three
sons and two daughters.
MACFARLANE.
[Illustration: BADGE.--Cloudberry bush.]
Of the clan Macfarlane, Mr Skene gives the best account, and we shall
therefore take the liberty of availing ourselves of his researches.
According to him, with the exception of the clan Donnachie, the clan
Parlan or Pharlan is the only one, the descent of which from the
ancient earls of the district where their possessions were situated,
may be established by the authority of a charter. It appears, indeed,
that the ancestor of this clan was Gilchrist, the brother of Maldowen
or Malduin, the third Earl of Lennox. This is proved by a charter of
Maldowen, still extant, by which he gives to his brother Gilchrist
a grant “de terris de superiori Arrochar de Luss;” and these lands,
which continued in possession of the clan until the death of the last
chief, have at all times constituted their principal inheritance.
But although the descent of the clan from the Earls of Lennox be thus
established, the origin of their ancestors is by no means so easily
settled. Of all the native earls of Scotland, those of this district
alone have had a foreign origin assigned to them, though, apparently,
without any sufficient reason. The first Earl of Lennox who appears
on record is _Aluin comes de Levenox_, who lived in the early part
of the 13th century; and there is some reason to believe that from
this Aluin the later Earls of Lennox were descended. It is, no doubt,
impossible to determine now who this Aluin really was; but, in the
absence of direct authority, we gather from tradition that the heads
of the family of Lennox, before being raised to the peerage, were
hereditary seneschals of Strathearn, and bailies of the Abthanery of
Dull, in Athole. Aluin was succeeded by a son of the same name, who
is frequently mentioned in the chartularies of Lennox and Paisley,
and who died before the year 1225. In Donald, the sixth earl, the
male branch of the family became extinct. Margaret, the daughter of
Donald, married Walter de Fassalane, the heir male of the family;
but this alliance failed to accomplish the objects intended by it,
or, in other words, to preserve the honours and power of the house
of Lennox. Their son Duncan, the eighth earl, had no male issue; and
his eldest daughter Isabella, having married Sir Murdoch Stuart, the
eldest son of the Regent, he and his family became involved in the
ruin which overwhelmed the unfortunate house of Albany. At the death
of Isabella, in 1460, the earldom was claimed by three families; but
that of Stewart of Darnley eventually overcame all opposition, and
acquired the title and estates of Lennox. Their accession took place
in the year 1488; upon which the clans that had been formerly united
with the earls of the old stock separated themselves, and became
independent.
Of these clans the principal was that of the Macfarlanes, the
descendants, as has already been stated, of Gilchrist, a younger
brother of Maldowen, Earl of Lennox. In the Lennox charters, several
of which he appears to have subscribed as a witness, this Gilchrist
is generally designated as _frater comitis_, or brother of the earl.
His son Duncan also obtained a charter of his lands from the Earl of
Lennox, and appears in the Ragman’s roll under the title of “Duncan
Macgilchrist de Levenaghes.” From a grandson of this Duncan, who was
called in Gaelic _Parlan_, or Bartholomew, the clan appears to have
taken the surname of _Macfarlane_; indeed the connection of Parlan
both with Duncan and with Gilchrist is clearly established by a
charter granted to Malcolm Macfarlane, the son of Parlan, confirming
to him the lands of Arrochar and others; and hence Malcolm may be
considered as the real founder of the clan. He was succeeded by his
son Duncan, who obtained from the Earl of Lennox a charter of the
lands of Arrochar as ample in its provisions as any that had been
granted to his predecessors; and married a daughter of Sir Colin
Campbell of Lochow, as appears from a charter of confirmation granted
in his favour by Duncan, Earl of Lennox. Not long after his death,
however, the ancient line of the Earls of Lennox became extinct; and
the Macfarlanes having claimed the earldom as heirs male, offered a
strenuous opposition to the superior pretensions of the feudal heirs.
Their resistance, however, proved alike unsuccessful and disastrous.
The family of the chief perished in defence of what they believed
to be their just rights; the clan also suffered severely, and of
those who survived the struggle, the greater part took refuge in
remote parts of the country. Their destruction, indeed, would have
been inevitable, but for the opportune support given by a gentleman
of the clan to the Darnley family. This was Andrew Macfarlane, who,
having married the daughter of John Stewart, Lord Darnley and Earl
of Lennox, to whom his assistance had been of great moment at a time
of difficulty, saved the rest of the clan, and recovered the greater
part of their hereditary possessions. The fortunate individual in
question, however, though the good genius of the race, does not
appear to have possessed any other title to the chiefship than what
he derived from his position, and the circumstance of his being
the only person in a condition to afford them protection; in fact,
the clan refused him the title of chief, which they appear to have
considered as incommunicable, except in the right line; and his son,
Sir John Macfarlane, accordingly contented himself with assuming the
secondary or subordinate designation of captain of the clan.
From this time, the Macfarlanes appear to have on all occasions
supported the Earls of Lennox of the Stewart race, and to have also
followed their banner in the field. For several generations, however,
their history as a clan is almost an entire blank; indeed, they
appear to have merged into mere retainers of the powerful family,
under whose protection they enjoyed undisturbed possession of their
hereditary domains. But in the sixteenth century Duncan Macfarlane
of Macfarlane appears as a steady supporter of Matthew, Earl of
Lennox. At the head of three hundred men of his own name, he joined
Lennox and Glencairn in 1544, and was present with his followers at
the battle of Glasgow-Muir, where he shared the defeat of the party
he supported. He was also involved in the forfeiture which followed;
but having powerful friends, his property was, through their
intercession, restored, and he obtained a remission under the privy
seal. The loss of this battle forced Lennox to retire to England;
whence, having married a niece of Henry VIII., he soon afterwards
returned with a considerable force which the English monarch had
placed under his command. The chief of Macfarlane durst not venture
to join Lennox in person, being probably restrained by the terror
of another forfeiture; but, acting on the usual Scottish policy of
that time, he sent his relative, Walter Macfarlane of Tarbet, with
four hundred men, to reinforce his friend and patron; and this body,
according to Holinshed, did most excellent service, acting at once
as light troops and as guides to the main body. Duncan, however, did
not always conduct himself with equal caution; for he is said to have
fallen in the fatal battle of Pinkie, in 1547, on which occasion also
a great number of his clan perished.
Andrew, the son of Duncan, as bold, active, and adventurous as his
sire, engaged in the civil wars of the period, and, what is more
remarkable, took a prominent part on the side of the Regent Murray;
thus acting in opposition to almost all the other Highland chiefs,
who were warmly attached to the cause of the queen. He was present
at the battle of Langside with a body of his followers, and there
“stood the Regent’s part in great stead;” for, in the hottest of the
fight, he came up with three hundred of his friends and countrymen,
and falling fiercely on the flank of the queen’s army, threw them
into irretrievable disorder, and thus mainly contributed to decide
the fortune of the day. The clan boast of having taken at this battle
three of Queen Mary’s standards, which, they say, were preserved
for a long time in the family. Macfarlane’s reward was not such as
afforded any great cause for admiring the munificence of the Regent;
but that his vanity at least might he conciliated, Murray bestowed
upon him the crest of a demi-savage _proper_, holding in his dexter
hand a sheaf of arrows, and pointing with his sinister to an imperial
crown, _or_, with the motto, _This I’ll defend_. Of the son of
this chief nothing is known; but his grandson, Walter Macfarlane,
returning to the natural feelings of a Highlander, proved himself
as sturdy a champion of the royal party as his grandfather had been
an uncompromising opponent and enemy. During Cromwell’s time, he
was twice besieged in his own house, and his castle of Inveruglas
was afterwards burned down by the English. But nothing could shake
his fidelity to his party. Though his personal losses in adhering
to the royal cause were of a much more substantial kind than his
grandfather’s reward in opposing it, yet his zeal was not cooled by
adversity, nor his ardour abated by the vengeance which it drew down
on his head.
Although a small clan, the Macfarlanes were as turbulent and
predatory in their way as their neighbours the Macgregors. By the
Act of the Estates of 1587 they were declared to be one of the clans
for whom the chief was made responsible; by another act passed
in 1594, they were denounced as being in the habit of committing
theft, robbery, and oppression; and in July 1624 many of the clan
were tried and convicted of theft and robbery. Some of them were
punished, some pardoned; while others were removed to the highlands
of Aberdeenshire, and to Strathaven in Banffshire, where they assumed
the names of Stewart, M’Caudy, Greisock, M’James, and M’Innes.
Of one eminent member of the clan, the following notice is taken by
Mr Skene in his work on the Highlands of Scotland. He says, “It is
impossible to conclude this sketch of the history of the Macfarlanes
without alluding to the eminent antiquary, Walter Macfarlane of that
ilk, who is as celebrated among historians as the indefatigable
collector of the ancient records of the country, as his ancestors had
been among the other Highland chiefs for their prowess in the field.
The family itself, however, is now nearly extinct, after having held
their original lands for a period of six hundred years.”
Of the lairds of Macfarlane there have been no fewer than
twenty-three. The last of them went to North America in the early
part of the 18th century. A branch of the family settled in Ireland
in the reign of James VII., and the headship of the clan is claimed
by its representative, Macfarlane of Hunstown House, in the county of
Dublin. The descendants of the ancient chiefs cannot now be traced,
and the lands once possessed by them have passed into other hands.
Under the head of Garmoran, Mr Skene, following the genealogists,
includes two western clans, viz., those of Campbell and Macleod. We
shall, however, depart from Mr Skene’s order, and notice these two
important clans here, while treating of the clans of the western
coasts and isles. Mr Skene,[173] on very shadowy grounds, endeavours
to make out that there must have been an ancient earldom of Garmoran,
situated between north and south Argyle, and including, besides the
districts of Knoydart, Morar, Arisaig, and Moydart (forming a late
lordship of Garmoran), the districts of Glenelg, Ardnamurchan, and
Morvern. He allows, however, that “at no period embraced by the
records do we discover Garmoran as an efficient earldom.” As to
this, Mr E. W. Robertson[174] remarks that “the same objection may
be raised against the earldom of Garmoran which is urged against the
earldom of the Merns, the total silence of history respecting it.”
ARGYLL CAMPBELL.
[Illustration: BADGE--Myrtle.]
The name CAMPBELL is undoubtedly one of considerable antiquity, and
the clan has for long been one of the most numerous and powerful
in the Highlands, although many families have adopted the name who
have no connection with the Campbells proper by blood or descent.
The Argyll family became latterly so powerful, that many smaller
clans were absorbed in it voluntarily or compulsorily, and assumed
in course of time its peculiar designation. The origin of the name,
as well as of the founder of the family, remains still a matter
of the greatest doubt. The attempt to deduce the family from the
half-mythical King Arthur, of course, is mere trifling.
The name is by some stated to have been derived from a Norman knight,
named de Campo Bello, who came to England with William the Conqueror.
As respects the latter part of the statement, it is to be observed
that in the list of all the knights who composed the army of the
Conqueror on the occasion of his invasion of England, and which is
known by the name of the Roll of Battle-Abbey, the name of Campo
Bello is not to be found. But it does not follow, as recent writers
have assumed, that a knight of that name may not have come over
to England at a later period, either of his reign or that of his
successors.
[Illustration: ARGYLL CAMPBELL. (Tartan)]
It has been alleged, in opposition to this account, that in the
oldest form of writing the name, it is spelled Cambel or Kambel, and
it is so found in many ancient documents; but these were written
by parties not acquainted with the individuals whose name they
record, as in the manuscript account of the battle of Halidon Hill,
by an unknown English writer, preserved in the British Museum; in
the Ragman’s Roll, which was compiled by an English clerk, and
in Wyntoun’s Chronicle. There is no evidence, however, that at
any period it was written by any of the family otherwise than as
_Campbell_, notwithstanding the extraordinary diversity that occurs
in the spelling of other names by their holders, as shown by Lord
Lindsay in the account of his clan; and the invariable employment
of the letter _p_ by the Campbells themselves would be of itself a
strong argument for the southern origin of the name, did there not
exist, in the record of the parliament of Robert Bruce held in 1320,
the name of the then head of the family, entered as Sir Nigel de
Campo Bello.
The writers, however, who attempt to sustain the fabulous tales of
the sennachies, assign a very different origin to the name. It is
personal, say they, “like that of some others of the Highland clans,
being composed of the words _cam_, bent or arched, and _beul_, mouth;
this having been the most prominent feature of the great ancestor of
the clan, Diarmid O’Dubin or O’Duin, a brave warrior celebrated in
traditional story, who was contemporary with the heroes of Ossian.
In the Gaelic language his descendants are called Siol Diarmid, the
offspring or race of Diarmid.”
Besides the manifest improbability of this origin on other grounds,
two considerations may be adverted to, each of them conclusive:--
First, It is known to all who have examined ancient genealogies,
that among the Celtic races personal distinctives never have
become hereditary. Malcolm _Canmore_, Donald _Bane_, Rob _Roy_, or
Evan _Dhu_, were, with many other names, distinctive of personal
qualities, but none of them descended, or could do so, to the
children of those who acquired them.
Secondly, It is no less clear that, until after what is called
the Saxon Conquest had been completely effected, no hereditary
surnames were in use among the Celts of Scotland, nor by the chiefs
of Norwegian descent who governed in Argyll and the Isles. This
circumstance is pointed out by Tytler in his remarks upon the early
population of Scotland, in the second volume of the History of
Scotland. The domestic slaves attached to the possessions of the
church and of the barons have their genealogies engrossed in ancient
charters of conveyances and confirmation copied by him. The names are
all Celtic, but in no one instance does the son, even when bearing a
second or distinctive name, follow that of his father.
Skene, who maintains the purely native origin of the Campbell, does
so in the following remarks:--
“We have shown it to be invariably the case, that when a clan claims
a foreign origin, and accounts for their possession of the chiefship
and property of the clan by a marriage with the heiress of the old
proprietors, they can be proved to be in reality a cadet of that
older house who had usurped the chiefship, while their claim to the
chiefship is disputed by an acknowledged descendant of that older
house. To this rule the Campbells are no exceptions, for while the
tale upon which they found a Norman descent is exactly parallel to
those of the other clans in the same situation, the most ancient
manuscript genealogies deduce them in the male line from that very
family of O’Duin, whose heiress they are said to have married, and
the Macarthur Campbells, of Strachur, the acknowledged descendants of
the older house, they have at all times disputed the chiefship with
the Argyll family. Judging from analogy, we are compelled to admit
that the Campbells of Strachur must formerly have been chiefs of the
clan, and that the usual causes in such cases have operated to reduce
the Strachur family, and to place that of Argyll in that situation,
and this is confirmed by the early history of the clan.”
We shall take the liberty of quoting here some ingenious speculations
on the origin of the name and the founder of the clan, from the pen
of a gentleman, a member of the clan, who, for several years, has
devoted his leisure to the investigation of the subject, and has
placed the results of his researches at our disposal. He declares
that the name itself is the most inflexible name in Scotland. In
all old documents, he says, in which it occurs, either written by a
Campbell, or under his direction, it is spelled always Campbell, or
Campo-Bello; and its southern origin he believes is past question.
It has always seemed to him to have been the name of some Roman,
who, after his countrymen retired from Britain, had settled among
the Britons of Strath-Clyde. “I am not one,” he continues, “of those
who suppose that the fortunes of Campbell depended entirely on the
patrimony of his wife. As a family who had been long in the country,
the chief of the name (it is improbable that he was then the sole
owner of that name, although his family is alone known to history),
as a soldier, high in his sovereign’s favour, was likely to have
possessed lands in Argyle before his marriage took place. Men of
mark were then necessary to keep these rather wild and outlandish
districts in subjection, and only men high in royal favour were
likely to have that trust,--a trust likely to be so well rewarded,
that its holder would be an eligible match for the heiress of Paul
In-Sporran.
“It is also quite likely that Eva O’Duin was a king’s ward, and on
that account her hand would be in the king’s gift; and who so likely
to receive it as a trusted knight, connected with the district, and
one whose loyalty was unquestioned?
“Again, we put little stress on the Celtic origin of the name,--from
the crooked mouth of the first chief, as if from _cam_, bent or
crooked, and _beul_, mouth. No doubt this etymology is purely
fanciful, and may have been invented by some one anxious to prove
the purely Celtic origin of the family; but this seems really
unnecessary, as a Celtic residence, Celtic alliances, and Celtic
associations for nearly 800 years, is a Celtic antiquity in an almost
unbroken line such as few families are able to boast of; indeed, no
clan can boast of purer Celtic blood than the Campbells, and their
present chief.”
The conclusion which, we think, any unprejudiced reader must come to,
is, that the question of the origin of the Campbells cannot, until
further light be thrown upon it, be determined with certainty at
the present day. It is possible that the story of the genealogists
may be true; they declare that the predecessors of the Argyll[175]
family, on the female side, were possessors of Lochow or Lochawe in
Argyleshire, as early as 404 A.D. Of this, however, there is no proof
worthy of the name. The first of the race, who comes prominently into
notice is one Archibald (also called Gillespie) Campbell, as likely
as not, we think, to be a gentleman of Anglo-Norman lineage, who
lived in the 11th century. He acquired the lordship of Lochow, or
Lochawe, by marriage with Eva, daughter and heiress of Paul O’Duin,
Lord of Lochow, denominated Paul Insporran, from his being the king’s
treasurer. Another Gillespic is the first of the house mentioned in
authentic history, his name occurring as a witness of the charter of
the lands of the burgh of Newburgh by Alexander III. in 1246.
Sir Colin Campbell of Lochow, the real founder of the family, sixth
in descent from the first Gillespic, distinguished himself by his
warlike actions, and was knighted by King Alexander the Third in
1280. He added largely to his estates, and on account of his great
prowess he obtained the surname of Mohr or More (“great”); from him
the chief of the Argyll family is in Gaelic styled Mac Chaillan
More.[176]
Sir Colin Campbell had a quarrel with a powerful neighbour of his,
the Lord of Lorn, and after he had defeated him, pursuing the victory
too eagerly, was slain (in 1294) at a place called the String of
Cowal, where a great obelisk was erected over his grave. This is said
to have occasioned bitter feuds betwixt the houses of Lochow and Lorn
for a long period of years, which were put an end to by the marriage
of the daughter of the Celtic proprietor of Lorn, with John Stewart
of Innermeath about 1386. Sir Colin married a lady of the name of
Sinclair, by whom he had five sons.
Sir Niel Campbell of Lochow, his eldest son, swore fealty to Edward
the First, but afterwards joined Robert the Bruce, and fought by his
side in almost every encounter, from the defeat at Methven to the
victory at Bannockburn. King Robert rewarded his services by giving
him his sister, the Lady Mary Bruce, in marriage, and conferring
on him the lands forfeited by the Earl of Athole. His next brother
Donald was the progenitor of the Campbells of Loudon. By his wife Sir
Niel had three sons,--Sir Colin; John, created Earl of Athole, upon
the forfeiture of David de Strathbogie, the eleventh earl; and Dugal.
Sir Colin, the eldest son, obtained a charter from his uncle,
King Robert Bruce, of the lands of Lochow and Artornish, dated at
Arbroath, 10th February 1316, in which he is designated _Colinus
filius Nigelli Cambel, militis_. As a reward for assisting the
Steward of Scotland in 1334 in the recovery of the castle of Dunoon,
in Cowal, Sir Colin was made hereditary governor of the castle, and
had the grant of certain lands for the support of his dignity.
Sir Colin died about 1340. By his wife, a daughter of the house of
Lennox, he had three sons and a daughter.
The eldest son, Sir Gillespic or Archibald, who added largely to the
family possessions, was twice married, and had three sons, Duncan,
Colin, and David, and a daughter, married to Duncan Macfarlane of
Arrochar. Colin, the second son, was designed of Ardkinglass, and of
his family, the Campbells of Ardentinny, Dunoon, Carrick, Skipnish,
Blythswood, Shawfield, Rachan, Auchwillan, and Dergachie are branches.
Sir Duncan Campbell of Lochow, the eldest son, was one of the
hostages in 1424, under the name of Duncan, Lord of Argyll, for the
payment of the sum of forty thousand pounds (equivalent to four
hundred thousand pounds of our money), for the expense of King James
the First’s maintenance during his long imprisonment in England, when
Sir Duncan was found to be worth fifteen hundred merks a-year. He
was the first of the family to assume the designation of Argyll. By
King James he was appointed one of his privy council, and constituted
his justiciary and lieutenant within the shire of Argyll. He became
a lord of parliament in 1445, under the title of Lord Campbell. He
died in 1453, and was buried at Kilmun. He married, first, Marjory
or Mariota Stewart, daughter of Robert Duke of Albany, governor of
Scotland, by whom he had three sons,--Celestine, who died before him;
Archibald, who also predeceased him, but left a son; and Colin, who
was the first of Glenorchy, and ancestor of the Breadalbane family.
Sir Duncan married, secondly, Margaret, daughter of Sir John Stewart
of Blackhall and Auchingown, natural son of Robert the Third, by whom
also he had three sons, namely, Duncan, who, according to Crawford,
was the ancestor of the house of Auchinbreck, of whom are the
Campbells of Glencardel, Glensaddel, Kildurkland, Kilmorie, Wester
Keams, Kilberry, and Dana; Niel, progenitor, according to Crawford,
of the Campbells of Ellengreig and Ormadale; and Arthur or Archibald,
ancestor of the Campbells of Ottar, now extinct. According to some
authorities, the Campbells of Auchinbreck and their cadets, also
Ellengrieg and Ormadale, descend from this the youngest son, and not
from his brothers.
The first Lord Campbell was succeeded by his grandson Colin, the son
of his second son Archibald. He acquired part of the lordship of
Campbell in the parish of Dollar,[177] by marrying the eldest of the
three daughters of John Stewart, third Lord of Lorn and Innermeath.
He did not, as is generally stated, acquire by this marriage any part
of the lordship of Lorn (which passed to Walter, brother of John,
the fourth Lord Innermeath, and heir of entail), but obtained that
lordship by exchanging the lands of Baldunning and Innerdunning, &c.,
in Perthshire, with the said Walter. In 1457 he was created Earl of
Argyll. In 1470 he was created baron of Lorn, and in 1481 he received
a grant of many lands in Knapdale, along with the keeping of Castle
Sweyn, which had previously been held by the Lord of the Isles. He
died in 1493.
By Isabel Stewart, his wife, eldest daughter of John, Lord of Lorn,
the first Earl of Argyll had two sons and seven daughters. Archibald,
his elder son, became second earl, and Thomas, the younger, was the
ancestor of the Campbells of Lundie, in Forfarshire. Another daughter
was married to Torquil Macleod of the Lewis.
Archibald, second Earl of Argyll, succeeded his father in 1493.
In 1499 he and others received a commission from the king to let
on lease, for the term of three years, the entire lordship of the
Isles as possessed by the last lord, both in the Isles and on the
mainland, excepting only the island of Isla, and the lands of North
and South Kintyre. He also received a commission of lieutenancy,
with the fullest powers, over the lordship of the Isles; and, some
months later, was appointed keeper of the castle of Tarbert, and
bailie and governor of the king’s lands in Knapdale. From this period
the great power formerly enjoyed by the Earls of Ross, Lords of the
Isles, was transferred to the Earls of Argyll and Huntly; the former
having the chief rule in the south isles and adjacent coasts. At
the fatal battle of Flodden, 9th September 1513, his lordship and
his brother-in-law, the Earl of Lennox, commanded the right wing of
the royal army, and with King James the Fourth, were both killed.
By his wife, Lady Elizabeth Stewart, eldest daughter of John, first
Earl of Lennox, he had four sons and five daughters. His eldest son,
Colin, was the third Earl of Argyll. Archibald, his second son, had
a charter of the lands of Skipnish, and the keeping of the castle
thereof, 13th August 1511. His family ended in an heir-female in the
reign of Mary. Sir John Campbell, the third son, at first styled
of Lorn, and afterwards of Calder, married Muriella, daughter and
heiress of Sir John Calder of Calder, now Cawdor, near Nairn.
According to tradition, she was captured in childhood by Sir John
Campbell and a party of the Campbells, while out with her nurse
near Calder castle. Her uncles pursued and overtook the division of
the Campbells to whose care she had been intrusted, and would have
rescued her but for the presence of mind of Campbell of Inverliver,
who, seeing their approach, inverted a large camp kettle as if to
conceal her, and commanding his seven sons to defend it to the death,
hurried on with his prize. The young men were all slain, and when the
Calders lifted up the kettle, no Muriel was there. Meanwhile so much
time had been gained that farther pursuit was useless. The nurse,
just before the child was seized, bit off a joint of her little
finger, in order to mark her identity--a precaution which seems to
have been necessary, from Campbell of Auchinbreck’s reply to one who,
in the midst of their congratulations on arriving safely in Argyll
with their charge, asked what was to be done should the child die
before she was marriageable? “She can never die,” said he, “as long
as a red-haired lassie can be found on either side of Lochawe!” It
would appear that the heiress of the Calders had red hair.
Colin Campbell, the third Earl of Argyll, was, immediately after
his accession to the earldom, appointed by the council to assemble
an army and proceed against Lauchlan Maclean of Dowart, and other
Highland chieftains, who had broken out into insurrection, and
proclaimed Sir Donald of Lochalsh Lord of the Isles. Owing to the
powerful influence of Argyll, the insurgents submitted to the regent,
after strong measures had been adopted against them. In 1517 Sir
Donald of Lochalsh again appeared in arms, but being deserted by
his principal leaders, he effected his escape. Soon after, on his
petition, he received a commission of lieutenancy over all the Isles
and adjacent mainland.
For some years the Isles had continued at peace, and Argyll employed
this interval in extending his influence among the chiefs, and
in promoting the aggrandisement of his family and clan, being
assisted thereto by his brothers, Sir John Campbell of Calder,
so designed after his marriage with the heiress, and Archibald
Campbell of Skipnish. The former was particularly active. In 1527
an event occurred, which forms the groundwork of Joanna Baillie’s
celebrated tragedy of “The Family Legend.” It is thus related by
Gregory:--“Lauchlan Cattanach Maclean of Dowart had married Lady
Elizabeth Campbell, daughter of Archibald, second Earl of Argyll,
and, either from the circumstance of their union being unfruitful,
or more probably owing to some domestic quarrels, he determined
to get rid of his wife. Some accounts say that she had twice
attempted her husband’s life; but, whatever the cause may have been,
Maclean, following the advice of two of his vassals, who exercised
a considerable influence over him from the tie of fosterage, caused
his lady to be exposed on a rock, which was only visible at low
water, intending that she should be swept away by the return of the
tide. This rock lies between the island of Lismore and the coast
of Mull, and is still known by the name of the ‘Lady’s Rock.’ From
this perilous situation the intended victim was rescued by a boat
accidentally passing, and conveyed to her brother’s house. Her
relations, although much exasperated against Maclean, smothered their
resentment for a time, but only to break out afterwards with greater
violence; for the laird of Dowart being in Edinburgh, was surprised
when in bed, and assassinated by Sir John Campbell of Calder, the
lady’s brother. The Macleans instantly took arms to revenge the
death of their chief, and the Campbells were not slow in preparing
to follow up the feud; but the government interfered, and, for the
present, an appeal to arms was avoided.”[178]
On the escape of the king, then in his seventeenth year, from the
power of the Douglases, in May 1528, Argyll was one of the first to
join his majesty at Stirling. Argyll afterwards received an ample
confirmation of the hereditary sheriffship of Argyleshire and of
the offices of justiciary of Scotland and master of the household,
by which these offices became hereditary in his family. He had the
commission of justice-general of Scotland renewed 25th October 1529.
He died in 1530.
By his countess, Lady Jane Gordon, eldest daughter of Alexander,
third Earl of Huntly, the third Earl of Argyll had three sons and
a daughter. His sons were, Archibald, fourth Earl of Argyll; John,
ancestor of the Campbells of Lochnell, of which house the Campbells
of Balerno and Stonefield are cadets; and Alexander, dean of Moray.
Archibald, the fourth Earl of Argyll, was, on his accession to the
title in 1530, appointed to all the offices held by the two preceding
earls. A suspicion being entertained by some of the members of the
privy council, which is said to have been shared in by the king
himself, that many of the disturbances in the Isles were secretly
fomented by the Argyll family, that they might obtain possession
of the estates forfeited by the chiefs thus driven into rebellion,
and an opportunity soon presenting itself, the king eagerly availed
himself of it, to curb the increasing power of the Earl of Argyll in
that remote portion of the kingdom. Alexander of Isla, being summoned
to answer certain charges of Argyll, made his appearance at once, and
gave in to the council a written statement, in which, among other
things, he stated that the disturbed state of the Isles was mainly
caused by the late Earl of Argyll and his brothers, Sir John Campbell
of Calder, and Archibald Campbell of Skipnish. The king made such an
examination into the complaints of the islanders as satisfied him
that the family of Argyll had been acting more for their own benefit
than for the welfare of the country, and the earl was summoned
before his sovereign, to give an account of the duties and rental
of the Isles received by him, the result of which was that James
committed him to prison soon after his arrival at court. He was soon
liberated, but James was so much displeased with his conduct that he
deprived him of the offices he still held in the Isles, some of which
were bestowed on Alexander of Isla, whom he had accused. After the
death of James the Fifth he appears to have regained his authority
over the Isles. He was the first of the Scotch nobles who embraced
the principles of the Reformation, and employed as his domestic
chaplain Mr John Douglas, a converted Carmelite friar, who preached
publicly in his house. The Archbishop of St Andrews, in a letter to
the earl, endeavoured to induce him to dismiss Douglas, and return to
the Romish church, but in vain, and on his death-bed he recommended
the support of the new doctrines, and the suppression of Popish
superstitions, to his son. He died in August 1558. He was twice
married. By his first wife, Lady Helen Hamilton, eldest daughter
of James, first Earl of Arran, he had a son, Archibald, fifth Earl
of Argyll. His second wife was Lady Mary Graham, only daughter of
William, third Earl of Menteith, by whom he had Colin, sixth earl,
and two daughters.
Archibald, fifth Earl of Argyll, was educated under the direction
of Mr John Douglas, his father’s domestic chaplain, and the first
Protestant Archbishop of St Andrews, and distinguished himself
as one of the most able among the Lords of the Congregation. In
the transactions of their times the earl and his successors took
prominent parts; but as these are matters of public history, and as
so much the history of the Highlands, in which the Argylls took a
prominent part, has been already given in the former part of this
work, we shall confine our attention here to what belongs to the
history of the family and clan.
The earl had married Jean, natural daughter of King James the Fifth
by Elizabeth daughter of John, Lord Carmichael, but he does not seem
to have lived on very happy terms with her, as we find that John
Knox, at the request of Queen Mary, endeavoured, on more occasions
than one, to reconcile them after some domestic quarrels.[179] Her
majesty passed the summer of 1563 at the earl’s house in Argyleshire,
in the amusement of deer-hunting.
Argyll died on the 12th of September 1575, aged about 43. His
countess, Queen Mary’s half-sister, having died without issue, was
buried in the royal vault in the abbey of Holyrood-house; and he
married, a second time, Lady Johanna or Joneta Cunningham, second
daughter of Alexander, fifth Earl of Glencairn, but as she also had
no children, he was succeeded in his estates and title by his brother.
On the 28th of January 1581, with the king and many of the nobility,
the sixth earl subscribed a second Confession of Faith. He died in
October 1584, after a long illness. He married, first, Janet, eldest
daughter of Henry, first Lord Methven, without issue; secondly, Lady
Agnes Keith, eldest daughter of William, fourth Earl Marischal, widow
of the Regent Moray, by whom he had two sons, Archibald, seventh
Earl of Argyll, and the Hon. Sir Colin Campbell of Lundie, created a
baronet in 1627.
In 1594, although then only eighteen, the seventh Earl of Argyll was
appointed king’s lieutenant against the popish Earls of Huntly and
Errol, who had raised a rebellion. In 1599, when measures were in
progress for bringing the chiefs of the isles under subjection to the
king, the Earl of Argyll and his kinsman, John Campbell of Calder,
were accused of having secretly used their influence to prevent Sir
James Macdonald of Dunyveg and his clan from being reconciled to the
government. The frequent insurrections which occurred in the South
Isles in the first fifteen years of the seventeenth century have also
been imputed by Mr Gregory to Argyll and the Campbells, for their own
purposes. The proceedings of these clans were so violent and illegal,
that the king became highly incensed against the Clandonald, and
finding, or supposing he had a right to dispose of their possessions
both in Kintyre and Isla, he made a grant of them to the Earl of
Argyll and the Campbells. This gave rise to a number of bloody
conflicts between the Campbells and the Clandonald, in the years
1614, 1615, and 1616, which ended in the ruin of the latter, and for
the details of which, and the intrigues and proceedings of the Earl
of Argyll to possess himself of the lands of that clan, reference may
be made to the part of the General History pertaining to this period.
In 1603, the Macgregors, who were already under the ban of the law,
made an irruption into the Lennox, and after defeating the Colquhouns
and their adherents at Glenfruin, with great slaughter, plundered
and ravaged the whole district, and threatened to burn the town of
Dumbarton. For some years previously, the charge of keeping this
powerful and warlike tribe in order had been committed to the Earl of
Argyll, as the king’s lieutenant in the “bounds of the clan Gregor,”
and he was answerable for all their excesses. Instead of keeping them
under due restraint, Argyll has been accused by various writers of
having from the very first made use of his influence to stir them up
to acts of violence and aggression against his own personal enemies,
of whom the chief of the Colquhouns was one; and it is further
said that he had all along meditated the destruction of both the
Macgregors and the Colquhouns, by his crafty and perfidious policy.
The only evidence on which these heavy charges rest is the dying
declaration of Alister Macgregor of Glenstrae, the chief of the clan,
to the effect that he was deceived by the Earl of Argyll’s “falsete
and inventiouns,” and that he had been often incited by that nobleman
to “weir and truble the laird of Luss,” and others; but these charges
ought to be received with some hesitation by the impartial historian.
However this may be, the execution of the severe statutes which
were passed against the Macgregors after the conflict at Glenfruin,
was intrusted to the Earls of Argyll and Athole, and their chief,
with some of his principal followers, was enticed by Argyll to
surrender to him, on condition that they would be allowed to leave
the country. Argyll received them kindly, and assured them that
though he was commanded by the king to apprehend them, he had little
doubt he would be able to procure a pardon, and, in the meantime,
he would send them to England under an escort, which would convey
them off Scottish ground. It was Macgregor’s intention, if taken
to London, to procure if possible an interview with the king; but
Argyll prevented this; yet, that he might fulfil his promise, he sent
them under a strong guard beyond the Tweed at Berwick, and instantly
compelled them to retrace their steps to Edinburgh, where they were
executed 18th January 1604. How far there may have been deceit used
in this matter,--whether, according to Birrel, Argyll “keipit are
Hielandman’s promise; in respect he sent the gaird to convey him out
of Scottis grund, but thai were not directit to pairt with him, but
to fetch him bak agane;” or whether their return was by orders from
the king, cannot at the present time be ascertained.
In 1617, after the suppression by him of the Clandonald, Argyll
obtained from the king a grant of the whole of Kintyre. For some
years Argyll had been secretly a Catholic. His first countess, to
whom Sir William Alexander, afterwards Earl of Stirling, inscribed
his “Aurora” in 1604, having died, he had, in November 1610, married
a second time, Anne, daughter of Sir William Cornwall of Brome,
ancestor of the Marquis Cornwallis. This lady was a Catholic, and
although the earl was a warm and zealous Protestant when he married
her, she gradually drew him over to profess the same faith with
herself. After the year 1615, as Gregory remarks, his personal
history presents a striking instance of the mutability of human
affairs. In that year, being deep in debt, he went to England; but as
he was the only chief that could keep the Macdonalds in order, the
Privy Council wrote to the king urging him to send him home; and in
his expedition against the clan Donald he was accompanied by his son,
Lord Lorn. In 1618, on pretence of going to the Spa for the benefit
of his health, he received from the king permission to go abroad; and
the news soon arrived that the earl, instead of going to the Spa,
had gone to Spain; that he had there made open defection from the
Protestant religion, and that he had entered into very suspicious
dealings with the banished rebels, Sir James Macdonald and Alister
MacRanald of Keppoch, who had taken refuge in that country. On the
16th of February he was openly declared rebel and traitor, at the
market cross of Edinburgh, and remained under this ban until the
22d of November 1621, when he was declared the king’s free liege.
Nevertheless, he did not venture to return to Britain till 1638, and
died in London soon after, aged 62. From the time of his leaving
Scotland, he never exercised any influence over his great estates;
the fee of which had, indeed, been previously conveyed by him to his
eldest son, Archibald, Lord Lorn, afterwards eighth Earl of Argyll.
By his first wife he had, besides this son, four daughters. By his
second wife, the earl had a son and a daughter, viz., James, Earl of
Irvine, and Lady Mary, married to James, second Lord Rollo.
Archibald, eighth Earl and first Marquis of Argyll, after his father,
went to Spain, as has been above said, managed the affairs of his
family and clan. So full an account of the conspicuous part played
by the first Marquis of Argyll, in the affairs of his time, has been
already given in this work, that further detail here is unnecessary.
Suffice it to say, that in 1641 he was created Marquis, and was
beheaded with the “Maiden,” at the cross of Edinburgh, May 27, 1661;
and whatever may be thought of his life, his death was heroic and
Christian. By his wife, Lady Margaret Douglas, second daughter of
William, second Earl of Morton, he had three daughters and two sons.
The eldest son Archibald, became ninth Earl of Argyll, the second was
Lord Niel Campbell, of Ardmaddie.
On the death of the eighth earl, his estates and title were of course
forfeited, but Charles II., in 1663, sensible of the great services
of Lord Lorn, and of the injustice with which he had been treated,
restored to him the estates and the title of Earl of Argyll. The
trivial excuse for the imprisoning and condemning him to death, has
been already referred to, and an account has been given of the means
whereby he was enabled to make his escape, by the assistance of his
step-daughter, Lady Sophia Lindsay. Having taken part in Monmouth’s
rebellion, he was taken prisoner, and being carried to Edinburgh,
was beheaded upon his former unjust sentence, June 30, 1685. Argyll
was twice married; first to Lady Mary Stuart, eldest daughter of
James, fifth Earl of Moray; and secondly, to Lady Anna Mackenzie,
second daughter of Colin, first Earl of Seaforth, widow of Alexander,
first Earl of Balcarres. By the latter, he had no issue; but by the
former he had four sons and three daughters. He was succeeded by
his son Archibald, tenth Earl and first Duke of Argyll, who was an
active promoter of the Revolution, and accompanied the Prince of
Orange to England. He was one of the commissioners deputed from the
Scots Parliament, to offer the crown of Scotland to the Prince, and
to tender him the coronation oath. For this and other services, the
family estates, which had been forfeited, were restored to him. He
was appointed to several important public offices, and in 1696, was
made colonel of the Scots horse-guards, afterwards raising a regiment
of his own clan, which greatly distinguished itself in Flanders.
On the 21st of June 1701, he was created, by letters patent, Duke
of Argyll, Marquis of Lorn and Kintyre, Earl of Campbell and Cowal,
Viscount of Lochow and Glenila, Baron Inverary, Mull, Morvern, and
Tiree. He died 28th September, 1703. Though undoubtedly a man of
ability, he was too dissipated to be a great statesman. He married
Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Lionel Tollmash, by whom he had two sons,
the elder being the celebrated Duke of Argyll and Greenwich.
John, second Duke of Argyll, and also Duke of Greenwich, a steady
patriot and celebrated general, the eldest son of the preceding,
was born October 10, 1678. On the death of his father in 1703, he
became Duke of Argyll, and was soon after sworn of the privy council,
made captain of the Scots horse-guards, and appointed one of the
extraordinary lords of session. He was soon after sent down as high
commissioner to the Scots parliament, where, being of great service
in promoting the projected Union, for which he became very unpopular
in Scotland, he was, on his return to London, created a peer of
England by the titles of Baron of Chatham, and Earl of Greenwich.
In 1706 his Grace made a campaign in Flanders, under the Duke of
Marlborough, and rendered important services at various sieges and
battles on the continent, and on December 20, 1710, he was installed
a knight of the Garter. On the accession of George I., he was made
groom of the stole, and was one of the nineteen members of the
regency, nominated by his majesty. On the king’s arrival in England,
he was appointed general and commander-in-chief of the king’s forces
in Scotland.
At the breaking out of the Rebellion in 1715, his Grace, as
commander-in-chief in Scotland, defeated the Earl of Mar’s army at
Sheriffmuir, and forced the Pretender to retire from the kingdom.
In March 1716, after putting the army into winter quarters, he
returned to London, but was in a few months, to the surprise of
all, divested of all his employments. In the beginning of 1718 he
was again restored to favour, created Duke of Greenwich, and made
lord steward of the household. In 1737, when the affair of Captain
Porteous came before parliament, his Grace exerted himself vigorously
and eloquently in behalf of the city of Edinburgh. A bill having
been brought in for punishing the Lord Provost of that city, for
abolishing the city guard, and for depriving the corporation of
several ancient privileges; and the Queen Regent having threatened,
on that occasion, to convert Scotland into a hunting park, Argyll
replied, that it was then time to go down and gather his beagles.
In April 1740, he delivered a speech with such warmth against the
administration, that he was again deprived of all his offices. To
these, however, on the resignation of Sir Robert Walpole, he was soon
restored, but not approving of the measures of the new ministry,
he gave up all his posts, and never afterwards engaged in affairs
of state. This amiable and most accomplished nobleman has been
immortalised by Pope in the lines,
“Argyle, the state’s whole thunder born to wield,
And shake alike the senate and the field.”
He was twice married. By his first wife, Mary, daughter of John
Brown, Esq. (and niece of Sir Charles Duncombe, Lord Mayor of London
in 1708), he had no issue. By his second wife, Jane, daughter of
Thomas Warburton of Winnington, in Cheshire, one of the maids of
honour to Queen Anne, he had five daughters. As the duke died without
male issue, his English titles of Duke and Earl of Greenwich, and
Baron of Chatham, became extinct, while his Scotch titles and
patrimonial estate devolved on his brother. He died October 4,
1743; and a beautiful marble monument was erected to his memory in
Westminster Abbey.
Archibald, third Duke of Argyll, the brother of the preceding, was
born at Ham, Surrey, in June 1682, and educated at the university of
Glasgow. In 1705 he was constituted lord high treasurer of Scotland;
in 1706 one of the commissioners for treating of the Union between
Scotland and England; and 19th October of the same year, for his
services in that matter, was created Viscount and Earl of Isla.
In 1708 he was made an extraordinary lord of session, and after
the Union, was chosen one of the sixteen representative peers of
Scotland. In 1710 he was appointed justice-general of Scotland,
and the following year was called to the privy council. When the
rebellion broke out in 1715, he took up arms for the defence of the
house of Hanover. By his prudent conduct in the West Highlands, he
prevented General Gordon, at the head of three thousand men, from
penetrating into the country and raising levies. He afterwards
joined his brother, the duke, at Stirling, and was wounded at the
battle of Sheriffmuir. In 1725 he was appointed keeper of the privy
seal, and in 1734 of the great seal, which office he enjoyed till
his death. He excelled in conversation, and besides building a very
magnificent seat at Inverary, he collected one of the most valuable
private libraries in Great Britain. He died suddenly, while sitting
in his chair at dinner, April 15, 1761. He married the daughter of Mr
Whitfield, paymaster of marines, but had no issue by her grace.
The third Duke of Argyll was succeeded by his cousin, John, fourth
duke, son of the Hon. John Campbell of Mamore, second son of
Archibald, the ninth Earl of Argyll (who was beheaded in 1685), by
Elizabeth, daughter of John, eighth Lord Elphinstone. The fourth
duke was born about 1693. Before he succeeded to the honours of
his family, he was an officer in the army, and saw some service in
France and Holland. When the rebellion of 1745 broke out, he was
appointed to the command of all the troops and garrisons in the west
of Scotland, and arrived at Inverary, 21st December of that year,
and, with his eldest son joined the Duke of Cumberland at Perth, on
the 9th of the following February. He died 9th November 1770, in the
77th year of his age. He married in 1720 the Hon. Mary Bellenden,
third daughter of the second Lord Bellenden, and had four sons and a
daughter.
John, fifth Duke of Argyll, born in 1723, eldest son of the fourth
duke, was also in the army, and attained the rank of general in March
1778, and of field-marshal in 1796. He was created a British peer,
in the lifetime of his father, as Baron Sundridge of Coomb-bank in
Kent, 19th December 1766, with remainder to his heirs male, and
failing them to his brothers, Frederick and William, and their heirs
male successively. He was chosen the first president of the Highland
Society of Scotland, to which society, in 1806, he made a munificent
gift of one thousand pounds, as the beginning of a fund for educating
young men of the West Highlands for the navy. He died 24th May 1806,
in the 83d year of his age. He married in 1759, Elizabeth, widow of
James, sixth Duke of Hamilton, the second of the three beautiful Miss
Gunnings, daughters of John Gunning, Esq. of Castle Coote, county
Boscommon, Ireland. By this lady the duke had three sons and two
daughters.
George William, sixth Duke of Argyll, was born 22d September 1768.
He married, 29th November 1810, Caroline Elizabeth, daughter of the
fourth Earl of Jersey, but had no issue. His Grace died 22d October
1839.
His brother, John Douglas Edward Henry (Lord John Campbell of
Ardincaple, M.P.) succeeded as seventh duke. He was born 21st
December 1777, and was thrice married; first, in August 1802, to
Elizabeth, eldest daughter of William Campbell, Esq. of Fairfield,
who died in 1818; secondly, 17th April, 1820, to Joan, daughter and
heiress of John Glassel, Esq. of Long Niddry; and thirdly, in January
1831, to Anne Colquhoun, eldest daughter of John Cunningham, Esq. of
Craigends. By his second wife he had two sons and a daughter, namely,
John Henry, born in January 1821, died in May 1837; George Douglas,
who succeeded as eighth duke; and Lady Emma Augusta, born in 1825.
His Grace died 26th April 1847.
George John Douglas, the eighth duke, born in 1823, married in 1844,
Lady Elizabeth Georgina (born in 1824), eldest daughter of the
second Duke of Sutherland; issue, John Douglas Sutherland, Marquis
of Lorn (M.P. for Argyleshire), born in 1845, and other children.
His Grace has distinguished himself not only in politics, but in
science; to geology, in particular, he has devoted much attention,
and his writings prove him to be possessed of considerable literary
ability. He is author of “An Essay on the Ecclesiastical History of
Scotland since the Reformation,” “The Reign of Law,” &c. He was made
Chancellor of the University of St Andrews, 1851; Lord Privy Seal,
1853; Postmaster-general, 1855-8; Knight of the Thistle, 1856; again
Lord Privy Seal, 1859; Secretary of State for India, 1868. The Duke
of Argyll is hereditary master of the queen’s household in Scotland,
keeper of the castles of Dunoon, Dunstaffnage, and Carrick, and
heritable sheriff of Argyleshire.
It has been foretold, says tradition, that all the glories of the
Campbell line are to be renewed in the first chief who, in the hue
of his locks, approaches to Ian Roy Cean (John Red Head, viz., the
second duke). This prophecy some may be inclined to think, has been
royally fulfilled in the recent marriage of the present duke’s heir,
the Marquis of Lorn, with the Princess Louise, daughter of Her
Majesty Queen Victoria. This event took place on the 21st March 1871,
amid the enthusiastic rejoicings of all Scotchmen, and especially
Highlandmen, and with the approval of all the sensible portion of Her
Majesty’s subjects. Her Majesty conferred the honour of knighthood on
the Marquis of Lorn, after the ceremony of the marriage, and invested
him with the insignia of the Order of the Thistle.
There are a considerable number of important offshoots from the
clan Campbell, the origin of some of which has been noticed above;
it is necessary, however, to give a more particular account of the
most powerful branch of this extensive clan, viz., the BREADALBANE
CAMPBELLS.
BREADALBANE CAMPBELL.
[Illustration: BADGE.--Myrtle.]
As we have already indicated, the ancestor of the Breadalbane family,
and the first of the house of Glenurchy, was Sir Colin Campbell, the
third son of Duncan, first Lord Campbell of Lochow.
In an old manuscript, preserved in Taymouth Castle, named “the Black
Book of Taymouth” (printed by the Bannatyne Club, 1853), containing
a genealogical account of the Glenurchy family, it is stated that
“Duncan Campbell, commonly callit Duncan in Aa, knight of Lochow
(lineallie descendit of a valiant man, surnamit Campbell, quha cam to
Scotland in King Malcolm Kandmoir, his time, about the year of God
1067, of quhom came the house of Lochow), flourisched in King David
Bruce his dayes. The foresaid Duncan in Aa had to wyffe Margarit
Stewart, dochter to Duke Murdoch [a mistake evidently for Robert], on
whom he begat twa sones, the elder callit Archibald, the other namit
Colin, wha was first laird of Glenurchay.” That estate was settled
on him by his father. It had come into the Campbell family, in the
reign of King David the Second, by the marriage of Margaret Glenurchy
with John Campbell; and was at one time the property of the warlike
clan MacGregor, who were gradually expelled from the territory by the
rival clan Campbell.
[Illustration: BREADALBANE CAMPBELL. (Tartan)]
In 1440 he built the castle of Kilchurn, on a projecting rocky
elevation at the east end of Lochawe, under the shadow of the
majestic Ben Cruachan, where--now a picturesque ruin,--
“grey and stern
Stands, like a spirit of the past, lone old Kilchurn.”
According to tradition, Kilchurn (properly Coalchuirn) Castle was
first erected by his lady, and not by himself, he being absent on a
crusade at the time, and for seven years the principal portion of the
rents of his lands are said to have been expended on its erection.
Sir Colin died before June 10, 1478; as on that day the Lords’
auditors gave a decreet in a civil suit against “Duncain Cambell, son
and air of umquhile Sir Colin Cambell of Glenurquha, knight.” He was
interred in Argyleshire, and not, as Douglas says, at Finlarig at the
north-west end of Lochtay, which afterwards became the burial-place
of the family. His first wife had no issue. His second wife was Lady
Margaret Stewart, the second of the three daughters and co-heiresses
of John Lord Lorn, with whom he got a third of that lordship, still
possessed by the family, and thenceforward quartered the galley of
Lorn with his paternal achievement. His third wife was Margaret,
daughter of Robert Robertson of Strowan, by whom he had a son and
a daughter. Sir Colin’s fourth wife was Margaret, daughter of Luke
Stirling of Keir, by whom he had a son, John, ancestor of the Earls
of Loudon, and a daughter, Mariot, married to William Stewart of
Baldoran.
Sir Duncan Campbell, the eldest son, obtained the office of bailiary
of the king’s lands of Discher, Foyer, and Glenlyon, 3d September
1498, for which office, being a hereditary one, his descendant,
the second Earl of Breadalbane, received, on the abolition of the
heritable jurisdiction in Scotland, in 1747, the sum of one thousand
pounds, in full of his claim for six thousand. Sir Duncan also got
charters of the king’s lands of the port of Lochtay, &c. 5th March
1492; also of the lands of Glenlyon, 7th September 1502; of Finlarig,
22d April 1503; and of other lands in Perthshire in May 1508 and
September 1511. He fell at the battle of Flodden. He was twice
married. He was succeeded by Sir Colin, the eldest son, who married
Lady Marjory Stewart, sixth daughter of John, Earl of Athole, brother
uterine of King James the Second, and had three sons, viz., Sir
Duncan, Sir John, and Sir Colin, who all succeeded to the estate.
The last of them, Sir Colin, became laird of Glenurchy in 1550, and,
according to the “Black Book of Taymouth,” he “conquessit” (that
is, acquired) “the superiority of M’Nabb, his haill landis.” He was
among the first to join the Reformation, and sat in the parliament
of 1560, when the Protestant doctrines received the sanction of the
law. In the “Black Book of Taymouth,” he is represented to have been
“ane great justiciar all his tyme, throch the quhilk he sustenit the
deidly feid of the Clangregor ane lang space; and besides that, he
causit execute to the death many notable lymarris, he behiddit the
laird of Macgregor himself at Kandmoir, in presence of the Erle of
Athol, the justice-clerk, and sundrie other nobilmen.” In 1580 he
built the castle of Balloch in Perthshire, one wing of which still
continues attached to Taymouth Castle, the splendid mansion of
the Earl of Breadalbane. He also built Edinample, another seat of
the family. Sir Colin died in 1583. By his wife Catherine, second
daughter of William, second Lord Ruthven, he had four sons and four
daughters.
Sir Duncan Campbell of Glenurchy, his eldest son and successor, was,
on the death of Colin, sixth Earl of Argyll, in 1584, nominated by
that nobleman’s will one of the six guardians of the young earl,
then a minor. The disputes which arose among the guardians have been
already referred to, as well as the assassination of the Earl of
Moray and Campbell of Calder, and the plot to assassinate the young
Earl of Argyll. Gregory expressly charges Sir Duncan Campbell of
Glenurchy with being the principal mover in the branch of the plot
which led to the murder of Calder.
In 1617 Sir Duncan had the office of heritable keeper of the forest
of Mamlorn, Bendaskerlie, &c., conferred upon him. He afterwards
obtained from King Charles the First the sheriffship of Perthshire
for life. He was created a baronet of Nova Scotia by patent, bearing
date 30th May 1625. Although represented as an ambitious and grasping
character, he is said to have been the first who attempted to
civilise the people on his extensive estates. He not only set them
the example of planting timber trees, fencing pieces of ground for
gardens, and manuring their lands, but assisted and encouraged them
in their labours. One of his regulations of police for the estate
was “that no man shall in any public-house drink more than a chopin
of ale with his neighbour’s wife, in the absence of her husband,
upon the penalty of ten pounds, and sitting twenty-four hours in the
stocks, toties quoties.” He died in June 1631. He was twice married;
by his first wife, Lady Jean Stewart, second daughter of John, Earl
of Athole, Lord High Chancellor of Scotland, by whom he had seven
sons and three daughters. Archibald Campbell of Monzie, the fifth
son, was ancestor of the Campbells of Monzie, Lochlane, and Finnab,
in Perthshire.
Sir Colin Campbell, the eldest son of Sir Duncan, born about 1577,
succeeded as eighth laird of Glenurchy. Little is known of this Sir
Colin save what is highly to his honour, namely, his patronage of
George Jamesone, the celebrated portrait painter. Sir Colin married
Lady Juliana Campbell, eldest daughter of Hugh, first Lord Loudon,
but had no issue. He was succeeded by his brother, Sir Robert, at
first styled of Glenfalloch, and afterwards of Glenurchy. Sir Robert
married Isabel, daughter of Sir Lauchlan Mackintosh, of Torcastle,
captain of the clan Chattan, and had eight sons and nine daughters.
William, the sixth son, was ancestor of the Campbells of Glenfalloch,
the representatives of whom have succeeded to the Scottish titles of
Earl of Breadalbane, &c. Margaret, the eldest daughter, married to
John Cameron of Lochiel, was the mother of Sir Ewen Cameron.
The eldest son, Sir John Campbell of Glenurchy, who succeeded, was
twice married. His first wife was Lady Mary Graham, eldest daughter
of William, Earl of Strathearn, Menteith, and Airth.
Sir John Campbell of Glenurchy, first Earl of Breadalbane, only son
of this Sir John, was born about 1635. He gave great assistance
to the forces collected in the Highlands for Charles the Second
in 1653, under the command of General Middleton. He subsequently
used his utmost endeavours with General Monk to declare for a free
parliament, as the most effectual way to bring about his Majesty’s
restoration. Being a principal creditor of George, sixth Earl of
Caithness, whose debts are said to have exceeded a million of marks,
that nobleman, on 8th October 1672, made a disposition of his whole
estates, heritable jurisdictions, and titles of honour, after his
death, in favour of Sir John Campbell of Glenurchy, the latter
taking on himself the burden of his lordship’s debts; and he was in
consequence duly infefted in the lands and earldom of Caithness,
27th February 1673. The Earl of Caithness died in May 1676, when Sir
John Campbell obtained a patent, creating him Earl of Caithness,
dated at Whitehall, 28th June 1677. But George Sinclair of Keiss,
the heir-male of the last earl, being found by parliament entitled
to that dignity, Sir John Campbell obtained another patent, 13th
August 1681, creating him instead Earl of Breadalbane and Holland,
Viscount of Tay and Paintland, Lord Glenurchy, Benederaloch, Ormelie,
and Weik, with the precedency of the former patent, and remainder
to whichever of his sons by his first wife he might designate
in writing, and ultimately to his heirs-male whatsoever. On the
accession of James II., the Earl was sworn a privy councillor. At
the Revolution, he adhered to the Prince of Orange; and after the
battle of Killiecrankie, and the attempted reduction of the Highlands
by the forces of the new government, he was empowered to enter into
a negotiation with the Jacobite chiefs to induce them to submit to
King William, full details of which, as well as of his share in the
massacre of Glencoe, have been given in the former part of the work.
When the treaty of Union was under discussion, his Lordship kept
aloof, and did not even attend parliament. At the general election
of 1713, he was chosen one of the sixteen Scots representative
peers, being then seventy-eight years old. At the breaking out of
the rebellion of 1715, he sent five hundred of his clan to join the
standard of the Pretender; and he was one of the suspected persons,
with his second son, Lord Glenurchy, summoned to appear at Edinburgh
within a certain specified period, to give bail for their allegiance
to the government, but no further notice was taken of his conduct.
The Earl died in 1716, in his 81st year. He married first, 17th
December 1657, Lady Mary Rich, third daughter of Henry, first Earl
of Holland, who had been executed for his loyalty to Charles the
First, 9th March 1649. By this lady he had two sons--Duncan, styled
Lord Ormelie, who survived his father, but was passed over in the
succession, and John, in his father’s lifetime styled Lord Glenurchy,
who became second Earl of Breadalbane. He married, secondly, 7th
April 1678, Lady Mary Campbell, third daughter of Archibald, Marquis
of Argyll, dowager of George, sixth Earl of Caithness.
John Campbell, Lord Glenurchy, the second son, born 19th November
1662, was by his father nominated to succeed him as second Earl of
Breadalbane, in terms of the patent conferring the title. He died at
Holyrood-house, 23d February 1752, in his ninetieth year. He married,
first, Lady Frances Cavendish, second of the five daughters of Henry,
second Duke of Newcastle. She died, without issue, 4th February 1690,
in her thirtieth year. He married, secondly, 23d May 1695, Henrietta,
second daughter of Sir Edward Villiers, knight, sister of the first
Earl of Jersey, and of Elizabeth, Countess of Orkney, the witty but
plain-looking mistress of King William III. By his second wife he had
a son, John, third earl, and two daughters.
John, third earl, born in 1696, was educated at the university of
Oxford, and after holding many highly important public offices, died
at Holyrood-house, 26th January 1782, in his 86th year. He was twice
married, and had three sons, who all predeceased him.
The male line of the first peer having thus become extinct, the
clause in the patent in favour of heirs-general transferred the
peerage, and the vast estates belonging to it, to his kinsman, John
Campbell, born in 1762, eldest son of Colin Campbell of Carwhin,
descended from Colin Campbell of Mochaster (who died in 1678),
third son of Sir Robert Campbell of Glenurchy. The mother of the
fourth Earl and first Marquis of Breadalbane was Elizabeth, daughter
of Archibald Campbell of Stonefield, sheriff of Argyleshire, and
sister of John Campbell, judicially styled Lord Stonefield, a
lord of session and justiciary. In 1784 he was elected one of the
sixteen representative peers of Scotland, and was rechosen at all
the subsequent elections, until he was created a peer of the United
Kingdom in November 1806, by the title of Baron Breadalbane of
Taymouth, in the county of Perth, to himself and the heirs-male of
his body. In 1831, at the coronation of William the Fourth, he was
created a marquis of the United Kingdom, under the title of Marquis
of Breadalbane and Earl of Ormelie. In public affairs he did not
take a prominent or ostentatious part, his attention being chiefly
devoted to the improvement of his extensive estates, great portions
of which, being unfitted for cultivation, he laid out in plantations.
In the magnificent improvements at Taymouth, his lordship displayed
much taste; and the park has been frequently described as one of
the most extensive and beautiful in the kingdom. He married, 2d
September 1793, Mary Turner, eldest daughter and coheiress of David
Gavin, Esq. of Langton, in the county of Berwick, and by her had two
daughters and one son. The elder daughter, Lady Elizabeth Maitland
Campbell, married in 1831, Sir John Pringle of Stitchell, baronet,
and the younger, Lady Uary Campbell, became in 1819 the wife of
Richard, Marquis of Chandos, who in 1839 became Duke of Buckingham.
The marquis died, after a short illness, at Taymouth Castle, on 29th
March 1834, aged seventy-two.
The marquis’ only son, John Campbell, Earl of Ormelie, born at
Dundee, 26th October 1796, succeeded, on the death of his father, to
the titles and estates. He married, 23d November 1821, Eliza, eldest
daughter of George Baillie, Esq. of Jerviswood, without issue. He
died November 8th, 1862, when the marquisate, with its secondary
titles, in the peerage of the United Kingdom, became extinct, and
he was succeeded in the Scotch titles by a distant kinsman, John
Alexander Gavin Campbell of Glenfalloch, Perthshire, born in 1824.
The claim of the latter, however, was disputed by several candidates
for the titles and rich estates. As we have already indicated, the
title of Glenfalloch to the estates was descended from William,
sixth son of Sir Robert Campbell, ninth laird and third baron
of Glenurchy. He married, in 1850, Mary Theresa, daughter of J.
Edwards, Esq., Dublin, and had issue two sons, Lord Glenurchy and the
Honourable Ivan Campbell; and one daughter, Lady Eva. This the sixth
earl died in London, March 20, 1871, and has been succeeded by his
eldest son.
Of the MACARTHUR CAMPBELLS of STRACHUR, the old Statistical Account
of the parish of Strachur says:--“This family is reckoned by some the
most ancient of the name of Campbell. The late laird of Macfarlane,
who with great genius and assiduity had studied the ancient history
of the Highlands, was of this opinion. The patronymic name of this
family was Macarthur (the son of Arthur), which Arthur, the antiquary
above-mentioned maintains, was brother to Colin, the first of the
Argyll family, and that the representatives of the two brothers
continued for a long time to be known by the names of _Macarthur_
and _Maccaellein_, before they took the surname of Campbell. Another
account makes Arthur the first laird of Strachur, to have descended
of the family of Argyll, at a later period, in which the present
laird seems to acquiesce, by taking, with a mark of cadetcy, the arms
and livery of the family of Argyll, after they had been quartered
with those of Lorn. The laird of Strachur has been always accounted,
according to the custom of the Highlands, chief of the clan Arthur
or Macarthurs.” We have already quoted Mr Skene’s opinion as to the
claims of the Macarthurs to the chiefship of the clan Campbell; we
cannot think these claims have been sufficiently made out.
Macarthur adhered to the cause of Robert the Bruce, and received,
as his reward, a considerable portion of the forfeited territory
of MacDougall of Lorn, Bruce’s great enemy. He obtained also the
keeping of the castle of Dunstaffnage. After the marriage of Sir Neil
Campbell with the king’s sister, the power and possessions of the
Campbell branch rapidly increased, and in the reign of David II. they
appear to have first put forward their claims to the chieftainship,
but were successfully resisted by Macarthur, who obtained a charter
“Arthuro Campbell quod nulli subjicitur pro terris nisi regi.”
In the reign of James I., the chief’s name was John Macarthur, and
so great was his following, that he could bring 1,000 men into the
field. In 1427 that king, in a progress through the north, held
a parliament at Inverness, to which he summoned all the Highland
chiefs, and among others who then felt his vengeance, was John
Macarthur, who was beheaded, and his whole lands forfeited. From
that period the chieftainship, according to Skene, was lost to the
Macarthurs; the family subsequently obtained Strachur in Cowal,
and portions of Glenfalloch and Glendochart in Perthshire. Many of
the name of Macarthur are still found about Dunstaffnage, but they
have long been merely tenants to the Campbells. The Macarthurs were
hereditary pipers to the MacDonalds of the Isles, and the last of the
race was piper to the Highland Society.
In the history of the main clan, we have noted the origin of most of
the offshoots. It may, however, not be out of place to refer to them
again explicitly.
The CAMPBELLS of CAWDOR or CALDER, now represented by the Earl of
Cawdor, had their origin in the marriage in 1510, of Muriella heiress
of the old Thanes of Cawdor, with Sir John Campbell, third son of the
second Earl of Argyll. In the general account of the clan, we have
already detailed the circumstances connected with the bringing about
of this marriage.
The first of the CAMPBELLS of ABERUCHILL, in Perthshire, was Colin
Campbell, second son of Sir John Campbell of Lawers, and uncle of the
first Earl of Loudon. He got from the Crown a charter of the lands
of Aberuchill, in 1596. His son, Sir James Campbell, was created a
baronet of Nova Scotia in the 17th century.
The CAMPBELLS of ARDNAMURCHAN are descended from Sir Donald Campbell,
natural son of Sir John Campbell of Calder, who, as already narrated,
was assassinated in 1592. For services performed against the
Macdonalds, he was in 1625 made heritable proprietor of the district
of Ardnamurchan and Sunart, and was created a baronet in 1628.
The AUCHINBRECK family is descended from Sir Dugald Campbell of
Auchinbreck, who was created a baronet of Nova Scotia in 1628.
The CAMPBELLS of ARDKINGLASS were an old branch of the house of
Argyll, Sir Colin Campbell, son and heir of James Campbell of
Ardkinglass, descended from the Campbells of Lorn, by Mary, his
wife, daughter of Sir Robert Campbell of Glenurchy, was made a
baronet in 1679. The family ended in an heiress, who married into the
Livingstone family; and on the death of Sir Alexander Livingstone
Campbell of Ardkinglass, in 1810, the title and estate descended to
Colonel James Callander, afterwards Sir James Campbell, his cousin,
son of Sir John Callander of Craigforth, Stirlingshire. At his death
in 1832, without legitimate issue, the title became extinct.
The family of BARCALDINE and GLENURE, in Argyleshire, whose baronetcy
was conferred in 1831, is descended from a younger son of Sir Duncan
Campbell, ancestor of the Marquis of Breadalbane.
The CAMPBELLS of DUNSTAFFNAGE descend from Colin, first Earl of
Argyll. The first baronet was Sir Donald, so created in 1836.
The ancient family of CAMPBELL of MONZIE, in Perthshire, descend, as
above mentioned, from a third son of the family of Glenurchy.
We have already devoted so much space to the account of this
important clan, that it is impossible to enter more minutely into
the history of its various branches, and of the many eminent men
whom it has produced. In the words of Smibert, “pages on pages
might be expended on the minor branches of the Campbell house, and
the list still be defective.” The gentry of the Campbell name are
decidedly the most numerous, on the whole, in Scotland, if the clan
be not indeed the largest. But, as has been before observed, the
great power of the chiefs called into their ranks, nominally, many
other families besides the real Campbells. The lords of that line,
in short, obtained so much of permanent power in the district of the
_Dhu-Galls_, or Irish Celts, as to bring these largely under their
sway, giving to them at the same time that general clan-designation,
respecting the origin of which enough has already been said.
The force of the clan was, in 1427, 1000; in 1715, 4000; and in 1745,
5000.
Although each branch of the Campbells has its own peculiar arms,
still there runs through all a family likeness, the difference
generally being very small. All the families of the Campbell name
bear the oared galley in their arms, showing the connection by
origin or intermarriage with the Western Gaels, the Island Kings.
Breadalbane quarters with the Stewart of Lorn, having for supporters
two stags, with the motto _Follow Me_.
MACLEOD.
[Illustration: BADGE.--Red Whortleberry.]
The clan LEOD or MACLEOD is one of the most considerable clans of the
Western Isles, and is divided into two branches independent of each
other, the Macleods of Harris and the Macleods of Lewis.
To the progenitors of this clan, a Norwegian origin has commonly
been assigned. They are also supposed to be of the same stock as the
Campbells, according to a family history referred to by Mr Skene,
which dates no farther back than the early part of the 16th century.
The genealogy claimed for them asserts that the ancestor of the
chiefs of the clan, and he who gave it its clan name, was Loyd or
Leod, eldest son of King Olave the Black, brother of Magnus, the last
king of Man and the Isles. This Leod is said to have had two sons:
Tormod, progenitor of the Macleods of Harris, hence called the Siol
Tormod, or race of Tormod; and Torquil, of those of Lewis, called
the Siol Torquil, or race of Torquil. Although, however, Mr Skene
and others are of opinion that there is no authority whatever for
such a descent, and “The Chronicle of Man” gives no countenance to
it, we think the probabilities are in its favour, from the manifestly
Norwegian names borne by the founders of the clan, namely, Tormod
or Gorman and Torquil, and from their position in the Isles, from
the very commencement of their known history. The clan itself, there
can be no doubt, are mainly the descendants of the ancient Celtic
inhabitants of the western isles.
Tormod’s grandson, Malcolm, got a charter from David II., of
two-thirds of Glenelg, on the mainland, a portion of the forfeited
lands of the Bissets, in consideration for which he was to provide
a galley of 36 oars, for the king’s use whenever required. This
is the earliest charter in possession of the Macleods. The same
Malcolm obtained the lands in Skye which were long in possession of
his descendants, by marriage with a daughter of MacArailt, said to
have been one of the Norwegian nobles of the Isles. From the name,
however, we would be inclined to take this MacArailt for a Celt. The
sennachies sometimes made sad slips.
MACLEOD of HARRIS, originally designated “de Glenelg,” that being the
first and principal possession of the family, seems to have been the
proper chief of the clan Leod. The island, or rather peninsula of
Harris, which is adjacent to Lewis, belonged, at an early period, to
the Macruaries of Garmoran and the North Isles, under whom the chief
of the Siol Tormod appears to have possessed it. From this family,
the superiority of the North Isles passed to the Macdonalds of Isla
by marriage, and thus Harris came to form a part of the lordship
of the Isles. In the isle of Skye the Siol Tormod possessed the
districts of Dunvegan, Duirinish, Bracadale, Lyndale, Trotternish,
and Minganish, being about two-thirds of the whole island. Their
principal seat was Dunvegan, hence the chief was often styled of that
place.
The first charter of the MACLEODS of LEWIS, or Siol Torquil, is
also one by King David II. It contained a royal grant to Torquil
Macleod of the barony of Assynt, on the north-western coast of
Sutherlandshire. This barony, however, he is said to have obtained
by marriage with the heiress, whose name was Macnicol. It was held
from the crown. In that charter he has no designation, hence it is
thought that he had then no other property. The Lewis Macleods held
that island as vassals of the Macdonalds of Isla from 1344, and
soon came to rival the Harris branch of the Macleods in power and
extent of territory, and even to dispute the chiefship with them.
Their armorial bearings, however, were different, the family of
Harris having a castle, while that of Lewis had a burning mount. The
possessions of the Siol Torquil were very extensive, comprehending
the isles of Lewis and Rasay, the district of Waterness in Skye, and
those of Assynt, Cogeach, and Gairloch, on the mainland.
To return to the Harris branch. The grandson of the above-mentioned
Malcolm, William Macleod, surnamed _Achlerach_, or the clerk, from
being in his youth designed for the church, was one of the most
daring chiefs of his time. Having incurred the resentment of his
superior, the Lord of the Isles, that powerful chief invaded his
territory with a large force, but was defeated at a place called
Lochsligachan. He was, however, one of the principal supporters of
the last Lord of the Isles in his disputes with his turbulent and
rebellious son, Angus, and was killed, in 1481, at the battle of the
Bloody Bay, where also the eldest son of Roderick Macleod of the
Lewis was mortally wounded. The son of William of Harris, Alexander
Macleod, called Allaster _Crottach_, or the Humpbacked, was the head
of the Siol Tormod at the time of the forfeiture of the lordship
of the Isles in 1493, when Roderick, grandson of the above-named
Roderick, was chief of the Siol Torquil. This Roderick’s father,
Torquil, the second son of the first Roderick, was the principal
supporter of Donald Dubh, when he escaped from prison and raised
the banner of insurrection in 1501, for the purpose of regaining
the lordship of the Isles, for which he was forfeited. He married
Katherine, daughter of the first Earl of Argyll, the sister of Donald
Dubh’s mother. The forfeited estate of Lewis was restored in 1511 to
Malcolm, Torquil’s brother. Alexander the Humpback got a charter,
under the great seal, of all his lands in the Isles, from James IV.,
dated 15th June, 1468, under the condition of keeping in readiness
for the king’s use one ship of 26 oars and two of 16. He had also a
charter from James V. of the lands of Glenelg, dated 13th February,
1539.
With the Macdonalds of Sleat, the Harris Macleods had a feud
regarding the lands and office of bailiary of Trotternish, in the
isle of Skye, held by them under several crown charters. The feud was
embittered by Macleod having also obtained a heritable grant of the
lands of Sleat and North Uist; and the Siol Torquil, who had also
some claim to the Trotternish bailiary and a portion of the lands,
siding with the Macdonalds, the two leading branches of the Macleods
came to be in opposition to each other. Under Donald Gruamach
(“grim-looking”) aided by the uterine brother of their chief, John
Mactorquil Macleod, son of Torquil Macleod of the Lewis, forfeited
in 1506, the Macdonalds succeeded in expelling Macleod of Harris
or Dunvegan from Trotternish, as well as in preventing him from
taking possession of Sleat and North Uist. The death of his uncle,
Malcolm Macleod, and the minority of his son, enabled Torquil, with
the assistance of Donald Gruamach, in his turn, to seize the whole
barony of Lewis, which, with the leadership of the Siol Torquil, he
held during his life. His daughter and heiress married Donald Gorme
of Sleat, a claimant for the lordship of the Isles, and the son and
successor of Donald Gruamach. An agreement was entered into between
Donald Gorme and Ruari or Roderick Macleod, son of Malcolm, the last
lawful possessor of the Lewis, whereby Roderick was allowed to enter
into possession of that island, and in return Roderick became bound
to assist in putting Donald Gorme in possession of Trotternish,
against all the efforts of the chief of Harris or Dunvegan, who had
again obtained possession of that district. In May 1539, accordingly,
Trotternish was invaded and laid waste by Donald Gorme and his allies
of the Siol Torquil; but the death soon after of Donald Gorme, by an
arrow wound in his foot, under the walls of Mackenzie of Kintail’s
castle of Ellandonan, put an end to his rebellion and his pretensions
together. When the powerful fleet of James V. arrived at the isle of
Lewis the following year, Roderick Macleod and his principal kinsmen
met the king, and were made to accompany him in his farther progress
through the Isles. On its reaching Skye, Alexander Macleod of
Dunvegan was also constrained to embark in the royal fleet. With the
other captive chiefs they were sent to Edinburgh, and only liberated
on giving hostages for their obedience to the laws.
Alexander the Humpback, chief of the Harris Macleods, died at an
advanced age in the reign of Queen Mary. He had three sons, William,
Donald, and Tormod, who all succeeded to the estates and authority of
their family. He had also two daughters, the elder of whom was thrice
married, and every time to a Macdonald. Her first husband was James,
second son of the fourth laird of Sleat. Her second was Allan MacIan,
captain of the Clanranald; and her third husband was Macdonald of
Keppoch. The younger daughter became the wife of Maclean of Lochbuy.
William Macleod of Harris had a daughter, Mary, who, on his death in
1554, became under a particular destination, his sole heiress in the
estates of Harris, Dunvegan, and Glenelg. His claim to the properties
of Sleat, Trotternish, and North Uist, of which he was the nominal
proprietor, but which were held by the Clandonald, was inherited by
his next brother and successor, Donald. This state of things placed
the latter in a very anomalous position, which may be explained in Mr
Gregory’s words:--“The Siol Tormod,” he says,[180] “was now placed
in a position, which, though quite intelligible on the principles
of feudal law, was totally opposed to the Celtic customs that still
prevailed, to a great extent, throughout the Highlands and Isles.
A female and a minor was the legal proprietrix of the ancient
possessions of the tribe, which, by her marriage, might be conveyed
to another and a hostile family; whilst her uncle, the natural leader
of the clan according to ancient custom, was left without any means
to keep up the dignity of a chief, or to support the clan against
its enemies. His claims on the estates possessed by the Clandonald
were worse than nugatory, as they threatened to involve him in a
feud with that powerful and warlike tribe, in case he should take any
steps to enforce them. In these circumstances, Donald Macleod seized,
apparently with the consent of his clan, the estates which legally
belonged to his niece, the heiress; and thus, in practice, the feudal
law was made to yield to ancient and inveterate custom. Donald did
not enjoy these estates long, being murdered in Trotternish, by a
relation of his own, John Oig Macleod, who, failing Tormod, the only
remaining brother of Donald, would have become the heir male of the
family. John Oig next plotted the destruction of Tormod, who was at
the time a student in the university of Glasgow; but in this he was
foiled by the interposition of the Earl of Argyll. He continued,
notwithstanding, to retain possession of the estates of the heiress,
and of the command of the clan, till his death in 1559.” The heiress
of Harris was one of Queen Mary’s maids of honour, and the Earl of
Argyll, having ultimately become her guardian, she was given by him
in marriage to his kinsman, Duncan Campbell, younger of Auchinbreck.
Through the previous efforts of the earl, Tormod Macleod, on
receiving a legal title to Harris and the other estates, renounced
in favour of Argyll all his claims to the lands of the Clandonald,
and paid 1000 merks towards the dowry of his niece. He also gave his
bond of service to Argyll for himself and his clan. Mary Macleod, in
consequence, made a complete surrender to her uncle of her title to
the lands of Harris, Dunvegan, and Glenelg, and Argyll obtained for
him a crown charter of these estates, dated 4th August, 1579. Tormod
adhered firmly to the interest of Queen Mary, and died in 1584. He
was succeeded by his eldest son, William, under whom the Harris
Macleods assisted the Macleans in their feuds with the Macdonalds
of Isla and Skye, while the Lewis Macleods supported the latter. On
his death in 1590, his brother, Roderick, the Rory Mor of tradition,
became chief of the Harris Macleods.
In December 1597, an act of the Estates had been passed, by which it
was made imperative upon all the chieftains and landlords in the
Highlands and Isles, to produce their title-deeds before the lords
of Exchequer on the 15th of the following May, under the pain of
forfeiture. The heads of the two branches of the Macleods disregarded
the act, and a gift of their estates was granted to a number of Fife
gentlemen, for the purposes of colonisation. They first began with
the Lewis, in which the experiment failed, as narrated in the General
History. Roderick Macleod, on his part, exerted himself to get the
forfeiture of his lands of Harris, Dunvegan, and Glenelg, removed,
and ultimately succeeded, having obtained a remission from the king,
dated 4th May, 1610. He was knighted by King James VI., by whom he
was much esteemed, and had several friendly letters from his majesty;
also, a particular license, dated 16th June, 1616, to go to London,
to the court, at any time he pleased. By his wife, a daughter of
Macdonald of Glengarry, he had, with six daughters, five sons, viz.,
John, his heir; Sir Roderick, progenitor of the Macleods of Talisker;
Sir Norman of the Macleods of Bernera and Muiravonside; William of
the Macleods of Hamer; and Donald of those of Grisernish.
The history of the Siol Torquil, or Lewis Macleods, as it approached
its close, was most disastrous. Roderick, the chief of this branch
in 1569, got involved in a deadly feud with the Mackenzies, which
ended only with the destruction of his whole family. He had married
a daughter of John Mackenzie of Kintail, and a son whom she bore,
and who was named Torquil _Connanach_, from his residence among his
mother’s relations in Strathconnan, was disowned by him, on account
of the alleged adultery of his mother with the breve or Celtic judge
of the Lewis. She eloped with John MacGillechallum of Rasay, a
cousin of Roderick, and was, in consequence, divorced. He took for
his second wife, in 1541, Barbara Stewart, daughter of Andrew Lord
Avondale, and by this lady had a son, likewise named Torquil, and
surnamed _Oighre_, or the Heir, to distinguish him from the other
Torquil. About 1566, the former, with 200 attendants, was drowned in
a tempest, when sailing from Lewis to Skye, and Torquil Connanach
immediately took up arms to vindicate what he conceived to be his
rights. In his pretensions he was supported by the Mackenzies.
Roderick was apprehended and detained four years a prisoner in the
castle of Stornoway. The feud between the Macdonalds and Mackenzies
was put an end to by the mediation of the Regent Moray. Before being
released from his captivity, the old chief was brought before the
Regent and his privy council, and compelled to resign his estate into
the hands of the crown, taking a new destination of it to himself
in liferent, and after his death to Torquil _Connanach_, as his son
and heir apparent. On regaining his liberty, however, he revoked
all that he had done when a prisoner, on the ground of coercion.
This led to new commotions, and in 1576 both Roderick and Torquil
were summoned to Edinburgh, and reconciled in presence of the privy
council, when the latter was again acknowledged as heir apparent to
the Lewis, and received as such the district of Cogeach and other
lands. The old chief some time afterwards took for his third wife, a
sister of Lauchlan Maclean of Dowart, and had by her two sons, named
Torquil Dubh and Tormod. Having again disinherited Torquil Connanach,
that young chief once more took up arms, and was supported by two
illegitimate sons of Roderick, named Tormod _Uigach_ and Murdoch,
while three others, Donald, Rory Oig, and Neill, joined with their
father. He apprehended the old chief, Roderick Macleod, and killed a
number of his men. All the charters and title deeds of the Lewis were
carried off by Torquil, and handed over to the Mackenzies. The charge
of the castle of Stornoway, with the chief, a prisoner in it, was
committed to John Macleod, the son of Torquil Connanach, but he was
attacked by Rory Oig and killed, when Roderick Macleod was released,
and possessed the island in peace during the remainder of his life.
On his death he was succeeded by his son Torquil Dubh, who married a
sister of Sir Roderick Macleod of Harris. Torquil Dubh, as we have
narrated in the former part of the work, was by stratagem apprehended
by the breve of Lewis, and carried to the country of the Mackenzies,
into the presence of Lord Kintail, who ordered Torquil Dubh and his
companions to be beheaded. This took place in July 1597.
Torquil Dubh left three young sons, and their uncle Neill, a bastard
brother of their father, took, in their behalf, the command of the
isle of Lewis. Their cause was also supported by the Macleods of
Harris and the Macleans. The dissensions in the Lewis, followed by
the forfeiture of that island, in consequence of the non-production
of the title-deeds, as required by the act of the Estates of 1597,
already mentioned, afforded the king an opportunity of trying to
carry into effect his abortive project of colonisation already
referred to. The colonists were at last compelled to abandon their
enterprise.
The title to the Lewis having been acquired by Kenneth Mackenzie,
Lord Kintail, he lost no time in taking possession of the island,
expelling Neill Macleod, with his nephews, Malcolm, William, and
Roderick, sons of Rory Oig, who, with about thirty others, took
refuge on Berrisay, an insulated rock on the west coast of Lewis.
Here they maintained themselves for nearly three years, but were
at length driven from it by the Mackenzies. Neill surrendered to
Roderick Macleod of Harris, who, on being charged, under pain of
treason, to deliver him to the privy council at Edinburgh, gave him
up, with his son Donald. Neill was brought to trial, convicted, and
executed, and is said to have died “very Christianlie” in April
1613. Donald, his son, was banished from Scotland, and died in
Holland. Roderick and William, two of the sons of Rory Oig, were
seized by the tutor of Kintail, and executed. Malcolm, the other
son, apprehended at the same time, made his escape, and continued to
harass the Mackenzies for years. He was prominently engaged in Sir
James Macdonald’s rebellion in 1615, and afterwards went to Flanders,
but in 1616 was once more in the Lewis, where he killed two gentlemen
of the Mackenzies. He subsequently went to Spain, whence he returned
with Sir James Macdonald in 1620. In 1622 and 1626, commissions of
fire and sword were granted to Lord Kintail and his clan against
“Malcolm MacRuari Macleod.” Nothing more is known of him.
On the extinction of the main line of the Lewis, the representation
of the family devolved on the Macleods of Rasay, afterwards referred
to. The title of Lord Macleod was the second title of the Mackenzies,
Earls of Cromarty.
At the battle of Worcester in 1651, the Macleods fought on the
side of Charles II., and so great was the slaughter amongst them
that it was agreed by the other clans that they should not engage
in any other conflict until they had recovered their losses. The
Harris estates were sequestrated by Cromwell, but the chief of the
Macleods was at last, in May 1665, admitted into the protection of
the Commonwealth by General Monk, on his finding security for his
peaceable behaviour under the penalty of £6,000 sterling, and paying
a fine of £2,500. Both his uncles, however, were expressly excepted.
At the Revolution, MACLEOD of MACLEOD, which became the designation
of the laird of Harris, as chief of the clan, was favourable to the
cause of James II. In 1715 the effective force of the Macleods was
1,000 men, and in 1745, 900. The chief, by the advice of President
Forbes, did not join in the rebellion of the latter year, and so
saved his estates, but many of his clansmen, burning with zeal for
the cause of Prince Charles, fought in the ranks of the rebel army.
It has been mentioned that the bad treatment which a daughter of
the chief of the Macleods experienced from her husband, the captain
of the Clanranald, had caused them to take the first opportunity of
inflicting a signal vengeance on the Macdonalds. The merciless act of
Macleod, by which the entire population of an island was cut off at
once, is described by Mr Skene,[181] and is shortly thus. Towards the
close of the 16th century, a small number of Macleods accidentally
landed on the island of Eigg, and were hospitably received by the
inhabitants. Offering, however, some incivilities to the young women
of the island, they were, by the male relatives of the latter,
bound hand and foot, thrown into a boat, and sent adrift. Being met
and rescued by a party of their own clansmen, they were brought to
Dunvegan, the residence of their chief, to whom they told their
story. Instantly manning his galleys, Macleod hastened to Eigg. On
descrying his approach, the islanders, with their wives and children,
to the number of 200 persons, took refuge in a large cave, situated
in a retired and secret place. Here for two days they remained
undiscovered, but having unfortunately sent out a scout to see if
the Macleods were gone, their retreat was detected, but they refused
to surrender. A stream of water fell over the entrance to the cave,
and partly concealed it. This Macleod caused to be turned from its
course, and then ordered all the wood and other combustibles which
could be found to be piled up around its mouth, and set fire to, when
all within the cave were suffocated.
The Siol Tormod continued to possess Harris, Dunvegan, and Glenelg
till near the close of the 18th century. The former and the latter
estates have now passed into other hands. A considerable portion
of Harris is the property of the Earl of Dunmore, and many of its
inhabitants have emigrated to Cape Breton and Canada. The climate
of the island is said to be favourable to longevity. Martin, in his
account of the Western Isles, says he knew several in Harris of 90
years of age. One Lady Macleod, who passed the most of her time
here, lived to 103, had then a comely head of hair and good teeth,
and enjoyed a perfect understanding till the week she died. Her son,
Sir Norman Macleod, died at 96, and his grandson, Donald Macleod of
Bernera, at 91. Glenelg became the property first of Charles Grant,
Lord Glenelg, and afterwards of Mr Baillie. From the family of
Bernera, one of the principal branches of the Harris Macleods, sprung
the Macleods of Luskinder, of which Sir William Macleod Bannatyne, a
lord of session, was a cadet.
The first of the house of RASAY, the late proprietor of which is the
representative of the Lewis branch of the Macleods, was Malcolm Garbh
Macleod, the second son of Malcolm, eighth chief of the Lewis. In
the reign of James V. he obtained from his father in patrimony the
island of Rasay, which lies between Skye and the Ross-shire district
of Applecross. In 1569 the whole of the Rasay family, except one
infant, were barbarously massacred by one of their own kinsmen,
under the following circumstances. John MacGhilliechallum Macleod of
Rasay, called _Ian na Tuaidh_, or John with the axe, who had carried
off Janet Mackenzie, the first wife of his chief, Roderick Macleod
of the Lewis, married her, after her divorce, and had by her several
sons and one daughter. The latter became the wife of Alexander Roy
Mackenzie, a grandson of Hector or Eachen Roy, the first of the
Mackenzies of Gairloch, a marriage which gave great offence to his
clan, the Siol vic Gillechallum, as the latter had long been at feud
with that particular branch of the Mackenzies. On Janet Mackenzie’s
death, he of the axe married a sister of a kinsman of his own, Ruari
Macallan Macleod, who, from his venomous disposition, was surnamed
_Nimhneach_. The latter, to obtain Rasay for his nephew, his sister’s
son, resolved to cut off both his brother-in-law and his sons by
the first marriage. He accordingly invited them to a feast in the
island of Isay in Skye, and after it was over he left the apartment.
Then, causing them to be sent for one by one, he had each of them
assassinated as they came out. He was, however, balked in his object,
as Rasay became the property of Malcolm or Ghilliechallum Garbh
Macallaster Macleod, then a child, belonging to the direct line of
the Rasay branch, who was with his foster-father at the time.[182]
Rasay no longer belongs to the Macleods, they having been compelled
to part with their patrimony some years ago.
The Macleods of ASSYNT, one of whom betrayed the great Montrose in
1650, were also a branch of the Macleods of Lewis. That estate,
towards the end of the 17th century, became the property of the
Mackenzies, and the family is now represented by Macleod of Geanies.
The Macleods of Cadboll are cadets of those of Assynt.
FOOTNOTES:
[172] Smibert’s _Clans_, pp. 77, 78.
[173] _Highlanders_, ii. 266.
[174] _Early Kings_, i. 75.
[175] In March 1870, the present Duke, in answer to inquiries, wrote
to the papers stating that he spells his name _Argyll_, because it
has been spelled so by his ancestors for generations past.
[176] This, through the mis-spelling, intentional or unintentional,
of Sir Walter Scott, is often popularly corrupted into Maccallum
More, which, of course, is wrong, as the _great or big_ ancestor’s
name was _Colin_, not _Callum_.
[177] In 1489, by an act of the Scottish parliament, the name of
Castle Gloom, its former designation, was changed to Castle Campbell.
It continued to be the frequent and favourite residence of the family
till 1644, when it was burnt down by the Macleans in the army of
the Marquis of Montrose. The castle and lordship of Castle Campbell
remained in the possession of the Argyll family till 1808, when it
was sold.
[178] _Highlands and Isles of Scotland_, p. 128.
[179] _Calderwood_, vol. ii. p. 215.
[180] _History of the Highlands and Isles_, p. 204.
[181] _Highlanders_, vol. ii. p. 277.
[182] _Gregory’s Highlands and Isles of Scotland_, p. 211.
CHAPTER V.
Clan Chattan--Chiefship--Mackintoshes--Battle of North Inch
--Macphersons--MacGillivrays--Shaws--Farquharsons--Macbeans
--Macphails--Gows--MacQueens--Cattanachs.
THE CLAN CHATTAN.[183]
Of the clan Chattan little or nothing authentic is known previous to
the last six hundred years. Their original home in Scotland, their
parentage, even their name, have been disputed. One party brings them
from Germany, and settles them in the district of Moray; another
brings them from Ireland, and settles them in Lochaber; and a third
makes them the original inhabitants of Sutherland and Caithness.
With regard to their name there is still greater variety of opinion:
the _Catti_, a Teutonic tribe; _Catav_, “the high side of the Ord of
Caithness;” _Gillicattan Mor_, their alleged founder, said to have
lived in the reign of Malcolm II., 1003-1033; _cat_, a weapon,--all
have been advanced as the root name. We cannot pretend to decide on
such a matter, which, in the entire absence of any record of the
original clan, will no doubt ever remain one open to dispute; and
therefore we refrain from entering at length into the reasons for
and against these various derivations. Except the simple fact that
such a clan existed, and occupied Lochaber for some time (how long
cannot be said) before the 14th century, nothing further of it is
known, although two elaborate genealogies of it are extant--one in
the MS. of 1450 discovered by Mr Skene; the other (which, whatever
its faults, is no doubt much more worthy of credence) compiled by Sir
Æneas Macpherson in the 17th century.
Mr Skene, on the authority of the MS. of 1450, makes out that the
clan was the most important of the tribes owning the sway of the
native Earls or Maormors of Moray, and represents it as occupying the
whole of Badenoch, the greater part of Lochaber, and the districts
of Strathnairn and Strathdearn, holding their lands in chief of the
crown. But it seems tolerably evident that the MS. of 1450 is by no
means to be relied upon; Mr Skene himself says it is not trustworthy
before A.D. 1000, and there is no good ground for supposing it
to be entirely trustworthy 100 or even 200 years later. The two
principal septs of this clan in later times, the Macphersons and the
Mackintoshes, Mr Skene, on the authority of the MS., deduces from two
brothers, Neachtan and Neill, sons of Gillicattan Mor, and on the
assumption that this is correct, he proceeds to pronounce judgment on
the rival claims of Macpherson of Cluny and Mackintosh of Mackintosh
to the headship of clan Chattan.
Mr Skene, from “the investigations which he has made into the
history of the tribes of Moray, as well as into the history and
nature of Highland traditions,” conceives it to be established by
“historic authority,” that the Macphersons are the lineal and feudal
representatives of the ancient chiefs of the clan Chattan, and
“that they possess that right by blood to the chiefship, of which
no charters from the crown, and no usurpation, however successful
and continued, can deprive them.” It is not very easy to understand,
however, by what particular process of reasoning Mr Skene has arrived
at this conclusion. For supposing it were established “beyond all
doubt,” as he assumes it to be, by the manuscript of 1450, that the
Macphersons and the Mackintoshes are descended from Neachtan and
Neill, the two sons of Gillichattan-more, the founder of the race,
it does not therefore follow that “the Mackintoshes were an usurping
branch of the clan,” and that “the Macphersons alone possessed the
right of blood to that hereditary dignity.” This is indeed taking
for granted the very point to be proved, in fact the whole matter
in dispute. Mr Skene affirms that the descent of the Macphersons
from the ancient chiefs “is not denied,” which is in reality saying
nothing to the purpose; because the question is, not whether this
pretended descent has or has not been denied, but whether it can
now be established by satisfactory evidence. To make out a case in
favour of the Macphersons, it is necessary to show--first, that the
descendants of Neachtan formed the eldest branch, and consequently
were the chiefs of the clan; secondly, that the Macphersons _are_
the lineal descendants and the feudal representatives of this same
Neachtan, whom they claim as their ancestor; and, lastly, that the
Mackintoshes are really descended from Neill, the second son of the
founder of the race, and not from Macduff, Earl of Fife, as they
themselves have always maintained. But we do not observe that any of
these points has been formally proved by evidence, or that Mr Skene
has deemed it necessary to fortify his assertions by arguments, and
deductions from historical facts. His statement, indeed, amounts
just to this--That the family of Macheth, the descendants of Head or
Heth, the son of Neachtan, were “identical with the chiefs of clan
Chattan;” and that the clan Vurich, or Macphersons, were descended
from these chiefs. But, in the first place, the “identity” which is
here contended for, and upon which the whole question hinges, is
imagined rather than proved; it is a conjectural assumption rather
than an inference deduced from a series of probabilities: and,
secondly, the descent of the clan Vurich from the Macheths rests
solely upon the authority of a Celtic genealogy (the manuscript of
1450) which, whatever weight may be given to it when supported by
collateral evidence, is not alone sufficient authority to warrant
anything beyond a mere conjectural inference. Hence, so far from
granting to Mr Skene that the hereditary title of the Macphersons of
Cluny to the chiefship of clan Chattan has been clearly established
by him, we humbly conceive that he has left the question precisely
where he found it. The title of that family may be the preferable
one, but it yet remains to be shown that such is the case.
Tradition certainly makes the Macphersons of Cluny the male
representatives of the chiefs of the old clan Chattan; but even if
this is correct, it does not therefore follow that they have now, or
have had for the last six hundred years, any right to be regarded
as chiefs of the clan. The same authority, fortified by written
evidence of a date only about fifty years later than Skene’s MS.,
in a MS. history of the Mackintoshes, states that Angus, 6th chief
of Mackintosh, married the daughter and only child of Dugall Dall,
chief of clan Chattan, in the end of the 13th century, and with her
obtained the lands occupied by the clan, with the station of leader,
and that he was _received_ as such by the clansmen. Similar instances
of the abrogation of what is called the Highland law of succession
are to be found in Highland history, and on this ground alone the
title of the Mackintosh chiefs seems to be a good one. Then again we
find them owned and followed as captains of clan Chattan even by the
Macphersons themselves up to the 17th century; while in hundreds of
charters, bonds and deeds of every description, given by kings, Lords
of the Isles, neighbouring chiefs, and the septs of clan Chattan
itself, is the title of captain of clan Chattan acceded to them--as
early as the time of David II. Mr Skene, indeed, employs their usage
of the term Captain to show that they had no right of blood to the
headship--a right they have never claimed, although there is perhaps
no reason why they should not claim such a right from Eva. By an
argument deduced from the case of the Camerons--the weakness of which
will at once be seen on a careful examination of his statements--he
presumes that they were the oldest cadets of the clan, and had
usurped the chiefship. Ho doubt the designation captain was used,
as Mr Skene says, when the actual leader of a clan was a person
who had no right by blood to that position, but it does not by any
means follow that he is right in assuming that those who are called
captains were _oldest cadets_. Hector, _bastard son_ of Ferquhard
Mackintosh, while at the head of his clan during the minority of
the actual chief, his distant cousin, is in several deeds styled
_captain_ of clan Chattan, and he was certainly not oldest cadet of
the house of Mackintosh.
It is not for us to offer any decided opinion respecting a matter
where the pride and pretensions of rival families are concerned. It
may therefore be sufficient to observe that, whilst the Macphersons
rest their claims chiefly on tradition, the Mackintoshes have
produced, and triumphantly appealed to charters and documents of
every description, in support of their pretensions; and that it is
not very easy to see how so great a mass of written evidence can be
overcome by merely calling into court Tradition to give testimony
adverse to its credibility. The admitted fact of the Mackintosh
family styling themselves captains of the clan does not seem to
warrant any inference which can militate against their pretensions.
On the contrary, the original assumption of this title obviously
implies that no chief was in existence at the period when it was
assumed; and its continuance, unchallenged and undisputed, affords
strong presumptive proof in support of the account given by the
Mackintoshes as to the original constitution of their title. The
idea of usurpation appears to be altogether preposterous. The right
alleged by the family of Mackintosh was not direct but collateral;
it was founded on a marriage, and not derived by descent; and hence,
probably, the origin of the secondary or subordinate title of captain
which that family assumed. But can any one doubt that if a claim
founded upon a preferable title had been asserted, the inferior
pretension must have given way? Or is it in any degree probable that
the latter would have been so fully recognised, if there had existed
any lineal descendant of the ancient chiefs in a condition to prefer
a claim founded upon the inherent and indefeasible right of blood?
Further, even allowing that the Macphersons are the lineal male
representatives of the old clan Chattan chiefs, they can have no
possible claim to the headship of the clan Chattan of later times,
which was composed of others besides the descendants of the old clan.
The Mackintoshes also repudiate any connection by blood with the old
clan Chattan, except through the heiress of that clan who married
their chief in 1291; and, indeed, such a thing was never thought
of until Mr Skene started the idea; consequently the Macphersons
can have no claim over them, or over the families which spring from
them. The great body of the clan, the _historical_ clan Chattan, have
always owned and followed the chief of Mackintosh as their leader
and captain--the term captain being simply employed to include the
whole--and until the close of the 17th century no attempt was made to
deprive the Mackintosh chiefs of this title.
Among many other titles given to the chief of the Mackintoshes within
the last 700 years, are, according to Mr Fraser-Mackintosh, those of
_Captain of Clan Chattan_, _Chief of Clan Chattan_, and _Principal
of Clan Chattan_. The following on this subject is from the pen of
Lachlan Shaw, the historian of Moray, whose knowledge of the subject
entitled him to speak with authority. It is printed in the account
of _the Kilravock Family_ issued by the Spalding Club. “Eve Catach,
who married MacIntosh, was the heir-female (Clunie’s ancestor being
the heir-male), and had MacIntosh assumed her surname, he would (say
the MacPhersons) have been chief of the Clanchatan, according to the
custom of Scotland. But this is an empty distinction. For, if the
right of chiftanry is, _jure sanguinis_, inherent in the heir-female,
she conveys it, and cannot but convey it to her son, whatever surname
he takes; _nam jura sanguinis non prœscribunt_. And if it is not
inherent in her, she cannot convey it to her son, although he assume
her surname. Be this as it will, MacIntosh’s predecessors were, for
above 300 years, designed Captains of Clanchatan, in royal charters
and commissions, in bonds, contracts, history, heraldrie, &c.; the
occasion of which title was, that several tribes or clans (every
clan retaining its own surname) united in the general designation of
Clanchatan; and of this incorporated body, MacIntosh was the head
leader or captain. These united tribes were MacIntosh, MacPherson,
Davidson, Shaw, MacBean, MacGilivray, MacQueen, Smith, MacIntyre,
MacPhail, &c. In those times of barbarity and violence, small and
weak tribes found it necessary to unite with, or come under the
patronage of more numerous and powerful clans. And as long as the
tribes of Clanchatan remained united (which was till the family of
Gordon, breaking with the family of MacIntosh, disunited them, and
broke their coalition), they were able to defend themselves against
any other clan.”
In a MS., probably written by the same author, a copy of which now
lies before us, a lengthened enquiry into the claims of the rival
chiefs is concluded thus:--“In a word, if by the chief of the clan
Chattan is meant the heir of the family, it cannot be doubted that
Cluny is chief. If the heir whatsoever is meant, then unquestionably
Mackintosh is chief; and whoever is chief, since the captaincy and
command of the collective body of the clan Chattan was for above
300 years in the family of Mackintosh, I cannot see but, if such a
privilege now remains, it is still in that family.” In reference to
this much-disputed point, we take the liberty of quoting a letter
of the Rev. W. G. Shaw, of Forfar. He has given the result of his
inquiries in several privately printed brochures, but it is hoped
that ere long he will place at the disposal of all who take an
interest in these subjects the large stores of information he must
have accumulated on many matters connected with the Highlands.
Writing to the editor of this book he says, on the subject of the
chiefship of clan Chattan:--
“Skene accords too much to the Macphersons in one way, but not enough
in another.
“(_Too much_)--He says that for 200 years the Mackintoshes headed the
clan Chattan, but only as _captain_, not as chief. But during these
200 years we have bonds, &c., cropping up now and then in which the
Macphersons are _only_ designated as (_M._ or _N._) _Macpherson of
Cluny_. Their claim to _headship_ seems to have been thoroughly in
abeyance till the middle of the 17th century.
“(_Too little_)--For he says the Macphersons in their controversy
(1672) before the Lyon King, pled _only_ tradition, whereas they pled
the _facts_.
“_De jure_ the Macphersons were chiefs; _de facto_, they _never_
were; and they only _claimed_ to use the _title_ when clanship began
to be a thing of the past, in so far as _fighting_ was concerned.
“The Macphersons seem to have been entitled to the chieftainship by
right of birth, but _de facto_ they never had it. The _might_ of ‘the
_Macintosh_’ had made his _right_, as is evidenced in half-a-hundred
bonds of manrent, deeds of various kinds, to be found in the ‘Thanes
of Cawdor,’ and the Spalding Club Miscellany--_passim_. He is always
called Capitane or Captane of clan Quhattan, the spelling being
scarcely ever twice the same.”
Against _Mackintosh’s_ powerful claims supported by deeds, &c., the
following statements are given from the _Macpherson MS._ in Mr W. G.
Shaw’s possession:--
I. In 1370, the head of the Macphersons disowned the head of the
Mackintoshes at Invernahavon. Tradition says Macpherson withdrew
from the field without fighting, _i.e._, he mutinied on a point of
precedence between him and Mackintosh.
II. Donald More Macpherson fought along with Marr at Harlaw,
_against_ Donald of the Isles with _Mackintosh_ on his side, the two
chiefs being then on different sides (1411).
III. Donald Oig Macpherson fought on the side of Huntly at the battle
of Corrichie, and was killed; Mackintosh fought on the other side
(1562).
IV. Andrew Macpherson of Cluny held the Castle of Ruthven, A.D. 1594,
against Argyll, Mackintosh fighting on the side of Argyll.[184]
This tends to show that when the Macphersons joined with the
Mackintoshes, it was (they alleged) _voluntarily_, and not on account
of their being bound to follow Mackintosh as chief.
In a loose way, no doubt, Mackintosh may sometimes have been called
_Chief of Clan Chattan_, but _Captain_ is the title generally given
in deeds of all kinds. He was chief of the Mackintoshes, as Cluny
was chief of the Macphersons--by _right of blood_; but by agreement
amongst the Shaws, Macgillivrays, Clarkes, (Clerach), Clan Dai, &c.,
renewed from time to time, Mackintosh was recognised as _Captain of
Clan Chattan_.
We cannot forbear adding as a fit moral to this part of the
subject, the conclusion come to by the writer of the MS. already
quoted:--“After what I have said upon this angry point, I cannot but
be of opinion, that in our day, when the right of chieftanrie is so
little regarded, when the power of the chiefs is so much abridged,
when armed convocations of the lieges are discharged by law, and when
a clan are not obliged to obey their chief unless he bears a royal
commission,--when matters are so, ’tis my opinion that questions
about chieftainrie and debates about precedency of that kind, are
equally idle and unprofitable, and that gentlemen should live in
strict friendship as they are connected by blood, by affinity, or by
the vicinity of their dwellings and the interest of their families.”
The clan Chattan of history, according to Mr Fraser-Mackintosh
of Drummond,[185] was composed of the following clans, who were
either allied to the Mackintoshes and Macphersons by genealogy,
or who, for their own protection or other reasons, had joined the
confederacy:--The Mackintoshes, Macphersons, Macgillivrays, Shaws,
Farquharsons, Macbeans, Macphails, clan Tarril, Gows (said to
be descended from Henry the Smith, of North Inch fame), Clarks,
Macqueens, Davidsons, Cattanachs, clan Ay, Nobles, Gillespies. “In
addition to the above sixteen tribes, the Macleans of Dochgarroch
or clan Tearleach, the Dallases of Cantray, and others, generally
followed the captain of clan Chattan as his friends.” Of some of
these little or nothing is known except the name; but others, as the
Mackintoshes, Macphersons, Shaws, Farquharsons, &c., have on the
whole a complete and well-detailed history.
MACKINTOSH.
[Illustration: BADGE-According to some, Boxwood, others, Red
Whortleberry.]
According to the Mackintosh MS. Histories (the first of which was
compiled about 1500, other two dated in the 16th century, all of
which were embodied in a Latin MS. by Lachlan Mackintosh of Kinrara
about 1680), the progenitor of the family was Shaw or Seach, a
son of Macduff, Earl of Fife, who, for his assistance in quelling
a rebellion among the inhabitants of Moray, was presented by King
Malcolm IV. with the lands of Petty and Breachly and the forestry of
Strathearn, being made also constable of the castle at Inverness.
From the high position and power of his father, he was styled by
the Gaelic-speaking population Mac-an-Toisich, _i.e._, “son of the
principal or foremost.” _Tus_, _tos_, or _tosich_, is “the beginning
or first part of anything,” whence “foremost” or “principal.” Mr
Skene says the _tosich_ was the oldest cadet of a clan, and that
Mackintosh’s ancestor was oldest cadet of clan Chattan. Professor
Cosmo Innes says the _tosich_ was the administrator of the crown
lands, the head man of a little district, who became under the Saxon
title of Thane hereditary tenant; and it is worthy of note that these
functions were performed by the successor of the above mentioned
Shaw, who, the family history says, “was made chamberlain of the
king’s revenues in those parts for life.” It is scarcely likely,
however, that the name Mackintosh arose either in this manner or in
the manner stated by Mr Skene, as there would be many tosachs, and
in every clan an oldest cadet. The name seems to imply some peculiar
circumstances, and these are found in the son of the great Thane or
Earl of Fife.
[Illustration: MACKINTOSH. (Tartan)]
Little is known of the immediate successors of Shaw Macduff. They
appear to have made their residence in the castle of Inverness, which
they defended on several occasions against the marauding bands from
the west. Some of them added considerably to the possessions of the
family, which soon took firm root in the north. Towards the close
of the 13th century, during the minority of Angus MacFerquhard, 6th
chief, the Comyns seized the castle of Inverness, and the lands of
Geddes and Rait belonging to the Mackintoshes, and these were not
recovered for more than a century. It was this chief who in 1291-2
married Eva, the heiress of clan Chattan, and who acquired with
her the lands occupied by that clan, together with the station of
leader of her father’s clansmen. He appears to have been a chief of
great activity, and a staunch supporter of Robert Bruce, with whom
he took part in the battle of Bannockburn. He is placed second
in the list of chiefs given by General Stewart of Garth as present
in this battle. In the time of his son William the sanguinary feud
with the Camerons broke out, which continued up to the middle of
the 17th century. The dispute arose concerning the lands of Glenlui
and Locharkaig, which Angus Mackintosh had acquired with Eva, and
which in his absence had been occupied by the Camerons. William
fought several battles for the recovery of these lands, to which in
1337 he acquired a charter from the Lord of the Isles, confirmed in
1357 by David II., but his efforts were unavailing to dislodge the
Camerons. The feud was continued by his successor, Lauchlan, 8th
chief, each side occasionally making raids into the other’s country.
In one of these is said to have occurred the well-known dispute as to
precedency between two of the septs of clan Chattan, the Macphersons
and the Davidsons. According to tradition, the Camerons had entered
Badenoch, where Mackintosh was then residing, and had seized a large
“spreagh.” Mackintosh’s force, which followed them, was composed
chiefly of these two septs, the Macphersons, however, considerably
exceeding the rest. A dispute arising between the respective leaders
of the Macphersons and Davidsons as to who should lead the right
wing, the chief of Mackintosh, as superior to both, was appealed to,
and decided in favour of Davidson. Offended at this, the Macphersons,
who, if all accounts are true, had undoubtedly the better right to
the post of honour, withdrew from the field of battle, thus enabling
the Camerons to secure a victory. When, however, they saw that their
friends were defeated, the Macphersons are said to have returned to
the field, and turned the victory of the Camerons into a defeat,
killing their leader, Charles MacGillonie. The date of this affair,
which took place at Invernahavon, is variously fixed at 1370 and
1384, and some writers make it the cause which led to the famous
battle on the North Inch of Perth twenty-six years later.
As is well known, great controversies have raged as to the clans
who took part in the Perth fight, and those writers just referred
to decide the question by making the Macphersons and Davidsons the
combatant clans.[186]
Wyntoun’s words are--
“They three score ware clannys twa,
Clahynnhe Qwhewyl and Clachinyha,
Of thir twa kynnys war thay men,
Thretty again thretty then,
And thare thay had thair chiftanys twa,
SCHA FARQWHARIS SONE wes ane of thay,
The tother CHRISTY JOHNESONE.”
On this the Rev. W. G. Shaw of Forfar remarks,--“One writer (Dr
Macpherson) tries to make out that the clan Yha or Ha was the clan
Shaw. Another makes them to be the clan Dhai or Davidsons. Another
(with Skene) makes them Macphersons. As to the clan Quhele, Colonel
Robertson (author of ‘Historical Proofs of the Highlanders,’)
supposes that the clan Quhele was the clan Shaw, partly from the fact
that in the Scots Act of Parliament of 1392 (vol. i. p. 217), whereby
several clans were forfeited for their share in the raid of Angus
[described in vol. i.], there is mention made of Slurach, or (as it
is supposed it ought to have been written) Sheach[187] _et omnes clan
Quhele_. Then others again suppose that the clan Quhele was the clan
Mackintosh. Others that it was the clan Cameron, whilst the clan Yha
was the Clan-na-Chait or clan Chattan.
“From the fact that, after the clan Battle on the Inch, the star of
the Mackintoshes was decidedly in the ascendant, there can be little
doubt but that they formed at least a section of the winning side,
whether that side were the clan Yha or the clan Quhele.
“Wyntoun declines to say on which side the victory lay. He writes--
‘Wha had the waur fare at the last,
I will nocht say.’
“It is not very likely that subsequent writers knew more of the
subject than he did, so that after all, we are left very much to the
traditions of the families themselves for information. The Camerons,
Davidsons, Mackintoshes, and Macphersons, all say that they took part
in the fray. The Shaws’ tradition is, that their ancestor, being
a relative of the Mackintoshes, took the place of the aged chief
of that section of the clan, on the day of battle. The chroniclers
_vary_ as to the names of the clans, but they all _agree_ as to the
name of _one_ of the leaders, viz., that it was Shaw. Tradition and
history are agreed on this _one point_.
“One thing emerges clearly from the confusion as to the clans who
fought, and as to which of the modern names of the contending clans
was represented by the clans Yha and Quhele,--_one thing emerges_, a
Shaw leading the victorious party, and a race of Shaws springing from
him as their great--if not their first--founder, a race, who for ages
afterwards, lived in the district and fought under the banner of the
Laird of Mackintosh.”[188]
As to the Davidsons, the tradition which vouches for the particulars
of the fight at Invernahavon expressly says that the Davidsons were
almost to a man cut off, and it is scarcely likely that they would,
within so short a time, be able to muster sufficient men either
seriously to disturb the peace of the country or to provide thirty
champions. Mr Skene solves the question by making the Mackintoshes
and Macphersons the combatant clans, and the cause of quarrel
the right to the headship of clan Chattan. But the traditions of
both families place them on the winning side, and there is no
trace whatever of any dispute at this time, or previous to the
16th century, as to the chiefship. The most probable solution
of this difficulty is, that the clans who fought at Perth were
the clan Chattan (_i.e._, Mackintoshes, Macphersons, and others)
and the Camerons. Mr Skene, indeed, says that the only clans who
have a tradition of their ancestors having been engaged are the
Mackintoshes, Macphersons, and _Camerons_, though he endeavours to
account for the presence of the last named clan by making them assist
the Macphersons against the Mackintoshes.[189] The editor of the
_Memoirs of Lochiel_, mentioning this tradition of the Camerons, as
well as the opinion of Skene, says,--“It may be observed, that the
side allotted to the Camerons (viz. the _unsuccessful_ side) affords
the strongest internal evidence of its correctness. Had the Camerons
been described as victors it would have been very different.”
The author of the recently discovered MS. account of the clan Chattan
already referred to, says that by this conflict Cluny’s right to lead
the van was established; and in the meetings of clan Chattan he sat
on Mackintosh’s right hand, and when absent that seat was kept empty
for him. Henry Wynde likewise associated with the clan Chattan, and
his descendants assumed the name of Smith, and were commonly called
Sliochd a Gow Chroim.
[Music: THE MACKINTOSH’S LAMENT[190]
_Arranged for the Bagpipes by_ PIPE-MAJOR A. M’LENNAN, _Highland
Light Infantry Militia, Inverness_.]
[Music: VARIATION 1ST.
DOUBLING OF VARIATION 1ST.]
Lauchlan, chief of Mackintosh, in whose time these events happened,
died in 1407, at a good old age. In consequence of his age and
infirmity, his kinsman, Shaw Mackintosh, had headed the thirty clan
Chattan champions at Perth, and for his success was rewarded with
the possession of the lands of Rothiemurchus in Badenoch. The next
chief, Ferquhard, was compelled by his clansmen to resign his post in
consequence of his mild, inactive disposition, and his uncle Malcolm
(son of William Mac-Angus by a second marriage) succeeded as 10th
chief of Mackintosh, and 5th captain of clan Chattan. Malcolm was one
of the most warlike and successful of the Mackintosh chiefs. During
his long chiefship of nearly fifty years, he made frequent incursions
into the Cameron territories, and waged a sanguinary war with the
Comyns, in which he recovered the lands taken from his ancestor. In
1411 he was one of the principal commanders in the army of Donald,
Lord of the Isles, in the battle of Harlaw, where he is by some
stated incorrectly to have been killed. In 1429, when Alexander, Lord
of the Isles and Earl of Ross; broke out into rebellion at the head
of 10,000 men, on the advance of the king into Lochaber, the clan
Chattan and the clan Cameron deserted the earl’s banners, went over
to the royal army, and fought on the royal side, the rebels being
defeated. In 1431, Malcolm Mackintosh, captain of the clan Chattan,
received a grant of the lands of Alexander of Lochaber, uncle of the
Earl of Ross, that chieftain having been forfeited for engaging in
the rebellion of Donald Balloch. Having afterwards contrived to make
his peace with the Lord of the Isles, he received from him, between
1443 and 1447, a confirmation of his lands in Lochaber, with a grant
of the office of bailiary of that district. His son, Duncan, styled
captain of the clan Chattan in 1467, was in great favour with John,
Lord of the Isles and Earl of Ross, whose sister, Flora, he married,
and who bestowed on him the office of steward of Lochaber, which had
been held by his father. He also received the lands of Keppoch and
others included in that lordship.
On the forfeiture of his brother-in-law in 1475, James III. granted
to the same Duncan Mackintosh a charter, of date July 4th, 1476, of
the lands of Moymore, and various others, in Lochaber. When the king
in 1493 proceeded in person to the West Highlands, Duncan Mackintosh,
captain of the clan Chattan, was one of the chiefs, formerly among
the vassals of the Lord of the Isles, who went to meet him and make
their submission to him. These chiefs received in return royal
charters of the lands they had previously held under the Lord of the
Isles, and Mackintosh obtained a charter of the lands of Keppoch,
Innerorgan, and others, with the office of bailiary of the same. In
1495, Farquhar Mackintosh, his son, and Kenneth Oig Mackenzie of
Kintail, were imprisoned by the king in Edinburgh castle. Two years
thereafter, Farquhar, who seems about this time to have succeeded
his father as captain of the clan Chattan, and Mackenzie, made their
escape from Edinburgh castle, but, on their way to the Highlands,
they were seized at Torwood by the laird of Buchanan. Mackenzie,
having offered resistance, was slain, but Mackintosh was taken alive,
and confined at Dunbar, where he remained till after the battle of
Flodden.
Farquhar was succeeded by his cousin, William Mackintosh, who
had married Isabel M’Niven, heiress of Dunnachtan: but John Roy
Mackintosh, the head of another branch of the family, attempted by
force to get himself recognised as captain of the clan Chattan, and
failing in his design, he assassinated his rival at Inverness in
1515. Being closely pursued, however, he was overtaken and slain at
Glenesk. Lauchlan Mackintosh, the brother of the murdered chief,
was then placed at the head of the clan. He is described by Bishop
Lesley[191] as “a verrie honest and wyse gentleman, an barroun of
gude rent, quha keipit hes hole ken, friendes and tennentis in
honest and guid rewll.” The strictness with which he ruled his clan
raised him up many enemies among them, and, like his brother, he
was cut off by the hand of an assassin. “Some wicked persons,” says
Lesley, “being impatient of virtuous living, stirred up one of his
own principal kinsmen, called James Malcolmson, who cruelly and
treacherously slew his chief.” This was in the year 1526. To avoid
the vengeance of that portion of the clan by whom the chief was
beloved, Malcolmson and his followers took refuge in the island in
the loch of Rothiemurchus, but they were pursued to their hiding
place, and slain there.
Lauchlan had married the sister of the Earl of Moray, and by her
had a son, William, who on his father’s death was but a child. The
clan therefore made choice of Hector Mackintosh, a bastard son of
Farquhar, the chief who had been imprisoned in 1495, to act as
captain till the young chief should come of age. The consequences
of this act have already been narrated in their proper place in
the General History. On attaining the age of manhood William duly
became head of the clan, and having been well brought up by the Earls
of Moray and Cassilis, both his near relatives, was, according to
Lesley, “honoured as a perfect pattern of virtue by all the leading
men of the Highlands.” During the life of his uncle, the Earl of
Moray, his affairs prospered; but shortly after that noble’s death,
he became involved in a feud with the Earl of Huntly. He was charged
with the heinous offence of conspiring against Huntly, the queen’s
lieutenant, and at a court held by Huntly at Aberdeen, on the 2d
August 1550, was tried and convicted by a jury, and sentenced to
lose his life and lands. Being immediately carried to Strathbogie,
he was beheaded soon after by Huntly’s countess, the earl himself
having given a pledge that his life should be spared. The story is
told, though with grave errors, by Sir Walter Scott, in his _Tales
of a Grandfather_.[192] By Act of Parliament of 14th December 1557,
the sentence was reversed as illegal, and the son of Mackintosh was
restored to all his father’s lands, to which Huntly added others
as assythment for the blood. But this act of atonement on Huntly’s
part was not sufficient to efface the deep grudge owed him by the
clan Chattan on account of the execution of their chief, and he was
accordingly thwarted by them in many of his designs.
In the time of this earl’s grandson, the clan Chattan again came into
collision with the powerful Gordons, and for four years a deadly
feud raged between them. In consequence of certain of Huntly’s
proceedings, especially the murder of the Earl of Moray, a strong
faction was formed against him, Lauchlan, 16th chief of Mackintosh,
taking a prominent part. A full account of these disturbances in 1624
has already been given in its place in the General History.
In this feud Huntly succeeded in detaching the Macphersons belonging
to the Cluny branch from the rest of clan Chattan, but the majority
of that sept, according to the MS. history of the Mackintoshes,
remained true to the chief of Mackintosh. These allies, however, were
deserted by Huntly when he became reconciled to Mackintosh, and in
1609 Andrew Macpherson of Cluny, with all the other principal men of
clan Chattan, signed a bond of union, in which they all acknowledged
the chief of Mackintosh as _captain and chief_ of clan Chattan. The
clan Chattan were in Argyll’s army at the battle of Glenlivat in
1595, and with the Macleans formed the right wing, which made the
best resistance to the Catholic earls, and was the last to quit the
field.
Cameron of Lochiel had been forfeited in 1598 for not producing
his title deeds, when Mackintosh claimed the lands of Glenluy and
Locharkaig, of which he had kept forcible possession. In 1618 Sir
Lauchlan, 17th chief of Mackintosh, prepared to carry into effect the
acts of outlawry against Lochiel, who, on his part, put himself under
the protection of the Marquis of Huntly, Mackintosh’s mortal foe. In
July of the same year Sir Lauchlan obtained a commission of fire and
sword against the Macdonalds of Keppoch for laying waste his lands
in Lochaber. As he conceived that he had a right to the services of
all his clan, some of whom were tenants and dependents of the Marquis
of Huntly, he ordered the latter to follow him, and compelled such
of them as were refractory to accompany him into Lochaber. This
proceeding gave great offence to Lord Gordon, Earl of Enzie, the
marquis’s son, who summoned Mackintosh before the Privy Council, for
having, as he asserted, exceeded his commission. He was successful in
obtaining the recall of Sir Lauchlan’s commission, and obtaining a
new one in his own favour. The consequences of this are told in vol.
i. ch. x.
During the wars of the Covenant, William, 18th chief, was at the head
of the clan, but owing to feebleness of constitution took no active
part in the troubles of that period. He was, however, a decided
loyalist, and among the Mackintosh papers are several letters, both
from the unhappy Charles I. and his son Charles II., acknowledging
his good affection and service. The Mackintoshes, as well as the
Macphersons and Farquharsons, were with Montrose in considerable
numbers, and, in fact, the great body of clan Chattan took part in
nearly all that noble’s battles and expeditions.
Shortly after the accession of Charles II., Lauchlan Mackintosh, to
enforce his claims to the disputed lands of Glenluy and Locharkaig
against Cameron of Lochiel, raised his clan, and, assisted by the
Macphersons, marched to Lochaber with 1500 men. He was met by Lochiel
with 1200 men, of whom 300 were Macgregors. About 300 were armed with
bows. General Stewart says:--“When preparing to engage, the Earl of
Breadalbane, who was nearly related to both chiefs, came in sight
with 500 men, and sent them notice that if either of them refused
to agree to the terms which he had to propose, he would throw his
interest into the opposite scale. After some hesitation his offer of
mediation was accepted, and the feud amicably and finally settled.”
This was in 1665, when the celebrated Sir Ewen Cameron was chief,
and a satisfactory arrangement having been made, the Camerons were
at length left in undisputed possession of the lands of Glenluy and
Locharkaig, which their various branches still enjoy.
In 1672 Duncan Macpherson of Cluny, having resolved to throw off all
connexion with Mackintosh, made application to the Lyon office to
have his arms matriculated as laird of Cluny Macpherson, and “the
only and true representative of the ancient and honourable family of
the clan Chattan.” This request was granted; and, soon afterwards,
when the Privy Council required the Highland chiefs to give security
for the peaceable behaviour of their respective clans, Macpherson
became bound for his clan under the designation of the lord of
Cluny and chief of the Macphersons; as he could only hold himself
responsible for that portion of the clan Chattan which bore his
own name and were more particularly under his own control. As soon
as Mackintosh was informed of this circumstance, he applied to the
privy council and the Lyon office to have his own title declared, and
that which had been granted to Macpherson recalled and cancelled. An
inquiry was accordingly instituted, and both parties were ordered to
produce evidence of their respective assertions, when the council
ordered Mackintosh to give bond for those of his _clan_, his vassals,
those descended of his family, his men, tenants, and servants, and
all dwelling upon his ground; and enjoined Cluny to give bond for
those of his name of Macpherson, descended of his family, and his
men, tenants, and servants, “without prejudice always to the laird of
Mackintosh.” In consequence of this decision, the armorial bearings
granted to Macpherson were recalled, and they were again matriculated
as those of Macpherson of Cluny.
Between the Mackintoshes and the Macdonalds of Keppoch, a feud had
long existed, originating in the claim of the former to the lands
occupied by the latter, on the Braes of Lochaber. The Macdonalds had
no other right to their lands than what was founded on prescriptive
possession, whilst the Mackintoshes had a feudal title to the
property, originally granted by the lords of the Isles, and, on
their forfeiture, confirmed by the crown. After various acts of
hostility on both sides, the feud was at length terminated by “the
last considerable clan battle which was fought in the Highlands.”
To dispossess the Macdonalds by force, Mackintosh raised his clan,
and, assisted by an independent company of soldiers, furnished by
the government, marched towards Keppoch, but, on his arrival there,
he found the place deserted. He was engaged in constructing a fort
in Glenroy, to protect his rear, when he received intelligence that
the Macdonalds, reinforced by their kinsmen of Glengarry and Glencoe,
were posted in great force at Mulroy. He immediately marched against
them, but was defeated and taken prisoner. At that critical moment,
a large body of Macphersons appeared on the ground, hastening to the
relief of the Mackintoshes, and Keppoch, to avoid another battle,
was obliged to release his prisoner. It is highly to the honour of
the Macphersons, that they came forward on the occasion so readily,
to the assistance of the rival branch of the clan Chattan, and
that so far from taking advantage of Mackintosh’s misfortune, they
escorted him safely to his own territories, and left him without
exacting any conditions, or making any stipulations whatever as to
the chiefship.[193] From this time forth, the Mackintoshes and the
Macphersons continued separate and independent clans, although both
were included under the general denomination of the clan Chattan.
At the Revolution, the Mackintoshes adhered to the new government,
and as the chief refused to attend the Viscount Dundee, on that
nobleman soliciting a friendly interview with him, the latter
employed his old opponent, Macdonald of Keppoch, to carry off his
cattle. In the rebellions of 1715 and 1745, the Mackintoshes took
a prominent part. Lauchlan, 20th chief, was actively engaged in
the ’15, and was at Preston on the Jacobite side. The exploits of
Mackintosh of Borlum, in 1715, have been fully narrated in our
account of the rebellion of that year.
Lauchlan died in 1731, without issue, when the male line of William,
the 18th chief, became extinct. Lauchlan’s successor, William
Mackintosh, died in 1741. Angus, the brother of the latter, the next
chief, married Anne, daughter of Farquharson of Invercauld, a lady
who distinguished herself greatly in the rebellion of 1745. When
her husband was appointed to one of the three new companies in Lord
London’s Highlanders, raised in the beginning of that year, Lady
Mackintosh traversed the country, and, in a very short time, enlisted
97 of the 100 men required for a captaincy. On the breaking out of
the rebellion, she was equally energetic in favour of the Pretender,
and, in the absence of Mackintosh, she raised two battalions of the
clan for the prince, and placed them under the command of Colonel
Macgillivray of Dunmaglass. In 1715 the Mackintoshes mustered 1,500
men under Old Borlum, but in 1745 scarcely one half of that number
joined the forces of the Pretender. She conducted her followers in
person to the rebel army at Inverness, and soon after her husband was
taken prisoner by the insurgents, when the prince delivered him over
to his lady, saying that “he could not be in better security, or more
honourably treated.”
[Illustration: Dalcross Castle. From a photograph in the possession
of The Mackintosh.]
At the battle of Culloden, the Mackintoshes were on the right of
the Highland army, and in their eagerness to engage, they were the
first to attack the enemy’s lines, losing their brave colonel and
other officers in the impetuous charge. On the passing of the act for
the abolition of the heritable jurisdictions in 1747, the laird of
Mackintosh claimed £5,000 as compensation for his hereditary office
of steward of the lordship of Lochaber.
In 1812, Æneas Mackintosh, the 23d laird of Mackintosh, was created
a baronet of the United Kingdom. He died 21st January 1820, without
heirs male of his body. On his death, the baronetcy expired, and he
was succeeded in the estate by Angus Mackintosh, whose immediate
sires had settled in Canada. Alexander, his son, became Mackintosh
of Mackintosh, and died in 1861, his son, Alexander Æneas, now of
Mackintosh, succeeding him as 27th chief of Mackintosh, and 22d
captain of clan Chattan.
The funerals of the chiefs of Mackintosh were always conducted with
great ceremony and solemnity. When Lauchlan Mackintosh, the 19th
chief, died, in the end of 1703, his body lay in state from 9th
December that year, till 18th January 1704, in Dalcross Castle (which
was built in 1620, and is a good specimen of an old baronial Scotch
mansion, and has been the residence of several chiefs), and 2000 of
the clan Chattan attended his remains to the family vault at Petty.
Keppoch was present with 220 of the Macdonalds. Across the coffins of
the deceased chiefs are laid the sword of William, twenty-first of
Mackintosh, and a highly finished claymore, presented by Charles I.,
before he came to the throne, to Sir Lauchlan Mackintosh, gentleman
of the bedchamber.
The principal seat of The Mackintosh is Moy Hall, near Inverness. The
original castle, now in ruins, stood on an island in Loch Moy.
The eldest branch of the clan Mackintosh was the family of Kellachy,
a small estate in Inverness-shire, acquired by them in the 17th
century. Of this branch was the celebrated Sir James Mackintosh.
His father, Captain John Mackintosh, was the tenth in descent from
Allan, third son of Malcolm, tenth chief of the clan. Mackintosh of
Kellachy, as the eldest cadet of the family, invariably held the
appointment of captain of the watch to the chief of the clan in all
his wars.
MACPHERSON.
[Illustration: BADGE.--Boxwood.]
The Macphersons, the other principal branch of the clan Chattan, are
in Gaelic called the clan Vuirich or Muirich, from an ancestor of
that name, who, in the Gaelic MS. of 1450, is said to have been the
“son of Swen, son of Heth, son of Nachtan, son of Gillichattan, from
whom came the clan Chattan.” The word Gillichattan is supposed by
some to mean a votary or servant of St Kattan, a Scottish saint, as
Gillichrist (Gilchrist) means a servant of Christ.
The Macphersons claim unbroken descent from the ancient chiefs of the
clan Chattan, and tradition is in favour of their being the lineal
representatives of the chiefs of the clan. However, this point has
been sufficiently discussed in the history of the Mackintoshes, where
we have given much of the history of the Macphersons.
It was from Muirich, who is said to have been chief in 1153, that
the Macphersons derive the name of the clan Muirich or Vuirich. This
Muirich was parson of Kingussie, in the lower part of Badenoch, and
the surname was given to his descendants from his office. He was the
great-grandson of Gillichattan Mor, the founder of the clan, who
lived in the reign of Malcolm Canmore, and having married a daughter
of the thane of Calder, had five sons. The eldest, Gillichattan, the
third of the name, and chief of the clan in the reign of Alexander
II., was father of Dougal Dall, the chief whose daughter Eva married
Angus Mackintosh of Mackintosh. On Dougal Dall’s death, as he had no
sons, the representation of the family devolved on his cousin and
heir-male, Kenneth, eldest son of Eoghen or Ewen Baan, second son
of Muirich. Neill _Chrom_, so called from his stooping shoulders,
Muirich’s third son, was a great artificer in iron, and took the
name of Smith from his trade. Farquhar Gilliriach, or the Swift, the
fourth son, is said to have been the progenitor of the MacGillivrays,
who followed the Mackintosh branch of the clan Chattan; and from
David Dubh, or the Swarthy, the youngest of Muirich’s sons, were
descended the clan Dhai, or Davidsons of Invernahavon.[194]
One of the early chiefs is said to have received a commission to
expel the Comyns from Badenoch, and on their forfeiture he obtained,
for his services, a grant of lands. He was also allowed to add a hand
holding a dagger to his armorial bearings. A MS. genealogy of the
Macphersons makes Kenneth chief in 1386, when a battle took place at
Invernahavon between the clan Chattan and the Camerons, details of
which and of the quarrel between the Macphersons and the Davidsons
will be found in the general history, and in the account of the
Mackintoshes.
In 1609 the chief of the Macphersons signed a bond, along with all
the other branches of that extensive tribe, acknowledging Mackintosh
as captain and chief of the clan Chattan; but in all the contentions
and feuds in which the Mackintoshes were subsequently involved with
the Camerons and other Lochaber clans, they were obliged to accept of
the Macphersons’ aid as allies rather than vassals.
Andrew Macpherson of Cluny, who succeeded as chief in 1647, suffered
much on account of his sincere attachment to the cause of Charles I.
His son, Ewen, was also a staunch royalist. In 1665, under Andrew,
the then chief, when Mackintosh went on an expedition against the
Camerons, for the recovery of the lands of Glenluy and Locharkaig,
he solicited the assistance of the Macphersons, when a notarial
deed was executed, wherein Mackintosh declares that it was of their
mere good will and pleasure that they did so; and on his part it
is added, “I bind and oblige myself and friends and followers to
assist and fortify and join, with the said Andrew, Lauchlan, and John
Macpherson, all their lawful and necessary adoes, being thereunto
required.” The same Andrew, Lauchlan, and John, heads of the three
great branches of the Macphersons, had on the 19th of the preceding
November given a bond acknowledging Mackintosh as their chief. In
1672 Duncan Macpherson of Cluny, Andrew’s brother, made application
to the Lyon office to have his arms matriculated as laird of Cluny
Macpherson, and “the only and true representative of the ancient
and honourable family of the clan Chattan.” This application was
successful; but as soon as Mackintosh heard of it, he raised a
process before the privy council to have it determined as to which
of them had the right to the proper armorial bearings. After a
protracted inquiry, the council issued an order for the two chiefs to
give security for the peaceable behaviour of their respective clans,
in the terms given in the account of Mackintosh. The same year Cluny
entered into a contract of friendship with Æneas, Lord Macdonnell,
and Aros, “for himself and takeing burden upon him for the haill name
of Macpherson, and some others, _called Old Clan-chatten_, as cheefe
and principall man thereof.”
It is worthy of note that this same Duncan made an attempt, which was
happily frustrated by his clansmen, to have his son-in-law, a son of
Campbell of Cawdor, declared his successor.
On the death, without male issue, of Duncan Macpherson, in 1721 or
1722, the chiefship devolved on Lauchlan Macpherson of Nuid, the next
male heir, being lineally descended from John, youngest brother of
Andrew, the above-named chief. One of the descendants of this John of
Nuid was James Macpherson, the resuscitator of the Ossianic poetry.
Lauchlan married Jean, daughter of Sir Ewen Cameron of Lochiel. His
eldest son, Ewen, was the chief at the time of the rebellion of 1745.
[Illustration: James Macpherson, Editor, &c. of the Ossianic Poetry.]
In the previous rebellion of 1715, the Macphersons, under their
then chief Duncan, had taken a very active part on the side of the
Pretender. On the arrival of Prince Charles in 1745, Ewen Macpherson
of Cluny, who the same year had been appointed to a company in Lord
Loudon’s Highlanders, and had taken the oaths to government, threw
up his commission, and, with 600 Macphersons, joined the rebel army
after their victory at Prestonpans. The Macphersons were led to take
an active part in the rebellion chiefly from a desire to revenge
the fate of two of their clansmen, who were shot on account of the
extraordinary mutiny of the Black Watch (now the 42d regiment) two
years before, an account of which is given in the history of that
Regiment.
Ewen Macpherson, the chief, at first hesitated to join the prince;
and his wife, a daughter of Lord Lovat, although a staunch Jacobite,
earnestly dissuaded him from breaking his oath to government,
assuring him that nothing could end well that began with perjury.
Her friends reproached her for interfering--and his clan urging him,
Cluny unfortunately yielded.
At the battle of Falkirk, the Macphersons formed a portion of the
first line. They were too late for the battle of Culloden, where
their assistance might have turned the fortune of the day; they did
not come up till after the retreat of Charles from that decisive
field. In the subsequent devastations committed by the English army,
Cluny’s house was plundered and burnt to the ground. Every exertion
was made by the government troops for his apprehension, but they
never could lay their hands upon him. He escaped to France in 1755,
and died at Dunkirk the following year.
Ewen’s son, Duncan, was born in 1750, in a kiln for drying corn, in
which his mother had taken refuge after the destruction of their
house. During his minority, his uncle, Major John Macpherson of the
78th foot, acted as his guardian. He received back the estate which
had been forfeited, and, entering the army, became lieutenant-colonel
of the 3d foot guards. He married, 12th June 1798, Catherine,
youngest daughter of Sir Ewen Cameron of Fassifern, baronet; and on
his death, 1st August 1817, was succeeded by his eldest son, Ewen
Macpherson of Cluny, the present chief.
In Cluny castle are preserved various relics of the rebellion of
1745; among the rest, the Prince’s target and lace wrist ruffles, and
an autograph letter from Charles, promising an ample reward to his
devoted friend Cluny. There is also the black pipe chanter on which
the prosperity of the house of Cluny is said to be dependent, and
which all true members of the clan Vuirich firmly believe fell from
heaven, in place of the one lost at the conflict on the North Inch of
Perth.
The war-cry of the Macphersons was “Cragi Dhu,” the name of a rock
in the neighbourhood of Cluny Castle. The chief is called in the
Highlands “Mac Mhurich Chlanaidh,” but everywhere else is better
known as Cluny Macpherson.
Among the principal cadets of the Macpherson family were the
Macphersons of Pitmean, Invereshie, Strathmassie, Breachachie,
Essie, &c. The Invereshie branch were chiefs of a large tribe called
the _Siol Gillies_, the founder of which was Gillies or Elias
Macpherson, the first of Invereshie, a younger son of Ewen Baan or
Bane (so called from his fair complexion) above mentioned. Sir Eneas
Macpherson, tutor of Invereshie, advocate, who lived in the reigns of
Charles II. and James VII., collected the materials for the history
of the clan Macpherson, the MS. of which is still preserved in the
family. He was appointed sheriff of Aberdeen in 1684.
George Macpherson of Invereshie married Grace, daughter of Colonel
William Grant of Ballindalloch, and his elder son, William, dying,
unmarried, in 1812, was succeeded by his nephew George, who, on
the death of his maternal grand-uncle, General James Grant of
Ballindalloch, 13th April 1806, inherited that estate, and in
consequence assumed the name of Grant in addition to his own. He was
MP. for the county of Sutherland for seventeen years, and was created
a baronet 25th July 1838. He thus became Sir George Macpherson-Grant
of Invereshie, Inverness-shire, and Ballindalloch, Elginshire. On
his death in November 1846, his son, Sir John, sometime secretary
of legation at Lisbon, succeeded as second baronet. Sir John died
Dec. 2, 1850. His eldest son, Sir George Macpherson-Grant of
Invereshie and Ballindalloch, born Aug. 12, 1839, became the third
baronet of this family, He married, July 3, 1861, Frances Elizabeth,
younger daughter of the Rev. Roger Pocklington, Vicar of Walesby,
Nottinghamshire.
We can refer only with the greatest brevity to some of the minor
clans which were included under the great confederacy of the clan
Chattan.
MACGILLIVRAY.
The Macgillivrays were one of the oldest and most important of the
septs of clan Chattan, and from 1626, when their head, Ferquhard
MacAllister, acquired a right to the lands of Dunmaglass, frequent
mention of them is found in extant documents, registers, etc. Their
ancestor placed himself and his posterity under the protection of the
Mackintoshes in the time of Ferquhard, fifth chief of Mackintosh,
and the clan have ever distinguished themselves by their prowess
and bravery. One of them is mentioned as having been killed in a
battle with the Camerons about the year 1330, but perhaps the best
known of the heads of this clan was Alexander, fourth in descent
from the Ferquhard who acquired Dunmaglass. This gentleman was
selected by Lady Mackintosh to head her husband’s clan on the side
of Prince Charlie in the ’45. He acquitted himself with the greatest
credit, but lost his life, as did all his officers except three, in
the battle of Culloden. In the brave but rash charge made by his
battalion against the English line, he fell, shot through the heart,
in the centre of Barrel’s regiment. His body, after lying for some
weeks in a pit where it had been thrown with others by the English
soldiers, was taken up by his friends and buried across the threshold
of the kirk of Petty. His brother William was also a warrior, and
gained the rank of captain in the old 89th regiment, raised about
1758. One of the three officers of the Mackintosh battalion who
escaped from Culloden was a kinsman of these two brothers,--Farquhar
of Dalcrombie, whose grandson, Niel John M’Gillivray of Dunmaglass,
is the present head of the clan.
The M’Gillivrays possessed at various times, besides Dunmaglass, the
lands of Aberchallader, Letterchallen, Largs, Faillie, Dalcrombie,
and Daviot. It was in connection with the succession to Faillie that
Lord Ardmillan’s well-known decision was given in 1860 respecting the
legal _status_ of a clan.
In a Gaelic lament for the slain at Culloden the MacGillivrays are
spoken of as
“The warlike race,
The gentle, vigorous, flourishing,
Active, of great fame, beloved,
The race that will not wither, and has descended
Long from every side,
Excellent MacGillivrays of the Doune.”
SHAW.[195]
The origin of the Shaws, at one time a most important clan of the
Chattan confederation, has been already referred to in connection
with the Mackintoshes. The tradition of the Mackintoshes and Shaws
is “unvaried,” says the Rev. W. G. Shaw of Forfar, that at least
from and after 1396, a race of Shaws existed in Rothiemurchus, whose
great progenitor was the Shaw Mor who commanded the section of the
clan represented by the Mackintoshes on the Inch. The tradition
of the Shaws is, that he was Shaw, the son of James, the son or
descendant of Farquhar; the tradition of the Macintoshes--that he was
Shaw-_mac_-Gilchrist-_mac_-Ian-_mac_-Angus-_mac_-Farquhar,--Farquhar
being the ancestor according to _both_ traditions, from whom he took
the name (according to Wyntoun) of Sha Farquharis Son.[196] The
tradition of a James Shaw who ‘had bloody contests with the Comyns,’
which tradition is fortified by that of the Comyns, may very likely
refer to the James, who, according to the genealogies both of the
Shaws and Mackintoshes, was the son of Shaw Mor.
Mr Shaw of Forfar, who is well entitled to speak with authority on
the subject, maintains “that prior to 1396, the clan now represented
by the Mackintoshes, had been (as was common amongst the clans)
sometimes designated as the clan Shaw, after the successive chiefs
of that name, especially the first, and sometimes as the clan of the
Mac-an-Toisheach, _i.e._, of the Thane’s son. Thus, from its first
founder, the great clan of the Isles was originally called the clan
Cuin, or race of Constantine. Afterwards, it was called the clan
Colla, from his son Coll, and latterly the clan Donald, after one of
his descendants of that name. So the Macleans are often called clan
Gilleon after their founder and first chief; and the Macphersons, the
clan Muirich, after one of the most distinguished in their line of
chiefs. The Farquharsons are called clan Fhiunla, after their great
ancestor, Finlay Mor. There is nothing more probable, therefore--I
should say more certain--than that the race in after times known as
Mackintoshes, should at first have been as frequently designated
as Na Si’aich, ‘The Shaws,’ after the Christian _name_ of their
first chief, as Mackintoshes after his _appellative description_ or
designation. It is worthy of remark, that the race of Shaws is never
spoken of in Gaelic as the ‘clan Shaw,’ but as ‘Na Si’aich’--The
Shaws, or as we would say Shawites. We never hear of Mac-Shaws--sons
of Shaw, but of ‘Na Si’aich--The Shaws.’ Hence prior to 1396, when a
Shaw so distinguished himself as to found a family, under the wing of
his chief, the undivided race, so to speak, would sometimes be called
‘Mackintoshes,’ or followers of the Thane’s sons, sometimes the clan
Chattan, the generic name of the race, sometimes ‘clan Dhugaill,’
(Quehele) after Dougall-Dall, and sometimes ‘Na Si’aich,’ the Shaws
or Shawites, after the numerous chiefs who bore the name of Shaw in
the line of descent. Hence the claim of both Shaws and Mackintoshes
to the occupancy of Rothiemurchus. After 1396, the term Na Si’aich
was restricted, as all are agreed, to the clan developed out of the
other, through the prowess of Shaw Mór.”
Shaw “Mor” Mackintosh, who fought at Perth in 1396, was succeeded by
his son James, who fell at Harlaw in 1411. Both Shaw and James had
held Rothiemurchus only as tenants of the chief of Mackintosh, but
James’s son and successor, Alister “Ciar” (_i.e._, brown), obtained
from Duncan, 11th of Mackintosh, in 1463-4, his right of possession
and tack. In the deed by which David Stuart, Bishop of Moray,
superior of the lands, confirms this disposition of Duncan, and gives
Alister the feu, Alister is called “Allister Kier _Mackintosh_.” This
deed is dated 24th September 1464. All the deeds in which Alister is
mentioned call him Mackintosh, not Shaw, thus showing the descent of
the Shaws from the Mackintoshes, and that they did not acquire their
name of Shaw until after Alister’s time.
Alister’s grandson, Alan, in 1539, disponed his right to
Rothiemurchus to Edom Gordon, reserving only his son’s liferent.
Alan’s grandson, of the same name was outlawed for the murder of
his stepfather, some fifty years later, and compelled to leave the
country. Numerous Shaws are, however, still to be found in the
neighbourhood of Rothiemurchus, or who can trace their descent from
Alister Kier.
Besides the Shaws of Rothiemurchus, the Shaws of TORDARROCH in
Strathnairn, descended from Adam, younger brother of Alister Kier,
were a considerable family; but, like their cousins, they no longer
occupy their original patrimony. Tordarroch was held in wadset of the
chiefs of Mackintosh, and was given up to Sir Æneas Mackintosh in
the end of last century by its holder at the time, Colonel Alexander
Shaw, seventh in descent from Adam.
Angus MacBean vic Robert of Tordarroch signed the Bond of 1609
already mentioned. His great-grandsons, Robert and Æneas, took part
during their father’s life in the rebellion of 1715; both were
taken prisoners at Preston, and were confined in Newgate, the elder
brother dying during his imprisonment. The younger, Æneas, succeeded
his father, and in consideration of his taking no part in the ’45,
was made a magistrate, and received commissions for his three sons,
the second of whom, Æneas, rose to the rank of major-general in
the army. Margaret, daughter of Æneas of Tordarroch, was wife of
Farquhar Macgillivray of Dalcrombie, one of the three officers of the
Mackintosh regiment who escaped from Culloden.
Æneas was succeeded by his eldest son, Colonel Alexander Shaw,
lieutenant-governor of the Isle of Man under the crown. He gave up
the wadset of Tordarroch to Sir Æneas Mackintosh, and died in 1811.
From the four younger sons of Alister Kier descended respectively
the Shaws of DELL (the family of the historian of Moray, the Rev.
Lachlan Shaw); of DALNIVERT, the representation of it devolved in the
last century on a female, who married ---- Clark; the FARQUHARSONS,
who in time acquired more importance than the Shaws; and the SHAWS
of HARRIS, who still retain a tradition of their ancestor, Iver
MacAlister Ciar.
FARQUHARSON.
[Illustration: BADGE--Red Whortleberry.]
The immediate ancestor of the Farquharsons of Invercauld, the main
branch, was Farquhar or Fearchard, a son of Alister “Keir” Mackintosh
or Shaw of Rothiemurchus, grandson of Shaw Mor. Farquhar, who lived
in the reign of James III., settled in the Braes of Mar, and was
appointed baillie or hereditary chamberlain thereof. His sons were
called Farquharson, the first of the name in Scotland. His eldest
son, Donald, married a daughter of Duncan Stewart, commonly called
Duncan Downa Dona, of the family of Mar, and obtained a considerable
addition to his paternal inheritance, for faithful services rendered
to the crown.
Donald’s son and successor, Findla or Findlay, commonly called from
his great size and strength, Findla Mhor, or great Findla, lived in
the beginning of the sixteenth century. His descendants were called
MacIanla or Mackinlay. Before his time the Farquharsons were called
in the Gaelic, clan Erachar or Earachar, the Gaelic for Farquhar, and
most of the branches of the family, especially those who settled in
Athole, were called MacEarachar. Those of the descendants of Findla
Mhor who settled in the Lowlands had their name of Mackinlay changed
into Finlayson.[197]
Findla Mhor, by his first wife, a daughter of the Baron Reid of
Kincardine Stewart, had four sons, the descendants of whom settled on
the borders of the counties of Perth and Angus, south of Braemar, and
some of them in the district of Athole.
[Illustration: FARQUHARSON. (Tartan)]
His eldest son, William, who died in the reign of James VI., had four
sons. The eldest, John, had an only son, Robert, who succeeded him.
He died in the reign of Charles II.
Robert’s son, Alexander Farquharson of Invercauld, married Isabella,
daughter of William Mackintosh of that ilk, captain of the clan
Chattan, and had three sons.
William, the eldest son, dying unmarried, was succeeded by the second
son, John, who carried on the line of the family. Alexander, the
third son, got the lands of Monaltrie, and married Anne, daughter of
Francis Farquharson, Esq. of Finzean.
The above-mentioned John Farquharson of Invercauld, the ninth from
Farquhar the founder of the family, was four times married. His
children by his first two wives died young. By his third wife,
Margaret, daughter of Lord James Murray, son of the first Marquis of
Athole, he had two sons and two daughters. His elder daughter, Anne,
married Eneas Mackintosh of that ilk, and was the celebrated Lady
Mackintosh, who, in 1745, defeated the design of the Earl of Loudon
to make prisoner Prince Charles at Moy castle. By his fourth wife, a
daughter of Forbes of Waterton, he had a son and two daughters, and
died in 1750.
His eldest son, James Farquharson of Invercauld, greatly improved
his estates, both in appearance and product. He married Amelia, the
widow of the eighth Lord Sinclair, and daughter of Lord George
Murray, lieutenant-general of Prince Charles’s army, and had a large
family, who all died except the youngest, a daughter, Catherine. On
his death, in 1806, this lady succeeded to the estates. She married,
16th June 1798, Captain James Ross, R.N. (who took the name of
Farquharson, and died in 1810), second son of Sir John Lockhart Ross
of Balnagowan, Baronet, and by him had a son, James Farquharson, a
magistrate and deputy-lieutenant of Aberdeenshire, representative of
the family.
There are several branches of this clan, of which we shall mention
the Farquharsons of WHITEHOUSE, who are descended from Donald
Farquharson of Castleton of Braemar and Monaltrie, living in 1580,
eldest son, by his second wife, of Findla Mhor, above mentioned.
Farquharson of FINZEAN is the heir male of the clan, and claims the
chieftainship, the heir of line being Farquharson of Invercauld. His
estate forms nearly the half of the parish of Birse, Aberdeenshire.
The family, of which he is representative, came originally from
Braemar, but they have held property in the parish for many
generations. On the death of Archibald Farquharson, Esq. of Finzean,
in 1841, that estate came into the possession of his uncle, John
Farquharson, Esq., residing in London, who died in 1849, and
was succeeded by his third cousin, Dr Francis Farquharson. This
gentleman, before succeeding to Finzean, represented the family of
Farquharson of Balfour, a small property in the same parish and
county, sold by his grandfather.
The Farquharsons, according to Duncan Forbes “the only clan family
in Aberdeenshire,” and the estimated strength of which was 500 men,
were among the most faithful adherents of the house of Stuart, and
throughout all the struggles in its behalf constantly acted up to
their motto, “_Fide et Fortitudine_.” The old motto of the clan was,
“We force nae friend, we fear nae foe.” They fought under Montrose,
and formed part of the Scottish army under Charles II. at Worcester
in 1651. They also joined the forces under the Viscount of Dundee
in 1689, and at the outbreak of the rebellion of 1715 they were the
first to muster at the summons of the Earl of Mar.
In 1745, the Farquharsons joined Prince Charles, and formed two
battalions, the one under the command of Farquharson of Monaltrie,
and the other of Farquharson of Balmoral; but they did not accompany
the Prince in his expedition into England. Farquharson of Invercauld
was treated by government with considerable leniency for his share
in the rebellion, but his kinsman, Farquharson of Balmoral, was
specially excepted from mercy in the act of indemnity passed in June
1747.
The MACBEANS, Macbanes, or Macbains, derive their name from the
fair complexion of their progenitor, or, according to some, from
their living in a high country, _beann_ being the Gaelic name for a
mountain, hence Ben Nevis, Ben Lomond, &c. The distinctive badge of
the Macbeans, like that of the Macleods, was the red whortleberry. Of
the Mackintosh clan they are considered an offshoot, although some of
themselves believe that they are Camerons. It is true that a division
of the MacBeans fought under Lochiel in 1745, but a number of them
fought under Golice or Gillies MacBane, of the house of Kinchoil, in
the Mackintosh battalion. This gigantic Highlander, who was six feet
four and a-half inches in height, displayed remarkable prowess at the
battle of Culloden.[198]
“In the time of William, first of the name, and sixth of Mackintosh,
William Mhor, son to Bean-Mac Domhnuill-Mhor and his four sons,
Paul, Gillies, William-Mhor, and Farquhar, after they had slain the
Red Comyn’s steward at Innerlochie, came, according to the history,
to William Mackintosh, to Connage, where he then resided, and for
themselves and their posterity, took protection of him and his. No
tribe of Clan Chattan, the history relates, suffered so severely at
Harlaw as Clan Vean.”[199]
The MACPHAILS are descended from one “Paul Macphail, goodsir to that
Sir Andrew Macphail, parson of Croy, who wrote the history of the
Mackintoshes. Paul lived in the time of Duncan, first of the name,
and eleventh of Mackintosh, who died in 1496. The head of the tribe
had his residence at Inverarnie, on the water of Nairn.”[200]
According to Mr Fraser-Mackintosh, there is a tradition that the
Gows are descended from Henry, the smith who fought at the North
Inch battle, he having accompanied the remnant of the Mackintoshes,
and settled in Strathnairn. Being bandy-legged, he was called “Gow
Chrom.” At any rate, this branch of clan Chattan has long been known
as “Sliochd an Gow Chrom”. _Gow_ is a “smith,” and thus a section of
the multitudinous tribe of Smiths may claim connection with the great
clan Chattan.
The head of the MACQUEENS was Macqueen of Corrybrough,
Inverness-shire.[201] The founder of this tribe is said to have been
Roderick Dhu Revan MacSweyn or Macqueen, who, about the beginning
of the 15th century, received a grant of territory in the county of
Inverness. He belonged to the family of the Lord of the Isles, and
his descendants from him were called the clan Revan.
The Macqueens fought, under the standard of Mackintosh, captain of
the clan Chattan, at the battle of Harlaw in 1411. On 4th April 1609,
Donald Macqueen of Corrybrough signed the bond of manrent, with
the chiefs of the other tribes composing the clan Chattan, whereby
they bound themselves to support Angus Mackintosh of that ilk as
their captain and leader. At this period, we are told, the tribe of
Macqueen comprehended twelve distinct families, all landowners in the
counties of Inverness and Nairn.
In 1778, Lord Macdonald of Sleat, who had been created an Irish peer
by that title two years before, having raised a Highland regiment,
conferred a lieutenancy in it on a son of Donald Macqueen, then of
Corrybrough, and in the letter, dated 26th January of that year, in
which he intimated the appointment, he says, “It does me great honour
to have the sons of chieftains in the regiment, and as the Macqueens
have been invariably attached to our family, to whom we believe we
owe our existence, I am proud of the nomination.” Thus were the
Macqueens acknowledged to have been of Macdonald origin, although
they ranged themselves among the tribes of the clan Chattan. The
present head of the Macqueens is John Fraser Macqueen, Q.C.
The CATTANACHS, for a long period few in number, are, according to Mr
Fraser-Mackintosh, perhaps better entitled to be held descendants of
Gillichattan Mor than most of the clan.
The force of the clan Chattan was, in 1704, estimated at 1400; in
1715, 1020; and in 1745, 1700.
FOOTNOTES:
[183] For much of this account of the clan Chattan we are indebted to
the kindness of A. Mackintosh Shaw, Esq. of London, who has revised
the whole. His forthcoming history of the clan, we have reason to
believe, will be the most valuable clan history yet published.
[184] Mr Mackintosh Shaw says that, in 1591, Huntly obtained a
bond of manrent from Andrew Macpherson and his immediate family,
the majority of the Macphersons remaining faithful to Mackintosh.
Statements II. and III. are founded _only_ on the Macpherson MS.
[185] _Antiquarian Notes_, p. 358.
[186] For details as to this celebrated combat, see vol. i. ch. v.
The present remarks are supplementary to the former, and will serve
to correct several inaccuracies.
[187] Every one acquainted with the subject, knows what havoc Lowland
scribes have all along made of Gaelic names in legal and public
documents.
[188] The Mackintosh MS. of 1500 states that Lauchlan, the Mackintosh
chief, gave Shaw a grant of Rothiemurchus “for his valour on the Inch
that day.”
[189] Vol. ii. pp. 175-178.
[190] THE MACKINTOSH’S LAMENT.--For the copy of the Mackintosh’s
Lament here given, the editor and publishers are indebted to the
kindness of The Mackintosh. In a note which accompanied it that
gentleman gives the following interesting particulars:--
“The tune is as old as 1550 or thereabouts. Angus Mackay in his _Pipe
Music_ book gives it 1526, and says it was composed on the death of
Lauchlan, the 14th Laird; but we believe that it was composed by
the famous family bard Macintyre, upon the death of William, who
was murdered by the Countess of Huntly, in 1550. This bard had seen
within the space of 40 years, four captains of the Clan Chattan meet
with violent deaths, and his deep feelings found vent in the refrain,
‘Mackintosh, the excellent
They have lifted;
They have laid thee
Low, they have laid thee.’
“These are the only words in existence which I can hear of.”
[191] _History of Scotland_, p. 137.
[192] Vol. ii. p. 7.
[193] Skene’s _Highlanders_, ii. 198-9.
[194] This is the genealogy given by Sir Æneas Macpherson. From
another MS. genealogy of the Macphersons, and from the Mackintosh MS.
history, we find that the son of Kenneth, the alleged _grandson_ of
Muirich, married a daughter of Ferquhard, ninth of Mackintosh, _cir._
1410, so that it is probable Sir Æneas has placed Muirich and his
family more than a century too early.
[195] The Shaw arms are the same as those of the Farquharsons
following, except that the former have not the banner of Scotland in
bend displayed in the second and third quarters.
[196] The date of part of the Mackintosh MS. is 1490. It states
that Lauchlan the chief gave Shaw a grant of Rothiemurchus “for his
valour on the Inch that day.” It also states that the “Farquhar”
above-mentioned was a man of great parts and remarkable fortitude,
and that he fought with his clan at the battle of Largs in 1263. More
than this, it states that Duncan, his uncle, was his TUTOR during
his minority, and that Duncan and his posterity held Rothiemurchus
till 1396, when Malcolm, the last of his race, fell at the fight at
Perth--after which the lands (as above stated) were given to Shaw Mor.
[197] _Family MS._ quoted by Douglas in his _Baronage_.
[198] _See_ vol. i. p. 666.
[199] Fraser-Mackintosh’s _Antiquarian Notes_, p. 360.
[200] _Ibid._
[201] The present head does not now hold the property.
CHAPTER VI.
Camerons--Macleans of Dowart, Lochbuy, Coll, Ardgour, Torloisk,
Kinlochaline, Ardtornish, Drimnin, Tapul, Scallasdale, Muck,
Borrera, Treshinish, Pennycross--Macnaughton--Mackenricks
--Macknights--Macnayers--Macbraynes--Maceols--Siol O’Cain
--Munroes--Macmillans.
CAMERON.
[Illustration: BADGE--Oak (or, according to others, Crowberry).]
Another clan belonging to the district comprehended under the old
Maormordom of Moray, is that of the Camerons or clan Chameron.
According to John Major,[202] the clan Cameron and the clan Chattan
had a common origin, and for a certain time followed one chief; but
for this statement there appears to be no foundation. Allan, surnamed
MacOchtry, or the son of Uchtred, is mentioned by tradition as the
chief of the Camerons in the reign of Robert II.; and, according to
the same authority, the clan Cameron and the clan Chattan were the
two hostile tribes between whose champions, thirty against thirty,
was fought the celebrated combat at Perth, in the year 1396,
before King Robert III. with his nobility and court. The Camerons,
says a manuscript history of the clan, have an old tradition amongst
them that they were originally descended from a younger son of the
royal family of Denmark, who assisted at the restoration of Fergus
II. in 404; and that their progenitor was called Cameron from his
crooked nose, a name which was afterwards adopted by his descendants.
“But it is more probable,” adds the chronicler, “that they are the
aborigines of the ancient Scots or Caledonians that first planted the
country;” a statement which proves that the writer of the history
understood neither the meaning of the language he employed, nor the
subject in regard to which he pronounced an opinion.
As far back as can distinctly be traced, this tribe had its seat in
Lochaber, and appears to have been first connected with the house of
Isla in the reign of Robert Bruce, from whom, as formerly stated,
Angus Og received a grant of Lochaber. Their more modern possessions
of Lochiel and Locharkaig,[203] situated upon the western side of
the Lochy, were originally granted by the Lord of the Isles to the
founder of the clan Ranald, from whose descendants they passed to
the Camerons. This clan originally consisted of three septs,--the
Camerons or MacMartins of Letterfinlay, the Camerons or MacGillonies
of Strone, and the Camerons or MacSorlies of Glennevis; and from
the genealogy of one of these septs, which is to be found in the
manuscript of 1450, it has been inferred that the Lochiel family
belonged to the second, or Camerons of Strone, and that being thus
the oldest cadets, they assumed the title of Captain of the clan
Cameron.[204] Mr Skene conjectures that, after the victory at Perth,
the MacMartins, or oldest branch, adhered to the successful party,
whilst the great body of the clan, headed by the Lochiel family,
declared themselves independent; and that in this way the latter
were placed in that position which they have ever since retained.
But however this may be, Donald Dhu, who was probably the grandson
of Allan MacOchtry, headed the clan at the battle of Harlaw, in
1411, and afterwards united with the captain of the clan Chattan
in supporting James I. when that king was employed in reducing to
obedience Alexander, Lord of the Isles. Yet these rival clans, though
agreed in this matter, continued to pursue their private quarrels
without intermission; and the same year in which they deserted
the Lord of the Isles, and joined the royal banner, viz. 1429, a
desperate encounter took place, in which both suffered severely, more
especially the Camerons. Donald Dhu, however, was present with the
royal forces at the battle of Inverlochy, in the year 1431, where
victory declared in favour of the Islanders, under Donald Balloch;
and immediately afterwards his lands were ravaged by the victorious
chief, in revenge for his desertion of the Lord of the Isles, and
he was himself obliged to retire to Ireland, whilst the rest of the
clan were glad to take refuge in the inaccessible fastnesses of the
mountains. It is probably from this Donald Dhu that the Camerons
derived their patronymic appellation of MacDhonuill Duibh, otherwise
MacConnel Duy, “son of Black Donald.”
But their misfortunes did not terminate here. The Lord of the Isles,
on his return from captivity, resolved to humble a clan which he
conceived had so basely deserted him; and with this view, he bestowed
the lands of the Camerons on John Garbh Maclean of Coll, who had
remained faithful to him in every vicissitude of fortune. This grant,
however, did not prove effectual. The clan Cameron, being the actual
occupants of the soil, offered a sturdy resistance to the intruder;
John Maclean, the second laird of Coll, who had held the estate
for some time by force, was at length slain by them in Lochaber;
and Allan, the son of Donald Dhu, having acknowledged himself a
vassal of the Lord of Lochalsh, received in return a promise of
support against all who pretended to dispute his right, and was
thus enabled to acquire the estates of Locharkaig and Lochiel, from
the latter of which his descendants have taken their territorial
denomination. By a lady of the family of Keppoch, this Allan, who
was surnamed MacCoilduy, had a son, named Ewen, who was captain of
the clan Cameron in 1493, and afterwards became a chief of mark and
distinction. Allan, however, was the most renowned of all the chiefs
of the Camerons, excepting, perhaps, his descendant Sir Ewen. He had
the character of being one of the bravest leaders of his time, and he
is stated to have made no less than thirty-five expeditions into the
territories of his enemies. But his life was too adventurous to last
long. In the thirty-second year of his age he was slain in one of the
numerous conflicts with the Mackintoshes, and was succeeded by his
son Ewen, who acquired almost the whole estates which had belonged to
the chief of clan Ranald; and to the lands of Lochiel, Glenluy, and
Locharkaig, added those of Glennevis, Mamore, and others in Lochaber.
After the forfeiture of the last Lord of the Isles, he also obtained
a feudal title to all his possessions, as well those which he had
inherited from his father, as those which he had wrested from the
neighbouring clans; and from this period the Camerons were enabled to
assume that station among the Highland tribes which they have ever
since maintained.
The Camerons having, as already stated, acquired nearly all the
lands of the clan Ranald, Ewen Allanson, who was then at their head,
supported John Moydertach, in his usurpation of the chiefship, and
thus brought upon himself the resentment of the Earl of Huntly, who
was at that time all-powerful in the north. Huntly, assisted by
Fraser of Lovat, marched to dispossess the usurper by force, and
when their object was effected they retired, each taking a different
route. Profiting by this imprudence, the Camerons and Macdonalds
pursued Lovat, against whom their vengeance was chiefly directed, and
having overtaken him near Kinloch-lochy, they attacked and slew him,
together with his son and about three hundred of his clan. Huntly,
on learning the defeat and death of his ally, immediately returned
to Lochaber, and with the assistance of William Mackintosh, captain
of the clan Chattan, seized Ewen Allanson of Lochiel, captain of the
clan Cameron, and Ranald Macdonald Glas of Keppoch, whom he carried
to the castle of Ruthven in Badenoch. Here they were detained for
some time in prison; but being soon afterwards removed to Elgin,
they were there tried for high treason, and being found guilty by
a jury of landed gentlemen, were beheaded, whilst several of their
followers, who had been apprehended along with them, were hanged.
This event, which took place in the year 1546, appears to have had a
salutary effect in disposing the turbulent Highlanders to submission,
the decapitation of a chief being an act of energy for which they
were by no means prepared.
The subsequent history of the clan Chameron, until we come to the
time of Sir Ewen, the hero of the race, is only diversified by the
feuds in which they were engaged with other clans, particularly
the Mackintoshes, and by those incidents peculiar to the times and
the state of society in the Highlands. Towards the end of Queen
Mary’s reign, a violent dispute having broken out amongst the clan
themselves, the chief, Donald Dhu, patronymically styled Macdonald
Mhic Ewen, was murdered by some of his own kinsmen; and, during the
minority of his successor, the Mackintoshes, taking advantage of the
dissensions which prevailed in the clan, invaded their territories,
and forced the grand-uncles of the young chief, who ruled in his
name, to conclude a treaty respecting the disputed lands of Glenluy
and Locharkaig. But this arrangement being resented by the clan,
proved ineffectual; no surrender was made of the lands in question;
and the inheritance of the chief was preserved undiminished by the
patriotic devotion of his clansmen. Early in 1621, Allan Cameron of
Lochiel, and his son John, were outlawed for not appearing to give
security for their future obedience, and a commission was issued to
Lord Gordon against him and his clan; but this commission was not
rigorously acted on, and served rather to protect Lochiel against the
interference of Mackintosh and others, who were very much disposed to
push matters to extremity against the clan Chameron. The following
year, however, Lochiel was induced to submit his disputes with the
family of Mackintosh to the decision of mutual friends; and by these
arbitrators, the lands of Glenluy and Locharkaig were adjudged to
belong to Mackintosh, who, however, was ordained to pay certain
sums of money by way of compensation to Lochiel. But, as usually
happens in similar cases, this decision satisfied neither party.
Lochiel, however, pretended to acquiesce, but delayed the completion
of the transaction in such a way that the dispute was not finally
settled until the time of his grandson, the celebrated Sir Ewen
Cameron. About the year 1664, the latter, having made a satisfactory
arrangement of the long-standing feud with the Mackintoshes, was at
length left in undisputed possession of the lands of Glenluy and
Locharkaig; and, with some trifling exceptions, the various branches
of the Camerons still enjoy their ancient inheritances. The family of
Lochiel, like many others, was constrained to hold its lands of the
Marquis of Argyll and his successors.
Sir Ewen Cameron, commonly called Ewan Dhu of Lochiel, was a chief
alike distinguished for his chivalrous character, his intrepid
loyalty, his undaunted courage, and the ability as well as heroism
with which he conducted himself in circumstances of uncommon
difficulty and peril. This remarkable man was born in the year 1629,
and educated at Inverary Castle, under the guardianship of his
kinsman the Marquis of Argyll, who, having taken charge of him in
his tenth year, endeavoured to instil into his mind the political
principles of the Covenanters and the Puritans, and to induce the boy
to attach himself to that party. But the spirit of the youthful chief
was not attempered by nature to receive the impressions of a morose
fanaticism. At the age of eighteen, he broke loose from Argyll, with
the declared intention of joining the Marquis of Montrose, a hero
more congenial to his own character. He was too late, however, to be
of service to that brave but unfortunate leader, whose reverses had
commenced before Cameron left Inverary. But though the royal cause
seemed lost he was not disheartened, and having kept his men in arms,
completely protected his estate from the incursions of Cromwell’s
troops. In the year 1652, he joined the Earl of Glencairn, who had
raised the royal standard in the Highlands, and greatly distinguished
himself in a series of encounters with General Lilburne, Colonel
Morgan, and others. In a sharp skirmish which took place between
Glencairn and Lilburne, at Braemar, Lochiel, intrusted with the
defence of a pass, maintained it gallantly until the royal army had
retired, when Lilburne, making a detour, attacked him in flank.
Lochiel kept his ground for some time; until at last finding himself
unable to repel the enemy, who now brought up an additional force
against him, he retreated slowly up the hill showing a front to the
assailants, who durst not continue to follow him, the ground being
steep and covered with snow. This vigorous stand saved Glencairn’s
army, which was, at that time, in a disorganised state; owing
principally to the conflicting pretensions of a number of independent
chiefs and gentlemen, who, in their anxiety to command, forgot the
duty of obedience. Lochiel, however, kept clear of these cabals, and
stationing himself at the outposts, harassed the enemy with continual
skirmishes, in which he was commonly successful. How his services
were appreciated by Glencairn we learn from a letter of Charles II.
to Lochiel, dated at Chantilly, the 3d of November, 1653, in which
the exiled king says, “We are informed by the Earl of Glencairn with
what courage, success, and affection to us, you have behaved yourself
in this time of trial, when the honour and liberty of your country
are at stake; and therefore we cannot but express our hearty sense
of this your courage, and return you our thanks for the same.” The
letter concludes with an assurance that “we are ready, as soon as we
are able, signally to reward your service, and to repair the losses
you shall undergo for our service.”
Acting in the same loyal spirit, Lochiel kept his men constantly
on the alert, and ready to move wherever their service might be
required. In 1654, he joined Glencairn with a strong body, to oppose
Generals Monk and Morgan, who had marched into the Highlands. Lochiel
being opposed to Morgan, a brave and enterprising officer, was often
hard pressed, and sometimes nearly overpowered; but his courage and
presence of mind, which never forsook him, enabled the intrepid chief
to extricate himself from all difficulties. Monk tried several times
to negotiate, and made the most favourable proposals to Lochiel
on the part of Cromwell; but these were uniformly rejected with
contempt. At length, finding it equally impossible to subdue or to
treat with him, Monk established a garrison at Inverlochy, raising
a small fort, as a temporary defence against the musketry, swords,
and arrows of the Highlanders. Details as to the tactics of Lochiel,
as well as a portrait of the brave chief, will be found at p. 296 of
vol. i.
General Middleton, who had been unsuccessful in a skirmish with
General Morgan, invited Lochiel to come to his assistance. Upwards
of 300 Camerons were immediately assembled, and he marched to join
Middleton, who had retreated to Braemar. In this expedition, Lochiel
had several encounters with Morgan; and, notwithstanding all the
ability and enterprise of the latter, the judgment and promptitude
with which the chief availed himself of the accidents of the ground,
the activity of his men, and the consequent celerity of their
movements, gave him a decided advantage in this _guerre de chicane_.
With trifling loss to himself, he slew a considerable number of the
enemy, who were often attacked both in flank and rear when they had
no suspicion that an enemy was within many miles of them. An instance
of this occurred at Lochgarry in August 1653, when Lochiel, in
passing northwards, was joined by about sixty or seventy Athole-men,
who went to accompany him through the hills. Anxious to revenge the
defeat which his friends had, a short time previously, sustained upon
the same spot, he planned and executed a surprise of two regiments of
Cromwell’s troops, which, on their way southward, had encamped upon
the plain of Dalnaspidal; and although it would have been the height
of folly to risk a mere handful of men, however brave, in close
combat with so superior a force, yet he killed a number of the enemy,
carried off several who had got entangled in the morass of Lochgarry,
and completely effected the object of the enterprise.
But all his exertions proved unavailing. Middleton, being destitute
of money and provisions, was at length obliged to submit, and the
war was thus ended, excepting with Lochiel himself, who, firm in his
allegiance, still held out, and continued to resist the encroachments
of the garrison quartered in his neighbourhood. He surprised and
cut off a foraging party, which, under the pretence of hunting, had
set out to make a sweep of his cattle and goats; and he succeeded
in making prisoners of a number of Scotch and English officers,
with their attendants, who had been sent to survey the estates of
several loyalists in Argyleshire, with the intention of building
forts there to keep down the king’s friends. This last affair was
planned with great skill, and, like almost all his enterprises,
proved completely successful. But the termination of his resistance
was now approaching. He treated his prisoners with the greatest
kindness, and this brought on an intimacy, which ultimately led
to a proposal of negotiation. Lochiel was naturally enough very
anxious for an honourable treaty. His country was impoverished and
his people were nearly ruined; the cause which he had so long and
bravely supported seemed desperate; and all prospect of relief or
assistance had by this time completely vanished. Yet the gallant
chief resisted several attempts to induce him to yield, protesting
that, rather than disarm himself and his clan, abjure his king, and
take the oaths to an usurper, he would live as an outlaw, without
regard to the consequences. To this it was answered, that, if he only
evinced an inclination to submit, no oath would be required, and
that he should have his own terms. Accordingly, General Monk, then
commander-in-chief in Scotland, drew up certain conditions which he
sent to Lochiel, and which, with some slight alterations, the latter
accepted and returned by one of the prisoners lately taken, whom he
released upon parole. And proudly might he accept the terms offered
to him. No oath was required of Lochiel to Cromwell, but his word of
honour to live in peace. He and his clan were allowed to keep their
arms as before the war broke out, they behaving peaceably. Reparation
was to be made to Lochiel for the wood cut by the garrison of
Inverlochy. A full indemnity was granted for all acts of depredation,
and crimes committed by his men. Reparation was to be made to his
tenants for all the losses they had sustained from the troops. All
tithes, cess, and public burdens which had not been paid, were to be
remitted. This was in June 1654.
Lochiel with his brave Camerons lived in peace till the Restoration,
and during the two succeeding reigns he remained in tranquil
possession of his property. But in 1689, he joined the standard
of King James, which had been raised by Viscount Dundee. General
Mackay had, by orders of King William, offered him a title and
a considerable sum of money, apparently on the condition of his
remaining neutral. The offer, however, was rejected with disdain; and
at the battle of Killiecrankie, Sir Ewen had a conspicuous share in
the success of the day. Before the battle, he spoke to each of his
men, individually, and took their promise that they would conquer or
die. At the commencement of the action, when General Mackay’s army
raised a kind of shout, Lochiel exclaimed, “Gentlemen, the day is
our own; I am the oldest commander in the army, and I have always
observed something ominous or fatal in such a dull, heavy, feeble
noise as that which the enemy has just made in their shout.” These
words spread like wildfire through the ranks of the Highlanders.
Electrified by the prognostication of the veteran chief, they
rushed like furies on the enemy, and in half an hour the battle
was finished. But Viscount Dundee had fallen early in the fight,
and Lochiel, disgusted with the incapacity of Colonel Cannon, who
succeeded him, retired to Lochaber, leaving the command of his men
to his eldest son.[205] This heroic and chivalrous chief survived
till the year 1719, when he died at the age of ninety, leaving a name
distinguished for bravery, honour, consistency, and disinterested
devotion to the cause which he so long and ably supported.[206]
The character of Sir Ewen Cameron was worthily upheld by his
grandson, the “gentle Lochiel,” though with less auspicious fortune.
The share which that gallant chief had in the ill-fated insurrection
of 1745-1746 has already been fully told, and his conduct throughout
was such as to gain him the esteem and admiration of all.[207]
The estates of Lochiel were of course included in the numerous
forfeitures which followed the suppression of the insurrection;
however, Charles Cameron, son of the Lochiel of the ’45, was allowed
to return to Britain, and lent his influence to the raising of the
Lochiel men for the service of government. His son, Donald, was
restored to his estates under the general act of amnesty of 1784.
The eldest son of the latter, also named Donald, born 25th September
1796, obtained a commission in the Guards in 1814, and fought at
Waterloo. He retired from the army in 1832, and died 14th December
1858, leaving two sons and four daughters. His eldest son, Donald,
succeeded as chief of the clan Cameron.
The family of CAMERON of FASSIFERN, in Argyleshire, possesses a
baronetcy of the United Kingdom, conferred in 1817 on Ewen Cameron
of Fassifern, the father of Colonel John Cameron, of the 92d
Highlanders, slain at the battle of Quatre Bras,[208] 16th June 1815,
while bravely leading on his men, for that officer’s distinguished
military services; at the same time, two Highlanders were added
as supporters to his armorial bearings, and several heraldic
distinctions indicating the particular services of Colonel Cameron.
On the death of Sir Ewen in 1828, his second son, Sir Duncan,
succeeded to the baronetcy.
MACLEAN.
The clan GILLEAN or the MACLEANS is another clan included by Mr
Skene under the head of Moray. The origin of the clan has been very
much disputed; according to Buchanan and other authorities it is of
Norman or Italian origin, descended from the Fitzgeralds of Ireland.
“Speed and other English historians derive the genealogy of the
Fitzgeralds from Seignior Giraldo, a principal officer under William
the Conqueror.” Their progenitor, however, according to Celtic
tradition, was one Gillean or Gill-còin, a name signifying the young
man, or the servant or follower of John, who lived so early as the
beginning of the 5th century. He was called _Gillean-na-Tuaidhe_,
_i.e._ Gillean with the axe, from the dexterous manner in which he
wielded that weapon in battle, and his descendants bear a battle-axe
in their crest. According to a history of the clan Maclean published
in 1838 by “a Sennachie,” the clan is traced up to Fergus I. of
Scotland, and from him back to an Aonghus Turmhi Teamhrach, “an
ancient monarch of Ireland.” As to which of these accounts of the
origin of the clan is correct, we shall not pretend to decide. The
clan can have no reason to be ashamed of either.
MACLEAN.
[Illustration: BADGE--Blackberry Heath.]
The Macleans have been located in Mull since the 14th century.
According to Mr Skene, they appear originally to have belonged to
Moray. He says,--“The two oldest genealogies of the Macleans, of
which one is the production of the Beatons, who were hereditary
sennachies of the family, concur in deriving the clan Gille-eon from
the same race from whom the clans belonging to the great Moray tribe
are brought by the MS. of 1450. Of this clan the oldest seat seems to
have been the district of Lorn, as they first appear in subjection
to the lords of Lorn; and their situation being thus between the
Camerons and Macnachtans, who were undisputed branches of the Moray
tribe, there can be little doubt that the Macleans belonged to that
tribe also. As their oldest seat was thus in Argyle, while they are
unquestionably a part of the tribe of Moray, we may infer that they
were one of those clans transplanted from North Moray by Malcolm
IV., and it is not unlikely that Glen Urquhart was their original
residence, as that district is said to have been in the possession of
the Macleans when the Bissets came in.”
The first of the name on record, Gillean, lived in the reign of
Alexander III. (1249-1286), and fought against the Norsemen at the
battle of Largs. In the Ragman’s Roll we find Gilliemore Macilean
described as del Counte de Perth, among those who swore fealty to
Edward I. in 1296. As the county of Perth at that period included
Lorn, it is probable that he was the son of the above Gillean. In the
reign of Robert the Bruce mention is made of three brothers, John,
Nigel, and Dofuall, termed Macgillean or filii Gillean, who appear to
have been sons of Gilliemore, for we find John afterwards designated
Macgilliemore. The latter fought under Bruce at Bannockburn. A
dispute having arisen with the Lord of Lorn, the brothers left him
and took refuge in the Isles. Between them and the Mackinnons, upon
whose lands they appear to have encroached, a bitter feud took
place, which led to a most daring act on the part of the chief of
the Macleans. When following, with the chief of the Mackinnons, the
galley of the Lord of the Isles, he attacked the former and slew
him, and immediately after, afraid of his vengeance, he seized the
Macdonald himself, and carried him prisoner to Icolmkill, where
Maclean detained him until he agreed to vow friendship to the
Macleans, “upon certain stones where men were used to make solemn
vows in those superstitious times,” and granted them the lands in
Mull which they have ever since possessed. John Gilliemore, surnamed
Dhu from his dark complexion, appears to have settled in Mull about
the year 1330. He died in the reign of Robert II., leaving two sons,
Lachlan Lubanach, ancestor of the Macleans of Dowart, and Eachann or
Hector Reganach, of the Macleans of Lochbuy.
Lachlan, the elder son, married in 1366, Margaret, daughter of
John I., Lord of the Isles, by his wife, the princess Margaret
Stewart, and had a son Hector, which became a favourite name
among the Macleans, as Kenneth was among the Mackenzies, Evan
among the Camerons, and Hugh among the Mackays. Both Lachlan and
his son, Hector, received extensive grants of land from John, the
father-in-law of the former, and his successor, Donald. Altogether,
their possession consisted of the isles of Mull, Tiree, and Coll,
with Morvern on the mainland, Kingerloch and Ardgour; and the clan
Gillean became one of the most important and powerful of the vassal
tribes of the lords of the Isles.
Lachlan’s son, Hector, called _Eachann Ruadh nan Cath_, that is,
Red Hector of the Battles, commanded as lieutenant-general under
his uncle, Donald, at the battle of Harlaw in 1411, when he and
Sir Alexander Irving of Drum, seeking out each other by their
armorial bearings, encountered hand to hand and slew each other; in
commemoration of which circumstance, we are told, the Dowart and Drum
families were long accustomed to exchange swords. Red Hector of the
Battles married a daughter of the Earl of Douglas. His eldest son was
taken prisoner at the battle of Harlaw, and detained in captivity a
long time by the Earl of Mar. His brother, John, at the head of the
Macleans, was in the expedition of Donald Balloch, cousin of the Lord
of the Isles, in 1431, when the Islesmen ravaged Lochaber, and were
encountered at Inverlochy, near Fortwilliam, by the royal forces
under the Earls of Caithness and Mar, whom they defeated. In the
dissensions which arose between John, the last Lord of the Isles, and
his turbulent son, Angus, who, with the island chiefs descended from
the original family, complained that his father had made improvident
grants of lands to the Macleans and other tribes, Hector Maclean,
chief of the clan, and great-grandson of Red Hector of the Battles,
took part with the former, and commanded his fleet at the battle of
Bloody Bay in 1480, where he was taken prisoner. This Hector was
chief of his tribe at the date of the forfeiture of the lordship of
the Isles in 1493, when the clan Gillean, or ClanLean as it came to
be called, was divided into four independent branches, viz., the
Macleans of Dowart, the Macleans of Lochbuy, the Macleans of Coll,
and the Macleans of Ardgour. Lachlan Maclean was chief of Dowart in
1502, and he and his kinsman, Maclean of Lochbuy, were among the
leading men of the Western Isles whom that energetic monarch, James
IV., entered into correspondence with, for the purpose of breaking
up the confederacy of the Islanders. Nevertheless, on the breaking
out of the insurrection under Donald Dubh, in 1503, they were both
implicated in it. Lachlan Maclean was forfeited with Cameron of
Lochiel, while Maclean of Lochbuy and several others were summoned
before the parliament, to answer for their treasonable support given
to the rebels. In 1505 Maclean of Dowart abandoned the cause of
Donald Dubh and submitted to the government; his example was followed
by Maclean of Lochbuy and other chiefs; and this had the effect, soon
after, of putting an end to the rebellion.
Lachlan Maclean of Dowart was killed at Flodden. His successor, of
the same name, was one of the principal supporters of Sir Donald
Macdonald of Lochalsh, when, in November 1513, he brought forward
his claims to the lordship of the Isles. In 1523 a feud of a
most implacable character broke out between the Macleans and the
Campbells, arising out of an occurrence connected with the “lady’s
cock,” mentioned in our account of the Campbells. In 1529, however,
the Macleans joined the Clandonald of Isla against the Earl of
Argyll, and ravaged with fire and sword the lands of Roseneath,
Craignish, and others belonging to the Campbells, killing many of
the inhabitants. The Campbells, on their part, retaliated by laying
waste great portion of the isles of Mull and Tiree and the lands of
Morvern, belonging to the Macleans. In May 1530, Maclean of Dowart
and Alexander of Isla made their personal submission to the sovereign
at Stirling, and, with the other rebel island chiefs who followed
their example, were pardoned, upon giving security for their after
obedience.
In 1545, Maclean of Dowart acted a very prominent part in the
intrigues with England, in furtherance of the project of Henry VIII.,
to force the Scottish nation to consent to a marriage between Prince
Edward and the young Queen Mary. He and Maclean of Lochbuy were
among the barons of the Isles who accompanied Donald Dubh to Ireland,
and at the command of the Earl of Lennox, claiming to be regent of
Scotland, swore allegiance to the king of England.
The subsequent clan history consists chiefly of a record of feuds
in which the Dowart Macleans were engaged with the Macleans of
Coll, and the Macdonalds of Kintyre. The dispute with the former
arose from Dowart, who was generally recognised as the head of the
ClanLean, insisting on being followed as chief by Maclean of Coll,
and the latter, who held his lands direct from the crown, declining
to acknowledge him as such, on the ground that being a free baron,
he owed no service but to his sovereign as his feudal superior. In
consequence of this refusal, Dowart, in the year 1561, caused Coll’s
lands to be ravaged, and his tenants to be imprisoned. With some
difficulty, and after the lapse of several years, Coll succeeded
in bringing his case before the privy council, who ordered Dowart
to make reparation to him for the injury done to his property and
tenants, and likewise to refrain from molesting him in future. But
on a renewal of the feud some years after, the Macleans of Coll were
expelled from that island by the young laird of Dowart.
The quarrel between the Macleans and the Macdonalds of Isla and
Kintyre was, at the outset, merely a dispute as to the right of
occupancy of the crown lands called the Rhinns of Isla, but it soon
involved these tribes in a long and bloody feud, and eventually led
to the destruction nearly of them both. The Macleans, who were in
possession, claimed to hold the lands in dispute as tenants of the
crown, but the privy council decided that Macdonald of Isla was
really the crown tenant. Lachlan Maclean of Dowart, called Lachlan
Mor, was chief of the Macleans in 1578. Under him the feud with the
Macdonalds assumed a most sanguinary and relentless character. Full
details of this feud will be found in the former part of this work.
The mutual ravages committed by the hostile clans, in which the
kindred and vassal tribes on both sides were involved, and the
effects of which were felt throughout the whole of the Hebrides,
attracted, in 1589, the serious attention of the king and council,
and for the purpose of putting an end to them, the rival chiefs,
with Macdonald of Sleat, on receiving remission, under the privy
seal, for all the crimes committed by them, were induced to proceed
to Edinburgh. On their arrival, they were committed prisoners to
the castle, and, after some time, Maclean and Angus Macdonald were
brought to trial, in spite of the remissions granted to them; one of
the principal charges against them being their treasonable hiring of
Spanish and English soldiers to fight in their private quarrels. Both
chiefs submitted themselves to the king’s mercy, and placed their
lives and lands at his disposal. On payment each of a small fine
they were allowed to return to the Isles, Macdonald of Sleat being
released at the same time. Besides certain conditions being imposed
upon them, they were taken bound to return to their confinement in
the castle of Edinburgh, whenever they should be summoned, on twenty
days’ warning. Not fulfilling the conditions, they were, on 14th July
1593, cited to appear before the privy council, and as they disobeyed
the summons, both Lachlan Mòr and Angus Macdonald were, in 1594,
forfeited by parliament.
At the battle of Glenlivat, in that year, fought between the Catholic
Earls of Huntly, Angus, and Errol, on the one side, and the king’s
forces, under the Earl of Argyll, on the other, Lachlan Mòr, at the
head of the Macleans, particularly distinguished himself. Argyll
lost the battle, but, says Mr Gregory,[209] “the conduct of Lachlan
Maclean of Dowart, who was one of Argyll’s officers, in this action,
would, if imitated by the other leaders, have converted the defeat
into a victory.”
In 1596 Lachlan Mòr repaired to court, and on making his submission
to the king, the act of forfeiture was removed. He also received
from the crown a lease of the Rhinns of Isla, so long in dispute
between him and Macdonald of Dunyveg. While thus at the head of
favour, however, his unjust and oppressive conduct to the family of
the Macleans of Coll, whose castle and island he had seized some
years before, on the death of Hector Maclean, proprietor thereof, was
brought before the privy council by Lachlan Maclean, then of Coll,
Hector’s son, and the same year he was ordered to deliver up not
only the castle of Coll, but all his own castles and strongholds, to
the lieutenant of the Isles, on twenty-four hours’ warning, also,
to restore to Coll, within thirty days, all the lands of which he
had deprived him, under a penalty of 10,000 merks. In 1598, Lachlan
Mòr, with the view of expelling the Macdonalds from Isla, levied
his vassals and proceeded to that island, and after an ineffectual
attempt at an adjustment of their differences, was encountered, on
5th August, at the head of Lochgreinord, by Sir James Macdonald, son
of Angus, at the head of his clan, when the Macleans were defeated,
and their chief killed, with 80 of his principal men and 200 common
soldiers. Lachlan Barrach Maclean, a son of Sir Lachlan, was
dangerously wounded, but escaped.
Hector Maclean, the son and successor of Sir Lachlan, at the head of
a numerous force, afterwards invaded Isla, and attacked and defeated
the Macdonalds at a place called Bern Bige, and then ravaged the
whole island. In the conditions imposed upon the chiefs for the
pacification of the Isles in 1616, we find that Maclean of Dowart
was not to use in his house more than four tun of wine, and Coll and
Lochbuy one tun each.
Sir Lachlan Maclean of Morvern, a younger brother of Hector Maclean
of Dowart, was in 1631 created a baronet of Nova Scotia by Charles
I., and on the death of his elder brother he succeeded to the
estate of Dowart. In the civil wars the Macleans took arms under
Montrose, and fought valiantly for the royal cause. At the battle
of Inverlochy, 2d February 1615, Sir Lachlan commanded his clan. He
engaged in the subsequent battles of the royalist general. Sir Hector
Maclean, his son, with 800 of his followers, was at the battle of
Inverkeithing, 20th July 1651, when the royalists were opposed to the
troops of Oliver Cromwell. On this occasion an instance of devoted
attachment to the chief was shown on the part of the Macleans. In the
heat of the battle, Sir Hector was covered from the enemy’s attacks
by seven brothers of his clan, all whom successively sacrificed their
lives in his defence. Each brother, as he fell, exclaimed, “_Fear
eile air son Eachainn_,” ‘Another for Eachann,’ or Hector, and a
fresh one stepping in, answered, “_Bàs air son Eachainn_,” ‘Death for
Eachann.’ The former phrase, says General Stewart, has continued ever
since to be a proverb or watchword, when a man encounters any sudden
danger that requires instant succour. Sir Hector, however, was left
among the slain, with about 500 of his followers.
The Dowart estates had become deeply involved in debt, and the
Marquis of Argyll, by purchasing them up, had acquired a claim
against the lands of Maclean, which ultimately led to the greater
portion of them becoming the property of that accumulating family.
In 1674, after the execution of the marquis, payment was insisted
upon by his son, the earl. The tutor of Maclean, the chief, his
nephew, being a minor, evaded the demand for a considerable time,
and at length showed a disposition to resist it by force. Argyll
had recourse to legal proceedings, and supported by a body of 2,000
Campbells, he crossed into Mull, where he took possession of the
castle of Dowart, and placed a garrison in it. The Macleans, however,
refused to pay their rents to the earl, and in consequence he
prepared for a second invasion of Mull. To resist it, the Macdonalds
came to the aid of the Macleans, but Argyll’s ships were driven back
by a storm, when he applied to government, and even went to London,
to ask assistance from the king. Lord Macdonald and other friends of
the Macleans followed him, and laid a statement of the dispute before
Charles, who, in February 1676, remitted the matter to three lords
of the Scottish privy council. No decision, however, was come to by
them, and Argyll was allowed to take possession of the island of Mull
without resistance in 1680. At the battle of Killiecrankie, Sir John
Maclean, with his regiment, was placed on Dundee’s right, and among
the troops on his left was a battalion under Sir Alexander Maclean.
The Macleans were amongst the Highlanders surprised and defeated
at Cromdale in 1690. In the rebellion of 1715, the Macleans ranged
themselves under the standard of the Earl of Mar, and were present at
the battle of Sheriffmuir. For his share in the insurrection Sir John
Maclean, the chief, was forfeited, but the estates were afterwards
restored to the family, On the breaking out of the rebellion of
1745, Sir John’s son, Sir Hector Maclean, the fifth baronet, was
apprehended, with his servant, at Edinburgh, and conveyed to London.
He was set at liberty in June 1747. At Culloden, however, 500 of his
clan fought for Prince Charles, under Maclean of Drimnin, who was
slain while leading them on. Sir Hector died, unmarried, at Paris, in
1750, when the title devolved upon his third cousin, the remainder
being to heirs male whatsover. This third cousin, Sir Allan Maclean,
was great-grandson of Donald Maclean of Brolas, eldest son, by his
second marriage, of Hector Maclean of Dowart, the father of the
first baronet. Sir Allan married Anne, daughter of Hector Maclean
of Coll, and had three daughters, the eldest of whom, Maria, became
the wife of Maclean of Kinlochaline, and the second, Sibella, of
Maclean of Inverscadell. In 1773, when Johnson and Boswell visited
the Hebrides, Sir Allan was chief of the clan. He resided at that
time on Inchkenneth, one of his smaller islands, in the district of
Mull, where he entertained his visitors very hospitably. From the
following anecdote told by Boswell, it would appear that the feeling
of devotion to the chief had survived the abolition act of 1747. “The
MacInnises are said to be a branch of the clan of Maclean. Sir Allan
had been told that one of the name had refused to send him some rum,
at which the knight was in great indignation. ‘You rascal!’ said he,
‘don’t you know that I can hang you, if I please? Refuse to send rum
to me, you rascal! Don’t you know that if I order you to go and cut a
man’s throat, you are to do it?’ ‘Yes, an’t please your honour, and
my own too, and hang myself too!’ The poor fellow denied that he had
refused to send the rum. His making these professions was not merely
a pretence in presence of his chief, for, after he and I were out of
Sir Allan’s hearing, he told me, ‘Had he sent his dog for the rum, I
would have given it: I would cut my bones for him.’ Sir Allan, by the
way of upbraiding the fellow, said, ‘I believe you are a _Campbell_!’”
[Illustration:
Sir Allan Maclean. From the original painting in possession of John
Maclean Mackenzie Grieves, Esq. of Hutton Hall, Berwickshire.]
Dying without male issue in 1783, Sir Allan was succeeded by his
kinsman, Sir Hector, 7th baronet; on whose death, Nov. 2, 1818,
his brother, Lieut.-General Sir Fitzroy Jefferies Grafton Maclean,
became the 8th baronet. He died July 5, 1847, leaving two sons, Sir
Charles Fitzroy Grafton Maclean of Morvern, and Donald Maclean, of
the chancery bar. Sir Charles, 9th baronet, married a daughter of
the Hon. and Rev. Jacob Marsham, uncle of the Earl of Romney, and
has issue, a son, Fitzroy Donald, major 13th dragoons, and four
daughters, one of whom, Louisa, became the wife of Hon. Ralph Pelham
Neville, son of the Earl of Abergavenny.
The first of the LOCHBUY branch of the Macleans was Hector Reganach,
brother of Lachlan Lubanach above mentioned. He had a son named
John, or Murchard, whose great-grandson, John Og Maclean of Lochbuy,
received from King James IV. several charters of the lands and
baronies which had been held by his progenitors. He was killed, with
his two elder sons, in a family feud with the Macleans of Dowart.
His only surviving son, Murdoch, was obliged, in consequence of
the same feud, to retire to Ireland, where he married a daughter
of the Earl of Antrim. By the mediation of his father-in-law, his
differences with Dowart were satisfactorily adjusted, and he returned
to the isles, where he spent his latter years in peace. The house
of Lochbuy has always maintained that of the two brothers, Lachlan
Lubanach and Hector Reganach, the latter was the senior, and that,
consequently, the chiefship of the Macleans is vested in its head;
“but this,” says Mr Gregory, “is a point on which there is no certain
evidence.” The whole clan, at different periods, have followed the
head of both families to the field, and fought under their command.
The Lochbuy family now spells its name Maclaine.
The COLL branch of the Macleans, like that of Dowart, descended from
Lachlan Lubanach, said to have been grandfather of the fourth laird
of Dowart and first laird of Coll, who were brothers. John Maclean,
surnamed Garbh, son of Lachlan of Dowart, obtained the isle of Coll
and the lands of Quinish in Mull from Alexander, Earl of Ross and
Lord of the Isles, and afterwards, on the forfeiture of Cameron,
the lands of Lochiel. The latter grant engendered, as we have seen,
a deadly feud between the Camerons and the Macleans. At one time
the son and successor of John Garbh occupied Lochiel by force, but
was killed in a conflict with the Camerons at Corpach, in the reign
of James III. His infant son would also have been put to death,
had the boy not been saved by the Macgillonies or Macalonichs, a
tribe of Lochaber that generally followed the clan Cameron. This
youth, subsequently known as John Abrach Maclean of Coll, was the
representative of the family in 1493, and from him was adopted the
patronymic appellation of Maclean Abrach, by which the lairds of Coll
were ever after distinguished.
The tradition concerning this heir of Coll is thus related by Dr
Johnson, in his _Tour to the Hebrides_:--“On the wall of old Coll
Castle was, not long ago, a stone with an inscription, importing,
‘That if any man of the clan of Macalonich shall appear before this
castle, though he come at midnight with a man’s head in his hand,
he shall there find safety and protection against all but the king.’
This is an old Highland treaty made upon a memorable occasion.
Maclean, the son of John Garbh, had obtained, it is said, from James
II., a grant of the lands of Lochiel. Forfeited estates were not
in those days quietly resigned: Maclean, therefore, went with an
armed force to seize his new possessions, and, I know not for what
reason, took his wife with him. The Camerons rose in defence of their
chief, and a battle was fought at the head of Lochness, near the
place where Fort Augustus now stands, in which Lochiel obtained the
victory, and Maclean, with his followers, was defeated and destroyed.
The lady fell into the hands of the conquerors, and being pregnant,
was placed in the custody of Macalonich, one of a tribe or family
branched from Cameron, with orders, if she brought a boy, to destroy
him, if a girl, to spare her. Macalonich’s wife had a girl about the
same time at which Lady M’Lean brought a boy; and Macalonich, with
more generosity to his captive than fidelity to his trust, contrived
that the children should be changed. Maclean in time recovered his
original patrimony, and in gratitude to his friend, made his castle
a place of refuge to any of the clan that should think himself in
danger; and Maclean took upon himself and his posterity the care of
educating the heir of Macalonich. The power of protection subsists no
longer; but Maclean of Coll now educates the heir of Macalonich.”
The account of the conversion of the simple islanders of Coll from
Popery to Protestantism is curious. The laird had imbibed the
principles of the Reformation, but found his people reluctant to
abandon the religion of their fathers. To compel them to do so,
he took his station one Sunday in the path which led to the Roman
Catholic church, and as his clansmen approached he drove them back
with his cane. They at once made their way to the Protestant place
of worship, and from this persuasive mode of conversion his vassals
ever after called it the religion of the gold-headed stick. Lachlan,
the seventh proprietor of Coll, went over to Holland with some of his
own men, in the reign of Charles II., and obtained the command of a
company in General Mackay’s regiment, in the service of the Prince of
Orange. He afterwards returned to Scotland, and was drowned in the
water of Lochy, in Lochaber, in 1687.
Colonel Hugh Maclean, London, the last laird of Coll, of that name,
was the 15th in regular descent from John Garbh, son of Lauchlan
Lubanach.
The ARDGOUR branch of the Macleans, which held its lands directly
from the Lord of the Isles, is descended from Donald, another son
of Lachlan, third laird of Dowart. The estate of Ardgour, which is
in Argyleshire, had previously belonged to a different tribe (the
Macmasters), but it was conferred upon Donald, either by Alexander,
Earl of Ross, or by his son and successor, John. In 1463, Ewen or
Eugene, son of Donald, held the office of seneschal of the household
to the latter earl; and in 1493, Lachlan Macewen Maclean was laird of
Ardgour. Alexander Maclean, Esq., the present laird of Ardgour, is
the 14th from father to son.
During the 17th and 18th centuries the Macleans of Lochbuy, Coll, and
Ardgour, more fortunate than the Dowart branch of the clan, contrived
to preserve their estates nearly entire, although compelled by the
Marquis of Argyll to renounce their holdings _in capite_ of the
crown, and to become vassals of that nobleman. They continued zealous
partizans of the Stuarts, in whose cause they suffered severely.
From Lachlan Og Maclean, a younger son of Lachlan Mòr of Dowart,
sprung the family of TORLOISK in Mull.
Of the numerous flourishing cadets of the different branches, the
principal were the Macleans of KINLOCHALINE, ARDTORNISH, and DRIMNIN,
descended from the family of Dowart; of TAPUL and SCALLASDALE, in
the island of Mull, from that of Lochbuy; of ISLE OF MUCK, from
that of Coll; and of BORRERA, in North Uist and TRESHINISH, from
that of Ardgour. The family of Borrera are represented by Donald
Maclean, Esq., and General Archibald Maclean. From the Isle of Muck
and Treshinish Macleans is descended A. C. Maclean, Esq. of Haremere
Hall, Sussex.
The Macleans of PENNYCROSS, island of Mull, represented by Alexander
Maclean, Esq., derives from John Dubh, the first Maclean of Morvern.
General Allan Maclean of Pennycross, colonel of the 13th light
dragoons, charged with them at Waterloo.
The force of the Macleans was at one time 800; in 1745 it was 500.
MACNAUGHTON.
[Illustration: BADGE--Heath.]
Another clan, supposed by Mr Skene to have originally belonged to
Moray, is the clan Nachtan or Macnaughton.
The MS. of 1450 deduces the descent of the heads of this clan from
Nachtan Mor, who is supposed to have lived in the 10th century. The
Gaelic name Neachtain is the same as the Pictish Nectan, celebrated
in the _Pictish Chronicle_ as one of the great Celtic divisions in
Scotland, and the appellation is among the most ancient in the north
of Ireland, the original seat of the Cruithen Picts. According to
Buchanan of Auchmar,[210] the heads of this clan were for ages thanes
of Loch Tay, and possessed all the country between the south side
of Loch-Fyne and Lochawe, parts of which were Glenira, Glenshira,
Glenfine, and other places, while their principal seat was Dunderraw
on Loch-Fyne.
[Illustration: MACNAUGHTON. (Tartan)]
In the reign of Robert III., Maurice or Morice Macnaughton had a
charter from Colin Campbell of Lochow of sundry lands in Over Lochow,
but their first settlement in Argyleshire, in the central parts of
which their lands latterly wholly lay, took place long before this.
When Malcolm the Maiden attempted to civilise the ancient province
of Moray, by introducing Norman and Saxon families, such as the
Bissets, the Comyns, &c., in the place of the rude Celtic natives
whom he had expatriated to the south, he gave lands in or near
Strathtay or Strathspey, to Nachtan of Moray, for those he had held
in that province. He had there a residence called Dunnachtan castle.
Nesbit[211] describes this Nachtan as “an eminent man in the time of
Malcolm IV.,” and says that he “was in great esteem with the family
of Lochawe, to whom he was very assistant in them wars with the
Macdougals, for which he was rewarded with sundry lands.” The family
of Lochawe here mentioned were the Campbells.
The Macnaughtons appear to have been fairly and finally settled in
Argyleshire previous to the reign of Alexander III., as Gilchrist
Macnaughton, styled of that ilk, was by that monarch appointed,
in 1287, heritable keeper of his castle and island of Frechelan
(Fraoch Ellan) on Lochawe, on condition that he should be properly
entertained when he should pass that way; whence a castle embattled
was assumed as the crest of the family.
This Gilchrist was father or grandfather of Donald Macnaughton of
that ilk, who, being nearly connected with the Macdougals of Lorn,
joined that powerful chief with his clan against Robert the Bruce,
and fought against the latter at the battle of Dalree in 1306,
in consequence of which he lost a great part of his estates. In
Abercromby’s _Martial Achievements_,[212] it is related that the
extraordinary courage shown by the king in having, in a narrow pass,
slain with his own hand several of his pursuers, and amongst the
rest three brothers, so greatly excited the admiration of the chief
of the Macnaughtons that he became thenceforth one of his firmest
adherents.[213]
His son and successor, Duncan Macnaughton of that ilk, was a steady
and loyal subject to King David II., who, as a reward for his
fidelity, conferred on his son, Alexander, lands in the island of
Lewis, a portion of the forfeited possessions of John of the Isles,
which the chiefs of the clan Naughton held for a time. The ruins of
their castle of Macnaughton are still pointed out on that island.
Donald Macnaughton, a younger son of the family, was, in 1436,
elected bishop of Dunkeld, in the reign of James I.
Alexander Macnaughton of that ilk, who lived in the beginning of
the 16th century, was knighted by James IV., whom he accompanied to
the disastrous field of Flodden, where he was slain, with nearly
the whole chivalry of Scotland. His son, John, was succeeded by his
second son, Malcolm Macnaughton of Glenshira, his eldest son having
predeceased him. Malcolm died in the end of the reign of James VI.,
and was succeeded by his eldest son, Alexander.
John, the second son of Malcolm, being of a handsome appearance,
attracted the notice of King James VI., who appointed him one of
his pages of honour, on his accession to the English crown. He
became rich, and purchased lands in Kintyre. His elder brother,
Alexander Macnaughton of that ilk, adhered firmly to the cause of
Charles I., and in his service sustained many severe losses. At the
Restoration, as some sort of compensation, he was knighted by Charles
II., and, unlike many others, received from that monarch a liberal
pension for life. Sir Alexander Macnaughton spent his later days in
London, where he died. His son and successor, John Macnaughton of
that ilk, succeeded to an estate greatly burdened with debt, but
did not hesitate in his adherence to the fallen fortunes of the
Stuarts. At the head of a considerable body of his own clan, he
joined Viscount Dundee, and was with him at Killiecrankie. James VII.
signed a deed in his favour, restoring to his family all its old
lands and hereditary rights, but, as it never passed the seals in
Scotland, it was of no value. His lands were taken from him, not by
forfeiture, but “the estate,” says Buchanan of Auchmar, “was evicted
by creditors for sums noways equivalent to its value, and, there
being no diligence used for relief thereof, it went out of the hands
of the family.” His son, Alexander, a captain in Queen Anne’s guards,
was killed in the expedition to Vigo in 1702. His brother, John,
at the beginning of the last century was for many years collector
of customs at Anstruther in Fife, and subsequently was appointed
inspector-general in the same department. The direct male line of the
Macnaughton chiefs became extinct at his death.
“The Mackenricks are ascribed to the Macnaughton line, as also
families of Macknights (or Macneits), Macnayers, Macbraynes, and
Maceols.” The present head of the Macbraynes is John Burns Macbrayne,
Esq. of Glenbranter, Cowel, Argyleshire, grandson of Donald
Macbrayne, merchant in Glasgow, who was great-grandson, on the female
side, of Alexander Macnaughton of that ilk, and heir of line of
John Macnaughton, inspector-general of customs in Scotland. On this
account the present representative of the Macbraynes is entitled to
quarter his arms with those of the Macnaughtons.
There are still in Athole families of the Macnaughton name, proving
so far what has been stated respecting their early possession of
lands in that district. Stewart of Garth makes most honourable
mention of one of the sept, who was in the service of Menzies of
Culdares in the year 1745. That gentleman had been “out” in 1715,
and was pardoned. Grateful so far, he did not join Prince Charles,
but sent a fine charger to him as he entered England. The servant,
Macnaughton, who conveyed the present, was taken and tried at
Carlisle. The errand on which he had come was clearly proved, and
he was offered pardon and life if he would reveal the name of the
sender of the horse. He asked with indignation if they supposed
that he could be such a villain. They repeated the offer to him on
the scaffold, but he died firm to his notion of fidelity. His life
was nothing to that of his master, he said. The brother of this
Macnaughton was known to Garth, and was one of the Gael who always
carried a weapon about him to his dying day.[214]
* * * * *
Under the subordinate head of Siol O’Cain, other two clans are
included in the Maormordom of Moray, viz., clan Roich or Munro, and
clan Gillemhaol or Macmillan.
MUNRO.
The possessions of the clan Monro or Munro, situated on the north
side of Cromarty Firth, were generally known in the Highlands by
the name of Fearrann Donull or Donald’s country, being so called,
it is said, from the progenitor of the clan, Donald the son of
O’Ceann, who lived in the time of Macbeth. The Munroes were vassals
of the Earls of Ross, and may be regarded as a portion of the
native Scottish Gael. According to Sir George Mackenzie, they came
originally from the north of Ireland with the Macdonalds, on which
great clan “they had constantly a depending.” Their name he states
to have been derived from “a mount on the river Roe,” county Derry.
Clan tradition, probably not more to be relied upon than tradition
generally, holds that they formed a branch of the natives of Scotland
who, about 357, being driven out by the Romans, and forced to take
refuge in Ireland, were located for several centuries on the stream
of the Roe, and among the adjacent mountains. In the time of Malcolm
II., or beginning of the 11th century, the ancestors of the Munroes
are said to have come over to Scotland to aid in expelling the Danes,
under the above named Donald, son of O’Ceann, who, for his services,
received the lands of East Dingwall in Ross-shire. These lands,
erected into a barony, were denominated Foulis, from Loch Foyle in
Ireland, and the chief of the clan was designated of Foulis, his
residence in the parish of Kiltearn, near the mountain called Ben
Uaish or Ben Wyvis. So says tradition.
MUNRO OF FOULIS.
[Illustration: BADGE--According to some, Eagle’s Feathers, others,
Common Club Moss.]
Another conjecture as to the origin of the name of Munro is that,
from having acted as bailiffs or stewards to the Lords of the Isles
in the earldom of Ross, they were called “Munrosses.” Skene, as we
have said, ranks the clan as members of a great family called the
Siol O’Cain, and makes them out to be a branch of the clan Chattan,
by ingeniously converting O’Cain into O’Cathan, and thus forming
Chattan. Sir George Mackenzie says the name originally was Bunroe.
Hugh Munro, the first of the family authentically designated of
Foulis, died in 1126. He seems to have been the grandson of Donald,
the son of O’Ceann above mentioned. Robert, reckoned the second
baron of Foulis, was actively engaged in the wars of David I. and
Malcolm IV. Donald, heir of Robert, built the old tower of Foulis.
His successor, Robert, married a daughter of the Earl of Sutherland.
George, fifth baron of Foulis, obtained charters from Alexander II.
Soon after the accession of Alexander III., an insurrection broke out
against the Earl of Ross, the feudal superior of the Munroes, by the
clans Ivor, Talvigh, and Laiwe, and other people of the province.
The earl having apprehended their leader, and imprisoned him at
Dingwall, the insurgents seized upon his second son at Balnagowan,
and detained him as a hostage till their leader should be released.
The Munroes and the Dingwalls immediately took up arms, and setting
off in pursuit, overtook the insurgents at Bealligh-ne-Broig, between
Ferrandonald and Loch Broom, where a sanguinary conflict took place.
“The clan Iver, clan Talvigh, and clan Laiwe,” says Sir Robert
Gordon, “wer almost uterlie extinguished and slain.” The earl’s son
was rescued, and to requite the service performed he made various
grants of land to the Munroes and Dingwalls.
Sir Robert Munro, the sixth of his house, fought in the army of Bruce
at the battle of Bannockburn. His only son, George, fell there,
leaving an heir, who succeeded his grandfather. This George Munro of
Foulis was slain at Halidonhill in 1333. The same year, according
to Sir Robert Gordon, although Shaw makes the date 1454, occurred
the remarkable event which led to a feud between the Munroes and
Mackintoshes, and of which an account is given under the former date
in the General History.
Robert, the eighth baron of Foulis, married a niece of Eupheme,
daughter of the Earl of Ross, and queen of Robert II. He was killed
in an obscure skirmish in 1369, and was succeeded by his son, Hugh,
ninth baron of Foulis, who joined Donald, second Lord of the Isles,
when he claimed the earldom of Ross in right of his wife.
The forfeiture of the earldom of Ross in 1476, made the Munroes and
other vassal families independent of any superior but the crown. In
the charters which the family of Foulis obtained from the Scottish
kings, at various times, they were declared to hold their lands on
the singular tenure of furnishing a ball of snow at Midsummer if
required, which the hollows in their mountain property could at
all times supply; and it is said that when the Duke of Cumberland
proceeded north against the Pretender in 1746, the Munroes actually
sent him some snow to cool his wines. In one charter, the addendum
was a pair of white gloves or three pennies.
Robert, the 14th baron, fell at the battle of Pinkie in 1547. Robert
More Munro, the 15th chief, was a faithful friend of Mary, queen of
Scots. Buchanan states, that when that unfortunate princess went
to Inverness in 1562, “as soon as they heard of their sovereign’s
danger, a great number of the most eminent Scots poured in around
her, especially the Frasers and Munroes, who were esteemed the most
valiant of the clans inhabiting those countries.” These two clans
took for the Queen Inverness castle, which had refused her admission.
With the Mackenzies the Munroes were often at feud, and Andrew Munro
of Milntown defended, for three years, the castle of the canonry of
Ross, which he had received from the Regent Moray in 1569, against
the clan Kenzie, at the expense of many lives on both sides. It was,
however, afterwards delivered up to the Mackenzies under the act of
pacification.
The chief, Robert More Munro, became a Protestant at an early period
of the Scottish Reformation. He died in 1588. His son, Robert,
sixteenth baron of Foulis, died without issue in July 1589, and was
succeeded by his brother, Hector Munro, seventeenth baron of Foulis.
The latter died 14th November 1603.
Hector’s eldest son, Robert Munro, eighteenth chief of Foulis, styled
“the Black Baron,” was the first of his house who engaged in the
religious wars of Gustavus Adolphus, in the 17th century. In 1626 he
went over with the Scottish corps of Sir Donald Mackay, first Lord
Reay, accompanied by six other officers of his name and near kindred.
Doddridge says of him, that “the worthy Scottish gentleman was so
struck with a regard to the common cause, in which he himself had no
concern but what piety and virtue gave him, that he joined Gustavus
with a great number of his friends who bore his own name. Many of
them gained great reputation in this war, and that of Robert, their
leader, was so eminent that he was made colonel of two regiments at
the same time, the one of horse, the other of foot in that service.”
In 1629 the laird of Foulis raised a reinforcement of 700 men on
his own lands, and at a later period joined Gustavus with them. The
officers of Mackay’s and Munro’s Highland regiments who served under
Gustavus Adolphus, in addition to rich buttons, wore a gold chain
round their necks, to secure the owner, in case of being wounded or
taken prisoner, good treatment, or payment for future ransom. In the
service of Gustavus, there were at one time not less than “three
generals, eight colonels, five lieutenant-colonels, eleven majors,
and above thirty captains, all of the name of Munro, besides a great
number of subalterns.”
The “Black Baron” died at Ulm, from a wound in his foot, in the year
1633, and leaving no male issue, he was succeeded by his brother,
Hector Munro, nineteenth baron of Foulis, who had also distinguished
himself in the German wars, and who, on his return to Britain, was
created by Charles I. a baronet of Nova Scotia, 7th June 1634. He
married Mary, daughter of Hugh Mackay of Farr, and dying in 1635, in
Germany, was succeeded by his only son, Sir Hector, second baronet,
who died, unmarried, in 1651, at the age of 17. The title and
property devolved on his cousin, Robert Munro of Opisdale, grandson
of George, third son of the fifteenth baron of Foulis.
During the civil wars at home, when Charles I. called to his aid
some of the veteran officers who had served in Germany, this Colonel
Robert Munro was one of them. He was employed chiefly in Ireland from
1641 to 1645, when he was surprised and taken prisoner personally by
General Monk. He was subsequently lieutenant-general of the royalist
troops in Scotland, when he fought a duel with the Earl of Glencairn.
Afterwards he joined Charles II. in Holland. After the Revolution he
was appointed commander-in-chief of the forces in Scotland.
Sir Robert Munro, third baronet of Foulis, died in 1688, and was
succeeded by his eldest son, Sir John, fourth baronet, who, in
the Scottish convention of estates, proved himself to be a firm
supporter of the Revolution. He was such a strenuous advocate of
Presbyterianism, that, being a man of large frame, he was usually
called “the Presbyterian mortar-piece.” In the Stuart persecutions,
previous to his succession to the title, he had, for his adherence
to the covenant, been both fined and imprisoned by the tyrannical
government that then ruled in Scotland. He died in 1696. His son, Sir
Robert, fifth baronet, though blind, was appointed by George I. high
sheriff of Ross, by commission, under the great seal, dated 9th June
1725. He married Jean, daughter of John Forbes of Culloden, and died
in 1729.
His eldest son, Sir Robert, twenty-seventh baron and sixth baronet
of Foulis, a gallant military officer, was the companion in arms of
Colonel Gardiner, and fell at the battle of Falkirk, 17th January
1746.
In May 1740, when the Independent companies were formed into the 43d
Highland regiment (now the 42d Royal Highlanders), Sir Robert Munro
was appointed lieutenant-colonel, John Earl of Crawford and Lindsay
being its colonel. Among the captains were his next brother, George
Munro of Culcairn, and John Munro, promoted to be lieutenant-colonel
in 1745. The surgeon of the regiment was his youngest brother, Dr
James Munro.[215]
The fate of Sir Robert’s other brother, Captain George Munro of
Culcairn, was peculiar. He was shot on the shores of Loch Arkaig
among the wild rocks of Lochaber, on Sunday, 31st August 1746, by
one of the rebels named Dugald Roy Cameron, or, as he is styled in
tradition, Du Rhu. After the Rebellion, an order was issued to the
Highlanders to deliver up their arms. Dugald, accordingly, sent his
son to Fort-William with his arms to be delivered up. When proceeding
down Loch Arkaig, the young man was met by an officer of the name
of Grant, who was conducting a party of soldiers into Knoydart, and
being immediately seized, was shot on the spot. His father swore
to be revenged, and learning that the officer rode a white horse,
he watched behind a rock for his return, on a height above Loch
Arkaig. Captain Munro had unfortunately borrowed the white horse on
which Grant rode, and he met the fate intended for Grant. Dugald Roy
escaped, and afterwards became a soldier in the British service.
Sir Robert left a son, Sir Harry Munro, seventh baronet and
twenty-fifth baron of Foulis, an eminent scholar and a M.P.
His son, Sir Hugh, eighth baronet, had an only daughter, Mary Seymour
Munro, who died January 12, 1849. On his decease. May 2, 1848, his
kinsman, Sir Charles, became ninth baronet and twenty-seventh baron
of Foulis. He was eldest son of George Munro, Esq. of Culrain,
Ross-shire (who died in 1845), and lineal male descendant of
Lieut.-General Sir George Munro, next brother to the third baronet of
this family. He married--1st, in 1817, Amelia, daughter of Frederick
Browne, Esq., 14th dragoons; issue, five sons and two daughters; 2d,
in 1853, Harriette, daughter of Robert Midgely, Esq. of Essington,
Yorkshire. Charles, the eldest son, was born in 1824, married in
1847, with issue.
The military strength of the Munroes in 1715 was 400, and in 1745,
500 men. The clan slogan or battle cry was “Caisteal Foulis na
theine”--Castle Foulis in flames.
MACMILLAN.
Of the origin and history of the Macmillans, little seems to be
known. According to Buchanan of Auchmar, they are descended from
the second son of Aurelan, seventh laird of Buchanan. According to
Mr Skene, the earliest seat of the Macmillans appears to have been
on both sides of Loch Arkaig, and he thinks this confirmatory of a
clan tradition, that they are connected with the clan Chattan. The
Macmillans were at one time dependent on the Lords of the Isles, but
when Loch Arkaig came into possession of the Camerons, they became
dependent on the latter. “Another branch of this clan,” says Skene,
“possessed the greater part of southern Knapdale, where their chief
was known under the title of Macmillan of Knap; and although the
family is now extinct, many records of their former power are to be
found in that district.” We take the liberty of quoting further from
Mr Skene as to the history of the Macmillans.
“One of the towers of that fine ancient edifice, Castle Sweyn, bears
the name of Macmillan’s Tower, and there is a stone cross in the old
churchyard of Kilmoray Knap, upwards of twelve feet high, richly
sculptured, which has upon one side the representation of an Highland
chief engaged in hunting the deer, having the following inscription
in ancient Saxon characters underneath the figure:--Hæc est crux
Alexandri Macmillan.’ Although the Macmillans were at a very early
period in Knapdale, they probably obtained the greater part of their
possessions there by marriage with the heiress of the chief of the
Macneills, in the 16th century. Tradition asserts that these Knapdale
Macmillans came originally from Lochtay-side, and that they formerly
possessed Lawers, on the north side of that loch, from which they
were driven by Chalmers of Lawers, in the reign of David II.
“As there is little reason to doubt the accuracy of the tradition,
it would appear that this branch of the Macmillans had been removed
by Malcolm IV. from North Moray, and placed in the crown lands of
Strathtay. Macmillan is said to have had the charter of his lands in
Knapdale engraved in the Gaelic language and character upon a rock at
the extremity of his estate; and tradition reports that the last of
the name, in order to prevent the prostitution of his wife, butchered
her admirer, and was obliged in consequence to abscond. On the
extinction of the family of the chief, the next branch, Macmillan of
Dunmore, assumed the title of Macmillan of Macmillan, but that family
is now also extinct.
“Although the Macmillans appear at one time to have been a clan of
considerable importance, yet as latterly they became mere dependants
upon their more powerful neighbours, who possessed the superiority
of their lands, and as their principal families are now extinct, no
records of their history have come down to us, nor do we know what
share they took in the various great events of Highland history.
Their property, upon the extinction of the family of the chief, was
contended for by the Campbells and Macneills, the latter of whom
were a powerful clan in North Knapdale, but the contest was, by
compromise, decided in favour of the former. It continued in the
same family till the year 1775, when, after the death of the tenth
possessor, the estate was purchased by Sir Archibald Campbell of
Inverniel.”
There have been a considerable number of Macmillans long settled
in Galloway, and the tradition is that they are descendants of an
offshoot from the northern Macmillans, that went south about the time
the Knapdale branch migrated from Lochtay side. These Macmillans
are famous in the annals of the Covenanters, and are mentioned by
Wodrow as having acted a prominent part during the times of the
religious persecution in Scotland. Indeed, we believe that formerly,
if not indeed even unto this day, the modern representatives of
the Covenanters in Galloway are as often called “Macmillanites” as
“Cameronians.”
FOOTNOTES:
[202] Gregory’s _Highlands and Isles of Scotland_, p. 75.
[203] A view of Locharkaig will be found at p. 709, vol. i.
[204] As to Mr Skene’s theory of the captainship of a clan, see the
account of clan Chattan.
[205] Although Sir Ewen, with his clan, had joined Lord Dundee
in the service of the abdicated king, yet his second son was a
captain in the Scots Fusileers, and served with Mackay on the
side of the government. As the general was observing the Highland
army drawn up on the face of a hill to the westward of the great
pass, he turned round to young Cameron, who stood near him, and
pointing to his clansmen, said, “There is your father with his wild
savages; how would you like to be with him?” “It signifies little,”
replied Cameron, “what I would like; but I recommend it to you
to be prepared, or perhaps my father and his wild savages may be
nearer to you before night than you would like.” And so indeed it
happened.--Stewart’s _Sketches_, vol. i. p. 66.
[206] For the foregoing account of the achievements of Sir Ewen
Cameron we have been chiefly indebted to General Stewart’s valuable
work on the Highlanders and Highland Regiments.
[207] The portrait of the “gentle Lochiel” will be found at p. 519,
vol. i.
[208] For details, see account of the 92d Regiment.
[209] _Highlands and Isles of Scotland_, p. 259.
[210] _History of the Origin of the Clans_, p. 84.
[211] _Heraldry_, vol. i. p. 419.
[212] Vol. i. p. 577.
[213] See account of the Macdougals.
[214] Smibert’s _Clans_.
[215] See the History of the 42d Regiment, in Part Third.
CHAPTER VII.
Clan Aurias or Ross--Rose--Rose of Kilravock--Kenneth or
Mackenzie--Mackenzie of Gerloch or Gairloch--Mackenzies of Tarbet
and Royston--of Coul--Scatwell--Allangrange--Applecross--Ord
--Gruinard--Hilton--Mathieson or Clan Mhathain--Siol Alpine
--Macgregor--Dugald Ciar Mhor--Rob Roy--Grant--Grants of
Pluscardine--Ballindalloch--Glenmoriston--Lynachoarn--Aviemore
--Croskie--Dalvey--Monymusk--Kilgraston--Mackinnon--Macnab
--Duffie Macfie--Macquarrie--MacAulay.
Under the head of the Maormordom of Ross, Mr Skene, following the
genealogists, includes a considerable number of clans viz., the clan
Anrias or Ross, clan Kenneth or Mackenzie, clan Mathan or Mathieson;
and under the subordinate head of Siol Alpine, the clans Macgregor,
Grant, Mackinnon, Macnab, Macphie, Macquarrie, and Macaulay. We shall
speak of them in their order.
ROSS.
[Illustration: BADGE--Juniper.]
The clan ANRIAS or Ross--called in Gaelic _clan Roisch na Gille
Andras_, or the offspring of the follower of St Andrew--by which
can be meant only the chiefs or gentry of the clan, are descended
from the Earls of Ross, and through them from the ancient Maormors
of Ross. According to Mr Smibert, the mass of the clan Ross was
swallowed up by and adopted the name of the more powerful Mackenzies.
“The generality,” he says, “had never at any time borne the name
of Ross, the gentry of the sept only were so distinguished. Thus,
the common people, who must naturally have intermingled freely with
the real Mackenzies, would ere long retain only vague traditions
of their own descent; and when the days of regular registration,
and also of military enlistment, required and introduced the use of
stated names, the great body of the true Ross tribe would, without
doubt, be enrolled under the name of Mackenzie, the prevailing one of
the district. In all likelihood, therefore, the old Rosses are yet
numerous in Ross-shire.”
The first known Earl of Ross was Malcolm, who lived in the reign of
Malcolm the Maiden (1153-1165).
Ferquhard, the second earl, called _Fearchar Mac an t-Sagairt_, or
son of the priest, at the head of the tribes of Moray, repulsed
Donald MacWilliam, the son of Donald Bane, when, soon after the
accession of Alexander II. in 1214, that restless chief made an
inroad from Ireland into that province.
William, third Earl of Ross, was one of the Scots nobles who entered
into an agreement, 8th March 1258, with Lewellyn, Prince of Wales,
that the Scots and Welsh should only make peace with England by
mutual consent.
William, fourth earl, was one of the witnesses to the treaty of Bruce
with Haco, King of Norway, 28th October 1312. With his clan he was
at the battle of Bannockburn, and he signed the memorable letter to
the Pope in 1320, asserting the independence of Scotland. He had two
sons, Hugh, his successor, and John, who with his wife, Margaret,
second daughter of Alexander Comyn, fourth Earl of Buchan, got the
half of her father’s lands in Scotland. He had also a daughter,
Isabel, who became the wife of Edward Bruce, Earl of Carrick and King
of Ireland, brother of Robert the Bruce, 1st June 1317.
Hugh, the next Earl of Ross, fell, in 1333, at Halidonhill.
Hugh’s successor, William, left no male heir. His eldest daughter,
Euphemia, married Sir Walter Lesley of Lesley, Aberdeenshire, and
had a son, Alexander, Earl of Ross, and a daughter, Margaret. Earl
Alexander married a daughter of the Regent Albany, and his only
child, Euphemia, Countess of Ross, becoming a nun, she resigned the
earldom to her uncle John, Earl of Buchan, Albany’s second son. Her
aunt Margaret had married Donald, second Lord of the Isles, and that
potent chief assumed in her right the title of Earl of Ross, and took
possession of the earldom. This led to the battle of Harlaw in 1411.
On the death of the Earl of Buchan and Ross, at the battle of
Verneuil in France in 1424, the earldom of Ross reverted to the
crown. James I., on his return from his long captivity in England,
restored it to the heiress of line, the mother of Alexander, Lord
of the Isles, who, in 1420, had succeeded his father, Donald, above
mentioned. In 1429 he summoned together his vassals, both of Ross and
the Isles, and at the head of 10,000 men wasted the crown lands in
the vicinity of Inverness, and burned the town itself to the ground.
At the head of some troops, which he had promptly collected, the king
hastened, by forced marches, to Lochaber, and surprised the earl. The
mere display of the royal banner won over the clan Chattan and the
clan Cameron from his support, and he himself, suddenly attacked and
hotly pursued, was compelled to sue, but in vain, for peace. Driven
to despair, he resolved to cast himself on the royal mercy, and on
Easter Sunday, did so in the extraordinary manner narrated at p. 140
of this volume.
Alexander’s son, John, the next Earl of Ross and Lord of the Isles,
having joined the Earl of Douglas in his rebellion against James II.,
sent, in 1455, to the western coast of Scotland an expedition of 5000
men, under the command of his near kinsman, Donald Balloch, Lord of
Islay. With this force he desolated the whole coast from Innerkip to
Bute, the Cumbrays, and the island of Arran; but from the prudent
precautions taken by the king to repel the invaders, the loss was not
very considerable. The Earl of Ross afterwards made his submission,
and was received into the royal favour. On the accession of James
III., however, his rebellious disposition again showed itself. Edward
IV. of England having entered into a negotiation with him to detach
him from his allegiance, on the 19th October 1461, the Earl of Ross,
Donald Balloch, and his son, John of Islay, held a council of their
vassals and dependants at Astornish, at which it was agreed to send
ambassadors to England to treat with Edward, for assistance to effect
the entire conquest of Scotland. On the forfeiture of the Lord of the
Isles in 1476, the earldom of Ross became vested in the crown.
Hugh Ross of Rarichies, brother of the last Earl of Ross, obtained a
charter of the lands of Balnagowan in 1374, and on him by clan law
the chiefship devolved. In the beginning of the 18th century, Donald
Ross of Balnagowan, the last of his race, sold that estate to the
Hon. General Ross, the brother of the twelfth Lord Ross of Hawkhead,
who, although bearing the same surname, was not in any way related to
him.
In February 1778, Munro Ross of Pitcalnie presented a petition to
the king, claiming the earldom of Ross, as male descendant of the
above-named Hugh Ross of Rarichies. This petition was sent to the
House of Lords, but no decision appears to have followed upon it.
According to Mr Skene, Ross of Pitcalnie is the representative of
the ancient earls; but as this claim has been disputed, and as other
authorities think the Balnagowan family has a stronger claim to the
chiefship, we shall take the liberty of quoting what Mr Smibert says
on behalf of the latter:--“Mr Skene labours, with a pertinacity to us
almost incomprehensible, to destroy the pretensions of the house, to
represent the old Earls of Ross. He attempts to make out, firstly,
that Paul Mactyre (or Mactire), who headed for a time the clan Ross,
was the true heir-male of the fifth Earl of Ross, the last of the
first house; and that the Balnagowan family, therefore, had no claims
at that early time. He quotes ‘an ancient historian of Highland
families’ to prove the great power and possessions of Paul Mactyre,
the passage, as cited, running thus:--‘Paul Mactyre was a valiant
man, and caused Caithness to pay him black-mail. It is reported that
he got nyn score of cowes yearly out of Caithness for black-mail so
long as he was able to travel.’
“Now, there are a few words omitted in this citation. The original
document, now before us, begins thus: ‘Paull M’Tyre, aforesaid,
_grandchild to Leandris_;’ that is, grandchild to Gilleanrias, the
founder of the clan, and its name-giver. If he was the grandson of
the founder of the sept, Paul Mactyre could certainly never have been
the heir of the fifth Earl of Ross, unless he had lived to a most
unconscionable age. It would seem as if Mr Skene here erred from
the old cause--that is, from his not unnatural anxiety to enhance
the value and authenticity of the MS. of 1450, which was his own
discovery, and certainly was a document of great interest. That MS.
speaks of Paul Mactyre as heading the clan at a comparatively late
period. We greatly prefer the view of the case already given by us,
which is, that Paul Mactyre was either kinsman or _quasi_ tutor to
one of the first Ross earls, or successfully usurped their place for
a time.
“Besides, the ancient document quoted by Mr Skene to show the
greatness of Paul Mactyre, mentions also the marriage of ‘his
doughter and heire’ to Walter, laird of Balnagowne. If the document
be good for one thing, it must be held good also for others. Such a
marriage seems quite natural, supposing Mactyre to have been a near
kinsman of the Rosses.
“Perhaps too much has been already said on this subject to please
general readers; but one of our main objects is to give to clansmen
all the rational information procurable on their several family
histories.”
“Among another class of Rosses or Roses,” says the same authority,
“noticed by Nisbet as bearing distinct arms, the principal family
appears to be that of Rose of KILRAVOCK,” to which a number of landed
houses trace their origin. According to a tradition at one period
prevalent among the clan Donald, the first of the Kilravock family
came from Ireland, with one of the Macdonalds, Lords of the Isles.
There does not seem, however, to be any foundation for this, except,
perhaps, that as vassals of the Earls of Ross, the clan Rose were
connected for about half a century with the lordship of the Isles.
Mr Hugh Rose, the genealogist of the Kilravock family, is of opinion
that they were originally from England, and from their having three
water bougets in their coat armour, like the English family of Roos,
it has been conjectured that they were of the same stock. But these
figures were carried by other families than those of the name of Rose
or Roos. Four water bougets with a cross in the middle were the arms
of the Counts D’Eu in Normandy, and of the ancient Earls of Essex
in England of the surname of Bourchier. They were indicative of an
ancestor of the respective families who bore them having been engaged
in the crusades, and forced, in the deserts of Palestine, to fight
for and carry water in the leathern vessels called bougets, budgets,
or buckets, which were usually slung across the horse or camel’s
back. The badge of the Roses is Wild Rosemary.
The family of Rose of Kilravock appear to have been settled in the
county of Nairn since the reign of David I.
MACKENZIE.
[Illustration: BADGE--Deer Grass.]
The clan Kenneth or Mackenzie has long cherished a traditionary
belief in its descent from the Norman family of Fitzgerald settled
in Ireland. Its pretensions to such an origin are founded upon a
fragment of the records of Icolmkill, and a charter of the lands
of Kintail in Wester Ross, said to have been granted by Alexander
III. to Colin Fitzgerald, their supposed progenitor. According to
the Icolmkill fragment, a personage described as “Peregrinus et
Hibernus nobilis ex familia Geraldinorum,” that is, “a noble stranger
and Hibernian, of the family of the Geraldines,” being driven from
Ireland, with a considerable number of followers, about 1261, was
received graciously by the king, and remained thenceforward at the
court. Having given powerful aid to the Scots at the battle of
Largs two years afterwards, he was rewarded by a grant of Kintail,
erected into a free barony by charter dated 9th January, 1266. No
such document, however, as this pretended fragment of Icolmkill is
known to be in existence, at least, as Mr Skene says, nobody has
ever seen it, and as for King Alexander’s charter, he declares[216]
that “it bears the most palpable marks of having been a forgery of
later date, and one by no means happy in the execution.” Besides, the
words “Colino Hiberno,” contained in it, do not prove the said Colin
to have been an Irishman, as Hiberni was at that period a common
appellation of the Gael of Scotland.
The ancestor of the clan Kenzie was Gilleon-og, or Colin the younger,
a son of Gilleon na hair’de, that is, Colin of the Aird, progenitor
of the Earls of Ross, and from the MS. of 1450 their Gaelic descent
may be considered established. Colin of Kintail is said to have
married a daughter of Walter, lord high steward of Scotland. He died
in 1278, and his son, Kenneth, being, in 1304, succeeded by his son,
also called Kenneth, with the addition of Mackenneth, the latter,
softened into Mackenny or Mackenzie, became the name of the whole
clan. Murdoch, or Murcha, the son of Kenneth, received from David II.
a charter of the lands of Kintail as early as 1362. At the beginning
of the 15th century, the clan Kenzie appears to have been both
numerous and powerful, for its chief, Kenneth More, when arrested, in
1427, with his son-in-law, Angus of Moray, and Macmathan, by James I.
in his parliament at Inverness, was said to be able to muster 2,000
men.
In 1463, Alexander Mackenzie of Kintail received Strathgarve and
many other lands from John, Earl of Ross, the same who was forfeited
in 1476. The Mackenzie chiefs were originally vassals of the Earls
of Ross, but after their forfeiture, they became independent of any
superior but the crown. They strenuously opposed the Macdonalds in
every attempt which they made to regain possession of the earldom.
Alexander was succeeded by his son, Kenneth, who had taken for his
first wife Lady Margaret Macdonald, daughter of the forfeited earl,
John, Lord of the Isles, and having, about 1480, divorced his wife,
he brought upon himself the resentment of her family.
Kenneth Oig, his son by the divorced wife, was chief in 1493. Two
years afterwards, he and Farquhar Mackintosh were imprisoned by
James V. in the castle of Edinburgh. In 1497, Ross and Mackintosh
made their escape, but on their way to the Highlands they were
treacherously seized at the Torwood, by the laird of Buchanan.
Kenneth Oig resisted and was slain, and his head presented to the
king by Buchanan.
Kenneth Oig having no issue, was succeeded by his brother, John,
whose mother, Agnes Fraser, was a daughter of Lord Lovat. She had
other sons, from whom sprung numerous branches of this wide-spread
family. As he was very young, his kinsman, Hector Roy Mackenzie,
progenitor of the house of Gairloch, assumed the command of the
clan, as guardian of the young chief. “Under his rule,” says Mr
Gregory,[217] “the clan Kenzie became involved in feuds with the
Munroes and other clans; and Hector Roy himself became obnoxious
to government, as a disturber of the public peace. His intentions
towards the young Lord of Kintail were considered very dubious; and
the apprehensions of the latter and his friends having been roused,
Hector was compelled by law to yield up the estate and the command
of the tribe to the proper heir.” John, at the call of James IV.,
marched with his clan to the fatal field of Flodden, where he was
taken prisoner by the English.
On King James the Fifth’s expedition to the Isles in 1540, he was
joined at Kintail by John, chief of the Mackenzies, who accompanied
him throughout his voyage. He fought at the battle of Pinkie at the
head of his clan in 1547. On his death in 1556, he was succeeded by
his son, Kenneth, who, by a daughter of the Earl of Athole, had Colin
and Roderick, the latter ancestor of the Mackenzies of Redcastle,
Kincraig, Rosend, and other branches.
Colin, eleventh chief, son of Kenneth, fought on the side of Queen
Mary at the battle of Langside. He was twice married. By his first
wife, Barbara, a daughter of Grant of Grant, he had, with three
daughters, four sons, namely, Kenneth, his successor; Sir Roderick
Mackenzie of Tarbat, ancestor of the Earls of Cromarty; Colin,
ancestor of the Mackenzies of Kennock and Pitlundie; and Alexander,
of the Mackenzies of Kilcoy, and other families of the name. By
a second wife, Mary, eldest daughter of Roderick Mackenzie of
Davoch-maluak, he had a son, Alexander, from whom the Mackenzies of
Applecross, Coul, Delvin, Assint, and other families are sprung.
Kenneth, the eldest son, twelfth chief of the Mackenzies, soon after
succeeding his father, was engaged in supporting the claims of
Torquil Macleod, surnamed Connanach, the disinherited son of Macleod
of Lewis, whose mother was the sister of John Mackenzie of Kintail,
and whose daughter had married Roderick Mackenzie, Kenneth’s brother.
The barony of Lewis he conveyed by writings to the Mackenzie chief,
who caused the usurper thereof and some of his followers to be
beheaded in July 1597. In the following year he joined Macleod of
Harris and Macdonald of Sleat in opposing the project of James VI.
for the colonization of the Lewis, by some Lowland gentlemen, chiefly
belonging to Fife.
In 1601, Neill Macleod deserted the cause of the colonists, and
Mackenzie, who had detained in captivity for several years Tormod,
the only surviving legitimate son of Ruari Macleod of the Lewis,
set him at liberty, and sent him into that island to assist Neill
in opposing the settlers. In 1602, the feud between the Mackenzies
and the Glengarry Macdonalds, regarding their lands in Wester Ross,
was renewed with great violence. Ultimately, after much bloodshed
on both sides, an agreement was entered into, by which Glengarry
renounced in favour of Mackenzie the castle of Strone, with the lands
of Lochalsh, Lochcarron, and others, so long the subject of dispute
between them. A crown charter of these lands was granted to Kenneth
Mackenzie in 1607. The territories of the clan Kenzie at this time
were very extensive. “All the Highlands and Isles, from Ardnamurchan
to Strathnaver, were either the Mackenzies’ property, or under their
vassalage, some few excepted,” and all about them were bound to
them “by very strict bonds of friendship.” The same year, Kenneth
Mackenzie obtained, through the influence of the lord-chancellor, a
gift, under the great seal, of the Lewis to himself, in virtue of
the resignation formerly made in his favour by Torquil Macleod; but
on the complaint to the king of those of the colonists who survived,
he was forced to resign it. He was created a peer, by the title of
Lord Mackenzie of Kintail, by patent, dated 19th November 1609. On
the abandonment of the scheme for colonising the Lewis, the remaining
adventurers, Sir George Hay and Sir James Spens, were easily
prevailed upon to sell their title to Lord Kintail, who likewise
succeeded in obtaining from the king a grant of the share in the
island forfeited by Lord Balmerino, another of the grantees. Having
thus at length acquired a legal right to the Lewis, he procured from
the government a commission of fire and sword against the Islanders,
and landing there with a large force, he speedily reduced them to
obedience, with the exception of Neil Macleod and a few others,
his kinsmen and followers. The struggle for the Lewis between the
Mackenzies and the Macleods continued some time longer; an account
of it has been already given. The Mackenzies ultimately succeeded in
obtaining possession of the island.
Lord Kintail died in March 1611. He had married, first, Anne,
daughter of George Ross of Balnagowan, and had, with two daughters,
two sons, Colin, second Lord Kintail, and first Earl of Seaforth,
and the Hon. John Mackenzie of Lochslin. His second wife was Isabel,
daughter of Sir Alexander Ogilvie of Powrie, by whom, with a
daughter, Sybilla, Mrs Macleod of Macleod, he had four sons, viz.,
Alexander; George, second Earl of Seaforth; Thomas of Pluscardine;
and Simon of Lochslin, whose eldest son was the celebrated Sir George
Mackenzie of Rosehaugh, lord advocate in the reigns of Charles II.
and James VII.
[Illustration: Sir George Mackenzie of Rosehaugh. From a painting by
Sir Godfrey Kneller.]
Colin, second Lord Kintail, was created Earl of Seaforth, by patent
dated at Theobald’s, 3d December 1623, to him and his heirs male.
The great-grandson of the third Earl of Seaforth, and male heir of
the family, was Colonel Thomas Frederick Humberston Mackenzie, who
fell at Gheriah in India in 1783. His brother, Francis Humberston
Mackenzie, obtained the Seaforth estates, and was created Baron
Seaforth in the peerage of the United Kingdom in 1796. Dying without
surviving male issue, his title became extinct, and his eldest
daughter, the Hon. Mary Frederica Elizabeth, having taken for her
second husband J. A. Stewart of Glaserton, a cadet of the house of
Galloway, that gentleman assumed the name of Stewart Mackenzie of
Seaforth.
The clan Kenzie from small beginnings had increased in territory
and influence till they became, next to the Campbells, the greatest
clan in the West Highlands. They remained loyal to the Stuarts, but
the forfeiture of the Earl of Seaforth in 1715, and of the Earl of
Cromarty in 1745, weakened their power greatly. They are still,
however, one of the most numerous tribes in the Highlands. In 1745
their effective strength was calculated at 2500. No fewer than seven
families of the name possess baronetcies.
The armorial bearings of the Mackenzies are a stag’s head and horns.
It is said that they were assumed in consequence of Kenneth, the
ancestor of the family, having rescued the king of Scotland from
an infuriated stag, which he had wounded. “In gratitude for his
assistance,” says Stewart of Garth, “the king gave him a grant of the
castle and lands of Castle Donnan, and thus laid the foundation of
the family and clan Mackenneth or Mackenzie.” From the stag’s head in
their arms the term “Caberfae” was applied to the chiefs.
The progenitor of the GERLOCH or GAIRLOCH branch of the Mackenzies
was, as above shown, Hector, the elder of the two sons of Alexander,
seventh chief, by his second wife, Margaret Macdowall, daughter of
John, Lord of Lorn. He lived in the reigns of Kings James III. and
IV., and was by the Highlanders called “Eachin Roy,” or Red Hector,
from the colour of his hair. To the assistance of the former of
these monarchs, when the confederated nobles collected in arms
against him, he raised a considerable body of the clan Kenzie, and
fought at their head at the battle of Sauchieburn. After the defeat
of his party, he retreated to the north, and, taking possession of
Redcastle, put a garrison in it. Thereafter he joined the Earl of
Huntly, and from James IV. he obtained in 1494 a grant of the lands
and barony of Gerloch, or Gairloch, in Ross-shire. These lands
originally belonged to the Siol-Vic-Gilliechallum, or Macleods of
Rasay, a branch of the family of Lewis; but Hector, by means of a
mortgage or wadset, had acquired a small portion of them, and in 1508
he got Brachan, the lands of Moy, the royal forest of Glassiter, and
other lands, united to them. In process of time, his successors came
to possess the whole district, but not till after a long and bloody
feud with the Siol-Vic-Gilliechallum, which lasted till 1611, when it
was brought to a sudden close by a skirmish, in which Gilliechallum
Oig, laird of Rasay, and Murdoch Mackenzie, a younger son of the
laird of Gairloch, were slain. From that time the Mackenzies
possessed Gairloch without interruption from the Macleods.
Kenneth Mackenzie, eighth Baron of Gairloch, was created a baronet of
Nova Scotia in 1700. He married Margaret, daughter of Sir Roderick
Mackenzie of Findon, and was succeeded, in 1704, by his son, Sir
Alexander, second baronet. His eldest son, Sir Alexander, third
baronet, married--first, Margaret, eldest daughter of Roderick
Mackenzie of Redcastle, issue one son, Hector; second, Jean, only
daughter of John Gorrie, Esq., commissary of Ross, issue two sons,
John, a general officer, and Kenneth, an officer in India, and three
daughters. He died 13th April 1770.
Sir Hector Mackenzie, his eldest son, fourth baronet of the Gairloch
branch, died in April 1826. His son, Sir Francis Alexander, fifth
baronet, born in 1798, died June 2, 1843. The eldest son of Sir
Francis, Sir Kenneth Smith Mackenzie, sixth baronet, born 1832,
married in 1860 the second daughter of Walter Frederick Campbell of
Islay.
The first of the Mackenzies of TARBET and ROYSTON, in the county of
Cromarty, was Sir Roderick Mackenzie, second son of Colin Mackenzie
of Kintail, brother of the first Lord Mackenzie of Kintail. Having
married Margaret, daughter and heiress of Torquil Macleod of the
Lewes, he added the armorial bearings of the Macleods to his own. His
son, John Mackenzie of Tarbet, was created a baronet of Nova Scotia,
21st May 1628. He had four sons.
The eldest son, Sir George Mackenzie, second baronet, was the first
Earl of Cromarty. His eldest son becoming a bankrupt, his estate of
Cromarty was sold in 1741 to William Urquhart of Meldrum. He was
succeeded by his brother, Sir Kenneth, fourth baronet, at whose
death, without issue, in 1763, the baronetcy lay dormant until
revived in favour of Sir Alexander Mackenzie of Tarbet, elder
son of Robert Mackenzie, lieutenant-colonel in the East India
Company’s service, great-great-grandson of the first baronet.
Colonel Mackenzie’s father was Alexander Mackenzie of Ardlock, and
his mother the daughter of Robert Sutherland, Esq. of Langwell,
Caithness, twelfth in descent from William de Sutherland, fifth Earl
of Sutherland, and the Princess Margaret Bruce, sister and heiress of
David II. Sir Alexander, fifth baronet, was in the military service
of the East India Company. On his death, April 28, 1843, his brother,
Sir James Wemyss Mackenzie, became sixth baronet of Tarbet and
Royston. He died November 24, 1858, and was succeeded by his son, Sir
James John Randoll Mackenzie.
The first of the family of COUL, Ross-shire, was Alexander Mackenzie,
brother of Kenneth, first Lord Mackenzie of Kintail, who, before his
death, made him a present of his own sword, as a testimony of his
particular esteem and affection. His son, Kenneth Mackenzie of Coul,
was created a baronet of Nova Scotia, October 16, 1673. His eldest
son, Sir Alexander, second baronet, died in 1702. His son, Sir John
Mackenzie, third baronet, for being concerned in the rebellion of
1715, was forfeited. He died without male issue, and the attainder
not extending to collateral branches of the family, the title and
estates devolved upon his brother, Sir Colin, fourth baronet, clerk
to the pipe in the exchequer. He died in 1740.
The Mackenzies of SCATWELL, Ross-shire, who also possess a baronetcy,
are descended from Sir Roderick Mackenzie, knight, of Tarbet and
Cogeach, second son of Colin, eleventh feudal baron of Kintail,
father of Sir John Mackenzie, ancestor of the Earls of Cromarty,
and Kenneth Mackenzie of Scatwell, whose son, Kenneth, was created
a baronet of Nova Scotia, February 22, 1703. By his marriage with
Lilias, daughter and heiress of Sir Roderick Mackenzie of Findon,
that branch of the Mackenzie family merged in that of Scatwell.
Other principal families of the name are Mackenzie of ALLANGRANGE,
heir male of the Earls of Seaforth; of APPLECROSS, also a branch of
the house of Seaforth; of ORD, of GRUINARD, and of HILTON, all in
Ross-shire.
MATHIESON.
The name MATHIESON, or Clan _Mhathain_, is said to come from the
Gaelic _Mathaineach_, heroes, or rather, from Mathan, pronounced
Mahan, a bear. The MacMathans were settled in Lochalsh, a district
of Wester Ross, from an early period. They are derived by ancient
genealogies from the same stock as the Earls of Ross and are
represented by the MS. of 1450 as a branch of the Mackenzies.
Kenneth MacMathan, who was constable of the castle of Ellandonan, is
mentioned both in the Norse account of the expedition of the king
of Norway against Scotland in 1263, and in the Chamberlain’s Rolls
for that year, in connection with that expedition. He is said to
have married a sister of the Earl of Ross. The chief of the clan was
engaged in the rebellion of Donald, Lord of the Isles, in 1411, and
was one of the chiefs arrested at Inverness by James I., in 1427,
when he is said to have been able to muster 2000 men. The possessions
of the Mathiesons, at one time very extensive, were greatly reduced,
in the course of the 16th century, by feuds with their turbulent
neighbours, the Macdonalds of Glengarry.
Of this clan Mr Skene says,--“Of the history of this clan we know
nothing whatever. Although they are now extinct, they must at one
time have been one of the most powerful clans in the north, for among
the Highland chiefs seized by James I. at the parliament held at
Inverness in 1427, Bower mentions Macmaken leader of two thousand
men, and this circumstance affords a most striking instance of the
rise and fall of different families; for, while the Mathison appears
at that early period as the leader of two thousand men, the Mackenzie
has the same number only, and we now see the clan of Mackenzie
extending their numberless branches over a great part of the North,
and possessing an extent of territory of which few families can
exhibit a parallel, while the one powerful clan of the Mathisons has
disappeared, and their name become nearly forgotten.”
SIOL ALPINE.
Under the general denomination of Siol Alpine are included several
clans situated at considerable distances from one another, but all
of them supposed to have been descended from Kenneth Macalpine, the
founder of the Scottish monarchy, and the ancestor of a long line of
Scottish kings. The validity of this lofty pretension has, however,
been disputed; and, in point of fact, it appears that the clans,
composing the Siol Alpine, were never united under the authority
of a common chief, but, on the contrary, were, from the earliest
period, at variance amongst themselves; in consequence of which they
sunk into insignificance, and became of little account or importance
in a general estimate of the Highland tribes. The principal clan
appears to have been that of the Macgregors, a race famous for their
misfortunes as well as the unbroken spirit with which they maintained
themselves linked and banded together in spite of the most severe
laws executed with the greatest rigour against all who bore this
proscribed name.
MACGREGOR.
THE MACGREGORS are generally esteemed one of the purest of all the
Celtic tribes, and there seems to be no doubt of their unmixed and
direct descent from the ancient Celtic inhabitants of Scotland.
They were once numerous in Balquhidder and Menteith, and also in
Glenorchy, which appears to have been their original seat. An air of
romance has been thrown around this particular clan from the exploits
and adventures of the celebrated Rob Roy, and the cruel sufferings
and proscriptions to which they were, at different times, subjected
by the government.
MACGREGOR.
[Illustration: BADGE--Pine.]
Claiming a regal origin, their motto anciently was, “My race is
royal.” Griogar, said to have been the third son of Alpin, king of
Scotland, who commenced his reign in 833, is mentioned as their
remote ancestor, but it is impossible to trace their descent from any
such personage, or from his eldest brother, Kenneth Macalpine, from
whom they also claim to be sprung.
According to Buchanan of Auchmar, the clan Gregor were located in
Glenorchy as early as the reign of Malcolm Canmore (1057-1093).
As, however, they were in the reign of Alexander II. (1214-1249)
vassals of the Earl of Ross, Skene thinks it probable that Glenorchy
was given to them, when that monarch conferred a large extent of
territory on that potent noble. Hugh of Glenorchy appears to have
been the first of their chiefs who was so styled. Malcolm, the chief
of the clan in the days of Bruce, fought bravely on the national side
at the battle of Bannockburn. He accompanied Edward Bruce to Ireland,
and being severely wounded at Dundalk, he was ever afterwards known
as “the lame lord.”
[Illustration: MACGREGOR. (Tartan)]
In the reign of David II., the Campbells managed to procure a legal
title to the lands of Glenorchy; nevertheless, the Macgregors
maintained, for a long time, the actual possession of them by the
strong hand. They knew no other right than that of the sword, but,
ultimately, that was found unavailing, and, at last, expelled from
their own territory, they became an outlawed, lawless, and landless
clan.
John Macgregor of Glenorchy, who died in 1390, is said to have had
three sons: Patrick, his successor; John Dow, ancestor of the family
of Glenstrae, who became the chief of the clan; and Gregor, ancestor
of the Macgregors of Roro. Patrick’s son, Malcolm, was compelled by
the Campbells to sell the lands of Auchinrevach in Strathfillan,
to Campbell of Glenorchy, who thus obtained the first footing in
Breadalbane, which afterwards gave the title of earl to his family.
The principal families of the Macgregors, in process of time, except
that of Glenstrae, who held that estate as vassals of the Earl of
Argyll, found themselves reduced to the position of tenants on
the lands of Campbell of Glenorchy and other powerful barons. It
being the policy of the latter to get rid of them altogether, the
unfortunate clan were driven, by a continuous system of oppression
and annoyance, to acts of rapine and violence, which brought upon
them the vengeance of the government. The clan had no other means of
subsistence than the plunder of their neighbours’ property, and as
they naturally directed their attacks chiefly against those who had
wrested from them their own lands, it became still more the interest
of their oppressors to represent to the king that nothing could put
a stop to their lawless conduct, “save the cutting off the tribe
of Macgregor root and branch.” In 1488, soon after the youthful
James IV. had ascended the throne which the murder of his father
had rendered vacant, an act was passed “for staunching of thiftreif
and other enormities throw all the realme;” evidently designed
against the Macgregors, for among the barons to whom power was given
for enforcing it, were Duncan Campbell of Glenorchy, Neil Stewart
of Fortingall, and Ewin Campbell of Strachur. At this time the
Macgregors were still a numerous clan. Besides those in Glenorchy,
they were settled in great numbers in the districts of Breadalbane
and Athol, and they all acknowledged Macgregor of Glenstrae, who bore
the title of captain of the clan, as their chief.
With the view of reducing these branches, Sir Duncan Campbell of
Glenorchy obtained, in 1492, the office of bailiary of the crown
lands of Disher and Toyer, Glenlyon, and Glendochart, and in 1502 he
procured a charter of the lands of Glenlyon. “From this period,” says
Mr Skene, “the history of the Macgregors consists of a mere list of
acts of privy council, by which commissions are granted to pursue the
clan with fire and sword, and of various atrocities which a state
of desperation, the natural result of these measures, as well as a
deep spirit of vengeance, against both the framers and executors
of them, frequently led the clan to committ. These actions led to
the enactment of still severer laws, and at length to the complete
proscription of the clan.”
But still the Macgregors were not subdued. Taking refuge in their
mountain fastnesses, they set at defiance all the efforts made by
their enemies for their entire extermination, and inflicted upon
some of them a terrible vengeance. In 1589 they seized and murdered
John Drummond of Drummond Ernoch, a forester of the royal forest
of Glenartney, an act which forms the foundation of the incident
detailed in Sir Walter Scott’s “Legend of Montrose.” The clan swore
upon the head of the victim that they would avow and defend the deed
in common. An outrage like this led at once to the most rigorous
proceedings on the part of the crown. Fresh letters of fire and
sword for three years were issued against the whole clan, and all
persons were interdicted from harbouring or having any communication
with them. Then followed the conflict at Glenfruin in 1603, when the
Macgregors, under Alexander Macgregor of Glenstrae, their chief,
defeated the Colquhouns, under the laird of Luss, and 140 of the
latter were killed. Details of this celebrated clan battle have been
already given in the former part of this work, and more will be found
under the Colquhouns. Dugald Ciar Mohr, ancestor of Rob Roy, is said
on this occasion to have exhibited extraordinary ferocity and courage.
In relation to the betrayal and melancholy end of the unfortunate
chief, Alexander, Macgregor of Glenstrae, there is the following
entry in the MS. diary of Robert Birrell: “The 2 of October (1603,)
Allester M’Gregour Glainstretane be the laird of Arkynles, bot
escapit againe; bot efter, taken be the Earle of Argyill the 4 of
Januar; and brocht to Edinburghe the 9 of Januar 1604, with mae of 18
his friendis, M’Gregouris. He wes convoyit to Berwick be the gaird,
conforme to the earlis promese; for he promesit to put him out of
Scottis grund. Swa he keipit ane Hieland-manis promes; in respect he
sent the gaird to convoy him out of Scottis grund: Bot thai wer not
directit to pairt with him back agane! The 18 of Januar, at evine, he
come agane to Edinburghe; and vpone the 20 day, he was hangit at the
croce, and ij (eleven) of his freindis and name, upone ane gallous:
Himselff, being chieff, he was hangit his awin hicht above the rest
of his friendis.” That Argyll had an interest in his death appears
from a declaration, printed in Pitcairn’s _Criminal Trials_,[218]
which the chief made before his execution, wherein he says that the
earl had enticed him to commit several slaughters and disorders, and
had endeavoured to prevail upon him to commit “sundrie mair.”
Among other severe measures passed against this doomed clan was
one which deprived them of their very name. By an act of the privy
council, dated 3d April 1603, all of the name of Macgregor were
compelled, on pain of death, to adopt another surname, and all who
had been engaged at the battle of Glenfruin, and other marauding
expeditions detailed in the act, were prohibited, also under the
pain of death, from carrying any weapon but a knife without a point
to cut their victuals. They were also forbidden, under the same
penalty of death, to meet in greater numbers than four at a time.
The Earls of Argyll and Athole were charged with the execution of
these enactments, and it has been shown how the former carried out
the task assigned to him. With regard to the ill-fated chief so
treacherously “done to death” by him, the following interesting
tradition is related:--His son, while out hunting one day, met the
young laird of Lamond travelling with a servant from Cowal towards
Inverlochy. They dined together at a house on the Blackmount, between
Tyndrum and King’s House; but having unfortunately quarrelled during
the evening, dirks were drawn, and the young Macgregor was killed.
Lamond instantly fled, and was closely pursued by some of the clan
Gregor. Outstripping his foes, he reached the house of the chief of
Glenstrae, whom he besought earnestly, without stating his crime,
to afford him protection. “You are safe with me,” said the chief,
“whatever you may have done.” On the pursuers arriving, they informed
the unfortunate father of what had occurred, and demanded the
murderer; but Macgregor refused to deliver him up, as he had passed
his word to protect him. “Let none of you dare to injure the man,”
he exclaimed; “Macgregor has promised him safety, and, as I live,
he shall be safe while with me.” He afterwards, with a party of his
clan, escorted the youth home; and, on bidding him farewell, said,
“Lamond, you are now safe on your own land. I cannot, and I will not
protect you farther! Keep away from my people; and may God forgive
you for what you have done!” Shortly afterwards the name of Macgregor
was proscribed, and the chief of Glenstrae became a wanderer without
a name or a home. But the laird of Lamond, remembering that he owed
his life to him, hastened to protect the old chief and his family,
and not only received the fugitives into his house, but shielded them
for a time from their enemies.
Logan states, that on the death of Alexander, the executed chief,
without surviving lawful issue, the clan, then in a state of
disorder, elected a chief, but the head of the collateral branch,
deeming Gregor, the natural son of the late chief, better entitled
to the honour, without ceremony dragged the chief-elect from his
inaugural chair in the kirk of Strathfillan, and placed Gregor
therein, in his stead.
The favourite names assumed by the clan while compelled to relinquish
their own, were Campbell, Graham, Stewart, and Drummond. Their unity
as a clan remained unbroken, and they even seemed to increase in
numbers, notwithstanding all the oppressive proceedings directed
against them. These did not cease with the reign of James VI., for
under Charles I. all the enactments against them were renewed, and
yet in 1644, when the Marquis of Montrose set up the king’s standard
in the Highlands, the clan Gregor, to the number of 1000 fighting
men, joined him, under the command of Patrick Macgregor of Glenstrae,
their chief. In reward for their loyalty, at the Restoration the
various statutes against them were annulled, when the clan men were
enabled to resume their own name. In the reign of William III.,
however, the penal enactments against them were renewed in their full
force. The clan were again proscribed, and compelled once more to
take other names.
[Illustration: Rob Roy. From an original painting in the possession
of Herbert Buchanan, Esq., of Arden.]
According to Buchanan of Auchmar, the direct male line of the
chiefs became extinct in the reign of the latter monarch, and the
representation fell, by “a formal renunciation of the chiefship,”
into the branch of Glengyle. Of this branch was the celebrated ROB
ROY, that is, Red Rob, who assumed the name of Campbell under the
proscriptive act.
As we promised in the former part of the work, we shall here give
some account of this celebrated robber-chief. Born about 1660, he was
the younger son of Donald Macgregor of Glengyle, a lieutenant-colonel
in the service of King James VII., by his wife, the daughter of
William Campbell of Glenfalloch, the third son of Sir Robert Campbell
of Glenorchy. Rob Roy himself married Helen-Mary, the daughter of
Macgregor of Cromar. His own designation was that of Inversnaid, but
he seems to have acquired a right to the property of Craig Royston, a
domain of rock and forest lying on the east side of Loch Lomond. He
became tutor to his nephew, the head of the Glengyle branch, then in
his minority, who claimed the chiefship of the clan.
Like many other Highland gentlemen, Rob Roy was a trader in cattle
or master drover, and in this capacity he had borrowed several
sums of money from the Duke of Montrose, but becoming insolvent,
he absconded. In June 1712 an advertisement appeared for his
apprehension, and he was involved in prosecutions which nearly
ruined him. Some messengers of the law who visited his house in his
absence are said to have abused his wife in a most shameful manner,
and she, being a high-spirited woman, incited her husband to acts
of vengeance. At the same time, she gave vent to her feelings in a
fine piece of pipe music, still well known by the name of “Rob Roy’s
Lament.” As the duke had contrived to get possession of Rob’s lands
of Craig Royston, he was driven to become the “bold outlaw” which he
is represented in song and story.
“Determined,” says General Stewart of Garth, “that his grace should
not enjoy his lands with impunity, he collected a band of about
twenty followers, declared open war against him, and gave up his old
course of regular droving, declaring that the estate of Montrose
should in future supply him with cattle, and that he would make the
duke rue the day he quarrelled with him. He kept his word; and for
nearly thirty years--that is, till the day of his death--regularly
levied contributions on the duke and his tenants, not by nightly
depredations, but in broad day, and in a systematic manner; on
an appointed time making a complete sweep of all the cattle of a
district--always passing over those not belonging to the duke’s
estates, or the estates of his friends and adherents; and having
previously given notice where he was to be on a certain day with his
cattle, he was met there by people from all parts of the country,
to whom he sold them publicly. These meetings, or trysts, as they
were called, were held in different parts of the country; sometimes
the cattle were driven south, but oftener to the north and west,
where the influence of his friend the Duke of Argyll protected him.
When the cattle were in this manner driven away, the tenants paid no
rent, so that the duke was the ultimate sufferer. But he was made to
suffer in every way. The rents of the lower farms were partly paid
in grain and meal, which was generally lodged in a store-house or
granary, called a _girnal_, near the Loch of Monteath. When Macgregor
wanted a supply of meal, he sent notice to a certain number of the
duke’s tenants to meet him at the girnal on a certain day, with
their horses to carry home his meal. They met accordingly, when he
ordered the horses to be loaded, and, giving a regular receipt to
his grace’s storekeeper for the quantity taken, he marched away,
always entertaining the people very handsomely, and careful never to
take the meal till it had been lodged in the duke’s store-house in
payment of rent. When the money rents were paid, Macgregor frequently
attended. On one occasion, when Mr Graham of Killearn, the factor,
had collected the tenants to pay their rents, all Rob Roy’s men
happened to be absent, except Alexander Stewart, called ‘the bailie.’
With this single attendant he descended to Chapel Errock, where the
factor and the tenants were assembled. He reached the house after
it was dark, and, looking in at a window, saw Killearn, surrounded
by a number of the tenants, with a bag full of money which he had
received, and was in the act of depositing it in a press or cupboard,
at the same time saying that he would cheerfully give all that he
had in the bag for Rob Roy’s head. This notification was not lost
on the outside visitor, who instantly gave orders in a loud voice
to place two men at each window, two at each corner, and four at
each of two doors, thus appearing to have twenty men. Immediately
the door opened, and he walked in with his attendant close behind,
each armed with a sword in his right hand and a pistol in his left
hand, and with dirks and pistols slung in their belts. The company
started up, but he desired them to sit down, as his business was only
with Killearn, whom he ordered to hand down the bag and put it on
the table. When this was done, he desired the money to be counted,
and proper receipts to be drawn out, certifying that he received the
money from the Duke of Montrose’s agent, as the duke’s property, the
tenants having paid their rents, so that no after demand could be
made on them on account of this transaction; and finding that some of
the people had not obtained receipts, he desired the factor to grant
them immediately, ‘to show his grace,’ said he, ‘that it is from him
I take the money, and not from these honest men who have paid him.’
After the whole was concluded, he ordered supper, saying that, as he
had got the purse, it was proper he should pay the bill; and after
they had drunk heartily together for several hours, he called his
bailie to produce his dirk, and lay it naked on the table. Killearn
was then sworn that he would not move, nor direct any one else to
move, from that spot for an hour after the departure of Macgregor,
who thus cautioned him--‘If you break your oath, you know what you
are to expect in the next world, and in this,’ pointing to his dirk.
He then walked away, and was beyond pursuit before the hour expired.”
At the breaking out of the rebellion of 1715, in spite of the
obligations which he owed to the indirect protection of the Duke of
Argyll, Rob Roy’s Jacobite partialities induced him to join the rebel
forces under the Earl of Mar.
On this occasion none of the Clan Gregor, except the sept of Ciar
Mohr, to which Rob Roy belonged, took up arms for the Chevalier,
though they were joined by connexions of the family, and among
others by Leckie of Croy-Leckie, a large landed proprietor in
Dumbartonshire, who had married a daughter of Donald M’Gregor, by his
wife the daughter of Campbell of Glenfalloch, and who was thus the
brother-in-law of Rob Roy. “They were not,” says Sir Walter Scott,
“commanded by Rob Roy, but by his nephew already mentioned, Gregor
Macgregor, otherwise called James Grahame of Glengyle, and still
better remembered by the Gaelic epithet of _Ghlune Dhu_, _i.e._ Black
Knee, from a black spot on one of his knees, which his Highland garb
rendered visible. There can be no question, however, that being then
very young, Glengyle must have acted on most occasions by the advice
and direction of so experienced a leader as his uncle. The Macgregors
assembled in numbers at that period, and began even to threaten the
lowlands towards the lower extremity of Loch Lomond. They suddenly
seized all the boats which were upon the lake, and, probably with
a view to some enterprise of their own, drew them overland to
Inversnaid, in order to intercept the progress of a large body of
west country whigs who were in arms for the government, and moving in
that direction. The whigs made an excursion for the recovery of the
boats. Their forces consisted of volunteers from Paisley, Kilpatrick,
and elsewhere, who, with the assistance of a body of seamen, were
towed up the river Leven in long boats belonging to the ships of war
then lying in the Clyde. At Luss, they were joined by the forces of
Sir Humphrey Colquhoun, and James Grant, his son-in-law, with their
followers, attired in the Highland dress of the period, which is
picturesquely described. The whole party crossed to Craig Royston,
but the Macgregors did not offer combat. If we were to believe the
account of the expedition given by the historian Rae, they leaped
on shore at Craig Royston with the utmost intrepidity, no enemy
appearing to oppose them, and by the noise of their drums, which they
beat incessantly, and the discharge of their artillery and small
arms, terrified the Macgregors, whom they appear never to have seen,
out of their fastnesses, and caused them to fly in a panic to the
general camp of the Highlanders at Strathfillan. The low-countrymen
succeeded in getting possession of the boats, at a great expenditure
of noise and courage, and little risk of danger.
“After this temporary removal from his old haunts, Rob Roy was sent
by the Earl of Mar to Aberdeen, to raise, it is believed, a part
of the clan Gregor, which is settled in that country. These men
were of his own family (the race of the Ciar Mohr). They were the
descendants of about three hundred Macgregors whom the Earl of Moray,
about the year 1624, transported from his estates in Monteith to
oppose against his enemies the Mackintoshes, a race as hardy and
restless as they were themselves. We have already stated that Rob
Roy’s conduct during the insurrection of 1715 was very equivocal.
His person and followers were in the Highland army, but his heart
seems to have been with the Duke of Argyll’s. Yet the insurgents were
constrained to trust to him as their only guide, when they marched
from Perth towards Dunblane, with the view of crossing the Forth at
what are called the Fords of Frew, and when they themselves said he
could not be relied upon.
“This movement to the westward, on the part of the insurgents,
brought on the battle of Sheriffmuir; indecisive, indeed, in its
immediate results, but of which the Duke of Argyll reaped the whole
advantage.” We have already given an account of Rob Roy’s vacillating
behaviour at this battle. “One of the Macphersons, named Alexander,
one of Rob’s original profession, _videlicet_ a drover, but a man
of great strength and spirit, was so incensed at the inactivity of
his temporary leader, that he threw off his plaid, drew his sword,
and called out to his clansmen, ‘Let us endure this no longer! if he
will not lead you, I will.’ Rob Roy replied, with great coolness,
‘Were the question about driving Highland stots or kyloes, Sandie, I
would yield to your superior skill; but as it respects the leading
of men, I must be allowed to be the better judge.’ ‘Did the matter
respect driving Glen-Eigas stots,’ answered Macpherson, ‘the question
with Rob would not be, which was to be last, but which was to be
foremost.’ Incensed at this sarcasm, Macgregor drew his sword, and
they would have fought upon the spot if their friends on both sides
had not interfered.
“Notwithstanding the sort of neutrality which Rob Roy had continued
to observe during the progress of the rebellion, he did not escape
some of its penalties. He was included in the act of attainder,
and the house in Breadalbane, which was his place of retreat, was
burned by General Lord Cadogan, when, after the conclusion of the
insurrection, he marched through the Highlands to disarm and punish
the offending clans. But upon going to Inverary with about forty or
fifty of his followers, Rob obtained favour, by an apparent surrender
of their arms to Colonel Patrick Campbell of Finnah, who furnished
them and their leader with protections under his hand. Being thus in
a great measure secured from the resentment of government, Rob Roy
established his residence at Craig Royston, near Loch Lomond, in the
midst of his own kinsmen, and lost no time in resuming his private
quarrel with the Duke of Montrose. For this purpose, he soon got on
foot as many men, and well armed too, as he had yet commanded. He
never stirred without a body guard of ten or twelve picked followers,
and without much effort could increase them to fifty or sixty.”[219]
For some years he continued to levy blackmail from those whose
cattle and estates he protected, and although an English garrison
was stationed at Inversnaid, near Aberfoyle, his activity, address,
and courage continually saved him from falling into their hands.
The year of his death is uncertain, but it is supposed to have been
after 1738. He died at an advanced age in his bed, in his own house
at Balquhidder. When he found death approaching, “he expressed,”
says Sir Walter Scott, “some contrition for particular parts of his
life. His wife laughed at these scruples of conscience, and exhorted
him to die like a man, as he had lived. In reply, he rebuked her for
her violent passions, and the counsels she had given him. ‘You have
put strife,’ he said, ‘between me and the best men of the country,
and now you would place enmity between me and my God.’ There is a
tradition noway inconsistent with the former, if the character of Rob
Roy be justly considered, that, while on his deathbed, he learned
that a person with whom he was at enmity, proposed to visit him.
‘Raise me from my bed,’ said the invalid, ‘throw my plaid around
me, and bring me my claymore, dirk, and pistols; it shall never be
said that a foeman saw Rob Roy Macgregor defenceless and unarmed.’
His foeman, conjectured to be one of the Maclarens, entered and
paid his compliments, inquiring after the health of his formidable
neighbour. Rob Roy maintained a cold haughty civility during their
short conference, and as soon as he had left the house, ‘Now,’ he
said, ‘all is over; let the piper play _Ha til mi tulidh_’ (we
return no more), and he is said to have expired before the dirge was
finished.” The grave of Macgregor, in the churchyard of Balquhidder,
is distinguished by a rude tombstone, over which a sword is carved.
Rob Roy had five sons--Coll, Ranald, James (called James Roy, after
his father, and James Mohr, or big James, from his height), Duncan,
and Robert, called Robin Oig, or Young Robin.
On the breaking out of the rebellion of 1745, the clan Gregor adhered
to the cause of the Pretender. A Macgregor regiment, 300 strong,
was raised by Robert Macgregor of Glencairnock, who was generally
considered chief of the clan, which joined the prince’s army. The
branch of _Ciar Mohr_, however, regarded William Macgregor Drummond
of Bohaldie, then in France, as their head, and a separate corps
formed by them, commanded by Glengyle, and James Roy Macgregor,
united themselves to the levies of the titular Duke of Perth, James
assuming the name of Drummond, the duke’s family name, instead of
that of Campbell. This corps was the relics of Rob Roy’s band, and
with only twelve men of it, James Roy, who seems to have held the
rank of captain or major, succeeded in surprising and burning, for
the second time, the fort at Inversnaid, constructed for the express
purpose of keeping the country of the Macgregors in order.
At the battle of Prestonpans, the Duke of Perth’s men and the
Macgregors composed the centre. Armed only with scythes, this party
cut off the legs of the horses, and severed, it is said, the bodies
of their riders in twain. Captain James Roy, at the commencement
of the battle, received five wounds, but recovered from them, and
rejoined the prince’s army with six companies. He was present at the
battle of Culloden, and after that defeat the clan Gregor returned
in a body to their own country, when they dispersed. James Roy was
attainted for high treason, but from some letters of his, published
in _Blackwood’s Magazine_ for December 1817, it appears that he had
entered into some communication with the government, as he mentions
having obtained a pass from the Lord Justice-clerk in 1747, which was
a sufficient protection to him from the military.
On James Roy’s arrival in France, he seems to have been in very poor
circumstances, as he addressed a letter to Mr Edgar, secretary to
the Chevalier de St George, dated Boulogne-sur-Mer, May 22, 1753,
craving assistance “for the support of a man who has always shown
the strongest attachment to his majesty’s person and cause.” To
relieve his necessities, James ordered his banker at Paris to pay
Macgregor 300 livres. James Roy, availing himself of a permission he
had received to return to Britain, made a journey to London, and had
an interview, according to his own statement, with Lord Holderness,
secretary of state. The latter and the under secretary offered him,
he says, a situation in the government service, which he rejected,
as he avers his acceptance of it would have been a disgrace to his
birth, and would have rendered him a scourge to his country. On this
he was ordered instantly to quit England. On his return to France,
an information was lodged against him by Macdonnell of Lochgarry,
before the high bailie of Dunkirk, accusing him of being a spy.
In consequence, he was obliged to quit that town and proceed to
Paris, with only thirteen livres in his pocket. In his last letter
to his acknowledged chief, Macgregor of Bobaldie, dated Paris, 25th
September 1754, he describes himself as being in a state of extreme
destitution, and expresses his anxiety to obtain some employment as a
breaker and breeder of horses, or as a hunter or fowler, “till better
cast up.” In a postscript he asks his chief to lend him his bagpipes,
“to play some melancholy tunes.” He died about a week after writing
this letter, it is supposed of absolute starvation.
It was not till 1784 that the oppressive acts against the Macgregors,
which, however, for several years had fallen into desuetude, were
rescinded by the British parliament, when they were allowed to resume
their own name, and were restored to all the rights and privileges
of British citizens. A deed was immediately entered into, subscribed
by 826 persons of the name of Macgregor, recognising John Murray
of Lanrick, representative of the family of Glencarnock, as their
chief, Murray being the name assumed, under the Proscriptive act, by
John Macgregor, who was chief in 1715. Although he secretly favoured
the rebellion of that year, the latter took no active part in it;
but Robert, the next chief, mortgaged his estate, to support the
cause of the Stuarts, and he commanded that portion of the clan who
acknowledged him as their head in the rebellion of 1745. Altogether,
with the Ciar Mohr branch, the Macgregors could then muster 700
fighting men. To induce Glencarnock’s followers to lay down their
arms, the Duke of Cumberland authorised Mr Gordon, at that time
minister of Alva, in Strathspey, to treat with them, offering them
the restoration of their name, and other favours, but the chief
replied that they could not desert the cause. They chose rather to
risk all, and die with the characters of honest men, than live in
infamy, and disgrace their posterity.
After the battle of Culloden, the chief was long confined in
Edinburgh castle, and on his death in 1758, he was succeeded by his
brother Evan, who held a commission in the 41st regiment, and served
with distinction in Germany. His son, John Murray of Lanrick, was the
chief acknowledged by the clan, on the restoration of their rights
in 1784. He was a general in the East India Company’s service, and
auditor-general in Bengal. Created a baronet of Great Britain 23d
July 1795, he resumed in 1822 the original surname of the family,
Macgregor, by royal license. He died the same year. The chiefship,
however, was disputed by the Glengyle family, to which Rob Roy
belonged.
Sir John Murray Macgregor’s only son, Sir Evan John Macgregor, second
baronet, was born in January 1785. He was a major-general in the
army, K.C.B., and G.C.H., and governor-general of the Windward Isles.
He died at his seat of government, 14th June 1841. By his wife, Lady
Elizabeth Murray, daughter of John, fourth Duke of Athole, he had
five sons and four daughters.
His eldest son, Sir John Athole Bannatyne Macgregor, third baronet,
born 20th January 1810, was lieutenant-governor of the Virgin
Islands, and died at Tortola, his seat of government, 11th May 1851.
He had four sons and two daughters. The eldest son, Sir Malcolm
Murray Macgregor, fourth baronet, was born 29th August 1834, and
styled of Macgregor, county Perth.
GRANT.
[Illustration: BADGE--Pine (or, according to some, Cranberry Heath).]
With regard to the clan GRANT, Mr Skene says,--“Nothing certain is
known regarding the origin of the Grants. They have been said to
be of Danish, English, French, Norman, and of Gaelic extraction;
but each of these suppositions depends for support upon conjecture
alone, and amidst so many conflicting opinions it is difficult to fix
upon the most probable. It is maintained by the supporters of their
Gaelic origin, that they are a branch of the Macgregors, and in this
opinion they are certainly borne out by the ancient and unvarying
tradition of the country; for their Norman origin, I have upon
examination entirely failed in discovering any further reason than
that their name may be derived from the French, grand or great, and
that they occasionally use the Norman form of de Grant. The latter
reason, however, is not of any force, for it is impossible to trace
an instance of their using the form de Grant until the 15th century;
on the contrary, the form is invariably Grant or le Grant, and on
the very first appearance of the family it is ‘dictus Grant.’ It is
certainly not a territorial name, for there was no ancient property
of that name, and the peculiar form under which it invariably appears
in the earlier generations, proves that the name is derived from a
personal epithet. It so happens, however, that there was no epithet
so common among the Gael as that of Grant, as a perusal of the Irish
annals will evince; and at the same time Ragman’s Roll shows that
the Highland epithets always appear among the Norman signatures with
the Norman ‘le’ prefixed to them. The clan themselves unanimously
assert their descent from Gregor Mor Macgregor, who lived in the 12th
century; and this is supported by their using to this day the same
badge of distinction. So strong is this belief in both the clans
of Grant and Macgregor, that in the early part of the last century
a meeting of the two was held in the Blair of Athole, to consider
the policy of re-uniting them. Upon this point all agreed, and also
that the common surname should be Macgregor, if the reversal of
the attainder of that name could be got from government. If that
could not be obtained it was agreed that either MacAlpine or Grant
should be substituted. This assembly of the clan Alpine lasted for
fourteen days, and was only rendered abortive by disputes as to
the chieftainship of the combined clan. Here then is as strong an
attestation of a tradition as it is possible to conceive, and when to
this is added the utter absence of the name in the old Norman rolls,
the only trustworthy mark of a Norman descent, we are warranted in
placing the Grants among the Siol Alpine.”
[Illustration: GRANT. (Tartan)]
With Mr Smibert we are inclined to think that, come the clan
designation whence it may, the great body of the Grants were Gael of
the stock of Alpine, which, as he truly says, is after all the main
point to be considered.[220]
The first of the name on record in Scotland is Gregory de Grant, who,
in the reign of Alexander II. (1214 to 1249), was sheriff of the
shire of Inverness, which then, and till 1583, comprehended Ross,
Sutherland, and Caithness, besides what is now Inverness-shire. By
his marriage with Mary, daughter of Sir John Bisset of Lovat, he
became possessed of the lands of Stratherrick, at that period a part
of the province of Moray, and had two sons, namely, Sir Lawrence, his
heir, and Robert, who appears to have succeeded his father as sheriff
of Inverness.
The elder son, Sir Lawrence de Grant, with his brother Robert,
witnessed an agreement, dated 9th Sept. 1258, between Archibald,
bishop of Moray, and John Bisset of Lovat; Sir Lawrence is
particularly mentioned as the friend and kinsman of the latter.
Chalmers[221] states that he married Bigla, the heiress of Comyn of
Glenchernach, and obtained his father-in-law’s estates in Strathspey,
and a connection with the most potent family in Scotland. Douglas,
however, in his _Baronage_,[222] says that she was the wife of
his elder son, John. He had two sons, Sir John and Rudolph. They
supported the interest of Bruce against Baliol, and were taken
prisoners in 1296, at the battle of Dunbar. After Baliol’s surrender
of his crown and kingdom to Edward, the English monarch, with his
victorious army, marched north as far as Elgin. On his return to
Berwick he received the submission of many of the Scottish barons,
whose names were written upon four large rolls of parchment, so
frequently referred to as the Ragman Roll. Most of them were
dismissed on their swearing allegiance to him, among whom was Rudolph
de Grant, but his brother, John de Grant, was carried to London. He
was released the following year, on condition of serving King Edward
in France, John Comyn of Badenoch being his surety on the occasion.
Robert de Grant, who also swore fealty to Edward I. in 1296, is
supposed to have been his uncle.
At the accession of Robert the Bruce in 1306, the Grants do not
seem to have been very numerous in Scotland; but as the people of
Strathspey, which from that period was known as “the country of the
Grants,” came to form a clan, with their name, they soon acquired the
position and power of Highland chiefs.
Sir John had three sons--Sir John, who succeeded him; Sir Allan,
progenitor of the clan Allan, a tribe of the Grants, of whom the
Grants of Auchernick are the head; and Thomas, ancestor of some
families of the name. Sir John’s grandson, John de Grant, had a son;
and a daughter, Agnes, married to Sir Richard Comyn, ancestor of the
Cummings of Altyre. The son, Sir Robert de Grant, in 1385, when the
king of France, then at war with Richard II., remitted to Scotland
a subsidy of 40,000 French crowns, to induce the Scots to invade
England, was one of the principal barons, about twenty in all, among
whom the money was divided. He died in the succeeding reign.
At this point there is some confusion in the pedigree of the Grants.
The family papers state that the male line was continued by the son
of Sir Robert, named Malcolm, who soon after his father’s death
began to make a figure as chief of the clan. On the other hand, some
writers maintain that Sir Robert had no son, but a daughter, Maud
or Matilda, heiress of the estate, and lineal representative of the
family of Grant, who about the year 1400 married Andrew Stewart, son
of Sir John Stewart, commonly called the Black Stewart, sheriff of
Bute, and son of King Robert II., and that this Andrew sunk the royal
name, and assumed instead the name and arms of Grant. This marriage,
however, though supported by the tradition of the country, is not
acknowledged by the family or the clan, and the very existence of
such an heiress is denied.
Malcolm de Grant, above mentioned, had a son, Duncan de Grant, the
first designed of Freuchie, the family title for several generations.
By his wife, Muriel, a daughter of Mackintosh of Mackintosh, captain
of the clan Chattan, he had, with a daughter, two sons, John and
Patrick. The latter, by his elder son, John, was ancestor of the
Grants of Ballindalloch, county of Elgin, of whom afterwards, and of
those of Tomnavoulen, Tulloch, &c.; and by his younger son, Patrick,
of the Grants of Dunlugas in Banffshire.
Duncan’s elder son, John Grant of Freuchie, by his wife, Margaret,
daughter of Sir James Ogilvie of Deskford, ancestor of the Earls of
Findlater, had, with a daughter, married to her cousin, Hector, son
of the chief of Mackintosh, three sons--John, his heir; Peter or
Patrick, said to be the ancestor of the tribe of Phadrig, or house
of Tullochgorum; and Duncan, progenitor of the tribe called clan
Donachie, or house of Gartenbeg. By the daughter of Baron Stewart
of Kincardine, he had another son, also named John, ancestor of the
Grants of Glenmoriston.
His eldest son, John, the tenth laird, called, from his poetical
talents, the Bard, succeeded in 1508. He obtained four charters under
the great seal, all dated 3d December 1509, of various lands, among
which were Urquhart and Glenmoriston in Inverness-shire. He had three
sons; John, the second son, was ancestor of the Grants of Shogglie,
and of those of Corrimony in Urquhart.
The younger son, Patrick, was the progenitor of the Grants of Bonhard
in Perthshire. John the Bard died in 1525.
His eldest son, James Grant of Freuchie, called, from his daring
character, _Shemas nan Creach_, or James the Bold, was much employed,
during the reign of King James V., in quelling insurrections in the
northern counties. His lands in Urquhart were, in November 1513,
plundered and laid waste by the adherents of the Lord of the Isles,
and again in 1544 by the Clanranald, when his castle of Urquhart was
taken possession of. This chief of the Grants was in such high favour
with King James V. that he obtained from that monarch a charter,
dated 1535, exempting him from the jurisdiction of all the courts
of judicature, except the court of session, then newly instituted.
He died in 1553. He had, with two daughters, two sons, John and
Archibald; the latter the ancestor of the Grants of Cullen, Monymusk,
&c.
His eldest son, John, usually called _Evan Baold_, or the Gentle,
was a strenuous promoter of the Reformation, and was a member
of that parliament which, in 1560, abolished Popery as the
established religion in Scotland. He died in 1585, having been twice
married--first, to Margaret Stewart, daughter of the Earl of Athole,
by whom he had, with two daughters, two sons, Duncan and Patrick, the
latter ancestor of the Grants of Rothiemurchus; and, secondly, to a
daughter of Barclay of Towie, by whom he had an only son, Archibald,
ancestor of the Grants of Bellintomb, represented by the Grants of
Monymusk.
Duncan, the elder son, predeceased his father in 1581, leaving four
sons--John; Patrick, ancestor of the Grants of Easter Elchies, of
which family was Patrick Grant, Lord Elchies, a lord of session;
Robert, progenitor of the Grants of Lurg; and James, of Ardnellie,
ancestor of those of Moyness.
John, the eldest son, succeeded his grandfather in 1585, and was much
employed in public affairs. A large body of his clan, at the battle
of Glenlivet, was commanded by John Grant of Gartenbeg, to whose
treachery, in having, in terms of a concerted plan, retreated with
his men as soon as the action began, as well as to that of Campbell
of Lochnell, Argyll owed his defeat in that engagement. This laird of
Grant greatly extended and improved his paternal estates, and is said
to have been offered by James VI., in 1610, a patent of honour, which
he declined. From the Shaws he purchased the lands of Rothiemurchus,
which he exchanged with his uncle Patrick for the lands of Muchrach.
On his marriage with Lilias Murray, daughter of John, Earl of Athole,
the nuptials were honoured with the presence of King James VI. and
his queen. Besides a son and daughter by his wife, he had a natural
son, Duncan, progenitor of the Grants of Cluny. He died in 1622.
His son, Sir John, by his extravagance and attendance at court,
greatly reduced his estates, and when he was knighted he got the name
of “Sir John Sell-the-land.” He had eight sons and three daughters,
and dying at Edinburgh in April 1637, was buried at the abbey church
of Holyrood-house.
His elder son, James, joined the Covenanters on the north of the Spey
in 1638, and on 19th July 1644, was, by the Estates, appointed one
of the committee for trying the malignants in the north. After the
battle of Inverlochy, however, in the following year, he joined the
standard of the Marquis of Montrose, then in arms for the king, and
ever after remained faithful to the royal cause. In 1663, he went
to Edinburgh, to see justice done to his kinsman, Allan Grant of
Tulloch, in a criminal prosecution for manslaughter, in which he was
successful; but he died in that city soon after his arrival there. A
patent had been made out creating him Earl of Strathspey, and Lord
Grant of Freuchie and Urquhart, but in consequence of his death it
did not pass the seals. The patent itself is said to be preserved
in the family archives. He had two sons, Ludovick and Patrick, the
latter ancestor of the family of Wester Elchies in Speyside.
Ludovick, the eldest son, being a minor, was placed under the
guardianship of his uncle, Colonel Patrick Grant, who faithfully
discharged his trust, and so was enabled to remove some of the
burdens on the encumbered family estates. Ludovick Grant of Grant and
Freuchie took for his wife Janet, only child of Alexander Brodie of
Lethen. By the favour of his father-in-law, the laird of Grant was
enabled in 1685, to purchase the barony of Pluscardine, which was
always to descend to the second son. By King William he was appointed
colonel of a regiment of foot, and sheriff of Inverness. In 1700 he
raised a regiment of his own clan, being the only commoner that did
so, and kept his regiment in pay a whole year at his own expense. In
compensation, three of his sons got commissions in the army, and his
lands were erected into a barony. He died at Edinburgh in 1718, in
his 66th year, and, like his father and grandfather, was buried in
Holyrood abbey.
Alexander, his eldest son, after studying the civil law on the
continent, entered the army, and soon obtained the command of a
regiment of foot, with the rank of brigadier. When the rebellion
broke out, being with his regiment in the south, he wrote to his
brother, Captain George Grant, to raise the clan for the service
of government, which he did, and a portion of them assisted at the
reduction of Inverness. As justiciary of the counties of Inverness,
Moray, and Banff, he was successful in suppressing the bands of
outlaws and robbers which infested these counties in that unsettled
time. He succeeded his father in 1718, but died at Leith the
following year, aged 40. Though twice married, he had no children.
His brother, Sir James Grant of Pluscardine, was the next laird. In
1702, in his father’s lifetime, he married Anne, only daughter of
Sir Humphrey Colquhoun of Luss, Baronet. By the marriage contract
it was specially provided that he should assume the surname and
arms of Colquhoun, and if he should at any time succeed to the
estate of Grant, his second son should, with the name of Colquhoun,
become proprietor of Luss. In 1704, Sir Humphrey obtained a new
patent in favour of his son-in-law, James Grant, who on his death,
in 1715, became in consequence Sir James Grant Colquhoun of Luss,
Baronet. On succeeding, however, to the estate of Grant four years
after, he dropped the name of Colquhoun, retaining the baronetcy,
and the estate of Luss went to his second surviving son. He had
five daughters, and as many sons, viz. Humphrey, who predeceased
him in 1732; Ludovick; James, a major in the army, who succeeded to
the estate and baronetcy of Luss, and took the name of Colquhoun;
Francis, who died a general in the army; and Charles, a captain in
the Royal Navy.
The second son, Ludovick, was admitted advocate in 1728; but on the
death of his brother he relinquished his practice at the bar, and his
father devolving on him the management of the estate, he represented
him thereafter as chief of the clan. He was twice married--first, to
a daughter of Sir Robert Dalrymple of North Berwick, by whom he had a
daughter, who died young; secondly, to Lady Margaret Ogilvie, eldest
daughter of James Earl of Findlater and Seafield, in virtue of which
marriage his grandson succeeded to the earldom of Seafield. By his
second wife Sir Ludovick had one son, James, and eleven daughters,
six of whom survived him. Penuel, the third of these, was the wife of
Henry Mackenzie, Esq., author of the _Man of Feeling_. Sir Ludovick
died at Castle Grant, 18th March 1773.
[Illustration: Castle Grant. From a photograph.]
His only son, Sir James Grant of Grant, Baronet, born in 1738,
was distinguished for his patriotism and public spirit. On the
declaration of war by France in 1793, he was among the first to raise
a regiment of fencibles, called the Grant or Strathspey fencibles, of
which he was appointed colonel. After a lingering illness, he died at
Castle Grant on 18th February 1811. He had married, in 1763, Jean,
only child of Alexander Duff, Esq. of Hatton, Aberdeenshire, and had
by her three sons and three daughters. Sir Lewis Alexander Grant, the
eldest son, in 1811 succeeded to the estates and earldom of Seafield,
on the death of his cousin, James Earl of Findlater and Seafield,
and his brother, Francis William, became, in 1840, sixth earl. The
younger children obtained in 1822 the rank and precedency of an
earl’s junior issue.
The Grants of BALLINDALLOCH, in the parish of Inveravon,
Banffshire--commonly called the Craig-Achrochean Grants--as already
stated, descend from Patrick, twin brother of John, ninth laird of
Freuchie. Patrick’s grandson, John Grant, was killed by his kinsman,
John Roy Grant of Carron, as afterwards mentioned, and his son, also
John Grant, was father of another Patrick, whose son, John Roy Grant,
by his extravagant living and unhappy differences with his lady, a
daughter of Leslie of Balquhain, entirely ruined his estate, and was
obliged to consent to placing it under the management and trust of
three of his kinsmen, Brigadier Grant, Captain Grant of Elchies, and
Walter Grant of Arndilly, which gave occasion to W. Elchies’ verses
of “What meant the man?”
General James Grant of Ballindalloch succeeded to the estate on
the death of his nephew, Major William Grant, in 1770. He died at
Ballindalloch, on 13th April 1806, at the age of 86. Having no
children, he was succeeded by his maternal grand-nephew, George
Macpherson, Esq. of Invereshie, who assumed in consequence the
additional name of Grant, and was created a baronet in 1838.
The Grants of GLENMORISTON, in Inverness-shire, are sprung from John
More Grant, natural son of John Grant, ninth laird of Freuchie. His
son, John Roy Grant, acquired the lands of Carron from the Marquis
of Huntly. In a dispute about the marches of their respective
properties, he killed his kinsman, John Grant of Ballindalloch, in
1588, an event which led to a lasting feud between the families,
of which, in the first part of the work we have given a detailed
account. John Roy Grant had four sons--Patrick, who succeeded him in
Carron; Robert of Nether Glen of Rothes; James _an Tuim_, or James of
the hill; and Thomas.
The Glenmoriston branch of the Grants adhered faithfully to the
Stuarts. Patrick Grant of Glenmoriston appeared in arms in Viscount
Dundee’s army at Killiecrankie. He was also at the skirmish at
Cromdale against the government soon after, and at the battle of
Sheriffmuir in 1715. His estate was, in consequence, forfeited, but
through the interposition of the chief of the Grants, was bought back
from the barons of the Exchequer. The laird of Glenmoriston in 1745
also took arms for the Pretender; but means were found to preserve
the estate to the family. The families proceeding from this branch,
besides that of Carron, which estate is near Elchies, on the river
Spey, are those of LYNACHOARN, AVIEMORE, CROSKIE, &c.
The favourite song of “Roy’s Wife of Aldivalloch” (the only one she
was ever known to compose), was written by a Mrs Grant of Carron,
whose maiden name was Grant, born, near Aberlour, about 1745. Mr
Grant of Carron, whose wife she became about 1763, was her cousin.
After his death she married, a second time, an Irish physician
practising at Bath, of the name of Murray, and died in that city in
1814.
The Grants of DALVEY, who possess a baronetcy, are descended from
Duncan, second son of John the Bard, tenth laird of Grant.
The Grants of MONYMUSK, who also possess a baronetcy (date of
creation, December 7, 1705), are descended from Archibald Grant of
Ballintomb, an estate conferred on him by charter, dated 8th March
1580. He was the younger son of John Grant of Freuchie, called _Evan
Baold_, or the Gentle, by his second wife, Isobel Barclay. With three
daughters, Archibald Grant had two sons. The younger son, James, was
designed of Tombreak. Duncan of Ballintomb, the elder, had three
sons--Archibald, his heir; Alexander, of Allachie; and William, of
Arndillie. The eldest son, Archibald, had, with two daughters, two
sons, the elder of whom, Archibald Grant, Esq. of Bellinton, had a
son, Sir Francis, a lord of session, under the title of Lord Cullen,
the first baronet of this family.
The Grants of KILGRASTON, in Perthshire, are lineally descended,
through the line of the Grants of Glenlochy, from the ninth laird
of Grant. Peter Grant, the last of the lairds of Glenlochy, which
estate he sold, had two sons, John and Francis. The elder son, John,
chief justice of Jamaica from 1783 to 1790, purchased the estates
of Kilgraston and Pitcaithley, lying contiguous to each other in
Strathearn; and, dying in 1793, without issue, he was succeeded by
his brother, Francis. This gentleman married Anne, eldest daughter of
Robert Oliphant, Esq. of Rossie, postmaster-general of Scotland, and
had five sons and two daughters. He died in 1819, and was succeeded
by his son, John Grant, the present representative of the Kilgraston
family. He married--first, 1820, Margaret, second daughter of the
late Lord Gray; second, 1828, Lucy, third daughter of Thomas, late
Earl of Elgin. Heir, his son, Charles Thomas Constantine, born, 1831,
and married, 1856, Matilda, fifth daughter of William Hay, Esq. of
Dunse Castle.
The badge of the clan Grant was the pine or cranberry heath, and
their slogan or gathering cry, “Stand fast, Craigellachie!” the bold
projecting rock of that name (“the rock of alarm”) in the united
parishes of Duthil and Rothiemurchus, being their hill of rendezvous.
The Grants had a long-standing feud with the Gordons, and even among
the different branches of themselves there were faction fights, as
between the Ballindalloch and Carron Grants. The clan, with few
exceptions, was noted for its loyalty, being generally, and the
family of the chief invariably, found on the side of government. In
Strathspey the name prevailed almost to the exclusion of every other,
and to this day Grant is the predominant surname in the district, as
alluded to by Sir Alexander Boswell, Baronet, in his lively verses--
“Come the Grants of Tullochgorum,
Wi’ their pipers gaun before ’em,
Proud the mothers are that bore ’em.
Next the Grants of Rothiemurchus,
Every man his sword and durk has,
Every man as proud ’s a Turk is.”
In 1715, the force of the clan was 800, and in 1745, 850.
MACKINNON.
The clan FINGON or the MACKINNONS, another clan belonging to the
Siol Alpine, are said to have sprung from Fingon, brother of Anrias
or Andrew, an ancestor of the Macgregors. This Fingon or Finguin is
mentioned in the MS. of 1450 as the founder of the clan Finguin,
that is, the Mackinnons. Of the history of this clan, Mr Skene says,
little is known. At an early period they became followers of the
Lords of the Isles, and they appear to have been engaged in few
transactions “by which their name is separately brought forward.”
MACKINNON.
[Illustration: BADGE--Pine.]
Their seat was in the islands of Skye and Mull, and the first
authentic notice of them is to be found in an indenture (printed in
the Appendix to the second edition of Hailes’ _Annals of Scotland_)
between the Lords of the Isles and the Lord of Lorn. The latter
stipulates, in surrendering to the Lord of the Isles the island of
Mull and other lands, that the keeping of the castle of Kerneburg in
the Treshinish Isles, is not to be given to any of the race of clan
Finnon. “This,” says Mr Gregory, “proves that the Mackinnons were
then connected with Mull. They originally possessed the district
of Griban in that island, but exchanged it for the district of
Mishnish, being that part of Mull immediately to the north and west
of Tobermory. They, likewise, possessed the lands of Strathairdle
in Skye, from which the chiefs usually took their style. Lauchlan
Macfingon, or Mackinnon, chief of his clan, witnessed a charter
by Donald, Lord of the Isles, in 1409. The name of the chief in
1493 is uncertain; but Neil Mackinnon of Mishnish was at the head
of the tribe in 1515.”[223] Two years afterwards this Neil and
several others, described as “kin, men, servants, and part-takers”
of Lauchlan Maclean of Dowart, were included in a remission which
that chief obtained for their share in the rebellion of Sir Donald
Macdonald of Lochalsh. In 1545 the chief’s name was Ewen. He was
one of the barons and council of the Isles who, in that year, swore
allegiance to the king of England at Knockfergus in Ireland.
“In consequence,” says Mr Skene, “of their connection with the
Macdonalds, the Mackinnons have no history independent of that
clan; and the internal state of these tribes during the government
of the Lords of the Isles is so obscure that little can be learned
regarding them, until the forfeiture of the last of these lords.
During their dependence upon the Macdonalds there is but one event
of any importance in which we find the Mackinnons taking a share,
for it would appear that on the death of John of the Isles, in the
fourteenth century, Mackinnon, with what object it is impossible now
to ascertain, stirred up his second son, John Mor, to rebel against
his eldest brother, apparently with a view to the chiefship, and his
faction was joined by the Macleans and the Macleods. But Donald, his
elder brother, was supported by so great a proportion of the tribe,
that he drove John Mor and his party out of the Isles, and pursued
him to Galloway, and from thence to Ireland. The rebellion being
thus put down, John Mor threw himself upon his brother’s mercy, and
received his pardon, but Mackinnon was taken and hanged, as having
been the instigator of the disturbance.”[224] This appears to have
taken place after 1380, as John, Lord of the Isles, died that year.
In the disturbances in the Isles, during the 16th century, Sir
Lauchlan Mackinnon bore an active part.
As a proof of the common descent of the Mackinnons, the Macgregors
and the Macnabs, although their territories were far distant from
each other, two bonds of friendship exist, which are curious
specimens of the manners of the times. The one dated 12th July
1606, was entered into between Lauchlan Mackinnon of Strathairdle
and Finlay Macnab of Bowaine, who, as its tenor runs, happened “to
forgether togedder, with certain of the said Finlay’s friends, in
their rooms, in the laird of Glenurchy’s country, and the said
Lauchlan and Finlay, being come of ane house, and being of one
surname and lineage, notwithstanding the said Lauchlan and Finlay
this long time bygane oversaw their awn dueties, till udderis, in
respect of the long distance betwixt their dwelling places,” agreed,
with the consent of their kin and friends, to give all assistance
and service to each other. And are “content to subscribe to the
same, _with their hands led to the pen_.” Mackinnon’s signature
is characteristic. It is “Lauchland, mise (i.e. myself) Mac
Fingon.” The other bond of manrent, dated at Kilmorie in 1671, was
between Lauchlan Mackinnon of Strathairdle and James Macgregor of
Macgregor, and it is therein stated that “for the special love
and amitie between these persons, and condescending that they are
descended lawfully _fra twa breethren of auld descent_, wherefore
and for certain onerous causes moving, we witt ye we to be bound and
obleisit, likeas by the tenor hereof we faithfully bind and obleise
us and our successors, our kin, friends, and followers, faithfully to
serve ane anither in all causes with our men and servants, against
all who live or die.”
During the civil wars the Mackinnons joined the standard of the
Marquis of Montrose, and formed part of his force at the battle of
Inverlochy, Feb. 2, 1645. In 1650, Lauchlan Mackinnon, the chief,
raised a regiment of his clan for the service of Charles II., and, at
the battle of Worcester, in 1646, he was made a knight banneret. His
son, Daniel Mohr, had two sons, John, whose great-grandson died in
India, unmarried, in 1808, and Daniel, who emigrated to Antigua, and
died in 1720. The latter’s eldest son and heir, William Mackinnon of
Antigua, an eminent member of the legislature of that island, died at
Bath, in 1767. The son of the latter, William Mackinnon of Antigua
and Binfield, Berkshire, died in 1809. The youngest of his four sons,
Henry, major-general Mackinnon, a distinguished officer, was killed
by the explosion of a magazine, while leading on the main storming
party, at Ciudad Rodrigo, Feb. 29, 1812. The eldest son, William
Mackinnon, died young, leaving, with two daughters, two sons, William
Alexander Mackinnon, who succeeded his grandfather, and Daniel,
colonel of the Coldstream Guards.
William Alexander Mackinnon of Mackinnon, M.P., the chief magistrate
and deputy lieutenant for the counties of Middlesex, Hampshire, and
Essex, born in 1789, succeeded in 1809. He married Emma, daughter of
Joseph Palmer, Esq. of Rush House, county Dublin, with issue, three
sons and three daughters. The eldest son, William Alexander, also
M.P., born in 1813, married daughter of F. Willes, Esq.
Lauchlan Mackinnon of Letterfearn also claims to be the heir-male
of the family. Although there are many gentlemen of the name still
resident in Skye, there is no Mackinnon proprietor of lands now
either in that island or in Mull.
The Mackinnons engaged in both rebellions in favour of the Stuarts.
In 1715, 150 of them fought with the Macdonalds of Sleat at the
battle of Sheriffmuir, for which the chief was forfeited, but
received a pardon, 4th January 1727. In 1745, Mackinnon, though then
old and infirm, joined Prince Charles with a battalion of his clan.
President Forbes estimated their effective force at that period at
200 men. After the battle of Culloden, the prince, in his wanderings,
took refuge in the country of the Mackinnons, when travelling in
disguise through Skye, and was concealed by the chief in a cave, to
which Lady Mackinnon brought him a refreshment of cold meat and wine.
MACNAB.
The clan ANABA or MACNAB has been said by some to have been a branch
of the Macdonalds, but we have given above a bond of manrent which
shows that they were allied to the Mackinnons and the Macgregors.
“From their comparatively central position in the Highlands,” says
Smibert, “as well as other circumstances, it seems much more likely
that they were of the primitive Albionic race, a shoot of the Siol
Alpine.” The chief has his residence at Kinnell, on the banks of
the Dochart, and the family possessions, which originally were
considerable, lay mainly on the western shores of Loch Tay. The
founder of the Macnabs, like the founder of the Macphersons, is said
to have belonged to the clerical profession, the name Mac-anab being
said to mean in Gaelic, the son of the abbot. He is said to have been
abbot of Glendochart.
MACNAB.
[Illustration: BADGE--Common Heath.]
The Macnabs were a considerable clan before the reign of Alexander
III. When Robert the Bruce commenced his struggle for the crown,
the baron of Macnab, with his clan, joined the Macdougalls of Lorn,
and fought against Bruce at the battle of Dalree. Afterwards, when
the cause of Bruce prevailed, the lands of the Macnabs were ravaged
by his victorious troops, their houses burnt, and all their family
writs destroyed. Of all their possessions only the barony of Bowain
or Bovain, in Glendochart, remained to them, and of it, Gilbert
Macnab of that ilk, from whom the line is usually deduced, as the
first undoubted laird of Macnab, received from David II., on being
reconciled to that monarch, a charter, under the great seal, to him
and his heirs whomsoever, dated in 1336. He died in the reign of
Robert II.
[Illustration: MACNAB. (Tartan)]
His son, Finlay Macnab, styled of Bovain, as well as “of that ilk,”
died in the reign of James I. He is said to have been a famous
bard. According to tradition he composed one of the Gaelic poems
which Macpherson attributed to Ossian. He was the father of Patrick
Macnab of Bovain and of that ilk, whose son was named Finlay Macnab,
after his grandfather. Indeed, Finlay appears to have been, at
this time, a favourite name of the chief, as the next three lairds
were so designated. Upon his father’s resignation, he got a charter,
under the great seal, in the reign of James III., of the lands of
Ardchyle, and Wester Duinish, in the barony of Glendochart and county
of Perth, dated January 1, 1486. He had also a charter from James
IV., of the lands of Ewir and Leiragan, in the same barony, dated
January 9, 1502, He died soon thereafter, leaving a son, Finlay
Macnab, fifth laird of Macnab, who is witness in a charter, under the
great seal, to Duncan Campbell of Glenorchy, wherein he is designed
“_Finlaus Macnab, dominus de eodem_,” &c., Sept. 18, 1511. He died
about the close of the reign of James V.
His son, Finlay Macnab of Bovain and of that ilk, sixth chief from
Gilbert, alienated or mortgaged a great portion of his lands to
Campbell of Glenorchy, ancestor of the Marquis of Breadalbane, as
appears by a charter to “Colin Campbell of Glenorchy, his heirs and
assignees whatever, according to the deed granted to him by Finlay
Macnab of Bovain, 24th November 1552, of all and sundry the lands of
Bovain and Ardchyle, &c., confirmed by a charter under the great seal
from Mary, dated 27th June 1553.” Glenorchy’s right of superiority
the Macnabs always refused to acknowledge.
His son, Finlay Macnab, the seventh laird, who lived in the reign of
James VI., was the chief who entered into the bond of friendship and
manrent with his cousin, Lauchlan Mackinnon of Strathairdle, 12th
July 1606. This chief carried on a deadly feud with the Neishes or
M’Ilduys, a tribe which possessed the upper parts of Strathearn, and
inhabited an island in the lower part of Loch Earn, called from them
Neish Island. Many battles were fought between them, with various
success. The last was at Glenboultachan, about two miles north of
Loch Earn foot, in which the Macnabs were victorious, and the Neishes
cut off almost to a man. A small remnant of them, however, still
lived in the island referred to, the head of which was an old man,
who subsisted by plundering the people in the neighbourhood. One
Christmas, the chief of the Macnabs had sent his servant to Crieff
for provisions, but, on his return, he was waylaid, and robbed of
all his purchases. He went home, therefore, empty-handed, and told
his tale to the laird. Macnab had twelve sons, all men of great
strength, but one in particular exceedingly athletic, who was called
for a bye-name, _Iain mion Mac an Appa_, or “Smooth John Macnab.”
In the evening, these men were gloomily meditating some signal
revenge on their old enemies, when their father entered, and said in
Gaelic, “The night is the night, if the lads were but lads!” Each man
instantly started to his feet, and belted on his dirk, his claymore,
and his pistols. Led by their brother John, they set out, taking a
fishing-boat on their shoulders from Loch Tay, carrying it over the
mountains and glens till they reached Loch Earn, where they launched
it, and passed over to the island. All was silent in the habitation
of Neish. Having all the boats at the island secured, they had gone
to sleep without fear of surprise. Smooth John, with his foot dashed
open the door of Neish’s house; and the party, rushing in, attacked
the unfortunate family, every one of whom was put to the sword, with
the exception of one man and a boy, who concealed themselves under
a bed. Carrying off the heads of the Neishes, and any plunder they
could secure, the youths presented themselves to their father, while
the piper struck up the pibroch of victory.
The next laird, “Smooth John,” the son of this Finlay, made a
distinguished figure in the reign of Charles I., and suffered many
hardships on account of his attachment to the royal cause. He was
killed at the battle of Worcester in 1651. During the commonwealth,
his castle of Eilan Rowan was burned, his estates ravaged and
sequestrated, and the family papers again lost. Taking advantage
of the troubles of the times, his powerful neighbour, Campbell of
Glenorchy, in the heart of whose possessions Macnab’s lands were
situated, on the pretence that he had sustained considerable losses
from the clan Macnab, got possession of the estates in recompense
thereof.
The chief of the Macnabs married a daughter of Campbell of Glenlyon,
and with one daughter, had a son, Alexander Macnab, ninth laird,
who was only four years old when his father was killed on Worcester
battle-field. His mother and friends applied to General Monk for some
relief from the family estates for herself and children. That general
made a favourable report on the application, but it had no effect.
After the Restoration, application was made to the Scottish estates,
by Lady Macnab and her son, for redress, and in 1661 they received a
considerable portion of their lands, which the family enjoyed till
the beginning of the present century, when they were sold.
By his wife, Elizabeth, a sister of Sir Alexander Menzies of Weem,
Baronet, Alexander Macnab of that ilk had a son and heir, Robert
Macnab, tenth laird, who married Anne Campbell, sister of the Earl
of Breadalbane. Of several children only two survived, John, who
succeeded his father, and Archibald. The elder son, John, held a
commission in the Black Watch, and was taken prisoner at the battle
of Prestonpans, and, with several others, confined in Doune Castle,
under the charge of Macgregor of Glengyle, where he remained till
after the battle of Culloden. The majority of the clan took the side
of the house of Stuart, and were led by Allister Macnab of Inshewan
and Archibald Macnab of Acharne.
John Macnab, the eleventh laird, married the only sister of Francis
Buchanan, Esq. of Arnprior, and had a son, Francis, twelfth laird.
Francis, twelfth laird, died, unmarried, at Callander, Perthshire,
May 25, 1816, in his 82d year. One of the most eccentric men of his
time, many anecdotes are related of his curious sayings and doings.
We give the following as a specimen, for which we are indebted to Mr
Smibert’s excellent work on the clans:--
“Macnab had an intense antipathy to excisemen, whom he looked on as
a race of intruders, commissioned to suck the blood of his country:
he never gave them any better name than _vermin_. One day, early in
the last war, he was marching to Stirling at the head of a corps of
fencibles, of which he was commander. In those days the Highlanders
were notorious for incurable smuggling propensities; and an excursion
to the Lowlands, whatever might be its cause or import, was an
opportunity by no means to be neglected. The Breadalbane men had
accordingly contrived to stow a considerable quantity of the genuine
‘peat reek’ (whisky) into the baggage carts. All went well with
the party for some time. On passing Alloa, however, the excisemen
there having got a hint as to what the carts contained, hurried
out by a shorter path to intercept them. In the meantime, Macnab,
accompanied by a gillie, in the true feudal style, was proceeding
slowly at the head of his men, not far in the rear of the baggage.
Soon after leaving Alloa, one of the party in charge of the carts
came running back and informed their chief that they had all been
seized by a posse of excisemen. This intelligence at once roused
the blood of Macnab. ‘Did the lousy villains _dare_ to obstruct the
march of the Breadalbane Highlanders!’ he exclaimed, inspired with
the wrath of a thousand heroes; and away he rushed to the scene of
contention. There, sure enough, he found a party of excisemen in
possession of the carts. ‘Who the devil are you?’ demanded the angry
chieftain. ‘Gentlemen of the excise,’ was the answer. ‘Robbers!
thieves! you mean; how dare you lay hands on His Majesty’s stores?
If you be gaugers, show me your commissions.’ Unfortunately for the
excisemen, they had not deemed it necessary in their haste to bring
such documents with them. In vain they asserted their authority, and
declared they were well known in the neighbourhood. ‘Ay, just what
I took ye for; a parcel of highway robbers and scoundrels. Come, my
good fellows,’ (addressing the soldiers in charge of the baggage, and
extending his voice with the lungs of a stentor,) ‘prime!--load!--’
The excisemen did not wait the completion of the sentence; away they
fled at top speed towards Alloa, no doubt glad they had not caused
the waste of His Majesty’s ammunition. ‘Now, my lads,’ said Macnab,
‘proceed--your whisky’s safe.’”
He was a man of gigantic height and strong originality of character,
and cherished many of the manners and ideas of a Highland
gentleman, having in particular a high notion of the dignity of the
chieftainship. He left numerous illegitimate children.
The only portion of the property of the Macnabs remaining is the
small islet of Innis-Buie, formed by the parting of the water of the
Dochart just before it issues into Loch Tay, in which is the most
ancient burial place of the family; and outside there are numerous
gravestones of other members of the clan. The lands of the town
of Callander chiefly belong to a descendant of this laird, not in
marriage.
[Illustration: The last Laird of Macnab.]
Archibald Macnab of Macnab, nephew of Francis, succeeded as
thirteenth chief. The estates being considerably encumbered, he was
obliged to sell his property for behoof of his creditors.
Many of the clan having emigrated to Canada about the beginning of
the nineteenth century, and being very successful, 300 of those
remaining in Scotland were induced about 1817 to try their fortunes
in America, and in 1821, the chief himself, with some more of the
clan, took their departure for Canada. He returned in 1853, and died
at Lannion, Cotes du Nord, France, Aug. 12, 1860, aged 83. Subjoined
is his portrait, from a daguerreotype, taken at Saratoga, United
States of America, in 1848.
He left a widow, and one surviving daughter, Sophia Frances.
The next Macnabs by descent entitled to the chiefship are believed
to be Sir Allan Napier Macnab, Bart., Canada; Dr Robert Macnab, 5th
Fusileers; and Mr John Macnab, Glenmavis, Bathgate.
The lairds of Macnab, previous to the reign of Charles I.,
intermarried with the families of Lord Gray of Kilfauns, Gleneagles,
Inchbraco, Robertson of Strowan, &c.
The chief cadets of the family were the Macnabs of Dundurn, Acharne,
Newton, Cowie, and Inchewen.
CLAN DUFFIE OR MACFIE.
The clan DUFFIE (in Gaelic, _clann Dhubhie_ means “the coloured
tribe”) or MACPHIE (generally spelt Macfie) appear to have been the
original inhabitants of the island of Colonsay, which they held till
the middle of the 17th century, when they were dispossessed of it by
the Macdonalds. They were probably a branch of the ancient Albionic
race of Scotland, and their genealogy given in the MS. of 1450,
according to Skene, evinces their connection by descent with the
Macgregors and Mackinnons.
On the south side of the church of the monastery of St Augustine in
Colonsay, according to Martin (writing in 1703), “lie the tombs of
Macduffie, and of the cadets of his family; there is a ship under
sail, and a two handed sword engraven on the principal tombstone, and
this inscription: ‘Hic jacet Malcolumbus Macduffie de Collonsay;’
his coat of arms and colour-staff is fixed in a stone, through which
a hole is made to hold it. About a quarter of a mile on the south
side of the church there is a cairn, in which there is a stone cross
fixed, called Macduffie’s cross; for when any of the heads of this
family were to be interred, their corpses were laid on this cross for
some moments, in their way toward the church.”
Donald Macduffie is witness to a charter by John, Earl of Ross, and
Lord of the Isles, dated at the Earl’s castle of Dingwall, 12th
April 1463.[225] After the forfeiture of the Lordship of the Isles
in 1493, the clan Duffie followed the Macdonalds of Isla. The name
of the Macduffie chief in 1531 was Murroch. In 1609 Donald Macfie
in Colonsay was one of the twelve chiefs and gentlemen who met the
bishop of the Isles, the king’s representative, at Iona, when,
with their consent, the nine celebrated “Statutes of Icolmkill”
were enacted. In 1615, Malcolm Macfie of Colonsay joined Sir James
Macdonald of Isla, after his escape from the castle of Edinburgh, and
was one of the principal leaders in his subsequent rebellion. He and
eighteen others were delivered up by Coll Macgillespick Macdonald,
the celebrated Colkitto, to the Earl of Argyll, by whom he was
brought before the privy council. He appears afterwards to have been
slain by Colkitto, as by the Council Records for 1623 we learn that
the latter was accused, with several of his followers, of being “art
and pairt guilty of the felonie and cruell slaughter of umquhill
Malcolm Macphie of Collonsay.”
“From this period,” says Skene, “their estate seems to have gone into
the possession of the Macdonalds, and afterwards of the Macneills,
by whom it is still held; while the clan gradually sunk until they
were only to be found, as at present, forming a small part of the
inhabitants of Colonsay.”
A branch of the clan Duffie, after they had lost their inheritance,
followed Cameron of Lochiel, and settled in Lochaber.
MACQUARRIE.
[Illustration: BADGE--Pine.]
The clan QUARRIE or MACQUARRIE is another clan held by Mr Skene to
belong to the ancient stock of Alpine, their possessions being the
small island of Ulva, and a portion of Mull.
The Gaelic MS. of 1450 deduces their descent from Guarie or Godfrey,
called by the Highland Sennachies, Gor or Gorbred, said to have
been “a brother of Fingon, ancestor of the Mackinnons, and Anrias
or Andrew, ancestor of the Macgregors.” This is the belief of Mr
Skene, who adds, “The history of the Macquarries resembles that of
the Mackinnons in many respects; like them they had migrated far from
the head-quarters of their race, they became dependent on the Lords
of the Isles, and followed them as if they had become a branch of the
clan.”
Mr Smibert, however, thinks this origin highly improbable, and
is inclined to believe that they constituted one branch of the
Celto-Irish immigrants. “Their mere name,” he says, “connects them
strongly with Ireland--the tribe of the Macquarries, Macquires,
Macguires (for the names are the same), being very numerous at this
day in that island, and having indeed been so at all times.” We do
not think he makes out a very strong case in behalf of this origin.
According to a history of the family, by one of its members, in
1249 Cormac Mohr, then “chief of Ulva’s Isle,” joined Alexander
II., with his followers and three galleys of sixteen oars each,
in his expedition against the western islands, and after that
monarch’s death in the Island of Kerrera, was attacked by Haco of
Norway, defeated and slain. His two sons, Allan and Gregor, were
compelled to take refuge in Ireland, where the latter, surnamed Garbh
or the rough, is said to have founded the powerful tribe of the
MacGuires, the chief of which at one time possessed the title of Lord
Inniskillen. Allan returned to Scotland, and his descendant, Hector
Macquarrie of Ulva, chief in the time of Robert the Bruce, fought
with his clan at Bannockburn.
The first chief of whom there is any notice in the public records was
John Macquarrie of Ulva, who died in 1473.[226] His son, Dunslaff,
was chief when the last Lord of the Isles was forfeited twenty years
afterwards. After that event, the Macquarries, like the other vassal
tribes of the Macdonalds, became independent. In war, however, they
followed the banner of their neighbour, Maclean of Dowart. With the
latter, Dunslaff supported the claims of Donald Dubh to the Lordship
of the Isles, in the beginning of the sixteenth century, and in 1504,
“MacGorry of Ullowaa” was summoned, with some other chiefs, before
the Estates of the kingdom, to answer for his share in Donald Dubh’s
rebellion.
His son, John Macquarrie of Ulva, was one of the thirteen chiefs
who were denounced the same year for carrying on a traitorous
correspondence with the king of England, with the view of
transferring their allegiance to him.
Allan Macquarrie of Ulva was slain, with most of his followers, at
the battle of Inverkeithing against the English parliamentary troops,
20th July 1651, when the Scots army was defeated, and a free passage
opened to Cromwell to the whole north of Scotland.
According to tradition one of the chiefs of Ulva preserved his
life and estate by the exercise of a timely hospitality under the
following circumstances:--Maclean of Dowart had a natural son by
a beautiful young woman of his own clan, and the boy having been
born in a barn was named, from his birth-place, _Allan-a-Sop_, or
Allan of the straw. The girl afterwards became the wife of Maclean
of Torloisk, residing in Mull, but though he loved the mother he
cared nothing for her boy, and when the latter came to see her, he
was very unkind to him. One morning the lady saw from her window
her son approaching and hastened to put a cake on the fire for his
breakfast. Her husband noticed this, and snatching the cake hot from
the girdle, thrust it into his stepson’s hands, forcibly clasping
them on the burning bread. The lad’s hands were severely burnt, and
in consequence he refrained from going again to Torloisk. As he grew
up Allan became a mariner, and joined the Danish pirates who infested
the western isles. From his courage he soon got the command of one
galley, and subsequently of a flotilla, and made his name both feared
and famous. Of him it may be said that--
“Sir Ralph the Rover sailed away,
He scoured the seas for many a day,
And now, grown rich with plunder’d store,
He steers his way for Scotland’s shore.”
The thought of his mother brought him back once more to the island
of Mull, and one morning he anchored his galleys in front of the
house of Torloisk. His mother had been long dead, but his stepfather
hastened to the shore, and welcomed him with apparent kindness. The
crafty old man had a feud with Macquarrie of Ulva, and thought this a
favourable opportunity to execute his vengeance on that chief. With
this object he suggested to Allan that it was time he should settle
on land, and said that he could easily get possession of the island
of Ulva, by only putting to death the laird, who was old and useless.
Allan agreed to the proposal, and, setting sail next morning,
appeared before Macquarrie’s house. The chief of Ulva was greatly
alarmed when he saw the pirate galleys, but he resolved to receive
their commander hospitably, in the hope that good treatment would
induce him to go away, without plundering his house or doing him any
injury. He caused a splendid feast to be prepared, and welcomed Allan
to Ulva with every appearance of sincerity. After feasting together
the whole day, in the evening the pirate-chief, when about to retire
to his ships, thanked the chief for his entertainment, remarking, at
the same time, that it had cost him dear. “How so?” said Macquarrie,
“when I bestowed this entertainment upon you in free good will.”
“It is true,” said Allan, who, notwithstanding his being a pirate,
seems to have been of a frank and generous disposition, “but it has
disarranged all my plans, and quite altered the purpose for which I
came hither, which was to put you to death, seize your castle and
lands, and settle myself here in your stead.” Macquarrie replied
that he was sure such a suggestion was not his own, but must have
originated with his stepfather, old Torloisk, who was his personal
enemy. He then reminded him that he had made but an indifferent
husband to his mother, and was a cruel stepfather to himself, adding,
“Consider this matter better, Allan, and you will see that the estate
and harbour of Torloisk lie as conveniently for you as those of Ulva,
and if you must make a settlement by force, it is much better you
should do so at the expense of the old churl, who never showed you
kindness, than of a friend like me who always loved and honoured you.”
Allan-a-Sop, remembering his scorched fingers, straightway sailed
back to Torloisk, and meeting his stepfather, who came eagerly
expecting to hear of Macquarrie’s death, thus accosted him: “You
hoary old villain, you instigated me to murder a better man than
yourself. Have you forgotten how you scorched my fingers twenty years
ago with a burning cake? The day has come when that breakfast must
be paid for.” So saying, with one stroke of his battle-axe he cut
down his stepfather, took possession of his castle and property,
and established there that branch of the clan Maclean afterwards
represented by Mr Clephane Maclean.
Hector, brother of Allan Macquarrie of Ulva, and second son of Donald
the twelfth chief of the Macquarries, by his wife, a daughter of
Lauchlan Oig Maclean, founder of the Macleans of Torloisk, obtained
from his father the lands of Ormaig in Ulva, and was the first of the
Macquarries of Ormaig. This family frequently intermarried with the
Macleans, both of Lochbuy and Dowart. Lauchlan, Donald’s third son,
was ancestor of the Macquarries of Laggan, and John, the fourth son,
of those of Ballighartan.
Lauchlan Macquarrie of Ulva, the sixteenth chief in regular
succession, was compelled to dispose of his lands for behoof of his
creditors, and in 1778, at the age of 63, he entered the army. He
served in the American war, and died in 1818, at the age of 103,
without male issue. He was the last chief of the Macquarries, and was
the proprietor of Ulva when Dr Samuel Johnson and Mr Boswell visited
that island in 1773.
A large portion of the ancient patrimonial property was repurchased
by General Macquarrie, long governor of New South Wales, and from
whom Macquarrie county, Macquarrie river, and Port Macquarrie in that
colony, Macquarrie’s harbour, and Macquarrie’s island in the South
Pacific, derive their name. He was the eldest cadet of his family,
and was twice married, first, to Miss Baillie of Jerviswood, and
secondly, to a daughter of Sir John Campbell of Airds, by whom he
had an only son, Lauchlan, who died without issue.
MACAULAY.
The last clan claimed by Mr Skene as belonging to the Siol Alpine is
the minor one of MacAulay, or clan Aula. Many formerly held that the
MacAulays derived their origin from the ancient earls of Lennox, and
that their ancestor was Maurice, brother of Earl Maldouin and son of
Aulay, whose name appears in the Ragman Roll as having sworn fealty
to Edward I. in 1296. According to Skene, these Aulays were of the
family of De Fasselan, who afterwards succeeded to the earldom.
The MacAulays consider themselves a sept of the clan Gregor,
their chief being designed of Ardincaple from his residence in
Dumbartonshire. That property was in their possession in the reign
of Edward I. They early settled in the Lennox, and their names often
occur in the Lennox chartulary, hence the very natural supposition
that they sprung from that distinguished house. In a bond of manrent,
or deed of clanship, entered into between MacGregor of Glenstrae
and MacAulay of Ardincaple, of date 27th May 1591, the latter
acknowledges his being a cadet of the former, and agrees to pay him
the “calp,” that is, a tribute of cattle given in acknowledgment of
superiority. In 1694, in a similar bond given to Sir Duncan Campbell
of Auchinbreck, they again declared themselves MacGregors. “Their
connection with the MacGregors,” says Mr Skene, “led them to take
some part in the feuds that unfortunate race were at all times
engaged in, but the protection of the Earls of Lennox seems to have
relieved the MacAulays from the consequences which fell so heavily on
the MacGregors.”
Mr Joseph Irving, in his _History of Dumbartonshire_ (p. 418), states
that the surname of the family was originally Ardincaple of that
ilk, and seems inclined to believe in their descent from the Earl of
Lennox. He says, “A Celtic derivation may be claimed for this family,
founded on the agreement entered into between the chief of the
clan Gregor and Ardincaple in 1591, where they describe themselves
as originally descended from the same stock, ‘M’Alpins of auld,’
but the theory most in harmony with the annals of the house (of
Ardincaple of that ilk) fixes their descent from a younger son of
the second Alwyn, Earl of Lennox.” Alexander de Ardincaple who lived
in the reign of James V., son of Aulay de Ardincaple, was the first
to assume the name of MacAulay, as stated in the _Historical and
Critical Remarks_ on the Ragman Roll,[227] “to humour a patronymical
designation, as being more agreeable to the head of a clan than the
designation of Ardincaple of that ilk.”
When the MacGregors fell under the ban of the law, Sir Aulay
MacAulay, the then chief, became conspicuous by the energy with which
he turned against them, probably to avert suspicion from himself,
as a bond of caution was entered into on his account on Sept. 8,
1610. He died in Dec. 1617, and was succeeded by his cousin-german,
Alexander.
Walter MacAulay, the son of Alexander, was twice sheriff of Dumbarton.
With Aulay MacAulay, his son and successor, commenced the decline
of the family. He and his successors indulged in a system of
extravagant living, which compelled them to dispose, piece by piece,
of every acre of their once large possessions. Although attached to
Episcopacy, he was by no means a partisan of James VII., for in 1689
he raised a company of fencibles in aid of William and Mary.
Aulay MacAulay, the twelfth and last chief of the MacAulays, having
seen the patrimony of his house sold, and his castle roofless, died
about 1767. Ardincaple had been purchased by John, fourth Duke of
Argyll, and now belongs to the Argyll family.
About the beginning of the 18th century, a number of MacAulays
settled in Caithness and Sutherland. Others went into Argyleshire,
and some of the MacPheiderans of that county acknowledged their
descent from the MacAulays.
A tribe of MacAulays were settled at Uig, Ross-shire, in the
south-west of the island of Lewis, and many were the feuds which
they had with the Morrisons, or clan _Alle Mhuire_, the tribe of
the servant or disciple of Marg, who were located at Ness, at the
north end of the same island. In the reign of James VI., one of
the Lewis MacAulays, Donald Cam, so called from being blind of one
eye, renowned for his great strength, distinguished himself on the
patriotic side, in the troubles that took place, first with the
Fifeshire colonies at Stornoway. Donald Cam Macaulay had a son, _Fear
Bhreinis_, “The Man,” or Tacksman “of Brenish,” of whose feats of
strength many songs and stories are told. His son, Aulay MacAulay,
minister of Harris, had six sons and some daughters. Five of his sons
were educated for the church, and one named Zachary he bred for the
bar.
One of Aulay MacAulay’s sons was the Rev. John Macaulay, A.M., was
grandfather of the celebrated orator, statesman, and historian, Lord
Macaulay. One of his sons entered the East India Company’s military
service, and attained the rank of general.
Another son, Aulay Macaulay, was known as a miscellaneous writer.
In 1796 he was presented to the vicarage of Rothley, by Thomas
Babington, Esq., M.P., who had married his sister Jane. He died
February 24, 1819.
Zachary, a third son, was for some years a merchant at Sierra
Leone. On his return to London, he became a prominent member of the
Anti-slavery Society, and obtained a monument in Westminster Abbey.
He married Miss Mills, daughter of a Bristol merchant, and had a son,
Thomas Babington Macaulay, LORD MACAULAY, author of “The History
of England,” “Lays of Ancient Rome,” &c., and M.P. for the city of
Edinburgh.
FOOTNOTES:
[216] _Highlanders_, vol. ii. p. 235.
[217] _Highlands and Isles of Scotland_, p. 111.
[218] Vol. ii. p. 435.
[219] Introduction to _Rob Roy_.
[220] A MS., part of it evidently of ancient date, a copy of which
was kindly lent to the editor by John Grant of Kilgraston, Esq.,
boldly sets out by declaring that the great progenitor of the Grants
was the Scandinavian god Wodin, who “came out of Asia about the
year 600” A.D. While a thread of genealogical truth seems to run
through this MS., little reliance can be placed on the accuracy of
its statements. It pushes dates, till about the 16th century, back
more than 200 years, and contains many stories which are evidently
traditionary or wholly fabulous. The latter part of it, however,
written about the end of last century, may undoubtedly be relied upon
as the work of a contemporary.
[221] _Caledonia_, vol. i. p. 596.
[222] P. 321.
[223] _Highlands and Isles of Scotland_, p. 80.
[224] _Skene’s Highlanders_, vol. ii. p. 259.
[225] _Register of the Great Seal_, lib. vi. No. 17
[226] _Register of Great Seal_, 31, No. 159.
[227] _Nisbet_, vol. ii. App.
CHAPTER VIII.
Mackay, or Siol Mhorgan--Mackays of Clan-Abrach--Bighouse--Strathy
--Melness--Kinloch--Mackays of Holland--Macnicol--Sutherland--Gunn
--Maclaurin or Maclaren--Macrae--Buchanan--“The King of Kippen”
--Buchanan of Auchmar--Colquhoun--Macgregors and Macfarlanes in
Dumbartonshire--Forbes--Forbes of Tolquhoun--Craigievar--Pitsligo
and Fettercairn--Culloden--Urquhart.
The most northern mainland county of Scotland is that of Caithness,
and the principal clan inhabiting this district is the important
one of Mackay, or the siol Mhorgan. With regard to Caithness, Mr
Skene says--“The district of Caithness was originally of much
greater extent than the modern county of that name, as it included
the whole of the extensive and mountainous district of Strathnaver.
Towards the middle of the tenth century the Norwegian Jarl of Orkney
obtained possession of this province, and with the exception of a
few short intervals, it continued to form a part of his extensive
territories for a period of nearly two hundred years. The district
of Strathnaver, which formed the western portion of the ancient
district of Caithness, differed very much in appearance from the
rest of it, exhibiting indeed the most complete contrast which
could well be conceived, for while the eastern division was in
general low, destitute of mountains, and altogether of a Lowland
character, Strathnaver possessed the characteristics of the rudest
and most inaccessible of Highland countries; the consequence of
this was, that while the population of Caithness proper became
speedily and permanently Norse, that of Strathnaver must, from the
nature of the country, have remained in a great measure Gaelic;
and this distinction between the two districts is very strongly
marked throughout the Norse Sagas, the eastern part being termed
simply _Katenesi_, while Strathnaver, on the other hand, is always
designated ‘Dölum a Katenesi,’ or the Glens of Caithness. That the
population of Strathnaver remained Gaelic we have the distinct
authority of the Sagas, for they inform us that the Dölum, or glens,
were inhabited by the ‘Gaddgedli,’ a word plainly signifying some
tribe of the Gael, as in the latter syllable we recognise the word
Gaedil or Gael, which at all events shews that the population of that
portion was not Norse.”
MACKAY.
“The oldest Gaelic clan which we find in possession of this part of
the ancient district of Caithness is the clan Morgan or Mackay.”
The accounts of the origin of the Mackays are various. In the MS. of
1450, there is no reference to it, although mention is made of the
Mackays of Kintyre, who were called of Ugadale. These, however, were
vassals of the Isles, and had no connection with the Mackays of
Strathnaver. Pennant assigns to them a Celto-Irish descent, in the
12th century, after King William the Lion had defeated Harald, Earl
of Orkney and Caithness, and taken possession of these districts. Mr
Skene[228] supposes that they were descended from what he calls the
aboriginal Gaelic inhabitants of Caithness. The Norse Sagas state
that about the beginning of the twelfth century, “there lived in the
Dölum of Katanesi (or Strathnaver) a man named Moddan, a noble and
rich man,” and that his sons were Magnus Orfi and Ottar, the Jarl in
Thurso. The title of jarl was the same as the Gaelic maormor, and Mr
Skene is of opinion that Moddan and his son Ottar were the Gaelic
maormors of Caithness.
MACKAY.
[Illustration: BADGE.--Bulrush.]
Sir Robert Gordon, in his History of Sutherland (p. 302), from a
similarity of badge and armorial bearings, accounts the clan Mackay a
branch of the Forbeses, but this is by no means probable.
Mr Smibert is of opinion that the Mackays took their name from the
old _Catti_ of Caithness, and that the chiefs were of the Celto-Irish
stock. This, however, is a very improbable supposition. Whatever
may have been the origin of the chiefs, there is every reason to
believe that the great body of the clan Mackay originally belonged
to the early Celtic population of Scotland, although, from their
proximity to the Norse immigrants, it is not at all improbable that
latterly the two races became largely blended.
As we have already, in the first part of the work, had occasion to
enter somewhat minutely into the early history of this important
clan, it will be unnecessary to enter into lengthened detail in this
place, although it will be scarcely possible to avoid some slight
repetition. We must refer the reader for details to the earlier
chapters of the general history.
[Illustration: MACKAY. (Tartan)]
Alexander, who is said to have been the first of the family, aided
in driving the Danes from the north. His son, Walter, chamberlain
to Adam, bishop of Caithness, married that prelate’s daughter,
and had a son, Martin, who received from his maternal grandfather
certain church lands in Strathnaver, being the first of the family
who obtained possessions there. Martin had a son, Magnus or Manus,
who fought at Bannockburn under Bruce, and had two sons, Morgan
and Farquhar. From Morgan the clan derived their Gaelic name of
Clan-wic-Worgan, or Morgan, and from Farquhar were descended the
Clan-wic-Farquhar in Strathnaver.
Donald, Morgan’s son, married a daughter of Macneill of Gigha, who
was named Iye, and had a son of the same name, in Gaelic Aodh,
pronounced like Y or I.
Aodh had a son, another Donald, called Donald Macaodh, or Mackaoi,
and it is from this son that the clan has acquired the patronymic
of Mackay. He and his son were killed in the castle of Dingwall, by
William, Earl of Sutherland, in 1395. The Mackays, however, were
too weak to take revenge, and a reconciliation took place between
Robert, the next earl, and Angus Mackay, the eldest of Donald’s
surviving sons, of whom there were other two, viz., Houcheon Dubh,
and Neill. Angus, the eldest son, married a sister of Malcolm
Macleod of the Lewis, and had by her two sons, Angus Dubh, that is,
dark-complexioned, and Roderick Gald, that is, Lowland. On their
father’s death, their uncle, Houcheon Dubh, became their tutor, and
entered upon the management of their lands.
In 1411, when Donald, Lord of the Isles, in prosecution of his claim
to the earldom of Ross, burst into Sutherland, he was attacked at
Dingwall, by Angus Dubh, or Black Angus Mackay. The latter, however,
was defeated and taken prisoner, and his brother, Roriegald, and
many of his men were slain. After a short confinement, Angus was
released by the Lord of the Isles, who, desirous of cultivating the
alliance of so powerful a chief, gave him his daughter, Elizabeth,
in marriage, and with her bestowed upon him many lands by charter in
1415. He was called _Enneas-en-Imprissi_, or “Angus the Absolute,”
from his great power. At this time, we are told, Angus Dubh could
bring into the field 4000 fighting men.
Angus Dubh, with his four sons, was arrested at Inverness by James I.
After a short confinement, Angus was pardoned and released with three
of them, the eldest, Neill Mackay, being kept as a hostage for his
good behaviour. Being confined in the Bass at the mouth of the Firth
of Forth, he was ever after called Neill Wasse (or Bass) Mackay.
In 1437, Neill Wasse Mackay was released from confinement in the
Bass, and on assuming the chiefship, he bestowed on John Aberigh, for
his attention to his father, the lands of Lochnaver, in fee simple,
which were long possessed by his posterity, that particular branch
of the Mackays, called the Sliochd-ean-Aberigh, or an-Abrach. Neill
Wasse, soon after his accession, ravaged Caithness, but died the
same year, leaving two sons, Angus, and John Roy Mackay, the latter
founder of another branch, called the Sliochd-ean-Roy.
Angus Mackay, the elder son, assisted the Keiths in invading
Caithness in 1464, when they defeated the inhabitants of that
district in an engagement at Blaretannie. He was burnt to death in
the church of Tarbet in 1475, by the men of Ross, whom he had often
molested. With a daughter, married to Sutherland of Dilred, he had
three sons, viz., John Reawigh, meaning yellowish red, the colour of
his hair; Y-Roy Mackay; and Neill Naverigh Mackay.
To revenge his father’s death, John Reawigh Mackay, the eldest son,
raised a large force, and assisted by Robert Sutherland, uncle to the
Earl of Sutherland, invaded Strathoikell, and laid waste the lands of
the Rosses in that district. A battle took place, 11th July 1487,
at Aldy-Charrish, when the Rosses were defeated, and their chief,
Alexander Ross of Balnagowan, and seventeen other principal men of
that clan were slain. The victors returned home with a large booty.
It was by forays such as these that the great Highland chiefs, and
even some of the Lowland nobles, contrived, in former times, to
increase their stores and add to their possessions, and the Mackays
about this time obtained a large accession to their lands by a
circumstance narrated in the former part of this history, connected
with Alexander Sutherland of Dilred, nephew of Y-Roy Mackay, the then
chief.
In 1516, Y-Roy Mackay gave his bond of service to Adam Gordon of
Aboyne, brother of the Earl of Huntly, who had become Earl of
Sutherland, by marriage with Elizabeth, sister and heiress of the
ninth earl, but died soon after. Donald, his youngest son, slain
at Morinsh, was ancestor of a branch of the Mackays called the
Sliochd-Donald-Mackay. John, the eldest son, had no sooner taken
possession of his father’s lands, than his uncle, Neill Naverigh
Mackay and his two sons, assisted by a force furnished them by
the Earl of Caithness, entered Strathnaver, and endeavoured
unsuccessfully to dispossess him of his inheritance.
In 1517, in the absence of the Earl of Sutherland, who had wrested
from John Mackay a portion of his lands, he and his brother Donald
invaded Sutherland with a large force. But after several reverses,
John Mackay submitted to the Earl of Sutherland in 1518, and granted
him his bond of service. But such was his restless and turbulent
disposition that he afterwards prevailed upon Alexander Sutherland,
the bastard, who had married his sister and pretended a claim to the
earldom, to raise the standard of insurrection against the earl.
After this he again submitted to the earl, and a second time gave him
his bond of service and manrent in 1522. He died in 1529, and was
succeeded by his brother, Donald.
In 1539, Donald Mackay obtained restitution of the greater part of
the family estates, which had been seized by the Sutherland Gordons,
and in 1542 he was present in the engagement at Solway Moss. Soon
after, he committed various ravages in Sutherland, but after a
considerable time, became reconciled to the earl, to whom he again
gave his bond of service and manrent on 8th April 1549. He died in
1550.
He was succeeded by his son, Y-Mackay, who, with the Earl of
Caithness, was perpetually at strife with the powerful house of
Sutherland, and so great was his power, and so extensive his
spoliations, that in the first parliament of James VI. (Dec. 1567),
the lords of the articles were required to report, “By what means
might Mackay be dantoned.” He died in 1571, full of remorse, it is
said, for the wickedness of his life.
His son, Houcheon, or Hugh, succeeded him when only eleven years
old. In 1587, he joined the Earl of Caithness, when attacked by the
Earl of Sutherland, although the latter was his superior. He was
excluded from the temporary truce agreed to by the two earls in March
of that year, and in the following year they came to a resolution to
attack him together. Having received secret notice of their intention
from the Earl of Caithness, he made his submission to the Earl of
Sutherland, and ever after remained faithful to him.
Of the army raised by the Earl of Sutherland in 1601, to oppose the
threatened invasion of his territories by the Earl of Caithness,
the advance guard was commanded by Patrick Gordon of Gartay and
Donald Mackay of Scourie, and the right wing by Hugh Mackay. Hugh
Mackay died at Tongue, 11th September 1614, in his 55th year. He was
connected with both the rival houses by marriage; his first wife
being Lady Elizabeth Sinclair, second daughter of George, fourth
Earl of Caithness, and relict of Alexander Sutherland of Duffus; and
his second, Lady Jane Gordon, eldest daughter of Alexander, eleventh
Earl of Sutherland. The former lady was drowned, and left a daughter.
By the latter he had two sons, Sir Donald Mackay of Far, first Lord
Reay, and John, who married in 1619, a daughter of James Sinclair of
Murkle, by whom he had Hugh Mackay and other children. Sir Donald
Mackay of Far, the elder son, was, by Charles I., created a peer of
Scotland, by the title of Lord Reay, by patent, dated 20th June 1628,
to him and his heirs male whatever. From him the land of the Mackays
in Sutherland acquired the name of “Lord Reay’s Country,” which it
has ever since retained.
On the breaking out of the civil wars, Lord Reay, with the Earl of
Sutherland and others, joined the Covenanters on the north of the
river Spey. He afterwards took arms in defence of Charles I., and
in 1643 arrived from Denmark, with ships and arms, and a large sum
of money, for the service of the king. He was in Newcastle in 1644,
when that town was stormed by the Scots, and being made prisoner,
was conveyed to Edinburgh tolbooth. He obtained his release after
the battle of Kilsyth in August 1645, and embarked at Thurso in July
1648 for Denmark, where he died in February 1649. He married, first,
in 1610, Barbara, eldest daughter of Kenneth, Lord Kintail, and
had by her Y-Mackay, who died in 1617; John, second Lord Reay, two
other sons and two daughters. By a second wife, Rachel Winterfield
or Harrison, he had two sons, the Hon. Robert Mackay Forbes and
the Hon. Hugh Forbes. Of this marriage he procured a sentence of
nullity, and then took to wife Elizabeth, daughter of Robert Thomson
of Greenwich, but in 1637 was ordained to pay his second wife £2,000
sterling for part maintenance, and £3,000 sterling yearly during his
non-adherence. By Elizabeth Thomson he had one daughter.
John, second Lord Reay, joined the royalists under the Earl of
Glencairn in 1654, and was taken at Balveny and imprisoned. By his
wife, a daughter of Donald Mackay of Scourie, he had three sons; 1.
Donald, master of Reay, who predeceased his father, leaving by his
wife Ann, daughter of Sir George Munro of Culcairn, a son, George,
third Lord Reay; 2. The Hon. Brigadier-General Æneas Mackay, who
married Margaretta, Countess of Puchlor; and 3. The Hon. Colin
Mackay. Æneas, the second son, was colonel of the Mackay Dutch
regiment. His family settled at the Hague, where they obtained
considerable possessions, and formed alliances with several noble
families. Their representative, Berthold Baron Mackay, died 26th
December 1854, at his chateau of Ophemert, in Guelderland, aged
eighty-one. He married the Baroness Van Renasse Van Wilp, and his
eldest son, the Baron Æneas Mackay, at one time chamberlain to the
king of Holland, became next heir to the peerage of Reay, after the
present family.
George, third Lord Reay, F.R.S., took the oaths and his seat in
parliament, 29th October 1700. In the rebellion of 1715, he raised
his clan in support of the government. In 1719, when the Earls
Marischal and Seaforth, and the Marquis of Tullibardine, with 300
Spaniards, landed in the Western Highlands, he did the same, and also
in 1745. He died at Tongue, 21st March 1748. He was thrice married,
and had by his first wife, one son, Donald, fourth Lord Reay.
Donald, fourth Lord Reay, succeeded his father in 1748, and died
at Durness, 18th August 1761. He was twice married, and, with one
daughter, the Hon. Mrs Edgar, had two sons, George, fifth Lord Reay,
who died at Rosebank, near Edinburgh, 27th February 1768, and Hugh,
sixth lord. The fifth Lord Reay was also twice married, but had issue
only by his second wife, a son, who died young, and three daughters.
Hugh, his half-brother, who succeeded him, was for some years in a
state of mental imbecility. He died at Skerray, 26th January 1797,
unmarried, when the title devolved on Eric Mackay, son of the Hon.
George Mackay of Skibo, third son of the third Lord Reay. He died at
Tongue, June 25, 1782. By his wife, Anne, third daughter of Hon. Eric
Sutherland, only son of the attainted Lord Duffus, he had five sons
and four daughters. His eldest son, George, died in 1790. Eric, the
second son, became seventh Lord Reay. Alexander, the next, an officer
in the army, succeeded as eighth Lord Reay. Donald Hugh, the fourth
son, a vice-admiral, died March 26, 1850. Patrick, the youngest, died
an infant.
Eric, seventh Lord Reay, was, in 1806, elected one of the
representative Scots peers. He died, unmarried, July 8, 1847, and
was succeeded, as eighth Lord Reay, by his brother, Alexander,
barrack-master at Malta, born in 1775. He married in 1809, Marion,
daughter of Colonel Goll, military secretary to Warren Hastings, and
relict of David Ross, Esq. of Calcutta, eldest son of the Scottish
judge, Lord Ankerville; he had two sons and six daughters. He died
in 1863, and was succeeded by his second son, Eric, who was born in
1813, George, the eldest son, having died in 1811.
The Mackays became very numerous in the northern counties, and the
descent of their chiefs, in the male line, has continued unbroken
from their first appearance in the north down to the present time. In
the county of Sutherland, they multiplied greatly also, under other
names, such as MacPhail, Polson, Bain, Nielson, &c. The names of
Mackie and MacGhie are also said to be derived from Mackay. The old
family of MacGhie of Balmaghie, which for about 600 years possessed
estates in Galloway, used the same arms as the chief of the Mackays.
They continued in possession of their lands till 1786. Balmaghie
means Mackay town. The name MacCrie is supposed to be a corruption of
MacGhie.
At the time of the rebellion of 1745, the effective force of the
Mackays was estimated at 800 men by President Forbes. It is said
that in the last Sutherland fencibles, raised in 1793 and disbanded
in 1797, there were 33 John Mackays in one company alone. In 1794
the Reay fencibles, 800 strong, were raised in a few weeks, in “Lord
Reay’s country,” the residence of the clan Mackay. The names of no
fewer than 700 of them had the prefix _Mac_.
With regard to the term _Siol Mhorgan_ applied to the clan Mackay,
it is right to state that Mr Robert Mackay of Thurso, the family
historian, denies that as a clan they were ever known by that
designation, which rests, he says, only on the affirmation of Sir
Robert Gordon, without any authority. He adds: “There are, indeed,
to this day, persons of the surname Morgan and Morganach, who are
understood to be of the Mackays, but that the whole clan, at any
period, went under that designation, is incorrect; and those of them
who did so, were always few and of but small account. The name seems
to be of Welsh origin; but how it obtained among the Mackays it is
impossible now to say.”
Of the branches of the clan Mackay, the family of Scourie is the most
celebrated. They were descended from Donald Mackay of Scourie and
Eriboll, elder son of Y Mackay III., chief of the clan from 1550 to
1571, by his first wife, a daughter of Hugh Macleod of Assynt.
Donald Mackay, by his wife, Euphemia, daughter of Hugh Munro of
Assynt in Ross, brother of the laird of Foulis, had three sons and
four daughters. The sons were Hugh, Donald, and William. Hugh, the
eldest, succeeded his father, and by the Scots Estates was appointed
colonel of the Reay countrymen. He married a daughter of James Corbet
of Rheims, by whom he had five sons, William, Hector, Hugh, the
celebrated General Mackay,[229] commander of the government forces
at the battle of Killiecrankie, James and Roderick. He had also
three daughters, Barbara, married to John, Lord Reay; Elizabeth, to
Hugh Munro of Eriboll, and Ann, to the Hon. Capt. William Mackay of
Kinloch. William and Hector, the two eldest sons, both unmarried,
met with untimely deaths. In February 1688, the Earl of Caithness,
whose wife was younger than himself, having conceived some jealousy
against William, caused him to be seized at Dunnet, while on his way
to Orkney, with a party of 30 persons. He was conveyed to Thurso,
where he was immured in a dungeon, and after long confinement was
sent home in an open boat, and died the day after. In August of the
same year, his brother, Hector, accompanied by a servant, having gone
to Aberdeenshire, on his way to Edinburgh, was waylaid and murdered
by William Sinclair of Dunbeath and John Sinclair of Murkle, and
their two servants. A complaint was immediately raised before the
justiciary, at the instance of John, Earl of Sutherland, and the
relatives of the deceased, against the Earl of Caithness and the
two Sinclairs for these crimes. A counter complaint was brought by
Caithness against the pursuers, for several alleged crimes from 1649
downwards, but a compromise took place between the parties.
General Mackay’s only son, Hugh, major of his father’s regiment,
died at Cambray, in 1708, aged about 28. He left two sons, Hugh and
Gabriel, and a daughter. Hugh died at Breda, a lieutenant-general
in the Dutch service, and colonel of the Mackay Dutch regiment,
which took its name from his father. He had an only daughter, the
wife of lieutenant-general Prevost, of the British service, who, on
the death of his father-in-law, without male issue, obtained the
king’s license to bear the name and arms of Mackay of Scourie in
addition to his own, which his descendants in Holland still bear.
Gabriel, the younger son, lieutenant-colonel of the Mackay regiment,
died without issue. James, the next brother of General Mackay, a
lieutenant-colonel in his regiment, was killed at Killiecrankie, and
Roderick, the youngest, died in the East Indies, both unmarried.
The eldest branch of the Mackays was that of the Clan-Abrach,
descended from John Aberigh Mackay, second son of Angus Dubh, who
received the lands of Auchness, Breachat, and others, from his
brother, Neill Wasse. Of this family was Robert Mackay, writer,
Thurso, historian of the clan Mackay. According to this gentleman,
John Aberigh, the first of this branch, gave his name to the
district of Strathnaver. In the Gaelic language, he says, the
inhabitants of Strathnaver are called Naverigh, and that tribe
the Sliochd-nan-Aberigh. John, their founder, some say, took his
appellation of Aberigh from Lochaber, where he resided in his youth
with some relatives, and from Strath-na-Aberich the transition is
natural to Strath-n’-Averich. Neill Naverich, above mentioned, was
so called from his having belonged to the Reay Country, that is,
Strathnaver. The Clan-Abrach were the most numerous and powerful
branch of the Mackays. They acted as wardens of their country, and
never betrayed their trust.
The BIGHOUSE branch were descendants of William Mackay of Far,
younger half-brother of Donald Mackay of Scourie, by his second wife,
Christian Sinclair, daughter of the laird of Dun.
The STRATHY branch sprung from John Mackay of Dilred and Strathy,
brother of the first Lord Reay, and son of Hugh Mackay of Far, by
his wife, Lady Jane Gordon, eldest daughter of Alexander, Earl of
Sutherland.
The MELNESS branch came from the Hon. Colonel Æneas Mackay, second
son of the first Lord Reay, by his first wife, the Hon. Barbara
Mackenzie, daughter of Lord Kintail.
The KINLOCH branch descended from the Hon. Captain William Mackay,
and the SANDWOOD branch from the Hon. Charles Mackay, sons of the
first Lord Reay by his last wife, Marjory Sinclair, daughter of
Francis Sinclair of Stircoke.
The founder of the HOLLAND branch of the Mackays, General Hugh
Mackay, prior to 1680, when a colonel in the Dutch service, and
having no prospect of leaving Holland, wrote for some of his near
relatives to go over and settle in that country. Amongst those were
his brother, James, and his nephews, Æneas and Robert, sons of
the first Lord Reay. The former he took into his own regiment, in
which, in a few years, he became lieutenant-colonel. The latter he
sent to school at Utrecht for a short time, and afterwards obtained
commissions for them in his own regiment. In the beginning of
1687, several British officers in the Dutch service were recalled
to England by King James, and amongst others was Æneas Mackay,
then a captain. On his arrival in London, the King made him some
favourable propositions to enter his service, which he declined,
and, in consequence, when he reached Scotland, he was ordered to be
apprehended as a spy. He had been imprisoned nearly seven months in
Edinburgh Castle, when the Prince of Orange landed at Torbay, and he
was liberated upon granting his personal bond to appear before the
privy council when called upon, under a penalty of £500 sterling. The
Dutch Mackays married among the nobility of Holland, and one of the
families of that branch held the title of baron.
MACNICOL.
In a district mostly in Ross-shire, anciently known by the name of
Ness, there was originally located a small and broken clan, known
as the MACNICOLS. The only districts, according to Skene, which
at all answers to the description of Ness, are those of Assynt,
Edderachylis, and Duirness.
The Macnicols were descended from one Mackrycul (the letter r in
the Gaelic being invariably pronounced like n), who, tradition
says, as a reward for having rescued from some Scandinavians a great
quantity of cattle carried off from Sutherland, received from one of
the ancient thanes of that province, the district of Assynt, then a
forest belonging to them. This Mackrycul held that part of the coast
of Cogeach, which is called Ullapool. In the MS. of 1450, the descent
of the clan Nicail is traced in a direct line from a certain Gregall,
plainly the Krycul here mentioned, who is supposed to have lived in
the twelfth century. He is said to have been the ancestor, besides
the Macnicols, of the Nicols and the Nicholsons. When Gregall lived,
Sutherland was occupied by Gaelic tribes, and the Macnicols may
therefore be considered of Gaelic origin.
About the beginning of the 14th century, the family of the chief
ended in an heiress, who married Torquil Macleod, a younger son of
Macleod of Lewis. Macleod obtained a crown charter of the district of
Assynt and other lands in Wester Ross, which had been the property of
the Macnicols. That sept subsequently removed to the Isle of Skye,
and the residence of their head or chief was at Scoirebreac, on the
margin of the loch near Portree.
Even after their removal to Skye the Macnicols seem to have retained
their independence, for tradition relates that on one occasion when
the head of this clan, called Macnicol Mor, was engaged in a warm
discussion with Macleod of Rasay, carried on in the English language,
the servant of the latter coming into the room, imagined they were
quarrelling, and drawing his sword mortally wounded Macnicol. To
prevent a feud between the two septs, a council of chieftains and
elders was held to determine in what manner the Macnicols could be
appeased, when, upon some old precedent, it was agreed that the
meanest person in the clan Nicol should behead the laird of Rasay.
The individual of least note among them was one Lomach, a maker of
pannier baskets, and he accordingly cut off the head of the laird of
Rasay.
In Argyleshire there were many Macnicols, but the clan may be said to
have long been extinct.
SUTHERLAND.
[Illustration: BADGE--Broom (butcher’s broom).]
The clan SUTHERLAND, which gets its name from being located in the
district of that name, is regarded by Skene and others as almost
purely Gaelic. The district of Sutherland, which was originally
considerably smaller than the modern county of that name, got its
name from the Orcadian Norsemen, because it lay south from Caithness,
which, for a long time, was their only possession in the mainland of
Scotland.
According to Skene, the ancient Gaelic population of the district
now known by the name of Sutherland were driven out or destroyed
by the Norwegians when they took possession of the country, after
its conquest by Thorfinn, the Norse Jarl of Orkney, in 1034, and
were replaced by settlers from Moray and Ross. He says, “There are
consequently no clans whatever descended from the Gaelic tribe which
anciently inhabited the district of Sutherland, and the modern Gaelic
population of part of that region is derived from two sources. In
the first place, several of the tribes of the neighbouring district
of Ross, at an early period, gradually spread themselves into the
nearest and most mountainous parts of the country, and they consisted
chiefly of the clan Anrias. Secondly, Hugh Freskin, a descendant of
Freskin de Moravia, and whose family was a branch of the ancient
Gaelic tribe of Moray, obtained from King William the territory of
Sutherland, although it is impossible to discover the circumstances
which occasioned the grant. He was of course accompanied in this
expedition by numbers of his followers, who increased in Sutherland
to an extensive tribe; and Freskin became the founder of the noble
family of Sutherland, who, under the title of Earls of Sutherland,
have continued to enjoy possession of this district for so many
generations.”[230] We do not altogether agree with this intelligent
author that the district in question was at any time entirely
colonised by the Norsemen. There can be no doubt that a remnant of
the old inhabitants remained, after the Norwegian conquest, and
it is certain that the Gaelic population, reinforced as they were
undoubtedly by incomers from the neighbouring districts and from
Moray, ultimately regained the superiority in Sutherland. Many of
them were unquestionably from the province of Moray, and these, like
the rest of the inhabitants, adopted the name of Sutherland, from the
appellation given by the Norwegians to the district.
The chief of the clan was called “the Great Cat,” and the head of the
house of Sutherland has long carried a black cat in his coat-of-arms.
According to Sir George Mackenzie, the name of Cattu was formerly
given to Sutherland and Caithness (originally Cattu-ness), on account
of the great number of wild cats with which it was, at one period,
infested.
The Earl of Sutherland was the chief of the clan, but on the
accession to the earldom in 1766, of Countess Elizabeth, the
infant daughter of the eighteenth earl, and afterwards Duchess of
Sutherland, as the chiefship could not descend to a female, William
Sutherland of Killipheder, who died in 1832, and enjoyed a small
annuity from her grace, was accounted the eldest male descendant of
the old earls. John Campbell Sutherland, Esq. of Fors, was afterwards
considered the real chief.
The clan Sutherland could bring into the field 2,000 fighting men.
In 1715 and 1745 they were among the loyal clans, and zealously
supported the succession of the house of Hanover. Further details
concerning this clan will be given in the History of the Highland
Regiments.
The Earldom of Sutherland, the oldest extant in Britain, is said to
have been granted by Alexander II., to William, Lord of Sutherland,
about 1228, for assisting to quell a powerful northern savage of
the name of Gillespie.[231] William was the son of Hugh Freskin,
who acquired the district of Sutherland by the forfeiture of the
Earl of Caithness for rebellion in 1197. Hugh was the grandson of
Freskin the Fleming, who came into Scotland in the reign of David
I., and obtained from that prince the lands of Strathbrock in
Linlithgowshire, also, the lands of Duffus and others in Moray.[232]
His son, William, was a constant attendant on King William the Lion,
during his frequent expeditions into Moray, and assumed the name of
William de Moravia. He died towards the end of the 12th century. His
son, Hugh, got the district of Sutherland, as already mentioned.
Hugh’s son, “Willielmus dominus de Sutherlandia filius et hæres
quondam Hugonis Freskin,” is usually reckoned the first Earl of
Sutherland, although Sir Robert Gordon, the family historian, puts it
three generations farther back.
The date of the creation of the title is not known; but from an
indenture executed in 1275, in which Gilbert, bishop of Caithness,
makes a solemn composition of an affair that had been long in debate
betwixt his predecessors in the see and the noble men, William of
famous memory, and William, his son, Earls of Sutherland, it is clear
that there existed an Earl of Sutherland betwixt 1222, the year of
Gilbert’s consecration as bishop, and 1245, the year of his death,
and it is on the strength of this deed that the representative of the
house claims the rank of premier earl of Scotland, with the date 1228.
Earl William died at Dunrobin[233] in 1248. His son, William, second
earl, succeeded to the title in his infancy. He was one of the Scots
nobles who attended the parliament of Alexander III. at Scone, 5th
February 1284, when the succession to the crown of Scotland was
settled, and he sat in the great convention at Bingham, 12th March
1290. He was one of the eighteen Highland chiefs who fought at
the battle of Bannockburn, in 1314, on the side of Bruce, and he
subscribed the famous letter of the Scots nobles to the Pope, 6th
April 1320. He died in 1325, having enjoyed the title for the long
period of 77 years.
His son, Kenneth, the third earl, fell at the battle of Halidon-hill
in 1333, valiantly supporting the cause of David II. With a daughter,
Eustach, he had two sons, William, fourth earl, and Nicholas,
ancestor of the Lords Duffus.
William, fourth earl, married the Princess Margaret, eldest daughter
of Robert I., by his second wife, Elizabeth de Burgo, and he made
grants of land in the counties of Inverness and Aberdeen to powerful
and influential persons, to win their support of his eldest son,
John’s claim to the succession to the crown. John was selected by
his uncle, David II., as heir to the throne, in preference to the
high-steward, who had married the Princess Marjory, but he died at
Lincoln in England in 1361, while a hostage there for the payment
of the king’s ransom. His father, Earl William, was one of the
commissioners to treat for the release of King David in 1351, also
on 13th June 1354, and again in 1357. He was for some years detained
in England as a hostage for David’s observance of the treaty on his
release from his long captivity. The earl did not obtain his full
liberty till 20th March 1367. He died at Dunrobin in Sutherland in
1370. His son, William, fifth earl, was present at the surprise of
Berwick by the Scots in November 1384.
With their neighbours, the Mackays, the clan Sutherland were often
at feud, and in all their contests with them they generally came off
victorious.[234]
John, seventh earl, resigned the earldom in favour of John, his son
and heir, 22d February 1456, reserving to himself the liferent of it,
and died in 1460. He had married Margaret, daughter of Sir William
Baillie of Lamington, Lanarkshire, and by her had four sons and two
daughters. The sons were--1. Alexander, who predeceased his father;
2. John, eighth Earl of Sutherland; 3. Nicholas; 4. Thomas Beg. The
elder daughter, Lady Jane, married Sir James Dunbar of Cumnock, and
was the mother of Gawin Dunbar, bishop of Aberdeen.
John, eighth earl, died in 1508. He had married Lady Margaret
Macdonald, eldest daughter of Alexander, Earl of Ross, Lord of the
Isles, and by her, who was drowned crossing the ferry of Uness, he
had two sons--John ninth earl, and Alexander, who died young, and a
daughter, Elizabeth, Countess of Sutherland.
The ninth earl died, without issue, in 1514, when the succession
devolved upon his sister Elizabeth, Countess of Sutherland in her
own right. This lady had married Adam Gordon of Aboyne, second son
of George, second Earl of Huntly, high-chancellor of Scotland, and
in his wife’s right, according to the custom of the age, he was
styled Earl of Sutherland. The Earl of Sutherland, when far advanced
in life, retired for the most part to Strathbogie and Aboyne, in
Aberdeenshire, to spend the remainder of his days among his friends,
and intrusted the charge of the country to his eldest son, Alexander
Gordon, master of Sutherland, a young man of great intrepidity and
talent; and on the countess’ resignation, a charter of the earldom
was granted to him by King James V., on 1st December 1527. She died
in 1535, and her husband in 1537. Their issue were--1. Alexander,
master of Sutherland, who was infeft in the earldom in 1527, under
the charter above mentioned, and died in 1529, leaving, by his wife,
Lady Jane Stewart, eldest daughter of the second Earl of Athole,
three sons--John, Alexander, and William, and two daughters; 2.
John Gordon; 3. Adam Gordon, killed at the battle of Pinkie, 10th
September 1547; 4. Gilbert Gordon of Gartay, who married Isobel
Sinclair, daughter of the laird of Dunbeath.
Alexander’s eldest son, John, born about 1525, succeeded his
grandfather as eleventh earl. He was lieutenant of Moray in 1547 and
1548, and with George, Earl of Huntly, was selected to accompany the
queen regent to France in September 1550.
On the charge of having engaged in the rebellion of the Earl of
Huntly in 1562, the Earl of Sutherland was forfeited, 28th May 1563,
when he retired to Flanders. He returned to Scotland in 1565, and
his forfeiture was rescinded by act of parliament, 19th April 1567.
He and his countess, who was then in a state of pregnancy, were
poisoned at Helmsdale Castle by Isobel Sinclair, the wife of the
earl’s uncle, Gilbert Gordon of Gartay, and the cousin of the Earl
of Caithness, and died five days afterwards at Dunrobin Castle. This
happened in July 1567, when the earl was in his 42d year.[235] Their
only son, Alexander, master of Sutherland, then in his fifteenth
year, fortunately escaped the same fate.
The eleventh earl, styled the good Earl John, was thrice
married--1st, to Lady Elizabeth Campbell, only daughter of the third
Earl of Argyll, relict of James, Earl of Moray, natural son of
James IV.; 2dly, to Lady Helen Stewart, daughter of the third Earl
of Lennox, relict of the fifth Earl of Errol; and 3dly, to Marion,
eldest daughter of the fourth Lord Seton, relict of the fourth Earl
of Menteith. This was the lady who was poisoned with him. He had
issue by his second wife only--two sons and three daughters. John,
the elder son, died an infant. Alexander, the younger, was the
twelfth Earl of Sutherland.
Being under age when he succeeded to the earldom, the ward of this
young nobleman was granted to his eldest sister, Lady Margaret
Gordon, who committed it to the care of John, Earl of Athole. The
latter sold the wardship to George, Earl of Caithness, the enemy of
his house. Having by treachery got possession of the castle of Skibo,
in which the young earl resided, he seized his person and carried him
off to Caithness, where he forced him to marry his daughter, Lady
Barbara Sinclair, a profligate woman of double his own age. When he
attained his majority he divorced her. In 1569, he escaped from the
Earl of Caithness, who had taken up his residence at Dunrobin Castle
and formed a design upon his life.
In 1583 he obtained from the Earl of Huntly, the king’s lieutenant
in the north, a grant of the superiority of Strathnaver, and of the
heritable sheriffship of Sutherland and Strathnaver, which last was
granted in lieu of the lordship of Aboyne. This grant was confirmed
by his majesty in a charter under the great seal, by which Sutherland
and Strathnaver were disjoined and dismembered from the sheriffdom
of Inverness. The earl died at Dunrobin, 6th December 1594, in his
43d year. Having divorced Lady Barbara Sinclair in 1573, he married,
secondly, Lady Jean Gordon, third daughter of the fourth Earl of
Huntly, high-chancellor of Scotland, who had been previously married
to the Earl of Bothwell, but repudiated to enable that ambitious
and profligate nobleman to marry Queen Mary. She subsequently
married Alexander Ogilvy of Boyne, whom she also survived. To the
Earl of Sutherland she had, with two daughters, four sons--1. John,
thirteenth earl; 2. Hon. Sir Alexander Gordon; 3. Hon. Adam Gordon;
4. Hon. Sir Robert Gordon of Gordonstoun, the historian of the family
of Sutherland, created a baronet of Nova Scotia, being the first of
that order, 28th May 1625.
John, thirteenth Earl of Sutherland, was born 20th July 1576. Many
details concerning him will be found in the former part of this
work. He died at Dornoch, 11th September 1615, aged 40. By his
countess, Lady Anna Elphinston, he had, with two daughters, four
sons, namely--1. Patrick, master of Sutherland, who died young; 2.
John, fourteenth earl; 3. Hon. Adam Gordon, who entered the Swedish
service, and was killed at the battle of Nordlingen, 27th August
1634, aged 22; 4. Hon. George Posthumus Gordon, born after his
father’s death, 9th February 1616, a lieutenant-colonel in the army.
John, fourteenth Earl of Sutherland, born 4th March 1609, was only
six years old when he succeeded his father, and during his minority
his uncle, Sir Robert Gordon, was tutor of Sutherland. In this
capacity the latter was much engaged in securing the peace of the
country, so often broken by the lawless proceedings of the Earl of
Caithness. By Sir Robert’s judicious management of the affairs of
the house of Sutherland, his nephew, the earl, on attaining his
majority, found the hostility of the enemy of his house, the Earl of
Caithness, either neutralised, or rendered no longer dangerous. In
1637, the earl joined the supplicants against the service book, and
on the breaking out of the civil war in the following year, espoused
the liberal cause. In 1641 he was appointed by parliament a privy
councillor for life, and in 1644 he was sent north with a commission
for disarming malignants, as the royalists were called. In 1645 he
was one of the committee of estates. The same year he joined General
Hurry, with his retainers at Inverness, just immediately before the
battle of Auldearn. In 1650 he accompanied General David Leslie when
he was sent by the parliament against the royalists in the north.
On the Marquis of Montrose’s arrival in Caithness, the earl assembled
all his countrymen to oppose his advance into Sutherland. Montrose,
however, had secured the important pass of the Ord, and on his
entering Sutherland, the earl, not conceiving himself strong enough
to resist him, retired with about 300 men into Ross. In August of the
same year, the earl set off to Edinburgh, with 1,000 men, to join
the forces under General Leslie, collected to oppose Cromwell, but
was too late for the battle of Dunbar, which was fought before his
arrival. During the Protectorate of Cromwell the earl lived retired.
He is commonly said to have died in 1663, but the portrait of John,
who must be this earl, prefixed to Gordon’s history of the family
(Ed. 1813) has upon it “_Aetatis Suae_ 60: 1669.” This would seem to
prove that he was then alive.
His son, George, fifteenth earl, died 4th March 1703, aged 70, and
was buried at Holyrood-house, where a monument was erected to his
memory. The son of this nobleman, John, sixteenth earl, married,
when Lord Strathnaver, Helen, second daughter of William, Lord
Cochrane, sister of the Viscountess Dundee. He was one of the sixteen
representatives of the Scots peerage chosen in the last Scots
parliament in 1707, and subsequently three times re-elected. His
services in quelling the rebellion were acknowledged by George I.,
who, in June 1716, invested him with the order of the Thistle, and in
the following September settled a pension of £1,200 per annum upon
him. He figured conspicuously both as a statesman and a soldier, and
obtained leave to add to his armorial bearings the double “tressure
circum-fleur-de-lire,” to indicate his descent from the royal family
of Bruce. His lordship died at London, 27th June 1733.
His son, William, Lord Strathnaver, predeceased his father 19th July
1720. He had five sons and two daughters. His two eldest sons died
young. William, the third son, became seventeenth Earl of Sutherland.
The elder daughter, the Hon. Helen Sutherland, was the wife of Sir
James Colquhoun of Luss. The younger, the Hon. Janet Sutherland,
married George Sinclair, Esq. of Ulbster, and was the mother of the
celebrated Sir John Sinclair, baronet.
William, seventeenth Earl of Sutherland, contributed greatly to
the suppression of the rebellion in the north. Under the heritable
jurisdictions’ abolition act of 1747, he had £1,000 allowed him for
the redeemable sheriffship of Sutherland. He died in France, December
7, 1750, aged 50. By his countess, Lady Elizabeth Wemyss, eldest
daughter of the third Earl of Wemyss, he had, with a daughter, Lady
Elizabeth, wife of her cousin, Hon. James Wemyss of Wemyss, a son,
William.
The son, William, eighteenth Earl of Sutherland, born May 29,
1735, was an officer in the army, and in 1759, when an invasion
was expected, he raised a battalion of infantry, of which he was
constituted lieutenant-colonel. He was appointed aide-de-camp to the
king, with the rank of colonel in the army, 20th April 1763. He was
one of the sixteen representative Scots peers, and died at Bath,
16th June 1766, aged 31. He had married at Edinburgh, 14th April
1761, Mary, eldest daughter and coheiress of William Maxwell, Esq.
of Preston, stewartry of Kirkcudbright, and had two daughters, Lady
Catherine and Lady Elizabeth. The former, born 24th May 1764, died
at Dunrobin Castle, 3d January 1766. The loss of their daughter so
deeply affected the earl and countess that they went to Bath, in the
hope that the amusements of that place would dispel their grief.
There, however, the earl was seized with a fever, and the countess
devoted herself so entirely to the care of her husband, sitting up
with him for twenty-one days and nights without retiring to bed, that
her health was affected, and she died 1st June the same year, sixteen
days before his lordship. Their bodies were brought to Scotland, and
interred in Holyrood-house.
[Illustration: Dunrobin Castle, from a photograph by Collier and
Park, Inverness.]
Their only surviving daughter, Elizabeth, born at Leven Lodge, near
Edinburgh, 24th May 1765, succeeded as Countess of Sutherland, when
little more than a year old. She was placed under the guardianship
of John, Duke of Athole, Charles, Earl of Elgin and Kincardine, Sir
Adam Fergusson of Kilkerran, and Sir David Dalrymple of Hailes,
baronets, and John Mackenzie, Esq. of Delvin. A sharp contest arose
for the title, her right to the earldom being disputed on the ground
that it could not legally descend to a female heir. Her opponents
were Sir Robert Gordon of Gordonstoun and Letterfourie, baronet, and
George Sutherland, Esq. of Fors. Lord Hailes drew up a paper for her
ladyship, entitled “Additional Case for Elizabeth, claiming the title
and dignity of Countess of Sutherland,” which evinced great ability,
accuracy, and depth of research. The House of Lords decided in her
favour, 21st March. 1771. The countess, the nineteenth in succession
to the earldom, married 4th September 1785, George Granville Leveson
Gower, Viscount of Trentham, eldest son of Earl Gower, afterwards
Marquis of Stafford, by his second wife, Lady Louisa Egerton,
daughter of the first Duke of Bridgewater. His lordship succeeded to
his father’s titles, and became the second Marquis of Stafford. On
14th January 1833 he was created Duke of Sutherland, and died 19th
July, the same year. The Duchess of Sutherland, countess in her own
right, thenceforth styled Duchess-Countess of Sutherland, held the
earldom during the long period of 72 years and seven months, and died
in January 1839.
Her eldest son, George Granville, born in 1786, succeeded his
father as second Duke of Sutherland, in 1833, and his mother in the
Scottish titles, in 1839. He married in 1823, Lady Harriet Elizabeth
Georgiana, third daughter of the sixth Earl of Carlisle; issue--four
sons and seven daughters. His grace died Feb. 28, 1861, and was
succeeded by his eldest son, George Granville William. The second
duke’s eldest daughter married in 1844, the Duke of Argyll; the
second daughter married in 1843, Lord Blantyre; the third daughter
married in 1847, the Marquis of Kildare, eldest son of the Duke of
Leinster.
George Granville William, third Duke of Sutherland, previously
styled Marquis of Stafford and Lord Strathnaver, born Dec. 19, 1828,
married in 1849, Anne, only child of John Hay Mackenzie, Esq. of
Cromartie and Newhall, and niece of Sir William Gibson Craig, Bart.;
issue--three sons and two daughters. Sons--1. George Granville, Earl
Gower, born July 25, 1850, died July 5, 1858; 2. Cromartie, Marquis
of Stafford, born 20th July 1851; 3. Lord Francis, Viscount Tarbet,
born August 3, 1852. Daughters, Lady Florence and Lady Alexandra; for
the latter the Princess of Wales was sponsor.
There are a number of clans not dignified by Mr Skene with separate
notice, probably because he considers them subordinate branches of
other clans. The principal of these, however, we shall shortly notice
here, before giving an account of four important clans located in the
Highlands, which are generally admitted to be of foreign origin, at
least so far as their names and chiefs are concerned.
GUNN.
[Illustration: BADGE--Juniper.]
As we have given in minute detail the history of the somewhat
turbulent clan Gunn in the first part of the work, our notice of it
here will be brief.
The clan, a martial and hardy, though not a numerous race, originally
belonged to Caithness, but in the sixteenth century they settled
in Sutherland. Mr Smibert thinks they are perhaps among the very
purest remnants of the Gael to be found about Sutherlandshire and
the adjoining parts. “It is probable,” he says, “that they belong
to the same stock which produced the great body of the Sutherland
population. But tradition gives the chieftains at least a Norse
origin. They are said to have been descended from _Gun_, or _Gunn_,
or _Guin_, second son of Olaus, or Olav, the Black, one of the
Norwegian kings of Man and the Isles, who died 18th June 1237. One
tradition gives them a settlement in Caithness more than a century
earlier, deducing their descent from Gun, the second of three sons of
Olaf, described as a man of great bravery, who, in 1100, dwelt in the
Orcadian isle of Græmsay. The above-mentioned _Gun_ or _Guin_ is said
to have received from his grandfather on the mother’s side, Farquhar,
Earl of Ross, the possessions in Caithness which long formed the
patrimony of his descendants: the earliest stronghold of the chief
in that county being Halbury castle, or Easter Clythe, situated on a
precipitous rock, overhanging the sea. From a subsequent chief who
held the office of coroner, it was called _Crowner Gun’s Castle_. It
may be mentioned here that the name _Gun_ is the same as the Welsh
_Gwynn_, and the Manx _Gawne_. It was originally Gun, but is now
spelled Gunn.”
[Illustration: GUNN. (Tartan)]
The clan Gunn continued to extend their possessions in Caithness
till about the middle of the fifteenth century, when, in consequence
of their deadly feuds with the Keiths, and other neighbouring
clans, they found it necessary to remove into Sutherland, where
they settled on the lands of Kildonan, under the protection of
the Earls of Sutherland, from whom they had obtained them. Mixed
up as they were with the clan feuds of Caithness and Sutherland,
and at war with the Mackays as well as the Keiths, the history of
the clan up to this time is full of incidents which have more the
character of romance than reality. In one place Sir Robert Gordon,
alluding to “the inveterat deidlie feud betuein the clan Gun and the
Slaightean-Aberigh,”--a branch of the Mackays,--he says: “The long,
the many, the horrible encounters which happened between these two
trybes, with the bloodshed and infinit spoils committed in every
part of the diocy of Catteynes by them and their associats, are of so
disordered and troublesome memorie,” that he declines to give details.
Previous to their removal into Sutherland, George Gun, commonly
called the _Chruner_, or Coroner, and by the Highlanders, _Fear N’m
Braisteach-more_, from the great brooch which he wore as the badge
of his office of coroner, was killed by the Keiths of Caithness, as
formerly narrated.
The Crowner’s eldest son, James, succeeded as chief, and he it was
who, with his family and the greater portion of his clan, removed
into Sutherland. The principal dwelling-house of the chiefs was,
thereafter, Killernan, in the parish of Kildonan, until the house
was accidentally destroyed by fire about 1690. From this chief, the
patronymic of Mac-Sheumais, or MacKeamish, (that is, the son of
James,) which then became the Gaelic sept-name of the chiefs, is
derived. From one of the sons of the Crowner, named William, are
descended the Wilsons of Caithness, (as from a subsequent chief
of the same name, the Williamsons,) and from another, Henry, the
Hendersons. Another son, Robert, who was killed with his father, was
the progenitor of the Gun Robsons; and another son, John, also slain
by the Keiths, of the Gun MacEans, or MacIans, that is Johnsons,
of Caithness. The Gallies are also of this clan, a party of whom
settling in Ross-shire being designated as coming from _Gall’-aobh_,
the stranger’s side.
William Gunn, the eighth MacKeamish, an officer in the army, was
killed in battle in India, without leaving issue, when the chiefship
devolved on Hector, great-grandson of George, second son of
Alexander, the fifth MacKeamish, to whom he was served nearest male
heir, on the 31st May 1803, and George Gunn, Esq. of Rhives, county
of Sutherland, his only son, became, on his death, chief of the clan
Gunn, and the tenth MacKeamish.
MACLAURIN.
MACLAURIN, more commonly spelled Maclaren, is the name of a small
clan belonging to Perthshire, and called in Gaelic the _clann_
Labhrin. The name is said to have been derived from the district of
Lorn, in Argyleshire, the Gaelic orthography of which is Lubhrin.
The Maclaurins bear the word _Dalriada_, as a motto above their coat
of arms.
MACLAURIN OR MACLAREN.
[Illustration: BADGE--Laurel.]
From Argyleshire the tribe of Laurin moved into Perthshire, having,
it is said, acquired from Kenneth Macalpin, after his conquest of
the Picts in the 9th century, the districts of Balquhidder and
Strathearn, and three brothers are mentioned as having got assigned
to them in that territory the lands of Bruach, Auchleskin, and Stank.
In the churchyard of Balquhidder, celebrated as containing the grave
of Rob Roy, the burial places of their different families are marked
off separately, so as to correspond with the situation which these
estates bear to each other, a circumstance which so far favours the
tradition regarding them.
When the earldom of Strathearn became vested in the crown in 1370,
the Maclaurins were reduced from the condition of proprietors to that
of “kyndly” or perpetual tenants, which they continued to be till
1508, when it was deemed expedient that this Celtic holding should
be changed, and the lands set in feu, “for increase of policie and
augmentation of the king’s rental.”
About 1497, some of the clan Laurin having carried off the cattle
from the Braes of Lochaber, the Macdonalds followed the spoilers,
and, overtaking them in Glenurchy, after a sharp fight, recovered the
“lifting.” The Maclaurins straightway sought the assistance of their
kinsman, Dugal Stewart of Appin, who at once joined them with his
followers, and a conflict took place, when both Dugal and Macdonald
of Keppoch, the chiefs of their respective clans, were among the
slain. This Dugal was the first of the Stewarts of Appin. He was an
illegitimate son of John Stewart, third Lord of Lorn, by a lady of
the clan Laurin, and in 1469 when he attempted, by force of arms,
to obtain possession of his father’s lands, he was assisted by the
Maclaurins, 130 of whom fell in a battle that took place at the foot
of Bendoran, a mountain in Glenurchy.
The clan Laurin were the strongest sept in Balquhidder, which was
called “the country of the Maclaurins.” Although there are few
families of the name there now, so numerous were they at one period
that none dared enter the church until the Maclaurins had taken their
seats. This invidious right claimed by them often led to unseemly
brawls and fights at the church door, and lives were sometimes lost
in consequence. In 1532, Sir John Maclaurin, vicar of Balquhidder,
was killed in one of these quarrels, and several of his kinsmen,
implicated in the deed, were outlawed.
A deadly feud existed between the Maclaurins and their neighbours,
the Macgregors of Rob Roy’s tribe. In the 16th century, the latter
slaughtered no fewer than eighteen householders of the Maclaurin
name, with the whole of their families, and took possession of the
farms which had belonged to them. The deed was not investigated till
1604, forty-six years afterwards, when it was thus described in their
trial for the slaughter of the Colquhouns: “And siclyk, John M’Coull
cheire, ffor airt and pairt of the crewall murthour and burning of
auchtene houshalders of the clan Lawren, thair wyves and bairns,
committit fourtie sax zeir syne, or thairby.” The verdict was that he
was “clene, innocent, and acquit of the said crymes.”[236] The hill
farm of Invernenty, on “The Braes of Balquhidder,” was one of the
farms thus forcibly occupied by the Macgregors, although the property
of a Maclaurin family, and in the days of Rob Roy, two centuries
afterwards, the aid of Stewart of Appin was called in to replace the
Maclaurins in their own, which he did at the head of 200 of his men.
All these farms, however, are now the property of the chief of clan
Gregor, having been purchased about 1798 from the commissioners of
the forfeited estates.
The Maclaurins were out in the rebellion of 1745. According to
President Forbes, they were followers of the Murrays of Athole, but
although some of them might have been so, the majority of the clan
fought for the Pretender with the Stewarts of Appin under Stewart of
Ardsheil.
The chiefship was claimed by the family to which belonged Colin
Maclaurin, the eminent mathematician and philosopher, and his son,
John Maclaurin, Lord Dreghorn. In the application given in for the
latter to the Lyon Court, he proved his descent from a family which
had long been in possession of the island of Tiree, one of the
Argyleshire Hebrides.
MACRAE.
[Illustration: BADGE--Club-moss.]
MACRAE (MACRA or MACRATH)[237] is the name of a Ross-shire clan at
one time very numerous on the shores of Kintail, but now widely
scattered through Scotland and the colonies, more especially Canada.
The oldest form of the name “M’Rath” signifies “son-of-good-luck.”
The clan is generally considered to be of pure Gaelic stock, although
its earliest traditions point to an Irish origin. They are said
to have come over with Colin Fitzgerald, the founder of the clan
Mackenzie, of whose family they continued through their whole history
the warm friends and adherents, so much so that they were jocularly
called “Seaforth’s shirt,” and under his leadership they fought at
the battle of Largs, in 1263. They settled first in the Aird of
Lovat, but subsequently emigrated into Glenshiel, in the district
of Kintail. At the battle of Auldearn, in May 1645, the Macraes
fought under the “Caber-Fey,” on the side of Montrose, where they
lost a great number of men. The chief of the Macraes is Macrae of
Inverinate, in Kintail, whose family since about the year 1520 held
the honourable post of constables of Islandonan. A MS. genealogical
account of the clans, written by the Rev. John Macrae, minister of
Dingwall, who died in 1704, was formerly in possession of Lieut.-Col.
Sir John Macrae of Ardintoul, and is now possessed by the present
head of the Inverinate family, Colin Macrae, Esq., W.S., who has also
a copy of a treaty of friendship between the Campbells of Craignish
and the Macraes of Kintail, dated 1702. This history contains many
interesting stories, descriptive of the great size, strength, and
courage for which the clan was remarkable. One Duncan Mòr, a man of
immense strength, contributed largely to the defeat of the Macdonalds
at the battle of Park, in 1464, and it was said of him that, though
engaged in many conflicts and always victorious, he never came off
without a wound; and another Duncan, who lived in the beginning of
the 18th century, was possessed of so great strength that he is said
to have carried for some distance a stone of huge size, and laid it
down on the farm of Auchnangart, where it is still to be seen. He
was the author of several poetical pieces, and was killed with many
of his clan at Sheriffmuir, in 1715, his two brothers falling at his
side. His sword, long preserved in the Tower of London, was shown as
“the great Highlander’s sword.”
Both males and females of the Macraes are said to have evinced a
strong taste, not only for severe literary studies, but for the
gentler arts of poetry and music. From the beginning of the 15th
century, one of the Inverinate family always held the office of
vicar of Kintail; and John, the first vicar, was much revered for
his learning, which he acquired with the monks of Beauly. Farquhar
Macrae, born 1580, who entered the church, is said to have been a
great Latin scholar. It is told of this Farquhar, that on his first
visit to the island of Lewes, he had to baptize the whole population
under forty years of age, no minister being resident on the island.
* * * * *
We shall here give a short account of the Buchanans and Colquhouns,
because, as Smibert says of the latter, they have ever been placed
among the clans practically, although the neighbouring Lowlanders
gave to them early Saxon names. It is probable that primitively they
were both of Gaelic origin.
BUCHANAN.
[Illustration: BADGE--Bilberry or Oak.]
The BUCHANANS belong to a numerous clan in Stirlingshire, and the
country on the north side of Loch Lomond. The reputed founder of
the clan was Anselan, son of O’Kyan, king of Ulster, in Ireland,
who is said to have been compelled to leave his native country
by the incursions of the Danes, and take refuge in Scotland. He
landed, with some attendants, on the northern coast of Argyleshire,
near the Lennox, about the year 1016, and having, according to the
family tradition, in all such cases made and provided, lent his
assistance to King Malcolm the Second in repelling his old enemies
the Danes, on two different occasions of their arrival in Scotland,
he received from that king for his services a grant of land in the
north of Scotland. The improbable character of this genealogy is
manifested by its farther stating that the aforesaid Anselan married
the heiress of the lands of Buchanan, a lady named Dennistoun; for
the Dennistouns deriving their name from lands given to a family of
the name of Danziel, who came into Scotland with Alan, the father
of the founder of the Abbey of Paisley, and the first _dapifer_,
seneschal, or steward of Scotland, no heiress of that name could have
been in Scotland until long after the period here referred to. It is
more probable that a portion of what afterwards became the estate
of Buchanan formed a part of some royal grant as being connected
with the estates of the Earls of Lennox, whom Skene and Napier
have established to have been remotely connected with the royal
family of the Canmore line, and to have been in the first instance
administrators, on the part of the crown, of the lands which were
afterwards bestowed upon them.
The name of Buchanan is territorial, and is now that of a parish
in Stirlingshire, which was anciently called Inchcaileoch (“old
woman’s island”), from an island of that name in Loch Lomond, on
which in earlier ages there was a nunnery, and latterly the parish
church for a century after the Reformation. In 1621 a detached part
of the parish of Luss, which comprehends the lands of the family of
Buchanan, was included in this parish, when the chapel of Buchanan
was used for the only place of worship, and gave the name to the
whole parish.
Anselan (in the family genealogies styled the third of that name)
the seventh laird of Buchanan, and the sixth in descent from the
above-named Irish prince, but not unlikely to be the first of the
name, which is Norman French, is dignified in the same records
with the magniloquent appellation of seneschal or chamberlain to
Malcolm the first Earl of Levenax (as Lennox was then called).
In 1225, this Anselan obtained from the same earl a charter of a
small island in Loch Lomond called Clareinch--witnesses Dougal,
Gilchrist, and Amalyn, the earl’s three brothers--the name of which
island afterwards became the rallying cry of the Buchanans. He had
three sons, viz., Methlen, said by Buchanan of Auchmar to have been
ancestor of the MacMillans; Colman, ancestor of the MacColmans; and
his successor Gilbert.
His eldest son, Gilbert, or Gillebrid, appears to have borne the
surname of Buchanan.
Sir Maurice Buchanan, grandson of Gilbert, and son of a chief of
the same name, received from Donald, Earl of Lennox, a charter
of the lands of Sallochy, with confirmation of the upper part of
the carrucate of Buchanan. Sir Maurice also obtained a charter of
confirmation of the lands of Buchanan from King David II. in the
beginning of his reign.
Sir Maurice de Buchanan the second, above mentioned, married a
daughter of Menteith of Rusky, and had a son, Walter de Buchanan,
who had a charter of confirmation of some of his lands of Buchanan
from Robert the Second, in which he is designed the king’s
“consanguineus,” or cousin. His eldest son, John, married Janet,
daughter and sole heiress of John Buchanan of Leny, fourth in descent
from Allan already noticed. John, who died before his father, had
three sons, viz., Sir Alexander, Walter, and John, who inherited the
lands of Leny, and carried on that family.
Sir Alexander died unmarried, and the second son, Sir Walter,
succeeded to the estate of Buchanan.
This Sir Walter de Buchanan married Isabel, daughter of Murdoch, Duke
of Albany, governor of Scotland, by Isabel, countess of Lennox, in
her own right. With a daughter, married to Gray of Foulis, ancestor
of Lord Gray, he had three sons, viz., Patrick, his successor;
Maurice, treasurer to the Princess Margaret, the daughter of King
James I., and Dauphiness of France, with whom he left Scotland; and
Thomas, founder of the Buchanans of Carbeth.
The eldest son, Patrick, acquired a part of Strathyre in 1455, and
had a charter under the great seal of his estate of Buchanan, dated
in 1460. He had two sons and a daughter, Anabella, married to her
cousin, James Stewart of Baldorrans, grandson of Murdoch, Duke of
Albany. Their younger son, Thomas Buchanan, was, in 1482, founder of
the house of Drumakill, whence, in the third generation, came the
celebrated George Buchanan. Patrick’s elder son, Walter Buchanan of
that ilk, married a daughter of Lord Graham, and by her had two sons,
Patrick and John, and two daughters, one of them married to the laird
of Lamond, and the other to the laird of Ardkinglass.
John Buchanan, the younger son, succeeded by testament to Menzies
of Arnprior, and was the facetious “King of Kippen,” and faithful
ally of James V. The way in which the laird of Arnprior got the name
of “King of Kippen” is thus related by a tradition which Sir Walter
Scott has introduced into his _Tales of a Grandfather_:--“When James
the Fifth travelled in disguise, he used a name which was known only
to some of his principal nobility and attendants. He was called the
Goodman (the tenant, that is) of Ballengeich. Ballengeich is a steep
pass which leads down behind the castle of Stirling. Once upon a
time when the court was feasting in Stirling, the king sent for some
venison from the neighbouring hills. The deer was killed and put
on horses’ backs to be transported to Stirling. Unluckily they had
to pass the castle gates of Arnprior, belonging to a chief of the
Buchanans, who chanced to have a considerable number of guests with
him. It was late, and the company were rather short of victuals,
though they had more than enough of liquor. The chief, seeing so
much fat venison passing his very door, seized on it, and to the
expostulations of the keepers, who told him it belonged to King
James, he answered insolently, that if James was king in Scotland,
he (Buchanan) was king in Kippen; being the name of the district in
which Arnprior lay. On hearing what had happened, the king got on
horseback, and rode instantly from Stirling to Buchanan’s house,
where he found a strong fierce-looking Highlander, with an axe on his
shoulder, standing sentinel at the door. This grim warder refused the
king admittance, saying that the laird of Arnprior was at dinner, and
would not be disturbed. ‘Yet go up to the company, my good friend,’
said the king, ‘and tell him that the Goodman of Ballengeich is come
to feast with the King of Kippen.’ The porter went grumbling into the
house, and told his master that there was a fellow with a red beard
at the gate, who called himself the Goodman of Ballengeich, who said
he was come to dine with the King of Kippen. As soon as Buchanan
heard these words, he knew that the king was come in person, and
hastened down to kneel at James’s feet, and to ask forgiveness for
his insolent behaviour. But the king, who only meant to give him a
fright, forgave him freely, and, going into the castle, feasted on
his own venison which Buchanan had intercepted. Buchanan of Arnprior
was ever afterwards called the King of Kippen.”[238] He was killed at
the battle of Pinkie in 1547.
The elder son, Patrick, who fell on Flodden field, during his
father’s lifetime, had married a daughter of the Earl of Argyll. She
bore to him two sons and two daughters. The younger son, Walter, in
1519, conveyed to his son Walter the lands of Spittal, and was thus
the founder of that house. On the 14th December of that year, he had
a charter from his father of the temple-lands of Easter-Catter.
The elder son, George Buchanan of that ilk, succeeded his
grandfather, and was sheriff of Dumbartonshire at the critical epoch
of 1561. By Margaret, daughter of Edmonstone of Duntreath, he had a
son, John, who died before his father, leaving a son. By a second
lady, Janet, daughter of Cunninghame of Craigans, he had William,
founder of the now extinct house of Auchmar.
John Buchanan, above mentioned as dying before his father, George
Buchanan of that ilk, was twice married, first to the Lord
Livingston’s daughter, by whom he had one son, George, who succeeded
his grandfather. The son, Sir George Buchanan, married Mary Graham,
daughter of the Earl of Monteith, and had, with two daughters, a son,
Sir John Buchanan of that ilk. Sir John married Anabella Erskine,
daughter of Adam, commendator of Cambuskenneth, a son of the Master
of Mar. He had a son, George, his successor, and a daughter married
to Campbell of Rahein.
Sir George Buchanan the son married Elizabeth Preston, daughter
of the laird of Craigmillar. Sir George was taken prisoner at
Inverkeithing, in which state he died in the end of 1651, leaving,
with three daughters, one son, John, the last laird of Buchanan, who
was twice married, but had no male issue. By his second wife, Jean
Pringle, daughter of Mr Andrew Pringle, a minister, he had a daughter
Janet, married to Henry Buchanan of Leny. John, the last laird, died
in December 1682. His estate was sold by his creditors, and purchased
by the ancestor of the Duke of Montrose.
The barons or lairds of Buchanan built a castle in Stirlingshire,
where the present Buchanan house stands, formerly called the Peel
of Buchanan. Part of it exists, forming the charter-room. A more
modern house was built by these chiefs, adjoining the east side. This
mansion came into the possession of the first Duke of Montrose, who
made several additions to it, as did also subsequent dukes, and it is
now the chief seat of that ducal family in Scotland.
The principal line of the Buchanans becoming, as above shown, extinct
in 1682, the representation of the family devolved on Buchanan of
AUCHMAR. This line became, in its turn, extinct in 1816, and, in the
absence of other competitors, the late Dr Francis Hamilton-Buchanan
of Bardowie, Spittal, and Leny, as heir-male of Walter, first of the
family of Spittal, established in 1826 his claims as chief of the
clan.
The last lineal male descendant of the Buchanans of Leny was Henry
Buchanan, about 1723, whose daughter and heiress, Catherine, married
Thomas Buchanan of Spittal, an officer in the Dutch service, who took
for his second wife, Elizabeth, youngest daughter of John Hamilton
of Bardowie, the sole survivor of her family, and by her he had
four sons and two daughters. Their eldest son John, born in 1758,
succeeded to the estate of Bardowie, and assumed the additional name
of Hamilton, but dying without male issue, was succeeded by his
brother, the above named Dr Francis Hamilton-Buchanan.
There were at one time so many heritors of the name of Buchanan, that
it is said the laird of Buchanan could, in a summer’s day, call
fifty heritors of his own surname to his house, upon any occasion,
and all of them might with convenience return to their respective
residences before night, the most distant of their homes not being
above ten miles from Buchanan Castle.
COLQUHOUN.
[Illustration: BADGE--Bearberry.]
The territory of the COLQUHOUNS is in Dumbartonshire, and the
principal families of the name are Colquhoun of Colquhoun and Luss,
the chief of the clan, a baronet of Scotland and Nova Scotia, created
in 1704, and of Great Britain in 1786; Colquhoun of Killermont and
Garscadden; Colquhoun of Ardenconnel; and Colquhoun of Glenmillan.
There was likewise Colquhoun of Tilliquhoun, a baronet of Scotland
and Nova Scotia (1625), but this family is extinct.
The origin of the name is territorial. One tradition deduces the
descent of the first possessor from a younger son of the old Earls of
Lennox, because of the similarity of their armorial bearings. It is
certain that they were anciently vassals of that potent house.
The immediate ancestor of the family of Luss was Humphry de
Kilpatrick, who, in the reign of Alexander II., not later than 1246,
obtained from Malcolm, Earl of Lennox, a grant of the lands and
barony of Colquhoun, in the parish of Old or West Kilpatrick, _pro
servitio unius militis_, &c., and in consequence assumed the name of
Colquhoun, instead of his own.
His grandson, Ingelram, third Colquhoun, lived in the reign of
Alexander III.
His son, Humphry de Colquhoun, is witness in a charter of Malcolm,
fifth Earl of Lennox, in favour of Sir John de Luss,[239] between
the years 1292-1333. The following remarkable reference to the
construction of a house _ad opus Culquhanorum_, by order of King
Robert Bruce, is extracted from the _Compotum Constabularii de
Cardross_, vol. i., in the accounts of the Great Chamberlains of
Scotland, under date 30th July 1329, as quoted by Mr Tytler in the
appendix to the second volume of his History of Scotland: “Item, in
construccione cujusdam domus ad opus _Culquhanorum_ Domini Regis
ibidem, 10 solidi.” Mr Tytler in a note says that _Culquhanorum_
is “an obscure word, which occurs nowhere else--conjectured by a
learned friend to be ‘keepers of the dogs,’ from the Gaelic root
_Gillen-au-con_--abbreviated, _Gillecon_, Culquhoun.”
Sir Robert de Colquhoun, supposed by Mr Fraser, the family historian,
to be fifth in descent from the first Humphry, and son of a Humphry,
the fourth of Colquhoun, in the reign of David Bruce, married in or
previous to the year 1368 the daughter and sole heiress (known in the
family tradition as “The Fair Maid of Luss,”) of Godfrey de Luss,
lord of Luss, head or chief of an ancient family of that name, and
the sixth in a direct male line from Malduin, dean of Lennox, who, in
the beginning of the thirteenth century, received from Alwyn, second
Earl of Lennox, a charter of the lands of Luss. The Luss territories
lie in the mountainous but beautiful and picturesque district on the
margin of Loch Lomond. Sir Robert was designed “dominus de Colquhoun
and de Luss,” in a charter dated in 1368; since which time the family
have borne the designation of Colquhoun of Colquhoun and Luss. He
is also witness in a charter of the lands of Auchmar by Walter of
Faslane, Lord of Lennox, to Walter de Buchanan in 1373. He had four
sons, namely--Sir Humphry, his heir; Robert, first of the family
of Camstraddan, from whom several other families of the name of
Colquhoun in Dumbartonshire are descended; Robert mentioned in the
Camstraddan charter as “frater junior;” and Patrick, who is mentioned
in a charter from his brother Sir Humphry to his other brother
Robert.
The eldest son, Sir Humphry, sixth of Colquhoun, and eighth of Luss,
is a witness in three charters by Duncan, Earl of Lennox, in the
years 1393, 1394, and 1395. He died in 1406, and left three sons
and two daughters. Patrick, his youngest son, was ancestor of the
Colquhouns of Glennis, from whom the Colquhouns of Barrowfield,
Piemont, and others were descended. The second son, John, succeeded
his eldest brother. The eldest son, Sir Robert, died in 1408, and
was succeeded by his brother. Sir John Colquhoun was appointed
governor of the castle of Dumbarton, by King James I., for his
fidelity to that king during his imprisonment in England. From his
activity in punishing the depredations of the Highlanders, who often
committed great outrages in the low country of Dumbartonshire, he
rendered himself obnoxious to them, and a plot was formed for his
destruction. He received a civil message from some of their chiefs,
desiring a friendly conference, in order to accommodate all their
differences. Suspecting no treachery, he went out to meet them
but slightly attended, and was immediately attacked by a numerous
body of Islanders, under two noted robber-chiefs, Lachlan Maclean
and Murdoch Gibson, and slain in Inchmurren, on Loch Lomond, in
1439. By his wife, Jean, daughter of Robert, Lord Erskine, he
had a son, Malcolm, a youth of great promise. He died before his
father, leaving a son, John, who succeeded his grandfather in 1439.
This Sir John Colquhoun was one of the most distinguished men of
his age in Scotland, and highly esteemed by King James III., from
whom he got a charter in 1457 of the lands of Luss, Colquhoun, and
Garscube, in Dumbartonshire, and of the lands of Glyn and Sauchie,
in Stirlingshire, incorporating the whole into a free barony, to be
called the Barony of Luss; and in the following year he obtained
from the king a charter erecting into a free forest the lands of
Rossdhu and Glenmachome. From 1465 to 1469 he held the high office
of comptroller of the Exchequer, and was subsequently appointed
sheriff principal of Dumbartonshire. In 1645 he got a grant of the
lands of Kilmardinny, and in 1473 and in 1474, of Roseneath, Strone,
&c. In 1474 he was appointed lord high chamberlain of Scotland,
and immediately thereafter was nominated one of the ambassadors
extraordinary to the Court of England, to negotiate a marriage
between the Prince Royal of Scotland and the Princess Cicily,
daughter of King Edward IV. By a royal charter dated 17th September
1477, he was constituted governor of the castle of Dumbarton for
life. He was killed by a cannon-ball at the siege of Dumbarton
Castle, probably in 1478. By his wife, daughter of Thomas, Lord Boyd,
he had two sons and one daughter. His second son, Robert, was bred to
the church, and was first rector of Kippen and Luss, and afterwards
bishop of Argyle from 1473 to 1499. The daughter, Margaret, married
Sir William Murray, seventh baron of Tullibardine (ancestor of the
Dukes of Athole), and bore to him seventeen sons.
His eldest son, Sir Humphry Colquhoun, died in 1493, and was
succeeded by his son, Sir John Colquhoun, who received the honour
of knighthood from King James IV., and obtained a charter under the
great seal of sundry lands and baronies in Dumbartonshire, dated 4th
December 1506. On 11th July 1526 he and Patrick Colquhoun his son
received a respite for assisting John, Earl of Lennox, in treasonably
besieging, taking, and holding the castle of Dumbarton. He died
before 16th August 1536. By his first wife, Elizabeth Stewart,
daughter of John, Earl of Lennox, Sir John Colquhoun had four sons
and four daughters; and by his second wife, Margaret, daughter of
William Cunningham of Craigends, he had two sons and two daughters.
His eldest son, Sir Humphry Colquhoun, married Lady Catherine Graham,
daughter of William, first Earl of Montrose, and died in 1537. By
her he had three sons and two daughters. His son James, designated
of Garscube, ancestor of the Colquhouns of Garscube, Adam, and
Patrick.[240] His eldest son, Sir John Colquhoun, married, first,
Christian Erskine, daughter of Robert, Lord Erskine; and secondly,
Agnes, daughter of the fourth Lord Boyd, ancestor of the Earls of
Kilmarnock. He died in 1575.
His eldest son, Humphry, acquired the heritable coronership of the
county of Dumbarton, from Robert Graham of Knockdollian, which was
ratified and confirmed by a charter under the great seal in 1583.
In July 1592, some of the Macgregors and Macfarlanes came down upon
the low country of Dumbartonshire, and committed vast ravages,
especially upon the territory of the Colquhouns. At the head of
his vassals, and accompanied by several of the gentlemen of the
neighbourhood, Sir Humphry Colquhoun attacked the invaders, and after
a bloody conflict, which was only put an end to at nightfall, he
was overpowered by his assailants, and forced to retreat. To quote
from Mr Fraser’s _Chiefs of the Colquhouns_--“He betook himself to
the castle of Bannachra, a stronghold which had been erected by the
Colquhouns at the foot of the north side of the hill of Bennibuie,
in the parish of Luss. A party of the Macfarlanes and Macgregors
pursued him, and laid siege to his castle. One of the servants who
attended the knight was of the same surname as himself. He had been
tampered with by the assailants of his master, and treacherously
made him their victim. The servant, while conducting his master to
his room up a winding stair of the castle, made him by preconcert
a mark for the arrows of the clan who pursued him by throwing the
glare of a paper torch upon his person when opposite a loophole. A
winged arrow, darted from its string with a steady aim, pierced the
unhappy knight to the heart, and he fell dead on the spot. The fatal
loophole is still pointed out, but the stair, like its unfortunate
lord, has crumbled into dust.” Sir Humphry married, first, Lady Jean
Cunningham, daughter of Alexander, fifth Earl of Glencairn, widow of
the Earl of Argyll, by whom he had no children, and secondly, Jean,
daughter of John, Lord Hamilton, by whom he had a daughter. Having no
male issue, he was succeeded by his younger brother, Alexander.
In Sir Alexander’s time occurred the raid of Glenfinlas, and the
bloody clan conflict of Glenfruin, between the Colquhouns and
Macgregors, in December 1602 and February 1603, regarding which the
popular accounts are much at variance with the historical facts.
The Colquhouns had taken part in the execution of the letters of
fire and sword issued by the crown against the Macgregors some years
before, and the feud between them had been greatly aggravated by
various acts of violence and aggression on both sides.
In 1602, the Macgregors made a regular raid on the laird of Luss’s
lands in Glenfinlas, and carried off a number of sheep and cattle,
as well as slew several of the tenants. Alexander Colquhoun, who had
before complained to the privy council against the Earl of Argyll for
not repressing the clan Gregor, but who had failed in obtaining any
redress, now adopted a tragic method in order to excite the sympathy
of the king. He appeared before his majesty at Stirling, accompanied
by a number of females, the relatives of those who had been killed or
wounded at Glenfinlas, each carrying the bloody shirt of her killed
or wounded relative, to implore his majesty to avenge the wrongs done
them. The ruse had the desired effect upon the king, who, from a
sensitiveness of constitutional temperament, which made him shudder
even at the sight of blood, was extremely susceptible to impressions
from scenes of this description, and he immediately granted a
commission of lieutenancy to the laird of Luss, investing him with
power to repress similar crimes, and to apprehend the perpetrators.
“This commission granted to their enemy appears to have roused the
lawless rage of the Macgregors, who rose in strong force to defy
the laird of Luss; and Glenfruin, with its disasters and sanguinary
defeat of the Colquhouns, and its ultimate terrible consequences to
the victorious clan themselves, was the result.”
In the beginning of the year 1603, Allaster Macgregor of Glenstrae,
followed by four hundred men chiefly of his own clan, but
including also some of the clans Cameron and Anverich, armed with
“halberschois, powaixes, twa-handit swordis, bowis and arrowis, and
with hagbutis and pistoletis,” advanced into the territory of Luss.
Colquhoun, acting under his royal commission, had raised a force
which has been stated by some writers as having amounted to 300 horse
and 500 foot. This is probably an exaggeration, but even if it is
not, the disasters which befell them may be explained from the trap
into which they fell, and from the nature of the ground on which they
encountered the enemy. This divested them of all the advantages which
they might have derived from superiority of numbers and from their
horse.
On the 7th February 1603, the Macgregors were in Glenfruin “in two
divisions,” writes Mr Fraser--“One of them at the head of the glen,
and the other in ambuscade near the farm of Strone, at a hollow or
ravine called the Crate. The Colquhouns came into Glenfruin from the
Luss side, which is opposite Strone--probably by Glen Luss and Glen
Mackurn. Alexander Colquhoun pushed on his forces in order to get
through the glen before encountering the Macgregors; but, aware of
his approach, Allaster Macgregor also pushed forward one division of
his forces and entered at the head of the glen in time to prevent
his enemy from emerging from the upper end of the glen, whilst his
brother, John Macgregor, with the division of his clan, which lay
in ambuscade, by a detour, took the rear of the Colquhouns, which
prevented their retreat down the glen without fighting their way
through that section of the Macgregors who had got in their rear. The
success of the stratagem by which the Colquhouns were thus placed
between two fires seems to be the only way of accounting for the
terrible slaughter of the Colquhouns and the much less loss of the
Macgregors.
“The Colquhouns soon became unable to maintain their ground, and,
falling into a moss at the farm of Auchingaich, they were thrown
into disorder, and made a hasty and disorderly retreat, which proved
even more disastrous than the conflict, for they had to force their
way through the men led by John Macgregor, whilst they were pressed
behind by Allaster, who, reuniting the two divisions of his army,
continued the pursuit.”
All who fell into the hands of the victors were at once put to death,
and the chief of the Colquhouns barely escaped with his life after
his horse had been killed under him. One hundred and forty of the
Colquhouns were slaughtered, and many more were wounded, among whom
were several women and children. When the pursuit ended, the work
of spoliation and devastation commenced. Large numbers of horses,
cattle, sheep, and goats were carried off, and many of the houses and
steadings of the tenantry were burned to the ground. Their triumph
the Macgregors were not allowed long to enjoy. The government took
instant and severe measures against them. A price was put upon the
heads of seventy or eighty of them by name, and upon a number of
their confederates of other clans:--“Before any judicial inquiry
was made,” says Mr Fraser, “on 3d April 1603, only two days before
James VI. left Scotland for England to take possession of the English
throne, an Act of Privy Council was passed, by which the name of
Gregor or Macgregor was for ever abolished. All of this surname were
commanded, under the penalty of death, to change it for another; and
the same penalty was denounced against those who should give food
or shelter to any of the clan. All who had been at the conflict of
Glenfruin, and at the spoliation and burning of the lands of the
Laird of Luss, were prohibited, under the penalty of death, from
carrying any weapon except a pointless knife to eat their meat.”
Thirty-five of the clan Gregor were executed after trial between
the 20th May 1603 and the 2d March 1604. Amongst these was Allaster
Macgregor, who surrendered himself to the Earl of Argyll.
By his wife Helen, daughter of Sir George Buchanan of that ilk,
Alexander had one son and five daughters. He died in 1617.
The eldest son, Sir John, in his father’s lifetime, got a charter
under the great seal of the ten pound land of Dunnerbuck, dated 20th
February 1602, was created a baronet of Nova Scotia by patent dated
the last day of August 1625. He married Lady Lillias Graham, daughter
of the fourth Earl of Montrose, brother of the great Marquis, by whom
he had three sons and three daughters. His two eldest sons succeeded
to the baronetcy. From Alexander, the third son, the Colquhouns of
Tillyquhoun were descended. He died in 1647.
Sir John, the second baronet of Luss, married Margaret, daughter
and sole heiress of Sir Gideon Baillie of Lochend, in the county of
Haddington, and had two sons, and seven daughters. He adhered firmly
to the royal cause during all the time of the civil wars, on which
account he suffered many hardships, and, in 1654, was by Cromwell
fined two thousand pounds sterling. He was succeeded in 1676 by his
younger son, Sir James--the elder having predeceased him--third
baronet of Luss, who held the estates only four years, and being a
minor, unmarried, left no issue. He was succeeded in 1680 by his
uncle, Sir James, who married Penuel, daughter of William Cunningham
of Balleichan, in Ireland. He had, with one daughter, two sons, Sir
Humphry, fifth baronet, and James. The former was a member of the
last Scottish Parliament, and strenuously opposed and voted against
every article of the treaty of union. By his wife Margaret, daughter
of Sir Patrick Houston of that ilk, baronet, he had an only daughter,
Anne Colquhoun, his sole heiress, who, in 1702, married James Grant
of Pluscardine, second son of Ludovick Grant of Grant, immediate
younger brother of Brigadier Alexander Grant, heir apparent of the
said Ludovick.
Having no male issue, Sir Humphry, with the design that his daughter
and her husband should succeed him in his whole estate and honours,
in 1704 resigned his baronetcy into the hands of her majesty Queen
Anne, for a new patent to himself in liferent, and his son-in-law
and his heirs therein named in fee, but with this express limitation
that he and his heirs so succeeding to that estate and title should
be obliged to bear the name and arms of Colquhoun of Luss, &c. It was
also specially provided that the estates of Grant and Luss should not
be conjoined.
Sir Humphry died in 1718, and was succeeded in his estate and honours
by James Grant, his son-in-law, under the name and designation of Sir
James Colquhoun of Luss. He enjoyed that estate and title till the
death of his elder brother, Brigadier Alexander Grant, in 1719, when,
succeeding to the estate of Grant, he relinquished the name and title
of Colquhoun of Luss, and resumed his own, retaining the baronetcy,
it being by the last patent vested in his person. He died in 1747.
By the said Anne, his wife, he had a numerous family. His eldest
son, Humphry Colquhoun, subsequently Humphry Grant of Grant, died
unmarried in 1732. The second son, Ludovick, became Sir Ludovick
Grant of Grant, baronet, while the fourth son James succeeded as Sir
James Colquhoun of Luss, the third son having died in infancy. He is
the amiable and very polite gentleman described by Smollett in his
novel of Humphry Clinker, under the name of “Sir George Colquhoun,
a colonel in the Dutch service.” He married Lady Helen Sutherland,
daughter of William Lord Strathnaver, son of the Earl of Sutherland,
and by her he had three sons and five daughters. In 1777 he founded
the town of Helensburgh on the frith of Clyde, and named it after his
wife. To put an end to some disputes which had arisen with regard
to the destination of the old patent of the Nova Scotia baronetcy,
(John Colquhoun of Tillyquhoun, as the eldest cadet, having, on the
death of his cousin-german, Sir Humphry Colquhoun, in 1718, assumed
the title as heir male of his grandfather, the patentee), Sir James
was, in 1786, created a baronet of Great Britain. His second youngest
daughter, Margaret, married William Baillie, a lord of session,
under the title of Lord Polkemmet, and was the mother of Sir William
Baillie, baronet. Sir James died in November 1786.
His eldest son, Sir James Colquhoun, second baronet under the new
patent, sheriff-depute of Dumbartonshire, was one of the principal
clerks of session. By his wife, Mary, daughter and co-heir of James
Falconer, Esq. of Monktown, he had seven sons and four daughters.
He died in 1805. His eldest son, Sir James, third baronet, was for
some time M.P. for Dumbartonshire. He married, on 13th June 1799, his
cousin Janet, daughter of Sir John Sinclair, baronet, and had three
sons and two daughters. Of this lady, who died October 21, 1846, and
who was distinguished for her piety and benevolence, a memoir exists
by the late Rev. James Hamilton, D.D., London.
[Illustration: Old Rossdhu Castle, from the _Chiefs of the
Colquhouns_.]
“Some time after Sir James’ succession,” says Mr Fraser, to whose
book on the Colquhouns we have been much indebted in this account,
“significant testimony was given that the ancient feud between his
family and that of the Macgregors, which had frequently led to such
disastrous results to both, had given place to feelings of hearty
goodwill and friendship. On an invitation from Sir James and
Lady Colquhoun, Sir John Murray Macgregor and Lady Macgregor came
on a visit to Rossdhu. The two baronets visited Glenfruin. They
were accompanied by Lady Colquhoun and Misses Helen and Catherine
Colquhoun. After the battlefield had been carefully inspected by
the descendants of the combatants, Sir J. M. Macgregor insisted on
shaking hands with Sir James Colquhoun and the whole party on the
spot where it was supposed that the battle had been hottest. On the
occasion of the same visit to Rossdhu, the party ascended Ben Lomond,
which dominates so grandly over Loch Lomond. On the summit of this
lofty mountain, Sir John M. Macgregor danced a Highland reel with
Miss Catherine Colquhoun, afterwards Mrs Millar of Earnoch. Sir John
was then fully eighty years of age.”
His eldest son, Sir James Colquhoun, the fourth baronet of the new
creation, and the eighth of the old patent, succeeded on his father’s
death, 3d Feb. 1836; chief of the Colquhouns of Luss; Lord-lieutenant
of Dumbartonshire, and M.P. for that county from 1837 to 1841. He
married in June 1843, Jane, daughter of Sir Robert Abercromby of
Birkenbog. She died 3d May 1844, leaving one son, James, born in 1844.
The family mansion, Rossdhu, is situated on a beautiful peninsula.
To the possessions of the family of Colquhoun was added in 1852 the
estate of Ardincaple, purchased from the Duchess Dowager of Argyll.
According to Mr Fraser, the three baronets of Luss, before Sir James,
purchased up no less than fourteen lairdships.
Robert, a younger son of Sir Robert Colquhoun of that ilk, who
married the heiress of Luss, was the first of the Colquhouns of
Camstrodden, which estate, with the lands of Achirgahan, he obtained
by charter, dated 4th July 1395, from his brother Sir Humphry. Sir
James Colquhoun, third baronet, purchased in 1826 that estate from
the hereditary proprietor, and re-annexed it to the estate of Luss.
The Killermont line, originally of Garscadden, is a scion of the
Camstrodden branch.
FORBES.
[Illustration: BADGE--Broom.]
Although there is great doubt as to the Celtic or at least Gaelic
origin of the FORBES clan, still, as it was one of the most powerful
and influential of the northern clans, it may claim a notice here.
“The Forbes Family and following,” says Smibert, “ranked early among
the strongest on the north-eastern coast of Scotland; and no one can
reasonably doubt but that the ancient Pictish Gael of the region in
question constituted a large proportion (if not of the Forbeses, at
least) of the followers of the house.”
The traditions regarding the origin of the surname of Forbes are
various; and some of them very fanciful. The principal of these,
referred to by Sir Samuel Forbes in his “View of the diocese of
Aberdeen” (MS. quoted by the Statistical Account of Scotland, art.
Tullynessle and Forbes), states that this name was first assumed by
one Ochonchar, from Ireland, who having slain a ferocious bear in
that district, took the name of Forbear, now spelled and pronounced
Forbes, in two syllables; although the English, in pronunciation,
make it only one. In consequence of this feat the Forbeses carry in
their arms three bears’ heads. A variation of this story says that
the actor in this daring exploit was desirous of exhibiting his
courage to the young and beautiful heiress of the adjacent castle,
whose name being Bess, he, on receiving her hand as his reward,
assumed it to commemorate his having killed the bear for “Bess.”
Another tradition states that the name of the founder of the family
was originally Bois, a follower of an early Scottish king, and that
on granting him certain lands for some extraordinary service, his
majesty observed that they were “for Boice.” The surname, however, is
territorial, and said to be Celtic, from the Gaelic word Ferbash or
Ferbasach, a bold man.
[Illustration: FORBES. (Tartan)]
“On the whole,” says Smibert, “the traditions of the family, as
well as other authorities, countenance with unusual strength, the
belief, that the heads of the Forbeses belonged really to the Irish
branch, and were among those strangers of that race whom the Lowland
kings planted in the north and north-east of Scotland to overawe the
remaining primary population of Gaelic Picts.”
According to Skene, in his treatise _De Verborum Significatione_,
Duncan Forbois got from King Alexander (but which of the three kings
of that name is not mentioned) a charter of the lands and heritage
of Forbois in Aberdeenshire, whence the surname. In the reign of
King William the Lion, John de Forbes possessed the lands of that
name. His son, Fergus de Forbes, had a charter of the same from
Alexander, Earl of Buchan, about 1236. Next of this race are Duncan
de Forbes, his son, 1262, and Alexander de Forbes, grandson, governor
of Urquhart Castle in Moray, which he bravely defended for a long
time, in 1304, against Edward I. of England; but on its surrender
all within the castle were put to the sword, except the wife of
the governor, who escaped to Ireland, and was there delivered of
a posthumous son. This son, Sir Alexander de Forbes, the only one
of his family remaining, came to Scotland in the reign of Robert
the Bruce, and his patrimonial inheritance of Forbes having been
bestowed upon others, he obtained a grant of other lands instead. He
was killed at the battle of Duplin, in 1332, fighting valiantly on
the side of King David, the son of Bruce. From his son, Sir John de
Forbes, 1373, all the numerous families in Scotland who bear the name
and their offshoots, trace their descent.[241]
Sir John’s son, Sir Alexander de Forbes (curiously said to be
posthumous like the above Alexander), acquired from Thomas, Earl of
Mar, several lands in Aberdeenshire, the grant of which King Robert
II. ratified by charter in the third year of his reign. By King
Robert III. he was appointed justiciary of Aberdeen, and coroner of
that county. He died in 1405. By his wife, a daughter of Kennedy
of Dunure, he had four sons, namely--Sir Alexander, his successor,
the first Lord Forbes; Sir William, ancestor of the Lords Pitsligo;
Sir John, who obtained the thanedom of Formartine (which now gives
the title of viscount to the Earl of Aberdeen) and the lands of
Tolquhoun, by his marriage with Marjory, daughter and heiress of Sir
Henry Preston of Formartine, knight (of the Dingwall family), and was
ancestor of the Forbeses of Tolquhoun, Foveran, Watertoun, Culloden,
and others of the name; and Alexander, founder of the family of Brux,
and others.
Alexander, the elder son, was created a peer of parliament sometime
after 1436. The precise date of creation is not known, but in a
precept, directed by James II. to the lords of the exchequer, dated
12th July 1442, he is styled Lord Forbes. He died in 1448. By his
wife, Lady Elizabeth (sometimes called Lady Mary) Douglas, only
daughter of George, Earl of Angus, and grand-daughter of King Robert
II, he had two sons and three daughters.
James, the elder son, second Lord Forbes, was knighted by King
James III. He died soon after 1460. By his wife, Lady Egidia Keith,
second daughter of the first Earl Marischal, he had three sons
and a daughter, namely--William, third Lord Forbes; Duncan, of
Corsindae, ancestor (by his second son) of the Forbeses of Monymusk;
and Patrick, the first of the family of Corse, progenitor of the
Forbeses, baronets, of Craigievar, and of the Irish Earls of Granard.
The daughter, Egidia, became the wife of Malcolm Forbes of Tolquhoun.
William, third Lord Forbes, married Lady Christian Gordon, third
daughter of Alexander, first Earl of Huntly, and had, with a
daughter, three sons, Alexander, fourth lord; Arthur, fifth lord; and
John, sixth lord.
Alexander, fourth lord, died, while yet young, before 16th May 1491.
Arthur, fifth Lord Forbes, succeeded his brother, and being under
age at the time, he was placed as one of the king’s wards, under the
guardianship of John, Lord Glammis, whose daughter he had married,
but he died soon after his accession to the title, without children.
His next brother, John, became sixth Lord Forbes, before 30th October
1496, at which date he is witness to a charter. The sixth lord died
in 1547. He was thrice married, first, to Lady Catherine Stewart,
second daughter of John, Earl of Athole, uterine brother of King
James II., and by her he had a son John, who died young, and a
daughter, Elizabeth, married to John Grant of Grant; secondly, to
Christian, daughter of Sir John Lundin of that ilk, by whom he had
two sons and four daughters; and, thirdly, to Elizabeth Barlow or
Barclay, relict of the first Lord Elphinstone, killed at Flodden
in 1513, by whom he had a son, Arthur Forbes of Putachie, and a
daughter, Janet, who was also thrice married.
The elder son of the second marriage, John, the Master of Forbes
above mentioned, is stated to have been a young man of great courage
and good education, but of a bold and turbulent spirit. He was
beheaded for treason, on the 17th of July 1537.
After the execution of the Master, the king (James V.) seems to have
been anxious to compensate the family for his severity towards them,
by admitting his next brother, William, into his favour. He restored
to him his brother’s honours and estates, and in 1539, appointed him
one of the gentlemen of his bedchamber. This William succeeded his
father in 1547, as seventh Lord Forbes, and died in 1593. He had
married Elizabeth Keith, daughter and coheiress, with her sister,
Margaret, Countess Marischal, of Sir William Keith of Inverugie, and
had by her six sons and eight daughters. The sons were, John, eighth
Lord Forbes; William, of Foderhouse; James, of Lethendy: Robert,
prior of Monymusk; Arthur of Logie, called from his complexion,
“Black Arthur;” and Abraham, of Blacktoun.
John, eighth Lord Forbes, was one of the five noblemen appointed by
commission from the king, dated 25th July 1594, lieutenants of the
northern counties, for the suppression of the rebellion of the popish
Earls of Huntly and Errol. His lordship was served heir to his mother
13th November 1604, and died soon afterwards. He had married, while
still Master of Forbes, Lady Margaret Gordon, eldest daughter of
George, fourth Earl of Huntly, and had, with a daughter named Jean,
a son, John, who, being educated in the faith of his mother, entered
a religious order on the continent, and died without succession.
This lady Lord Forbes repudiated, and in consequence a sanguinary
contest took place in 1572, in the parish of Clatt, Aberdeenshire,
between the two rival clans of Forbes and Gordon. The latter, under
the command of two of the earl’s brothers, attacked the Forbeses,
within a rude intrenchment which they had formed on the white hill
of Tillyangus, in the south-western extremity of the parish, and
after a severe contest the Gordons prevailed, having carried the
intrenchment, and slain the Master’s brother, “Black Arthur.” The
pursuit of the Forbeses was continued to the very gates of Druminner,
the seat of their chief. A number of cairns are still pointed out
where those slain on this occasion are said to have been buried. The
eighth Lord Forbes took for his second wife, Janet, daughter of James
Seton of Touch, and had, besides Arthur, ninth lord, another son, and
a daughter.
Arthur, ninth lord, married on 1st February 1600, Jean, second
daughter of Alexander, fourth Lord Elphinstone. He was succeeded by
his only surviving son, Alexander, tenth Lord Forbes, who fought
against the imperialists under the banner of the lion of the
north, the renowned Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden, in whose service
he attained the rank of lieutenant-general, and won for himself a
high military reputation. On his return home, he had a considerable
command in the army sent from Scotland to suppress the Irish
rebellion in 1643. He afterwards retired to Germany, where he spent
the remainder of his days. He was twice married--first, to Anne,
eldest daughter of Sir John Forbes of Pitsligo, by whom he had,
besides several children, who died young, a son, William, eleventh
Lord Forbes; and secondly, to Elizabeth, daughter of Robert Forbes of
Rires, in Fife, and by her had a large family.
William, eleventh Lord Forbes, died in 1691. He was thrice married,
but had issue only by his first wife, Jean, a daughter of Sir John
Campbell of Calder.
His eldest son, William, twelfth Lord Forbes, was a zealous supporter
of the revolution. In 1689 he was sworn a privy councillor to King
William. He died in July 1716. By his wife, Anne, daughter of James
Brodie of Brodie, he had three sons and one daughter.
William, the eldest son, thirteenth Lord Forbes, married, in
September 1720, Dorothy, daughter of William Dale, Esq. of Covent
Garden, Westminster. He died at Edinburgh 26th June 1730. He had
a son, Francis, fourteenth lord, who died in August 1734, in the
thirteenth year of his age, and four daughters, one of whom, Jean,
was married to James Dundas of Dundas, and another, the youngest,
Elizabeth, married John Gregory, M.D., professor of the practice of
medicine in the university of Edinburgh, and was the mother of the
celebrated Dr James Gregory.
James, second son of the twelfth lord, succeeded his nephew, as
fifteenth Lord Forbes, and died at Putachie, 20th February 1761,
in the 73d year of his age. He married, first, Mary, daughter of
the third Lord Pitsligo, widow of John Forbes of Monymusk, and
grandmother of the celebrated Sir William Forbes of Pitsligo,
baronet, and had a son, James, sixteenth Lord Forbes, and three
daughters; secondly, in July 1741, Elizabeth, daughter of Sir James
Gordon of Park, baronet.
James, sixteenth lord, died at Edinburgh 29th July 1804, in the 80th
year of his age. By his wife Catherine, only daughter of Sir Robert
Innes, baronet, of Orton and Balvenie, he had four sons and two
daughters.
James Ochoncar Forbes, seventeenth lord, the eldest son, born 7th
March 1765, entered the army in 1781, as ensign in the Coldstream
regiment of foot guards, in which he was an officer for twenty-six
years, holding important positions, and doing good service for his
country. He died 4th May 1843. By his wife, Elizabeth, daughter and
heiress of Walter Hunter of Polmood, Peeblesshire, and Crailing,
Roxburghshire, he had six sons and four daughters. The estate of
Polmood had been the subject of litigation for nearly fifty years
in the Court of Session and House of Lords, but it was ultimately
decided that an old man named Adam Hunter, who laid claim to it,
had not established his pedigree. It consequently came into the
possession of Lady Forbes. His lordship’s eldest son, James, a
lieutenant-colonel in the Coldstream guards, predeceased his father
in 1835.
Walter, the second son, born 29th May 1798, became eighteenth Lord
Forbes, on his father’s death in 1843. He was twice married, and had
in all eight sons and one daughter. He died in May 1868, and was
succeeded by his eldest son, Horace Courtenay, born in 1829.
Lord Forbes is the premier baron of Scotland, being the first on the
union roll. He is also a baronet of Nova Scotia, the date of creation
being 1628.
The Forbeses of TOLQUHOUN, ancient cadets of this family, one of whom
fell at the battle of Pinkie, 10th September 1547, are descended from
Sir John Forbes, third son of Sir John Forbes, justiciary of Aberdeen
in the reign of Robert III., are now represented by James Forbes
Leith, Esq. of Whitehaugh, in the same county.
[Illustration: Craigievar Castle.]
The Forbeses of CRAIGIEVAR (also in Aberdeenshire), who possess
a baronetcy, descend from the Hon. Patrick Forbes of Corse,
armour-bearer to King James III., and third son, as already stated,
of James, second Lord Forbes. The lands of Corse, which formed part
of the barony of Coul and O’Nele or O’Neil, were in 1476 bestowed on
this Patrick, for his services, by that monarch, and on 10th October
1482 he had a charter of confirmation under the great seal, of the
barony of O’Neil, namely, the lands of Coule, Kincraigy, and le
Corss. In 1510 his son and successor, David, called “Trail the Axe,”
had a charter of the lands of O’Nele, Cors, Kincraigy, le Mureton,
with the mill and alehouse thereof (the lands of Coul being now
disjoined therefrom), and uniting and incorporating them into a haill
and free barony, “cum furca, fossa, pitt et gallous,” &c., to be
called the barony of O’Neil in all time coming. He married Elizabeth,
sister of Panter of Newmanswells, near Montrose, secretary of state
to James IV., and had a son, Patrick of O’Neil Corse, infeft in 1554.
Patrick’s eldest son, William, infeft in January 1567, by his wife
Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Alexander Strachan of Thornton, had six
sons and five daughters.
His eldest son, Patrick Forbes of Corse and O’Neil, was bishop of
Aberdeen for seventeen years, and died in 1635. The bishop’s male
line failing with his grandchildren, the family estates devolved on
the descendants of his next brother, William Forbes of Craigievar,
the first of that branch.
His eldest son, William, was created a baronet of Nova Scotia, 20th
April 1630, with a grant of sixteen thousand acres in New Brunswick,
erected into a free barony and regality, to be called New Craigievar.
Sir William’s son, Sir John, second baronet, married Margaret, a
daughter of Young of Auldbar, and had six sons and three daughters.
His grandson, Sir Arthur, fourth baronet, represented the county of
Aberdeen in parliament from 1727 to 1747. Sir Arthur was the bosom
friend of Sir Andrew Mitchell, British ambassador to Frederick the
Great of Prussia, who left to Sir Arthur the bulk of his property,
including his valuable library, and his estate of Thainston.
His son, Sir William, fifth baronet, born in 1753, by his wife, the
Hon. Sarah Sempill, daughter of the twelfth Lord Sempill, had four
sons and seven daughters.
His son, Sir Arthur, sixth baronet, was for some time an officer in
the 7th hussars. He died unmarried in 1823, and was succeeded by his
brother, Sir John, seventh baronet, born in 1785. He was a judge in
the Hon. East India company’s service, and married in September 1825,
the Hon. Charlotte Elizabeth, daughter of the 17th Lord Forbes, and
had two sons and six daughters. He died 16th February 1846.
The elder son, Sir William, born May 20, 1836, succeeded as eighth
baronet. In 1858 he married the only daughter of Sir Charles Forbes,
Bart., of Newe and Edinglassie. He married, secondly, in November
1862, Frances Emily, youngest daughter of the late Sir George
Abercromby, Bart. of Birkenbog, and has issue several sons.
The family of Forbes of PITSLIGO and FETTERCAIRN, which possesses a
baronetcy, is descended from Hon. Duncan Forbes of Corsindae, second
son of the second Lord Forbes.
The family of Forbes of NEWE and EDINGLASSIE, which also possesses
a baronetcy, is descended from William Forbes of Dauch and Newe,
younger son of Sir John Forbes, knight, who obtained a charter of
the barony of Pitsligo and Kinnaldie, 10th October 1476, and whose
elder son, Sir John Forbes, was the progenitor of Alexander Forbes,
created Lord Forbes of Pitsligo, 24th June 1633, a title attainted in
the person of Alexander, fourth lord, for his participation in the
rebellion of 1745. John Forbes of Bellabeg, the direct descendant of
the said William of Dauch, was born at Bellabeg in September 1743. In
early life he went to Bombay, and engaging in mercantile pursuits,
became one of the most extensive and distinguished merchants in
India. Having realised a large fortune he repurchased Newe, the
estate of his ancestors, besides other lands in Strathdon, and the
whole of his rental was laid out in improvements. He died 20th June
1821, and was succeeded by his nephew, Sir Charles Forbes, eldest son
of the Rev. George Forbes of Lochell, by his wife, Katharine, only
daughter of Gordon Stewart of Inveraurie. He was created a baronet,
4th November 1823. He sat in parliament for upwards of twenty years.
In 1833 he was served nearest male heir in general to Alexander,
third Lord Pitsligo, by a jury at Aberdeen, and the same year he
obtained the authority of the Lord Lyon to use the Pitsligo arms and
supporters. He died 20th November 1849, and was succeeded by his
grandson, Sir Charles, second baronet, born 15th July 1832, on whose
death, unmarried, 23d May 1852, the title devolved on his uncle, Sir
Charles Forbes, third baronet, born at Bombay 21st September 1803,
and educated at Harrow school.
The first of the Forbeses of CULLODEN,[242] Inverness-shire, was
Duncan Forbes, great-grandfather of the celebrated Lord President
Forbes, descended from the noble family of Forbes through that
of Tolquhoun, and by the mother’s side from that of Keith, Earl
Marischal. He was M.P. and provost of Inverness, and purchased the
estate of Culloden from the laird of Mackintosh in 1626. He died in
1654, aged 82.
Duncan Forbes, the first of Culloden, married Janet, eldest daughter
of James Forbes of Corsindae, also descended from the noble family
at the head of the clan, and had, with two daughters, three sons,
namely, John, his heir, Captain James Forbes of Caithness, and
Captain Duncan Forbes of Assynt.
John Forbes of Culloden, the eldest son, was also provost of
Inverness. He was the friend and supporter of the Marquis of Argyll,
and from his strong support of Presbyterian principles he suffered
much in the reign of Charles II. and his brother James. About the
year 1670, his landed estate was doubled by the purchase of the
barony of Ferintosh and the estate of Bunchrew. As a compensation for
the loss which the family had sustained during the revolution, his
eldest son and successor, Duncan Forbes, third of Culloden, received
from the Scots parliament the privilege of distilling into spirits
the grain of the barony of Ferintosh, at a nominal composition of the
duty, which remained the same, after the spirits distilled in other
parts of the country were subjected to a comparatively heavy excise;
hence Ferintosh became renowned for its whisky. The privilege was
taken away in 1785. By his wife, Mary, daughter of Sir Robert Innes,
of Innes, in Morayshire, baronet, he had two sons, John, and Duncan,
Lord President, and several daughters.
John, the fourth laird of Culloden, took an active part on the side
of government on the breaking out of the rebellion of 1715, and,
with the afterwards celebrated Lord Lovat, narrowly escaped being
apprehended at Aberdeen by Lord Saltoun, in command of the Jacobite
forces there. Both he and his brother Duncan were engaged in putting
down the insurrection in Inverness-shire. In those convivial times
he so much excelled most of his friends in the quantity of claret
that he could drink, that he was distinguished by the name of
Bumper John. Dying without issue in 1734, he was succeeded by his
only brother, Duncan,[243] the celebrated Lord President, whose only
child, John Forbes, the sixth of Culloden, showed, when young, says
Mr Burton, “the convivial spirit of his race, without their energy
and perseverance.” He lived retired at Stradishall, in Suffolk, and
by economy and judicious management succeeded in some measure in
retrieving the losses which his father had sustained in the public
service, and which, with the utmost ingratitude, the government,
which his exertions and outlay had mainly helped to establish,
refused to acknowledge or compensate. John Forbes died 26th September
1772. He was twice married--first to Jane, daughter of Sir Arthur
Forbes of Craigievar, baronet, by whom he had two sons, Duncan, who
died before him, and Arthur, his successor; and, secondly, Jane,
daughter of Captain Forbes of Newe, without issue.
Arthur, seventh laird, died 26th May 1803, and was succeeded by his
only son, Duncan George, who died 3d November 1827, when his eldest
son, Arthur, born 25th January 1819, became the ninth laird of
Culloden.
There are many other families of this name, but want of space forbids
us entering into further details.
URQUHART.
[Illustration: BADGE--Wall-flower.]
URQUHART, or URCHARD, is the name of a minor clan (_Urachdun_),
originally settled in Cromarty (badge, the wallflower), a branch of
the clan Forbes. Nisbet says,--“A brother of Ochonchar, who slew the
bear, and was predecessor of the Lords Forbes, having in keeping the
castle of Urquhart, took his surname from the place.” This castle
stood on the south side of Loch Ness, and was in ancient times a
place of great strength and importance, as is apparent from its
extensive and magnificent ruins. In that fabulous work, “The true
pedigree and lineal descent of the most ancient and honourable family
of Urquhart, since the creation of the world, by Sir Thomas Urquhart,
Knight of Cromartie,” the origin of the family and name is ascribed
to _Ourqhartus_, that is, “fortunate and well-beloved,” the familiar
name of Esormon, of whom the eccentric author describes himself as
the 128th descendant. He traces his pedigree, in a direct line,
even up to Adam and Eve, and somewhat inconsistently makes the word
_Urquhart_ have the same meaning as _Adam_, namely, _red earth_.
The family of Urquhart is one of great antiquity. In Hailes’
_Annals_, it is mentioned that Edward I. of England, during the time
of the competition for the Scottish crown, ordered a list of the
sheriffs in Scotland to be made out. Among them appears the name of
William Urquhart of Cromartie, heritable sheriff of the county. He
married a daughter of Hugh, Earl of Ross, and his son Adam obtained
charters of various lands. A descendant of his, Thomas Urquhart
of Cromartie, who lived in the 16th century, is said to have been
father of 11 daughters and 25 sons. Seven of the latter fell at the
battle of Pinkie in 1547, and from another descended the Urquharts of
Newhall, Monteagle, Kinbeachie, and Braelangwell.
The eldest son, Alexander Urquhart of Cromartie, had a charter from
James V. of the lands of Inch Rory and others, in the shires of Ross
and Inverness, dated March 7, 1532. He had two sons. The younger son,
John Urquhart, born in 1547, became tutor to his grand-nephew, Sir
Thomas Urquhart, and was well known afterwards by the designation of
the “Tutor of Cromartie.” He died November 8, 1631, aged 84.
[Illustration: CASTLE URQUHART, (LOCH NESS)
GRANTED BY CHARTER 1509 TO THE FAMILY OF GRANT OF GRANT NOW EARLS OF
SEAFIELD.
A. Fullerton & C^o London & Edinburgh.]
Sir Thomas, the family genealogist, is chiefly known as the
translator of _Rabelais_. He appears to have at one period travelled
much on the continent. He afterwards became a cavalier officer,
and was knighted by Charles I. at Whitehall. After that monarch’s
decapitation, he accompanied Charles II. in his march into England,
and was taken prisoner at the battle of Worcester in 1651, when his
estates were forfeited by Cromwell. He wrote several elaborate works,
but the most creditable is his translation of _Rabelais_. Such,
notwithstanding, was the universality of his attainments, that he
deemed himself capable of enlightening the world on many things never
“dreamed of in the philosophy” of ordinary mortals. “Had I not,” he
says, “been pluck’d away by the importunity of my creditors, I would
have emitted to public view above five hundred several treatises on
inventions, never hitherto thought upon by any.” The time and place
of his death are unknown. There is a tradition that he died of an
inordinate fit of laughter, on hearing of the restoration of Charles
II. The male line ended in Colonel James Urquhart, an officer of
much distinction, who died in 1741. The representation of the family
devolved on the Urquharts of Braelangwell, which was sold (with the
exception of a small portion, which is strictly entailed) by Charles
Gordon Urquhart, Esq., an officer in the Scots Greys. The Urquharts
of Meldrum, Aberdeenshire, obtained that estate through the marriage,
in 1610, of their ancestor, John Urquhart of Craigfintry, tutor of
Cromarty, with Elizabeth Seton, heiress of Meldrum. The Urquharts
of Craigston, and a few more families of the name, still possess
estates in the north of Scotland; and persons of this surname are
still numerous in the counties of Ross and Cromarty. In Ross-shire,
Inverness-shire, and Morayshire, there are parishes of the name of
Urquhart.
FOOTNOTES:
[228] _Highlands of Scotland_, p. 288.
[229] For portrait of General Hugh Mackay, _vide_ vol. i. p. 361.
[230] _Skene’s Highlanders_, vol ii. p. 301.
[231] See p. 61, vol. i.
[232] See p. 60, vol. i.
[233] For view of old Dunrobin Castle, _vide_ vol. i. p. 83.
[234] Details of these feuds will be found in vol. i.
[235] For the circumstances attending this unnatural murder, which
the Earl of Caithness is said to have instigated, see vol. i. p. 90.
[236] In reference to this, we extract the following from the
_Scotsman_, Feb. 12, 1869:--“Within the last few days a handsome
monument from the granite works of Messrs Macdonald, Field, &
Co., Aberdeen, has been erected in the churchyard of Balquhidder,
bearing the following inscription:--‘In memoriam of the Clan Laurin,
anciently the allodian inhabitants of Balquhidder and Strathearn,
the chief of whom, in the decrepitude of old age, together with his
aged and infirm adherents, their wives and children, the widows of
their departed kindred--all were destroyed in the silent midnight
hour by fire and sword, by the hands of a banditti of incendiarists
from Glendochart, A.D. 1558. Erected by Daniel Maclaurin, Esq. of St
John’s Wood, London, author of a short history of his own clan, and
for the use of his clansmen only.--October 1868.’”
[237] For the information here given, we are mainly indebted to the
MS. above referred to.
[238] _History of Scotland._
[239] Fraser’s _Chiefs of Colquhoun_.
[240] Fraser’s _Chiefs of Colquhoun_.
[241] Low’s _Scot. Heroes, App._
[242] See view of Culloden House, vol. i. p. 657.
[243] See portrait, vol. i. p. 679. Details concerning this true
patriot and upright judge will be found in the account of the
rebellion of 1745.
CHAPTER IX.
Stewart--Stewart of Lorn--Appin--Balquhidder--“Donald of the
hammer”--Stewarts of Athole--Grandtully--Balcaskie--Drumin
--Ardvoirlich--Steuart of Dalguise--Ballechin--Fraser--Fraser
of Philorth--Lovat--Ballyfurth and Ford--Beaufort--Castle
Fraser--American Frasers--Menzies--Castle Menzies--Pitfoddels
--Chisholm--Cromlix or Cromleck--Murray--Athole--Tullibardine
--Ochtertyre--Drummond--Bellyclone--Græme or Graham--Kincardine
--Earl of Montrose--Gordon--Earl of Huntly--Duke of Gordon--“The
Cock of the North”--Cumming--Ogilvy--Ferguson.
It now only remains for us to notice shortly several of those
families, which, though generally admitted not to be of Celtic
origin, yet have a claim, for various important reasons, to be
classed among the Highland clans. Most of them have been so long
established in the Highlands, they have risen to such power and
played such an important part in Highland history, their followers
are so numerous and so essentially Gaelic in their blood and manners,
that any notice of the Highland clans would be incomplete without an
account of these. We refer to the names of Stewart, Fraser, Menzies,
Chisholm, and several others. To the uninitiated the three last have
as genuine a Gaelic ring about them as any patronymic rejoicing in
the unmistakable prefix “Mac.”
STEWART.
It is not our intention here by any means to enter into the general
history of the Stewarts--which would be quite beyond our province,
even if we had space--but simply to give a short account of those
branches of the family which were located in the Highlands, and to a
certain extent were regarded as Highland clans. With regard to the
origin of the Stewarts generally, we shall content ourselves with
making use of Mr Fraser’s excellent summary in the introduction to
his “_Red Book of Grandtully_.”
Walter, the son of Alan or Fitz-Alan, the founder of the royal family
of the Stewarts, being the first of that family who established
himself in Scotland, came from Shropshire, in England. Walter’s
elder brother, William, was progenitor of the family of Fitz-Alan,
Earls of Arundel. Their father, a Norman, married, soon after the
Norman Conquest, the daughter of Warine, sheriff of Shropshire. He
acquired the manor of Ostvestrie or Oswestry in Shropshire, on the
Welsh border. On the death of Henry I. of England, in 1135, Walter
and William strenuously supported the claims of the Empress Maud,
thus raising themselves high in the favour of her uncle, David I.,
king of the Scots. When that king, in 1141, was obliged to retire
to Scotland, Walter probably then accompanied him, encouraged, on
the part of the Scottish monarch, by the most liberal promises,
which were faithfully fulfilled; whilst his brother William remained
in England, and was rewarded by Maud’s son, Henry II. of England.
From the munificence of King David I. Walter obtained large grants
of land in Renfrewshire and in other places, together with the
hereditary office _Senescallus Scociæ_, lord high-steward of
Scotland, an office from which his grandson, Walter, took the name
of Stewart, which the family ever afterwards retained. King Malcolm
IV., continuing, after the example of his grandfather, King David,
to extend the royal favour towards this English emigrant, confirmed
and ratified to Walter and his heirs the hereditary office of high
steward of Scotland, and the numerous lands which King David I. had
granted. In the annals of the period, Walter is celebrated as the
founder, probably about 1163, of the monastery of Paisley, in the
barony of Renfrew. At or after the time of his establishing himself
in Scotland, Walter was followed to that kingdom by many English
families from Shropshire, who, settling in Renfrewshire, obtained
lands there as vassals of the Stewarts. Walter married Eschina de
Londonia, Lady of Moll, in Roxburghshire, by whom he had a son, Alan;
and dying in 1177, he was succeeded in his estates and office as
hereditary steward of Scotland by that son.
Having thus pointed out the true origin of the family of the
Stewarts, our subject does not require us to trace the subsequent
history of the main line.
Walter’s son and successor, Alan, died in 1204, leaving a son,
Walter, who was appointed by Alexander II. justiciary of Scotland, in
addition to his hereditary office of high-steward. He died in 1246,
leaving four sons and three daughters. Walter, the third son, was
Earl of Menteith. The eldest son, Alexander, married Jean, daughter
and heiress of James, lord of Bute, and, in her right, he seized both
the Isle of Bute and that of Arran.
Alexander had two sons--James, his successor, and John, known as
Sir John Stewart of Bonkill, who fell at the battle of Falkirk in
1298. Sir John Stewart had seven sons. 1. Sir Alexander, ancestor of
the Stewarts, Earls of Angus; 2. Sir Alan of Dreghorn, of the Earls
and Dukes of Lennox, of the name of Stewart; 3. Sir Walter, of the
Earls of Galloway; 4. Sir James, of the Earls of Athole, Buchan, and
Traquair, and the Lords of Lorn and Innermeath; 5. Sir John, killed
at Halidonhill in 1333; 6. Sir Hugh, who fought in Ireland under
Edward Bruce; 7. Sir Robert of Daldowie.
James, the elder son of Alexander, succeeded as fifth high-steward in
1283. On the death of Alexander III. in 1286, he was one of the six
magnates of Scotland chosen to act as regents of the kingdom. He died
in the service of Bruce, in 1309.
His son, Walter, the sixth high-steward, when only twenty-one years
of age, commanded with Douglas the left wing of the Scots army at
the battle of Bannockburn. King Robert bestowed his daughter, the
Princess Marjory, in marriage upon him, and from them the royal house
of Stuart and the present dynasty of Great Britain are descended.
His son, Robert, seventh lord-high-steward, had been declared heir
presumptive to the throne in 1318, but the birth of a son to Bruce
in 1326 interrupted his prospects for a time. From his grandfather
he received large possessions of land in Kintyre. During the long
and disastrous reign of David II. the steward acted a patriotic part
in the defence of the kingdom. On the death of David, without issue,
February 22d, 1371, the steward, who was at that time fifty five
years of age, succeeded to the crown as Robert II., being the first
of the family of Stewart who ascended the throne of Scotland.
The direct male line of the elder branch of the Stewarts terminated
with James V., and at the accession of James VI., whose descent on
his father’s side was through the Earl of Lennox, the head of the
second branch, there did not exist a male offset of the family
which had sprung from an individual later than Robert II. Widely as
some branches of the Stewarts have spread, and numerous as are the
families of this name, there is not a lineal male representative
of any of the crowned heads of the race, Henry, Cardinal Duke of
York,[244] who died in 1807, having been the last. The crown which
came into the Stewart family through a female seems destined ever to
be transmitted through a female.
The male representation or chiefship of the family is claimed by the
Earl of Galloway; also, by the Stewarts of Castlemilk as descended
from a junior branch of Darnley and Lennox.
The first and principal seat of the Stewarts was in Renfrewshire,
but branches of them penetrated into the Western Highlands and
Perthshire, and acquiring territories there, became founders of
distinct families of the name. Of these the principal were the
Stewarts of
LORN
[Illustration: BADGE--Oak or Thistle.]
LORN, the Stewarts of ATHOLE, and the Stewarts of BALQUHIDDER,
from one or other of which all the rest have been derived. How the
Stewarts of Lorn acquired that district is told in our account of
clan Macdougall. The Stewarts of Lorn were descended from a natural
son of John Stewart, the last Lord of Lorn, who, with the assistance
of the MacLarens, retained forcible possession of part of his
father’s estates. From this family sprang the Stewarts of Appin, in
Argyleshire, who, with the Athole branches, were considered in the
Highlands as forming the clan Stewart. The badge of the original
Stewarts was the oak, and of the royal Stuarts, the thistle.
In the end of the fifteenth century, the Stewarts of Appin were
vassals of the Earl of Argyll in his lordship of Lorn. In 1493 the
name of the chief was Dougal Stewart. He was the natural son of John
Stewart, the last Lord of Lorn, and Isabella, eldest daughter of
the first Earl of Argyll. The assassination of Campbell of Calder,
guardian of the young Earl of Argyll, in February 1592, caused a
feud between the Stewarts of Appin and the Campbells, the effects of
which were long felt. During the civil wars, the Stewarts of Appin
ranged themselves under the banners of Montrose, and at the battle of
Inverlochy, 2d February 1645, rendered that chivalrous nobleman good
service. They and the cause which they upheld were opposed by the
Campbells, who possessed the north side of the same parish, a small
rivulet, called _Con Ruagh_, or red bog, from the rough swamp through
which it ran, being the dividing line of their lands.
The Stewarts of Appin under their chief, Robert Stewart, engaged in
the rebellion of 1715, when they brought 400 men into the field.
They were also “out” in 1745, under Stewart of Ardshiel, 300 strong.
Some lands in Appin were forfeited on the latter occasion, but
were afterwards restored. The principal family is extinct, and
their estate has passed to others, chiefly to a family of the name
of Downie. There are still, however, many branches of this tribe
remaining in Appin. The chief cadets are the families of Ardshiel,
Invernahyle, Auchnacrone, Fasnacloich, and Balachulish.
Between the Stewarts of Invernahyle and the Campbells of Dunstaffnage
there existed a bitter feud, and about the beginning of the sixteenth
century, the former family were all cut off but one child, the infant
son of Stewart of Invernahyle, by the chief of Dunstaffnage, called
_Cailein Uaine_, “Green Colin.” The boy’s nurse fled with him to
Ardnamurchan, where her husband, the blacksmith of the district,
resided. The latter brought him up to his own trade, and at sixteen
years of age he could wield two forehammers at once, one in each
hand, on the anvil, which acquired for him the name of _Domhnull nan
ord_, “Donald of the hammers.” Having made a two-edged sword for
him, his foster-father, on presenting it, told him of his birth and
lineage, and of the event which was the cause of his being brought
to Ardnamurchan. Burning with a desire for vengeance, Donald set
off with twelve of his companions, for each of whom, at a smithy at
Corpach in Lochaber, he forged a two-edged sword. He then proceeded
direct to Dunstaffnage, where he slew Green Colin and fifteen of his
retainers. Having recovered his inheritance, he ever after proved
himself “the unconquered foe of the Campbell.” The chief of the
Stewarts of Appin being, at the time, a minor, Donald of the hammers
was appointed tutor of the clan. He commanded the Stewarts of Appin
at the battle of Pinkie in 1547, and on their return homewards from
that disastrous field, in a famishing condition, they found in a
house at the church of Port of Menteith, some fowls roasting for a
marriage party. These they took from the spit, and greedily devoured.
They then proceeded on their way. The Earl of Menteith, one of the
marriage guests, on being apprised of the circumstance, pursued them,
and came up with them at a place called Tobernareal. To a taunt from
one of the earl’s attendants, one of the Stewarts replied by an arrow
through the heart. In the conflict that ensued, the earl fell by the
ponderous arm of Donald of the hammers, and nearly all his followers
were killed.[245]
The Stewarts of ATHOLE consist almost entirely of the descendants,
by his five illegitimate sons, of Sir Alexander Stewart, Earl of
Buchan, called, from his ferocity, “The wolf of Badenoch,” the fourth
son of Robert II., by his first wife, Elizabeth More. One of his
natural sons, Duncan Stewart, whose disposition was as ferocious
as his father’s, at the head of a vast number of wild Catherans,
armed only with the sword and target, descended from the range of
hills which divides the counties of Aberdeen and Forfar, and began
to devastate the country and murder the inhabitants. Sir Walter
Ogilvy, sheriff of Angus, Sir Patrick Gray, and Sir David Lindsay of
Glenesk, immediately collected a force to repel them, and a desperate
conflict took place at Gasklune, near the water of Isla, in which
the former were overpowered, and most of them slain.
James Stewart, another of the Wolf of Badenoch’s natural sons, was
the ancestor of the family of Stewart of Garth, from which proceed
almost all the other Athole Stewarts. The Garth family became extinct
in the direct line, by the death of General David Stewart, author of
“Sketches of the Highlanders.” The possessions of the Athole Stewarts
lay mainly on the north side of Loch Tay.
The Balquhidder Stewarts derive their origin from illegitimate
branches of the Albany family.
The Stewarts or Steuarts[246] of GRANDTULLY, Perthshire, are
descended from James Stewart of Pierston and Warwickhill, Ayrshire,
who fell at Halidon Hill in 1333, fourth son of Sir John Stewart of
Bonkill, son of Alexander, fourth lord-high-steward of Scotland, who
died in 1283.
James Stewart’s son was Sir Robert Stewart of Shambothy and
Innermeath, whose son, Sir John Stewart, was the first of the
Stewarts of Lorn. The fourth son of the latter, Alexander Stewart,
was ancestor of the Stewarts of Grandtully. “On the resignation of
his father, Sir John (apparently the first Stewart of Grandtully),
he received a charter from Archibald, Earl of Douglas, of the lands
of Grandtully, Kyltilich, and Aberfeldy, 30th March 1414. He married
Margaret, sister of John Hay (?) of Tulliebodie.”[247]
Of this family was Thomas Stewart of BALCASKIE, Fifeshire, a lord
of session, created a baronet of Nova Scotia, June 2, 1683. He
was cousin, through his father, of John Stewart, thirteenth of
Grandtully, who died without issue in 1720, and was succeeded by Sir
Thomas’s son, Sir George Stewart, who also died without issue. He
was succeeded by his brother, Sir John Stewart, third baronet, an
officer of rank in the army, who married, 1st, Elizabeth, daughter
and heiress of Sir James Mackenzie of Royston, and had by her an only
surviving son, Sir John, fourth baronet; 2dly, Lady Jane Douglas,
only daughter of James, Marquis of Douglas, and his son, by her,
Archibald Stewart, after a protracted litigation, succeeded to the
immense estates of his uncle, the last Duke of Douglas, and assuming
that name, was created a peer of the United Kingdom, by the title of
Baron Douglas. Sir John Stewart married, 3dly, Helen, a daughter of
the fourth Lord Elibank, without issue. He died in 1764.
His son, Sir John, fourth baronet, died in 1797.
Sir John’s eldest son, Sir George, fifth baronet, married Catherine,
eldest daughter of John Drummond, Esq. of Logie Almond, and died in
1827, leaving five sons and two daughters.
The eldest son, Sir John, sixth baronet, died without issue, May 20,
1838.
His brother, Sir William Drummond Steuart, born December 26, 1795,
succeeded as seventh baronet. He married in 1830, and had a son
William George, captain 93d Highlanders, born in February 1831, and
died October 1868. Sir William died April 28, 1871, and was succeeded
by his youngest brother Archibald Douglas, born August 29, 1807.
The Stewarts of DRUMIN, Banffshire, now Belladrum, Inverness-shire,
trace their descent from Sir Walter Stewart of Strathaven, knighted
for his services at the battle of Harlaw in 1411, one of the
illegitimate sons of the Wolf of Badenoch, and consequently of royal
blood.
The Stewarts of ARDVOIRLICH, Perthshire, are descended from James
Stewart, called James the Gross, fourth and only surviving son of
Murdoch, Duke of Albany, Regent of Scotland, beheaded in 1425. On the
ruin of his family he fled to Ireland, where, by a lady of the name
of Macdonald, he had seven sons and one daughter. James II. created
Andrew, the eldest son, Lord Avandale.
James, the third son, ancestor of the Stewarts of Ardvoirlich,
married Annabel, daughter of Buchanan of that ilk.
His son, William Stewart, who succeeded him, married Mariota,
daughter of Sir Colin Campbell of Glenorchy, and had several
children. From one of his younger sons, John, the family of Stewart
of Glenbuckie, and from another, that of Stewart of Gartnaferaran,
both in Perthshire, were descended.
His eldest son, Walter Stewart, succeeded his father, and married
Euphemia, daughter of James Reddoch of Cultobraggan, comptroller of
the household of James IV.
His son, Alexander Stewart of Ardvoirlich, married Margaret, daughter
of Drummond of Drummond Erinoch, and had two sons, James, his
successor, and John, ancestor of the Perthshire families of Stewart
of Annat, Stewart of Ballachallan, and Stewart of Craigtoun.
The family of Steuart of DALGUISE, Perthshire, are descended from Sir
John Stewart of Arntullie and Cardneys, also designed of Dowallie,
the youngest natural son of King Robert II. of Scotland, by Marion or
Mariota de Cardney, daughter of John de Cardney of that ilk, sister
of Robert Cardney, bishop of Dunkeld from 1396 to 1436.
The Steuarts of BALLECHIN, in the same county, are descended from
Sir John Stewart, an illegitimate son of King James II. of Scotland.
Having purchased the lands of Sticks in Glenquaich from Patrick
Cardney of that ilk, he got a charter of those lands from King James
III., dated in December 1486. The family afterwards acquired the
lands of Ballechin.
There are many other Stewart families throughout Scotland, but as we
are concerned only with these which can be considered Highland, it
would be beyond our province to notice any more. The spelling of this
name seems very capricious: the royal spelling is Stuart, while most
families spell it Stewart, and a few Steuart and Steuard. We have
endeavoured always to give the spelling adhered to by the various
families whom we have noticed.
FRASER.
The first of the surname of FRASER in Scotland was undoubtedly of
Norman origin, and, it is not improbable, came over with William
the Conqueror. The Chronicles of the Fraser family ascribe its
origin to one Pierre Fraser, seigneur de Troile, who in the reign of
Charlemagne, came to Scotland with the ambassadors from France to
form a league with King Achaius; but this is, of course, fabulous.
Their account of the creation of their arms is equally incredible.
According to their statement, in the reign of Charles the Simple of
France, Julius de Berry, a nobleman of Bourbon, entertaining that
monarch with a dish of fine strawberries was, for the same, knighted,
the strawberry flowers, _fraises_, given him for his arms, and his
name changed from de Berry to Fraiseur or Frizelle. They claim
affinity with the family of the Duke de la Frezeliere, in France. The
first of the name in Scotland is understood to have settled there in
the reign of Malcolm Canmore, when surnames first began to be used,
and although the Frasers afterwards became a powerful and numerous
clan in Inverness-shire, their earliest settlements were in East
Lothian and Tweeddale.
FRASER.
[Illustration: BADGE--Yew.]
In the reign of David I., Sir Simon Fraser possessed half of the
territory of Keith in East Lothian (from him called Keith Simon), and
to the monks of Kelso he granted the church of Keith.
A member of the same family, Gilbert de Fraser, obtained the lands
of North Hailes, also in East Lothian, as a vassal of the Earl of
March and Dunbar, and is said to have been witness to a charter of
Cospatrick to the monks of Coldstream, during the reign of Alexander
I. He also possessed large estates in Tweeddale.
In the reign of Alexander II., the chief of the family was Bernard
de Fraser, supposed to have been the grandson of the above-named
Gilbert, by a third son, whose name is conjectured to have been
Simon. Bernard was a frequent witness to the charters of Alexander
II., and in 1234 was made sheriff of Stirling, an honour long
hereditary in his family. By his talents he raised himself from being
the vassal of a subject to be a tenant in chief to the king. He
acquired the ancient territory of Oliver Castle, which he transmitted
to his posterity. He was succeeded by his son Sir Gilbert Fraser, who
was sheriff or vicecomes of Traquair during the reigns of Alexander
II. and his successor. He had three sons: Simon, his heir; Andrew,
sheriff of Stirling in 1291 and 1293; and William, chancellor of
Scotland from 1274 to 1280, and bishop of St. Andrews from 1279 to
his death in 1297.
[Illustration: Bishop Fraser’s Seal. From Anderson’s _Diplomata
Scotiæ_.]
Sir Simon Fraser, the eldest son, was a man of great influence and
power. He possessed the lands of Oliver Castle, Neidpath Castle,
and other lands in Tweeddale; and accompanied King Alexander II. in
a pilgrimage to Iona, a short time previous to the death of that
monarch. He was knighted by Alexander III., who, in the beginning
of his reign, conferred on him the office of high sheriff of
Tweeddale, which he held from 1263 to 1266. He died in 1291. He had
an only son, Sir Simon Fraser, the renowned patriot, with whom may
be said (in 1306) to have expired the direct male line of the south
country Frasers, after having been the most considerable family in
Peeblesshire during the Scoto-Saxon period of our history, from 1097
to 1306.
The male representation of the principal family of Fraser devolved,
on the death of the great Sir Simon, on the next collateral heir;
his uncle, Sir Andrew, second son of Sir Gilbert Fraser, above
mentioned. He is supposed to have died about 1308, surviving his
renowned nephew, Sir Simon, only two years. He was, says the
historian of the family,[248] “the first of the name of Fraser who
established an interest for himself and his descendants in the
northern parts of Scotland, and more especially in Inverness-shire,
where they have ever since figured with such renown and distinction.”
He married a wealthy heiress in the county of Caithness, then and
for many centuries thereafter comprehended within the sheriffdom of
Inverness, and in right of his wife he acquired a very large estate
in the north of Scotland. He had four sons, namely--Simon, the
immediate male ancestor of the Lords Lovat, and whose descendants and
dependants (the clan Fraser), after the manner of the Celts, took the
name of MacShimi, or sons of Simon; Sir Alexander, who obtained the
estate of Touch, as the appanage of a younger son; and Andrew and
James, slain with their brother, Simon, at the disastrous battle of
Halidonhill, 22d July 1333.
[Illustration: Sir Alexander Fraser of Philorth, from Pinkerton’s
_Scotish Gallery_.]
The ancient family of the Frasers of PHILORTH in Aberdeenshire, who
have enjoyed since 1669 the title of Lord Saltoun, is immediately
descended from William, son of an Alexander Fraser, who flourished
during the early part of the fourteenth century, and inherited from
his father the estates of Cowie and Durris in Kincardineshire.
The proper Highland clan Fraser was that headed by the Lovat branch
in Inverness-shire, as mentioned above.
Unlike the Aberdeenshire or Salton Frasers, the LOVAT branch, the
only branch of the Frasers that became Celtic, founded a tribe or
clan, and all the natives of the purely Gaelic districts of the Aird
and Stratherrick came to be called by their name. The Simpsons,
“sons of Simon,” are also considered to be descended from them, and
the Tweedies of Tweeddale are supposed, on very plausible grounds,
to have been originally Frasers. Logan’s conjecture that the name
of Fraser is a corruption of the Gaelic _Friosal_, from _frith_, a
forest, and _siol_, a race, the th being silent (that is, the race
of the forest), however pleasing to the clan as proving them an
indigenous Gaelic tribe, may only be mentioned here as a mere fancy
of his own.
Simon Fraser, the first of the Frasers of Lovat, fell at the battle
of Halidon Hill, 19th July 1333. His son, Hugh Fraser of Lovat, had
four sons; Alexander, who died unmarried; Hugh, created a lord of
Parliament, under the title of Lord Fraser of Lovat; John, ancestor
of the Frasers of Knock in Ayrshire; and another son, ancestor of the
Frasers of Foyers.
Hugh, first Lord Lovat, was one of the hostages for James I., on
his return to Scotland in 1424, and in 1431 he was appointed high
sheriff of the county of Inverness. His son, also named Hugh, second
Lord Lovat, was father of Thomas, third lord; Alexander, ancestor
of the Frasers of Fanaline, the Frasers of Leadclune, baronets, and
other families of the name; and James, ancestor of the Frasers of
BALLYFURTH and FORD, of whom Major-General Simon Fraser, late of
Ford, is the lineal male descendant and representative.
Thomas, third lord, held the office of justiciary of the north in
the reign of James IV., and died 21st October 1524. He had four
sons: Thomas, master of Lovat, killed at Flodden, 9th September
1513, unmarried; Hugh, fourth Lord Lovat; Alexander, fifth lord; and
William Fraser of Struy, ancestor of several families of the name in
Inverness-shire.
Hugh, fourth lord, the queen’s justiciary in the north, resigned
his whole estates into the hands of King James V., and obtained
from his majesty a new charter, dated 26th March 1539, uniting and
incorporating them into the barony of Lovat, to him and the heirs
male of his body, failing whom to his nearest lawful heirs male,
bearing the name and arms of Fraser, and failing them to his heirs
whatsoever. With his eldest son Hugh, Master of Lovat, he was killed
in an engagement with the Macdonalds of Clanranald at Lochlochy,
Inverness-shire, 2d June 1544.[249] His brother, Alexander, fifth
Lord Lovat, died in 1558. With one daughter, the latter had three
sons: Hugh, sixth lord; Thomas, ancestor of the Frasers of Strichen,
from whom Lord Lovat of Lovat is descended; and James of Ardochie.
Hugh, sixth Lord Lovat, had a son, Simon, seventh lord, who was twice
married, and died 3d April 1633. By his first wife, Margaret, eldest
daughter of Sir Colin Mackenzie of Kintail, he had two sons,--Simon,
Master of Lovat, who predeceased him, without issue, and Hugh, eighth
Lord Lovat, who died 16th February 1646. By a second wife, Jean
Stewart, daughter of Lord Doune, he had Sir Simon Fraser, ancestor
of the Frasers of Innerallochy; Sir James Fraser of Brae, and one
daughter. Hugh, eighth lord, had, with three daughters, three sons,
namely,--Simon, Master of Lovat, and Hugh, who both predeceased their
father, the one in 1640 and the other in 1643, and Thomas Fraser of
Beaufort, eleventh Lord Lovat. The second son, Hugh, styled after his
elder brother’s death, Master of Lovat, left a son Hugh, ninth lord,
who succeeded his grandfather in February 1646, and married in July
1659, when a boy of sixteen years of age at college, Anne, second
daughter of Sir John Mackenzie of Tarbet, baronet, sister of the
first Earl of Cromarty, and by her had a son, Hugh, tenth lord, and
three daughters.
Hugh, tenth lord, succeeded his father in 1672, and died in 1696,
when Thomas Fraser of Beaufort, third son of the eighth lord,
became eleventh Lord Lovat, but did not take the title. The tenth
lord married Lady Amelia Murray, only daughter of the first Marquis
of Athole, and had four daughters. His eldest daughter, Amelia,
assumed the title of Baroness Lovat, and married in 1702, Alexander
Mackenzie, younger of Prestonhall, who assumed the name of Fraser of
Fraserdale. His son, Hugh Fraser, on the death of his mother, adopted
the title of Lord Lovat, which, however, by decree of the Court of
Session, 3d July 1730, was declared to belong to Simon, Lord Fraser
of Lovat, as eldest lawful son of Thomas, Lord Fraser of Lovat,
grand-uncle of the tenth lord. This judgment proceeded on the charter
of 1539, and though pronounced by an incompetent court, was held to
be right. To prevent an appeal, a compromise was made, by which Hugh
Mackenzie ceded to Simon, Lord Lovat, for a valuable consideration,
his pretensions to the honours, and his right to the estates, after
his father’s death.
Thomas Fraser of BEAUFORT, by right eleventh Lord Lovat, died at
Dunvegan in Skye in May 1699. By his first wife, Sibylla, fourth
daughter of John Macleod of Macleod, he had fourteen children, ten of
whom died young. Simon, the eldest surviving son, was the celebrated
Lord Lovat, beheaded in April 1747.
The clan Fraser formed part of the army of the Earl of Seaforth,
when, in the beginning of 1645, that nobleman advanced to oppose the
great Montrose, who designed to seize Inverness, previous to the
battle of Inverlochy, in which the latter defeated the Campbells
under the Marquis of Argyll in February of that year. After the
arrival of King Charles II. in Scotland in 1650, the Frasers, to
the amount of eight hundred men, joined the troops raised to oppose
Cromwell, their chief’s son, the Master of Lovat, being appointed one
of the colonels of foot for Inverness and Ross. In the rebellion of
1715, under their last famous chief, Simon, Lord Lovat, they did good
service to the government by taking possession of Inverness, which
was then in the hands of the Jacobites. In 1719 also, at the affair
of Glenshiel, in which the Spaniards were defeated on the west coast
of Inverness-shire, the Frasers fought resolutely on the side of
government, and took possession of the castle of Brahan, the seat of
the Earl of Seaforth. On the breaking out of the rebellion of 1745,
they did not at first take any part in the struggle, but after the
battle of Prestonpans, on the 21st September, Lord Lovat “mustered
his clan,” and their first demonstration in favour of the Pretender
was to make a midnight attack on the Castle of Culloden, but found it
garrisoned and prepared for their reception. On the morning of the
battle of Culloden, six hundred of the Frasers, under the command
of the Master of Lovat, a fine young man of nineteen, effected a
junction with the rebel army, and behaved during the action with
characteristic valour.
Lord Lovat’s eldest son, Simon Fraser, Master of Lovat, afterwards
entered the service of government, and rose to the rank of
lieutenant-general in the army.
General Fraser was succeeded by his half-brother, Colonel Archibald
Campbell Fraser of Lovat, appointed consul-general at Algiers in
1766, and chosen M.P. for Inverness-shire on the general’s death in
1782. By his wife, Jane, sister of William Fraser, Esq. of Leadclune,
F.R.S., created a baronet, 27th November 1806, he had five sons,
all of whom he survived. On his death, in December 1815, the male
descendants of Hugh, ninth Lord Lovat, became extinct, and the male
representation of the family, as well as the right to its extensive
entailed estates, devolved on the junior descendant of Alexander,
fifth lord, Thomas Alexander Fraser, of Lovat and Strichen, who
claimed the title of Lord Lovat in the peerage of Scotland, and in
1837 was created a peer of the United Kingdom, by that of Baron Lovat
of Lovat.
The family of Fraser, of CASTLE FRASER, in Ross-shire, are descended,
on the female side, from the Hon. Sir Simon Fraser, of Inverallochy,
second son of Simon, eighth Lord Lovat, but on the male side their
name is Mackenzie.
AMERICAN FRASERS.
We cannot close our account of the Frasers without briefly referring
to the numerous members of the clan who inhabit British North
America. Concerning these we have been obligingly furnished with
many details by the Honourable John Fraser de Berry, of St Mark de
Cournoyer, Chambly River, Vercheres Cy., District of Montreal, Member
of the Legislative Council for Rougemont. The information furnished
by this gentleman is very interesting, and we are sorry that the
nature of this work, and the space at our disposal, permits us to
give only the briefest summary.
It would seem that in the Dominion of Canada the ancient spirit of
clanship is far from dead; indeed, it appears to be more intensely
full of life there than it is on its native Highland mountains.
From statistics furnished to us by our obliging informant, it would
appear that in British North America there are bearing the old name
of Fraser 12,000 persons, men, women, and children, some speaking
English and some French, many Protestants and many Roman Catholics,
but all, we believe, unflinchingly loyal to the British throne.
Not one of these, according to the Honourable J. Fraser de Berry’s
report, is a day labourer, “earning daily wages,” but all more or
less well-to-do in the world, and filling respectable, and many of
them responsible positions. Many are descendants of the officers and
soldiers of the “Fraser Highlanders,” who settled in British North
America after the American war. “They are all strong well built men,
hardy, industrious, and sober, having fine comfortable houses, where
quietness reigns and plenty abounds.”
Some years ago a movement was formed among these enthusiastic and
loyal Frasers to organise themselves into a branch clan, to be called
the “New Clan Fraser,” partly for the purpose of reviving and keeping
alive the old clan feeling, and partly for purposes of benevolence.
At a meeting held in February 1868, at Quebec, this movement took
definite shape, and “resolutions were unanimously passed defining the
constitution of the clan, pointing out its object, appointing its
dignitaries, determining their duties, and the time and manner of
their election.”
As “Chief of the Frasers of the whole of British North America,” was
elected the Honourable James Fraser de Ferraline, Member of the
Legislative Council for the Province of Nova Scotia, “a wealthy and
influential merchant, born in 1802, on the Drummond estate in the
braes of Stratherrick, Inverness-shire, Scotland; descended by his
father from the Ferraline family of the Frasers, and by his mother
from the Gorthlic Frasers. The true Fraser blood,” we are assured,
“runs very pure through the veins of the worthy chief.”
The great and undoubted success of this laudable movement is, we
believe, mainly owing to the exertions of the Honourable J. Fraser
de Berry, whose enthusiasm and loyalty to his descent and ancient
kinship are worthy of the palmiest days of clanship in the olden time
on its native Highland soil. Besides the “chief” above mentioned,
111 subordinate chieftains[250] of provinces and districts have been
appointed, and we are sorry that, for the reasons already mentioned,
it is impossible to give a full list of them. We can only say that
the gentleman just mentioned was elected Chieftain of the Province
of Quebec, and also acts as “Secretary to the New Clan Fraser.” As
a specimen of the unflinching thoroughness with which Mr Fraser de
Berry performs his duties, and of the intense enthusiasm with which
he is animated, we may state that he, founding on documents in his
possession, has been able to trace his genealogy, and, therefore, the
genealogy of the whole clan, as far back as the year 216 A.D.!
Altogether, we cannot but commend the main object of this
organisation of the American Frasers, and think that members of
other clans residing in our colonies would do well to follow their
example. We believe that no member of the Fraser clan in British
North America, who is really anxious to do well, need be in want
of the means of success, for if he only make his position known to
the authorities of the “New Clan,” all needful assistance will be
afforded him. Moreover, we understand, that any one of the name of
Fraser, or allied to the clan, emigrating to the dominion from the
old country, by applying to any member of the Colonial clan, will be
put in the way of obtaining all assistance and information necessary
to his comfortable settlement and success in his new home.
Indeed, this movement of the Frasers has so much to commend it, that
their example has been followed by persons of other names, in the
United States as well as in Canada, and similar clan confederations
are in the way of being formed under names that are certainly not
Highland.
MENZIES.
[Illustration: BADGE--Heath (a species named the Menzies heath).]
From the armorial bearings of the Menzieses it has been conjectured
that the first who settled in Scotland of this surname was a branch
of the Anglo-Norman family of Meyners, by corruption Manners. But
this supposition does not seem to be well-founded.
The family of Menzies obtained a footing in Athole at a very early
period, as appears from a charter granted by Robert de Meyners
in the reign of Alexander II. This Robert de Meyners, knight, on
the accession of Alexander III. (1249) was appointed lord high
chamberlain of Scotland. His son, Alexander de Meyners, possessed
the lands of Weem and Aberfeldy in Athole, and Glendochart in
Breadalbane, besides his original seat of Durrisdeer in Nithsdale,
and was succeeded by his eldest son, Robert, in the estates of Weem,
Aberfeldy, and Durrisdeer, whilst his second son, Thomas, obtained
the lands of Fortingal.
From the former of these is descended the family of Menzies of CASTLE
MENZIES, but that of Menzies of Fortingal terminated in an heiress,
by whose marriage with James Stewart, a natural son of the Wolf of
Badenoch, the property was transferred to the Stewarts.
[Illustration: MENZIES. (Tartan)]
In 1487, Sir Robert de Mengues, knight, obtained from the crown, in
consequence of the destruction of his mansion-house by fire, a grant
of the whole lands and estates erected into a free barony, under
the title of the barony of Menzies. From this Sir Robert lineally
descended Sir Alexander Menzies of Castle Menzies, who was created a
baronet of Nova Scotia, 2d September 1665.
Sir Robert Menzies, the seventh baronet, who succeeded his father,
20th August 1844, is the 27th of the family in regular descent. The
ancient designation of the family was Menzies of Weem, their common
style in old writings. In 1423 “David Menzies of Weem (de Wimo)”
was appointed governor of Orkney and Shetland, “under the most
clement lord and lady, Eric and Philippa, king and queen of Denmark,
Swedland, and Norway.”
The Gaelic appellation of the clan is _Meinnarich_, a term, by way
of distinction, also applied to the chief. Of the eighteen clans who
fought under Robert Bruce at Bannockburn, the Menzies was one.
The “Menyesses” of Athole and Appin Dull are named in the
parliamentary rolls of 1587, as among “the clans that have captains,
chiefs, and chieftains.” Castle Menzies, the principal modern seat
of the chief, stands to the east of Loch Tay, in the parish and near
to the church of Weem, in Perthshire. Weem Castle, the old mansion,
is picturesquely situated under a rock, called Craig Uamh, hence
its name. In 1502, it was burnt by Niel Stewart of Fortingal, in
consequence of a dispute respecting the lands of Rannoch.
In 1644, when the Marquis of Montrose appeared in arms for Charles
I., and had commenced his march from Athole towards Strathern, he
sent forward a trumpeter, with a friendly notice to the Menzieses,
that it was his intention to pass through their country. His
messenger, unhappily, was maltreated, and, as some writers say,
slain by them. They also harassed the rear of his army, which so
exasperated Montrose, that he ordered his men to plunder and lay
waste their lands and burn their houses.
During the rebellion of 1715, several gentlemen of the clan Menzies
were taken prisoners at the battle of Dunblane. One of them, Menzies
of Culdares, having been pardoned for his share in the rebellion,
felt himself bound not to join in that of 1745. He sent, however, a
valuable horse as a present to Prince Charles, but his servant who
had it in charge, was seized and executed, nobly refusing to divulge
his master’s name, though offered his life if he would do so. In the
latter rebellion, Menzies of Shian took out the clan, and held the
rank of colonel, though the chief remained at home. The effective
force of the clan in 1745 was 300.
The family of Menzies of PITFODDELS in Aberdeenshire, is now extinct.
Gilbert Menzies of this family, carrying the royal standard at the
last battle of Montrose, in 1650, repeatedly refused quarter, and
fell rather than give up his charge. The last laird, John Menzies of
Pitfoddels, never married, and devoted the greater part of his large
estate to the endowment of a Roman Catholic College. He died in 1843.
CHISHOLM.
[Illustration: BADGE--Fern.]
The modern clan CHISHOLM or Siosal, in Inverness-shire, though
claiming to be of Celtic origin, are, it is probable, descended from
one of the northern collaterals of the original family of Chisholme
of Chisholme in Roxburghshire, which possessed lands there as early
as the reign of Alexander III.
Few families have asserted their right to be considered as a Gaelic
clan with greater vehemence than the Chisholms, notwithstanding that
there are perhaps few whose Lowland origin is less doubtful. Their
early charters suffice to establish the real origin of the family
with great clearness. The Highland possessions of the family consist
of Comer, Strathglass, &c., in which is situated their castle of
Erchless, and the manner in which they acquired these lands is proved
by the fact, that there exists a confirmation of an indenture betwixt
William de Fenton of Baky on the one part, and “_Margaret de la Ard
domina de Erchless and Thomas de Chishelme her son and heir_” on
the other part, dividing between them the lands of which they were
heirs portioners, and among these lands is the barony of the Ard in
Inverness-shire. This deed is dated at Kinrossy, 25th of April, 1403.
[Illustration: Erchless Castle.]
In all probability, therefore, the husband of Margaret must have been
Alexander de Chishelme, who is mentioned in 1368 as comportioner of
the barony of Ard along with Lord Fenton.
The Chisholms came into prominence in the reign of David II., when
Sir Robert de Chisholm married the daughter of Sir Robert Lauder
of Quarrelwood, and ultimately succeeded him in the government of
Urquhart Castle. In 1376 he occupied the important position of
justiciar north of the Forth.
Wiland de Chesholm obtained a charter of the lands of Comer dated 9th
April 1513. In 1587, the chiefs on whose lands resided “broken men,”
were called upon to give security for their peaceable behaviour,
among whom appears “Cheisholme of Cummer.” After the battle of
Killiecrankie in 1689, Erchless castle, the seat of the chief, was
garrisoned for King James, and General Livingstone, the commander
of the government forces, had considerable difficulty in dislodging
the Highlanders. In 1715, Ruari, or Roderick MacIan, the chief,
signed the address of a hundred and two chiefs and heads of houses
to George the First, expressive of their attachment and loyalty, but
no notice being taken of it, he engaged very actively in the rising
under the Earl of Mar; and at the battle of Dunblane, the clan was
headed by Chisholm of Crocfin, an aged veteran, for which the estates
of the chief were forfeited and sold. In 1727, he procured, with
several other chiefs, a pardon under the privy seal, and the lands
were subsequently conveyed, by the then proprietor, to Roderick’s
eldest son, who entailed them on his heirs male. In 1745, this chief
joined the standard of the Pretender with his clan, and Colin, his
youngest son, was appointed colonel of the clan battalion. Lord
President Forbes thus states the strength of the Chisholms at that
period. “Chisholms--Their chief is Chisholm of Strathglass, in Gaelic
called Chisallich. His lands are held crown, and he can bring out two
hundred of the men.”
Alexander Chisholm, chief of the clan, who succeeded in 1785, left an
only child, Mary, married to James Gooden, Esq., London, and dying
in 1793, the chiefship and estates, agreeably to the deed of entail,
devolved on his youngest brother, William, who married Elizabeth,
eldest daughter of Duncan MacDonnell, Esq. of Glengarry, and left
two sons and one daughter. On his death in 1817 he was succeeded
by the elder son, Alexander William, once member of parliament for
Inverness-shire, who died, prematurely, in September 1838. He was
succeeded by his brother, Duncan MacDonnell Chisholm, who died in
London 14th September 1858, aged 47, when the estate devolved on
James Sutherland Chisholm, the present Chisholm, son of Roderich,
son of Archibald, eldest son of the above Alexander, who resides at
Erchless Castle, Inverness-shire.
The common designation of the chief of the house is THE CHISHOLM,
and, whatever be its antiquity, it is a title which is very generally
accorded to him, and, like the designation of “The O’Connor Don,”
has ever been sanctioned by use in the senate. An old chief of the
clan Chisholm once not very modestly said that there were but three
persons in the world entitled to it--‘the Pope, the King, and the
Chisholm.’
One of the chiefs of this clan having carried off a daughter of Lord
Lovat, placed her on an islet in Loch Bruirach, where she was soon
discovered by the Frazers, who had mustered for the rescue. A severe
conflict ensued, during which the young lady was accidentally slain
by her own brother. A plaintive Gaelic song records the sad calamity,
and numerous tumuli mark the graves of those who fell.
The once great family of Chisholme of CROMLIX, sometimes written
CROMLECK, in Perthshire, which for above a century held the
hereditary bailie and justiciary-ship of the ecclesiastical lordship
of Dunblane, and furnished three bishops to that see, but which is
now extinct, was also descended from the border Chisholmes; the first
of that family, Edmund Chisholme of Cromlix, early in the fifteenth
century, being the son of Chisholme of Chisholme in Roxburghshire.
* * * * *
Into the history of other families--for they can scarcely be called
clans--living on the Highland borders, and who have at one time
played an important part in Highland history, and some of whom at the
present day are regarded as genuine Highland families, it would be
out of place for us to enter here. We refer to such families as the
Murrays, Drummonds, Grahams, Gordons, Cumings, &c. We shall conclude
this account of the Highland clans by referring briefly to the origin
of these houses.
MURRAY (ATHOLE).
[Illustration: BADGE--Broom (butcher’s).]
The acknowledged chieftainship of the great family of Murray, or
Moray (originally Murreff) is vested in Moray-Stirling of Abercairney
and Ardoch, both in Perthshire. The Murrays are generally supposed to
have descended from Freskine, a Fleming, who settled in Scotland in
the reign of David I. (1122-1153), and acquired from that monarch the
lands of Strathbroch in Linlithgowshire, and of Duffus in Moray.
The Athole Murrays are descended from Sir William de Moravia, who
acquired the lands of TULLIBARDINE, an estate in the lower part of
Perthshire, with his wife Adda, daughter of Malise, seneschal of
Strathern, as appears by charters dated in 1282 and 1284.
His descendant, Sir William Murray of Tullibardine, succeeded to the
estates of his family in 1446. He was sheriff of Perthshire, and in
1458, one of the lords named for the administration of justice, who
were of the king’s daily council. He married Margaret, daughter of
Sir John Colquhoun of Luss, great chamberlain of Scotland, by whom
he had a numerous issue. According to tradition they had seventeen
sons, from whom a great many families of the name of Murray are
descended. In a curious document entitled “The Declaration of George
Halley, in Ochterarder, concerning the Laird of Tullibardine’s
seventeen sons--1710,” it is stated that they “lived all to be men,
and that they waited all one day upon their father at Stirling, to
attend the king, with each of them one servant and their father two.
This happening shortly after an act was made by King James Fifth,
discharging any person to travel with great numbers of attendants
besides their own family, and having challenged the laird of
Tullibardine for breaking the said act, he answered he brought only
his own sons, with their necessary attendants: with which the king
was so well pleased that he gave them small lands in heritage.”
The eldest of Tullibardine’s seventeen sons, Sir William Murray
of Tullibardine, had, with other issue, William, his successor,
and Sir Andrew Murray, ancestor of the Viscounts Stormont. His
great-grandson, Sir William Murray of Tullibardine, was a zealous
promoter of the Reformation in Scotland. George Halley, in the
curious document already quoted says that “Sir William Murray of
Tullibardine having broke Argyll’s face with the hilt of his sword,
in King James the Sixth’s presence, was obliged to leave the kingdom.
Afterwards, the king’s mails and slaughter cows were not paid,
neither could any subject to the realm be able to compel those who
were bound to pay them; upon which the king cried out--‘O, if I had
Will. Murray again, he would soon get my mails and slaughter cows;’
to which one standing by replied--‘That if his majesty would not
take Sir William Murray’s life, he might return shortly.’ The king
answered, ‘He would be loath to take his life, for he had not another
subject like him!’ Upon which promise Sir William Murray returned and
got a commission from the king to go to the north, and lift up the
mails and the cows, which he speedily did, to the great satisfaction
of the king, so that immediately after he was made lord comptroller.”
This office he obtained in 1565.
His eldest son, Sir John Murray, the twelfth feudal baron of
Tullibardine, was brought up with King James, who, in 1592,
constituted him his master of the household. On 10th July 1606 he
was created Earl of Tullibardine. His lordship married Catherine,
fourth daughter of David, second Lord Drummond, and died in 1609.
His eldest son, William, second Earl of Tullibardine, married Lady
Dorothea Stewart, daughter of the fifth Earl of Athole of the Stewart
family, who died in 1595, and on the death in 1625 of James, second
Earl of Athole, son of John, sixth Lord Innermeath, created Earl of
Athole by James VI., he petitioned King Charles the First for the
earldom of Athole, as his countess was the eldest daughter and heir
of line of Earl John, of the family of Innermeath, which had become
extinct in the male line. The king received the petition graciously,
and gave his royal word that it should be done. The earl accordingly
surrendered the title of Earl of Tullibardine into the king’s hands,
1st April 1626, to be conferred on his brother Sir Patrick Murray,
as a separate dignity, but before the patents could be issued,
his lordship died the same year. His son John, however, obtained
in February 1629 the title of Earl of Athole, and thus became the
first earl of the Murray branch, and the earldom of Tullibardine
was at the same time granted to Sir Patrick. This Earl of Athole
was a zealous royalist, and joined the association formed by the
Earl of Montrose for the king at Cumbernauld, in January 1641. He
died in June 1642. His eldest son John, second Earl of Athole of the
Murray family, also faithfully adhered to Charles the First, and was
excepted by Cromwell out of his act of grace and indemnity, 12th
April 1654, when he was only about nineteen years of age. At the
restoration, he was sworn a privy councillor, obtained a charter of
the hereditary office of sheriff of Fife, and in 1663 was appointed
justice-general of Scotland. In 1670 he was constituted captain of
the king’s guards, in 1672 keeper of the privy seal, and 14th January
1673, an extraordinary lord of session. In 1670 he succeeded to the
earldom of Tullibardine on the death of James, fourth earl of the new
creation, and was created Marquis of Athole in 1676. He increased the
power of his family by his marriage with Lady Amelia Sophia Stanley,
third daughter of the seventh Earl of Derby, beheaded for his loyalty
15th October 1651. Through her mother, Charlotte de la Tremouille,
daughter of Claude de la Tremouille, Duke of Thouars and Prince of
Palmont, she was related in blood to the Emperor of Germany, the
kings of France and Spain, the Prince of Orange, the Duke of Savoy,
and most of the principal families of Europe; and by her the family
of Athole acquired the seignory of the Isle of Man, and also large
property in that island.
John, the second Marquis, and first Duke, of Athole, designated
Lord John Murray, was one of the commissioners for inquiring into
the massacre of Glencoe in 1693. He was created a peer in his
father’s lifetime, by the title of Earl of Tullibardine, Viscount
of Glenalmond, and Lord Murray, for life, by patent dated 27th July
1696, and in April 1703 he was appointed lord privy seal. On the
30th July of that year, immediately after his father’s death, he was
created Duke of Athole, by Queen Anne, and invested with the order of
the Thistle. His grace died 14th November 1724. He was twice married;
first to Catherine, daughter of the Duke of Hamilton, by whom he had
six sons and a daughter, and secondly to Mary, daughter of William
Lord Ross, by whom he had three sons and a daughter. His eldest
son John, Marquis of Tullibardine, died in 1709. His second son
William, who succeeded his brother, was the Marquis of Tullibardine
who acted the prominent part in both the Scottish rebellions of last
century, which is recorded in the former part of this work. In 1745
he accompanied Prince Charles Edward to Scotland, and landed with him
at Borodale 25th July. He was styled Duke of Athole by the Jacobites.
After the battle of Culloden he fled to the westward, intending to
embark for the isle of Mull, but being unable, from the bad state of
his health, to bear the fatigue of travelling under concealment, he
surrendered, on the 27th April 1746, to Mr Buchanan of Drummakill, a
Stirlingshire gentleman. Being conveyed to London he was committed to
the Tower, where he died on the 9th July following.
James, the second Duke of Athole, was the third son of the first
duke. He succeeded to the dukedom on the death of his father in
November 1724, in the lifetime of his elder brother William,
attainted by parliament. Being maternal great-grandson of James,
seventh Earl of Derby, upon the death of the tenth earl of that line,
he claimed and was allowed the English barony of Strange, which had
been conferred on Lord Derby by writ of summons, in 1628. His grace
was married, first to Jean, sister of Sir John Frederick, Bart.,
by whom he had a son and two daughters; secondly to Jane, daughter
of John Drummond of Megginch, who had no issue. The latter was the
heroine of Dr Austen’s song of ‘For lack of gold she’s left me,
O!’ She was betrothed to that gentleman, a physician in Edinburgh,
when the Duke of Athole saw her, and falling in love with her, made
proposals of marriage, which were accepted; and, as Burns says, she
jilted the doctor. Having survived her first husband, she married a
second time, Lord Adam Gordon.
The son and the eldest daughter of the second Duke of Athole
died young. Charlotte, his youngest daughter, succeeded on his
death, which took place in 1764, to the barony of Strange and the
sovereignty of the Isle of Man. She married her cousin John Murray,
Esq., eldest son of Lord George Murray, fifth son of the first duke,
and the celebrated generalissimo of the forces of the Pretender in
1745. Though Lord George was attainted by parliament for his share
in the rebellion, his son was allowed to succeed his uncle and
father-in-law as third duke, and in 1765 he and his duchess disposed
of their sovereignty of the Isle of Man to the British government,
for seventy thousand pounds, reserving, however, their landed
interest in the island, with the patronage of the bishopric and other
ecclesiastical benefices, on payment of the annual sum of one hundred
and one pounds fifteen shillings and eleven pence, and rendering two
falcons to the kings and queens of England upon the days of their
coronation. His grace, who had five sons and two daughters, died 5th
November 1774, and was succeeded by his eldest son John, fourth duke,
who in 1786 was created Earl Strange and Baron Murray of Stanley,
in the peerage of the United Kingdom. He died in 1830. The fourth
duke was succeeded by his eldest son John, who was for many years
a recluse, and died single 14th September 1846. His next brother
James, a major-general in the army, was created a peer of the United
Kingdom, as baron Glenlyon of Glenlyon, in the county of Perth, 9th
July 1821. He married in May 1810, Emily Frances, second daughter
of the Duke of Northumberland, and by her he had two sons and two
daughters. He died in 1837. His eldest son, George Augustus Frederick
John, Lord Glenlyon, became, on the death of his uncle in 1846, sixth
Duke of Athole. He died in 1864, and was succeeded by his only son,
John James Hugh Henry, seventh Duke of Athole. The family residence
of the Duke of Athole is Blair Castle, Perthshire, a view of which,
as restored in 1872, is here given.
[Illustration: Blair Castle.]
The first baronet of the OCHTERTYRE family was William Moray of
Ochtertyre, who was created a baron of Nova Scotia, with remainder to
his heirs male, 7th June 1673. He was descended from Patrick Moray,
the first styled of Ochtertyre, who died in 1476, a son of Sir David
Moray of Tullibardine. The family continued to spell their name Moray
till 1739, when the present orthography, Murray, was adopted by Sir
William, third baronet.
DRUMMOND.
The name of DRUMMOND may be derived originally from the parish of
Drymen, in what is now the western district of Stirlingshire. The
Gaelic name is _Druiman_, signifying a ridge, or high ground.
An ancestor of the noble family of Perth thus fancifully interprets
the origin of the name: _Drum_ in Gaelic signifies a height, and
_onde_ a wave, the name being given to Maurice the Hungarian, to
express how gallantly he had conducted through the swelling waves
the ship in which prince Edgar and his two sisters had embarked for
Hungary, when they were driven out of their course, on the Scottish
coast. There are other conjectural derivations of the name, but
the territorial definition above-mentioned appears to be the most
probable one.
The chief of the family at the epoch of their first appearing in
written records was Malcolm Beg (or the little), chamberlain on the
estate of Levenax, and the fifth from the Hungarian Maurice, who
married Ada, daughter of Malduin, third Earl of Lennox, by Beatrix,
daughter of Walter, lord high steward of Scotland, and died before
1260.
Two of his grandsons are recorded as having sworn fealty to Edward
the First.
The name of one of them, Gilbert de Dromund, “del County de
Dunbretan,” appears in Prvnne’s copy of the Ragman Roll. He was
Drummond of Balquapple in Perthshire, and had a son, Malcolm de
Drummond, who also swore fealty to Edward in 1296, and was father of
Bryce Drummond, killed in 1330 by the Monteiths.
DRUMMOND.
[Illustration: BADGE--Thyme (or mother of thyme).]
The other, the elder brother of Gilbert, named Sir John de Dromund,
married his relation, a daughter of Walter Stewart, Earl of Menteith,
and countess in her own right.
His eldest son, Sir Malcolm de Drummond, attached himself firmly to
the cause of Bruce. King Robert, after the battle of Bannockburn,
bestowed upon him certain lands in Perthshire. He married a daughter
of Sir Patrick Graham of Kincardine, elder brother of Sir John
Graham, and ancestor of the family of Montrose. He had a son, Sir
Malcolm Drummond, who died about 1346. The latter had three sons,
John, Maurice, and Walter. The two former married heiresses.
Maurice’s lady was sole heiress of Concraig and of the stewardship of
Strathearn, to both of which he succeeded.
The wife of John, the eldest son, was Mary, eldest daughter and
co-heiress of Sir William de Montefex, with whom he got the lands
of Auchterarder, Kincardine in Monteith, Cargill, and Stobhall in
Perthshire. He had four sons, Sir Malcolm, Sir John, William, and
Dougal; and three daughters--Annabella, married, in 1357, John, Earl
of Carrick, high steward of Scotland, afterwards King Robert the
Third, and thus became Queen of Scotland, and the mother of David,
Duke of Rothesay, starved to death in the palace of Falkland,
in 1402, and of James the First, as well as of three daughters;
Margaret, married to Sir Colin Campbell of Lochow, Jean, to Stewart
of Donally, and Mary, to Macdonald of the Isles.
About 1360, in consequence of a feud which had long subsisted between
the Drummonds and the Menteiths of Rusky, the residence of the family
seems to have been transferred from Drymen, in Stirlingshire, where
they had chiefly lived for about two hundred years, to Stobhall, in
Perthshire, which had some years before come into their possession by
marriage.
Sir Malcolm Drummond, the eldest son, succeeded to the earldom of Mar
in right of his wife, Lady Isabel Douglas, only daughter of William,
first Earl of Douglas. His death was a violent one, having been
seized by a band of ruffians and imprisoned till he died “of his hard
captivity.” This happened before 27th May 1403. Not long after his
death, Alexander Stewart, a natural son of “the Wolf of Badenoch,” a
bandit and robber by profession, having cast his eyes on the lands of
the earldom, stormed the countess’ castle of Kildrummie; and, either
by violence or persuasion, obtained her in marriage. As Sir Malcolm
Drummond had died without issue, his brother, John, succeeded him.
John’s eldest son, Sir Walter Drummond, was knighted by King James
the Second, and died in 1455. He had three sons: Sir Malcolm his
successor; John, dean of Dunblane; and Walter of Ledcrieff, ancestor
of the Drummonds of BLAIR-DRUMMOND (now the HOME DRUMMONDS, Henry
Home, the celebrated Lord Kames, having married Agatha, daughter of
James Drummond of Blair-Drummond, and successor in the estate to her
nephew in 1766); of Cairdrum; of Newton, and other families of the
name.
The eldest son of the main stem, that is, the CARGILL and STOBHALL
family, Sir Malcolm by name, had great possessions in the counties of
Dumbarton, Perth, and Stirling, and died in 1470. By his wife Marion,
daughter of Murray of Tullibardine, he had six sons. His eldest son,
Sir John, was first Lord Drummond.
Sir John, the eldest son, was a personage of considerable importance
in the reigns of James the Third and Fourth, having been concerned in
most of the public transactions of that period. He died in 1519.
By his wife, Lady Elizabeth Lindsay, daughter of David, Duke of
Montrose, the first Lord Drummond, had three sons, and six daughters,
the eldest of whom, Margaret, was mistress to James the Fourth.
Malcolm, the eldest son, predeceased his father. William, the second
son, styled master of Drummond, suffered on the scaffold.
William had two sons, Walter and Andrew, ancestor of the Drummonds
of BELLYCLONE. Walter died in 1518, before his grandfather. By
Lady Elizabeth Graham, daughter of the first Earl of Montrose, he
had a son, David, second Lord Drummond, who was served heir to his
great-grandfather, John, first lord, 17th February 1520. Of his
two sons, Patrick, the elder, was third Lord Drummond; James, the
younger, created, 31st January 1609, Lord Maderty, was ancestor of
the viscounts of Strathallan.
Patrick, third Lord Drummond, embraced the reformed religion,
and spent some time in France. He died before 1600. He was twice
married, and by his first wife, Elizabeth, daughter of David Lindsay
of Edzell, eventually Earl of Crawford, he had two sons and five
daughters.
The elder son, James, fourth Lord Drummond, passed a considerable
portion of his youth in France, and after James the Sixth’s accession
to the English throne he attended the Earl of Nottingham on an
embassy to the Spanish court. On his return he was created Earl of
Perth, 4th March 1605. John, the younger son, succeeded his brother
in 1611, as second Earl of Perth.
The Hon. John Drummond, second son of James, third Earl of Perth,
was created in 1685 Viscount, and in 1686 Earl of Melfort; and his
representative Captain George Drummond, duc de Melfort, and Count de
Lussan in France, whose claim to the earldom of Perth in the Scottish
peerage was established by the House of Lords, June 1853, is the
chief of the clan Drummond, which, more than any other, signalised
itself by its fidelity to the lost cause of the Stuarts.
GRAHAM.
[Illustration: BADGE--Laurel spurge.]
The surname GRÆME, or GRAHAM, is said to be derived from the Gaelic
word _grumach_, applied to a person of a stern countenance and
manner. It may possibly, however, be connected with the British word
_grym_, signifying strength, seen in _grime’s dyke_, erroneously
called Graham’s dyke, the name popularly given to the wall of
Antoninus, from an absurd fable of Fordun and Boece, that one
_Greme_, traditionally said to have governed Scotland during the
minority of the fabulous Eugene the Second, broke through the mighty
rampart erected by the Romans between the rivers Forth and Clyde. It
is unfortunate for this fiction that the first authenticated person
who bore the name in North Britain was Sir William de Græme (the
undoubted ancestor of the Dukes of Montrose and all “the gallant
Grahams” in this country), who came to Scotland in the reign of David
the First, from whom he received the lands of Abercorn and Dalkeith,
and witnessed the charter of that monarch to the monks of the abbey
of Holyrood in 1128. In Gaelic _grim_ means war, battle. Anciently,
the word Grimesdike was applied to trenches, roads, and boundaries,
and was not confined to Scotland.
This Anglo-Norman knight, Sir William de Graham, had two sons, Peter
and John, in whom the direct line was carried on. The elder, Peter
de Graham, styled of Dalkeith and Abercorn, had also two sons, Henry
and William. Henry the elder, witnessed some of the charters of King
William the Lion. He was succeeded by his son Henry, whose son,
also named Henry, by marrying the daughter of Roger Avenel (who died
in 1243), acquired the extensive estates of Avenel, in Eskdale. His
grandson, Sir John de Graham of Dalkeith, had a son, John de Graham,
who dying without issue, was the last of the elder line of the
original stock of the Grahams.
The male line of the family was carried on by the younger son of Sir
William de Graham first above mentioned, John de Graham, whose son,
David de Graham, obtained from his cousin, Henry, the son of Peter
de Graham, the lands of Clifton and Clifton Hall in Mid-Lothian,
and from King William the Lion those of Charlton and Barrowfield,
as well as the lordship of Kinnaber, all in Forfarshire. This was
the first connection of the family with the district near Montrose,
whence they subsequently derived their ducal title. His eldest son,
also named Sir David de Graham, had, from Patrick, Earl of Dunbar,
in the reign of King Alexander the Second, with other lands, those
of Dundaff, in Stirlingshire. The son of Sir David de Graham last
mentioned, also named Sir David de Graham, who appears to have
held the office of sheriff of the county of Berwick, acquired from
Malise, Earl of Strathearn, the lands of Kincardine, in Perthshire,
which became one of the chief designations of the family. He died
about 1270. By his wife, Annabella, daughter of Robert, Earl of
Strathearn, he had three sons, namely, Sir Patrick, who succeeded
him; the celebrated Sir John the Graham, the companion of Wallace;
and Sir David, one of the nominees, his eldest brother being another,
of Baliol, in his competition for the crown of Scotland, 1292. His
eldest son, Sir Patrick Graham of Kincardine, fell in battle against
the English at Dunbar, 28th April 1296. Another son, Sir David de
Graham, a favourite name among the early Grahams, was also designed
of Kincardine. From Robert the First, in consideration of his good
and faithful services, he had several grants, and exchanged with that
monarch his property of Cardross in Dumbartonshire for the lands of
“Old Montrose” in Forfarshire. He died in 1327.
Sir William Graham of KINCARDINE, his great-grandson, was frequently
employed in negociations with the English relative to the liberation
of King James the First. He was twice married. By his first wife he
had two sons, Alexander,--who predeceased him, leaving two sons,--and
John. His second wife was the princess Mary Stewart, second daughter
of King Robert the Second, widow of the Earl of Angus and of Sir
James Kennedy of Dunure; after Sir William Graham’s death she took
for her fourth husband Sir William Edmonstone of Duntreath. By this
lady he had five sons, namely, 1. Sir Robert Graham of Strathcarron,
ancestor of the Grahams of Fintry, of Claverhouse, and of Duntrune.
2. Patrick Graham, consecrated bishop of Brechin, in 1463, and
three years after translated to the see of St. Andrews. 3. William,
ancestor of the Grahams of Garvoch in Perthshire, from a younger
son of whom came the Grahams of Balgowan, the most celebrated of
which family was the gallant Sir Thomas Graham, Lord Lynedoch, the
hero of Barossa. 4. Henry, of whom nothing is known. 5. Walter, of
Wallacetown, Dumbartonshire, ancestor of the Grahams of Knockdolian
in Carrick, and their cadets.
Patrick Graham, of Kincardine, the son of Alexander, the eldest son,
succeeded his grandfather, and was created a peer of parliament in
1451, under the title of Lord Graham. He died in 1465. His only
son, William, second Lord Graham, married lady Anne Douglas, eldest
daughter of the fourth Earl of Angus, and had two sons, William,
third Lord Graham, and George, ancestor of the Grahams of Calendar.
William, third Lord Graham, sat in the first parliament of King
James the Fourth, 1488; and on 3d March, 1504-5, he was created Earl
of Montrose, a charter being granted to him of that date, of his
hereditary lands of “Auld Montrose,” which were then erected into
a free barony and earldom to be called the barony and earldom of
Montrose. It is from these lands, therefore, and not from the town of
Montrose, that the family take their titles of earl and duke. He fell
at the battle of Flodden, 9th September 1513. He was thrice married.
By his first wife, Annabella, daughter of Lord Drummond, he had a
son, second Earl of Montrose; by his second wife, Janet, a daughter
of Sir Archibald Edmonstone of Duntreath, he had three daughters;
and by his third wife, Christian Wavance of Segy, daughter of Thomas
Wavance of Stevenston, and widow of the ninth Lord Halyburton of
Dirleton, two sons, Patrick, ancestor of the Græmes of Inchbrakie,
Perthshire; and Andrew, consecrated bishop of Dunblane in 1575, and
the first protestant bishop of that see.
From the third son of the second Earl of Montrose came the Grahams
of ORCHIL, and from the fourth son the Grahams of KILLEARN. From the
second son of the third earl descended the Grahams of BRACO, who once
possessed a baronetcy of Nova Scotia, conferred on the first of the
family, 28th September 1625. From the third son of the same earl, the
Grahams of SCOTTISTOUN derived their descent.
The Grahams of the borders are descended from Sir John Graham of
KILBRYDE, called, from his bravery, Sir John “with the bright sword,”
second son of Malise, Earl first of Strathearn, and afterwards of
Menteith, by his wife, the Lady Ann Vere, daughter of Henry, Earl of
Oxford.
Sir John “with the bright sword” was also ancestor of the Grahams of
Gartmore in Perthshire. Sir William Graham of Gartmore, created a
baronet of Nova Scotia in 1665, married Elizabeth, second daughter of
John Graham, Lord Kilpont (son of the Earl of Airth), who was slain
by one of his own vassals, James Stewart of Ardvoirlich, in the camp
of the Marquis of Montrose, in 1644; and had a son, Sir John Graham,
second baronet of Gartmore, declared insane in 1696. On his death,
12th July 1708, without issue, the baronetcy became extinct, and the
representation of the family devolved upon his sister Mary, wife of
James Hodge, Esq. of Gladsmuir, advocate. Their only daughter, Mary
Hodge, married, in 1701, William, son of John Graham of Callingod,
and had a son, William Graham, who assumed the title of Earl of
Menteith.
The castle of Kilbryde, near Dunblane, built by Sir John “with
the bright sword,” in 1460, was possessed by his representatives,
the Earls of Menteith, till 1640, when it was sold. The Menteith
Grahams were called the Grahams “of the hens,” from the following
circumstances. An armed party of the Stewarts of Appin, headed by
Donald Nan Ord,[251] called Donald of the Hammer, in their retreat
from the disastrous field of Pinkie in 1547, in passing the lake of
Menteith, stopped at a house of the Earl of Menteith, where a large
feast, consisting principally of poultry, was prepared for a marriage
party, and ate up all the provisions; but, being immediately pursued,
they were overtaken in the gorge of a pass, near a rock called
Craig-Vad, or the Wolf’s cliff, where a bloody encounter took place.
The earl and nearly the whole of his followers were killed, and
Donald of the Hammer escaped, amidst the darkness of the night, with
only a single attendant. From the cause of the fight the Highlanders
gave the name of _Gramoch na Geric_, or “Grahams of the hens,” to the
Menteith branch ever after.
The clan Graham were principally confined to Menteith and Strathearn.
GORDON.
[Illustration: BADGE--Rock ivy.]
The GORDONS are an ancient and distinguished family, originally
from Normandy, where their ancestors are said to have had large
possessions. From the great antiquity of the race, many fabulous
accounts have been given of the descent of the Gordons. Some derive
them from a city of Macedonia, called Gordonia, whence they went
to Gaul; others find their origin in Spain, Flanders, &c. Some
writers suppose Bertrand de Gourdon who, in 1199, wounded Richard
the Lion-heart mortally with an arrow before the castle of Chalus
in the Limoges, to have been the great ancestor of the Gordons, but
there does not seem to be any other foundation for such a conjecture
than that there was a manor in Normandy called Gourdon. It is
probable that the first persons of the name in this island came over
with William the Conqueror in 1066. According to Chalmers,[252] the
founder of this great family came from England in the reign of David
the First (1124-53), and obtained from that prince the lands of
Gordon (anciently _Gordun_, or _Gordyn_, from, as Chalmers supposes,
the Gaelic _Gordin_, “on the hill”). He left two sons, Richard, and
Adam, who, though the younger son, had a portion of the territory of
Gordon, with the lands of Fanys on the southern side of it.
The elder son, Richard de Gordon, granted, between 1150 and 1160,
certain lands to the monks of Kelso, and died in 1200. His son, Sir
Thomas de Gordon, confirmed by charter these donations, and _his_
son and successor, also named Thomas, made additional grants to the
same monks, as well as to the religious of Coldstream. He died in
1285, without male issue, and his only daughter, Alicia, marrying her
cousin Adam de Gordon, the son of Adam, younger brother of Richard
above mentioned, the two branches of the family thus became united.
His grandson, Sir Adam de Gordon, Lord of Gordon, one of the most
eminent men of his time, was the progenitor of most of the great
families of the name in Scotland. In reward of his faithful services,
Bruce granted to him and his heirs the noble lordship of Strathbolgie
(now Strathbogie), in Aberdeenshire, then in the Crown, by the
forfeiture of David de Strathbogie, Earl of Athole, which grant was
afterwards confirmed to his family by several charters under the
great seal. Sir Adam fixed his residence there, and gave these lands
and lordship the name of Huntly, from a village of that name in the
western extremity of Gordon parish, in the Merse, the site of which
is now said to be marked only by a solitary tree. From their northern
domain, the family afterwards acquired the titles of Lord, Earl,
and Marquis of Huntly, and the latter is now their chief title.
Sir Adam was slain, fighting bravely in the vanguard of the Scotch
army at the battle of Halidonhill, July 12, 1333. By Annabella, his
wife, supposed to have been a daughter of David de Strathbolgie above
mentioned, he had four sons and a daughter. The eldest son, Sir
Alexander, succeeded him. The second son, William, was ancestor of
the Viscounts of Kenmure.
Sir John Gordon, his great-grandson, got a new charter from King
Robert the Second of the lands of Strathbogie, dated 13th June 1376.
He was slain at the battle of Otterbourne in 1388. His son, Sir
Adam, lord of Gordon, fell at the battle of Homildon, 14th September
1402. By his wife, Elizabeth, daughter of Sir William Keith, great
mareschal of Scotland, he had an only child, Elizabeth Gordon, who
succeeded to the whole family estates, and having married Alexander
Seton, second son of Sir William Seton of Seton, ancestor of the
Earls of Winton, that gentleman was styled lord of Gordon and Huntly.
He left two sons, the younger of whom became ancestor of the Setons
of Meldrum.
Alexander, the elder, was, in 1449, created Earl of Huntly, with
limitation to his heirs male, by Elizabeth Crichton, his third wife,
they being obliged to bear the name and arms of Gordon. George, the
sixth earl, was created Marquis of Huntly, by King James, in 1599.
George, the fourth marquis, was made Duke of Gordon in 1684. George,
fifth duke, died without issue on 28th May 1836. At his death the
title of Duke of Gordon became extinct, as well as that of Earl
of Norwich in the British peerage, and the Marquisate of Huntly
devolved on George Earl of Aboyne, descended from Charles, fourth
son of George, second Marquis of Huntly, while the Duke of Richmond
and Lennox, son of his eldest sister, succeeded to Gordon castle,
Banffshire, and other estates in Aberdeenshire and Inverness-shire.
The clan GORDON was at one period one of the most powerful and
numerous in the north. Although the chiefs were not originally of
Celtic origin, as already shown, they yet gave their name to the
clan, the distinctive badge of which was the rock ivy. The clan feuds
and battles were frequent, especially with the Mackintoshes, the
Camerons, the Murrays, and the Forbeses. Their principal exploits
have been noticed in the first volume.
[Illustration: Gordon Castle. From Nattes’ _Scotia Depicta_.]
The Duke of Gordon, who was the chief of the clan, was usually styled
“The Cock of the North,” His most ancient title was the “Gude-man
of the Bog,” from the Bog-of-Gight, a morass in the parish of
Bellie, Banffshire, in the centre of which the former stronghold of
this family was placed, and which forms the site of Gordon castle,
considered the most magnificent edifice in the north of Scotland. The
Marquis of Huntly is now the chief of the clan Gordon. Of the name of
Gordon, there are many ancient families belonging to Aberdeenshire,
Banffshire, and the north of Scotland.
CUMMING.
[Illustration: BADGE--Cumin plant.]
The family of CUMYN, COMYN, CUMIN, CUMMIN, or CUMMING, merit notice
among the septs of the north of Scotland, from the prominent figure
which they made there in early times. But almost all authors agree
in representing them as having come from England, and having been
of either Norman or Saxon descent originally. The time when they
migrated northwards is also well marked in history. The event
occurred in the reign of David I. That prince still claimed a large
part of the north of England, and, besides, had engaged deeply in
the contests betwixt King Stephen and the Empress Matilda, which
agitated South Britain in the twelfth century. He was thus brought
into frequent contact with the barons of Northumberland and the
adjoining districts, some of whom were properly his vassals, and many
of whose younger sons followed him permanently into Scotland. In
this way were founded various northern families in the time of King
David, and among others, seemingly, the Cumyns. William Cumyn is the
first of the name authentically mentioned in the Scottish annals.
He had been trained clerically by Gaufred, bishop of Durham, some
time chancellor to Henry I.; and his abilities and experience appear
to have recommended Cumyn to David of Scotland for the same high
office in the north. He was nominated chancellor of Scotland in 1133;
though we find him seizing on the bishopric of Durham in 1142, under
countenance of a grant from the Empress Maude. But he soon after
resigned it to the proper incumbent, reserving only certain of the
episcopal estates for behoof of his nephew and heir, Richard.
Richard Cumyn, properly the founder of the line of the Scottish
Cumyn, rose high in the service of William the Lion, and long acted
as chief minister and justiciary of Scotland. During his life he held
the lands of Northallerton and others, secured to him by his uncle
in England; and he also obtained estates in Roxburghshire, the first
property of the family in Scotland. That the Cumyns must have been of
high importance in England is proved by, and in part explains, their
sudden elevation in the north. Richard Cumyn even intermarried with
the royal family of Scotland, wedding Hexilda, great-granddaughter of
the “gracious” King Duncan of “Macbeth.”[253]
In the reign of Alexander III., as stated by Fordun, there were of
the name in Scotland three Earls--Buchan, Menteith, and Athole,
and one great feudal baron, Cumyn lord of Strathbogie, with thirty
knights all possessing lands. The chief of the clan was lord
of Badenoch and Lochaber, and other extensive districts in the
Highlands. Upwards of sixty belted knights were bound to follow his
banner with all their vassals, and he made treaties with princes as a
prince himself. One such compact with Lewellyn of Wales is preserved
in Rymer’s Fœdera.
The Cummings, as the name is now spelled, are numerous in the
counties of Aberdeen, Banff, and Moray; but a considerable number,
in consequence of being prevented, for some reason, from burying
their relatives in the family burial-place, changed their names
to Farquharson, as being descended from Ferquhard, second son of
Alexander the fourth designed of Altyre, who lived in the middle
of the fifteenth century. It is from them that the Farquharsons of
Balthog, Haughton, and others in the county of Aberdeen derive their
descent.
From Sir Robert Comyn, younger son of John lord of Badenoch, who died
about 1274, are descended the Cummings of Altyre, Logie, Auchry (one
of whom in 1760 founded the village of Cuminestown in Aberdeenshire),
Relugas, &c.
OGILVY.
[Illustration: BADGE--Alkanet.]
OGILVY is a surname derived from a barony in the parish of Glammis,
Forfarshire, which, about 1163, was bestowed by William the Lion on
Gilbert, ancestor of the noble family of Airlie, and, in consequence,
he assumed the name of Ogilvy. He is said to have been the third son
of Gillibrede, or Gilchrist, maormor of Angus. In the charters of
the second and third Alexanders there are witnesses of the name of
Ogilvy. Sir Patrick de Ogilvy adhered steadily to Robert the Bruce,
who bestowed upon him the lands of Kettins in Forfarshire. The barony
of Cortachy was acquired by the family in 1369-70. The “gracious gude
Lord Ogilvy,” as he is styled in the old ballad of the battle of
Harlaw, in which battle the principal barons of Forfarshire fought on
the side of the Earl of Mar, who commanded the royal army, was the
son of Sir Walter Ogilvy of Auchterhouse, slain in a clan battle with
the Robertsons in 1394.
“Of the best amang them was
The gracious gude Lord Ogilvy,
The sheriff-principal of Angus,
Renownit for truth and equity--
For faith and magnanimity
He had few fellows in the field,
Yet fell by fatal destiny,
For he nae ways wad grant to yield.”
His eldest son, George Ogilvy, was also slain.
Lord OGILVY, the first title of Airlie family, was conferred by James
IV., in 1491, on Sir John Ogilvy of Lintrathen.
James, seventh Lord Ogilvy, was created Earl of Airlie, in 1639.
The title of Lord Ogilvy of Deskford was conferred, 4th October 1616,
on Sir Walter Ogilvy of Deskford and Findlater, whose son, James,
second Lord Deskford, was created Earl of Findlater, 20th February
1638. He was descended from Sir Walter Ogilvy of Auchleven, second
son of Sir Walter Ogilvy of Lintrathen, high treasurer of Scotland.
The clan Ogilvy are called “the _Siol Gilchrist_,” the race or
posterity of Gilchrist. In 1526, the Mackintoshes invaded the country
of the Ogilvies, and massacred no fewer than 24 gentlemen of the
name. A feud between the Campbells and the Ogilvies subsisted for
several centuries. In Pitcairn’s Criminal Trials we find James Ogilvy
complaining, on 21st October, 1591, that a body of Argyll’s men had
attacked him when residing peaceably in Glenisla, in Forfarshire,
which anciently belonged to the Ogilvies, killed several of his
people, ravaged the country, and compelled him and his lady to flee
for their lives.
The Ogilvies had their revenge in 1645, for the burning of “the
bonnie house of Airlie,” and the other strongholds of the Ogilvies,
when Castle Campbell, near Dollar, or the Castle of Gloom, its
original name, was destroyed by them and the Macleans, and the
territory of the Marquis of Argyll was overrun by the fierce and
ruthless clan that followed Montrose, and carried fire and sword
throughout the whole estates of the clan Campbell.
FERGUSON.
BADGE--Little Sunflower.
Ferguson, or Fergusson, is the surname (son of Fergus) of a Highland
sept (whose arms we have been unable to obtain), which had its seat
on the borders of the counties of Perth and Forfar, immediately to
the north of Dunkeld, and the distinctive badge of which was the
little sunflower. In the Roll of 1587, they are named as among the
septs of Mar and Athole, where their proper seat as a clan originally
lay, having chiefs and captains of their own. In Galloway, the
Craigdarroch Fergussons have flourished from an early date, and
in Fife the Fergusons of Raith have long held a high position as
landholders.
FOOTNOTES:
[244] For portrait of Henry, Cardinal Duke of York, v. vol. i. p. 745.
[245] The History of Donald of the Hammers, written by Sir Walter
Scott, will be found in the fifth edition of Captain Burt’s Letters.
[246] The late Sir William Steuart spelled his name with the _u_,
though we are not aware that any of his ancestors did.
[247] Fraser’s _Red Book of Grandtully_.
[248] Anderson’s _History of the Fraser Family_.
[249] For an account of this fight, called _Blair-nan-leine_, or
“Field of Shirts,” so disastrous to the Frasers, see the former part
of this work.
[250] By mistake, these are in our report called “chiefs;”
subordinate chiefs are correctly called “chieftains.”
[251] See our Account of the Stewarts.
[252] _Caledonia_, vol. ii. p. 387.
[253] See Smibert’s _Clans_.
PART THIRD.
HISTORY OF THE HIGHLAND REGIMENTS.
INTRODUCTION.
Military character of the Highlands.
Hitherto the account of the military exploits of the Highlanders has
been limited to their own clan feuds and to the exertions which,
for a century, they made in behalf of the unfortunate Stuarts. We
are now to notice their operations on a more extended field of
action, by giving a condensed sketch of their services in the cause
of the country; services which have acquired for them a reputation
as deserved as it has been unsurpassed. From moral as well as from
physical causes, the Highlanders were well fitted to attain this
pre-eminence.
“In forming his military character, the Highlander was not more
favoured by nature than by the social system under which he lived.
Nursed in poverty, he acquired a hardihood which enabled him to
sustain severe privations. As the simplicity of his life gave vigour
to his body, so it fortified his mind. Possessing a frame and
constitution thus hardened, he was taught to consider courage as the
most honourable virtue, cowardice the most disgraceful failing; to
venerate and obey his chief, and to devote himself for his native
country and clan; and thus prepared to be a soldier, he was ready to
follow wherever honour and duty called him. With such principles, and
regarding any disgrace he might bring on his clan and district as the
most cruel misfortune, the Highland private soldier had a peculiar
motive to exertion. The common soldier of many other countries has
scarcely any other stimulus to the performance of his duty than
the fear of chastisement, or the habit of mechanical obedience to
command, produced by the discipline in which he has been trained.
With a Highland soldier it is otherwise. When in a national or
district corps, he is surrounded by the companions of his youth
and the rivals of his early achievements; he feels the impulse of
emulation strengthened by the consciousness that every proof which
he displays, either of bravery or cowardice, will find its way to
his native home. He thus learns to appreciate the value of a good
name; and it is thus, that in a Highland regiment, consisting of men
from the same country, whose kindred and connexions are mutually
known, every individual feels that his conduct is the subject of
observation, and that, independently of his duty as a member of
a systematic whole, he has to sustain a separate and individual
reputation, which will be reflected on his family, and district
or glen. Hence he requires no artificial excitements. He acts
from motives within himself; his point is fixed, and his aim must
terminate either in victory or death. The German soldier considers
himself as a part of the military machine, and duly marked out in
the orders of the day. He moves onward to his destination with a
well-trained pace, and with as phlegmatic indifference to the result
as a labourer who works for his daily hire. The courage of the French
soldier is supported in the hour of trial by his high notions of the
point of honour; but this display of spirit is not always steady. A
Highland soldier faces his enemy, whether in front, rear, or flank;
and if he has confidence in his commander, it may be predicted with
certainty that he will be victorious or die on the ground which
he maintains. He goes into the field resolved not to disgrace his
name. A striking characteristic of the Highlander is, that all his
actions seem to flow from sentiment. His endurance of privation and
fatigue,--his resistance of hostile opposition,--his solicitude for
the good opinion of his superiors,--all originate in this source,
whence also proceeds his obedience, which is always most _conspicuous
when exhibited under kind treatment_. Hence arises the difference
observable between the conduct of one regiment of Highlanders
and that of another, and frequently even of the same regiment at
different times, and under different management. A Highland regiment,
to be orderly and well disciplined, ought to be commanded by men who
are capable of appreciating their character, directing their passions
and prejudices, and acquiring their entire confidence and affection.
The officer to whom the command of Highlanders is intrusted must
endeavour to acquire their confidence and good opinion. With this
view, he must watch over the propriety of his own conduct. He must
observe the strictest justice and fidelity in his promises to his
men, conciliate them by an attention to their dispositions and
prejudices, and, at the same time, by preserving a firm and steady
authority, without which he will not be respected.
“Officers who are accustomed to command Highland soldiers find
it easy to guide and control them when their full confidence has
been obtained; but when distrust prevails severity ensues, with a
consequent neglect of duty, and by a continuance of this unhappy
misunderstanding, the men become stubborn, disobedient, and in
the end mutinous. The spirit of a Highland soldier revolts at any
unnecessary severity; though he may be led to the mouth of a cannon
if properly directed, will rather die than be unfaithful to his
trust. But if, instead of leading, his officers attempt to drive him,
he may fail in the discharge of the most common duties.”[254]
A learned and ingenious author,[255] who, though himself a Lowlander,
had ample opportunity, while serving in many campaigns with Highland
regiments, of becoming intimately acquainted with their character,
thus writes of them:--
“The limbs of the Highlander are strong and sinewy, the frame hardy,
and of great physical power, in proportion to size. He endures
cold, hunger, and fatigue with patience; in other words, he has an
elasticity or pride of mind which does not feel, or which refuses
to complain of hardship. The air of the gentleman is ordinarily
majestic; the air and gait of the gilly is not graceful. He walks
with a bended knee, and does not walk with grace, but his movement
has energy; and between walking and trotting, and by an interchange
of pace, he performs long journeys with facility, particularly on
broken and irregular ground, such as he has been accustomed to
traverse in his native country.
“The Highlanders of Scotland, born and reared under the circumstances
stated, marshalled for action by clans, according to ancient usage,
led into action by chiefs who possess confidence from an opinion of
knowledge, and love from the influence of blood, may be calculated
upon as returning victorious, or dying in the grasp of the enemy.
“Scotch Highlanders have a courage devoted to honour; but they have
an impetuosity which, if not well understood, and skilfully directed,
is liable to error. The Scotch fight individually as if the cause
were their own, not as if it were the cause of a commander only,--and
they fight impassioned. Whether training and discipline may bring
them in time to the apathy of German soldiers, further experience
will determine; but the Highlanders are even now impetuous; and, if
they fail to accomplish their object, they cannot be withdrawn from
it like those who fight a battle by the job. The object stands in
their own view; the eye is fixed upon it; they rush towards it, seize
it, and proclaim victory with exultation.
“The Highlander, upon the whole, is a soldier of the first quality;
but, as already said, he requires to see his object fully, and to
come into contact with it in all its extent. He then feels the
impression of his duty through a channel which he understands, and
he acts consistently in consequence of the impression, that is, in
consequence of the impulse of his own internal sentiment, rather
than the external impulse of the command of another; for it is often
verified in experience that, where the enemy is before the Highlander
and nearly in contact with him, the authority of the officer is in a
measure null; the duty is notwithstanding done, and well done, by the
impulses of natural instinct.
“Their conduct in the year 1745 proves very distinctly that they are
neither a ferocious nor a cruel people. No troops ever, perhaps,
traversed a country which might be deemed hostile leaving so few
traces of outrage behind them as were left by the Highlanders in the
year 1745. They are better known at the present time than they were
then, and they are known to be eminent for honesty and fidelity,
where confidence is given them. They possess exalted notions of
honour, warm friendships, and much national pride.”
Of the disinclination from peaceful employment, and propensity for
war here spoken of, Dr Jackson elsewhere affords us a striking
illustration. While passing through the Isle of Skye[256] in the
autumn of 1783, he met a man of great age whose shoulder had, through
a recent fall, been dislocated. This condition was speedily rectified
by our traveller. “As there seemed to be something rather uncommon
about the old man, I asked if he had lived all his life in the
Highlands? No:--he said he made one of the FORTY-SECOND when they
were first raised; then had gone with them to Germany; but when he
had heard that his Prince was landed in the North, he purchased, or
had made such interest that he procured his discharge; came home, and
enlisted under his banner. He fought at Culloden, and was wounded.
After everything was settled, he returned to his old regiment, and
served with it till he received another wound that rendered him unfit
for service. He now, he said, lived the best way he could, on his
pension.”
Dr Jackson also strongly advocates the desirability of forming
national and district regiments, and of keeping them free from any
foreign intermixture. Such a policy seems to be getting more and more
into favour among modern military authorities; and we believe that
at the present time it is seldom, and only with reluctance, that any
but Scotchmen are admitted into Scotch, and especially into Highland
regiments, at least this is the case with regard to privates. Indeed,
it is well known that in our own country there is even now an attempt
among those who manage such matters, to connect particular regiments
with certain districts. Not only does such a plan tend to keep up
the _morale_ respectability and _esprit de corps_ of each regiment,
but is well calculated to keep up the numbers, by establishing a
connection between the various regiments and the militia of the
districts with which they are connected. Originally each Highland
regiment was connected and raised from a well defined district, and
military men who are conversant in such matters think that it would
be advisable to restore these regiments to their old footing in this
respect. On this subject, we again quote the shrewd remarks of Dr
Jackson:--
“If military materials be thrown together promiscuously--that is,
arranged by no other rule except that of size or quantity of matter,
as it is admitted that the individual parts possess different
propensities and different powers of action, it is plain that the
instrument composed of these different and independent parts has a
tendency to act differently; the parts are constrained to act on one
object by stimulation or coercion only.
“Military excellence consists, as often hinted, in every part of the
instrument acting with full force--acting from one principle and
for one purpose; and hence it is evident that in a mixed fabric,
composed of parts of unequal power and different temper, disunion is
a consequence, if all act to the full extent of their power; or if
disunion be not a consequence, the combined act must necessarily be
shackled, and, as such, inferior, the strong being restrained from
exertion for the sake of preserving union with the weak.
“The imperfection now stated necessarily attaches to regiments
composed of different nations mixed promiscuously. It even attaches,
in some degree, to regiments which are formed indiscriminately from
the population of all the districts or counties of an extensive
kingdom. This assumption, anticipated by reasoning, is confirmed
by experience in the military history of semi-barbarous tribes,
which are often observed, without the aid of tactic, as taught in
modern schools, to stick together in danger and to achieve acts of
heroism beyond the comprehension of those who have no knowledge of
man but as part of a mechanical instrument of war. The fact has
numerous proofs in the history of nations; but it has not a more
decisive one than that which occurred in the late SEVENTY-FIRST
REGIMENT in the revolutionary war of America. In the summer of the
year 1779, a party of the Seventy-first Regiment, consisting of
fifty-six men and five officers, was detached from a redoubt at
Stoneferry, in South Carolina, for the purpose of reconnoitring the
enemy, which was supposed to be advancing in force to attack the
post. The instructions given to the officer who commanded went no
further than to reconnoitre and retire upon the redoubt. The troops
were new troops,--ardent as Highlanders usually are. They fell in
with a strong column of the enemy (upwards of two thousand) within
a short distance of the post; and, instead of retiring according
to instruction, they thought proper to attack, with an instinctive
view, it was supposed, to retard progress, and thereby to give time
to those who were in the redoubt to make better preparations for
defence. This they did; but they were themselves nearly destroyed.
All the officers and non-commissioned officers were killed or
wounded, and seven of the privates only remained on their legs at
the end of the combat. The commanding officer fell, and, in falling,
desired the few who still resisted to make the best of their way to
the redoubt. They did not obey. The national sympathies were warm.
National honour did not permit them to leave their officers in the
field; and they actually persisted in covering their fallen comrades
until a reinforcement arriving from head quarters, which was at some
distance, induced the enemy to retire.”
In the narratives which follow, we have confined ourselves strictly
to those regiments which are at the present day officially recognised
as Highland. Many existing regiments were originally raised in
Highland districts, and formerly wore the Highland dress, which, as
our readers will see, had ultimately to be changed into ordinary
line regiments, from the difficulty of finding Highlanders willing
to enlist; the history of such regiments we have followed only so
long as they were recognised as Highland. In this way the existing
strictly Highland regiments are reduced to eight--The Black Watch or
42d, the 71st, 72d, 74th, 78th, 79th, 92d, 93d.
FOOTNOTES:
[254] Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[255] Jackson’s _View of the Formation, &c., of Armies_, 1824.
[256] “The Isle of Skye has, within the last forty years,
furnished for the public service, twenty-one lieutenant-generals
and major-generals; forty-five lieutenant-colonels; six hundred
majors, captains, lieutenants, and subalterns; ten thousand
foot soldiers; one hundred and twenty pipers; four governors of
British colonies; one governor-general; one adjutant-general; one
chief-baron of England; and one judge of the Supreme Court of
Scotland. The generals may be classed thus:--eight Macdonalds,
six Macleods, two Macallisters, two Macaskills, one Mackinnon,
one Elder, and one Macqueen. The Isle of Skye is forty-five miles
long, and about fifteen in mean breadth. Truly the inhabitants are
a wonderous people. It may be mentioned that this island is the
birth-place of Cuthullin, the celebrated hero mentioned in Ossian’s
Poems.”--_Inverness Journal._
42d ROYAL HIGHLAND REGIMENT.
AM FREICEADAN DUBH--
“THE BLACK WATCH.”
I.
1726-1775.
Embodying the Black Watch--March for England--Mutiny--Fontenoy
--Embarks for the French coast--Flanders--Battle of Lafeldt
--Return of the regiment to Ireland--Number changed from the 43d
to the 42d--Embarks for New York--Louisbourg--Ticonderoga--The
West Indies--Ticonderoga and Crown Point--Surrender of Montreal
--Martinique--Havannah--Bushy Run--Fort Pitt--Ireland--Return of
the 42d to Scotland.
[Illustration: NEMO ME IMPUNE LACESSIT.
VICTORIES.
EGYPT.
(With the Sphinx.)
CORUNNA.
FUENTES D’ONOR.
PYRENEES.
NIVELLE.
NIVE.
ORTHES.
TOULOUSE.
PENINSULA.
WATERLOO.
ALMA.
SEVASTOPOL.
LUCKNOW.]
The design of rendering such a valuable class of subjects available
to the state by forming regular military corps out of it, seems not
to have entered into the views of the government till about the
year 1729, when six companies of Highlanders were raised, which,
from forming distinct corps unconnected with each other, received
the appellation of independent companies. Three of these companies
consisted of 100 men each, and were therefore called large companies;
Lord Lovat, Sir Duncan Campbell of Lochnell, and Colonel Grant of
Ballindalloch, were appointed captains over them. The three smaller
companies, which consisted of 75 each, were commanded by Colonel
Alexander Campbell of Finab, John Campbell of Carrick, and George
Munro of Culcairn, under the commission of captain-lieutenants. To
each of the six companies were attached two lieutenants and one
ensign. To distinguish them from the regular troops, who, from
having coats, waistcoats, and breeches of scarlet cloth, were called
_Saighdearan Dearg_, or Red soldiers; the independent companies, who
were attired in tartan consisting mostly of black, green, and blue,
were designated _Am Freiceadan Dubh_, or Black Watch,--from the
sombre appearance of their dress.
As the services of these companies were not required beyond their own
territory, and as the intrants were not subjected to the humiliating
provisions of the disarming act, no difficulty was found in forming
them; and when completed, they presented the singular spectacle of
a number of young men of respectable families serving as privates
in the ranks. “Many of the men who composed these companies were
of a higher station in society than that from which soldiers in
general are raised; cadets of gentlemen’s families, sons of gentlemen
farmers, and tacksmen, either immediately or distantly descended
from gentlemen’s families,--men who felt themselves responsible
for their conduct to high-minded and honourable families, as well
as to a country for which they cherished a devoted affection. In
addition to the advantages derived from their superior rank in life,
they possessed, in an eminent degree, that of a commanding external
deportment, special care being taken in selecting men of full height,
well proportioned, and of handsome appearance.”[257]
[Illustration: COLONELS OF THE 42^{nd} ROYAL HIGHLANDERS.
JOHN, EARL OF CRAWFORD.
25^{th} Oct. 1739--1740.
_First Colonel._
SIR GEORGE MURRAY, G.C.B. G.C.H.
6^{th} Sept. 1823--29^{th} Dec. 1843.
_Also Col. of 72^{nd} Highl^{rs} 24^{th} Feb. 1817--6^{th}
Sept. 1823._
SIR JOHN MACDONALD, K.C.B.
15^{th} Jan. 1844, died Col. of the Reg^t. 28^{th} March 1850.
SIR DUNCAN A. CAMERON, K.C.B.
9^{th} Sept. 1863--
A. Fullerton & C^o London & Edinburgh.]
The duties assigned to these companies were to enforce the disarming
act, to overawe the disaffected, and watch their motions, and to
check depredations. For this purpose they were stationed in small
detachments in different parts of the country, and generally
throughout the district in which they were raised. Thus Fort Augustus
and the neighbouring parts of Inverness-shire were occupied by
the Frasers under Lord Lovat; Ballindalloch and the Grants were
stationed in Strathspey and Badenoch; the Munros under Culcairn,
in Ross and Sutherland; Lochnell’s and Carrick’s companies were
stationed in Athole and Breadalbane, and Finab’s in Lochaber, and the
northern parts of Argyleshire among the disaffected Camerons, and
Stewarts of Appin. All Highlanders of whatever clan were admitted
indiscriminately into these companies as soldiers; but the officers
were taken, almost exclusively, from the whig clans.
The independent companies continued to exist as such until the year
1739, when government resolved to raise four additional companies,
and to form the whole into a regiment of the line. For this purpose,
letters of service, dated 25th October 1739, were addressed to the
Earl of Crawford and Lindsay, who was appointed to the command of
the regiment about to be formed, which was to consist of 1000 men.
Although the commissions were dated as above, the regiment was not
embodied till the month of May 1740, when it assembled on a field
between Taybridge and Aberfeldy,[258] in the county of Perth, under
the number of the 43d regiment, although they still retained the
country name of the Black Watch. “The uniform was a scarlet jacket
and waistcoat, with buff facings and white lace,--tartan[259] plaid
of twelve yards plaited round the middle of the body, the upper
part being fixed on the left shoulder ready to be thrown loose, and
wrapped over both shoulders and firelock in rainy weather. At night
the plaid served the purpose of a blanket, and was a sufficient
covering for the Highlander. These were called belted plaids from
being kept tight to the body by a belt, and were worn on guards,
reviews, and on all occasions when the men were in full dress. On
this belt hung the pistols and dirk when worn. In the barracks, and
when not on duty, the little kilt or philibeg was worn, a blue bonnet
with a border of white, red and green, arranged in small squares to
resemble, as is said, the _fess cheque_ in the arms of the different
branches of the Stewart family, and a tuft of feathers, or sometimes,
from economy or necessity, a small piece of black bear-skin. The arms
were a musket, a bayonet, and a large basket-hilted broadsword. These
were furnished by government. Such of the men as chose to supply
themselves with pistols and dirks were allowed to carry them, and
some had targets after the fashion of their country. The sword-belt
was of black leather, and the cartouch-box was carried in front,
supported by a narrow belt round the middle.”[260]
The officers appointed to this regiment were:--
_Colonel_--John, Earl of Crawford and Lindsay, died in 1748.
_Lieutenant-Colonel_--Sir Robert Munro of Foulis, Bart.,
killed at Falkirk, 1746.
_Major_--George Grant, brother of the Laird of Grant, removed
from the service by sentence of a court-martial, for allowing
the rebels to get possession of the castle of Inverness in 1746.
_Captains._
George Munro of Culcairn, brother of Sir Robert Munro, killed
in 1746.[261]
Dugal Campbell of Craignish, retired in 1745.
John Campbell of Carrick, killed at Fontenoy.
Colin Campbell, junior, of Monzie, retired in 1743.
Sir James Colquhoun of Luss, Bart., retired in 1748.
Colin Campbell of Ballimore, retired.
John Munro, promoted to be Lieutenant-Colonel in 1743, retired
in 1749.
Captain-Lieutenant Duncan Macfarlane, retired in 1744.
_Lieutenants._
Paul Macpherson.
Lewis Grant of Auchterblair.
{ Both removed from the
John Maclean of Kingarloch. { regiment in consequence
John Mackenzie. { of having
{ fought a duel in 1744.
Alexander Macdonald.
Malcolm Fraser, son of Culduthel, killed at Bergen-op-Zoom in 1747.
George Ramsay.
Francis Grant, son of the Laird of Grant, died Lieutenant-General
in 1782.
John Macneil.
_Ensigns._
Dugal Campbell, killed at Fontenoy.
Dugal Stewart.
John Menzies of Comrie.
Edward Carrick.
Gilbert Stewart of Kincraigie.
Gordon Graham of Draines.
Archd. Macnab, son of the Laird of Macnab, died Lieutenant-General,
1790.
Colin Campbell.
Dugal Stewart.
James Campbell of Glenfalloch, died of wounds at Fontenoy.
_Chaplain_--Hon. Gideon Murray.
_Surgeon_--James Munro, brother of Sir Robert Munro.[262]
_Adjutant_--Gilbert Stewart.
_Quarter-Master_--John Forbes.
In 1740 the Earl of Crawford was removed to the Life Guards,
and Brigadier-General Lord Sempill was appointed Colonel of the
Highlanders.
After remaining nearly eighteen months in quarters near
Taybridge,[263] the regiment was marched northward, in the winter
of 1741-2 and the men remained in the stations assigned them till
the spring of 1743, when they were ordered to repair to Perth.
Having assembled there in March of that year, they were surprised on
being informed that orders had been received to march the regiment
for England, a step which they considered contrary to an alleged
understanding when regimented, that the sphere of their services
was not to extend beyond their native country. When the intention
of employing them in foreign service came to be known, many of the
warmest supporters of the government highly disapproved of the
design, among whom was Lord President Forbes. In a letter to General
Clayton, the successor of Marshal Wade, the chief commander in
Scotland, his lordship thus expresses himself:--“When I first heard
of the orders given to the Highland regiment to march southwards,
it gave me no sort of concern, because I supposed the intention was
only to see them; but as I have lately been assured that they are
destined for foreign service, I cannot dissemble my uneasiness at a
resolution, that may, in my apprehension, be attended with very bad
consequences; nor can I prevail with myself not to communicate to
you my thoughts on the subject, however late they may come; because
if what I am to suggest has not been already under consideration,
it’s possible the resolution may be departed from.” After noticing
the consequences which might result from leaving the Highlands
unprotected from the designs of the disaffected in the event of a
war with France, he thus proceeds:--“Having thus stated to you the
danger I dread, I must, in the next place, put you in mind, that the
present system for securing the peace of the Highlands, which is the
best I ever heard of, is by regular troops stationed from Inverness
to Fort William, alongst the chain of lakes which in a manner divides
the Highlands, to command the obedience of the inhabitants of both
sides, and by a body of disciplined Highlanders wearing the dress
and speaking the language of the country, to execute such orders as
require expedition, and for which neither the dress nor the manner of
the other troops are proper. The Highlanders, now regimented, were
at first independent companies; and though their dress, language,
and manners, qualified them for securing the low country against
depredations; yet that was not the sole use of them: the same
qualities fitted them for every expedition that required secrecy and
despatch; they served for all purposes of hussars or light horse,
in a country where mountains and bogs render cavalry useless, and
if properly disposed over the Highlands, nothing that was commonly
reported and believed by the Highlanders could be a secret to their
commanders, because of their intimacy with the people and the
sameness of the language.”[264] Notwithstanding this remonstrance,
the government persisted in its determination to send the regiment
abroad; and to deceive the men, from whom their real destination
was concealed, they were told that the object of their march to
England was merely to gratify the curiosity of the king,[265] who
was desirous of seeing a Highland regiment. Satisfied with this
explanation, they proceeded on their march. The English people, who
had been led to consider the Highlanders as savages, were struck with
the warlike appearance of the regiment and the orderly deportment of
the men, who received in the country and towns through which they
passed the mostly friendly attentions.
Having reached the vicinity of London on the 29th and 30th of April,
in two divisions, the regiment was reviewed on the 14th of May, on
Finchley Common, by Marshal Wade. The arrival of the corps in the
neighbourhood of the metropolis had attracted vast crowds of people
to their quarters, anxious to behold men of whom they had heard
the most extraordinary relations; but, mingled with these, were
persons who frequented the quarters of the Highlanders from a very
different motive. Their object was to sow the seeds of distrust
and disaffection among the men, by circulating misrepresentations
and falsehoods respecting the intentions of the government. These
incendiaries gave out that a gross deception had been practised upon
the regiment, in regard to the object of their journey, in proof of
which they adduced the fact of his majesty’s departure for Hanover,
on the very day of the arrival of the last division, and that the
real design of the government was to get rid of them altogether,
as disaffected persons, and, with that view, that the regiment
was to be transported for life to the American plantations. These
insidious falsehoods had their intended effect upon the minds of the
Highlanders, who took care, however, to conceal the indignation they
felt at their supposed betrayers. All their thoughts were bent upon
a return to their own country, and they concerted their measures
for its accomplishment with a secrecy which escaped the observation
of their officers, of whose integrity in the affair they do not,
however, appear to have entertained any suspicion.
The mutiny which followed created a great sensation, and the
circumstances which led to it formed, both in public and in private,
the ordinary topic of discussion. The writer of a pamphlet, which
was published immediately after the mutiny, and which contains the
best view of the subject, and an intimate knowledge of the facts,
thus describes the affair:--
“On their march through the northern counties of England, they were
every where received with such hospitality, that they appeared in the
highest spirits; and it was imagined that their attachment to home
was so much abated, that they would feel no reluctance to the change.
As they approached the metropolis, however, and were exposed to the
taunts of the _true-bred English clowns_, they became more gloomy
and sullen. Animated, even to the lowest private, with the feelings
of gentlemen, they could ill brook the rudeness of boors--nor could
they patiently submit to affronts in a country to which they had
been called by invitation of their sovereign. A still deeper cause
of discontent preyed upon their minds. A rumour had reached them on
their march that they were to be embarked for the plantations. The
fate of the marines, the invalids, and other regiments which had been
sent to these colonies, seemed to mark out this service as at once
the most perilous and the most degrading to which British soldiers
could be exposed. With no enemy to encounter worthy of their courage,
there was another consideration, which made it peculiarly odious to
the Highlanders. By the act of parliament of the eleventh of George
I., transportation to the colonies was denounced against the Highland
rebels, &c. as the greatest punishment that could be inflicted on
them except death, and, when they heard that they were to be sent
there, the galling suspicion naturally arose in their minds, that
‘_after being used as rods to scourge their own countrymen, they were
to be thrown into the fire_!’ These apprehensions they kept secret
even from their own officers; and the care with which they dissembled
them is the best evidence of the deep impression which they had made.
Amidst all their jealousies and fears, however, they looked forward
with considerable expectation to the review, when they were to come
under the immediate observation of his majesty, or some of the royal
family. On the 14th of May they were reviewed by Marshal Wade, and
many persons of distinction, who were highly delighted with the
promptitude and alacrity with which they went through their military
exercises, and gave a very favourable report of them, where it was
likely to operate most to their advantage. From that moment, however,
all their thoughts were bent on the means of returning to their own
country; and on this wild and romantic march they accordingly set
out a few days after. Under pretence of preparing for the review,
they had been enabled to provide themselves, unsuspectedly, with some
necessary articles, and, confiding in their capability of enduring
privations and fatigue, they imagined that they should have great
advantages over any troops that might be sent in pursuit of them. It
was on the night between Tuesday and Wednesday (17th and 18th May)
after the review that they assembled on a common near Highgate, and
commenced their march to the north. They kept as nearly as possible
between the two great roads, passing from wood to wood in such a
manner that it was not well known which way they moved. Orders were
issued by the lords justices to the commanding officers of the
forces stationed in the counties between them and Scotland, and an
advertisement was published by the secretary at war, exhorting the
civil officers to be vigilant in their endeavours to discover their
route. It was not, however, till about eight o’clock on the evening
of Thursday, 19th May, that any certain intelligence of them was
obtained, and they had then proceeded as far as Northampton, and were
supposed to be shaping their course towards Nottinghamshire. General
Blakeney, who commanded at Northampton, immediately despatched
Captain Ball, of General Wade’s regiment of horse, an officer well
acquainted with that part of the country, to search after them. They
had now entered Lady Wood between Brig Stock and Dean Thorp, about
four miles from Oundle, when they were discovered. Captain Ball was
joined in the evening by the general himself, and about nine all the
troops were drawn up in order, near the wood where the Highlanders
lay. Seeing themselves in this situation, and unwilling to aggravate
their offence by the crime of shedding the blood of his majesty’s
troops, they sent one of their guides to inform the general that he
might, without fear, send an officer to treat of the terms on which
they should be expected to surrender. Captain Ball was accordingly
delegated, and, on coming to a conference, the captain demanded that
they should instantly lay down their arms and surrender as prisoners
at discretion. This they positively refused, declaring that they
would rather be cut to pieces than submit, unless the general should
send them a written promise, signed by his own hand, that their arms
should not be taken from them, and that they should have a free
pardon. Upon this the captain delivered the conditions proposed
by General Blakeney, viz., that if they would peaceably lay down
their arms, and surrender themselves prisoners, the most favourable
report should be made of them to the lords-justices; when they again
protested that they would be cut in pieces rather than surrender,
except on the conditions of retaining their arms, and receiving a
free pardon. ‘Hitherto,’ exclaimed the captain, ‘I have been your
friend, and am still anxious to do all I can to save you; but, if
you continue obstinate an hour longer, surrounded as you are by the
king’s forces, not a man of you shall be left alive; and, for my
own part, I assure you that I shall give quarter to none.’ He then
demanded that two of their number should be ordered to conduct him
out of the wood. Two brothers were accordingly ordered to accompany
him. Finding that they were inclined to submit, he promised them both
a free pardon, and, taking one of them along with him, he sent back
the other to endeavour, by every means, to overcome the obstinacy of
the rest. He soon returned with thirteen more. Having marched them
to a short distance from the wood, the captain again sent one of
them back to his comrades to inform them how many had submitted; and
in a short time seventeen more followed the example. These were all
marched away with their arms (the powder being blown out of their
pans,) and when they came before the general they laid down their
arms. On returning to the wood they found the whole body disposed to
submit to the general’s troops.
“While this was doing in the country,” continues our author, “there
was nothing but the flight of the Highlanders talked of in town. The
wiser sort blamed it, but some of their hot-headed countrymen were
for comparing it to the retreat of the 10,000 Greeks through Persia;
by which, for the honour of the ancient kingdom of Scotland, Corporal
M’Pherson was erected into a Xenophon. But amongst these idle dreams,
the most injurious were those that reflected on their officers, and
by a strange kind of innuendo, would have fixed the crime of these
people’s desertion upon those who did their duty, and staid here.
“As to the rest of the regiment, they were ordered immediately to
Kent, whither they marched very cheerfully, and were from thence
transported to Flanders, and are by this time with the army, where
I dare say it will quickly appear they were not afraid of fighting
the French. In King William’s war there was a Highland regiment
that, to avoid going to Flanders, had formed a design of flying
into the mountains. This was discovered before they could put it
into execution; and General M’Kay, who then commanded in Scotland,
caused them to be immediately surrounded and disarmed, and afterwards
shipped them for Holland. When they came to the confederate army,
they behaved very briskly upon all occasions; but as pick-thanks are
never wanting in courts, some wise people were pleased to tell King
William that the Highlanders drank King James’s health,--a report
which was probably very true. The king, whose good sense taught him
to despise such dirty informations, asked General Talmash, who was
near him, how they behaved in the field? ‘As well as any troops in
the army,’ answered the general, like a soldier and a man of honour.
‘Why then,’ replied the king, ‘if they fight for me, let them drink
my father’s health as often as they please.’ On the road, and even
after they entered to London, they kept up their spirits, and marched
very cheerfully; nor did they show any marks of terror when they were
brought into the Tower.”
[Illustration: Farquhar Shaw, of the Black Watch, in the uniform of
the Regiment, 1743. From the picture in the possession of Lord John
Murray, Colonel of the Regiment 1745, Major-General 1755.]
Though it was evident that the Highlanders were led to commit
this rash act under a false impression, and that they were the
unconscious dupes of designing men, yet the government thought it
could not overlook such a gross breach of military discipline, and
the deserters were accordingly tried before a general court-martial
on the 8th of June. They were all found guilty, and condemned to be
shot. Three only, however, suffered capitally. These were Corporals
Malcolm and Samuel M’Pherson,[267] and Farquhar Shaw, a private. They
were shot upon the parade within the Tower, in presence of the other
prisoners, who joined in their prayers with great earnestness. The
unfortunate men met their death with composure, and acted with great
propriety. Their bodies were put into three coffins by three of the
prisoners, their clansmen and connexions, and were buried together
in one grave at the place of execution.[268] From an ill-judged
severity, one hundred of the deserters were equally divided between
the garrisons of Gibraltar and Minorca, and a similar number were
distributed among the different corps in the Leeward islands, Jamaica
and Georgia,--a circumstance which, it is believed, impressed the
Highlanders with an idea that the government had intended to deceive
them.
Near the end of May the remainder of the regiment was sent to
Flanders, where it joined the army under the command of Field-Marshal
the Earl of Stair. During the years 1743-44, they were quartered in
different parts of that country, and by their quiet, orderly, and
kind deportment, acquired the entire confidence of the people among
whom they mixed. The regiment “was judged the most trustworthy guard
of property, insomuch that the people in Flanders choose to have
them always for their protection. Seldom were any of them drunk, and
they as rarely swore. And the elector-palatine wrote to his envoy
in London, desiring him to thank the king of Great Britain for the
excellent behaviour of the regiment while in his territories in 1743
and 1744, and for whose sake he adds, ‘I will always pay a respect
and regard to a Scotchman in future.’”[269]
Lord Sempill, who had succeeded the Earl of Crawford in the colonelcy
of the regiment in 1740, being appointed in April 1745 to the 25th
regiment, Lord John Murray, son of the Duke of Athole, succeeded
him as colonel of the Highlanders. During the command of these
officers, the regiment was designated by the titles of its successive
commanders, as Lord Crawford’s, Lord Sempill’s, and Lord John
Murray’s Highlanders.
Baffled in his efforts to prevent the elevation of the Grand Duke of
Tuscany to the imperial throne, the King of France resolved to humble
the house of Austria by making a conquest of the Netherlands. With
this view he assembled an immense army in Flanders under the command
of the celebrated Marshal Saxe, and having with the dauphin joined
the army in April 1745, he, on the 30th of that month, invested
Tournay, then garrisoned by 8000 men, commanded by General Baron
Dorth, who defended the place with vigour. The Duke of Cumberland,
who arrived from England early in May, assumed the command of the
allied army assembled at Soignies. It consisted of twenty battalions
and twenty-six squadrons of British, five battalions and sixteen
squadrons of Hanoverians, all under the immediate command of his
royal highness; twenty-six battalions and forty squadrons of Dutch,
commanded by the Prince of Waldeck; and eight squadrons of Austrians,
under the command of Count Konigseg.
Though the allied army was greatly inferior in number to the enemy,
yet as the French army was detached, the duke resolved to march
to the relief of Tournay. Marshal Saxe, who soon became aware of
the design of the allies, drew up his army in line of battle, on
the right bank of the Scheldt, extending from the wood of Barri to
Fontenoy, and thence to the village of St Antoine in sight of the
British army.
The allied army advanced to Leuse, and on the 9th of May took up a
position between the villages of Bougries and Maulbre, in sight of
the French army. In the evening the duke, attended by Field-Marshal
Konigseg and the Prince of Waldeck, reconnoitred the position of
Marshal Saxe. They were covered by the Highlanders, who kept up a
sharp fire with French sharp-shooters who were concealed in the
woods. After a general survey, the Earl of Crawford, who was left in
command of the advance of the army, proceeded with the Highlanders
and a party of hussars to examine the enemy’s outposts more narrowly.
In the course of the day a Highlander in advance observing that
one of the sharp-shooters repeatedly fired at his post, placed his
bonnet upon the top of a stick near the verge of a hollow road.
This stratagem decoyed the Frenchman, and whilst he was intent on
his object, the Highlander approaching cautiously to a point which
afforded a sure aim, succeeded in bringing him to the ground.[270]
Having ascertained that a plain which lay between the positions of
two armies was covered with some flying squadrons of the enemy, and
that their outposts commanded some narrow defiles through which the
allied forces had necessarily to march to the attack, the Duke of
Cumberland resolved to scour the plain, and to dislodge the outposts,
preparatory to advancing upon the besieging army. Accordingly at an
early hour next morning, six battalions and twelve squadrons were
ordered to disperse the forces on the plain and clear the defiles,
a service which they soon performed. Some Austrian hussars being
hotly pressed on this occasion by the French light troops, a party of
Highlanders was sent to support them, and the Frenchmen were quickly
repulsed with loss. This was the first time the Highlanders stood
the fire of the enemy in a regular body, and so well did they acquit
themselves, that they were particularly noticed for their spirited
conduct.
Resolving to attack the enemy next morning, the commander-in-chief
of the allied army made the necessary dispositions. Opposite the
space between Fontenoy and the wood of Barri, he formed the British
and Hanoverian infantry in two lines, and posted their cavalry in
the rear. Near the left of the Hanoverians he drew up the Dutch,
whose left was towards St Antoine. The French in their turn completed
their batteries, and made the most formidable preparations to receive
the allies. At two o’clock in the morning of the 11th of May, the
Duke of Cumberland began his march, and drew up his army in front
of the enemy. The engagement began about four by the guards and the
Highlanders attacking a redoubt, advanced on the right of the wood
near Vezon, occupied by 600 men, in the vicinity of which place the
dauphin was posted. Though the enemy were entrenched breast-high they
were forced out by the guards with bayonets, and by the Highlanders
with sword, pistol, and dirk, the latter killing a considerable
number of them.
The allies continuing steadfastly to advance, Marshal Saxe, who had,
during three attacks, lost some of his bravest men, began to think
of a retreat; but being extremely unwilling to abandon his position,
he resolved to make a last effort to retrieve the fortune of the day
by attacking his assailants with all his forces. Being far advanced
in a dropsy, the marshal had been carried about the whole day in a
litter. This he now quitted, and mounting his horse, he rode over
the field giving the necessary orders, whilst two men supported him
on each side. He brought forward the household troops of the King
of France: he posted his best cavalry on the flanks, and the king’s
body guards, with the flower of the infantry in the centre. Having
brought up all his field-pieces, he, under cover of their fire and
that of the batteries, made a combined charge of cavalry and infantry
on the allied army, the greater part of which had, by this time,
formed into line by advancing beyond the confined ground. The allies,
unable to withstand the impetuosity of this attack, gave way, and
were driven back across the ravine, carrying along with them the
Highlanders, who had been ordered up from the attack of the village,
and two other regiments ordered from the reserve to support the
line. After rallying for a short time beyond the ravine, the whole
army retreated by order of the duke, the Highlanders and Howard’s
regiment (the 19th) under the command of Lord Crawford, covering the
rear. The retreat, which was commenced about three o’clock in the
afternoon, was effected in excellent order. When it was over his
lordship pulled off his hat, and returning thanks to the covering
party, said “that they had acquired as much honour in covering so
great a retreat, as if they had gained a battle.”[271] The carnage on
both sides was great. The allies lost, in killed and wounded, about
7000 men, including a number of officers. The loss of the French is
supposed to have equalled that of the allies. The Highlanders lost
Captain John Campbell of Carrick,[272] whose head was carried off by
a cannon-ball early in the action;[273] Ensign Lachlan Campbell, son
of Craignish, and 30 men; Captain Robert Campbell of Finab; Ensigns
Ronald Campbell, nephew of Craignish, and James Campbell, son of
Glenfalloch; 2 sergeants, and 86 rank and file wounded.
Before the engagement, the part which the Highlanders would act
formed a subject of general speculation. Those who knew them had no
misgivings; but there were other persons, high in rank, who looked
upon the support of such men with an unfavourable eye. So strong was
this impression “in some high quarters, that, on the rapid charge
made by the Highlanders, when pushing forward sword in hand nearly at
full speed, and advancing so far, it was suggested that they inclined
to change sides and join the enemy, who had already three brigades of
Scotch and Irish engaged, which performed very important services on
that day.”[274] All anxiety, however, was soon put an end to by the
decided way in which they sustained the national honour.
Captain John Munro of the 43d regiment, in a letter to Lord-president
Forbes, thus describes the battle:--“A little after four in the
morning, the 30th of April, our cannon began to play, and the French
batteries, with triple our weight of metal and numbers too, answered
us; about five the infantry was in march; we (the Highlanders) were
in the centre of the right brigade; but by six we were ordered to
cross the field, (I mean our regiment, for the rest of our brigades
did not march to attack,) a little village on the left of the whole,
called Fontenoy. As we passed the field the French batteries played
upon our front, and right and left flanks, but to no purpose, for
their batteries being upon rising ground their balls flew over us and
hurt the second line. We were to support the Dutch, who, in their
usual way, were very dilatory. We got within musket-shot of their
batteries, when we received three full fires of their batteries and
small arms, which killed us forty men and one ensign. Here we were
obliged to skulk behind houses and hedges for about an hour and a
half, waiting for the Dutch, who, when they came up, behaved but so
and so. Our regiment being in some disorder, I wanted to draw them
up in rear of the Dutch, which their general would scarce allow
of; but at last I did it, and marched them again to the front. In
half an hour after the Dutch gave way, and Sir Robert Munro thought
proper we should retire; for we had then the whole batteries from
the enemy’s ground playing upon us, and three thousand foot ready to
fall upon us. We retired; but before we had marched thirty yards, we
had orders to return to the attack, which we did; and in about ten
minutes after had orders to march directly with all expedition, to
assist the Hanoverians, who had got by this time well advanced upon
the batteries upon the left. They behaved most gallantly and bravely;
and had the Dutch taken example from them, we had supped at Tournay.
The British behaved well; we (the Highlanders) were told by his royal
highness that we did our duty well.... By two of the clock we all
retreated; and we were ordered to cover the retreat, as the only
regiment that could be kept to their duty, and in this affair we lost
sixty more; but the duke made so friendly and favourable a speech to
us, that if we had been ordered to attack their lines afresh, I dare
say our poor fellows would have done it.”[275]
The Highlanders on this occasion were commanded by Sir Robert Munro
of Fowlis, their lieutenant-colonel, in whom, besides great military
experience, were united all the best qualities of the soldier. Aware
of the importance of allowing his men to follow their accustomed
tactics, he obtained leave of the Duke of Cumberland to allow
them to fight in their own way. He accordingly “ordered the whole
regiment to clap to the ground on receiving the French fire; and
instantly after its discharge they sprang up, and coming close to the
enemy, poured in their shot upon them to the certain destruction of
multitudes, and drove them precipitately through their lines; then
retreating, drew up again, and attacked them a second time after the
same manner. These attacks they repeated several times the same day,
to the surprise of the whole army. Sir Robert was everywhere with
his regiment, notwithstanding his great corpulency, and when in the
trenches he was hauled out by the legs and arms by his own men; and
it is observed that when he commanded the whole regiment to clap to
the ground, he himself alone, with the colours behind him, stood
upright, receiving the whole fire of the enemy; and this because,
(as he said,) though he could easily lie down, his great bulk would
not suffer him to rise so quickly. His preservation that day was the
surprise and astonishment not only of the whole army, but of all that
heard the particulars of the action.”[276]
The gallantry thus displayed by Sir Robert and his regiment was the
theme of universal admiration in Britain, and the French themselves
could not withhold their meed of praise. “The British behaved well,”
says a French writer, “and could be exceeded in ardour by none but
our officers, who animated the troops by their example, _when the
Highland furies rushed in upon us with more violence than ever did a
sea driven by a tempest_. I cannot say much of the other auxiliaries,
some of whom looked as if they had no great concern in the matter
which way it went. In short, we gained the victory; but may I
never see such another!”[277] Some idea may be formed of the havoc
made by the Highlanders from the fact of one of them having killed
nine Frenchmen with his broadsword, and he was only prevented from
increasing the number by his arm being shot off.[278]
In consequence of the rebellion in Scotland, eleven of the British
regiments were ordered home in October 1745, among which was the
43d. The Highlanders arrived in the Thames on the 4th of November,
and whilst the other regiments were sent to Scotland under General
Hawley to assist in quelling the insurrection, the 43d was marched
to the coast of Kent, and joined the division of the army assembled
there to repel an expected invasion. When it is considered that
more than three hundred of the soldiers in the 43d had fathers and
brothers engaged in the rebellion, the prudence and humanity of
keeping them aloof from a contest between duty and affection, are
evident. Three new companies, which had been added to the regiment in
the early part of the year 1745, were, however, employed in Scotland
against the rebels before joining the regiment. These companies were
raised chiefly in the districts of Athole, Breadalbane, and Braemar,
and the command of them was given to the laird of Mackintosh, Sir
Patrick Murray of Ochtertyre, and Campbell of Inveraw, who had
recruited them. The subalterns were James Farquharson, the younger
of Invercauld; John Campbell, the younger of Glenlyon, and Pugald
Campbell; and Ensign Allan Grant, son of Glenmoriston; John Campbell,
son of Glenfalloch; and Allan Campbell, son of Barcaldine. General
Stewart observes that the privates of these companies, though of the
best character, did not occupy that rank in society for which so many
individuals of the independent companies had been distinguished. One
of these companies, as has been elsewhere observed, was at the battle
of Prestonpans. The services of the other two companies were confined
to the Highlands during the rebellion, and after its suppression
they were employed along with detachments of the English army in the
barbarous task of burning the houses, and laying waste the lands of
the rebels,--a service which must have been very revolting to their
feelings.
Having projected the conquest of Quebec, the government fitted out
an expedition at Portsmouth, the land forces of which consisted of
about 8000 men, including Lord John Murray’s Highlanders, as the
43d regiment was now called. The armament having been delayed from
various causes until the season was too far advanced for crossing
the Atlantic, it was resolved to employ it in surprising the Port
l’Orient, then the repository of all the stores and ships belonging
to the French East India Company. While this new expedition was in
preparation, the Highland regiment was increased to 1100 men, by
draughts from the three companies in Scotland.
The expedition sailed from Portsmouth on the 15th of September, 1746,
under the command of Rear-Admiral Lestock, and on the 20th the troops
were landed, without much opposition, in Quimperly bay, ten miles
from Port l’Orient. As General St Clair soon perceived that he could
not carry the place, he abandoned the siege, and retiring to the
sea-coast, re-embarked his troops.
Some of these forces returned to England; the rest landed in Ireland.
The Highlanders arrived at Cork on the 4th of November, whence they
marched to Limerick, where they remained till February 1747, when
they returned to Cork, where they embarked to join a new expedition
for Flanders. This force, which consisted chiefly of the troops that
had been recalled in 1745, sailed from Leith roads in the beginning
of April 1747. Lord Loudon’s Highlanders and a detachment from the
three additional companies of Lord John Murray’s Highlanders also
joined this force; and such was the eagerness of the latter for this
service, that when informed that only a part of them was to join the
army, they all claimed permission to embark, in consequence of which
demand it was found necessary to settle the question of preference by
drawing lots.[279]
To relieve Hulst, which was closely besieged by Count Lowendahl,
a detachment, consisting of Lord John Murray’s Highlanders, the
first battalion of the Royals and Bragg’s regiment, was ordered to
Flushing, under the command of Major-general Fuller. They landed at
Stapledyke on the 1st of May. The Dutch governor of Hulst, General St
Roque, ordered the Royals to join the Dutch camp at St Bergue, and
directed the Highlanders and Bragg’s regiment to halt within four
miles of Hulst. On the 5th of May the besiegers began an assault, and
drove the outguards and picquets back into the garrison, and would
have carried the place, had not the Royals maintained their post
with the greatest bravery till relieved by the Highland regiment,
when the French were compelled to retire. The Highlanders had only
five privates killed and a few wounded on this occasion. The French
continuing the siege, St Roque surrendered the place, although he
was aware that an additional reinforcement of nine battalions was on
the march to his relief. The British troops then embarked for South
Beveland. Three hundred of the Highland regiment, who were the last
to embark, were attacked by a body of French troops. “They behaved
with so much bravery that they beat off three or four times their
number, killing many, and making some prisoners, with only the loss
of four or five of their own number.”[280]
A few days after the battle of Lafeldt, July 2d, in which the
Highlanders are not particularly mentioned, Count Lowendahl laid
siege to Bergen-op-Zoom with a force of 25,000 men. This place,
from the strength of its fortifications, the favourite work of
the celebrated Coehorn, having never been stormed, was deemed
impregnable. The garrison consisted of 3000 men, including Lord
Loudon’s Highlanders. Though Lord John Murray’s Highlanders remained
in South Beveland, his lordship, with Captain Fraser of Culduthel,
Captain Campbell of Craignish, and several other officers of his
regiment, joined the besieged. After about two months’ siege,
this important fortress was taken by storm, on account of the too
great confidence of Constrom the governor, who never anticipated
an assault. On obtaining possession of the ramparts, the French
attempted to enter the town, but were attacked with such impetuosity
by two battalions of the Scottish troops in the pay of the
States-General, that they were driven from street to street, until
fresh reinforcements arriving, the Scotch were compelled to retreat
in their turn; yet they disputed every inch of ground, and fought
till two-thirds of them were killed on the spot. The remainder then
abandoned the town, carrying the old governor along with them.
The different bodies of the allied army assembled in the
neighbourhood of Raremond in March 1748, but, with the exception
of the capture of Maestricht, no military event of any importance
took place in the Netherlands; and preliminaries of peace having
been signed, the Highlanders returned to England in December, and
were afterwards sent to Ireland. The three additional companies had
assembled at Prestonpans in March 1748, for the purpose of embarking
for Flanders; but the orders to ship were countermanded, and in the
course of that year these companies were reduced.
In 1749, in consequence of the reduction of the 42d regiment
(Oglethorpe’s), the number of the Black Watch was changed from the
43d to the 42d, the number it has ever since retained.
During eight years--from 1749 to 1756--that the Highlanders were
stationed in Ireland, the utmost cordiality subsisted between them
and the inhabitants of the different districts where they were
quartered; a circumstance the more remarkable, when it is considered
that the military were generally embroiled in quarrels with the
natives. So lasting and favourable an impression did they make, that
upon the return of the regiment from America, after an absence of
eleven years, applications were made from the towns and districts
where they had been formerly quartered, to get them again stationed
among them. Although, as General Stewart observes, the similarity of
language, and the general belief in a common origin, might have had
some influence with both parties, yet nothing but the most exemplary
good conduct on the part of the Highlanders could have overcome the
natural repugnance of a people who, at that time, justly regarded the
British soldiery as ready instruments of oppression.
In consequence of the mutual encroachments made by the French and
English on their respective territories in North America, both
parties prepared for war; and as the British ministry determined to
make their chief efforts against the enemy in that quarter, they
resolved to send two bodies of troops thither. The first division,
of which the Highlanders formed a part, under the command of
Lieutenant-general Sir James Abercromby, set sail in March 1756, and
landed at New York in June following. In the month last mentioned,
700 recruits, who had been raised by recruiting parties sent from the
regiment previous to its departure from Ireland, embarked at Greenock
for America. When the Highlanders landed, they attracted much notice,
particularly on the part of the Indians, who, on the march of the
regiment to Albany, flocked from all quarters to see strangers, whom,
from the similarity of their dress, they considered to be of the
same extraction as themselves, and whom they therefore regarded as
brothers.
Before the departure of the 42d, several changes and promotions
had taken place. Lieutenant-colonel Campbell, afterwards Duke of
Argyll, who had commanded the regiment during the six years they
were quartered in Ireland, having been promoted to the command of
the 54th, was succeeded by Major Grant, who was so popular with
the men, that, on the vacancy occurring, they subscribed a sum of
money among themselves to purchase the lieutenant-colonelcy for him;
but the money was not required, the promotion at that time being
without purchase. Captain Duncan Campbell of Inveraw was appointed
major; Thomas Graham of Duchray, James Abercromby, son of General
Abercromby of Glassa, the commander of the expedition, and John
Campbell of Strachur, were made captains; Lieutenant John Campbell,
captain-lieutenant; Ensigns Kenneth Tolme, James Grant, John Graham,
brother of Duchray, Hugh M’Pherson, Alexander Turnbull of Stracathro,
and Alexander Campbell, son of Barcaldine, were raised to the rank of
lieutenants. From the half-pay list were taken Lieutenants Alexander
Mackintosh, James Gray, William Baillie, Hugh Arnot, William
Sutherland, John Small, and Archibald Campbell; the ensigns were
James Campbell, Archibald Lamont, Duncan Campbell, George MacLagan,
Patrick Balneaves, son of Edradour, Patrick Stewart, son of Bonskeid,
Norman MacLeod, George Campbell, and Donald Campbell.[281]
The regiment had been now sixteen years embodied, and although its
original members had by this time almost disappeared, “their habits
and character were well sustained by their successors, to whom
they were left, as it were, in charge. This expectation has been
fulfilled through a long course of years and events. The first supply
of recruits after the original formation was, in many instances,
inferior to their predecessors in personal appearance, as well as
in private station and family connexions; but they lost nothing of
that firm step, erect air, and freedom from awkward restraint, the
consequence of a spirit of independence and self-respect, which
distinguished their predecessors.”[282]
The second division of the expedition, under the Earl of Loudon, who
was appointed commander-in-chief of the army in North America, soon
joined the forces under General Abercromby; but, owing to various
causes, they did not take the field till the summer of the following
year.[283] Pursuant to an attack on Louisburg, Lord Loudon embarked
in the month of June 1757 for Halifax with the forces under his
command, amounting to 5300 men. At Halifax his forces were increased
to 10,500 men, by the addition of five regiments lately arrived from
England, including Fraser’s and Montgomery’s Highlanders.
When on the eve of his departure from Halifax, Lord Loudon received
information that the Brest fleet had arrived in the harbour of
Louisburg. The resolution to abandon the enterprise, however, was
not taken till it clearly appeared from letters which were taken
in a packet bound from Louisburg to France, that the force was too
great to be encountered. Leaving the remainder of the troops at
Halifax, Lord Loudon returned to New York, taking along with him the
Highlanders and four other regiments.
By the addition of three new companies and the junction of 700
recruits, the regiment was now augmented to upwards of 1300 men, all
Highlanders, for at that period none else were admitted into the
regiment. To the three additional companies the following officers
were appointed; James Murray, son of Lord George Murray, James
Stewart of Urrard, and Thomas Stirling, son of Sir Henry Stirling
of Ardoch, to be captains; Simon Blair, David Barklay, Archibald
Campbell, Alexander Mackay, Alexander Menzies, and David Mills,
to be lieutenants; Duncan Stewart, George Rattray, and Alexander
Farquharson, to be ensigns; and the Reverend James Stewart to be
assistant chaplain.
The Earl of Loudon having been recalled, the command of the army
devolved on General Abercromby. Determined to wipe off the disgrace
of former campaigns, the ministry, who had just come into power,
fitted out a great naval armament and a military force of 32,000 men,
which were placed under commanders who enjoyed the confidence of the
country. The command of the fleet was given to Admiral Boscawen, and
Brigadier-generals Wolfe, Townsend, and Murray, were added to the
military staff. Three expeditions were planned in 1758; one against
Louisburg; another against Ticonderoga and Crown Point; and a third
against Fort du Quèsne.
General Abercromby, the commander-in-chief, took charge of the
expedition against Ticonderoga, with a force of 15,390 men, of whom
6337 were regulars (including Lord John Murray’s Highlanders), and
9024 provincials, besides a train of artillery.
Fort Ticonderoga stands on a tongue of land between Lake Champlain
and Lake George, and is surrounded on three sides by water; part of
the fourth side is protected by a morass; the remaining part was
strongly fortified with high entrenchments, supported and flanked
by three batteries, and the whole front of that part which was
accessible was intersected by deep traverses, and blocked up with
felled trees, with their branches turned outwards and their points
first sharpened and then hardened by fire, forming altogether
a most formidable defence.[284] On the 4th of July 1758 the
commander-in-chief embarked his troops on Lake George, on board
900 batteaux and 135 whale-boats, with provisions, artillery, and
ammunition; several pieces of cannon being mounted on rafts to
cover the landing, which was effected next day without opposition.
The troops were then formed into two parallel columns, and in this
order marched towards the enemy’s advanced post, consisting of one
battalion, encamped behind a breast-work of logs. The enemy abandoned
this defence without a shot, after setting the breast-work on fire
and burning their tents and implements. The troops continued their
march in the same order, but the route lying through a wood, and the
guides being imperfectly acquainted with the country, the columns
were broken by coming in contact with each other. The right column,
at the head of which was Lord Howe, fell in with a detachment of the
enemy who had also lost their way in the retreat from the advanced
post, and a smart skirmish ensuing, the enemy were routed with
considerable loss. Lord Howe unfortunately fell in the beginning of
this action. He was much regretted, being “a young nobleman of the
most promising talents, who had distinguished himself in a peculiar
manner by his courage, activity, and rigid observance of military
discipline, and had acquired the esteem and affection of the soldiery
by his generosity, sweetness of manners, and engaging address.”[285]
[Illustration: Plan of the Sieges of Ticonderoga. Facsimile from _The
Scots Magazine_, August 1758.]
Perceiving that his men were greatly fatigued, General Abercromby
ordered them to march back to their landing-place, which they
reached about eight o’clock in the morning. Having taken possession
of a saw-mill in the neighbourhood of Ticonderoga, which the enemy
had abandoned, General Abercromby advanced towards the place next
morning. It was garrisoned by 5000 men, of whom 2800 were French
troops of the line, who were stationed behind the traverses and
felled trees in front of the fort. Receiving information from some
prisoners that General Levi, with a force of 3000 men, was marching
to the defence of Ticonderoga, the English commander resolved to
anticipate him by striking, if possible, a decisive blow before a
junction could be effected. He therefore sent an engineer across the
river on the opposite side of the fort to reconnoitre the enemy’s
entrenchments, who reported that the works being still unfinished,
might be attempted with a prospect of success. Preparations for the
attack were therefore instantly made. The whole army being put in
motion, the picquets, followed by the grenadiers, the battalions
and reserve, which last consisted of the Highlanders and the 55th
regiment, advanced with great alacrity towards the entrenchments,
which they found to be much more formidable than they expected.
The breast-work, which was regularly fortified, was eight feet
high, and the ground before it was covered with an _abbatis_ or
_chevaux-de-frize_, projecting in such a manner as to render the
entrenchment almost inaccessible. Undismayed by these discouraging
obstacles, the British troops marched up to the assault in the face
of a destructive fire, and maintained their ground without flinching.
Impatient in the rear, the Highlanders broke from the reserve, and,
pushing forward to the front, endeavoured to cut their way through
the trees with their broadswords. After a long and deadly struggle,
the assailants penetrated the exterior defences and advanced to
the breast-work; but being unprovided with scaling ladders, they
attempted to gain the breast-work, partly by mounting on each other’s
shoulders, and partly by fixing their feet in the holes which they
made with their swords and bayonets in the face of the work. No
sooner, however, did a man reach the top, than he was thrown down
by the troops behind the entrenchments. Captain John Campbell,[286]
with a few men, at length forced their way over the breast-work, but
they were immediately despatched with the bayonet. After a desperate
struggle, which lasted about four hours under such discouraging
circumstances, General Abercromby seeing no possible chance of
success, gave orders for a retreat. It was with difficulty, however,
that the troops could be prevailed upon to retire, and it was not
till the third order that the Highlanders were induced to retreat,
after more than one-half of the men and twenty-five officers had
been either killed or desperately wounded. No attempt was made
to molest them in their retreat, and the whole retired in good
order, carrying along with them the whole of the wounded, amounting
to 65 officers and 1178 non-commissioned officers and soldiers.
Twenty-three officers and 567 rank and file were killed.
The loss sustained by the 42d was as follows, viz.:--8 officers, 9
sergeants, and 297 men killed; and 17 officers, 10 sergeants, and 306
soldiers wounded. The officers killed were Major Duncan Campbell of
Inveraw, Captain John Campbell, Lieutenants George Farquarson, Hugh
MacPherson, William Baillie, and John Sutherland; Ensigns Patrick
Stewart, brother of Bonskeid, and George Rattray. The wounded were
Captains Gordon Graham, Thomas Graham of Duchray, John Campbell of
Strachur, James Stewart of Urrard, James Murray (afterwards General);
Lieutenants James Grant, Robert Gray, John Campbell, William Grant,
John Graham, brother of Duchray, Alexander Campbell, Alexander
Mackintosh, Archibald Campbell, David Miller, Patrick Balneaves; and
Ensigns John Smith and Peter Grant.[287]
The intrepid conduct of the Highlanders on this occasion was made the
topic of universal panegyric in Great Britain, and the public prints
teemed with honourable testimonies to their bravery. If anything
could add to the gratification they received from the approbation
of their country, nothing was better calculated to enhance it than
the handsome way in which their services were appreciated by their
companions in arms. “With a mixture of esteem, grief, and envy (says
an officer of the 55th), I consider the great loss and immortal
glory acquired by the Scots Highlanders in the late bloody affair.
Impatient for orders, they rushed forward to the entrenchments, which
many of them actually mounted. They appeared like lions breaking from
their chains. Their intrepidity was rather animated than damped by
seeing their comrades fall on every side. I have only to say of them,
that they seemed more anxious to revenge the cause of their deceased
friends, than careful to avoid the same fate. By their assistance,
we expect soon to give a good account of the enemy and of ourselves.
There is much harmony and friendship between us.”[288] The following
extract of a letter from Lieutenant William Grant, an officer of the
regiment, seems to contain no exaggerated detail:--“The attack began
a little past one in the afternoon, and about two the fire became
general on both sides, which was exceedingly heavy, and without any
intermission, insomuch that the oldest soldier present never saw so
furious and incessant a fire. The affair at Fontenoy was nothing to
it: I saw both. We laboured under insurmountable difficulties. The
enemy’s breast-work was about nine or ten feet high, upon the top of
which they had plenty of wall-pieces fixed, and which was well lined
in the inside with small arms. But the difficult access to their
lines was what gave them a fatal advantage over us. They took care to
cut down monstrous large oak trees which covered all the ground from
the foot of their breast-work about the distance of a cannon-shot
every way in their front. This not only broke our ranks, and made
it impossible for us to keep our order, but put it entirely out of
our power to advance till we cut our way through. I have seen men
behave with courage and resolution before now, but so much determined
bravery can hardly be equalled in any part of the history of ancient
Rome. Even those that were mortally wounded cried aloud to their
companions, not to mind or lose a thought upon them, but to follow
their officers, and to mind the honour of their country. Nay, their
ardour was such, that it was difficult to bring them off. They paid
dearly for their intrepidity. The remains of the regiment had the
honour to cover the retreat of the army, and brought off the wounded
as we did at Fontenoy. When shall we have so fine a regiment again? I
hope we shall be allowed to recruit.”[289] Lieutenant Grant’s wish
had been anticipated, as letters of service had been issued, before
the affair of Ticonderoga was known in England, for raising a second
battalion. Moreover, previous to the arrival of the news of the
affair at Ticonderoga, his majesty George II. had issued a warrant
conferring upon the regiment the title of Royal, so that after this
it was known as the 42d Royal Highland Regiment.
So successful were the officers in recruiting, that within three
months seven companies, each 120 men strong, which, with the three
additional companies raised the preceding year, were to form the
second battalion, were raised in three months, and embodied at
Perth in October 1758.[290] The officers appointed to these seven
additional companies were Francis MacLean, Alexander Sinclair, John
Stewart of Stenton, William Murray, son of Lintrose, Archibald
Campbell, Alexander Reid, and Robert Arbuthnot, to be captains;
Alexander MacLean, George Grant, George Sinclair, Gordon Clunes,
Adam Stewart, John Robertson, son of Lude, John Grant, James Fraser,
George Leslie, John Campbell, Alexander Stewart, Duncan Richardson,
and Robert Robertson, to be lieutenants; and Patrick Sinclair, John
Mackintosh, James MacDuff, Thomas Fletcher, Alexander Donaldson,
William MacLean, and William Brown, to be ensigns.
Government having resolved to employ the seven new companies in an
expedition against Martinique and Guadaloupe, 200 of the 840 men,
embodied at Perth, were immediately embarked at Greenock for the
West Indies, under the convoy of the Ludlow Castle, for the purpose
of joining the armament lying in Carlisle bay, destined for that
service. The whole land force employed in this expedition amounted to
5560 men, under the command of Major-generals Hopson and Barrington,
and of Brigadier-generals Armiger, Haldane, Trapaud, and Clavering.
They sailed from Barbadoes on the 13th of January 1759, for
Martinique, which they descried next morning; and on the following
day the British squadron entered the great bay of Port Royal. About
this time the other division of the seven newly raised companies
joined the expedition. On the 16th, three ships of the line attacked
Fort Negro, the guns of which they soon silenced. A detachment of
marines and sailors landing in flat-bottomed boats, clambered up the
rock, and, entering through the embrasures with fixed bayonets, took
possession of the fort, which had been abandoned by the enemy. The
whole French troops retired to Port Royal, leaving the beach open,
so that the British forces landed next morning at Cas de Navire
without opposition. No enemy being in sight, the grenadiers, the 4th
or king’s regiment, and the Highlanders, moved forward about ten
o’clock to reconnoitre; but they had not proceeded far when they
fell in with parties of the enemy, who retired on their approach.
When within a short distance of Morne Tortueson, an eminence that
overlooked the town and citadel of Port Royal, and the most important
post in the island, the advanced party halted till the rest of the
army came up. The advancing and retiring parties had kept up an
irregular fire when in motion, and they still continued to skirmish.
It was observed on this occasion, “that although debarred the use
of arms in their own country, the Highlanders showed themselves
good marksmen, and had not forgot how to handle their arms.” The
inhabitants of Martinique were in the greatest alarm, and some of
the principal among them were about sending deputies to the British
commander to treat for a surrender, but General Hopson relieved
them from their anxiety by re-embarking his troops in the evening.
The chief reason for abandoning the enterprise was the alleged
impracticability of getting up the heavy cannon. The British had one
officer killed and two wounded, one of whom was Lieutenant Leslie of
the Royal Highlanders. Sixty privates were killed and wounded.
In a political point of view, the possession of Martinique was an
object of greater importance than Guadaloupe, as it afforded, from
its spacious harbour, a secure retreat to the enemy’s fleets. By
taking possession of St Pierre, the whole island might have been
speedily reduced; and the British commanders proceeded to that part
of the island with that view; but alarmed lest they might sustain
considerable loss by its capture, which might thus cripple their
future operations, they absurdly relinquished their design, and
proceeded to Guadaloupe. On the expedition reaching the western
division of the island, it was resolved to make a general attack by
sea upon the citadel, the town, and the batteries by which it was
defended. Accordingly, on the 20th of January, such a fire was opened
upon the place that about ten o’clock at night it was in a general
conflagration.
The troops landed at five o’clock in the evening of the following
day without opposition, and took possession of the town and citadel,
which they found entirely abandoned. The Chevalier D’Etreil, the
governor of the island, taking shelter among the mountains, yielded
the honour of continuing the contest to a lady of masculine courage
named Ducharmey. Arming her slaves, whom she headed in person, she
made several bold attempts upon an advanced post on a hill near the
town, occupied by Major (afterwards General) Melville, opposite to
which she threw up some entrenchments. Annoyed by the incessant
attacks of this amazon, Major Melville attacked her entrenchments,
which he carried, after an obstinate resistance. Madame Ducharmey
escaped with difficulty, but some of her female companions in arms
were taken prisoners. Ten of her people were killed and many wounded.
Of the British detachment, 12 were slain and 30 wounded, including
two subaltern officers, one of whom, Lieutenant MacLean of the
Highlanders, lost an arm.
Finding it impracticable to carry on a campaign among the mountains
of Basseterre, the general resolved to transfer the seat of war to
the eastern division of the island, called Grandeterre, which was
more accessible. Accordingly, on the 10th of February, a detachment
of Highlanders and marines was landed in that part of the island in
the neighbourhood of Fort Louis, after a severe cannonading which
lasted six hours. The assailants, sword in hand, drove the enemy from
their entrenchments, and, taking possession of the fort, hoisted the
English colours.
General Hopson died on the 27th. He was succeeded by General
Barrington, who resolved to complete the reduction of the island
with vigour. Leaving, therefore, one regiment and a detachment
of artillery under Colonel Debrisay in Basseterre, the general
re-embarked the rest of the army and proceeded to Grandeterre,
where he carried on a series of successful operations by means of
detachments. One of these consisting of 600 men, under Colonel
Crump, carried the towns of St Anne and St Francis with little loss,
notwithstanding the fire from the entrenchments. The only officer
who fell was Ensign MacLean of the Highlanders, Another detachment
of 300 men took the town of Gosier by storm, and drove the garrison
into the woods. The next operation of the general was an attempt to
surprise the three towns of Petit Bourg, St Mary’s, and Gouyave, on
the Capesterre side, the execution of which was committed to Colonels
Crump and Clavering; but owing to the extreme darkness of the night,
and the incapacity of the negro guides, the attempt was rendered
abortive. Resolved to carry these towns, the general directed the
same commanders to land their forces in a bay near the town of
Arnonville. No opposition was made to their landing by the enemy,
who retreated behind a strong entrenchment they had thrown up behind
the river Licorn. With the exception of two narrow passes which they
had fortified with a redoubt and entrenchments mounted with cannon,
which were defended by a large body of militia, the access to the
river was rendered inaccessible by a morass covered with mangroves;
yet, in spite of these difficulties, the British commanders resolved
to hazard an assault. Accordingly, under cover of a fire from the
entrenchments from their field-pieces and howitzers, the regiment of
Duroure and the Highlanders moved forward, firing by platoons with
the utmost regularity as they advanced. Observing the enemy beginning
to abandon the first entrenchment on the left, “the Highlanders drew
their swords, and, supported by a part of the other regiment, rushed
forward with their characteristic impetuosity, and followed the enemy
into the redoubt, of which they took possession.”[291]
Several other actions of minor importance afterwards took place,
in which the enemy were uniformly worsted; and seeing resistance
hopeless, they capitulated on the 1st of May, after an arduous
struggle of nearly three months. The only Highland officer killed
in this expedition was Ensign MacLean. Lieutenants MacLean, Leslie,
Sinclair, and Robertson, were wounded; and Major Anstruther and
Captain Arbuthnot died of the fever. Of the Royal Highlanders, 106
privates were killed, wounded, or died of disease.[292]
After the reduction of Guadaloupe, the services of the second
battalion of Royal Highlanders were transferred to North America,
where they arrived early in July, and after reaching the head
quarters of the British army, were combined with the first battalion.
About this time a series of combined operations had been projected
against the French settlements in Canada. Whilst Major-general
Wolfe, who had given proofs of great military talents at the
siege of Louisburg, was to proceed up the St Lawrence and besiege
Quebec, General Amherst, who had succeeded General Abercromby as
commander-in-chief, was to attempt the reduction of Ticonderoga and
Crown Point, after which he was to cross Lake Champlain and effect a
junction with General Wolfe before Quebec. Brigadier-general Prideaux
was to proceed against the French fort near the falls of the Niagara,
the most important post of all French America. The army under General
Amherst, which was the first put in motion, assembled at Fort
Edward on the 19th of June. It included the 42d and Montgomery’s
Highlanders, and when afterwards joined by the second battalion of
the Royal Highlanders, it amounted to 14,500 men. Preceded by the
first battalion of the last named regiment and the light infantry,
the main body of the army moved forward on the 21st, and encamped in
the neighbourhood of Ticonderoga. The enemy seemed at first resolved
to defend that important fortress; but perceiving the formidable
preparations made by the English general for a siege, they abandoned
the fort, after having in part dismantled the fortifications, and
retired to Crown Point.
On taking possession of this important post, which effectually
covered the frontiers of New York, General Amherst proceeded to
repair the fortifications; and, while these were going on, he
directed batteaux and other vessels to be prepared, to enable him
to obtain the command of the lakes. Meanwhile the enemy, who seems
to have had no intention of hazarding an action, evacuated Crown
Point, and retired to Isle aux Noix, on the northern extremity of
Lake Champlain. Detaching a body of rangers to take possession of
the place the general embarked the rest of the army and landed at
the fort on the 4th of August, where he encamped. The general then
ordered up the second battalion of the Royal Highlanders from Oswego,
with the exception of 150 men under Captain James Stewart, who
were left to guard that post. Having by great exertions acquired a
naval superiority on Lake Champlain, the general embarked his army
in furtherance of his original plan of descending the St Lawrence,
and co-operating with General Wolfe in the reduction of Quebec;
but in consequence of contrary winds, the tempestuous state of the
weather, and the early setting in of winter, he was compelled to
abandon further prosecution of active operations in the mean time.
He then returned to Crown Point to winter. A detailed account of the
important enterprise against Quebec will be found in the history of
Fraser’s Highlanders.
After the fall of the fort of Niagara, which was taken by Prideaux’s
division, and the conquest of Quebec, Montreal was the only place
of strength which remained in possession of the French in Canada.
General Murray was ordered to proceed up the St Lawrence to attack
Montreal, and General Amherst, as soon as the season permitted, made
arrangements to join him. After his preparations were completed,
he ordered Colonel Haviland, with a detachment of troops, to take
possession of the Isle aux Noix, and thence to proceed to the banks
of the St Lawrence by the nearest route. To facilitate the passage
of the armed vessels to La Galette, Colonel Haldimand with the
grenadiers, light infantry, and a battalion of the Royal Highlanders,
took post at the bottom of the lake. Embarking the whole of his army
on the 10th of August, he proceeded towards the mouth of the St
Lawrence, and, after a dangerous navigation, in the course of which
several boats were upset and about eighty men drowned, landed six
miles above Montreal on the 6th of September. General Murray appeared
before Montreal on the evening of the same day, and the detachments
under Colonel Haviland came down the following day on the south
side of the river. Thus beset by three armies, who, by a singular
combination, had united almost at the same instant of time, after
traversing a great extent of unknown country, Monsieur Vandreuil, the
governor, seeing resistance hopeless, surrendered upon favourable
terms. Thus ended a series of successful operations, which secured
Canada to the Crown of Great Britain.[293]
The Royal Highlanders remained in North America until the close
of the year 1761, when they were embarked along with ten other
regiments, among whom was Montgomery’s Highlanders, for Barbadoes,
there to join an armament against Martinique and the Havannah. The
land forces consisted altogether of eighteen regiments, under the
command of Major-general Monckton. The naval part of the expedition,
which was commanded by Rear-admiral Rodney, consisted of eighteen
sail of the line, besides frigates, bomb-vessels, and fire-ships.
The fleet anchored in St Ann’s Bay, Martinique, on the 8th of January
1762, when the bulk of the army immediately landed. A detachment,
under Brigadiers Grant (Ballindalloch) and Haviland, made a descent
without opposition in the bay of Ance Darlet. Re-embarking his
troops, General Monckton landed his whole army on the 16th near Cas
de Navire, under Morne Tortueson and Morne Garnier. As these two
eminences commanded the town and citadel of Fort Royal, and were
their chief defence, great care had been taken to improve by art
their natural strength, which, from the very deep ravines which
protected them, was great. The general having resolved to attack
Morne Tortueson first, he ordered a body of troops and 800 marines
to advance on the right along the sea-side towards the town, for the
purpose of attacking two redoubts near the beach; and to support
this movement, he at the same time directed some flat-bottomed
boats, each carrying a gun, and manned with sailors, to follow
close along the shore. A corps of light infantry was to get round
the enemy’s left, whilst, under cover of the fire of some batteries
which had been raised on the opposite ridges by the perseverance
of some sailors from the fleet, the attack on the centre was to be
made by the grenadiers and Highlanders, supported by the main body
of the army. After an arduous contest, the enemy were driven from
the Morne Tortueson; but a more difficult operation still remained
to be performed. This was to gain possession of the other eminence,
from which, owing to its greater height, the enemy annoyed the
British troops. Preparations were made for carrying this post; but
before they were completed, the enemy descended from the hill, and
attacked the advanced posts of the British. This attempt was fatal
to the assailants, who were instantly repulsed. “When they began to
retire, the Highlanders, drawing their swords, rushed forward like
furies, and being supported by the grenadiers under Colonel Grant
(Ballindalloch), and a party of Lord Rollo’s brigade, the hills
were mounted, and the batteries seized, and numbers of the enemy,
unable to escape from the rapidity of the attack, were taken.”[294]
The militia dispersed themselves over the country, but the regulars
retired into the town, which surrendered on the 7th of February. The
whole island immediately submitted, and in terms of the capitulation
all the Windward Islands were delivered up to the British.
In this enterprise the Royal Highlanders had 2 officers, viz.,
Captain William Cockburn and Lieutenant David Barclay, 1 sergeant,
and 12 rank and file killed: Major John Reid, Captains James Murray
and Thomas Stirling; Lieutenants Alexander Mackintosh, David Milne,
Patrick Balneaves, Alexander Turnbull, John Robertson, William Brown,
and George Leslie; 3 sergeants, 1 drummer, and 72 rank and file, were
wounded.
The Royal and Montgomery’s Highlanders were employed the
following year in the important conquest of the Havannah, under
Lieutenant-general the Earl of Albemarle, in which they sustained
very little loss. That of the two battalions of the 42d consisted
only of 2 drummers and 6 privates killed, and 4 privates wounded; but
they lost by disease Major Macneil, Captain Robert Menzies (brother
of Sir John Menzies), and A. Macdonald; Lieutenants Farquharson,
Grant, Lapsley, Cunnison, Hill, and Blair, and 2 drummers and 71 rank
and file.
Shortly after the surrender of the Havannah, all the available forces
in Cuba were removed from the island. The first battalion of the 42d
and Montgomery’s regiment embarked for New York, which they reached
in the end of October. Before leaving Cuba all the men of the second
battalion of the Royal Highlanders fit for service were drafted into
the first. The remainder with the officers returned to Scotland,
where they were reduced the following year. The junior officers were
placed on half pay.
The Royal Highlanders were stationed in Albany till the summer of
1763, when they were sent to the relief of Fort Pitt, then besieged
by the Indians. The management of this enterprise was intrusted to
Colonel Bouquet of the 60th regiment, who, in addition to the 42d,
had under his command a detachment of his own regiment and another
of Montgomery’s Highlanders, amounting in all to 956 men. This body
reached Bushy Run about the end of July. When about to enter a narrow
pass beyond the Run, the advanced guards were suddenly attacked
by the Indians, who had planned an ambuscade. The light infantry
of the 42d regiment moved forward to the support of the advanced
guard, and driving the Indians from the ambuscade, pursued them a
considerable distance. The Indians returned and took possession of
some neighbouring heights. They were again compelled to retire; but
they soon re-appeared on another position, and continuing to increase
in numbers, they succeeded in surrounding the detachment, which they
attacked on every side. Night put an end to the combat; but it was
renewed next morning with increased vigour by the Indians, who kept
up an incessant fire. They, however, avoided coming to close action,
and the troops could not venture to pursue them far, as they were
encumbered with a convoy of provisions, and were afraid to leave
their wounded, lest they might fall into the hands of the enemy.
Recourse was, therefore, had to stratagem to bring the Indians to
closer action. Feigning a retreat, Colonel Bouquet ordered two
companies which were in advance to retire, and fall within a square
which had been formed, which, as if preparing to cover a retreat,
opened its files. The stratagem succeeded. Assuring themselves of
victory, the Indians rushed forward with great impetuosity, and
whilst they were vigorously charged in front, two companies, moving
suddenly round a hill which concealed their approach, attacked them
in flank. The assailants, in great consternation, turned their backs
and fled, and Colonel Bouquet was allowed to proceed to Fort Pitt
without further molestation. In this affair, the loss sustained
by the Royal Highlanders was as follows:--Lieutenants John Graham
and James Mackintosh, 1 sergeant, and 26 rank and file, killed;
and Captain John Graham of Duchray, Lieutenant Duncan Campbell, 2
sergeants, 2 drummers, and 30 rank and file, wounded.
After passing the winter in Fort Pitt, eight companies of the Royal
Highlanders were sent on a new enterprise, in the summer of 1764,
under Colonel Bouquet, now promoted to the rank of brigadier-general.
The object of this expedition was to repress the attacks of the
Indians on the back-settlers. After a harassing warfare among
the woods, the Indians sued for peace, which was granted, and
the detachment under Brigadier-general Bouquet returned to Fort
Pitt in the month of January, after an absence of six months.
Notwithstanding the labours of a march of many hundred miles among
dense forests, during which they experienced the extremes of heat
and cold, the Highlanders did not lose a single man from fatigue or
exhaustion.[295]
The regiment passed the following year in Pennsylvania. Being ordered
home, permission was given to such of the men as were desirous of
remaining in America to volunteer into other regiments, and the
result was, that a considerable number availed themselves of the
offer. The regiment, reduced almost to a skeleton, embarked at
Philadelphia for Ireland in the month of July 1767. The following
extract from the _Virginia Gazette_ of the 30th of that month
shows the estimation in which the Highlanders were held by the
Americans:--“Last Sunday evening the Royal Highland regiment embarked
for Ireland, which regiment, since its arrival in America, has been
distinguished for having undergone most amazing fatigues, made
long and frequent marches through an inhospitable country, bearing
excessive heat and severe cold with alacrity and cheerfulness,
frequently encamping in deep snow, such as those that inhabit the
interior parts of this province do not see, and which only those
who inhabit the northern parts of Europe can have any idea of,
continually exposed in camp, and on their marches, to the alarms of a
savage enemy, who, in all their attempts, were forced to fly.... In a
particular manner, the freemen of this and the neighbouring provinces
have most sincerely to thank them for that resolution and bravery
with which they, under Colonel Bouquet, and a small number of Royal
Americans, defeated the enemy, and insured to us peace and security
from a savage foe; and, along with our blessings for these benefits,
they have our thanks for that decorum in behaviour which they
maintained during their stay in this city, giving an example that the
most amiable behaviour in civil life is no way inconsistent with the
character of the good soldier; and for their loyalty, fidelity, and
orderly behaviour, they have every wish of the people for health,
honour, and a pleasant voyage.”
The loss sustained by the regiment during the seven years it was
employed in North America and the West Indies was as follows:--
KILLED.
In Officers, 13
Sergeants, 12
Rank and File, 382
----
Total, 407
WOUNDED.
In Officers, 33
Sergeants, 22
Rank and File, 508
----
Total, 563
----
Grand Total, 970
With the exception of the unfortunate affair at Ticonderoga, the loss
sustained by the 42d in the field during this war was comparatively
smaller than that of any other corps. The moderate loss the
Highlanders suffered was accounted for by several officers who served
in the corps, from the celerity of their attack and the use of the
broadsword, which the enemy could never withstand. “This likewise,”
says General Stewart, “was the opinion of an old gentleman, one of
the original soldiers of the Black Watch, in the ranks of which,
although a gentleman by birth and education, he served till the peace
of 1748. He informed me that although it was believed at home that
the regiment had been nearly destroyed at Fontenoy, the thing was
quite the reverse; and that it was the subject of general observation
in the army that their loss should have been so small, considering
how actively they were engaged in different parts of the field. ‘On
one occasion,’ said the respectable veteran, who was animated with
the subject, ‘a brigade of Dutch were ordered to attack a rising
ground, on which were posted the troops called the King of France’s
Own Guards. The Highlanders were to support them. The Dutch conducted
their march and attack as if they did not know the road, halting and
firing, and halting every twenty paces. The Highlanders, losing all
patience with this kind of fighting, which gave the enemy such time
and opportunity to fire at their leisure, dashed forward, passed the
Dutch, and the first ranks giving their firelocks to the rear rank,
they drew their swords, and soon drove the French from their ground.
When the attack was concluded, it was found that of the Highlanders
not above a dozen men were killed and wounded, while the Dutch, who
had not come up at all, lost more than five times that number.’”
On the arrival of the regiment at Cork, recruiting parties were sent
to the Highlands, and so eager were the youths there to enter the
corps, that in May following the regiment was fully completed.[296]
When the battle of Fontenoy was fought, there was not a soldier in
the regiment born south of the Grampians, and at this period they
were all, except two, born north of the Tay.[297]
At the period of their arrival in Ireland the uniform of the
regiment had a very sombre appearance. “The jackets were of a dull
rusty-coloured red, and no part of the accoutrements was of a light
colour. Economy was strictly observed in the article of clothing.
The old jacket, after being worn a year, was converted into a
waistcoat, and the plaid, at the end of two years, was reduced to
the philibeg. The hose supplied were of so bad a quality that the
men advanced an additional sum to the government price, in order
to supply themselves with a better sort. Instead of feathers for
their bonnets, they were allowed only a piece of black bear-skin;
but the men supplied themselves with ostrich feathers in the modern
fashion,[298] and spared no expense in fitting up their bonnets
handsomely. The sword-belts were of black leather, two inches and a
half in breadth; and a small cartouch-box, fitted only for thirty-two
rounds of cartridges, was worn in front above the purse, and fixed
round the loins with a thick belt, in which hung the bayonet. In
these heavy colours and dark-blue facings the regiment had a far
less splendid appearance at a short distance than English regiments
with white breeches and belts; but on a closer view the line was
imposing and warlike. The men possessed what an ingenious author
calls ‘the attractive beauties of a soldier; sun burnt complexions,
a hardy weather-beaten visage, with a penetrating eye, and firm
expressive countenance, sinewy and elastic limbs, traces of muscles
strongly impressed, indicating capacity of action, and marking
experience of service.’[299] The personal appearance of the men
has, no doubt, varied according as attention was paid to a proper
selection of recruits. The appointments have also been different. The
first alteration in this respect was made in the year 1769, when the
regiment removed to Dublin. At this period the men received white
cloth waistcoats, and the colonel supplied them with white goat-skin
and buff leather purses, which were deemed an improvement on the
vests of red cloth, and the purses made of badgers’ skin.
“The officers also improved their dress, by having their jackets
embroidered. During the war, however, they wore only a narrow edging
of gold-lace round the borders of the facings, and very often no
lace at all, epaulettes and all glittering ornaments being laid
aside, to render them less conspicuous to the Indians, who always
aimed particularly at the officers. During their stay in Ireland the
dress of the men underwent very little alteration. The officers had
only one suit of embroidery; this fashion being found too expensive
was given up, and gold-lace substituted in its stead. Upon ordinary
occasions they wore light hangers, using the basket-hilted broadsword
only in full dress. They also carried fusils. The sergeants were
furnished with carbines instead of the Lochaber axe or halbert, which
they formerly carried. The soldiers were provided with new arms when
on Dublin duty in 1774. The sergeants had silver-lace on their coats,
which they furnished, however, at their own expense.”[300]
The regiment remained in Ireland after its return from North America
about eight years, in the course of which it was occasionally
occupied in different parts of that country in aid of the civil
power,--a service in which, from their conciliatory disposition, they
were found very useful. While in Ireland, a new company was added, as
was the case with all the other regiments on the Irish establishment.
Captain James Macpherson, Lieutenant Campbell, and Ensign John Grant,
were in consequence appointed to the 42d.
In 1775 the regiment embarked at Donaghadee, and landed at Port
Patrick, after an absence from Scotland of thirty-two years. Impelled
by characteristic attachment to the country of their birth, many of
the old soldiers leaped on shore with enthusiasm, and kissed the
earth, which they held up in handfuls. From Port Patrick the regiment
marched to Glasgow.
The conduct of the regiment and its mode of discipline while in
Ireland is depicted by an intelligent officer who served in it at
that time, and for many years both before and after that period,
in a communication to General Stewart. He describes the regiment
as still possessing the character which it had acquired in Germany
and America, although there were not more than eighty of the men
remaining who had served in America, and only a few individuals
of those who had served in Germany previously to the year 1748.
Their attachment to their native dress, and their peculiarity of
language, habits, and manners contributed to preserve them a race
of men separate from others of the same profession, and to give to
their system of regimental discipline a distinctive and peculiar
character. Their messes were managed by the non-commissioned
officers, or old soldiers, who had charge of the barrack-room; and
these messes were always so arranged that in each room the men were
in friendship or intimacy with each other, or belonged to the same
glen or district, or were connected by some similar tie. By these
means every barrack-room was like a family establishment. After
the weekly allowances for breakfast, dinner, and small necessaries
had been provided, the surplus pay was deposited in a stock purse,
each member of the mess drawing for it in his turn. The stock thus
acquired was soon found worth preserving, and instead of hoarding,
they lent it out to the inhabitants, who seemed greatly surprised
at seeing a soldier save money. Their accounts with their officers
were settled once in three months, and, with the exception of a few
careless spendthrifts, all the men purchased their own necessaries,
with which they were always abundantly provided. At every settlement
of accounts they enjoyed themselves very heartily, but with a strict
observance of propriety and good humour; and as the members of each
mess considered themselves in a manner answerable for one another’s
conduct, they animadverted on any impropriety with such severity as
to render the interference of further authority unnecessary.
Shortly after the arrival of the regiment in Glasgow two companies
were added, and the establishment of the whole regiment augmented
to 100 rank and file each company. The battalion, when complete,
amounted to 1075 men, including sergeants and drummers. Little
inducement was required to fill the ranks, as men were always to be
found ready to join a corps in such high estimation. At this time the
bounty was a guinea and a crown. It was afterwards increased to three
guineas; but this advance had little effect in the north where the
_esprit du corps_ had greater influence than gold.
Hitherto the officers had been entirely Highland and Scotch; but
the lord-lieutenant of Ireland, contrary to the remonstrances of
Lord John Murray, who saw the advantage of officering the regiment
with natives of Scotland, prevailed with the government to admit
two English officers into the regiment. His excellency even went so
far as to get two lieutenants’ commissions in favour of Scotchmen
cancelled, although they had been gazetted.
In consequence of hostilities with America, the regiment was ordered
to embark for that country. Before its departure the recruits
were taught the use of the firelock, and, from the shortness of
the time allowed, were drilled even by candle-light. Few arms and
accoutrements were supplied to the men by the government, and the
colonel furnished them with broadswords and pistols, iron-stocked, at
his own expense. The regiment was reviewed on the 10th of April 1776
by General Sir Adolphus Oughton, and being reported quite complete
and unexceptionable, embarked on the 14th at Greenock, along with
Fraser’s Highlanders.[301]
II.
1776-1795.
The 42d goes to America--Battle of Brooklyn, 1776--Broadswords and
pistols laid aside--Skirmish near New York--White Plains--Capture
of Fort Washington and Fort Lee--Skirmish at Trenton--Defeat of
Mawhood’s detachment--Pisquatua--Chesapeak--Battle of Brandy
Wine--Skirmish at Monmouth--New Plymouth--Portsmouth--Verplanks
and Stony Point, 1779--Mutiny of a detachment at Leith--Charlestown
--Paulus Hook--Desertion, 1783--Halifax--Cape Breton--Return of
the regiment to England--Proceeds to Flanders--The “red heckle”
--England--Coast of France--Ostend--Nimeguen--Gilderwalsen--Return
of the regiment to England.
In conjunction with Fraser’s Highlanders, the 42d embarked at
Greenock on the 14th of April 1776, to join an expedition under
General Howe against the American revolutionists. The transports
separated in a gale of wind, but they all reached their destination
in Staten Island, where the main body of the army had assembled.[302]
A grenadier battalion was immediately formed under the command of
the Hon. Major (afterwards General) Sir Charles Stewart, the staff
appointments to which, out of respect to the 42d, were taken by the
commander-in-chief from that regiment. A light infantry corps was
also formed, to the command of which Lieutenant-colonel Musgrave was
appointed. The flank companies of the 42d were attached to these
battalions. “The Highland grenadiers were remarkable for strength and
height, and considered equal to any company in the army: the light
infantry were quite the reverse in point of personal appearance, as
the commanding officer would not allow a choice of men for them.
The battalion companies were formed into two temporary battalions,
the command of one being given to Major William Murray (Lintrose),
and that of the other to Major William Grant (Rothiemurchus), with
an adjutant quarter-master in each battalion; the whole being under
the command of Lieutenant-colonel Thomas Stirling. These grenadiers
were placed in the reserve with the grenadiers of the army, under
the command of Earl Cornwallis. To these were added the 33d, his
lordship’s own regiment.”[303]
The whole of the British force under the command of Sir William Howe,
including 13,000 Hessians and Waldeckers, amounted to 30,000 men.
The campaign opened by a landing on Long Island on the 22d of August
1776. The whole army encamped in front of the villages of Gravesend
and Utrecht. The American army, under General Putnam, was encamped
at Brooklyn, a few miles distant. A range of woody hills, which
intersected the country from east to west, divided the two armies.
The British general having resolved to attack the enemy in three
divisions, the right wing, under General Clinton, seized, on the
26th of August, at night-fall, a pass on the heights, about three
miles from Bedford. The main body then passed through, and descended
to the level country which lay between the hills and General
Putnam’s lines. Whilst this movement was going on, Major-general
Grant (Ballindalloch) with his brigade (the 4th), supported by the
Royal Highlanders from the reserve, was directed to march from the
left along the coast to the Narrows, and attack the enemy in that
quarter. The right wing having reached Bedford at nine o’clock next
morning, attacked the left of the American army, which, after a short
resistance, retired to their lines in great confusion, pursued by
the British troops, Colonel Stuart leading with his battalion of
Highland grenadiers. The Hessians, who had remained at Flat Bush,
on hearing the fire at Bedford, advanced, and, attacking the centre
of the American army, drove them, after a short engagement, through
the woods, and captured three pieces of cannon. General Grant had
previously attacked the right of the enemy, and a cannonade had been
kept up near the Narrows on both sides, till the Americans heard the
firing at Bedford, when they retreated in disorder. Notwithstanding
these advantages, neither General Howe nor General Grant ventured to
follow them up by pursuing the enemy, and attacking them in their
lines, although they could have made no effectual resistance. The
enemy lost 2000 men, killed, drowned, and taken prisoners. The
British had 5 officers, and 56 non-commissioned officers and privates
killed; and 12 officers and 245 non-commissioned officers and
privates wounded. Among the latter was Lieutenant Crammond and 9 rank
and file of the 42d.
About this time the broadswords and pistols which the men received in
Glasgow were ordered to be laid aside. The pistols being considered
unnecessary, except in the field, were not intended, like the swords,
to be worn by the men in quarters. The reason for discontinuing the
broadswords was that they retarded the men by getting entangled in
the brushwood. “Admitting that the objection was well-founded, so far
as regarded the swords, it certainly could not apply to the pistols.
In a close woody country, where troops are liable to sudden attacks
and surprises by a hidden enemy, such a weapon is peculiarly useful.
It is, therefore, difficult to discover a good reason for laying them
aside. I have been told by several old officers and soldiers, who
bore a part in these attacks, that an enemy who stood for many hours
the fire of musketry, invariably gave way when an advance was made
sword in hand. They were never restored, and the regiment has had
neither swords nor pistols since.”[304]
The army encamped in front of the enemy’s lines in the evening of
the 27th of August, and next day broke ground opposite their left
redoubt. General Washington had crossed over from New York during
the action at Brooklyn, and seeing resistance hopeless, resolved to
retreat. With surprising skill he transported 9000 men, with guns,
ammunition, and stores, in the course of one night, over to New York;
and such was the secrecy with which this movement was effected, that
the British army knew nothing of it till next morning, when the last
of the rear-guard were seen in their boats crossing the broad ferry
and out of danger.
Active operations were not resumed till the 15th of September, when
the reserve, including the Royal Highlanders, crossed over to New
York, and, after some opposition, took possession of the heights
above the town. The Highlanders and Hessians fell in with and
captured a body of New England men and Virginians. Next day the light
infantry were sent out to dislodge a party of the enemy from a wood
opposite the British left. A smart action ensued, and, the enemy
pushing forward reinforcements, the Highlanders were sent to support
the light infantry. The Americans were then driven back to their
entrenchments; but they renewed the attack with an increased force,
and were again repulsed with considerable loss. The British had 14
men killed, and 5 officers and 70 men wounded. The 42d had 1 sergeant
and 5 privates killed; and Captains Duncan Macpherson and John
Mackintosh, and Ensign Alexander Mackenzie (who died of his wounds),
and 1 piper, 2 drummers, and 47 privates wounded.
General Howe, in expectation of an attack, threw up entrenchments;
but General Washington having no such intention, made a general
movement, and took up a strong position on the heights in the rear of
the White Plains. To induce the enemy to quit their ground, General
Howe resolved to make a movement, and accordingly embarked his army
on the 12th of October in flat-bottomed boats, and passing through
the intricate narrow called Hell Gate, disembarked the same evening
at Frogsneck, near West Chester. In consequence of the bridge which
connected the latter place with the mainland having been broken
down by the enemy, the general re-embarked his troops next day, and
landed at Pell’s Point, at the mouth of Hudson’s river. On the 14th
he reached the White Plains in front of the enemy’s position. As a
preliminary to a general engagement, General Howe attacked a post on
a rising ground occupied by 4000 of the enemy, which he carried; but
General Washington declining battle, the British general gave up the
attempt, and proceeded against Fort Washington, the possession of
which was necessary in order to open the communication between New
York and the continent, to the eastward and northward of Hudson’s
river. The fort, the garrison of which consisted of 3000 men, was
protected by strong grounds covered with lines and works. The
Hessians, under General Knyphausen, supported by the whole of the
reserve, under Major-General Earl Percy, with the exception of the
42d, who were to make a feint on the east side of the fort, were to
make the principal attack. The Royal Highlanders embarked in boats on
the 16th of November, before day-break, and landed in a small creek
at the foot of the rock, in the face of a smart fire. The Highlanders
had now discharged the duty assigned them, but determined to have a
full share in the honour of the day, they resolved upon an assault,
and assisted by each other, and by the brushwood and shrubs which
grew out of the crevices of the rocks, scrambled up the precipice.
On gaining the summit, they rushed forward, and attacked the enemy
with such rapidity, that upwards of 200, unable to escape, threw down
their arms; whilst the Highlanders, following up their advantage,
penetrated across the table of the hill, and met Lord Percy’s brigade
as they were coming up on the opposite side. On seeing the Hessians
approach in another direction, the enemy surrendered at discretion.
In this affair the Royal Highlanders had 1 sergeant and 10 privates
killed; and Lieutenants Patrick Graham (Inchbrakie), Norman
Macleod,[305] and Alexander Grant, and 4 sergeants and 66 rank and
file wounded.
To secure the entire command of the North river, and to open an
easy entrance into the Jerseys, Fort Lee was next reduced, in which
service the Royal Highlanders were employed. The enemy, pursued by
the detachment which captured that post, retired successively to
Newbridge, Elizabeth Town, Newark, and Brunswick. On the 17th of
November General Howe entered Prince Town with the main body of the
army, an hour after it was evacuated by General Washington. Winter
having now set in, General Howe put his army into winter quarters.
The advanced posts, which extended from Trenton to Mount-holly, were
occupied by the Hessians and the Royal Highlanders, who were the only
British regiments in front.
If, instead of suspending active operations, General Howe had
continued occasionally to beat up the quarters of the Americans
whilst dispirited by their late reverses, it is thought that he
would have reduced them to the last extremity. General Washington
availed himself of the inactivity of the British commander, and by
making partial attacks on the advanced posts, he not only improved
the discipline of his army, but, in consequence of the success which
sometimes attended these attacks, revived the drooping spirits of his
men. On the 22d of January 1777, he surprised and completely defeated
the detachment of Hessians stationed at Trenton; in consequence of
which reverse, the Royal Highlanders, who formed the left of the line
of defence at Mount-holly, fell back on the light infantry at Prince
Town.
During the remainder of the season the Royal Highlanders were
stationed in the village of Pisquatua, on the line of communication
between New York and Brunswick by Amboy. The duty was severe, from
the rigour of the season and the want of accommodation. The houses
in the village not being sufficient to contain one-half of the men,
the officers and soldiers were intermixed in barns and sheds, and
they always slept in their body-clothes, as the enemy were constantly
sending down nocturnal parties to fire at the sentinels and picquets.
The Americans, however, always kept at a respectful distance, and
did not make any regular attack on the post till the 10th of May
1777, on which day, at four o’clock in the afternoon, a body of 2000
men, under the command of Maxwell and Stephens, American generals,
attempted to surprise the Highlanders. Advancing with great secrecy,
and being completely covered by the rugged nature of the country,
their approach was not perceived till they had gained a small level
piece of ground in front of the picquets, when they rushed forward,
and attacked them with such promptitude, that the picquets had hardly
time to seize their arms. At this time the soldiers were either
all differently employed, or taking the rest they could not obtain
at night; but the picquets, by disputing every inch of ground, gave
time to the soldiers to assemble, who drove the enemy back with great
precipitation, leaving behind them upwards of 200 men in killed and
wounded. On this occasion the 42d had 3 sergeants and 9 privates
killed; and Captain Duncan Macpherson, Lieutenant William Stewart, 3
sergeants, and 35 privates wounded.[306]
The British troops again took the field about the middle of June,
when General Howe attempted to draw Washington from his station at
Middle Brook; but the American commander knew too well the value
of such a strong position to abandon it. Not judging it prudent to
attack it, the British general resolved to change the seat of war.
Pursuant to this resolution, he embarked 36 battalions of British and
Hessians, including the flank battalions of the grenadiers and light
infantry, and sailed for the Chesapeak. Before the embarkation the
Royal Highlanders received an accession of 170 recruits from Scotland.
The army landed at Elk Ferry on the 24th of August, after a tedious
voyage. It was not till the 3d of September that they began their
march for Philadelphia. The delay enabled Washington to cross the
country, and to take an advantageous position at Red Clay Creek,
whence he pushed forward detachments to harass the British troops on
their march. General Howe did not reach the Brandy Wine River till
the middle of September, in consequence of the difficulties he met
with in traversing a country covered with wood and full of defiles.
On reaching that river, he found that the enemy had taken up a strong
position beyond it, with the view of opposing the further advance of
the royal army. The Americans had secured all the fording places,
and in expectation that the British would attempt to cross at Chad’s
Ford, they had erected batteries and thrown up entrenchments at that
place to command the passage. Making a circuit of some miles, Lord
Cornwallis crossed Jeffrey’s Ford with one division of the army
without opposition, and turning down the river fell in with the
American general, Sullivan, who had been detached by Washington to
oppose him. An action took place, and the Americans were driven from
all their posts through the woods towards the main army. Meanwhile
General Knyphausen, with his division, made demonstrations for
crossing the river at Chad’s Ford, and as soon as he knew from the
firing of cannon that Lord Cornwallis’s movement had succeeded, he
passed the river, and carried the batteries and entrenchments of
the enemy. A general rout ensued, and Washington, with the corps
he was able to keep together, fled with his baggage and cannon to
Chester. The British had 50 officers killed and wounded in the battle
of Brandy Wine, and 438 rank and file, including non-commissioned
officers. The flank companies of the 42d, being the only ones
engaged, had 6 privates killed, and 1 sergeant and 15 privates
wounded.
On the 25th, the army marched to German Town, and the following
morning the grenadiers took peaceable possession of Philadelphia.
The 42d took part in the operations, by which the British commander
endeavoured to bring the enemy to a general engagement at White
Marsh, and was afterwards quartered at Philadelphia.[307]
The next enterprise in which the Royal Highlanders were engaged, was
under Major-General Charles Grey, who embarked with the grenadiers,
the light infantry brigade, and the 42d regiment, for the purpose
of destroying a number of privateers, with their prizes, at New
Plymouth. The troops landed on the banks of the Acushnet river on the
5th of September, and having destroyed seventy vessels, with all the
stores, cargoes, wharfs, and buildings, along the whole extent of the
river, the whole were re-embarked the following day, and returned to
New York.
[Illustration: British Barracks, Philadelphia. From Watson’s _Annals
of Philadelphia_.]
Matters remained quiescent till the 25th of February 1779, when
Colonel Stirling, with a detachment consisting of the light infantry
of the Guards and the 42d regiment, was ordered to attack a post
at Elizabeth Town, which was taken without opposition. In April
following, the Highland regiment was employed in an expedition to
the Chesapeak, to destroy the stores and merchandise at Portsmouth
in Virginia. They were again employed with the Guards and a corps of
Hessians in another expedition under General Mathews, which sailed on
the 30th, under the convoy of Sir George Collier, in the _Reasonable_
and several ships of war. This expedition reached its destination on
the 10th of May, when the troops landed on the glebe on the western
bank of Elizabeth. They returned to New York after fulfilling the
object of the expedition.
The campaign of 1779 was begun by the capture, on the part of the
British, of Verplanks and Stony Point. A garrison of 600 men, among
whom were two companies of Fraser’s Highlanders, took possession
of this last post; but owing to the too great confidence of the
commander, it was surprised and re-captured. Flushed with this
success, the American general, Wayne, made an immediate attack upon
Verplanks, which was garrisoned by the 33d regiment; but receiving
accounts of the advance of Colonel Stirling with the light infantry
of the 42d, he retreated from Verplanks and abandoned Stony Point,
of which Colonel Stirling took possession. This officer being
shortly thereafter appointed aide-de-camp to the king, and a
brigadier-general, the command of the 42d regiment devolved on Major
Charles Graham.
About this time a circumstance occurred which tended greatly to
deteriorate, for several years, the hitherto irreproachable character
of the Royal Highland regiment. By order of the inspector-general
at Chatham, a body of 150 recruits, raised principally from the
refuse of the population of London and Dublin, was embarked for
the regiment in the autumn of this year. Of such dissipated habits
had these men been, that 16 died on the voyage, and 75 were sent
to the hospital as soon as they disembarked.[308] The infusion of
such immoral ingredients could not have failed to taint the whole
mass, and General Stirling made a strong representation to the
commander-in-chief to avert such a calamity from the regiment, by
removing the recruits to another corps. They were, in consequence,
drafted into the 26th, in exchange for the same number of Scotchmen;
but the introduction of these men into the regiment dissolved
the charm which, for nearly forty years, had preserved the
Highlanders from contamination. During that long period there were
few courts-martial, and, for many years, no instance of corporal
punishment occurred. So nice were their notions of honour, that,
“if a soldier was brought to the halberts, he became degraded, and
little more good was to be expected of him. After being publicly
disgraced, he could no longer associate with his comrades; and, in
several instances, the privates of a company have, from their pay,
subscribed to procure the discharge of an obnoxious individual.” But
“punishments being found indispensable for the men newly introduced,
and others becoming more habituated to the sight, much of the sense
of honour was necessarily lost.”[309]
An illustration of the strong national feeling with which the corps
was regarded by the Highlanders, and of the expediency of keeping
it unmixed, occurred in April of the same year, when two strong
detachments of recruits belonging to the 42d and 71st regiments
arrived at Leith from Stirling Castle, for the purpose of embarking
to join their respective regiments in North America. Being told
that they were to be turned over to the 80th and 82d, the Edinburgh
and Hamilton regiments, the men remonstrated, and declared openly
and firmly that they were determined to serve only in the corps for
which they were enlisted. After some negotiation, troops were sent to
Leith with orders to convey the refractory Highlanders as prisoners
to Edinburgh Castle, if they persisted in their determination. As
they still refused to forego their resolution, attempts were made to
enforce the orders; but the Highlanders refused to submit, and flying
to arms, a desperate conflict ensued, in which Captain Mansfield of
the South Fencible regiment and 9 men were killed, and 31 soldiers
wounded. Being at last overpowered, the mutineers were carried to the
castle.
In the month of May following, three of these prisoners, Charles
Williamson and Archibald Macivor, soldiers of the 42d regiment,
and Robert Budge, soldier of the 71st, were brought before a
court-martial, “charged with having been guilty of a mutiny at Leith,
upon Tuesday the 20th of April last past, and of having instigated
others to be guilty of the same, in which mutiny several of his
majesty’s subjects were killed, and many wounded.”
Their reasons for resisting the orders to embark are thus stated
in their defence:--“The prisoners, Archibald Macivor and Charles
Williamson, enlisted as soldiers in the 42d, being an old Highland
regiment, wearing the Highland dress. Their native language was
Gaelic,--the one being a native of the northern parts of Argyleshire,
and the other of the western parts of Inverness-shire, where the
language of the country is Gaelic only. They have never used any
other language, and are so ignorant of the English tongue that they
cannot avail themselves of it for any purpose of life. They have
always been accustomed to the Highland habit, so far as never to have
worn breeches, a thing so inconvenient, and even so impossible for a
native Highlander to do, that, when the Highland dress was prohibited
by act of parliament, though the philibeg was one of the forbidden
parts of the dress, yet it was necessary to connive at the use of
it, provided only that it was made of a stuff of one colour and not
of tartan, as is well known to all acquainted with the Highlands,
particularly with the more mountainous parts of the country. These
circumstance made it more necessary for them to serve in a Highland
regiment only, as they neither could have understood the language,
nor have used their arms, or marched in the dress of any other
regiment.”
The other prisoner, Budge, stated that he was a native of the upper
parts of Caithness, and being ignorant of the English language,
and accustomed to wear the Highland garb, he enlisted to serve in
Fraser’s Highlanders, and in no other regiment. In continuation,
the three prisoners stated, that, “when they arrived at Leith, they
were informed by their officer, Captain Innes, who had conducted
them, that they were now to consider the officers of the 82d, or
Duke of Hamilton’s regiment, a regiment wearing the Lowland dress
and speaking the tongue, as their officers; but how this happened
they were not informed. No order from the commander-in-chief for
their being drafted was read or explained to them, but they were
told that they must immediately join the Hamilton and Edinburgh
regiments. A great number of the detachment represented, without any
disorder or mutinous behaviour, that they were altogether unfit for
service in any other corps than Highland ones, particularly that
they were incapable of wearing breeches as a part of their dress.
At the same time, they declared their willingness to be regularly
transferred to any other Highland regiment, or to continue to serve
in those regiments into which they had been regularly enlisted. But
no regard was paid to these remonstrances, which, if they had had
an opportunity, they would have laid before the commander-in-chief.
But an order for an immediate embarkation prevented this. The idea
that naturally suggested itself to them was, that they should insist
on serving in the same regiment in which they had been enlisted,
and not to go abroad as part of the Duke of Hamilton’s regiment
till such time as these difficulties were removed. They accordingly
drew up under arms on the shore of Leith, each respective corps by
itself. The prisoners were informed that the orders issued were to
take them prisoners to the castle: had these orders been explained
to them, they would have submitted, and, with proper humility, have
laid their case before those that could have given them redress.
But, unfortunately, the sergeant who undertook to explain to them
in Gaelic, represented that they were immediately to go on board as
part of the Hamilton regiment, but which they do with great deference
say, that they did not at the time conceive they could lawfully
have done.” After the defence was read, “Captain Innes of the 71st
regiment showed an attestation to the court, which he said was in the
uniform style of the attestations for that regiment; and it expressly
bore, that the persons thereby attested were to serve in the 71st
regiment, commanded by General Simon Fraser of Lovat, and that they
were to serve for three years only, or during the continuance of the
present war.”
Having been found guilty, the prisoners were sentenced to be shot.
The king gave them a free pardon, “in full confidence that they would
endeavour, by a prompt obedience and orderly behaviour, to atone
for this atrocious offence.” These men, along with the rest of the
detachment, joined the second battalion of the 42d. The prisoners
justified the confidence of his majesty by steadiness and good
conduct in the regiment.
With the intention of pushing the war with vigour, the new
commander-in-chief resolved to attack Charlestown, the capital of
South Carolina. Leaving General Knyphausen in command, he embarked
part of his army, and after a boisterous and protracted voyage of
nearly seven weeks, during which some of his transports were lost
or taken, he landed at John’s Island, 30 miles from Charlestown, on
the 11th of February 1780. Owing to various impediments, he did not
reach Charlestown till the end of March. After a siege of six weeks
the place surrendered. The loss of the British did not exceed 300
men. Lieutenant Macleod of the 42d, and 9 privates, were killed; and
Lieutenant Alexander Grant of the same regiment, son of Colonel Grant
of Moy, was wounded by a six-pound ball, which struck him on the back
in a slanting direction, near the right shoulder, and carried away
the entire scapula with several other bones. The surgeons considered
his case as utterly hopeless, but to their surprise they found him
alive next morning, and free from fever and all bad symptoms. He
recovered completely, and served many years in perfect good health.
14 privates were wounded.
The Royal Highlanders, with the Grenadiers and Hessians, re-embarked
on the 4th of June for New York, and, after several movements in the
province went into winter quarters. Here they received an accession
of 100 recruits from Scotland. The regiment was not again employed in
any active service during the remainder of the war.
Whilst the war lasted, the Americans held out every allurement to the
British soldiers to induce them to desert their ranks and join the
cause of American independence. Many were, in consequence, seduced
from their allegiance; but during five campaigns, and until the
unfortunate draft of men from the 26th regiment, not one man from
the 42d deserted its ranks. About the close of the war the regiment
was stationed at Paulus Hook, an advanced post from New York leading
to the Jerseys, and here, for the first time, several of the men
deserted to the enemy. One of these deserters, by name Anderson, was
afterwards taken, tried by a court-martial, and shot.
After the peace the establishment of the regiment was reduced to
8 companies of 50 men each. The officers of the ninth and tenth
companies were not put on half-pay, but kept as supernumeraries
to fill up vacancies as they occurred in the regiment. Many of the
men having been discharged at their own request, their places were
supplied by drafts from Fraser’s and Macdonald’s Highlanders, and
from the Edinburgh and Hamilton regiments, some of the men in these
corps having preferred rather to remain in America than return home
with their regiments.
During the American revolutionary war the loss of the Royal
Highlanders was as follows:--
KILLED.
In Officers, 2
Sergeants, 9
Rank and File, including Drummers, 72
----
Total, 83
WOUNDED.
In Officers, 12
Sergeants, 18
Rank and File, including Drummers, 256
----
Total, 286
----
Grand Total, 369
In October 1783, the regiment was sent to Halifax, in Nova Scotia,
where it remained till the year 1786, when six companies were removed
to the island of Cape Breton, the remaining two companies being
detached to the island of St John. Next year two companies were
added to the regiment, in consequence of preparations for war with
Holland. Captains William Johnstone and Robert Christie succeeded to
these companies. Lieutenant Robert Macdonald, brother of Macdonald of
Sanda, from the half-pay of Fraser’s regiment, and Ensign James Rose,
were appointed lieutenants; and Ensign David Stewart (afterwards
major-general, and author of the _Sketches_,) and James Stewart,
nephew of the Earl of Moray, ensigns.
On the 1st of January 1785, new colours were presented to the
regiment by Major-General John Campbell, commanding the Forces in
Nova Scotia, who made an eloquent address on that occasion:--
“Forty-second, Royal Highlanders,--With particular pleasure I address
you on this occasion, and congratulate you on the service you have
done your country, and the honour you have procured yourselves, by
protecting your old colours, and defending them from your enemies in
different engagements during the late unnatural rebellion.
“From those ragged, but honourable, remains, you are now to transfer
your allegiance and fidelity to these new National and Regimental
Standards of Honour, now consecrated and solemnly dedicated to the
service of our King and Country. These Colours are committed to
your immediate care and protection; and I trust you will, on all
occasions, defend them from your enemies, with honour to yourselves,
and service to your country,--with that distinguished and noble
bravery which has always characterised the ROYAL HIGHLANDERS in the
field of battle.
“With what pleasure, with what peculiar satisfaction,--nay, with
what pride, would I enumerate the different memorable actions where
the regiment distinguished itself. To particularise the whole
would exceed the bounds of this address: let me therefore beg your
indulgence while I take notice only of a few of them.”
He then in glowing language alluded to the numerous engagements
in which the regiment had distinguished itself, from Fontenoy to
Pisquata, and concluded by urging upon the men ever to try to sustain
the high character of the regiment, and never to forget they were
citizens of a great country, and Christians as well as soldiers.
About this time the regiment had to regret the loss of its colonel,
Lord John Murray, who died on the 1st of June 1787, after commanding
the corps forty-one years. He was the steady friend of the officers
and men. Major-General Sir Hector Monro succeeded him in the
command.[310]
The regiment embarked for England in August 1789, and landed in
Portsmouth in October, after an absence of fourteen years. They
wintered in Tynemouth barracks, where they received a reinforcement
of 245 young recruits. At this time a small alteration was made
in the military appointments of the men. Instead of the black
leather belts for the bayonet, white buff belts were substituted.
The epaulettes of the officers, formerly very small, were then
enlarged.[311]
The regiment was removed to Glasgow in the month of May 1790, where
they were received with great cordiality by the inhabitants. From an
ill-judged hospitality on the part of the citizens, who compelled
some of the soldiers to drink copiously of ardent spirits, the
discipline of the regiment was relaxed; but its removal to Edinburgh
Castle in the month of November cured the evil.
Warlike preparations having been made in 1790, in expectation of a
rupture with Spain, orders were received to augment the regiment;
but, from recent occurrences in the Highlands, the regiment was not
successful in recruiting. Several independent companies were raised,
one of which, a fine body of young Highlanders, recruited by the
Marquis of Huntly (afterwards Duke of Gordon), joined the regiment
along with his lordship, who had exchanged with Captain Alexander
Grant.
The regiment was reviewed in June 1791, by Lord Adam Gordon, the
commander-in-chief in Scotland, and was marched to the north in
October following. The head quarters were at Fort George; one company
was stationed at Dundee, another at Montrose, two at Aberdeen, and
one at Banff. The regiment assembled at Fort George in the spring of
1792, and after having been marched south to Stirling, and reviewed
by the Hon. Lieutenant-General Leslie, returned to their former
cantonments along the coast. The men had however scarcely returned
to their quarters, when they were ordered to proceed by forced
marches into Ross-shire, to quell some tumults among the tenantry
who had been cruelly ejected from their farms. Fortunately, however,
there was no occasion for the exercise of such an unpleasant duty,
as the poor people separated and concealed themselves on hearing
of the approach of the military. After a series of marches and
countermarches, the regiment returned to its former cantonments.
In consequence of the war with France, the whole regiment was ordered
south, and, preparatory to their march, assembled at Montrose in
April 1793. An attempt to increase the establishment by recruiting
proved unsuccessful, the result, in some degree, of the depopulating
system which had lately been commenced in Ross-shire, and which
soured the kindly dispositions of the Highlanders. The corps at this
time scarcely exceeded 400 men, and to make up for deficiencies in
recruiting, two independent companies, raised by Captains David
Hunter of Burnside, and Alexander Campbell of Ardchattan, were
ordered to join the regiment.
On the 8th of May, the regiment embarked at Musselburgh for Hull, the
inhabitants of which received the Highlanders most kindly, and were
so well pleased with their good conduct that, after they embarked
for Flanders, the town sent each man a present of a pair of shoes,
a flannel shirt, and worsted socks. The regiment joined the army
under his Royal Highness the Duke of York, then encamped in the
neighbourhood of Menin, on the 3d of October.
The first enterprise in which the Highlanders were engaged was in
conjunction with the light companies of the 19th, 27th, and 57th
regiments, in the month of October, when they marched to the relief
of Nieuport, then garrisoned by the 53d regiment, and a small
battalion of Hessians. On the appearance of this reinforcement, the
besiegers retired. The Highlanders had 1 sergeant and 1 private
killed, and 2 privates wounded. After this the regiment was
re-embarked for England, along with the three others just mentioned,
to join an expedition then preparing against the French colonies in
the West Indies; but on arriving at Portsmouth, the 42d was ordered
to join another expedition then fitting out against the coast of
France, under the command of the Earl of Moira. Colonel Graham, who
had held the command of the regiment since the year 1791, being at
this time appointed to the command of a brigade, the command devolved
on Major George Dalrymple.
The expedition sailed on the 30th of November; but although it
reached the coast of France to the eastward of Cape la Hogue, no
landing took place. The expedition, after stopping some time at
Guernsey, returned to Portsmouth in the beginning of January 1794.
The troops remained in England till the 18th of June, when they were
re-embarked for Flanders, under the command of the Earl of Moira.
They landed at Ostend on the 26th. At this time the allied armies,
in consequence of the advance of a large French army and the partial
defection of Prussia, were placed in a very critical situation,
particularly the small division under the Duke of York encamped
at Malines. A junction with the duke became a primary object with
Lord Moira, who accordingly resolved to abandon Ostend. He embarked
all the stores and the garrison, and whilst the embarkation was
proceeding, the troops were ordered under arms on the sand hills
in the neighbourhood in light marching order. The officers left
all their luggage behind, except what they carried on their backs.
In the evening of the 28th the troops moved forward, and halting
ten miles beyond the town, proceeded at midnight towards Ostaker,
and reached Alost on the 3d of July. Whilst these troops remained
here, about 400 of the enemy’s cavalry entered the town, and being
mistaken for Hessians, passed unmolested to the market-place. One of
them made an attempt to cut down a Highlander named Macdonald, who
was passing through the market-place with a basket on his head. The
dragoon having wounded the man severely in the hand which held the
basket, the enraged mountaineer drew his bayonet with the other hand
and attacked the horseman, who fled. Macdonald thereupon continued
his course, venting his regret as he went along that he had not a
broadsword to cut down the intruder. On being recognised, the enemy
were driven out by some dragoons and picquets.
After a fatiguing march in presence of a superior force under
General Vandamme, the reinforcement joined the Duke of York on the
9th of July. A succession of petty skirmishes occurred until the
20th, when Lord Moira resigned the command. He was succeeded by
Lieutenant-General Ralph Abercromby, to whom the command of the third
brigade, or reserve, in which were the Highlanders, was assigned.
The army crossed the Waal at Nimeguen on the 8th of October. Several
smart affairs took place between the advanced posts of the two armies
till the 20th, when the enemy attacked the whole of the British
advanced posts. They were repulsed, but the 77th regiment sustained
a severe loss in officers and men. By incessant attacks, however,
the enemy established themselves in front of Nimeguen, and began to
erect batteries preparatory to a siege; but on the 4th of November
they were driven from their works, after an obstinate resistance. The
enemy still persevering with great energy to push their preparations
for a siege, it was found necessary to evacuate the town.
This evacuation took place on the 7th of November, and the army was
cantoned along the banks of the river. They suffered greatly from the
severity of the weather, and so intense was the frost, that the enemy
crossed the Waal on the ice. They took post at Thuyl; but although
the place was surrounded with entrenchments, and the approach flanked
by batteries placed on the isle of Bommell, they were forced from
all their posts, and obliged to repass the Waal, by a body of 8000
British, among whom was the third brigade. The loss of the British
was trifling. The enemy again crossed the Waal on the 4th of January
1795, and retook Thuyl, from which it was now found impossible to
dislodge them. In an attack which they made on the forces under
General David Dundas at Gildermaslen, they were repulsed with the
loss of 200 men, whilst that of the British was only about one-fourth
of that number. The 42d had 1 private killed, and Lieutenant-Colonel
Lamond and 7 privates wounded.
Compelled by the severity of the weather, and the increasing numbers
of the French, to retreat, the British troops retired behind the
Leck, after the division under Lord Cathcart had repulsed an attack
made by the enemy on the 8th.
Disease, the result of a want of necessaries and proper clothing,
had greatly diminished the ranks of the British; and the men, whose
robustness of constitution had hitherto enabled them to withstand
the rigours of one of the severest winters ever remembered, at last
sank under the accumulated hardships which beset them. Such was the
state of the British army when General Pichegru, crossing the Waal in
great force, made a general attack on the 14th of January along the
whole line, from Arnheim to Amerougen. After a continued resistance
till morning, the British began the disastrous retreat to Deventer,
the miseries of which have only been exceeded by the sufferings
of the French in their disastrous retreat from Moscow.[312] The
inhumanity of the Dutch boors, who uniformly shut their doors against
the unfortunate sufferers, will ever remain a disgrace on the Dutch
nation. The hospitable conduct of the inhabitants of Bremen, where
the remains of this luckless army arrived in the beginning of April,
formed a noble contrast to that of the selfish and unfeeling Dutch.
In no former campaign was the superiority of the Highlanders over
their companions in arms, in enduring privations and fatigues,
more conspicuous than in this; for whilst some of the newly-raised
regiments lost more than 300 men by disease alone, the 42d, which had
300 young recruits in its ranks, lost only 25, including those killed
in battle, from the time of their disembarkation at Ostend till their
embarkation at Bremen, on the 14th of April.
The Royal Highlanders having landed at Harwich were marched to
Chelmsford, and encamped in June 1795 in the neighbourhood of
Danbury. In September the regiment was augmented to 1000 men, by
drafts from the Strathspey and Perthshire Highlanders, and the
regiments of Colonel Duncan Cameron and Colonel Simon Fraser,
which had been raised the preceding year, and were now broken up.
“Although these drafts,” says General Stewart, “furnished many good
and serviceable men, they were, in many respects, very inferior to
former recruits. This difference of character was more particularly
marked in their habits and manners in quarters, than in their conduct
in the field, which was always unexceptionable. Having been embodied
for upwards of eighteen months, and having been subject to a greater
mixture of character than was usual in Highland battalions, these
corps had lost much of their original manners, and of that strict
attention to religious and moral duties which distinguished the
Highland youths on quitting their native glens, and which, when in
corps unmixed with men of different characters, they always retained.
This intermixture produced a sensible change in the moral conduct and
character of the regiment.”
Since 1795 the soldiers of the 42d have worn a red feather or
“heckle” in their bonnets, being in this respect distinguished from
all the other Highland regiments. The following is the story of the
“glorious old red heckle,” as told by Lieutenant-Colonel Wheatley,
who, we believe, had his information directly from those who took
part in the exploit on account of which the Black Watch is entitled
to wear the plume.
In December 1794, when the Forty-Second were quartered at Thuyl, as
above mentioned, they received orders for the night of the 31st to
march upon Bommell, distant some miles on the opposite side of the
river Waal, which they reached by four o’clock on the morning of 1st
January 1795. Here they were joined by a number of other regiments,
and lay on their arms until daybreak, when they attacked the French
army, and drove them across the river on the ice. The British held
their position on the banks of the river until the evening of the
3d, when (the French having been reinforced) a partial retreat took
place early on the morning of the 4th. The British retired upon the
village of Guildermalson, where the 42d, with a number of other
regiments, halted, and formed up to cover the retreat through the
village. The French cavalry, however, cut through the retreating
picquets, and made their way up to the regiments stationed at the
village, where they were met and repulsed, and a number of them
taken prisoners.[313] Two field-pieces were placed in front of the
village to protect the retreat of the picquets; but instead of
resisting the charge of cavalry, they (the picquets) retreated to the
rear of the village, leaving their guns in possession of the French,
who commenced dragging them off. An A.D.C. (Major Rose) ordered Major
Dalrymple, commanding the 42d, to charge with his regiment, and
retake the guns; which was immediately done, with the loss of 1 man
killed and 3 wounded. The guns were thus rescued and dragged in by
the 42d, the horses having been disabled and the harness cut.
There was little or no notice taken of this affair at the time, as
all was bustle; but after their arrival in England, it was rumoured
that the 42d were to get some distinctive badge for their conduct in
retaking the guns on the 4th of January; but the nature of the honour
was kept a profound secret. On the 4th of June 1795, as the regiment,
then quartered at Royston, Cambridgeshire, was out on parade to
fire three rounds in honour of his Majesty’s birthday, the men were
surprised and delighted when a large box was brought on to the field,
and a red feather distributed to each soldier. This distinctive
ornament has ever since adorned the otherwise funereal head-dress of
the old Black Watch.
In 1822, from a mistaken direction in a book of dress for the
guidance of the army, some of the other Highland regiments concluded
that they also had a right to wear “a red vulture feather.” The 42d,
however, remonstrated, and their representations at headquarters
called forth the following memorandum:--
“_For Officers commanding Highland Regiments._
“HORSE GUARDS, _20th Aug. 1822_.
“The red vulture feather prescribed by the recent regulations
for Highland regiments is intended to be used exclusively by the
Forty-Second Regiment: other Highland corps will be allowed to
continue to wear the same description of feather that may have been
hitherto in use.
“H. TORRENS, Adjutant-General.”
III.
1795-1811.
Expedition to the West Indies--England, Gibraltar,
Minorca, 1798--Expedition to Egypt, 1800--Battle of the
13th March 1801--Battle of the 21st--Death of Sir Ralph
Abercromby--Capture of Rosetta--Surrender of Grand Cairo and
of Alexandria--England--Misunderstanding between the 42d and
the Highland Society of London--The regiment reviewed by George
III.--Return of the 42d to Scotland--Embarks at Leith for Weeley
in Essex--Second battalion--Gibraltar--Portugal--Spain--Retreat
to Corunna--Battle of Corunna--Death of Sir John Moore--England,
1809--Walcheren--Scotland, 1810--England, 1811.
Government having determined to reduce the French and Dutch
possessions in the West Indies, a large armament was fitted out
under the command of Lieutenant-General Sir Ralph Abercromby. The
land forces consisted of 460 cavalry and 16,479 infantry. The Royal
Highlanders formed part of this expedition. Another expedition,
destined also for the West Indies, consisting of 2600 cavalry and
5680 foot, assembled at Cork during the embarkation of the first.
Great care was taken to furnish the troops with everything necessary
for the voyage, and particular attention was paid to their clothing.
To protect them from the damps and chills of midnight, they were
supplied with flannel, and various changes were made in their
clothing to guard them against the effects of the yellow fever. Among
other changes, the plaid kilt and bonnet of the Highlanders were laid
aside, and their place supplied by Russian duck pantaloons and a
round hat; but experience showed that the Highland dress was better
suited to a campaign in the West Indies during the rainy season, than
the articles which superseded it.
The embarkation was completed by the 27th of October 1795; but in
consequence of damage sustained by some of the ships in a hurricane,
and the loss of others, the expedition did not sail till the 11th of
November. On that day the fleet, amounting to 328 sail, got under
weigh with a favourable breeze. Owing to accidents which befell two
of the ships, the fleet did not clear the channel till the 13th of
December; but it had scarcely got out when a violent storm arose,
which continued almost without intermission for several weeks. The
greater part of the fleet was scattered, and many of the ships took
refuge in different ports in England. Admiral Crichton struggled with
such of the ships as remained with him till the end of January, but
was at last obliged, from the disabled state of some of the ships,
to return to Portsmouth, where he arrived on the 29th of that month
with about 50 sail. Seventy-eight of the ships which kept the sea
proceeded on their voyage, and reached Barbadoes in a straggling
manner. Had the troops been sent off in detachments as they embarked,
these misfortunes would have been avoided.
After the partial return of the expedition, the destination of
some of the returned regiments was changed. Five companies of the
Highlanders were in a few weeks embarked for Gibraltar, under the
commanded of Lieutenant-Colonel Dickson. The other five companies
reached Barbadoes on the 9th of February in the _Middlesex_ East
Indiaman, one of the straggling ships which had proceeded on the
voyage. The expedition again put to sea on the 14th of February,
and arrived at Barbadoes on the 14th of March. By the great
care of Sir Ralph Abercromby, in ordering the transports to be
properly ventilated on their arrival, and by enforcing cleanliness
and exercise among the troops, few deaths occurred; and of the
five Highland companies, none died, and only 4 men with trifling
complaints were left on board when the troops disembarked at St Lucia
in April. The troops from Cork, though favoured with better weather,
were less fortunate in their voyage, several officers and a great
many men having died.
The first enterprise was against the Dutch colonies of Demerara
and Berbice, which surrendered to a part of the Cork division
under Major-General White on the 22d of April. On the same day the
expedition sailed from Barbadoes, and appeared off St Lucia on the
26th, it being considered imprudent to attempt Guadaloupe with a
force which had been so much diminished.
The troops landed in four divisions at Longueville Bay, Pigeon
Island, Chock Bay, and Ance la Raze. The Highlanders, under the
command of Brigadier-General John Moore, landed in a small bay
close under Pigeon Island. The army moved forward on the 27th to
close in upon Morne Fortunée, the principal post in the island. To
enable them to invest this place, it became necessary to obtain
possession of Morne Chabot, a strong and commanding position
overlooking the principal approach. Detachments under the command of
Brigadier-Generals Moore and the Hon. John Hope, were accordingly
ordered to attack this post on two different points. General Moore
advanced at midnight, and General Hope followed an hour after by
a less circuitous route; but falling in with the enemy sooner
than he expected, General Moore carried the Morne, after a short
but obstinate resistance, before General Hope came up. Next day
General Moore took possession of Morne Duchassaux. By the advance
of Major-General Morshead from Ance la Raze, Morne Fortunée was
completely invested, but not until several officers and about 50 of
the grenadiers, who formed the advanced post under Lieutenant-Colonel
Macdonald, had been killed and wounded.
To dispossess the enemy of the batteries they had erected on the Cul
de Sac, Major-General Morshead’s division was ordered to advance
against two batteries on the left; whilst Major-General Hope, with
the five companies of the Highlanders, the light infantry of the
57th regiment, and a detachment of Malcolm’s Rangers, supported by
the 55th regiment, was to attack the battery of Secke, close to the
works of Morne Fortunée. The light infantry and the rangers quickly
drove the enemy from the battery; but they were obliged to retire
from the battery in their turn under the cover of the Highlanders,
in consequence of the other divisions under Brigadier-General Perryn
and Colonel Riddle having been obstructed in their advance. In this
affair Colonel Malcolm, a brave officer, was killed, and Lieutenant
J. J. Fraser of the 42d, and a few men, wounded. The other divisions
suffered severely.
So great were the difficulties which presented themselves from the
steep and rugged nature of the ground, that the first battery was
not ready to open till the 14th of May. In an attempt which the
31st regiment made upon a fortified ridge called the Vizie, on the
evening of the 17th, they were repulsed with great loss; but the
grenadiers, who had pushed forward to support them, compelled the
enemy to retire. For six days a constant fire was kept up between the
batteries and the fort. Having ineffectually attempted to drive back
the 27th regiment from a lodgment they had formed within 500 yards
of the garrison, the enemy applied for and obtained a suspension
of hostilities. This was soon followed by a capitulation and the
surrender of the whole island. The garrison marched out on the
29th, and became prisoners of war. The loss of the British was 2
field officers, 3 captains, 5 subalterns, and 184 non-commissioned
officers and rank and file killed; and 4 field officers, 12 captains,
15 subalterns, and 523 non-commissioned officers and rank and file
wounded and missing.
As an instance of the influence of the mind on bodily health, and of
the effect of mental activity in preventing disease, General Stewart
adduces this expedition as a striking illustration:--“During the
operations which, from the nature of the country, were extremely
harassing, the troops continued remarkably healthy; but immediately
after the cessation of hostilities they began to droop. The five
companies of Highlanders, who landed 508 men, sent few to the
hospital until the third day subsequent to the surrender; but after
this event, so sudden was the change in their health, that upwards
of 60 men were laid up within the space of seven days. This change
may be, in part, ascribed to the sudden transition from incessant
activity to repose, but its principal cause must have been the
relaxation of the mental and physical energies, after the motives
which stimulated them had subsided.”
The next enterprise was against St Vincent, where the expedition,
consisting of the Buffs, the 14th, 34th, 42d, 53d, 54th, 59th, and
63d regiments, and the 2d West Indian Regiment, landed on the 8th of
June. The enemy had erected four redoubts on a high ridge, called the
Vizie, on which they had taken up a position. The arrangements for
an attack having been completed on the 10th, the troops were drawn
up in two divisions under Major-Generals Hunter and William Morshed,
at a short distance from the ridge. Another division formed on the
opposite side of the hill. The attack was commenced by a fire from
some field-pieces on the redoubts, which was kept up for some hours,
apparently with little effect. As a feint, the Highlanders and some
of the Rangers in the meantime moved forward to the bottom of a
woody steep which terminated the ridge, on the top of which stood
one of the redoubts, the first in the range. Pushing their way up
the steep, the 42d turned the feint into a real assault, and, with
the assistance of the Buffs, by whom they were supported, drove the
enemy successively from the first three redoubts in less than half
an hour. Some of the Highlanders had pushed close under the last and
principal redoubt, but the general, seeing that he had the enemy in
his power, and wishing to spare the lives of his troops, recalled
the Highlanders, and offered the enemy terms of capitulation, which
were accepted. The conditions, _inter alia_, were, that the enemy
should embark as prisoners of war; but several hundreds of them broke
the capitulation by escaping into the woods the following night. The
total loss of the British on this occasion was 181 in killed and
wounded. The Highlanders had 1 sergeant and 12 rank and file killed;
and 1 officer (Lieutenant Simon Fraser), 2 sergeants, 1 drummer, and
29 rank and file wounded.[314]
In order to subjugate the island, the troops were divided and sent
to different stations, and military posts were established in the
neighbourhood of the country possessed by the Caribs and brigands.
Favoured by the natural strength of the country, the enemy carried
on a petty warfare with the troops among the woods till the month
of September, when they surrendered. The French, including the
brigands, were sent prisoners to England, and the Indians or Caribs,
amounting to upwards of 5000, were transported to Ratan, an island in
the gulf of Mexico.[315]
In September, Sir Ralph Abercromby returned to England, when the
temporary command of the army devolved upon Major-General Charles
Graham, who was promoted this year from the lieutenant-colonelcy
of the 42d to the colonelcy of the 5th West India Regiment. He was
succeeded in the lieutenant-colonelcy by Major James Stewart. The
commander-in-chief returned from England in February 1797, and
immediately collected a force for an attack on Trinidad, which
surrendered without opposition. He, thereafter, assembled a body of
troops, consisting of the 26th light dragoons dismounted, the 14th,
42d, 53d, and some other corps, at St Christopher’s, for an attack on
Porto Rico, whither they proceeded on the 15th of April, and anchored
off Congregus’s Point on the 17th. The enemy made a slight opposition
to the landing, but retired when the troops disembarked. As the
inhabitants of Porto Rico, who had been represented as favourable,
did not show any disposition to surrender, and as the Moro or castle
was too strong to be attacked with such an inconsiderable force,
which was insufficient to blockade more than one of its sides, the
commander-in-chief resolved to give up the attempt, and accordingly
re-embarked his troops on the 30th of April. This was the last
enterprise against the enemy in that quarter during the rest of the
war. The Highlanders were sent to Martinique, where they embarked
for England, free from sickness, after having the casualties of the
two preceding years more than supplied by volunteers from the 79th
Highlanders, then stationed in Martinique. The Royal Highlanders
landed at Portsmouth on the 30th of July in good health, and were
marched to Hillsea barracks. After remaining a few weeks there, the
five companies embarked for Gibraltar, where they joined the five
other companies, whose destination had been changed by their return
to port after the sailing of the expedition to the West Indies. The
regiment was now 1100 men strong.
The next service in which the Royal Highlanders were engaged was
on an expedition against the island of Minorca, under the command
of Lieutenant-General the Hon. Sir Charles Stewart, in the month
of November 1798. The British troops having invested Cittadella,
the principal fortress in the island, on the 14th of November, the
Spanish commander, who had concentrated his forces in that garrison,
surrendered on the following day. The Spanish general, whose force
greatly exceeded that of the invaders, was deceived as to their
numbers, which, from the artful mode in which they were dispersed
over the adjoining eminences, he believed to amount to at least
10,000 men.
The possession of Minorca was of considerable importance, as it was
made the rendezvous of a large force about to be employed on the
coast of the Mediterranean, in support of our allies, in the year
1800. The command of this army was given to Sir Ralph Abercromby,
who arrived on the 22d of June 1799, accompanied by Major-Generals
Hutchinson and Moore. A part of the army was embarked for the relief
of Genoa, then closely besieged by the French, and a detachment was
also sent to Colonel Thomas Graham of Balgowan, who blockaded the
garrison of La Vallette in the island of Malta.
Genoa having surrendered before the reinforcement arrived, the troops
returned to Minorca, and were afterwards embarked for Gibraltar,
where they arrived on the 14th of September, when accounts were
received of the surrender of Malta, after a blockade of nearly two
years. Early in October the armament sailed for Cadiz, to take
possession of the city, and the Spanish fleet in the harbour of
Carraccas, and was joined by the army under Sir James Pulteney from
Ferrol; but when the Highlanders and part of the reserve were about
landing in the boats, a gun from Cadiz announced the approach of a
flag of truce. The town was suffering dreadfully from the ravages
of the pestilence, and the object of the communication was to
implore the British commander to desist from the attack. Sir Ralph
Abercromby, with his characteristic humanity, could not withstand the
appeal, and accordingly suspended the attack. The fleet got under
weigh the following morning for the bay of Tetuan, on the coast of
Barbary, and after being tossed about in a violent gale, during which
it was obliged to take refuge under the lee of Cape Spartell, the
fleet returned to Gibraltar.
Government having determined to make an attempt to drive the French
out of Egypt, despatched orders to the commander-in-chief to proceed
to Malta, where, on their arrival, the troops were informed of
their destination. Tired of confinement on board the transports,
they were all greatly elevated on receiving this intelligence, and
looked forward to a contest on the plains of Egypt with the hitherto
victorious legions of France, with the feelings of men anxious to
support the honour of their country. The whole of the British land
forces amounted to 13,234 men and 630 artillery, but the efficient
force was only 12,334. The French force amounted to 32,000 men,
besides several thousand native auxiliaries.
The fleet sailed in two divisions for Marmorice, a bay on the coast
of Greece, on the 20th and 21st of December, in the year 1800. The
Turks were to have a reinforcement of men and horses at that place.
The first division arrived on the 28th of December, and the second on
the 1st of January following. Having received the Turkish supplies,
which were in every respect deficient, the fleet again got under
weigh on the 23d of February, and on the morning of Sunday the 1st of
March the low and sandy coast of Egypt was descried. The fleet came
to anchor in the evening of 1st March 1801 in Aboukir bay, on the
spot where the battle of the Nile had been fought nearly three years
before. After the fleet had anchored, a violent gale sprung up, which
continued without intermission till the evening of the 7th, when it
moderated.
As a disembarkation could not be attempted during the continuance of
the gale, the French had ample time to prepare themselves, and to
throw every obstacle which they could devise in the way of a landing.
No situation could be more embarrassing than that of Sir Ralph
Abercromby on the present occasion; but his strength of mind carried
him through every difficulty. He had to force a landing in an unknown
country, in the face of an enemy more than double his numbers, and
nearly three times as numerous as they were previously believed to
be--an enemy, moreover, in full possession of the country, occupying
all its fortified positions, having a numerous and well-appointed
cavalry, inured to the climate, and a powerful artillery,--an enemy
who knew every point where a landing could, with any prospect of
success, be attempted, and who had taken advantage of the unavoidable
delay, already mentioned, to erect batteries and bring guns and
ammunition to the point where they expected the attempt would be
made. In short, the general had to encounter embarrassments and
bear up under difficulties which would have paralysed the mind of a
man less firm and less confident of the devotion and bravery of his
troops. These disadvantages, however, served only to strengthen his
resolution. He knew that his army was determined to conquer, or to
perish with him; and, aware of the high hopes which the country had
placed in both, he resolved to proceed in the face of obstacles which
some would have deemed insurmountable.[316]
The first division destined to effect a landing consisted of the
flank companies of the 40th, and Welsh Fusileers on the right, the
28th, 42d, and 58th, in the centre, the brigade of Guards, Corsican
Rangers, and a part of the 1st brigade, consisting of the Royals and
54th, on the left,--amounting altogether to 5230 men. As there was
not a sufficiency of boats, all this force did not land at once; and
one company of Highlanders, and detachments of other regiments, did
not get on shore till the return of the boats. The troops fixed upon
to lead the way got into the boats at two o’clock on the morning of
the 8th of March, and formed in the rear of the _Mondovi_, Captain
John Stewart, which was anchored out of reach of shot from the
shore. By an admirable arrangement, each boat was placed in such a
manner, that, when the landing was effected, every brigade, every
regiment, and even every company, found itself in the proper station
assigned to it. As such an arrangement required time to complete it,
it was eight o’clock before the boats were ready to move forward.
Expectation was wound up to the highest pitch, when, at nine o’clock,
a signal was given, and the whole boats, with a simultaneous
movement, sprung forward, under the command of the Hon. Captain
Alexander Cochrane. Although the rowers strained every nerve, such
was the regularity of their pace, that no boat got a-head of the rest.
At first the enemy did not believe that the British would attempt a
landing in the face of their lines and defences; but when the boats
had come within range of their batteries, they began to perceive
their mistake, and then opened a heavy fire from their batteries
in front, and from the castle of Aboukir in flank. To the showers
of grape and shells, the enemy added a fire of musketry from 2500
men, on the near approach of the boats to the shore. In a short
time the boats on the right, containing the 23d, 28th, 42d, and
58th regiments, with the flank companies of the 40th, got under the
elevated position of the enemy’s batteries, so as to be sheltered
from their fire, and meeting with no opposition from the enemy, who
did not descend to the beach, these troops disembarked and formed
in line on the sea shore. Lest an irregular fire might have created
confusion in the ranks, no orders were given to load, but the men
were directed to rush up the face of the hill and charge the enemy.
When the word was given to advance, the soldiers sprung up the
ascent, but their progress was retarded by the loose dry sand
which so deeply covered the ascent, that the soldiers fell back
half a pace every step they advanced. When about half way to the
summit, they came in sight of the enemy, who poured down upon them
a destructive volley of musketry. Redoubling their exertions, they
gained the height before the enemy could reload their pieces; and,
though exhausted with fatigue, and almost breathless, they drove the
enemy from their position at the point of the bayonet. A squadron of
cavalry then advanced and attacked the Highlanders, but they were
instantly repulsed, with the loss of their commander. A scattered
fire was kept up for some time by a party of the enemy from behind
a second line of small sand-hills, but they fled in confusion on
the advance of the troops. The Guards and first brigade having
landed on ground nearly on a level with the water, were immediately
attacked,--the first by cavalry, and the 54th by a body of infantry,
who advanced with fixed bayonets. The assailants were repulsed.[317]
In this brilliant affair the British had 4 officers, 4 sergeants, and
94 rank and file killed, among whom were 31 Highlanders; 26 officers,
34 sergeants, 5 drummers, and 450 rank and file wounded; among
whom were, of the Highlanders, Lieutenant-Colonel James Stewart,
Captain Charles Macquarrie, Lieutenants Alexander Campbell, John
Dick, Frederick Campbell, Stewart Campbell, Charles Campbell, Ensign
Wilson, 7 sergeants, 4 drummers, and 140 rank and file.[318]
The venerable commander-in-chief, anxious to be at the head of his
troops, immediately left the admiral’s ship, and on reaching the
shore, leaped from the boat with the vigour of youth. Taking his
station on a little sand-hill, he received the congratulations of the
officers by whom he was surrounded, on the ability and firmness with
which he had conducted the enterprise. The general, on his part,
expressed his gratitude to them for “an intrepidity scarcely to be
paralleled,” and which had enabled them to overcome every difficulty.
The remainder of the army landed in the course of the evening, but
three days elapsed before the provisions and stores were disembarked.
Menou, the French commander, availed himself of this interval to
collect more troops and strengthen his position; so that on moving
forward on the evening of the 12th, the British found him strongly
posted among sand-hills, and palm and date trees, about three miles
east of Alexandria, with a force of upwards of 5000 infantry, 600
cavalry, and 30 pieces of artillery.
Early on the morning of the 13th, the troops moved forward to the
attack in three columns of regiments. At the head of the first column
was the 90th or Perthshire regiment; the 92d or Gordon Highlanders
formed the advance of the second; and the reserve marching in column
covered the movements of the first line, to which it ran parallel.
When the army had cleared the date trees, the enemy, leaving the
heights, moved down with great boldness on the 92d, which had just
formed in line. They opened a heavy fire of cannon and musketry,
which the 92d quickly returned; and although repeatedly attacked by
the French line, supported by a powerful artillery, they maintained
their ground singly till the whole line came up. Whilst the 92d
was sustaining these attacks from the infantry, the French cavalry
attempted to charge the 90th regiment down a declivity with great
impetuosity. The regiment stood waiting their approach with cool
intrepidity, and after allowing the cavalry to come within fifty
yards of them, they poured in upon them a well-directed volley, which
so completely broke the charge that only a few of the cavalry reached
the regiment, and the greater part of these were instantly bayoneted;
the rest fled to their left, and retreated in confusion. Sir Ralph
Abercromby, who was always in front, had his horse shot under him,
and was rescued by the 90th regiment when nearly surrounded by the
enemy’s cavalry.
After forming in line, the two divisions moved forward--the reserve
remaining in column to cover the right flank. The enemy retreated
to their lines in front of Alexandria, followed by the British army.
After reconnoitring their works, the British commander, conceiving
the difficulties of an attack insuperable, retired, and took up
a position about a league from Alexandria. The British suffered
severely on this occasion. The Royal Highlanders, who were only
exposed to distant shot, had only 3 rank and file killed, and
Lieutenant-Colonel Dickson, Captain Archibald Argyll Campbell,
Lieutenant Simon Fraser, 3 sergeants, 1 drummer, and 23 rank and file
wounded.
In the position now occupied by the British general, he had the sea
on his right flank, and the Lake Maadie on his left. On the right
the reserve was placed as an advanced post; the 58th possessed an
extensive ruin, supposed to have been the palace of the Ptolemies.
On the outside of the ruin, a few paces onward and close on the
left, was a redoubt, occupied by the 28th regiment. The 23d, the
flank companies of the 40th, the 42d, and the Corsican Rangers, were
posted 500 yards towards the rear, ready to support the two corps in
front. To the left of this redoubt a sandy plain extended about 300
yards, and then sloped into a valley. Here, a little retired towards
the rear, stood the cavalry of the reserve; and still farther to the
left, on a rising ground beyond the valley, the Guards were posted,
with a redoubt thrown up on their right, a battery on their left, and
a small ditch or embankment in front, which connected both. To the
left of the Guards, in echelon, were posted the Royals, 54th (two
battalions), and the 92d; then the 8th or Kings, 18th or Royal Irish,
90th, and 13th. To the left of the line, and facing the lake at
right angles, were drawn up the 27th or Enniskillen, 79th or Cameron
Highlanders, and 50th regiment. On the left of the second line were
posted the 30th, 89th, 44th, Dillon’s, De Roll’s, and Stuart’s
regiments; the dismounted cavalry of the 12th and 26th dragoons
completed the second line to the right. The whole was flanked on the
right by four cutters, stationed close to the shore. Such was the
disposition of the army from the 14th till the evening of the 20th,
during which time the whole was kept in constant employment, either
in performing military duties, strengthening the position--which had
few natural advantages--by the erection of batteries, or in bringing
forward cannon, stores, and provisions. Along the whole extent of the
line were arranged two 24 pounders, thirty-two field-pieces, and one
24 pounder in the redoubt occupied by the 28th.
The enemy occupied a parallel position on a ridge of hills extending
from the sea beyond the left of the British line, having the town
of Alexandria, Fort Caffarell, and Pharos, in the rear. General
Lanusse was on the left of Menou’s army with four demi-brigades of
infantry, and a considerable body of cavalry commanded by General
Roise. General Regnier was on the right with two demi-brigades
and two regiments of cavalry, and the centre was occupied by
five demi-brigades. The advanced guard, which consisted of one
demi-brigade, some light troops, and a detachment of cavalry, was
commanded by General D’Estain.
Meanwhile, the fort of Aboukir was blockaded by the Queen’s regiment,
and, after a slight resistance, surrendered to Lord Dalhousie on
the 18th. To replace the Gordon Highlanders, who had been much
reduced by previous sickness, and by the action of the 13th, the
Queen’s regiment was ordered up on the evening of the 20th. The same
evening the British general received accounts that General Menou had
arrived at Alexandria with a large reinforcement from Cairo, and was
preparing to attack him.
Anticipating this attack, the British army was under arms at an
early hour in the morning of the 21st of March, and at three o’clock
every man was at his post. For half an hour no movement took place
on either side, till the report of a musket, followed by that of
some cannon, was heard on the left of the line. Upon this signal the
enemy immediately advanced, and took possession of a small picquet,
occupied by part of Stuart’s regiment; but they were instantly driven
back. For a time silence again prevailed, but it was a stillness
which portended a deadly struggle. As soon as he heard the firing,
General Moore, who happened to be the general officer on duty during
the night, had galloped off to the left; but an idea having struck
him as he proceeded, that this was a false attack, he turned back,
and had hardly returned to his brigade when a loud huzza, succeeded
by a roar of musketry, showed that he was not mistaken. The morning
was unusually dark, cloudy, and close. The enemy advanced in silence
until they approached the picquets, when they gave a shout and pushed
forward. At this moment Major Sinclair, as directed by Major-General
Oakes, advanced with the left wing of the 42d, and took post on the
open ground lately occupied by the 28th regiment, which was now
ordered within the redoubt. Whilst the left wing of the Highlanders
was thus drawn up, with its right supported by the redoubt,
Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander Stewart was directed to remain with the
right wing 200 yards in the rear, but exactly parallel to the left
wing. The Welsh Fusileers and the flank companies of the 40th moved
forward, at the same time, to support the 58th, stationed in the
ruin. This regiment had drawn up in the chasms of the ruined walls,
which were in some parts from ten to twenty feet high, under cover of
some loose stones which the soldiers had raised for their defence,
and which, though sufficiently open for the fire of musketry, formed
a perfect protection against the entrance of cavalry or infantry.
The attack on the ruin, the redoubt, and the left wing of the
Highlanders, was made at the same moment, and with the greatest
impetuosity; but the fire of the regiments stationed there, and of
the left wing of the 42d, under Major Stirling, quickly checked the
ardour of the enemy. Lieutenant-Colonels Paget of the 28th, and
Houston of the 58th, after allowing the enemy to come quite close,
directed their regiments to open a fire, which was so well-directed
and effective, that the enemy were obliged to retire precipitately to
a hollow in their rear.[319]
During this contest in front, a column of the enemy, which bore the
name of the “Invincibles,” preceded by a six-pounder, came silently
along the hollow interval from which the cavalry picquet had retired,
and passed between the left of the 42d and the right of the Guards.
Though it was still so dark that an object could not be properly
distinguished at the distance of two yards, yet, with such precision
did this column calculate its distance and line of march, that on
coming in line with the left wing of the Highlanders, it wheeled to
its left, and marched in between the right and left wings of the
regiment, which were drawn up in parallel lines. As soon as the enemy
were discovered passing between the two lines, Lieutenant-Colonel
Alexander Stewart instantly charged them with the right wing to
his proper front, whilst the rear-rank of Major Stirling’s force,
facing to the right about, charged to the rear. Being thus placed
between two fires, the enemy rushed forward with an intention of
entering the ruin, which they supposed was unoccupied. As they
passed the rear of the redoubt the 28th faced about and fired upon
them. Continuing their course, they reached the ruin, through the
openings of which they rushed, followed by the Highlanders, when the
58th and 48th, facing about as the 28th had done, also fired upon
them. The survivors (about 200), unable to withstand this combined
attack, threw down their arms and surrendered. Generals Moore and
Oakes were both wounded in the ruin, but were still able to continue
in the exercise of their duty. The former, on the surrender of the
“Invincibles,” left the ruin, and hurried to the left of the redoubt,
where part of the left wing of the 42d was busily engaged with the
enemy after the rear rank had followed the latter into the ruins. At
this time the enemy were seen advancing in great force on the left of
the redoubt, apparently with an intention of making another attempt
to turn it. On perceiving their approach, General Moore immediately
ordered the Highlanders out of the ruins, and directed them to form
line in battalion on the flat on which Major Stirling had originally
formed, with their right supported by the redoubt. By thus extending
their line they were enabled to present a greater front to the enemy;
but, in consequence of the rapid advance of the latter, it was found
necessary to check their progress even before the battalion had
completely formed in line. Orders were therefore given to drive the
enemy back, which were instantly performed with complete success.
Encouraged by the commander-in-chief, who called out from his
station, “My brave Highlanders, remember your country, remember your
forefathers!” they pursued the enemy along the plain; but they had
not proceeded far, when General Moore, whose eye was keen, perceived
through the increasing clearness of the atmosphere, fresh columns
of the enemy drawn up on the plain beyond with three squadrons
of cavalry, as if ready to charge through the intervals of their
retreating infantry. As no time was to be lost, the general ordered
the regiment to retire from their advanced position, and re-form on
the left of the redoubt. This order, although repeated by Colonel
Stewart, was only partially heard in consequence of the noise of
the firing; and the result was, that whilst the companies who heard
it retired on the redoubt, the rest hesitated to follow. The enemy
observing the intervals between these companies, resolved to avail
themselves of the circumstance, and advanced in great force. Broken
as the line was by the separation of the companies, it seemed almost
impossible to resist with effect an impetuous charge of cavalry; yet
every man stood firm. Many of the enemy were killed in the advance.
The companies, who stood in compact bodies, drove back all who
charged them, with great loss. Part of the cavalry passed through
the intervals, and wheeling to their left, as the “Invincibles” had
done early in the morning, were received by the 28th, who, facing to
their rear, poured on them a destructive fire, which killed many of
them. It is extraordinary that in this onset only 13 Highlanders were
wounded by the sabre,--a circumstance to be ascribed to the firmness
with which they stood, first endeavouring to bring down the horse,
before the rider came within sword-length, and then despatching him
with the bayonet, before he had time to recover his legs from the
fall of the horse.[320]
Enraged at the disaster which had befallen the _elite_ of his
cavalry, General Menou ordered forward a column of infantry,
supported by cavalry, to make a second attempt on the position; but
this body was repulsed at all points by the Highlanders. Another
body of cavalry now dashed forward as the former had done, and
met with a similar reception, numbers falling, and others passing
through to the rear, where they were again overpowered by the 28th.
It was impossible for the Highlanders to withstand much longer such
repeated attacks, particularly as they were reduced to the necessity
of fighting every man on his own ground, and unless supported they
must soon have been destroyed. The fortunate arrival of the brigade
of Brigadier-General Stuart, which advanced from the second line,
and formed on the left of the Highlanders, probably saved them from
destruction. At this time the enemy were advancing in great force,
both in cavalry and infantry, apparently determined to overwhelm the
handful of men who had hitherto baffled all their efforts. Though
surprised to find a fresh and more numerous body of troops opposed
to them, they nevertheless ventured to charge, but were again driven
back with great precipitation.
It was now eight o’clock in the morning; but nothing decisive had
been effected on either side. About this time the British had spent
the whole of their ammunition; and not being able to procure an
immediate supply, owing to the distance of the ordnance-stores, their
fire ceased,--a circumstance which surprised the enemy, who, ignorant
of the cause, ascribed the cessation to design. Meanwhile, the French
kept up a heavy and constant cannonade from their great guns, and a
straggling fire from their sharp-shooters in the hollows, and behind
some sand-hills in front of the redoubt and ruins. The army suffered
greatly from the fire of the enemy, particularly the Highlanders,
and the right of General Stuart’s brigade, who were exposed to its
full effect, being posted on a level piece of ground over which the
cannon-shot rolled after striking the ground, and carried off a file
of men at every successive rebound. Yet notwithstanding this havoc no
man moved from his position except to close up the gap made by the
shot, when his right or left hand man was struck down.
At this stage of the battle the proceedings of the centre may
be shortly detailed. The enemy pushed forward a heavy column of
infantry, before the dawn of day, towards the position occupied by
the Guards. After allowing them to approach very close to his front,
General Ludlow ordered his fire to be opened, and his orders were
executed with such effect, that the enemy retired with precipitation.
Foiled in this attempt, they next endeavoured to turn the left of the
position; but they were received and driven back with such spirit by
the Royals and the right wing of the 54th, that they desisted from
all further attempts to carry it. They, however, kept up an irregular
fire from their cannon and sharp-shooters, which did some execution.
As General Regnier, who commanded the right of the French line, did
not advance, the left of the British was never engaged. He made up
for this forbearance by keeping up a heavy cannonade, which did
considerable injury.
Emboldened by the temporary cessation of the British fire on the
right, the French sharp-shooters came close to the redoubt; but
they were thwarted in their designs by the opportune arrival of
ammunition. A fire was immediately opened from the redoubt, which
made them retreat with expedition. The whole line followed, and by
ten o’clock the enemy had resumed their original position in front of
Alexandria. After this, the enemy despairing of success, gave up all
idea of renewing the attack, and the loss of the commander-in-chief,
among other considerations, made the British desist from any attempt
to force the enemy to engage again.
[Illustration: Sir Ralph Abercromby in Egypt. From Kay’s _Edinburgh
Portraits_.]
Sir Ralph Abercromby, who had taken his station in front early in
the day between the right of the Highlanders and the left of the
redoubt, having detached the whole of his staff, was left alone.
In this situation two of the enemy’s dragoons dashed forward, and
drawing up on each side, attempted to lead him away prisoner. In a
struggle which ensued, he received a blow on the breast; but with
the vigour and strength of arm for which he was distinguished, he
seized the sabre of one of his assailants, and forced it out of
his hand. A corporal (Barker) of the 42d coming up to his support
at this instant, for lack of other ammunition, charged his piece
with powder and his ramrod, shot one of the dragoons, and the other
retired. The general afterwards dismounted from his horse though
with difficulty; but no person knew that he was wounded, till some
of the staff who joined him observed the blood trickling down his
thigh. A musket-ball had entered his groin, and lodged deep in the
hip-joint. Notwithstanding the acute pain which a wound in such a
place must have occasioned, he had, during the interval between the
time he had been wounded and the last charge of cavalry, walked with
a firm and steady step along the line of the Highlanders and General
Stuart’s brigade, to the position of the Guards in the centre of the
line, where, from its elevated position, he had a full view of the
whole field of battle, and from which place he gave his orders as if
nothing had happened to him. In his anxiety about the result of the
battle, he seemed to forget that he had been hurt; but after victory
had declared in favour of the British army, he became alive to the
danger of his situation, and in a state of exhaustion, lay down on a
little sand-hill near the battery.
In this situation he was surrounded by the generals and a number of
officers. The soldiers were to be seen crowding round this melancholy
group at a respectful distance, pouring out blessings on his head,
and prayers for his recovery. His wound was now examined, and a large
incision was made to extract the ball; but it could not be found.
After this operation he was put upon a litter, and carried on board
the _Foudroyant_, Lord Keith’s ship, where he died on the morning
of the 28th of March. “As his life was honourable, so his death was
glorious. His memory will be recorded in the annals of his country,
will be sacred to every British soldier, and embalmed in the memory
of a grateful posterity.”[321]
The loss of the British, of whom scarcely 6000 were actually
engaged, was not so great as might have been expected. Besides the
commander-in-chief, there were killed 10 officers, 9 sergeants,
and 224 rank and file; and 60 officers, 48 sergeants, 3 drummers,
and 1082 rank and file, were wounded. Of the Royal Highlanders,
Brevet-Major Robert Bisset, Lieutenants Colin Campbell, Robert
Anderson, Alexander Stewart, Alexander Donaldson, and Archibald
M’Nicol, and 48 rank and file, were killed; and Major James Stirling,
Captain David Stewart, Lieutenant Hamilton Rose, J. Millford
Sutherland, A. M. Cuningham, Frederick Campbell, Maxwell Grant,
Ensign William Mackenzie, 6 sergeants, and 247 rank and file wounded.
As the 42d was more exposed than any of the other regiments engaged,
and sustained the brunt of the battle, their loss was nearly three
times the aggregate amount of the loss of all the other regiments of
the reserve. The total loss of the French was about 4000 men.
General Hutchinson, on whom the command of the British army now
devolved, remained in the position before Alexandria for some time,
during which a detachment under Colonel Spencer took possession
of Rosetta. Having strengthened his position between Alexandria
and Aboukir, General Hutchinson transferred his headquarters to
Rosetta, with a view to proceed against Rhamanieh, an important post,
commanding the passage of the Nile, and preserving the communication
between Alexandria and Cairo. The general left his camp on the 5th
of May to attack Rhamanieh; but although defended by 4000 infantry,
800 cavalry, and 32 pieces of cannon, the place was evacuated by the
enemy on his approach.
The commander-in-chief proceeded to Cairo, and took up a position
four miles from that city on the 16th of June. Belliard, the French
general, had made up his mind to capitulate whenever he could do so
with honour; and accordingly, on the 22d of June, when the British
had nearly completed their approaches, he offered to surrender, on
condition of his army being sent to France with their arms, baggage,
and effects.
Nothing now remained to render the conquest of Egypt complete but the
reduction of Alexandria. Returning from Cairo, General Hutchinson
proceeded to invest that city. Whilst General Coote, with nearly half
the army, approached to the westward of the town, the general himself
advanced from the eastward. General Menou, anxious for the honour
of the French arms, at first disputed the advances made towards his
lines; but finding himself surrounded on two sides by an army of
14,500 men, by the sea on the north, and cut off from the country on
the south by a lake which had been formed by breaking down the dike
between the Nile and Alexandria, he applied for, and obtained, on the
evening of the 26th of August, an armistice of three days. On the 2d
of September the capitulation was signed, the terms agreed upon being
much the same with those granted to General Belliard.
After the French were embarked, immediate arrangements were made for
settling in quarters the troops that were to remain in the country,
and to embark those destined for other stations. Among these last
were the three Highland regiments. The 42d landed at Southampton, and
marched to Winchester. With the exception of those who were affected
with ophthalmia, all the men were healthy. At Winchester, however,
the men caught a contagious fever, of which Captain Lamont and
several privates died.
[Illustration: Medal of 42d Royal Highland Regiment for services in
Egypt. From the collection of Surgeon-Major Fleming, late 4th Dragoon
Guards.]
[Illustration: Medal to Sir Ralph Abercromby for services in Egypt.
From the same collection.]
“At this period,” says General Stewart, “a circumstance occurred
which caused some conversation on the French standard taken at
Alexandria. The Highland Society of London, much gratified with the
accounts given of the conduct of their countrymen in Egypt, resolved
to bestow on them some mark of their esteem and approbation. The
Society being composed of men of the first rank and character in
Scotland, and including several of the royal family as members, it
was considered that such an act would be honourable to the corps and
agreeable to all. It was proposed to commence with the 42d as the
oldest of the Highland regiments, and with the others in succession,
as their service offered an opportunity of distinguishing themselves.
Fifteen hundred pounds were immediately subscribed for this purpose.
Medals were struck with a head of Sir Ralph Abercromby, and some
emblematical figures on the obverse. A superb piece of plate was
likewise ordered. While these were in preparation, the Society held
a meeting, when Sir John Sinclair, with the warmth of a clansman,
mentioned his namesake, Sergeant Sinclair, as having taken or having
got possession of the French standard, which had been brought home.
Sir John being at that time ignorant of the circumstances, made no
mention of the loss of the ensign which the sergeant had gotten in
charge. This called forth the claim of Lutz,[322] already referred
to, accompanied with some strong remarks by Cobbett, the editor
of the work in which the claim appeared. The Society then asked
an explanation from the officers of the 42d. To this very proper
request a reply was given by the officers who were then present with
the regiment. The majority of these happened to be young men, who
expressed, in warm terms, their surprise that the Society should
imagine them capable of countenancing any statement implying that
they had laid claim to a trophy to which they had no right. This
misapprehension of the Society’s meaning brought on a correspondence,
which ended in an interruption of farther communication for many
years.”[323]
In May 1802 the regiment marched to Ashford, where they were reviewed
by George III., who expressed himself satisfied with its appearance;
but although the men had a martial air, they had a diminutive look,
and were by no means equal to their predecessors, either in bodily
appearance or in complexion.
Shortly after this review the regiment was ordered to Edinburgh.
During their march to the north the men were everywhere received with
kindness; and, on approaching the northern metropolis, thousands of
its inhabitants met them at a distance from the city, and, welcoming
them with acclamations, accompanied them to the castle. They remained
in their new quarters, giving way too freely to the temptations to
which they were exposed, by the hospitality of the inhabitants,
till the spring of 1803, when, in consequence of the interruption
of peace, they were embarked at Leith for the camp then forming at
Weeley, in Essex. The regiment at this time did not exceed 400 men,
in consequence chiefly of the discharge of 475 men the preceding
year. While in Edinburgh (December 1, 1803) new colours, bearing
the distinctions granted for its services in Egypt, were formally
presented to the regiment.
As a means at once of providing for the internal defence of the
kingdom, and recruiting the regular army, an act was passed to
raise a body of men by ballot, to be called “The Army of Reserve.”
Their services were to be confined to Great Britain and Ireland,
with liberty to volunteer into the regular army, on a certain
bounty. In the first instance, the men thus raised in Scotland were
formed into second battalions to regiments of the line. The quota
raised in the counties of Perth, Elgin, Nairn, Cromarty, Ross,
Sutherland, Caithness, Argyle, and Bute, which was to form the
second battalion of the 42d, amounted to 1343 men. These embarked
in November at Fort George, to join the first battalion in Weeley
barracks, about which time upwards of 500 had volunteered into the
regular army. In April of this year Captain David Stewart, Garth,
was appointed major, and Lieutenants Robert Henry Dick and Charles
M’Lean, captains to the second battalion of the 78th regiment. In
September following, Colonel Dickson was appointed brigadier-general;
and Lieutenant-Colonels James Stewart and Alexander Stewart having
retired, they were succeeded by Lieutenant-Colonels Stirling and
Lord Blantyre. Captains M’Quarrie and James Grant became majors;
Lieutenants Stewart Campbell, Donald Williamson, John M’Diarmid,
John Dick, and James Walker, captains; and Captain Lord Saltoun was
promoted to the Foot Guards.
In consequence of the removal of a part of the garrison of Gibraltar,
the first battalion of the 42d, and the second battalion of the
78th, or Seaforth Highlanders, were marched to Plymouth, where they
embarked early in October for Gibraltar, which they reached in
November. Nothing worthy of notice occurred during their stay in
Gibraltar. Since their former visit, the moral habits of the 42d had
improved, and they did not fall into those excesses in drinking in
which they had previously indulged. The mortality consequently was
not so great as before--31 only out of 850 men having died during the
three years they remained at this station.
In 1806 Sir Hector Munro, the colonel of the regiment, died, and was
succeeded by Major-General the Marquis of Huntly, afterwards Duke of
Gordon.
After the battle of Vimiera, which was fought on the 21st of August
1808, the British army was joined by the 42d from Gibraltar, then
624 men strong,[324] and by the Gordon and Cameron Highlanders from
England. Major-General Sir Arthur Wellesley, who had gained the
battle, was superseded the same day by two senior generals, Sir
Harry Burrard and Sir John Moore, who were, strange to tell, again
superseded by General Sir Hew Dalrymple the following morning.
Generals Burrard and Dalrymple having been recalled in consequence
of the convention of Cintra, the command of the army devolved on Sir
John Moore, who, on the 6th of October, received an order to march
into Spain. Having made no previous preparations for marching, the
advance of the army from Lisbon was retarded; and as he could obtain
little assistance from the Portuguese Government, and no correct
information of the state of the country, or of the proper route he
ought to take, he was obliged to act almost entirely upon conjecture.
Conceiving it impossible to convey artillery by the road through the
mountains, he resolved to divide his army, and to march into Spain by
different routes.
One of these divisions, consisting of the brigade of artillery and
four regiments of infantry, of which the 42d was one, under the Hon.
Lieutenant-General Hope, marched upon Madrid and Espinar; another,
under General Paget, moved by Elvas and Alcantara; a third by
Coimbra and Almeida, under General Beresford; and a fourth, under
General Mackenzie Fraser, by Abrantes and Almeida. These divisions,
amounting together to 18,000 infantry and 900 cavalry, were to form
a junction at Salamanca. General Moore reached Salamanca on the 13th
of November, without seeing a single Spanish soldier. Whilst on the
march, Lieutenant-General Sir David Baird arrived off Corunna with a
body of troops from England, for the purpose of forming a junction
with General Moore; but his troops were kept on board from the 13th
to the 31st of October, and, when allowed to disembark, no exertions
were made by the Spaniards to forward his march.
Whilst waiting the junction of General Baird and the division of
General Hope, which, from its circuitous route, was the last of the
four in reaching Salamanca, General Moore received intelligence of
the defeat and total dispersion of General Blake’s army on the 10th
of November, at Espenora de los Monteros, as well as of a similar
fate which subsequently befell the army of General Castanos at
Tudela. No Spanish army now remained in the field except the corps
under the Marquis of Romana, but acting independently, it tended
rather to obstruct than forward the plans of the British commander.
It was now the 1st of December. General Baird had reached Astorga,
and General Hope’s division was still four day’s march from
Salamanca. Beset by accumulated difficulties, and threatened with
an army already amounting to 100,000 men, and about to be increased
by additional reinforcements, General Moore resolved on a retreat,
though such a measure was opposed to the opinion of many officers
of rank. Whilst he himself was to fall back upon Lisbon, he ordered
Sir David Baird to retire to Corunna, and embark for the Tagus. He
afterwards countermanded the order for retreat, on receiving some
favourable accounts from the interior, but having soon ascertained
that these were not to be relied on, he resumed his original
intention of retiring. Instead of proceeding, however, towards
Lisbon, he determined to retreat to the north of Spain, with the view
of joining General Baird. This junction he effected at Toro, on the
21st of December. Their united forces amounted to 26,311 infantry,
and 2450 cavalry, besides artillery.
The general resolved to attack Marshal Soult at Saldanha; but, after
making his dispositions, he gave up his determination, in consequence
of information that Soult had received considerable reinforcements;
that Buonaparte had marched from Madrid with 40,000 infantry and
cavalry; and that Marshals Junot, Mortier, and Leferbe, with their
different divisions, were also on their march towards the north of
Spain. The retreat was begun on the 24th of December, on which day
the advance guard of Buonaparte’s division passed through Tordesillas.
When ordered again to retreat, the greatest disappointment was
manifested by the troops, who, enraged at the apathy shown by
the people, gratified their feelings of revenge by acts of
insubordination and plunder hitherto unheard of in a British army.
To such an extent did they carry their ravages, that they obtained
the name of “malditos ladrones,” or cursed robbers, from the
unfortunate inhabitants. The following extract of general orders,
issued at Benevente, on the 27th of December, shows how acutely the
gallant Moore felt the disgrace which the conduct of his British
troops brought on the British name:--“The Commander of the Forces
has observed, with concern, the extreme bad conduct of the troops,
at a moment when they are about to come into contact with the enemy,
and when the greatest regularity and the best conduct are most
requisite. The misbehaviour of the troops in the column which marched
from Valdaras to this place, exceeds what he could have believed of
British soldiers. It is disgraceful to the officers, as it strongly
marks their negligence and inattention. The Commander of the Forces
refers to the general orders of the 15th of October and the 11th
of November. He desires that they may be again read at the head of
every company in the army. He can add nothing but his determination
to execute them to the fullest extent. He can feel no mercy towards
officers who neglect, in times like these, essential duties, or
towards soldiers who injure the country they are sent to protect.
It is impossible for the General to explain to his army his motive
for the movements he directs. When it is proper to fight a battle he
will do it, and he will choose the time and place he thinks most fit.
In the mean time, he begs the officers and soldiers of the army to
attend diligently to discharge their part, and leave to him and to
the general officers the decision of measures which belong to them
alone.”
It is quite unnecessary, in a work of this nature, to give the
details of this memorable retreat. Suffice it to say, that after a
series of brilliant and successful encounters with the enemy, and
after enduring the most extraordinary privations, the British army
arrived in the neighbourhood of Corunna on the 11th of January 1809.
Had the transports been at Corunna, the troops might have embarked
without molestation, as the French general did not push forward with
vigour from Lago; but, as they had to wait the arrival of transports
from Vigo, the enemy had full time to come up. The inhabitants showed
the greatest kindness to the troops, and, in conjunction with them,
exerted themselves with much assiduity to put the town in a proper
state of defence.
On the land side Corunna is surrounded by a double range of hills,
a higher and a lower. As the outward or higher range was too
extensive, the British were formed on the inner or lower range. The
French on their arrival took post on the higher range.
Several of the transports having arrived on the 14th, the sick,
the cavalry, and part of the artillery were embarked. Next day was
spent in skirmishing, with little loss on either side; but on the
16th, affairs assumed a more serious aspect. After mid-day, the
enemy were seen getting under arms. The British drew up immediately
in line of battle. General Hope’s division occupied the left. It
consisted of Major-General Hill’s brigade of the Queen’s, 14th,
32d; and Colonel Crawford’s brigade of the 36th, 71st, and 92d or
Gordon Highlanders. On the right of the line was the division of
General Baird, consisting of Lord William Bentinck’s brigade of the
4th, 42d or Royal Highlanders, and 50th regiment; and Major-General
Manningham’s brigade of the third battalion of the Royals, 26th or
Cameronians, and second battalion of the 81st; and Major-General
Ward with the first and second battalions of the Foot Guards. The
other battalions of Guards were in reserve, in rear of Lord William
Bentinck’s brigade. The Rifle corps formed a chain across a valley on
the right of Sir David Baird, communicating with Lieutenant-General
Fraser’s division, which was drawn up in the rear at a short distance
from Corunna. This division was composed of the 6th, 9th, 23d or
Welsh Fusileers, and second battalion of the 43d, under Major-General
Beresford; and the 36th, 79th or Cameron Highlanders, and 82d, under
Brigadier-General Fane. General Paget’s brigade of reserve formed
in rear of the left. It consisted of the 20th, 28th, 52d, 91st, and
Rifle corps. The whole force under arms amounted to nearly 16,000 men.
The battle was begun by the enemy, who, after a discharge of
artillery, advanced upon the British in four columns. Two of
these moved towards General Baird’s wing, a third advanced upon
the centre, and a fourth against the left. The enemy kept a fifth
column as a reserve in the rear. On the approach of the French the
British advanced to meet them. The 50th regiment, under Majors
Napier and Stanhope, two young officers who had been trained up
under the general’s own eye, passing over an enclosure in front,
charged and drove the enemy out of the village of Elvina, with great
loss. General Moore, who was at the post occupied by Lord William
Bentinck’s brigade, directing every movement, on observing the brave
conduct of the regiment, exclaimed, “Well done the 50th--well done
my majors!” Then proceeding to the 42d, he cried out, “Highlanders,
remember Egypt.” They thereupon rushed forward, accompanied by the
general, and drove back the enemy in all directions. He now ordered
up a battalion of the Guards to the left flank of the Highlanders.
The light company, conceiving, as their ammunition was spent, that
the Guards were to relieve them, began to fall back; but Sir John
discovering their mistake, said to them, “My brave 42d, join your
comrades,--ammunition is coming,--you have your bayonets.” This was
enough.
Sir David Baird about this time was forced to leave the field,
in consequence of his arm being shattered by a musket ball, and
immediately thereafter a cannon ball struck Sir John Moore in the
left shoulder and beat him to the ground. “He raised himself and
sat up with an unaltered countenance, looking intensely at the
Highlanders, who were warmly engaged. Captain Hardinge threw himself
from his horse and took him by the hand; then observing his anxiety,
he told him the 42d were advancing, upon which his countenance
immediately brightened up.”
After the general and Sir David Baird had been carried off the field,
the command of the army devolved upon Lieutenant-General Hope, who,
at the close of the battle, addressed a letter to Sir David, from
which the following is an extract:--“The first effort of the enemy
was met by the commander of the forces and by yourself, at the head
of the 42d regiment, and the brigade under Lord William Bentinck.
The village on your right became an object of obstinate contest.
I lament to say, that, after the severe wound which deprived the
army of your services, Lieutenant-General Sir John Moore, who had
just directed the most able disposition, fell by a cannon-shot. The
troops, though not unacquainted with the irreparable loss they had
sustained, were not dismayed, but, by the most determined bravery,
not only repelled every attempt of the enemy to gain ground, but
actually forced him to retire, although he had brought up fresh
troops in support of those originally engaged. The enemy finding
himself foiled in every attempt to force the right of the position,
endeavoured by numbers to turn it. A judicious and well-timed
movement which was made by Major-General Paget with the reserve,
which corps had moved out of its cantonments to support the right
of the army, by a vigorous attack defeated this intention. The
major-general having pushed forward the 95th (Rifle corps) and the
first battalion of the 52d regiment, drove the enemy before him, and
in his rapid and judicious advance threatened the left of the enemy’s
position. This circumstance, with the position of Lieutenant-General
Fraser’s division (calculated to give still farther security to the
right of the line), induced the enemy to relax his efforts in that
quarter. They were, however, more forcibly directed towards the
centre, when they were again successfully resisted by the brigade
under Major-General Manningham, forming the left of your division,
and a part of that under Major-General Leith, forming the right of
that under my orders. Upon the left the enemy at first contented
himself with an attack upon our picquets, which, however, in general
maintained their ground. Finding, however, his efforts unavailing
on the right and centre, he seemed determined to render the attack
upon the left more serious, and had succeeded in obtaining possession
of the village through which the great road to Madrid passes, and
which was situated in front of that part of the line. From this
post, however, he was soon expelled, with a considerable loss, by
a gallant attack of some companies of the second battalion of the
14th regiment, under Lieutenant-Colonel Nicholls. Before five in the
evening, we had not only successfully repelled every attack made
upon the position, but had gained ground, in almost all points, and
occupied a more forward line than at the commencement of the action;
whilst the enemy confined his operations to a cannonade, and the fire
of his light troops, with a view to draw off his other corps. At six
the firing ceased.”
The loss of the British was 800 men killed and wounded. The 42d had 1
sergeant and 36 rank and file killed; and 6 officers, viz., Captains
Duncan Campbell, John Fraser, and Maxwell Grant, and Lieutenants
Alexander Anderson, William Middleton, and Thomas MacInnes, 1
sergeant, and 104 rank and file wounded. The enemy lost upwards of
3000 men,--a remarkable disproportion, when it is considered that the
British troops fought under many disadvantages.
In general orders issued on the 18th of January, Lieutenant-General
Hope congratulated the army on the victory, and added,--“On no
occasion has the undaunted valour of British troops been more
manifest. At the termination of a severe and harassing march,
rendered necessary by the superiority which the enemy had acquired,
and which had materially impaired the efficiency of the troops, many
disadvantages were to be encountered.
“These have all been surmounted by the conduct of the troops
themselves; and the enemy has been taught, that whatever advantages
of position or numbers he may employ, there is inherent, in British
officers and soldiers, a bravery that knows not how to yield,--that
no circumstances can appal,--and that will ensure victory when it is
to be obtained by the exertion of any human means.
“The lieutenant-general has the greatest satisfaction in
distinguishing such meritorious services as came within his
observation, or have been brought to his knowledge.
“His acknowledgments are in a peculiar manner due to
Lieutenant-General Lord William Bentinck, and _the brigade under
his command, consisting of the Fourth_, FORTY-SECOND, _and Fiftieth
Regiments, which sustained the weight of the attack_.”
Though the victory was gained, General Hope did not consider it
advisable, under existing circumstances, to risk another battle, and
therefore issued orders for the immediate embarkation of the army. By
the great exertions of the naval officers and seamen, the whole, with
the exception of the rear guard, were on board before the morning;
and the rear guard, with the sick and wounded, were all embarked the
following day.
General Moore did not long survive the action. When he fell he was
removed, with the assistance of a soldier of the 42d, a few yards
behind the shelter of a wall. He was afterwards carried to the rear
in a blanket by six soldiers of the 42d and Guards. When borne
off the field his aide-de-camp, Captain Hardinge, observing the
resolution and composure of his features, expressed his hopes that
the wound was not mortal, and that he would still be spared to the
army. Turning his head round, and looking steadfastly at the wound
for a few seconds, the dying commander said, “No, Hardinge; I feel
that to be impossible.” A sergeant of the 42d and two spare files,
in case of accident, were ordered to conduct their brave general to
Corunna. Whilst being carried along slowly, he made the soldiers
turn frequently round, that he might view the field of battle and
listen to the firing. As the sound grew fainter, an indication that
the enemy were retiring, his countenance evinced the satisfaction he
felt. In a few hours he was numbered with the dead.
Thus died, in the prime of life, one of the most accomplished and
bravest soldiers that ever adorned the British army. From his youth
he embraced the profession with the sentiments and feelings of a
soldier. He felt that a perfect knowledge and an exact performance of
the humble but important duties of a subaltern officer are the best
foundation for subsequent military fame. In the school of regimental
duty, he obtained that correct knowledge of his profession, so
essential to the proper direction of the gallant spirit of the
soldier; and was enabled to establish a characteristic order and
regularity of conduct, because the troops found in their leader a
striking example of the discipline which he enforced on others.
In a military character, obtained amidst the dangers of climate,
the privations incident to service, and the sufferings of repeated
wounds, it is difficult to select any point as a preferable subject
for praise. The life of Sir John Moore was spent among his troops.
During the season of repose, his time was devoted to the care and
instruction of the officer and soldier; in war, he courted service in
every quarter of the globe. Regardless of personal considerations, he
esteemed that to which his country called him, the post of honour;
and, by his undaunted spirit and unconquerable perseverance, he
pointed the way to victory.[325]
General Moore had been often heard to express a wish that he might
die in battle like a soldier; and, like a soldier, he was interred in
his full uniform in a bastion in the garrison of Corunna.[326]
When the embarkation of the army was completed it sailed for England.
One division, in which the 42d was, landed at Portsmouth; another
disembarked at Plymouth.
The regiment was now brigaded at Shorncliffe with the rifle corps,
under the command of Major-General Sir Thomas Graham. As the second
battalion, which had been in Ireland since 1805, was about to embark
for Portugal, they could obtain no draughts from it to supply the
casualties which they had suffered in the late retreat and loss at
Corunna, but these were speedily made up otherwise.
The 42d was next employed in the disastrous expedition to Walcheren,
and returned to Dover in September 1809, having only 204 men fit for
duty out of 758, who, about six weeks before, had left the shores of
England. The regiment marched to Canterbury on the 11th of September,
where it remained till July 1810, when it was removed to Scotland,
and quartered in Musselburgh. The men had recovered very slowly
from the Walcheren fever, and many of them still suffered under its
influence. During their stay at Musselburgh, the men unfortunately
indulged themselves to excess in the use of ardent spirits, a
practice which would have destroyed their health, had not a change of
duty put an end to this baneful practice.
IV.
1811-1816.
Return of the 42d to England--Embarks a second time for
Portugal in 1812--Consolidation of the first and second
battalions--Spain--Battle of Salamanca--Madrid--Siege of
Burgos--Retreat into Portugal--Campaign of 1813--Battle
of Vittoria--Siege of St Sebastian--Pyrenees--Succession
of battles--Fall of St Sebastian--Allied army enters France
--Crosses the Nivelle--Passage of the Nive--Series of actions
--Bayonne--Battles of Orthés and Ayre--Bordeaux--Tarbes--Battle
of Toulouse--Peace of 1814--War of 1815--Quatre Bras--Waterloo
--Return of the 42d to Scotland--Edinburgh.
In August 1811 the regiment sailed for England, and after remaining
some time in Lewis barracks, embarked in April of the following
year for Portugal. The ardour for recruiting had now ceased, and
the consequence was that the regiment obtained few recruits while
in Scotland. Lieutenant-Colonel Lord Blantyre, the commander of the
second battalion, had experienced the growing indifference of the
Highlanders for the army, having been obliged, before his departure
for Portugal, to enlist 150 men from the Irish militia. The first
battalion joined the army, under Lord Wellington, after the capture
of Ciudad Rodrigo and Badajoz, and meeting with the second battalion,
they were both consolidated.
“The second battalion had continued with the allied army in Portugal,
and was engaged in the operations by which the English commander
endeavoured to retard the advance of the superior numbers of the
enemy, under Marshal Massena, who boasted he would drive the British
into the sea, and plant the eagles of France on the towers of Lisbon.
As the French army advanced in full confidence of success, suddenly
the rocks of Busaco were seen bristling with bayonets and streaming
with British colours. The Royal Highlanders were in position on the
mountains when that formidable post was attacked by the enemy on the
27th of September, and when the valour of the British troops repulsed
the furious onsets of the French veterans, who were driven back with
severe loss. The loss of the Forty-Second was limited to 2 sergeants,
1 drummer, and 3 rank and file wounded. Major Robert Henry Dick
received a medal for this battle.
“Being unable to force the position, the French commander turned it
by a flank movement; and the allied army fell back to the lines of
Torres Vedras, where a series of works of vast extent, connected with
ranges of rocks and mountains, covered the approach to Lisbon, and
formed a barrier to the progress of the enemy, which could not be
overcome. The Forty-Second were posted in the lines.
“The French commander, despairing to accomplish his threat against
the English, fell back to Santarem.
“For three months the opposing armies confronted each other a few
stages from Lisbon; the enemy’s numbers became seriously reduced by
sickness, and other causes, his resources were exhausted, and during
the night of the 5th of March 1811 he commenced his retreat towards
the frontiers. The British moved forward in pursuit, and in numerous
encounters with the enemy’s rearguard gained signal advantages.
“The French army crossed the confines of Portugal; the British took
up a position near the frontiers, and blockaded Almeida. The French
advanced to relieve the blockaded fortress; and on the 3d of May they
attacked the post of Fuentes d’Onor. The Royal Highlanders had 2
soldiers killed on this occasion; Captain M’Donald, 1 sergeant, and
5 rank and file wounded. On the 5th of May the enemy made another
attack on the British position, but was repulsed. On this occasion
the Forty-Second, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Lord Blantyre, were
charged by a body of French cavalry, which they defeated with signal
gallantry. Lieutenant-Colonel Lord Blantyre received a gold medal;
and the word ‘Fuentes d’Onor,’ displayed, by royal authority, on
the regimental colour, commemorates the steady valour of the second
battalion on this occasion. Its loss was 1 sergeant and 1 private
soldier killed; 1 sergeant and 22 rank and file wounded. Major R.
H. Dick received a medal for the battle of Fuentes d’Onor, where he
commanded a flank battalion.
“In the subsequent operations of this campaign, the second battalion
took an active part; but was not brought into close contact with the
enemy.”[327]
On the consolidation of the two battalions, the officers and staff
of the second were ordered to England, leaving the first upwards of
1160 rank and file fit for service. These were placed in the division
under Lieutenant-General Sir Thomas Graham. The allied army now
amounted to 58,000 men, being larger than any single division of the
enemy, whose whole force exceeded 160,000 men.
After a successful attack on Almarez by a division of the army under
General Hill, Lord Wellington moved forward and occupied Salamanca,
which the French evacuated on his approach, leaving 800 men behind to
garrison the fort, and retain possession of two redoubts formed from
the walls and ruins of some convents and colleges. After a gallant
defence of some days, the fort and redoubts surrendered on the 27th
of June 1812.
Whilst the siege was proceeding, Marshal Marmont manœuvred in the
neighbourhood, but not being yet prepared for a general action, he
retired across the Douro, and took up a position on the 22d from
La Seca to Pollos. By the accession of a reinforcement from the
Asturias, and another from the army of the centre, the marshal’s
force was increased to nearly 60,000 men. Judging himself now able
to cope with the allied army, he resolved either to bring Lord
Wellington to action, or force him to retire towards Portugal, by
threatening his communication with that country. By combining with
Marshal Soult from the south, he expected to be able to intercept
his retreat and cut him off. Marmont did not, however, venture to
recross the Douro, but commenced a series of masterly manœuvres, with
the view of ensnaring his adversary. Alluding to this display of
tactics, the _Moniteur_ remarked that “there were seen those grand
French military combinations which command victory, and decide the
fate of empires; that noble audacity which no reverse can shake, and
which commands events.” These movements were met with corresponding
skill on the part of the British general, who baffled all the designs
of his skilful opponent. Several accidental encounters took place
in the various changes of positions, in which both sides suffered
considerably.
Tired of these evolutions, Lord Wellington crossed the Guarena on
the night of the 19th of July, and on the morning of the 20th drew
up his army in order of battle on the plains of Valise; but Marmont
declined the challenge, and crossing the river, encamped with his
left at Babila Fuentes, and his right at Villameda. This manœuvre
was met by a corresponding movement on the part of the allies, who
marched to their right in columns along the plain, in a direction
parallel to the enemy, who were on the heights of Cabeca Vilhosa.
In this and the other movements of the British, the sagacity of the
commander-in-chief appeared so strange to a plain Highlander, who
had paid particular attention to them, that he swore Lord Wellington
must be gifted with the second sight, as he saw and was prepared to
meet Marmont’s intended changes of position before he commenced his
movements.
The allied army were now on the same ground they had occupied near
Salamanca when reducing the forts the preceding month; but in
consequence of the enemy crossing the Tormes at Alba de Tormes,
and appearing to threaten Ciudad Rodrigo, Lord Wellington made a
corresponding movement, and on the 21st of July halted his army on
the heights on the left bank. During the night the enemy possessed
themselves of the village of Calvarasa de Ariba, and the heights
of Nuestra Senora de la Pena. In the course of this night Lord
Wellington received intelligence that General Clausel had reached
Pollos with a large body of cavalry, and would certainly join Marmont
on the 23d or 24th.
The morning of the 22d, a day memorable in the annals of the
Peninsular war, was ushered in with a violent tempest, and a
dreadful storm of thunder and lightning. The operations of the day
commenced soon after seven o’clock, when the outposts of both armies
attempted to get possession of two hills, Los Arapiles, on the right
of the allies. The enemy, by his numerical superiority, succeeded
in possessing himself of the most distant of these hills, and thus
greatly strengthened his position. With his accustomed skill, Marmont
manœuvred until two o’clock, when imagining that he had succeeded
in drawing the allies into a snare, he opened a general fire from
his artillery along his whole line, and threw out numerous bodies
of sharpshooters, both in front and flank, as a feint to cover an
attempt he meditated to turn the position of the British. This _ruse_
was thrown away on Lord Wellington, who, acting on the defensive
only, to become, in his turn the assailant with the more effect, and
perceiving at once the grand error of his antagonist in extending his
line to the left, without strengthening his centre, which had now no
second line to support it, made immediate preparations for a general
attack; and with his characteristic determination of purpose, took
advantage of that unfortunate moment, which, as the French commander
observed, “destroyed the result of six weeks of wise combinations
of methodical movements, the issue of which had hitherto appeared
certain, and which everything appeared to presage to us that we
should enjoy the fruit of.”[328]
The arrangements were these. Major-General Pakenham, with the third
division, was ordered to turn the left of the enemy, whilst he was
to be attacked in front by the divisions of Generals Leith, Cole,
Bradford, and Cotton,--those of Generals Clinton, Hope, and Don
Carlos de Espana, acting as a reserve. The divisions under Generals
Alexander Campbell and Alten were to form the left of the line.
Whilst this formation was in progress, the enemy did not alter his
previous position, but made an unsuccessful attempt to get possession
of the village of Arapiles, held by a detachment of the guards.
About four o’clock in the afternoon, the attack commenced. General
Pakenham, supported by the Portuguese cavalry, and some squadrons
of the 14th Dragoons under Colonel Harvey, carried all their
respective points of attack. The divisions in the centre were equally
successful, driving the enemy from one height to another. They,
however, received a momentary check from a body of troops from the
heights of Arapiles. A most obstinate struggle took place at this
post. Having descended from the heights which they occupied, the
British dashed across the intervening valley and ascended a hill,
on which they found the enemy most advantageously posted, formed in
solid squares, the front ranks kneeling, and supported by twenty
pieces of cannon. On the approach of the British, the enemy opened a
fire from their cannon and musketry, but this, instead of retarding,
seemed to accelerate the progress of the assailants. Gaining the brow
of the hill, they instantly charged, and drove the enemy before them;
a body of them attempting to rally, were thrown into utter confusion
by a second charge with the bayonet. A general rout now took place,
and night alone saved the French army from utter annihilation.
There fell into the hands of the victors 7000 prisoners and 11 pieces
of cannon, but the loss of the enemy in killed and wounded was not
ascertained. General Marmont himself was wounded, and many of his
officers were killed or disabled. The loss of the allies was 624
killed, and about 4000 wounded.
Among other important results to which this victory led, not the
least was the appointment of Lord Wellington as generalissimo of the
Spanish armies, by which he was enabled to direct and control the
operations of the whole Spanish forces, which had hitherto acted as
independent corps.
The allied army pushed forward to Madrid, and, after various
movements and skirmishes, entered that city on the 12th of August
amid the acclamations of the inhabitants. Learning that General
Clausel, who had succeeded Marshal Marmont in the command, had
organised an army, and threatened some of the British positions on
the Douro, Lord Wellington left Madrid on the 1st of September, and
marching northward, entered Valladolid on the 7th, the enemy retiring
as he advanced. Being joined by Castanos, the Spanish general, with
an army of 12,000 foot, he took up a position close to Burgos, in
which the enemy had left a garrison of 2500 men. The castle was in
ruins, but the strong thick wall of the ancient keep was equal to the
best casemates, and it was strengthened by a horn-work which had been
erected on Mount St Michael. A church had also been converted into a
fort, and the whole enclosed within three lines, so connected that
each could defend the other. Preliminary to an attack on the castle,
the possession of the horn-work was necessary. Accordingly, on the
evening of the 19th of September, the light infantry of General
Stirling’s brigade having driven in the outposts, took possession of
the outworks close to the mount. When dark it was attacked by the
same troops, supported by the 42d, and carried by assault.
On the 29th an unsuccessful attempt was made to spring a mine
under the enemy’s works, but on the 4th of October another mine
was exploded with better effect. The second battalion of the 24th
regiment established themselves within the exterior line of the
castle, but were soon obliged to retire. The enemy made two vigorous
sorties on the 8th, drove back the covering parties, and damaged
the works of the besiegers, who sustained considerable loss. A
third mine was exploded on the 13th, when the troops attempted an
assault, but without success. The last attack, a most desperate one,
was made on the 19th, but with as little success; two days after
which, Lord Wellington, on the 21st, to the great disappointment of
the besiegers, ordered the siege, which had lasted thirty days, to
be raised, in consequence of the expected advance of a French army
of 80,000 men. The loss sustained by the 42d in this siege was 3
officers, 2 sergeants, and 44 rank and file killed and 6 officers, 11
sergeants, 1 drummer, and 230 rank and file wounded. The officers
killed; were Lieutenants R. Ferguson and P. Milne, and Ensign David
Cullen; those wounded were Captains Donald Williamson (who died of
his wounds), Archibald Menzies, and George Davidson, Lieutenants Hugh
Angus Fraser, James Stewart, and Robert Mackinnon.[329]
Whilst Lord Wellington was besieging Burgos, the enemy had been
concentrating their forces, and on the 20th of October his lordship
received intelligence of the advance of the French army. Joseph
Buonaparte, newly raised by his brother to the throne of Spain, was,
with one division, to cut off Lord Wellington’s communication with
General Hill’s division between Aranjuez and Toledo, and another,
commanded by General Souham, was to raise the siege of Burgos. After
the abandonment of the siege, on the 21st of October, the allied army
retired after night-fall, unperceived by General Souham, who followed
with a superior force, but did not overtake them till the evening of
the twenty-third.
During the retrograde movement, the troops suffered greatly from the
inclemency of the weather, from bad roads, but still more from the
want of a regular supply of provisions; and the same irregularities
and disorganisation prevailed among them as in the retreat to Corunna.
The allied army retired upon Salamanca, and afterwards to Frenada
and Corea, on the frontier of Portugal, where they took up their
winter quarters. The enemy apparently unable to advance, unwilling to
retire, and renouncing the hope of victory, followed the example thus
set. Subsequent events proved that this opinion, expressed at the
time was correct, “for every movement of the enemy after the campaign
of 1812 was retrograde, every battle a defeat.”
Having obtained a reinforcement of troops and abundant military
supplies from England, Lord Wellington opened the campaign of 1813 by
moving on Salamanca, of which, for the third time, the British troops
took possession on the 24th of May. The division of Sir R. Hill was
stationed between Tormes and the Douro, and the left wing, under Sir
Thomas Graham, took post at Miranda de Douro. The enemy, who gave
way as the allies advanced, evacuated Valladolid on the 4th of June,
and General Hill having, on the 12th attacked and defeated a division
of the French army under General Reille, the enemy hastened their
retreat, and blew up the works of the castle of Burgos, on which they
had expended much labour the preceding year.
The enemy fell back on Vittoria, followed by Lord Wellington,
who drew up his army on the river Bayas, separated by some high
grounds from Vittoria. His men were in the highest spirits, and the
cheerfulness and alacrity with which they performed this long march,
more than 250 miles, formed a favourable contrast with their conduct
when retreating the previous year. The French army, under the command
of Joseph Buonaparte and Marshal Jourdan, made a stand near Vittoria,
for the purpose of defending the passage of the river Zadorra, having
that town on their right, the centre on a height, commanding the
valley of that stream, and the left resting on the heights between
Arunez and Puebla de Arlanzon. The hostile armies were about 70,000
men each.
On the morning of the 21st of June, the allied army moved forward
in three columns to take possession of the heights in the front of
Vittoria. The right wing was commanded by General Hill, the centre by
General Cole, and the left wing by General Graham. The operations of
the day commenced by General Hill attacking and carrying the heights
of Puebla, on which the enemy’s left rested. They made a violent
attempt to regain possession, but they were driven back at all
points, and pursued across the Zadorra. Sir Rowland Hill passing over
the bridge of La Puebla, attacked and carried the village of Sabijana
de Alava, of which he kept possession, notwithstanding repeated
attempts of the enemy to regain it. The fourth and light divisions
now crossed the Zadorra at different points, while almost at the same
instant of time, the column under Lord Dalhousie reached Mendoza; and
the third, under Sir T. Picton, followed by the seventh division,
crossed a bridge higher up. These four divisions, forming the centre
of the army, were destined to attack the right of the enemy’s centre
on the heights, whilst General Hill pushed forward from Alava to
attack the left. The enemy dreading the consequences of an attack
on his centre, which he had weakened to strengthen his posts on the
heights, abandoned his position, and commenced a rapid retreat to
Vittoria.
Whilst these combined movements of the right and centre were in
progress, the left wing, under Sir Thomas Graham, drove the enemy’s
right from the hills above Abechuco and Gamarra. To preserve their
communication with Bayonne, which was nearly cut off by this
movement, the enemy had occupied the villages of Gamarra, Mayor, and
Menor, near which the great road touches the banks of the Zadorra.
They were, however, driven from these positions by a Spanish division
under Colonel Longa, and another of Portuguese under General Pack,
supported by General Anson’s cavalry brigade and the fifth division
of infantry under General Oswald. General Graham, at the same time,
attacked and obtained possession of the village of Abechuco.
Thus cut off from retreat by the great road to France, the enemy,
as soon as the centre of the allies had penetrated to Vittoria,
retreated with great precipitation towards Pampluna, the only other
road left open, and on which they had no fortified positions to cover
their retrograde movement. The enemy left behind them all their
stores and baggage, and out of 152 pieces of cannon, they carried
off only one howitzer. General Hill, with his division, continued to
pursue the panic-stricken French from one position to another till
the 7th of July, when he took post on the summit of the pass of Maya,
beyond the Pyrenees, “those lofty heights which,” as Marshal Soult
lamented, in a proclamation he issued, “enabled him proudly to survey
our fertile valleys.”
With the exception of Pampluna and St Sebastian, the whole of this
part of the north of Spain was now cleared of the enemy. To reduce
these places was the next object. It was resolved to blockade the
former and lay siege to the latter, which last-mentioned service was
intrusted to General Graham. This was a most arduous task, as St
Sebastian was, in point of strength, next to Gibraltar.
After an unsuccessful assault, however, the attention of the
commander-in-chief being directed to the movements of Marshal Soult,
who was advancing with a large army, the siege of St Sebastian was
suspended for a time.
At this time the allied army occupied a range of mountain passes
between the valley of Roncesvalles, celebrated as the field of
Charlemagne’s defeat, and St Sebastian, but as the distance between
these stations was sixty miles, it was found impossible so to guard
all these passes as to prevent the entrance of an army. The passes
occupied by the allies were defended by the following troops:--Major
General Byng’s brigade and a division of Spanish infantry held the
valley of Roncesvalles, to support which General Cole’s division was
posted at Piscarret, with General Picton’s in reserve at Olaque; the
valley of Bastan and the pass of Maya was occupied by Sir Rowland
Hill, with Lieutenant-general William Stewart’s and Silviera’s
Portuguese divisions, and the Spanish corps under the Conde de
Amaran; the Portuguese brigade of Brigadier-general Archibald
Campbell was detached to Los Alduidos; the heights of St Barbara,
the town of Pera, and the Puerto de Echelar, were protected by Lord
Dalhousie and Baron Alten’s light division, Brigadier-general Pack’s
being in reserve at Estevan. The communication between Lord Dalhousie
and General Graham was kept up by General Longa’s Spanish division;
and the Conde de Abisbal blockaded Pampluna.
Such were the positions of the allied army when Marshal Soult, who
had been lately appointed to the command of a numerous French army,
recently collected, having formed a plan of operations for a general
attack on the allied army, advanced on the 25th of July at the head
of a division of 36,000 men against Roncesvalles, whilst General
Count d’Erlon, with another division of 13,000 men, moved towards
the pass of Maya. Pressed by this overwhelming force, General Byng
was obliged, though supported by part of Sir Lowry Cole’s division,
to descend from the heights that commanded the pass, in order to
preserve his communication, in which situation he was attacked by
Soult and driven back to the top of the mountain, whilst the troops
on the ridge of Arola, part of Cole’s division, were forced to retire
with considerable loss, and to take up a position in the rear.
General Cole was again obliged to retire, and fell back on Lizoain.
Next day General Picton moved forward to support General Cole, but
both were obliged to retire in consequence of Soult’s advance.
Meanwhile Count d’Erlon forced the battalions occupying the narrow
ridges near the pass of Maya to give way; but these being quickly
supported by Brigadier-general Barnes’s brigade, a series of spirited
actions ensued, and the advance of the enemy was arrested. General
Hill hearing of the retrograde movement from Roncesvalles, retired
behind the Irurita, and took up a strong position. On the 27th Sir
Thomas Picton resumed his retreat. The troops were greatly dejected
at this temporary reverse; but the arrival of Lord Wellington, who
had been with the army before St Sebastian, revived their drooping
spirits. Immediately on his arrival he directed the troops in reserve
to move forward to support the division opposed to the enemy; formed
General Picton’s division on a ridge on the left bank of the Argua,
and General Cole’s on the high grounds between that river and the
Lanz. To support the positions in front, General Hill was posted
behind the Lizasso; but, on the arrival of General Pakenham on the
28th, he took post on the left of General Cole, facing the village
of Sourarom; but before the British divisions had fully occupied the
ground, they were vigorously attacked by the enemy from the village.
The enemy were, however, driven back with great loss.
Soult next brought forward a strong column, and advancing up the
hill against the centre of the allies, on the left of General Cole’s
line, obtained possession of that post, but he was almost immediately
driven back at the point of the bayonet by the Fusiliers. The French
renewed the attack, but were again quickly repulsed. About the same
time another attack was made on the right of the centre, where a
Spanish brigade, supported by the 40th, was posted. The Spaniards
gave way, the 40th not only keeping their ground, but driving the
enemy down the hill with great loss.
The enemy pushing forward in separate bodies with great vigour, the
battle now became general along the whole front of the heights
occupied by the fourth division, but they were repulsed at all
points, except one occupied by a Portuguese battalion, which was
overpowered and obliged to give way. The occupation of this post
by the enemy exposed the flank of Major-General Ross’s brigade,
immediately on the right, to a destructive fire, which forced him
to retire. The enemy were, however, soon dispossessed of this post
by Colonel John Maclean, who, advancing with the 27th and 48th
regiments, charged and drove them from it, and immediately afterwards
attacked and charged another body of the enemy who were advancing
from the left. The enemy persevered in his attacks several times, but
was as often repulsed, principally by the bayonet. Several regiments
charged four different times.
After various successful attacks, the enemy, on the 30th, to use the
words of Lord Wellington, “abandoned a position which is one of the
strongest and most difficult of access that I have yet seen occupied
by troops.” The enemy were now pursued beyond Olaque, in the vicinity
of which General Hill, who had been engaged the whole day, had
repulsed all the attacks of Count d’Erlon.
The enemy endeavoured to rally in their retreat, but were driven
from one position to another till the 2d of August, when the allies
had regained all the posts they had occupied on the 25th of July,
when Soult made his first attack. As the 92d or Gordon Highlanders
was the Highland regiment which had the good fortune to be engaged
in these brilliant attacks, in which they particularly distinguished
themselves, the account of these operations might have been deferred
till we come to give an account of the services of that excellent
regiment; but as the omission of these details in this place would
have broken the continuity of the narrative, it was deemed proper to
insert them here.
After this second expulsion of the French beyond the Pyrenees, the
siege of St Sebastian was resumed with redoubled energy. A continued
fire was kept up from eighty pieces of cannon, which the enemy
withstood with surprising courage and perseverance. At length a
practicable breach was made, and on the morning of the 31st of August
the troops advanced to the assault. The breach was extensive, but
there was only one point at which it was possible to enter, and this
could only be done by single files. All the inside of the wall to
the height of the curtain formed a perpendicular scarp of twenty
feet. The troops made the most persevering exertions to force the
breach, and everything that bravery could attempt was repeatedly
tried by the men, who were brought forward in succession from the
trenches; but each time, on attaining the summit, all who attempted
to remain were destroyed by a heavy fire from the entrenched ruins
within, so that “no man outlived the attempt to gain the ridge.”[330]
The moment was critical; but General Graham, with great presence of
mind, directed his artillery to play against the curtain, so as to
pass a few feet over the heads of the troops in the breach. The fire
was directed with admirable precision, and the troops advanced with
perfect confidence. They struggled unremittingly for two hours to
force the breach, and, taking advantage of some confusion occasioned
by an explosion of ammunition within the ramparts, they redoubled
their efforts, and by assisting each other got over the walls and
ruins. After struggling about an hour among their works, the French
retreated with great loss to the castle, leaving the town, which was
now reduced to a heap of ruins, in the possession of the assailants.
This success was dearly purchased,--the loss of the allies, in killed
and wounded, being upwards of 2000 men. Soult made an attempt to
raise the siege, by crossing the Bidassoa on the very day the assault
was made with a force of nearly 40,000 men; but he was obliged, after
repeated attacks, to repass the river.
Having determined to carry the war into France, Lord Wellington
crossed the Bidassoa at low water, near its mouth, on the 7th of
October. After a series of successful operations, the allied army
was established in the French territories; but as Pampluna still
held out, the commander-in-chief delayed his advance for a time.
Pampluna surrendered on the 31st of October, after a blockade of four
months. Lord Wellington having now the whole allied force, amounting
to upwards of 85,000 men, at his disposal, resolved to commence
operations.
Since the battle of the Pyrenees, the French had occupied a position
with their right towards the sea, at a short distance from St Jean
de Luz, their centre on a village in Sare, and on the heights behind
it, with their left resting on a stony height in the rear of Ainhoe.
This position, strong by nature, had been rendered still stronger
by art. The attack on the French lines was to be made in columns
of divisions. In consequence of heavy falls of snow and rain, Lord
Wellington was obliged to defer his attack till the 10th of November,
on the morning of which day the allies moved forward against the
enemy.
The attack was begun by General Cole’s division, which attacked and
carried the principal redoubt in front of Sare with such rapidity,
that several of the enemy were taken in it before it could be
evacuated. Another redoubt on the left was carried in the same rapid
manner by Lord Dalhousie’s division, commanded in his absence by
Colonel Le Cor. General Cole’s division thereupon took possession
of the village. General Alten having carried La Petite Rhune, the
whole centre divisions united, and made a joint attack on the enemy’s
principal position behind the village. Sir Thomas Picton’s division
(now commanded in his absence by General Colville), and that of Le
Cor, carried the redoubt on the left of the enemy’s centre. The light
division advancing from La Petite Rhune, attacked the works in their
front, supported by the 52d regiment, which, crossing with great
rapidity a narrow neck of land, was here exposed to the fire of two
flanking batteries, rushed up the hill with such impetuosity, that
the enemy grew alarmed, and fled with precipitation.
Meanwhile the right, under General Hill, attacked the heights of
Ainhoe. The attack was led by General Clinton’s division, which,
marching on the left of five redoubts, forded the Nivelle, the banks
of which were steep and difficult, and attacked the troops in front
of the works. These were immediately driven back with loss, and
General Hamilton joining in the attack on the other redoubt, the
enemy hastily retired. The brigade of General Stewart’s division,
under General Pringle, drove in the enemy’s picquets in front of
Ainhoe, whilst General Byng’s brigade attacked and drove the enemy
from the entrenchments, and from a redoubt farther to the left.
The enemy at length seeing further resistance hopeless, abandoned
all their positions and works in front of St Jean de Luz and retired
upon Bidart, after destroying all the bridges on the Lower Nivelle.
In these successful and complicated movements, the allies had 21
officers and 244 soldiers killed, and 120 officers and 1657 soldiers
wounded. Of the 42d regiment, Captain Mungo Macpherson and Lieutenant
Kenneth Macdougall were wounded, one private only killed, and 2
sergeants and 23 rank and file wounded. The French lost 31 pieces
of cannon, 1300 prisoners, and had a proportional number killed and
wounded.
In consequence of the heavy rains and the destruction of the bridges,
the allies were prevented from pursuing the enemy, who retired to
an entrenched camp near Bayonne. The allied troops were cantoned
between the Nivelle and the sea, and made preparations for dislodging
the French from their new position; but the incessant rains, which
continued till December, put an entire stop to all active movements.
Having thrown bridges over the Nive in the beginning of December,
Lord Wellington commenced operations on the 9th for the passage of
that river. As the position of the enemy was considered too strong
to be attacked in front, the commander-in-chief determined to make
a movement to the right, and by thus threatening Soult’s rear, he
hoped to induce him to abandon his position. Accordingly the allied
army crossed the Nive at different points on the 9th. General Hope
met with little opposition, and General Hill, who crossed by the
ford of Cambo, was scarcely opposed. In danger of being intercepted
by General Clinton’s division, which had crossed at Ustariz, the
enemy retired in great haste, and assembled in considerable numbers
at Villefranche, but they were driven from this post by the light
infantry and two Portuguese regiments, under Colonels Douglas and
Browne. General Hill next day took up a position with his division,
with his left on Villefranche and his right on the Adour, in
consequence of which he cut off the communication between Bayonne
and St Jean Pied de Port. In this situation the French troops
stationed at the latter place were forced to retire on St Palais.
Leaving a force to keep General Hill in check, Marshal Soult left his
entrenched camp on the morning of the 10th, and making an impetuous
attack on the light division of General Hope’s wing, drove back his
outposts. Then establishing himself on a ridge between the corps of
Baron Alten and Major-General Andrew Hay’s fifth division, he turned
upon the latter, and attacked it with a determined bravery which it
was almost impossible to withstand; but after an arduous struggle the
enemy were repulsed by Brigadier-general Robinson’s brigade of the
fifth division, and Brigadier-general Archibald Campbell’s Portuguese
brigade. The enemy, no way discouraged by these repulses, renewed the
attack about three o’clock, but with the same want of success.
During the night, Soult made dispositions for attacking the light
division at Arcangues; but Sir John Hope perceiving his intention,
moved towards the threatened point. Anticipated in this movement, the
experienced Marshal again changed his dispositions to the left, but
General Hope, equally on the alert, met him also in that direction.
With the exception of some partial skirmishing between the outposts,
no occurrence of any importance took place on the following day; but
on the 12th the enemy renewed the attack on the left without success.
Thus foiled in all his attempts, Soult resolved to change entirely
his plan of operations, and accordingly, during the night of the
12th, he drew his army through Bayonne, and on the morning of the
13th attempted to force his way between the centre and right of the
British position, at the head of 30,000 men. Advancing with great
vigour and celerity, he might have succeeded, had not General Hill,
with his usual promptitude and decision, ordered his troops on the
flanks to support the centre. The enemy, after a violent struggle,
were repulsed with great loss, and retired with such precipitation
that they were out of reach before the arrival of the sixth division,
which had been ordered up to support General Hill.
Whilst this contest was going on, General Byng’s brigade, supported
by the Portuguese brigade under General Buchan, carried an important
height, from which the enemy made several attempts to dislodge them,
but being unsuccessful at all points, they at length retired to
their entrenchments, whither they were followed by General Hill, who
took up a parallel position. At the passage of the Nive the 42d had
Captain George Stewart and Lieutenant James Stewart killed, and 11
rank and file wounded.
The inclemency of the weather, and a succession of heavy rains which
had swelled the rivers and destroyed the roads, rendering farther
movements impracticable for a time, Marshal Soult availed himself of
the interruption thus given to the progress of the allied army to
strengthen his position. The weather becoming favourable about the
middle of February 1814, Lord Wellington began a series of movements
with the view of inducing Soult to withdraw from his strong position,
or, should he decline, to cut off his communication with France, by
marching the allied army into the heart of that country. By these
movements the British general obtained the command of the Adour,
which obliged Soult, who obtained his supplies down that river from
the interior, to withdraw from Bayonne in the direction of Daxe. He
left, however, a strong garrison in the place.
Leaving General Hope to blockade Bayonne, Lord Wellington made a
general movement with the right and centre of the army on the 24th of
February. Next day they marched forward to dislodge the enemy from a
position they had taken up on the Gave de Pau at Orthés. Between the
extreme points of this position ran a chain of heights receding in a
line, bending inwards, the centre of which was so retired as to be
protected by the guns of both wings. On his left, Soult was supported
in this strong position by the town and the river; his right rested
on a commanding height in rear of the village of St Bois; whilst
the centre, accommodating itself to the incurvation of the heights,
described a horizontal reversed segment of a circle protected by the
strong position of both wings.
In a short time every point was carried, but the enemy retired in a
very orderly manner, firing by echelons of divisions, each covering
the other as they retreated. Observing General Hill, who had just
crossed the river, advancing upon their left flank, on the road from
Orthés to St Sever, the enemy became at once apprehensive that they
would be intercepted, and, instead of continuing their masterly
retreat, they ran off at full speed, followed by their pursuers. The
latter continued the chase for nearly three miles at a full trot,
and the French at length breaking their lines, threw away their
arms, and fled in all directions. The pursuit was continued however
as far as Sault de Navailles, on reaching which the remains even
of an army were no longer to be seen. The loss of the enemy was
estimated at 8000 men in killed, wounded, and prisoners. The loss
of the allies in killed and wounded amounted to about 1600. Of the
42d, Lieutenant John Innes was the only officer killed, besides 1
sergeant, and 3 rank and file. Major William Cowell, Captain James
Walker, Lieutenants Duncan Stewart and James Brander, 5 sergeants,
and 85 rank and file were wounded.
The French army, lately so formidable, was now broken and dispersed,
and many of the soldiers, dispirited by their reverses, returned to
their homes; others, for the first time, abandoned their standards,
and went over to the allies. Soult, however, undismayed by these
difficulties, collected the remains of that part of his army which
still remained faithful, and exerted all his energies to arrest the
progress of the victors, but his efforts were unavailing; and after
sustaining a defeat at Ayre, where he attempted to cover the removal
of considerable magazines, he retreated to Tarbes. All the western
part of Gascony being thus left exposed to the operations of the
allied army, Lord Wellington detached Marshal Beresford and Lord
Dalhousie, with three divisions, to Bordeaux, which they entered
amidst the acclamations of the inhabitants.
Having obtained reinforcements from Spain and England, Lord
Wellington, after leaving 4000 men at Bordeaux under Lord Dalhousie,
again put his army in motion. Soult attempted to make a stand at Vicq
with two divisions, but he was driven from this position by General
Picton with the third division, and forced to retire beyond Tarbes.
With the apparent intention of disputing the farther advance of the
allies, the Marshal concentrated his whole force at this point,
but he was dislodged from this position by a series of combined
movements. It was now discovered that the enemy were drawn up on two
hills running parallel to those from which their advance had been
driven, and it was farther ascertained that this commanding position
could not be gained by an advance in front without a great sacrifice
of men, reinforced as it had been by the troops driven from the
heights in front. It was therefore determined to attack it on flank,
but, before the necessary arrangements could be completed, night came
on, and Soult taking advantage of the darkness, moved off towards
Toulouse, whither he was followed next morning by the allies, who
reached the banks of the Garonne on the 27th of March.
This river was much swollen by recent rains and the melting of the
snow on the Pyrenees. There being only one bridge at Toulouse,
and that being in possession of the enemy, it became necessary to
procure pontoons to enable the army to pass. Whilst the necessary
preparations were going on for this purpose, Marshal Soult made the
most extraordinary exertions to put himself in a proper posture of
defence. He was not even yet without hopes of success, and although
it is generally believed that he was now aware of the abdication
of Buonaparte, an event which, he must have known, would put an
immediate end to the war, he was unwilling to let slip the only
opportunity he now had of wiping off the disgrace of his recent
defeats.
The city of Toulouse is defended by an ancient wall, flanked with
towers. On three sides it is surrounded by the great canal of
Languedoc and by the Garonne, and on the fourth side it is flanked
by a range of hills close to the canal, over which pass all the
roads on that side the town. On the summit of the nearest of these
hills the French had erected a chain of five redoubts, between which
and the defences of the town they formed entrenchments and lines
of connection. These defences consisted of extensive field-works,
and of some of the ancient buildings in the suburbs well fortified.
At the foot of the height, and along one-half its length, ran
the small river Ers, the bridges of which had all been destroyed;
on the top of the height was an elevated and elongated plain in a
state of cultivation, and towards the end next the town there stood
a farm-house and offices. Some trenches had been cut around this
house, and three redoubts raised on its front and left. Such was the
field selected by Soult to redeem, if possible, by a last effort,
his fallen reputation, and to vindicate the tarnished honour of the
French arms.
Pontoons having been procured, part of the allied army crossed the
Garonne on the 4th of April; but the melting of the snow on the
Pyrenees, owing to a few days of hot weather, swelled the river so
much that it became necessary to remove the pontoons, and it was not
till the 8th that they could be replaced. On that day the whole army
crossed the river, except General Hill’s division, which remained
opposite the town in front of the great bridge, to keep the enemy in
check on that side. From the insulated nature of the town, no mode of
attack was left to Lord Wellington but to attempt the works in front.
Accordingly, on the 10th of April, he made the following
dispositions:--The Spaniards under Don Manuel Freyre were to attack
the redoubts fronting the town; General Picton and the light division
were to keep the enemy in check on the great road to Paris, but not
to attack; and Marshal Beresford, with General Clinton and the sixth
division, was to attack the centre of the entrenchments, whilst
General Cole with the fourth marched against the right. The part
taken by the 42d in this struggle is so well and fully described by
Mr Malcolm, formerly of the 42d, in his _Reminiscence of a Campaign
in 1814_, that we shall quote his description here:--
“Early on Sunday morning, the 10th of April, our tents were struck,
and we moved with the other regiments of the sixth division towards
the neighbourhood of Toulouse, until ordered to halt on a level
ground, from whence we had a distinct view of the enemy’s position on
the ridge of hills already mentioned. At the same time we saw Lord
Wellington, accompanied by his staff, riding back from the front at
a hard trot. Some of the men called out, ‘There goes Wellington, my
lads; we shall have some hot work presently.’
“At that moment Major General Pack, who commanded our brigade, came
up, and calling its officers and non-commissioned officers round
him, addressed them to the following effect:--‘We are this day to
attack the enemy; your business will be to take possession of those
fortified heights, which you see towards the front. I have only to
warn you to be prepared to form close column in case of a charge of
cavalry; to restrain the impetuosity of the men; and to prevent them
from wasting their ammunition.’ The drums then beat to arms, and we
received orders to move towards the enemy’s position.
“Our division (the sixth) approached the foot of the ridge of heights
on the enemy’s right and moved in a direction parallel to them, until
we reached the point of attack. We advanced under a heavy cannonade,
and arrived in front of a redoubt, which protected the right of the
enemy’s position, where we were formed in two lines,--the first,
consisting of some Portuguese regiments,--and the reserve, of the
Highland Brigade.
“Darkening the whole hill, flanked by clouds of cavalry, and covered
by the fire of their redoubt, the enemy came down upon us like a
torrent. Their generals and field-officers riding in front, and
waving their hats amidst shouts of the multitude, resembling the
roar of an ocean. Our Highlanders, as if actuated by one instinctive
impulse, took off their bonnets, and waving them in the air, returned
their greeting with three cheers.
“A deathlike silence ensued for some moments, and we could observe
a visible pause in the advance of the enemy. At that moment the
light company of the Forty-second Regiment, by a well-directed fire,
brought down some of the French officers of distinction, as they
rode in front of their respective corps. The enemy immediately fired
a volley into our lines, and advanced upon us amidst a deafening
roar of musketry and artillery. Our troops answered their fire only
once, and unappalled by their furious onset, advanced up the hill,
and met them at the charge. Upon reaching the summit of the ridge
of heights, the redoubt, which had covered their advance, fell into
our possession; but they still retained four others, with their
connecting lines of intrenchments, upon the level of the same heights
on which we were now established, and into which they had retired.
“Meantime, our troops were drawn up along a road, which passed over
the hill, and which having a high bank at each side, protected us in
some measure from the general fire of their last line of redoubts.
Here our brigade remained until Marshal Beresford’s Artillery, which,
in consequence of the badness of the roads, had been left in the
village of Mont Blanc, could be brought up, and until the Spaniards
under General Don Manuel Freyre, who, in proceeding along the left
of the Ers, had been repulsed, could be reformed, and brought back
to the attack. Marshal Beresford’s artillery having arrived, and
the Spanish troops being once more brought forward, Major-General
Pack rode up in front of our brigade, and made the following
announcement:--‘I have just now been with General Clinton, and he
has been pleased to grant my request, that in the charge which we
are now to make upon the enemy’s redoubts, the Forty-second regiment
shall have the honour of leading on the attack; the Forty-second will
advance.’
“We immediately began to form for the charge upon the redoubts, which
were about two or three hundred yards distant, and to which we had to
pass over some ploughed fields. The grenadiers of the Forty-second
regiment followed by the other companies, led the way, and began
to ascend from the road; but no sooner were the feathers of their
bonnets seen rising over the embankment, than such a tremendous
fire was opened from the redoubts and intrenchments, as in a very
short time would have annihilated them. The right wing, therefore,
hastily formed into line, and without waiting for the left, which
was ascending by companies from the road, rushed upon the batteries,
which vomited forth a most furious and terrific storm of fire,
grape-shot, and musketry.
“The redoubts were erected along the side of a road, and defended
by broad ditches filled with water. Just before our troops reached
the obstruction, however, the enemy deserted them and fled in all
directions, leaving their last line of strongholds in our possession;
but they still possessed two fortified houses close by, from which
they kept up a galling and destructive fire. Out of about 500 men,
which the Forty-second brought into action, scarcely 90 reached the
fatal redoubt from which the enemy had fled.
“Our colonel was a brave man, but there are moments when a well-timed
manœuvre is of more advantage than courage. The regiment stood on the
road with its front exactly to the enemy, and if the left wing had
been ordered forward, it could have sprung up the bank in line and
dashed forward on the enemy at once. Instead of this, the colonel
faced the right wing to its right, counter-marched in rear of the
left, and when the leading rank cleared the left flank it was made
to file up the bank, and as soon as it made its appearance the shot,
shell, and musketry poured in with deadly destruction; and in this
exposed position we had to make a second countermarch on purpose to
bring our front to the enemy. These movements consumed much time,
and by this unnecessary exposure exasperated the men to madness. The
word ‘_Forward--double-quick!_’ dispelled the gloom, and forward we
drove, in the face of apparent destruction. The field had been lately
rough ploughed or under fallow, and when a man fell he tripped the
one behind, thus the ranks were opening as we approached the point
whence all this hostile vengeance proceeded; but the rush forward
had received an impulse from desperation, ‘the spring of the men’s
patience had been strained until ready to snap, and when left to the
freedom of its own extension, ceased not to act until the point to
which it was directed was attained.’ In a minute every obstacle was
surmounted; the enemy fled as we leaped over the trenches and mounds
like a pack of noisy hounds in pursuit, frightening them more by our
wild hurrahs than actually hurting them by ball or bayonet.
“Two officers (Captain Campbell and Lieutenant Young) and about 60
of inferior rank were all that now remained without a wound of the
right wing of the regiment that entered the field in the morning. The
flag was hanging in tatters, and stained with the blood of those who
had fallen over it. The standard, cut in two, had been successively
placed in the hands of three officers, who fell as we advanced; it
was now borne by a sergeant, while the few remaining soldiers who
rallied around it, defiled with mire, sweat, smoke, and blood, stood
ready to oppose with the bayonet the advancing column, the front
files of which were pouring in destructive showers of musketry among
our confused ranks. To have disputed the post with such overwhelming
numbers, would have been hazarding the loss of our colours, and could
serve no general interest to our army, as we stood between the front
of our advancing support and the enemy; we were therefore ordered to
retire. The greater number passed through the cottage, now filled
with wounded and dying, and leaped from the door that was over the
road into the trench of the redoubt among the killed and wounded.
“We were now between two fires of musketry, the enemy to our left
and rear, the 79th and left wing of our own regiment in our front.
Fortunately the intermediate space did not exceed a hundred paces,
and our safe retreat depended upon the speed with which we could
perform it. We rushed along like a crowd of boys pursuing the
bounding ball to its distant limit, and in an instant plunged into a
trench that had been cut across the road: the balls were whistling
amongst us and over us; while those in front were struggling to get
out, those behind were holding them fast for assistance, and we
became firmly wedged together, until a horse without a rider came
plunging down on the heads and bayonets of those in his way; they on
whom he fell were drowned or smothered, and the gap thus made gave
way for the rest to get out.
“The right wing of the regiment, thus broken down and in
disorder, was rallied by Captain Campbell (afterwards brevet
lieutenant-colonel) and the adjutant (Lieutenant Young) on a narrow
road, the steep banks of which served as a cover from the showers of
grape that swept over our heads.
“As soon as the smoke began to clear away, the enemy made a last
attempt to retake their redoubts, and for this purpose advanced in
great force: they were a second time repulsed with great loss, and
their whole army was driven into Toulouse.”[331]
Finding the city, which was now within reach of the guns of the
allies, quite untenable, Soult evacuated it the same evening, and
was allowed to retire without molestation. Even had he been able to
have withstood a siege, he must have soon surrendered for want of
the provisions necessary for the support of a population of 60,000
inhabitants, and of his own army, which was now reduced by the
casualties of war and recent desertions to 30,000 men.
The loss of the 42d in the battle of Toulouse, was 4 officers,
3 sergeants, and 47 rank and file killed; and 21 officers, 14
sergeants, 1 drummer, and 231 rank and file wounded. The names of
the officers killed were Captain John Swanson, Lieutenant William
Gordon, Ensigns John Latta and Donald Maccrummen; the wounded
were Lieutenant-colonel Robert Macara, Captains James Walker,
John Henderson (who died of his wounds), Alexander Mackenzie, and
Lieutenants Donald Mackenzie, Thomas Munro, Hugh Angus Fraser, James
Robertson, R. A. Mackinnon, Roger Stewart, Robert Gordon, Charles
Maclaren, Alexander Strange, Donald Farquharson (who died of his
wounds), James Watson, William Urquhart; Ensigns Thomas Macniven,
Colin Walker, James Geddes, John Malcolm, and Mungo Macpherson.
The allies entered Toulouse on the morning after the battle, and
were received with enthusiasm by the inhabitants, who, doubtless,
considered themselves extremely fortunate in being relieved from the
presence of the French army, whose retention of the city a few hours
longer would have exposed it to all the horrors of a bombardment.
By a singular coincidence, official accounts reached Toulouse in
the course of the day of the abdication of Buonaparte, and the
restoration of Louis XVIII.; but it is said that these despatches had
been kept back on the road.
At this time the clothing of the army at large, but the Highland
brigade in particular, was in a very tattered state. The clothing of
the 91st regiment had been two years in wear; the men were thus under
the necessity of repairing their old garments in the best manner
they could: some had the elbows of the coats mended with gray cloth,
others had the one-half of the sleeves of a different colour from the
body; and their trousers were in as bad a condition as their coats.
The 42d, which was the only corps in the brigade that wore the
_kilt_, was beginning to lose it by degrees; men falling sick and
left in the rear frequently got the kilt made into trousers, and on
joining the regiment again no plaid could be furnished to supply the
loss; thus a great want of uniformity prevailed; but this was of
minor importance when compared to the want of shoes. As the march
continued daily, no time was to be found to repair them, until
completely worn out; this left a number to march with bare feet.
These men being occasionally permitted to straggle out of the ranks
to select the soft part of the roads or fields adjoining, others
who had not the same reason to offer for this indulgence followed
the example, until each regiment marched regardless of rank, and
sometimes mixed with other corps in front and rear.[332]
In consequence of the cessation of hostilities, the British troops
removed without delay to their appointed destinations, and the three
Highland regiments were embarked for Ireland, where they remained
till May 1815, when they were shipped for Flanders, on the return
of Buonaparte from Elba. In Ireland the 1st battalion was joined by
the effective men of the 2d, which had been disbanded at Aberdeen in
October 1814.
The intelligence of Buonaparte’s advance reached Brussels on the
evening of the 15th of June, when orders were immediately issued by
the Duke of Wellington for the assembling of the troops. The men of
the 42d and 92d regiments had become great favourites in Brussels,
and were on such terms of friendly intercourse with the inhabitants
in whose houses they were quartered, that it was no uncommon thing
to see a Highland soldier taking care of the children, and even
keeping the shop of his host,--an instance of confidence perhaps
unexampled. These two regiments were the first to muster.[333] “They
assembled with the utmost alacrity to the sound of the well-known
pibroch, _Come to me and I will give you flesh_,[334]--an invitation
to the wolf and the raven, for which the next day did, in fact,
spread an ample banquet at the expense of our brave countrymen, as
well as of their enemies.... About four o’clock in the morning of
the 16th of June, the 42d and 92d Highland regiments marched through
the Place Royal and the Parc. One could not but admire their fine
appearance; their firm, collected, steady, military demeanour, as
they went rejoicing to battle, with their bagpipes playing before
them, and the beams of the rising sun shining upon their glittering
arms. Before that sun had set in the night, how many of that gallant
band were laid low!... The kind and generous inhabitants assembled
in crowds to witness the departure of their gallant friends, and as
the Highlanders marched onward with a steady and collected air, the
people breathed many a fervent expression for their safety.”
The important part taken in the action of Quatre Bras by the Black
Watch could not be told better than in the simple words of one who
was present, and did his own share of the work, Sergeant Anton[335]
of the 42d:--
“On the morning of the 16th June, before the sun rose over the dark
forest of Soignes, our brigade, consisting of the 1st, 44th, and
92d regiments, stood in column, Sir Denis Pack at its head, waiting
impatiently for the 42d, the commanding-officer of which was chidden
severely by Sir Denis for being so dilatory. We took our place in the
column, and the whole marched off to the strains of martial music,
and amidst the shouts of the surrounding multitude. As we entered the
forest of Soignes, our stream of ranks following ranks, in successive
sections, moved on in silent but speedy course, like some river
confined between two equal banks.
“The forest is of immense extent, and we continued to move on under
its welcome shade until we came to a small hamlet, or auberge,
imbosomed in the wood to the right of the road. Here we turned to our
left, halted, and were in the act of lighting fires, on purpose to
set about cooking. We were flattering ourselves that we were to rest
there until next day, for whatever reports had reached the ears of
our commanders, no alarm had yet rung on ours. Some were stretched
under the shade to rest; others sat in groups draining the cup, and
we always loved a large one, and it was now almost emptied of three
days’ allowance[336] of spirits, a greater quantity than was usually
served at once to us on a campaign; others were busily occupied in
bringing water and preparing the camp-kettles, for we were of the
opinion, as I have already said, that we were to halt there for the
day. But, ‘hark! a gun!’ one exclaims; every ear is set to catch
the sound, and every mouth seems half opened, as if to supersede
the faithless ear that doubts of hearing. Again another and another
feebly floats through the forest. Every ear now catches the sound,
and every man grasps his musket. No pensive looks are seen; our
generals’ weather-beaten, war-worn countenances are all well known to
the old soldiers, and no throb of fear palpitates in a single breast;
all are again ready in column, and again we tread the wood-lined road.
“The distant report of the guns becomes more loud, and our march
is urged on with greater speed. We pass through Waterloo, and
leave behind the bright fields of Wellington’s fame,--our army’s
future glory and England’s pride. Quatre Bras appears in view; the
frightened peasantry come running breathless and panting along the
way. We move off to the left of the road, behind a gently rising
eminence; form column of companies, regardless of the growing crop,
and ascend the rising ground: a beautiful plain appears in view,
surrounded with belts of wood, and the main road from Brussels runs
through it. We now descend to the plain by an echelon movement
towards our right, halted on the road (from which we had lately
diverged to the left), formed in line, fronting a bank on the right
side, whilst the other regiments took up their position to right
and left, as directed by our general. A luxuriant crop of grain hid
from our view the contending skirmishers beyond, and presented a
considerable obstacle to our advance. We were in the act of lying
down by the side of the road, in our usual careless manner, as we
were wont when enjoying a rest on the line of march, some throwing
back their heads on their knapsacks, intending to take a sleep, when
General Pack came galloping up, and chid the colonel for not having
the bayonets fixed. This roused our attention, and the bayonets were
instantly on the pieces.
“Our pieces were loaded, and perhaps never did a regiment in the
field seem so short taken. We had the name of a _crack_ corps, but
certainly it was not then in that state of discipline which it could
justly boast of a few years afterwards. Yet notwithstanding this
disadvantage, none could be animated with a fitter feeling for the
work before us than prevailed at that moment.
“We were all ready and in line,--‘_Forward!_’ was the word of
command, and forward we hastened, though we saw no enemy in front.
The stalks of the rye, like the reeds that grow on the margin of
some swamp, opposed our advance; the tops were up to our bonnets,
and we strode and groped our way through as fast as we could. By the
time we reached a field of clover on the other side, we were very
much straggled; however, we united in line as fast as time and our
speedy advance would permit. The Belgic skirmishers retired through
our ranks, and in an instant we were on their victorious pursuers.
Our sudden appearance seemed to paralyse their advance. The singular
appearance of our dress, combined no doubt with our sudden debut,
tended to stagger their resolution: we were on them, our pieces were
loaded, and our bayonets glittered, impatient to drink their blood.
Those who had so proudly driven the Belgians before them, turned
now to fly, whilst our loud cheers made the fields echo to our wild
hurrahs. France fled or fell before us, and we thought the field our
own. We had not yet lost a man, for the victors seldom lose many,
except in protracted hard-contested struggles: with one’s face to the
enemy, he may shun the deadly thrust or stroke; it is the retreating
soldier that destruction pursues.
“We drove on so fast that we almost appeared like a mob following
the rout of some defeated faction. Marshal Ney, who commanded the
enemy, observed our wild unguarded zeal, and ordered a regiment of
lancers to bear down upon us. We saw their approach at a distance,
as they issued from a wood, and took them for Brunswickers coming
to cut up the flying infantry; and as cavalry on all occasions have
the advantage of retreating foot, on a fair field, we were halted in
order to let them take their way: they were approaching our right
flank, from which our skirmishers were extended, and we were far
from being in a formation fit to repel an attack, if intended, or to
afford regular support to our friends if requiring our aid. I think
we stood with too much confidence, gazing towards them as if they had
been our friends, anticipating the gallant charge they would make
on the flying foe, and we were making no preparative movement to
receive them as enemies, further than the reloading of the muskets,
until a German orderly dragoon galloped up, exclaiming, ‘Franchee!
Franchee!’ and, wheeling about, galloped off. We instantly formed a
rallying square; no time for particularity; every man’s piece was
loaded, and our enemies approached at full charge; the feet of their
horses seemed to tear up the ground. Our skirmishers having been
impressed with the same opinion, that these were Brunswick cavalry,
fell beneath their lances, and few escaped death or wounds; our
brave colonel fell at this time, pierced through the chin until the
point of the lance reached the brain. Captain (now major) Menzies
fell, covered with wounds, and a momentary conflict took place over
him; he was a powerful man, and, hand to hand, more than a match for
six ordinary men. The grenadiers, whom he commanded, pressed round to
save or avenge him, but fell beneath the enemy’s lances.
“Of all descriptions of cavalry, certainly the lancers seem the
most formidable to infantry, as the lance can be projected with
considerable precision, and with deadly effect, without bringing the
horse to the point of the bayonet; and it was only by the rapid and
well-directed fire of musketry that these formidable assailants were
repulsed.
[Illustration: Colonel (afterwards Sir) R. H. Dick. From Miniature
(painted about four years after Waterloo) in possession of William
Dick, Esq. of Tullymet.]
“Colonel Dick assumed the command on the fall of Sir Robert Macara,
and was severely wounded. Brevet-Major Davidson succeeded, and
was mortally wounded; to him succeeded Brevet-Major Campbell.
Thus, in a few minutes we had been placed under four different
commanding-officers.
“An attempt was now made to form us in line; for we stood mixed in
one irregular mass,--grenadier, light, and battalion companies,--a
noisy group; such is the inevitable consequence of a rapid succession
of commanders. Our covering sergeants were called out on purpose that
each company might form on the right of its sergeants; an excellent
plan had it been adopted, but a cry arose that another charge of
cavalry was approaching, and this plan was abandoned. We now formed
a line on the left of the grenadiers, while the cavalry that had
been announced were cutting through the ranks of the 69th regiment.
Meantime the other regiments, to our right and left, suffered no
less than we; the superiority of the enemy in cavalry afforded him
a decided advantage on the open plain, for our British cavalry and
artillery had not yet reached the field. We were at this time about
two furlongs past the farm of Quatre Bras, as I suppose, and a line
of French infantry was about the same distance from us in front, and
we had commenced firing at that line, when we were ordered to form
square to oppose cavalry. General Pack was at our head, and Major
Campbell commanded the regiment. We formed square in an instant,
in the centre were several wounded French soldiers witnessing our
formation round them; they doubtless considered themselves devoted to
certain death among us seeming barbarians; but they had no occasion
to speak ill of us afterwards; for as they were already incapable
of injuring us, we moved about them regardful of their wounds and
suffering.
“Our last file had got into square, and into its proper place, so far
as unequalised companies could form a square, when the cuirassiers
dashed full on two of its faces: their heavy horses and steel armour
seemed sufficient to bury us under them, had they been pushed forward
on our bayonets.
“A moment’s pause ensued; it was the pause of death. General Pack was
on the right angle of the front face of the square, and he lifted his
hat towards the French officer as he was wont to do when returning
a salute. I suppose our assailants construed our forbearance as an
indication of surrendering: a false idea; not a blow had been struck
nor a musket levelled; but when the general raised his hat, it served
as a signal, though not a preconcerted one, but entirely accidental;
for we were doubtful whether our officer commanding was protracting
the order, waiting for the general’s command, as he was present.
Be this as it may, a most destructive fire was opened; riders,
cased in heavy armour, fell tumbling from their horses; the horses
reared, plunged, and fell on the dismounted riders; steel helmets and
cuirasses rung against unsheathed sabres, as they fell to the ground;
shrieks and groans of men, the neighing of horses, and the discharge
of musketry, rent the air, as men and horses mixed together in one
heap of indiscriminate slaughter. Those who were able to fly, fled
towards a wood on our right, whence they had issued to the attack,
and which seemed to afford an extensive cover to an immense reserve
not yet brought into action.
“Once more clear of those formidable and daring assailants, we formed
line, examined our ammunition boxes, and found them getting empty.
Our officer commanding pointed towards the pouches of our dead and
dying comrades, and from them a sufficient supply was obtained.
“We lay down behind the gentle rise of a trodden down field of grain,
and enjoyed a few minutes’ rest to our wearied limbs; but not in
safety from the flying messengers of death, the whistling music of
which was far from lulling us to sleep.
“Afternoon was now far spent, and we were resting in line, without
having equalized the companies, for this would have been extremely
dangerous in so exposed a position; for the field afforded no cover,
and we were in advance of the other regiments. The enemy were at no
great distance, and, I may add, firing very actively upon us.
“Our position being, as I have already observed, without any cover
from the fire of the enemy, we were commanded to retire to the rear
of the farm, where we took up our bivouac on the field for the night.
“Six privates fell into the enemy’s hands; among these was a little
lad (Smith Fyfe) about five feet high. The French general, on seeing
this diminutive looking lad, is said to have lifted him up by the
collar or breech and exclaimed to the soldiers who were near him,
‘Behold the sample of the men of whom you seem afraid!’ This lad
returned a few days afterwards, dressed in the clothing of a French
grenadier, and was saluted by the name of Napoleon, which he retained
until he was discharged.
“The night passed off in silence: no fires were lit; every man lay
down in rear of his arms, and silence was enjoined for the night.
Round us lay the dying and the dead, the latter not yet interred, and
many of the former, wishing to breathe their last where they fell,
slept to death with their heads on the same pillow on which those who
had to toil through the future fortunes of the field reposed.”
The principal loss sustained by the Highlanders was at the first
onset; yet it was by no means so severe as might have been expected.
Lieutenant-colonel Sir Robert Macara, Lieutenant Robert Gordon,
and Ensign William Gerrard, 2 sergeants, and 40 rank and file were
killed. Including officers, there were 243 wounded.
In the battle of Waterloo, in which the regiment was partially
engaged, the 42d had only 5 men killed and 45 wounded. In these last
are included the following officers, viz.: Captain Mungo Macpherson,
Lieutenants John Orr, George Gunn Munro, Hugh Angus Fraser, and James
Brander, and Quarter-master Donald Mackintosh. “They fought like
heroes, and like heroes they fell--an honour to their country. On
many a Highland hill, and through many a Lowland valley, long will
the deeds of these brave men be fondly remembered, and their fate
deeply deplored. Never did a finer body of men take the field, never
did men march to battle that were destined to perform such services
to their country, and to obtain such immortal renown.”
The Duke of Wellington in his public despatches concerning Quatre
Bras and Waterloo paid a high compliment to the 42d. “Among other
regiments, I must particularly mention the 28th, 42d, 79th, and 92d,
and the battalion of Hanoverians.”
The word “Waterloo,” borne on the colours of the regiment, by royal
authority, commemorates the gallantry displayed by the regiment on
this occasion; a medal was conferred on each officer and soldier; and
the privilege of reckoning two years’ service, towards additional pay
and pension on discharge, was also granted to the men. It may not be
uninteresting to give here a list of the officers of the regiment who
were present at the battle of Quatre Bras and Waterloo. It will be
seen that while only 3 were killed, few escaped without a wound.
OFFICERS AT WATERLOO--1815.
Lieut.-Col. Sir Robert Macara, Killed.
Major Robert Henry Dick, Wounded.
Capt. Archibald Menzies, Wounded.
“ George Davidson, Died of Wounds.
“ John Campbell.
“ Mungo Macpherson, Wounded.
“ Donald M’Donald, Wounded.
“ Daniel M’Intosh, Wounded.
“ Robert Boyle, Wounded.
Lieut. Donald Chisholm, Wounded.
“ Duncan Stewart, Wounded.
“ Donald M’Kenzie, Wounded.
“ James Young, Adjutant, Wounded.
“ Hugh A. Fraser, Wounded.
“ John Malcolm, Wounded.
“ Alexander Dunbar, Wounded.
“ James Brander, Wounded.
“ Roger Stewart,
“ Robert Gordon, Killed.
“ James Robertson,
“ Kenneth M’Dougal,
“ Donald M’Kay,
“ Alexander Innes,[337]
“ John Grant,
“ John Orr,[337] Wounded.
“ George Gunn Munro, Wounded.
“ William Fraser, Wounded.
Ensign George Gerard, Killed.
“ Andrew L. Fraser,
“ Alexander Brown, Wounded.
“ Alexander Cumming,
Adjutant James Young, Lieut., Wounded.
Quarter-Master Don. M’Intosh, Wounded.
Surgeon Swinton Macleod,
Assistant Surgeon Donald M’Pherson,
Assistant Surgeon John Stewart,
It has been observed, as a remarkable circumstance in the history
of the Royal Highlanders, that on every occasion when they fired a
shot at an enemy (except at Ticonderoga, where success was almost
impossible), they were successful to such an extent at least, that
whatever the general issue of the battle might be, that part of
the enemy opposed to them never stood their ground, unless the
Highlanders were by insurmountable obstacles prevented from closing
upon them. Fontenoy even does not form an exception; for although the
allies were defeated, the Highlanders carried the points assigned
them, and then, as at Ticonderoga, they were the last to leave the
field.[338]
As the battle of Waterloo terminates a period of active service and
hard fighting in the case of the 42d, as well as of other regiments,
and as it had a rest of many years during the long peace, we shall
here give a summary of the number of men that entered the regiment,
from its formation down to the battle of Waterloo, and the number of
those who were killed, wounded, died of sickness, or were discharged
during that period.
The grand total of men embodied in the Black
Watch and 42d or Royal Highland regiment,
from its origin at Tay Bridge in April 1740, to
24th June 1815, exclusive of the second
battalion of 1780[339] and that of 1803,[340] was 8792
Of these there were killed, during that
period, exclusive of 35 officers, 816
Wounded during the same period, exclusive
of 133 officers, 2413
Died by sickness, wounds, and various
casualties, including those who were discharged
and those who volunteered into
other regiments, when the 42d left America
in 1767, up to 25th June 1793, 2275
Died by sickness, wounds, and various
casualties, from 25th June 1793 to 24th
June 1815, 1135[341]
Discharged during same period, 1485
Unaccounted for during same period,
having been left sick in an enemy’s country,
prisoners, &c. 138
----
8262
----
Number remaining in the first battalion
on 24th June 1815, 530
When it is considered that out of seventy-five years’ service,
forty-five were spent in active warfare, the trifling loss of the
regiment by the enemy will appear extraordinary; and the smallness
of that loss can only be accounted for by the determined bravery and
firmness of the men, it being now the opinion of military men that
troops, who act vigorously, suffer less than those who are slow and
cautious in their operations.
After spending several months in the vicinity of Paris, the regiment
marched to Calais and embarked for England, arriving at Ramsgate,
December 19th 1815. The regiment proceeded by Deal and Dover to
Hythe, where it lay two weeks, when it marched to Chelmsford.
After staying two weeks in Chelmsford Barracks, the regiment
proceeded northwards to Scotland by easy stages, and was everywhere
received with overwhelming enthusiasm and lavish hospitality. At
Cambridge, for example, Sergeant Anton, in his _Military Life_,
tells us, the bells welcomed the Royal Highlanders with joy; every
table smoked with savoury viands for their entertainment, and every
cellar contributed a liberal supply of its best October for their
refreshment. The same thing occurred at Huntingdon and other towns,
and at several places the men received a donation equal to two day’s
pay. And so it was at every town through which the regiment had
to pass; the men were fêted and petted as if they had saved their
country from destruction.
As they approached Edinburgh, the whole population seemed to have
poured to welcome them to its arms. Preceded by a guard of cavalry,
with its band of music, they entered the city amidst the loud
cheering and congratulatory acclamations of friends; while over their
heads, “from a thousand windows, waved as many banners, plaided
scarfs, or other symbols of courtly greetings.”[342] At Edinburgh
they were entertained in a manner that would have made the men of
any regiment but a “crack” one completely lose their heads; but
the self-possessed Royal Highlanders, while heartily enjoying the
many good things provided for them, and grateful for their hearty
welcome, seem never to have forgotten the high reputation they had to
maintain.[343]
After this, for many years, the Royal Highlanders had a rest from
active service.
V.
1816-1854.
The Highland Society’s Vase--Ireland--The White-boys--Critical
Service--Anecdotes--Old Manœuvres--Bad Management--The Dublin
Medal--Gibraltar--Innovations--Regimental Library--Malta--Ionian
Islands--Lieutenant-Colonel Middleton’s Farewell Order--Scotland
--Ireland--Malta--Corfu--Death of Major-General Sir R. H. Dick
--Bermuda--Halifax--Home.
We have already narrated (p. 374, vol. ii.) the proceedings at
the meeting of the Highland Society, after the Egyptian campaign,
with reference to the 42d. From 1811 to 1817, endeavours had been
frequently made to establish a better feeling between the officers
and the Highland Society, but in vain: the _Egyptians_ would not
yield, and in the meantime the vase remained at the makers.
After the return of the regiment from the Waterloo Campaign in 1816,
H.R.H. The Duke of York became the mediator, and arranged that the
vase should be accepted on the 21st March 1817, the anniversary of
the battle of Alexandria. By this time only two of the officers who
had served in Egypt were in the regiment, therefore the amicable
arrangement was more easily arrived at.
It was at Armagh barracks, on Wednesday the 18th of June 1817, that
the vase was presented to the regiment. At the time 5 companies
were detached to Newry, and several other detachments were absent
from Armagh; therefore not more than about 3 companies were present
at the ceremony. The parade was in review order, in side arms, and
a square of two deep was formed. On a table in the centre was the
vase, covered, and several small kegs of Highland whisky, brought
over from Scotland for the express purpose. A portion of the
correspondence with the Highland Society was read by the Adjutant:
Lieutenant-Colonel Robert Henry Dick addressed the regiment: the
casks of whisky were broached, and the cup filled. The Colonel
drank to the officers and men, the staff officers followed, and
afterwards the captains and officers drank to the health of their
respective companies, and the cup, held by both hands, and kept well
replenished, went three times down the ranks. All was happiness and
hilarity, not only on the parade, but for the remainder of the day.
Thus was introduced to the regiment the beautiful vase, which, for
elegance and design, is hardly to be surpassed.
[Illustration: Vase presented to 42d Royal Highlanders by the
Highland Society of London.]
Of the officers and men present on the occasion, Lieutenant-Colonel
Wheatley cannot bring to his recollection any now alive but himself
and another, viz., Alexander Grant, a pensioner, living at Granton,
Inverness-shire (in 1873). Of the officers in the regiment at the
time, the last of them, Captain Donald M’Donald, died at Musselburgh,
on the 24th September 1865, aged 82.
The day of “the Cup” was long remembered amongst the men, and it was
always enthusiastically spoken of as to the quality and quantity of
the whisky. The vase has lately (1869) been renovated, and placed on
an ebony stand, which has given additional grandeur to its elegance.
The regiment left Glasgow in April of this year, and proceeded to
Ireland, landing at Donaghadee, marching thence to Armagh, and
detaching parties to all the adjacent towns. The regiment remained in
Ireland till 1825, moving about from place to place, and occasionally
taking part in the duties to which the troops were liable, on account
of the disturbed state of the country. Many of these duties were
far from pleasant, yet the 42d discharged them in such a manner as
to gain the respect and goodwill of the natives among whom they
sojourned.
In June 1818, the regiment marched to Dundalk; and in May 1819,
to Dublin, where it remained upwards of twelve months, receiving
highly commendatory notices in orders, from Major-General White,
Major-General Bulwer, and Major-General Sir Colquhoun Grant.
On the 29th of January 1820, the colonelcy of the regiment was
conferred on Lieutenant-General John Earl of Hopetoun, G.C.B., from
the 92d Highlanders, in succession to General the Marquis of Huntly.
From Dublin the regiment marched, in August, to Kilkenny and
Clonmel, and while at these stations its appearance and discipline
were commended in orders by Major-General Sir Thomas Brisbane, and
Major-General Egerton.
The regiment marched, in October 1821, to Rathkeale, and took part in
the harassing duties to which the troops in the county of Limerick
were exposed during the disturbed state of the country, and its
conduct procured the unqualified approbation of the general officers
under whom it served.
In July 1822, the regiment marched to Limerick, and the orders issued
after the usual half-yearly inspections, by Major-General Sir John
Lambert, and Major-General Sir John Elley, were highly commendatory.
From Limerick the regiment proceeded to Buttevant, in July 1823, and
afterwards occupied many detached stations in the county of Cork,
where it preserved its high reputation for correct discipline, and
for general efficiency, which procured for it the encomiums of the
inspecting generals.
On the death of General the Earl of Hopetoun, G.C.B., the colonelcy
was conferred on Major-General Sir George Murray, G.C.B., G.C.H. (see
portrait in steel plate of Colonels of 42d), from the 72d, or the
Duke of Albany’s Own Highlanders, by commission, dated the 6th of
September 1823.
The following details, for which we are indebted to
Lieutenant-Colonel Wheatley, will give the reader a vivid idea of the
state of Ireland at this time, as well as of the critical nature of
the duties which the 42d had to perform:--
The 42d, which was quartered at Rathkeale, were joined in these
duties by the 79th and 93d; the former quartered at Limerick, and the
latter at Ennis, County Clare. All three regiments were highly and
deservedly popular with the inhabitants.
Detachments were posted all over the country in every village or
hamlet, where a house could be hired to hold from 12 to 30 men. But
little could be done towards putting the White-boys down, as the
only offence against the law was being caught in arms. But as soon
as the Parliament met, the “Insurrection Act” was hurried through
both houses, and became law on the night of the 28th February 1822.
By the Act transportation for seven years was the punishment awarded
to any one found out of his dwelling-place any time between one hour
after sunset and sunrise. It was harassing duty patrolling over the
country, sometimes all night, calling the rolls, and apprehending
such as had been found absent on former occasions. The law was
carried out by what was called a “Bench of Magistrates,” two or more,
with a Sergeant-at-Law as president. All field officers and captains
were magistrates, and seven years’ transportation was the only
sentence the bench could give; the prisoner had either to be let off
with an admonition or transported. When the prisoner was brought in,
evidence was simply taken that he was found out of his dwelling-place
at an unlawful hour, or that he was absent from his habitation on
such a night when the roll was called. The local magistrates knew the
character he bore, a few minutes consultation was held, when sentence
was given, and an escort being already at the court-house door, the
prisoner was handcuffed and put on a cart. The words were given “with
cartridge prime and load, quick march,” and off to the Cove of Cork,
where a ship was at anchor to receive them. This summary procedure
soon put an end to the nightly depredations which had kept the
country in terror and alarm for months previous. The convicted were
at once sent off to Sydney,--“Botany Bay” at this time. Here is one
instance of how the act was put in force.
Every road leading out of Rathkeale had a guard or outpost to
prevent a surprise, and near to the Askeaton-road guard lived a
character known as “the red haired man,” a noted White-boy (so named
from wearing shirts over their clothes when on their nocturnal
excursions), who had taken care of himself from the passing of the
Insurrection Act, although still a leader and director of their
doings. His house was close to the guard, and there were special
orders to watch him, and at uncertain hours to visit the house, to
find him absent, if possible. On an evening in June, the sentry
called to the sergeant of the guard that “the red haired man,” half
an hour back, had gone into a house where he was still. The sergeant
walked about, the retreat beat, and watch in hand, he kept his
look-out; one hour after sunset “the red haired man” came out without
his hat, and laughing heartily: he was taken prisoner, and next day
was on his way to the Cove of Cork!!
Pages could be filled with anecdotes connected with the doings of
the several portions of the regiment in their various quarters. One
more, to show the natural inborn Irish inclination for fighting.--The
major commanding at Shannogalden, while standing on the street on
a fair-day, was thus accosted by a tall, gaunt, wiry man, of some
60 years of age. “Good morning to your honour.” “Good morning, Mr
Sullivan.” “I’ve a favour to ask of you, Major.” “Well, Mr Sullivan,
what can I do for you?” “Well, your honour knows that I’ve been a
loyal man, that during them disturbed times I always advised the boys
to give up the foolish night-work; that I’ve caused a great many
arms to be given up to yourself, Major.” Mr Sullivan’s detail of his
services and his appreciation of them being much too long to go over,
it ended in:--“It’s a long time, Major, since the boys have had a
fight, and all that I want is, that yourself and your men will just
keep out of sight, and remain at this end of the town, till me and
my boys go up to the fair, and stretch a few of the Whichgeralds.”
(Fitzgeralds, the opposite faction.) “Oh, then, Major, we’ll not be
long about it, just to stretch a dozen or two of them Whichgeralds,
and then I’ll engage we’ll go home quietly.” Much to Mr Sullivan’s
disappointment, the Major replied that he could not allow the peace
to be broken, and grievously crest-fallen, Mr S. went to report the
failure of his request to the fine set of young Sullivans who were
in sight, waiting the issue of the singular application, and ready
to be let loose on the Fitzgeralds. A Mr V----, a local magistrate,
who was standing with the Major, said that it would tend much to
break up the combination of Whiteboyism to let the factions fight
among themselves, and that he could not do better than to wink at the
Sullivans having a turn with their opponents; but the Major would not
entertain the idea of having, possibly, half-a-dozen murders to think
of.
In 1821, on the day the head-quarters division marched out of the
city of Limerick for Rathkeale, a man dropped out of the ranks
without leave, to take leave of some friends belonging to the 79th
(quartered at Limerick), when the rear guard came up; poor David
Hill was found senseless on the road, with a deep cut on the back of
his head, and his musket gone. On reaching Rathkeale, he was tried
by a Court Martial held in a square, formed there and then, before
the regiment was dismissed. He was sentenced to 300 lashes, and to
pay for his musket. It was what would rightly now be considered an
unnecessarily cruel individual suffering, though the most stringent
discipline was required, as the regiment was virtually in an enemy’s
country.
About three months afterwards an officer of the 79th was out snipe
shooting, near to the scene of poor Hill’s misfortune. A countryman
entered into conversation with the officer, watched his opportunity,
knocked him over, and was off with the gun. Two of the 3d light
dragoons on dispatch duty, from Rathkeale for Limerick, saw it;
one of them leaped wall after wall, and apprehended the culprit. A
special commission was at the time sitting in Limerick, by which he
was tried next day, and hanged a day or two after. On the scaffold
he confessed that it was he who had knocked over the Highlander, and
told the priest where the gun was to be found. When it was recovered
it was found cut down to make it a “handy gun.” It was given over to
Hill.
Lieutenant-Colonel Wheatley, who was with the 42d at this time, was
himself an ear-witness to the following:--About ten minutes after he
and his comrade reached their billets at Rathkeale, the man of the
house came in from his work, evidently not aware of the soldiers’
presence. From the kitchen and stable, one apartment, the latter
overheard the following catechism between the father and a child
about four years old:--“Well Dan, have you been a good boy all day?”
“Yes, father.” “Come to my knee, Dan; now tell me, what will you do
to the peeler, Dan?” “I’ll shoot him, father, I will.” “You’ll shoot
him, will you?” “Yes, father, when I’m big like brother Phill.” “Ah,
you’re a fine fellow, Dan; there’s a penny for you to buy bread.”
Comment is unnecessary.[344]
In September 1823 the 42d, along with the other regiments in the
Munster district, was taught the “Torrance” system of drill,
which this year superseded the cumbrous old “Dundas.” This system
effected an entire change in the drill, particularly in the field
movements and the platoon exercise. Before this the wheeling or
counter-marching of a column was unknown. He was a rash commanding
officer who attempted an echelon movement in quick time, and it was
not to be presumed upon before a general officer. The marching past
in slow time was such a curiosity, that it is worthy of record. At
every angle, the command “Halt, left wheel, halt, dress, march,”
was given, and such work it was again to step off in time with the
preceding company; about one in twenty could do it. Altogether, a
drill book of “Dundas’s 18 manœuvres” would be a curious study for
the present day; and that corps was to be admired whose Colonel could
put them through “the 18 manœuvres.” At present the whole could be
done in 20 minutes, and as to skirmishing it was almost unknown,
except in rifle and light infantry corps.
Long marches were common in those days. The following account of a
long march while in Ireland, illustrates well the sad want of system
at this time in connection with the army, and the little attention
paid to the men’s welfare.
In the month of May 1819, the regiment was ordered from Dundalk
to Dublin. The detachment (of one subaltern and twenty men) at
Cootehill, in County Cavan, was ordered, when relieved, to march
to Ardee, and thence to Drogheda, to join a division under a field
officer for Dublin. The relieving party of the 3d Buffs did not
arrive until after mid-day on the 21st of May, when the detachment of
the 42d marched by Shercock under the belief that they would halt at
Kingscourt for the night, 18 miles from Cootehill. But, alas! they
marched on amidst pelting rain, and reached Ardee between 11 and
12 o’clock at night, 13 miles from Kingscourt, with the pipe-clay
so thoroughly washed from their belts (cross in those days), that
they were quite brown. The question will naturally arise, why did
they not stop at Kingscourt? even that distance being a long day’s
march. There was a reason. The end of the month was the 24th day at
this time, and from some neglect or mistake the officer was short of
money to keep the men all night at Kingscourt. But 42d soldiers made
no complaints, on any occasion, in those days. With the consolatory
saying, “what we march to-day we will not have to march to-morrow,”
the march was, with few exceptions, made cheerfully, although every
man carried his full kit.
At this period there was a lamentable want of organisation and good
management in many particulars. For instance, there was a garrison
field day every Thursday (in Dublin 1819-20), and the guards who went
on at ten o’clock the previous day had nothing sent to them in the
way of food from the scanty dinner of Wednesday, till they reached
their barracks about seven or eight the following evening.
Pay-sergeants were always consulted in all matters of interior
economy, whether it regarded the supply of necessaries or
improvements in messing, and they looked upon it as an innovation on
their _rights_ to propose any plan for the good of the soldiers, by
which the smallest portion of the pay would have been diverted from
passing through their (the pay sergeants’) hands; and thus a great
portion of the men were always in debt. A baneful system it was,
when men were allowed to be in debt to the sergeant to the extent of
several pounds.
During the time the regiment was quartered in Dublin in 1819, a
breakfast mess was established, much to the benefit of the soldier,
who until this time had pleased himself regarding that meal. Bread
and water satisfied some, while others indulged themselves according
to their taste or ability to procure what was agreeable to them.
In 1819 a regimental medal (bearing on one side the names Corunna,
Fuentes D’Onor, Pyrenees, Nevelle, Nive, Orthés, Toulouse, Peninsula)
was struck in Dublin, and issued to those entitled to wear it--at
their own expense. The authority of His Royal Highness the Duke of
York, at the time commander-in-chief, was obtained for the wearing
of it. Many good and gallant soldiers wore them in the regiment
for years, but they quickly disappeared, although few of them were
discharged under 19 and 20 years’ service. The last of them were
discharged between 1830 and 1834. Many inquiries have been made
concerning this medal, which has puzzled collectors, but on the
authority of Lieutenant-Colonel Wheatley, the above is a correct
account of its origin and history.
Leaving the province of Munster, in June 1825, the regiment received
a highly commendatory communication from Lieutenant-General Sir John
Lambert, expressing the high sense he entertained of the discipline
and conduct of the corps. It afterwards marched to Dublin, where it
was stationed three months.
The regiment was divided into six service and four depôt companies,
and the service companies received orders to proceed to the
celebrated fortress of Gibraltar. They accordingly marched from
Dublin, for embarkation at the Cove of Cork, on board His Majesty’s
ship “Albion,” and the “Sovereign” and “Numa” transports: the last
division arrived at Gibraltar in the middle of December. The depôt
companies were removed from Ireland to Scotland.
On arrival at Gibraltar, the regiment occupied Windmill-hill
Barracks, and was afterwards removed to Rosia, where it was stationed
during the year 1827.
In February 1828, the regiment took possession of a wing of the grand
casemates. As an epidemic fever prevailed in the garrison, from
which the regiment suffered severely, it encamped, in September,
on the neutral ground. Its loss from the fever was, Ensign Charles
Stewart, 6 sergeants, and 53 rank and file.
The regiment returned to the grand casemates on the 9th of January
1829; again encamped in the neutral ground in July, leaving in
barracks the men who had recovered from the fever. It returned within
the fortress in October.
As there is little or nothing to record with regard to the doings
of the regiment during the six years it was at Gibraltar, where it
took its share of the usual garrison work, we shall again recur to
Lieutenant-Colonel Wheatley’s memoranda, and present the reader
with some interesting notes on the manners, customs, &c., of the
regiment about this time. Let us, however, note here, that in 1825,
the regiment was armed with “The Long Land Tower” musket, being the
only corps of the line to which it was issued; and again, in 1840, it
was the first corps to receive the percussion musket, in both cases,
through the interest of Sir George Murray, its colonel.
The bugle, for barrack duty, was introduced in 1828, whilst the 42d
was encamped on the neutral ground, Gibraltar, during the epidemic
fever. Before this the solitary bugler of the regiment sounded part
of “quick march” for the guard, and had about half-a-dozen calls for
the light company, whose knowledge of skirmishing barely extended to
the covering of an advance in line. In the following year, and 1830,
it was taken up in reality, and the corps soon became famous for
their skirmishing: not that either the bugle calls for barracks or
the light infantry drill was without its enemies. Indeed, in general,
the officers were averse to the “new fangled innovations,” and, in
some instances, complained that they could not understand the bugle
even for the men’s breakfast, dinner, &c., and wished a return to the
drum! However, the innovations, with numerous others, were supported
by the commanding officers, and in due time the 42d became equal to
its neighbours.
While at Gibraltar, in 1830, a regimental library was started, and
continued in a flourishing condition for many years. Its history,
as told by one of its originators, Lieutenant-Colonel Wheatley,
is extremely interesting. It deserves to be recorded, as it was
creditable to the corps, and equally so to the men who so nobly
supported it. At this time, such institutions were unknown in the
army; indeed, if anything, they were discouraged.
The regiment was quartered with the 43d in the grand casemates, in
February 1830. The sergeant-major of that corps had a small library,
his private property, collected at sales of books from time to time,
from the famous garrison library; he from that formed a circulating
library, lending books at a certain rate per month. It was spoken
of in the orderly room one day, after the finish of the morning’s
duty, and Sir Charles Gordon expressed his surprise that in a Scotch
regiment nothing of the kind had been instituted. As soon as he
left, the pay sergeants were called, and desired, by nine o’clock
the following morning, to give a return of the number of subscribers
willing to pay six days’ pay of their rank, to be levied in three
monthly instalments, and after the third month, to pay a subscription
of sixpence a month. A return of 224 was given in, and it having
willingly been approved of by Sir Charles, immediate steps were taken
to establish the library. A large order was sent off to the Messrs
Tegg, of London, and within a month, what from a purchase of cast
works from the garrison library, and donations of books from the
officers, the regiment was in good reading order. The officers were
most liberal in their donations. The members continued to increase,
and various alterations were made from time to time, and in 1836 the
subscriptions were reduced to fourpence. The funds were always fully
able to meet any charge of conveyance whilst at home, from 1836 to
1841, and again from 1852 to 1854. On being ordered to Turkey in
1854, the whole of the books were disposed of, because the Government
reading-rooms and libraries had been in force some time before this,
and some corps had been ordered to do away with the regimental ones.
At the time of its being broken up, it contained nearly 3000 volumes,
and during its existence was highly creditable to the regiment.
In 1832, the regiment received orders to leave Gibraltar and proceed
to Malta, embarking on the 13th January, when the governor, Sir
William Houston, expressed in garrison orders “that the 42d Royal
Highlanders had embarked in a manner fully supporting their high
character for discipline and good conduct, and he regretted their
departure.” After remaining at Malta till December 1834, the regiment
was removed to the Ionian Islands, where it stayed till June 1836,
having by that time completed a period of ten years and six months’
service in the Mediterranean.
The 42d left Corfu for Britain on the 30th of June, and was
accompanied to the place of embarkation by the Lord High
Commissioner, Major-General Sir Howard Douglas, who, on its being
formed on the esplanade, addressed it in the following terms:--
_“Colonel Middleton, Officers, Non-Commissioned Officers, and
Soldiers of the Royal-Highlanders_,
“I have come hither to assure you, that the conduct of the
Forty-second has given me the highest degree of satisfaction during
the time it has been under my orders, and I wish to express to
you the deep regret I feel at the departure of this gallant and
distinguished corps from the station under my command.
“The highest professional obligation of a regiment, is so to act
as to render itself dreaded as well as respected by enemies. This
the Forty-second has hitherto nobly and effectually done; and that
power, though it exists unimpaired in the condition of this regiment,
reposes for the present happily in peace.
“It is peculiarly the duty of a British soldier to conciliate, by
personal demeanour and individual conduct, the esteem and regard of
his fellow-subjects at home, and wherever he may be serving abroad,
to cultivate the best terms, and gain the respect and good will
of all classes of persons in the community of the place where he
may be quartered. This, too, Forty-second, you have well done! The
good terms which so happily subsist between the protector and the
protected here, have not only been undisturbed, but cemented by your
good conduct; and it affords me the greatest pleasure to have heard
it declared by the highest authorities here, that you take with
you the regard, respect, and good wishes of this population. As I
was honoured by having this regiment placed under my orders, and
I am highly satisfied with the conduct of the corps to the moment
of its departure, so should I feel gratified if I should have the
good fortune to have you again under my command. If this should
be in peace, I shall have the pleasure of renewing the agreeable
intercourse I have had with the officers, and the pleasing duties I
have had to discharge with you. Should a renewal of the connection
take place in war, it will afford me much delight and satisfaction,
and I shall feel great honour conferred upon me by being again
associated with a corps, which, I well know, would acquire fresh
inscriptions to its own renown, and to the honour of our country,
on the banners which have braved many a hard-fought battle-field,
and which have waved triumphantly over many a victory! Forty-second,
_farewell_!”
The regiment, on landing at Leith, on the 7th September 1836, was
joined by the depôt companies waiting it in Edinburgh Castle. It
remained in Scotland till the spring of 1838, when it embarked from
Glasgow for Dublin, where it remained until the beginning of 1841.
While in Ireland, new colours were presented to the regiment on March
7th, 1839.
While in Ireland, Lieutenant-Colonel Middleton was reluctantly
compelled to resign his command, on doing which he issued the
following pathetic farewell order:--
“NEW BARRACKS, LIMERICK,
_12th August, 1839_.
“_Regimental Order._
“The Lieutenant-Colonel is persuaded that the officers,
non-commissioned officers, and the soldiers of the regiment will
enter into his feelings, and easily believe that it caused him
many a heart-rending struggle before he brought himself to the
sad conclusion of severing ties which connected his destiny for
thirty-six years with that of the 42d, and which, but for one
consideration, nothing on this side the grave could have induced him
to do. That consideration they cannot be ignorant of, and which he is
sure they will duly appreciate.
“It remains with him, therefore, only to return them, collectively
and individually, the warmest expression of his thanks for the
cordial and unremitting manner with which they co-operated with him
in the various duties connected with his command, which made his
situation truly an envious one; indeed, he may with truth assert
without alloy, until now, when bidding the regiment farewell. In his
sorrow, however, it affords him consolation to think that he resigns
his proud and enviable charge into the hands of Major Johnstone, so
capable in every way of maintaining their discipline, and watching
over the best interest of the regiment. The Lieutenant-Colonel hopes
the officers, non-commissioned officers, and soldiers, will give the
same undeviating support to him that they have on every occasion
given the Lieutenant-Colonel, the recollection of which can never be
banished from his mind; and wherever his future lot may be cast, his
heart will always be with the Royal Highlanders; in saying which,
should a tablet be over his tomb, the only epitaph he would wish
engraved upon it would be, that he once belonged to the 42d.”
In January 1841, the six service companies left Ireland for the
Ionian Islands, and in May following, the depôt companies left Dublin
for Scotland, being stationed at Stirling, which they quitted in
March 1842, for Aberdeen.
The 42d and eight other regiments[345] having been augmented to an
establishment of 1 lieutenant-colonel, 2 majors, 12 captains, 14
lieutenants, 10 ensigns, 6 staff officers, 67 sergeants, 25 drummers,
and 1200 rank and file; the Royal Highlanders received upwards of 400
Scots volunteers from other corps (180 of whom were furnished by the
72d, 79th, 92d, and 93d Highland regiments), towards the completion
of their new establishment; and the depôt was moved to Aberdeen in
May, where it was formed into 6 companies, to be termed the _Reserve
Battalion_, and its organisation rapidly proceeded.
In August 1842, when her Majesty the Queen Victoria visited Scotland,
the reserve battalion of the Royal Highlanders furnished a guard of
honour for Her Majesty at Dupplin, Taymouth, Drummond, and Stirling
Castles, and the brevet rank of lieutenant-colonel was conferred on
the commanding officer, Major James Macdougall.
In November 1842, the reserve battalion embarked from Gosport for
Malta, to be joined by the first battalion from the Ionian Islands.
The head-quarters and three companies of the first battalion, under
the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Johnstone, embarked at Cephalonia,
and landed at Malta on the 20th February; the other three companies
arrived at Malta from Zante on the 27th March.
When the regiment embarked at Cephalonia, the Regent, the Bishop,
and all the dignitaries saw Colonel Johnstone, the officers and men
to the boats, and the leave-taking was nearly as touching as the one
at Corfu in 1841. The Regent of the Island and the Civil authorities
subsequently sent a large gold medal to Colonel Johnstone, with
Cephalos and his dog on one side of it, and the Colonel’s name on the
other.[346]
[Illustration: Colonel Johnstone’s Medal.]
On the 29th of December 1843, General the Right Honourable Sir
George Murray, G.C.B., was removed to the 1st, or the Royal
Regiment of Foot, in succession to General Lord Lynedoch, deceased;
and the colonelcy of the 42d Royal Highlanders was conferred on
Lieutenant-General Sir John Macdonald, K.C.B. (Adjutant-General
of the Forces), from the 67th regiment. Sir George Murray on his
removal, addressed a letter to Lieutenant-Colonel Cameron, commanding
the regiment, from which the following are extracts:--
“I cannot leave the command of the Forty-second Royal Highlanders
without requesting you to express to them, in the strongest terms,
how high an honour I shall always esteem it to have been for upwards
of twenty years the colonel of a regiment, which, by its exemplary
conduct in every situation, and by its distinguished valour in many a
well-fought field, has earned for itself so large a share of esteem
and of renown as that which belongs to the FORTY-SECOND regiment.
“Wherever the military service of our country may hereafter require
the presence of the Royal Highlanders, my most friendly wishes
and best hopes will always accompany them, and it will afford me
the greatest pleasure to learn that harmony and mutual goodwill
continue, as heretofore, to prevail throughout their ranks; and that
discipline, so essential to the honour and success of every military
body, is upheld amongst them, not more by the vigilance and the good
example of those in command, than by the desire of all to discharge
regularly, faithfully, and zealously, the several duties which it
belongs to each respectively to perform. Whilst the Royal Highlanders
persevere (as I feel confident, by my long acquaintance with them,
both before and during the period of my having the honour to command
them, that they always will) in the same path of duty which they
have hitherto followed, they will never cease to add to that high
reputation which they have already achieved for themselves, and for
their native land.”
Until the 42d went to Corfu, in December 1834, according to
Lieutenant-Colonel Wheatley, no Highland regiment had ever been seen
there, and the natives flocked from all parts of the island to see
the wonderful soldiers. Many of the natives, no doubt, had heard
something of the dress, but could only think of it as being like
the Albanian kilt, nor would they believe that the knees were bare.
The Greeks, says the Colonel, are very stoical, but at the parade
next day (Sunday), on the esplanade, they could not conceal their
excitement. Both the officers and men of the 42d were very popular at
Corfu; and when, after an absence of four years and a-half on home
service, the regiment returned to the island in 1841, the islanders
regarded it as a compliment, and declared that “the regiment had only
been sent to England to get percussion muskets.”
On February 10th, 1846, was killed in action at Sobraon in India,
Major-General Sir R. H. Dick, who had entered the 42d as ensign in
1800. He served with the second battalion of the 78th in Sicily in
1806; was wounded at the battle of Maida; was in Calabria and Egypt,
in 1807; and was severely wounded at Rosetta. He was in the Peninsula
from 1809, and was wounded at Waterloo. In the entrance of St Giles’
Church, Edinburgh, is a tablet to his memory, erected by the officers
of the 42d in 1846.
The two battalions remained at Malta until 1847, when both were
ordered to Bermuda. The first sailed on the 27th February, and landed
three companies (head-quarters) at Hamilton, and three companies at
Ireland Island on the 16th April. The reserve battalion embarked in
March, and landed at St. George’s Island on the 24th of April.
On the 1st April 1850, the reserve battalion was consolidated into
the first, forming a regiment of ten companies of 1000 rank and file.
In May 1851, three companies were separated from the regiment to be
sent to Scotland, to be joined by the depôt company from the Isle of
Wight, and on 4th June, the six service companies embarked on board
the “Resistance,” and on the following day sailed for Halifax, where
they arrived on the 12th, sending out detachments to Prince Edward’s
Island, Cape Breton, and Annapolis, in all 200 men.
The regiment was relieved by the 56th at Bermuda, and replaced the
88th at Halifax, ordered home. The depôt left Bermuda for Aberdeen on
13th July.
Before leaving, a letter, complimenting the regiment highly on its
commendable conduct while in Bermuda, was forwarded to Colonel
Cameron by his Excellency the governor. We give the following address
from “the Corporation and other inhabitants of the town and parish of
St. George,” which was presented to Colonel Cameron on June 3d, 1851.
“_To Lieutenant-Colonel D. A. Cameron_,
_42d R. H. Commandant, &c., &c., &c._,
“SIR,--As Her Majesty’s 42d regiment under your command is about to
leave these Islands, we cannot allow its departure without expressing
our esteem for the kindly feelings which have existed between the
inhabitants and the 42d, during the four years’ residence in this
garrison. The urbanity and affability of the officers, the steady and
upright conduct of the non-commissioned officers and men, have been
eminently conspicuous. To our knowledge, not a man of your gallant
and distinguished corps has been convicted of any crime before the
civil authorities of this colony; a very gratifying circumstance, and
bespeaking the high state of discipline of the regiment.
“To yourself, Sir, officers, and men, we sincerely tender our best
wishes for your future welfare; and assured are we, that should the
time arrive for the ‘Forty-second’ to be called into active service,
they will display that loyalty and valour for which they are so
justly renowned. Wishing you a safe and pleasant passage,--We have
the honour to be, Sir, your obedient, humble servants:--
“(Signed by the Mayor, Corporation, and other Inhabitants of the town
and parish of St George.)”
To this Colonel Cameron made a suitable reply.
This shows the esteem in which the regiment was held by the
inhabitants of Bermuda, and it was well deserved. Not a man had been
convicted before the civil authorities; it was something new to the
Bermudans, and a subject which they often dwelt upon.
The mean strength of the regiment in the Islands for four years and
two months, viz:--April 1847 to June 1857, was 1090; and the deaths,
including accidents, &c., were only 31, being much less than the
usual mortality at home. The regiment that the 42d had relieved (1st
and reserve battalions of the 20th) sustained a heavy loss--several
hundreds--from cholera; and the 56th, which replaced it, lost 6
officers and 224 men, in the autumn of 1853.
Early in 1852, the several detachments rejoined at Halifax, and on
the 29th May the regiment (again in the “Resistance”) embarked to
return home, and on July 16th anchored at Greenock. They landed on
the 19th, and proceeded by rail to Stirling, three companies going to
Perth, and two to Dundee. The depôt was waiting the arrival of the
service companies in Stirling Castle. The regiment had been absent
from Scotland upwards of 14 years, viz., since embarking at Glasgow
for Dublin in 1838.
Early in April 1853, the regiment was ordered to be in readiness
to proceed to England. On the 22d headquarters left Stirling, and
proceeded to Weedon, detaching two companies to Northampton. On
the 14th of June left Weedon for Chobham. It was there encamped
with the 1st Life Guards; 6th Dragoon Guards; 13th Light Dragoons;
17th Lancers; 1st Battalion Grenadier Guards; 1st Battalion Scots
Fusiliers; 1st Battalion Coldstreams; 38th, 50th, 93d, and 95th
regiments; and 2d Battalion Rifle Brigade, &c., &c.
On the 14th July, the whole of the troops were replaced, and the
regiment proceeded to Haslar and Gosport (Fort Monckton), detaching
three companies, under Major Cumberland, to Weymouth.
VI.
1854-1856.
Regiment Embarks for Crimea--Landing at Kalamita Bay--March to
the Alma--Russian Position--Battle of the Alma--The Highland
Brigade--Sir Colin Campbell--Work done by the 42d--Sir Colin’s
Bonnet--Work of the 42d before Sebastopol--Sir Colin Campbell’s
Addresses--The Kertch Expedition--Return Home.
Early in 1854, the regiment was removed to Portsea, preparatory to
embarking for Turkey, in consequence of hostilities with Russia.
About 200 Volunteers were received from depôts in Ireland, and for
the first time for upwards of 45 years, without regard to country.
The ten service companies embarked in the hired screw ship the
“Hydaspes,” Captain John Baker, on the 20th May, and sailed next
morning. They consisted of 32 officers, 45 sergeants, 20 Drummers and
Pipers, and 850 Rank and File. On 1st June they went into Malta, and
on the 7th anchored off Scutari. They landed and encamped on the 9th,
joining in Brigade with the 79th and 93d.
On the 13th the division, consisting of the Brigade of Guards and the
Highlanders, embarked and reached Varna next day, and disembarked
on 15th, encamping near to Varna. On the 1st of July they moved to
Aladyne; on the 28th to Gevrekler (“The three springs”); and on 16th
August repassed Varna to Galatabourna,[347] where the regiment was in
camp until the embarkation of the army on the 29th, on which day it
went on board the ss. “Emeu,” and sailed with the expedition on the
5th September.
The British force consisted of 27,000 men of all arms; the French
about 30,000; and the Turks 7000; making a total of 63,000 men, with
128 guns. Lord Raglan was the chief of the British forces, while
Marshal St Arnaud commanded the army of France. The English infantry
consisted of four divisions; the Light, First, Second, and Third
Divisions. The First Division, under the command of H. R. H. the
Duke of Cambridge, consisted of the third battalion of the Grenadier
Guards, and the first battalions of the Coldstream and Scotch
Fusilier Guards, commanded by Major-General Bentinck. Major-General
Sir Colin Campbell (Lord Clyde, of whom we give a steel portrait)
was commander of the other half of this division (the Highland
Brigade), composed of the 42d, 79th, and 93d Highlanders. The 42d was
commanded by Colonel Cameron, who had joined the regiment in 1825,
and was made lieutenant-general in 1868.
[Illustration: LORD CLYDE (Sir Colin Campbell).
COPIED BY PERMISSION OF M^R J. MITCHELL, PUBLISHER, LONDON.
A. Fullarton & C^o London & Edinburgh.]
On the 14th of September 1854, the allied armies of England and
France, landed unopposed at Old Fort, Kalameta Bay, about 30 miles
north of Sebastopol.
“The seamen knew,” says Kinglake,[348] the fascinating historian of
the Crimean War, “that it concerned the health and comfort of the
soldiers to be landed dry, so they lifted or handed the men ashore
with an almost tender care: yet not without mirth--nay, not without
laughter far heard--when, as though they were giant maidens, THE TALL
HIGHLANDERS OF THE FORTY-SECOND, placed their hands in the hands
of the sailor, and sprang, by his aid, to the shore, their kilts
floating out wide while they leapt.” It was not until the 18th that
all the soldiers and their accompaniments were landed, and not until
the 19th that the march southwards on Sebastopol commenced. On the
first night of their march, the allies bivouacked on the banks of the
stream of the Bulganak, six miles from their landing place.
“During the march, the foot-soldiers of the Allied armies suffered
thirst; but early in the afternoon the troops in advance reached
the long-desired stream of the Bulganak; and as soon as a division
came in sight of the water, the men broke from their ranks, and ran
forward that they might plunge their lips deep in the cool, turbid,
grateful stream. In one brigade a stronger governance was maintained.
Sir Colin Campbell would not allow that even the rage of thirst
should loosen the discipline of his grand Highland regiments. He
halted them a little before they reached the stream, and so ordered
it that, by being saved from the confusion that would have been
wrought by their own wild haste, they gained in comfort, and knew
that they were gainers. When men toil in organised masses, they owe
what well being they have to wise and firm commanders.”[349]
When the allied forces came in sight of the Alma, they found the
Russians intrenched in what looked a very formidable position, on
the hills which rise from its left or southern bank. For a short
distance from the mouth of the river, the banks rise precipitously
from the river and form a table-land above, accessible by several
gorges or passes. Further up the river the banks rise more gently,
and the slope of the hills southwards is more gradual; everywhere
are the heights cut up by passes or ravines into knolls and separate
rounded heights. “From the sea-shore to the easternmost spot
occupied by Russian troops, the distance for a man going straight
was nearly five miles and a-half; but if he were to go all the way
on the Russian bank of the river, he would have to pass over more
ground, for the Alma here makes a strong bend and leaves open the
chord of the arc to invaders who come from the north.”[350] All over
the heights extending from near the sea to this distance eastwards
along the south-side of the river, the Russian force, amounting
to 39,000 men and 106 guns, was massed on the side of the various
slopes, in formidable looking columns. On the right of the Russian
position rose gradually from the banks of the river a gentle slope,
which terminated in a large rounded knoll, known as the Kourganè
hill. At about 300 yards from the river, the Russians had thrown
up a large breastwork armed with fourteen heavy guns; this was
known as the Great Redoubt. With this work Prince Mentschikoff, the
Russian commander, was delighted; indeed, he fancied his position
so impregnable, that he expected to hold out for three days, by
which time he was confident the allies would be utterly exhausted,
and fall an easy prey to his northern legions. On the same hill,
but higher up, and more to his right, the Prince threw up another
slight breast-work, which he armed with a battery of field guns. This
was the Lesser Redoubt. At many other points which commanded the
approaches to his position he had large batteries planted, and the
vineyards which skirted the north bank of the river were marked and
cleared, so as to give effect to the action of the artillery.
As it would be out of place here to give a general account of the
battle of the Alma, we shall content ourselves mainly with setting
forth the part taken in it by the 42d Royal Highlanders, the actual
strength of which regiment going into action was 27 officers, 40
sergeants, 20 pipers and drummers, and 703 rank and file. The work
done by the other Highland regiments will be told in the proper
place. The French and Turks, who formed the right of the allied army,
were appointed to attack the left of the Russian position, while the
British had to bear the brunt of the battle, and engage the enemy in
front and on the right, being thus exposed to the full force of the
murderous fire from the above-mentioned batteries.[351]
“The right wing of the Russian army was the force destined to
confront, first our Light Division, and then the Guards and the
Highlanders. It was posted on the slopes of the Kourganè Hill. Here
was the Great Redoubt, armed with its fourteen heavy guns; and Prince
Mentschikoff was so keen to defend this part of the ground, that
he gathered round the work, on the slopes of the hill, a force of
no less than sixteen battalions of regular infantry, besides the
two battalions of Sailors, and four batteries of field-artillery.
The right of the forces on the Kourganè Hill rested on a slope to
the east of the Lesser Redoubt, and the left on the great road.
Twelve of the battalions of regular infantry were disposed into
battalion-columns posted at intervals and checkerwise on the flanks
of the Great Redoubt; the other four battalions, drawn up in one
massive column, were held as a reserve for the right wing on the
higher slope of the hill. Of the four field-batteries, one armed
the Lesser Redoubt, another was on the high ground commanding and
supporting the Great Redoubt, and the remaining two were held in
reserve. General Kvetzinski commanded the troops in this part of the
field. On his extreme right, and posted at intervals along a curve
drawn from his right front to his centre rear, Prince Mentschikoff
placed his cavalry,--a force comprising 3400 lances, with three
batteries of horse-artillery.
“Each of these bodies of horse, when brought within sight of the
Allies, was always massed in column.
“Thus, then, it was to bar the Pass and the great road, to defend the
Kourganè Hill and to cover his right flank, that the Russian General
gathered his main strength; and this was the part of the field
destined to be assailed by our troops. That portion of the Russian
force which directly confronted the English army, consisted of 3400
cavalry, twenty-four battalions of infantry, and seven batteries
of field-artillery, besides the fourteen heavy guns in the Great
Redoubt, making together 23,400 men and eighty-six guns.”[352]
In the march from its bivouac on the night of the 19th there were two
or three protracted halts, one caused by a slight brush with some
Cossack cavalry and artillery. The rest we must relate mainly in the
charming words of Kinglake, after whose narrative all others are
stale.
“The last of these took place at a distance of about a mile and a
half from the banks of the Alma. From the spot where the forces
were halted the ground sloped gently down to the river’s side; and
though some men lay prostrate under the burning sun, with little
thought except of fatigue, there were others who keenly scanned the
ground before them, well knowing that now at last the long-expected
conflict would begin. They could make out the course of the river
from the dark belt of gardens and vineyards which marked its banks;
and men with good eyes could descry a slight seam running across a
rising-ground beyond the river, and could see, too, some dark squares
or oblongs, encroaching like small patches of culture upon the broad
downs. The seam was the Great Redoubt; the square-looking marks that
stained the green sides of the hills were an army in order of battle.
“That 20th of September on the Alma was like some remembered day of
June in England, for the sun was unclouded, and the soft breeze of
the morning had lulled to a breath at noontide, and was creeping
faintly along the hills. It was then that in the Allied armies there
occurred a singular pause of sound--a pause so general as to have
been observed and remembered by many in remote parts of the ground,
and so marked that its interruption by the mere neighing of an angry
horse seized the attention of thousands; and although this strange
silence was the mere result of weariness and chance, it seemed to
carry a meaning; for it was now that, after near forty years of
peace, the great nations of Europe were once more meeting for battle.
“Even after the sailing of the expedition, the troops had been
followed by reports that the war, after all, would be stayed; and
the long frequent halts, and the quiet of the armies on the sunny
slope, seemed to harmonise with the idea of disbelief in the coming
of the long-promised fight. But in the midst of this repose Sir Colin
Campbell said to one of his officers, ‘This will be a good time for
the men to get loose half their cartridges;’ and when the command
travelled on along the ranks of the Highlanders, it lit up the faces
of the men one after another, assuring them that now at length, and
after long expectance, they indeed would go into action. They began
obeying the order, and with beaming joy, for they came of a warlike
race; yet not without emotion of a graver kind--they were young
soldiers, new to battle.”[353]
The Light Division formed the right of the British army, and the duty
of the Highland Brigade and the Guards was to support this division
in its attack on the right of the Russian position. The 42d formed
the right of the Highland Brigade, the 93d the centre, and the 79th
the left. The Kourganè hill, which had to be assailed by the Light
Division, supported by the Highlanders and Guards, was defended by
two redoubts, by 42 guns, and by a force of some 17,000 men.
The battle commenced about half-past one P.M., and lasted a little
over two hours. The French attack on the left was comparatively a
failure, and their losses small, for they had but little of the
fighting to sustain. The battle on the part of the English was
commenced by the Light and Second Divisions crossing the Alma, the
former getting first to the other or Russian side, driving the
Russian skirmishers and riflemen before them at the point of the
bayonet. As soon as they got out of the vineyards, double the number
of guns opened upon them with grape and canister, still they moved
on, keeping up a telling fire against the Russian gunners. By the
time they reached the great redoubt they were terribly shattered,
but, nevertheless, successfully carried it and captured two guns.
Being, however, now comparatively few in number, and unsupported,
they were compelled to leave the redoubt by a huge body of Russian
infantry, upon whom, they never turned their backs. Other operations,
with more or less success, were going on in other parts of the
hillside, but our place is with the Highlanders of the First
Division, who, along with the Guards, were now advancing to support
the Light Division, so sore bestead. “This magnificent division, the
flower of the British army, had crossed the river rather higher up
than the Light Division, and consequently were on its left.... The
First Division formed-up after crossing the Alma, and although they
incurred considerable loss in so doing, they nevertheless advanced in
most beautiful order--really as if on parade. I shall never forget
that sight--one felt so proud of them.”[354] Lord Raglan had been
looking on all this time from some high ground, where he and his
staff were posted, and where he obtained a comprehensive view of the
battle-field. When he saw the First Division coming up in support,
he said, “Look how well the Guards and Highlanders advance!”[355] We
must allow Mr Kinglake to tell the rest.
“Further to the left (of the Guards), and in the same formation (of
line), the three battalions of the Highland Brigade were extended.
But the 42d had found less difficulty than the 93d in getting through
the thick ground and the river, and again the 93d had found less
difficulty than the 79th; so, as each regiment had been formed and
moved forward with all the speed it could command, the brigade fell
naturally into direct échelon of regiments, the 42d in front.
|
------------
42d.
|
------------
93d.
|
------------
79th.
“And although this order was occasioned by the nature of the ground
traversed and not by design, it was so well suited to the work in
hand that Sir Colin Campbell did not for a moment seek to change it.
“These young soldiers, distinguished to the vulgar eye by their tall
stature, their tartan uniforms, and the plumes of their Highland
bonnets, were yet more marked in the eyes of those who know what
soldiers are by the warlike carriage of the men, and their strong,
lithesome, resolute step. And Sir Colin Campbell was known to be
so proud of them, that already, like the Guards, they had a kind
of prominence in the army, which was sure to make their bearing in
action a broad mark for blame or for praise.[356]
“The other battalions of the Highland Brigade were approaching; but
the 42d--the far-famed ‘Black Watch’--had already come up. It was
ranged in line. The ancient glory of the corps was a treasure now
committed to the charge of young soldiers new to battle; but Campbell
knew them--was sure of their excellence--and was sure, too, of
Colonel Cameron, their commanding officer. Very eager--for the Guards
were now engaged with the enemy’s columns--very eager, yet silent and
majestic, the battalion stood ready.
“Before the action had begun, and whilst his men were still in
column, Campbell had spoken to his brigade a few words--words simple,
and, for the most part, workmanlike, yet touched with the fire of
war-like sentiment. ‘Now, men, you are going into action. Remember
this: whoever is wounded--I don’t care what his rank is--whoever is
wounded must lie where he falls till the bandsmen come to attend to
him. No soldiers must go carrying off wounded men. If any soldier
does such a thing, his name shall be stuck up in his parish church.
Don’t be in a hurry about firing. Your officers will tell you when
it is time to open fire. Be steady. Keep silence. Fire low. Now,
men’--those who know the old soldier can tell how his voice would
falter the while his features were kindling--‘Now, men, the army will
watch us; make me proud of the Highland Brigade!’
“It was before the battle that this, or the like of this, was
addressed to the brigade; and now, when Sir Colin rode up to the
corps which awaited his signal, he only gave it two words. But
because of his accustomed manner of utterance, and because he was a
true, faithful lover of war, the two words he spoke were as the roll
of the drum: ‘Forward, 42d!’ This was all he then said; and, ‘as a
steed that knows his rider,’ the great heart of the battalion bounded
proudly to his touch.
“Sir Colin Campbell went forward in front of the 42d; but before he
had ridden far, he saw that his reckoning was already made good by
the event, and that the column which had engaged the Coldstream was
moving off obliquely towards its right rear. Then with his Staff he
rode up a good way in advance, for he was swift to hope that the
withdrawal of the column from the line of the redoubt might give
him the means of learning the ground before him, and seeing how the
enemy’s strength was disposed in this part of the field. In a few
moments he was abreast of the redoubt, and upon the ridge or crest
which divided the slope he had just ascended from the broad and
rather deep hollow which lay before him. On his right he had the now
empty redoubt, on his right front the higher slopes of the Kourganè
Hill. Straight before him there was the hollow, or basin, just spoken
of, bounded on its farther side by a swelling wave or ridge of ground
which he called the ‘inner crest.’ Beyond that, whilst he looked
straight before him, he could see that the ground fell off into a
valley; but when he glanced towards his left front he observed that
the hollow which lay on his front was, so to speak, bridged over by a
bending rib which connected the inner with the outer crest--bridged
over in such a way that a column on his left front might march to the
spot where he stood without having first to descend into the lower
ground. More towards his left, the ground was high, but so undulating
and varied that it would not necessarily disclose any troops which
might be posted in that part of the field.
“Confronting Sir Colin Campbell from the other side of the hollow,
the enemy had a strong column--the two right battalions of the Kazan
corps--and it was towards this body that the Vladimir column, moving
off from the line of the redoubt, was all this time making its way.
The Russians saw that they were the subject of a general officer’s
studies; and Campbell’s horse at this time was twice struck by shot,
but not disabled. When the retiring column came abreast of the right
Kazan column it faced about to the front, and, striving to recover
its formation, took part with the Kazan column in opposing a strength
of four battalions--four battalions hard-worked and much thinned--to
the one which, eager and fresh, was following the steps of the
Highland General.
“Few were the moments that Campbell took to learn the ground before
him, and to read the enemy’s mind; but, few though they were, they
were all but enough to bring the 42d to the crest where their General
stood. The ground they had to ascend was a good deal more steep and
more broken than the slope close beneath the redoubt. In the land
where those Scots were bred, there are shadows of sailing clouds
skimming straight up the mountain’s side, and their paths are rugged,
are steep, yet their course is smooth, easy, and swift. Smoothly,
easily, swiftly, the ‘Black Watch’ seemed to glide up the hill. A few
instants before, and their tartans ranged dark in the valley--now,
their plumes were on the crest. The small knot of horsemen who had
ridden on before them were still there. Any stranger looking into
the group might almost be able to know--might know by the mere
carriage of the head--that he in the plain, dark-coloured frock, he
whose sword-belt hung crosswise from his shoulder, was the man there
charged with command; for in battle, men who have to obey sit erect
in their saddles; he who has on him the care of the fight seems
always to fall into the pensive yet eager bend which the Greeks--keen
perceivers of truth--used to join with their conception of Mind
brought to bear upon War. It is on board ship, perhaps, more commonly
than ashore, that people in peace-time have been used to see their
fate hanging upon the skill of one man. Often, landsmen at sea have
watched the skilled, weather-worn sailor when he seems to look
through the gale, and search deep into the home of the storm. He sees
what they cannot see; he knows what, except from his lips, they never
will be able to learn. They stand silent, but they question him with
their eyes. So men new to war gaze upon the veteran commander, when,
with knitted brow and steady eyes, he measures the enemy’s power,
and draws near to his final resolve. Campbell, fastening his eyes
on the two columns standing before him, and on the heavier and more
distant column on his left front, seemed not to think lightly of the
enemy’s strength; but in another instant (for his mind was made up,
and his Highland blood took fire at the coming array of the tartans)
his features put on that glow which, seen in men of his race--race
known by the kindling grey eye, and the light, stubborn crisping
hair--discloses the rapture of instant fight. Although at that moment
the 42d was alone, and was confronted by the two columns on the
farther side of the hollow, yet Campbell, having a steadfast faith
in Colonel Cameron and in the regiment he commanded, resolved to go
straight on, and at once, with his forward movement. He allowed the
battalion to descend alone into the hollow, marching straight against
the two columns. Moreover, he suffered it to undertake a manœuvre
which (except with troops of great steadiness and highly instructed)
can hardly be tried with safety against regiments still unshaken. The
‘Black watch’ ‘advanced firing.’
“But whilst this fight was going on between the 42d and the two
Russian columns, grave danger from another quarter seemed to threaten
the Highland battalion; for, before it had gone many paces, Campbell
saw that the column which had appeared on his left front was boldly
marching forward; and such was the direction it took, and such the
nature of the ground, that the column, if it were suffered to go on
with this movement, would be able to strike at the flank of the 42d
without having first to descend into lower ground.
“Halting the 42d in the hollow, Campbell swiftly measured the
strength of the approaching column, and he reckoned it so strong
that he resolved to prepare for it a front of no less than five
companies. He was upon the point of giving the order for effecting
this bend in the line of the 42d, when looking to his left rear, he
saw his centre battalion springing up to the outer crest.”[357] This
was the 93d.
“Campbell’s charger, twice wounded already, but hitherto not much
hurt, was now struck by a shot in the heart. Without a stumble or
a plunge the horse sank down gently to the earth, and was dead.
Campbell took his aide-de-camp’s charger; but he had not been long
in Shadwell’s saddle when up came Sir Colin’s groom with his second
horse. The man, perhaps, under some former master, had been used
to be charged with the ‘second horse’ in the hunting-field. At all
events, here he was; and if Sir Colin was angered by the apparition,
he could not deny that it was opportune. The man touched his cap,
and excused himself for being where he was. In the dry, terse way of
those Englishmen who are much accustomed to horses, he explained that
towards the rear the balls had been dropping about very thick, and
that, fearing some harm might come to his master’s second horse, he
had thought it best to bring him up to the front.
“When the 93d had recovered the perfectness of its array, it again
moved forward, but at the steady pace imposed upon it by the chief.
The 42d had already resumed its forward movement; it still advanced
firing.
“The turning moment of a fight is a moment of trial for the soul, and
not for the body; and it is, therefore, that such courage as men are
able to gather from being gross in numbers, can be easily outweighed
by the warlike virtue of a few. To the stately ‘Black Watch’ and
the hot 93d, with Campbell leading them on, there was vouchsafed
that stronger heart for which the brave pious Muscovites had prayed.
Over the souls of the men in the columns there was spread, first
the gloom, then the swarm of vain delusions, and at last the sheer
horror which might be the work of the Angel of Darkness. The two
lines marched straight on. The three columns shook. They were not
yet subdued. They were stubborn; but every moment the two advancing
battalions grew nearer and nearer, and although--dimly masking the
scant numbers of the Highlanders--there was still the white curtain
of smoke which always rolled on before them, yet, fitfully, and from
moment to moment, the signs of them could be traced on the right
hand and on the left in a long, shadowy line, and their coming was
ceaseless.
“But moreover, the Highlanders being men of great stature, and in
strange garb, their plumes being tall, and the view of them being
broken and distorted by the wreaths of the smoke, and there being,
too, an ominous silence in their ranks, there were men among the
Russians who began to conceive a vague terror--the terror of things
unearthly; and some, they say, imagined that they were charged by
horsemen strange, silent, monstrous, bestriding giant chargers.
Unless help should come from elsewhere, the three columns would
have to give way; but help came. From the high ground on our left
another heavy column--the column composed of the two right Sousdal
battalions--was seen coming down. It moved straight at the flank of
the 93d.”[358] This was met by the 79th.
“Without a halt, or with only the halt that was needed for dressing
the ranks, it sprang at the flank of the right Sousdal column, and
caught it in its sin--caught it daring to march across the front of a
battalion advancing in line. Wrapped in the fire thus poured upon its
flank, the hapless column could not march, could not live. It broke,
and began to fall back in great confusion; and the left Sousdal
column being almost at the same time overthrown by the 93d, and the
two columns which had engaged the ‘Black Watch’ being now in full
retreat, the spurs of the hill and the winding dale beyond became
thronged with the enemy’s disordered masses.
“Then again, they say, there was heard the sorrowful wail that bursts
from the heart of the brave Russian infantry when they have to suffer
defeat; but this time the wail was the wail of eight battalions; and
the warlike grief of the soldiery could no longer kindle the fierce
intent which, only a little before, had spurred forward the Vladimir
column. Hope had fled.
“After having been parted from one another by the nature of the
ground, and thus thrown for some time into échelon, the battalions
of Sir Colin’s brigade were now once more close abreast; and since
the men looked upon ground where the grey remains of the enemy’s
broken strength were mournfully rolling away, they could not but
see that this, the revoir of the Highlanders, had chanced in a
moment of glory. Knowing their hearts, and deeming that the time was
one when the voice of his people might fitly enough be heard, the
Chief touched or half lifted his hat in the way of a man assenting.
Then along the Kourganè slopes, and thence west almost home to the
Causeway, the hill-sides were made to resound with that joyous,
assuring cry, which is the natural utterance of a northern people so
long as it is warlike and free.[359]
“The three Highland regiments were now re-formed, and Sir Colin
Campbell, careful in the midst of victory, looked to see whether the
supports were near enough to warrant him in pressing the enemy’s
retreat with his Highland Brigade. He judged that, since Cathcart was
still a good way off, the Highlanders ought to be established on the
ground which they had already won; and, never forgetting that, all
this while, he was on the extreme left of the whole infantry array
of the Allies, he made a bend in his line, which caused it to show a
front towards the south-east as well as towards the south.
“This achievement of the Guards and the Highland Brigade was so
rapid, and was executed with so steadfast a faith in the prowess
of our soldiery and the ascendancy of Line over Column, that in
vanquishing great masses of infantry 12,000 strong, and in going
straight through with an onset which tore open the Russian position,
the six battalions together did not lose 500 men.”[360]
The British loss was 25 officers and 19 sergeants killed, and 81
officers and 102 sergeants wounded; 318 rank and file killed, and
1438 wounded, making, with 19 missing, a total loss of 2002. The
French loss was probably not more than 60 killed and 500 wounded,
while the Russian killed and wounded amounted to considerably above
6000. The 42d in killed and wounded lost only 37 men.
After the battle, it was a touching sight to see the meeting between
Lord Raglan and Sir Colin Campbell. The latter was on foot, as his
horse had been killed in the earlier period of the action. Lord
Raglan rode up, and highly complimented Campbell and his brigade.
Sir Colin, with tears in his eyes,[361] said it was not the first
battle-field they had won together, and that, now that the battle was
over, he had a favour to ask his lordship, which he hoped he would
not refuse--to wear a bonnet with his brigade while he had the honour
to command it.
The request was at once granted, and the making up of the bonnet was
intrusted secretly to Lieutenant and Adjutant Drysdale of the 42d.
There was a difficulty next morning as to the description of heckle
to combine the three regiments of the Brigade. It was at last decided
to have one-third of it red, to represent the 42d, and the remaining
two-thirds white at the bottom, for the 79th and 93d. Not more than
half a dozen knew about the preparation of the bonnet, and these were
confined to the 42d. A brigade parade was ordered on the morning of
22d September on the field of Alma, “as the General was desirous of
thanking them for their conduct on the 20th.” The square was formed
in readiness for his arrival, and he rode into it with the bonnet on.
No order or signal was given for it, but he was greeted with such
a succession of cheers, again and again, that both the French and
English armies were startled into a perfect state of wonder as to
what had taken place. Such is the history of “the bonnet gained.”
The 42d had its own share in the harassing and tedious work which
devolved on the British soldiers while lying before Sebastopol,
although it so happened that it took no part in any of the important
actions which followed Alma. Here, as elsewhere, the men supported
the well-known character of the regiment in all respects. On the
first anniversary of the battle of the Alma, September 20, 1855, the
first distribution of medals was made to the soldiers in the Crimea,
on which occasion Lieutenant-General Sir Colin Campbell issued the
following stirring address, duty preventing him from being present:--
“_Highland Brigade_,
“On the first anniversary of the glorious battle of the Alma, our
gracious Sovereign has commanded the Crimean medal to be presented
to her gallant soldiers, who were the first to meet the Russians and
defeat them on their own territory. The fatigues and hardships of
last year are well known, and have greatly thinned our ranks since
we scaled the Alma heights together; but happy am I to see so many
faces around me, who, on that day, by their courage, steadiness, and
discipline, so materially assisted in routing the Russian hordes
from their vaunted impregnable position. To that day Scotchmen can
look with pride, (and Scotchmen are everywhere). For your deeds
upon that day you received the marked encomiums of Lord Raglan, the
thanks of the Queen, and admiration of all. Scotchmen are proud of
you! I, too, am a Scotchman, and proud of the honour of commanding
so distinguished a Brigade; and still prouder, that through all
the trying severities of the winter, its incessant labours, and
decimating disease, you have still maintained the same unflinching
courage and energy with which your discipline, obedience, and
steadiness, in whatever circumstances you have been placed, make
you so unrivalled (and none more so than the oldest regiment of the
brigade), and your commander confident of success, however numerous
and determined your foe. The young soldiers who have not this day
been presented with a medal, nor shared in the glories of the Alma,
may soon win equal honours, for many an Alma will yet be fought, when
I hope they will prove themselves worthy comrades of those who have
struck home for Scotland, and for honours for their breast.
“Many have shared the greatest portion of the hardships of this
campaign, and were ready upon the 8th (September) to do their duty,
and eager for the morning of the 9th, when if we had been required I
am positive would have gained renown.
“The honour of these last days all are equally entitled to, and I
hope soon again to be presenting the young soldiers with their medals.
“I cannot conclude without bringing to your minds, that the eyes
of your countrymen are upon you. I know you think of it, and will
endeavour by every effort to maintain your famed and admirable
discipline; also that your conduct in private equals your prowess in
the field; and when the day arrives that your services are no longer
required in the field, welcome arms will be ready to meet you with
pride, and give you the blessings your deeds have so materially aided
to bring to your country. And in after years, when recalling the
scenes of the Crimea by your ingle side, your greatest pride will be
that you too were there, and proved yourself a worthy son of sires
who, in by-gone days, on many a field added lustre to their country’s
fame.”
The brave Sir Colin seems to have been particularly fond of the old
Black Watch, “the senior regiment” of the Highland Brigade, as will
be seen from the above address, as well as from the following, in
which, after regretting he was not present at the distribution of
medals and clasps on the 20th September, he proceeds:--
“Your steadiness and gallantry at the battle of Alma were most
conspicuous and most gratifying to me, whilst your intrepidity, when
before the enemy, has been equalled by the discipline which you have
invariably preserved.
“Remember never to lose sight of the circumstance, that you are
natives of Scotland; that your country admires you for your bravery;
that it still expects much from you; and, as Scotchmen, strive to
maintain the name and fame of our countrymen, who are everywhere,
and who have nobly fought and bled in all quarters of the globe. In
short, let every one consider himself an hero of Scotland. It is
my pride, and shall also be my boast amongst the few friends which
Providence has left me, and those which I have acquired, that this
decoration of the order of the Bath, which I now wear, has been
conferred upon me on account of the distinguished gallantry you
have displayed. Long may you wear your medals, for you well deserve
them! And now for a word to the younger officers and soldiers. It
is not only by bravery in action that you can anticipate success;
much depends upon steadiness and discipline. Remember this, for it is
owing to the high state of discipline heretofore maintained in the
Highland Brigade, _and in the senior regiment thereof in particular_,
that such results have been obtained as to warrant the highest degree
of confidence in you, in whatever position the fortune of war may
place you.
“Endeavour, therefore, to maintain steadiness and discipline, by
which you will be able to emulate the deeds of your older comrades
in arms, for we may yet have many Almas to fight, where you will
have the opportunity of acquiring such distinction as now adorn your
comrades.”
From the 19th of October, the Highland Brigade was commanded by
Colonel Cameron of the 42d, Sir Colin having been appointed to
command the forces in and about Balaclava. In January 1855, the
establishment was increased to 16 companies, and on the 3d of May,
the regiment was embarked to take part in the Kertch expedition, but
was recalled on the 6th. It again embarked on the 22d May, and landed
at Kertch on the 24th, whence it marched to Yenikale. Two of the 42d
men, while the regiment was at the last-mentioned place, were shot in
rather an extraordinary manner. They were standing in a crowd which
had assembled round a house for the purpose of “looting” it, when a
Frenchman, having struck at the door with the butt of his musket,
the piece went off, killing one 42d man on the spot and wounding the
other. These, so far as we can ascertain, were the only casualties
suffered by the regiment in this expedition. The 42d returned to
Balaclava on the 9th of June, and on the 16th of the same month,
took up its position in front of Sebastopol. On June 18th it formed
one of the regiments of reserve in the assault of the outworks of
Sebastopol, and was engaged in siege operations until August 24th,
when the regiment marched to Kamara, in consequence of the Russians
having again appeared in force on the flank of the allied armies. On
September 8th, it marched to Sebastopol, took part in the assault and
capture, returned to Kamara the following day, and remained there
until the peace, 30th March 1856.
On June 15th, the regiment embarked at Kameish for England, landed at
Portsmouth on the 24th of July, proceeded by rail to Aldershott, and
was reviewed by Her Majesty Queen Victoria, after which it proceeded
by rail to Dover, in garrison with the 41st, 44th, 79th, and 93d
regiments.
The actual losses of the regiment in the Crimea from actual contact
with the enemy, were nothing compared with the sad ravages made upon
it, along with the rest of the army, by disease and privation, and
want of the actual necessaries of life. During the campaign only 1
officer and 38 men were killed in action, while there died of wounds
and disease, 1 officer and 226 men, 140 men having had to be sent to
England on account of wounds and ill-health.
VII.
1856-1869.
The 42d proceeds to India--Cawnpore--Seria-Ghât--Marches and
Skirmishes--Lucknow--42d Storms La Martinière--The Begum
Kootee--Fort Ruhya--Bareilly--Rohilkund--Maylah Ghaut--Khyrugher
Jungles--Presentation of Colours--Title of “Black Watch”
restored--Cholera--Embarks for England--Reception at Edinburgh
--Leave Edinburgh for Aldershot.
On December 1856, the establishment was reduced to 12 companies. On
July 31st 1857, the regiment proceeded to Portsmouth, and on the 4th
of August following it was reviewed by Her Majesty the Queen, who
expressed herself highly satisfied with the fine appearance of the
regiment. Between this date and the 14th the corps embarked in six
different ships for the east, to assist in putting down the Indian
Mutiny, and arrived at Calcutta in the October and November following.
The headquarters, with five companies of the 42d Royal Highlanders,
had orders to march for Cawnpore on the night of the 28th November;
but the news of the state of affairs at Cawnpore having reached
Allahabad, the column was recalled, and ordered to form an intrenched
camp at Cheemee. Next morning the work was begun, and progressed
favourably until the 1st of December. Meanwhile the party was
reinforced by a wing of Her Majesty’s 38th Regiment, a wing of the 3d
battalion Rifle Brigade, a party of Sappers and Artillery, making
in all a force of 1050 men, with two 8-inch howitzers and four
field-pieces.
At 5 A.M. on the 2d December, a messenger arrived in camp with a
despatch from the Commander-in-chief, ordering the column to make
forced marches to Cawnpore. It marched accordingly at 8 P.M. on the
same day, and reached Cawnpore about noon on the 5th, having marched
a distance of 78 miles in three days, though the men were fairly
exhausted through fatigue and want of sleep.
The position which the rebels held at Cawnpore was one of great
strength. Their left was posted amongst the wooded high grounds,
intersected with nullahs, and thickly sprinkled with ruined bungalows
and public buildings, which lie between the town and the Ganges.
Their centre occupied the town itself, which was of great extent,
and traversed only by narrow winding streets, singularly susceptible
of defence. The position facing the intrenchment was uncovered; but
from the British camp it was separated by the Ganges canal, which,
descending through the centre of the Doab, falls into that river
below Cawnpore. Their right stretched out behind this canal into the
plain, and they held a bridge over it, and some lime-kilns and mounds
of brick in front of it.
The camp of the Gwalior contingent of 10,000 was situated in this
plain, about two miles in rear of the right, at the point where
the Calpee road comes in. The united force, amounting now, with
reinforcements which had arrived, to about 25,000 men, with 40 guns,
consisted of two distinct bodies, having two distinct lines of
operation and retreat;--that of the Nana Sahib (and under the command
of his brothers), whose line of retreat was in rear of the left on
Bithoor; and that of the Gwalior contingent, whose retreat lay from
the right upon Calpee.
General Windham, commanding in the fort, opened a heavy fire from
every available gun and mortar from the intrenchment upon the hostile
left and their centre in the town, so as to draw their attention
entirely to that side and lead them to accumulate their troops there.
Brigadier Greathed, with his brigade of 8th, 64th, and 2d Punjaub
infantry, held the line of intrenchment, and engaged the enemy by a
brisk attack. To the left, Brigadier Walpole, with the 2d and 3d
battalion Rifle brigade and a wing of 38th foot, crossed the canal
just above the town, and advancing, skirted its walls, marking as he
reached them every gate leading into the country, and throwing back
the head of every column which tried to debouch thence to the aid
of the right; whilst to the left, Brigadier Hope, with his Sikhs,
and Highlanders, the 42d and 93d, and the 53d foot, and Brigadier
Inglis, with the 23d, 32d, and 82d, moved into the plain, in front of
the brick-mound, covering the enemy’s bridge on the road to Calpee.
Meanwhile the whole cavalry and horse artillery made a wide sweep to
the left, and crossed the canal by a bridge two miles farther up, in
order to turn the flank of the rebels.
The battle commenced on the morning of the 6th with the roar of
Windham’s guns from the intrenchment. After a few hours this
tremendous cannonade slackened, and the rattle of Greathed’s musketry
was heard closing rapidly on the side of the canal. Walpole’s
riflemen pushed on in haste; and Hope and Inglis’s brigades, in
parallel lines, advanced directly against the high brick mound,
behind which the enemy were formed in great masses, and their guns,
worked with great precision, sent a shower of shot and shell upon
the plain. The field batteries on the British side opened briskly,
whilst the cavalry were seen moving on the left. The 42d skirmishers
now rushed on and closed upon the mound, from which the enemy fell
back to the bridge. Lieutenant-Colonel Thorold, commanding, riding in
front of the centre of the regiment, here had his horse shot under
him by a round shot, which swept through the line and killed private
Mark Grant. The gallant old Colonel sprung to his feet, and with his
drawn sword in hand, marched in front of the regiment during the
remainder of the action, and the pursuit of the flying enemy.
After a moment’s pause, the infantry again pushed on, and rushed upon
the bridge. The fire was heavy in the extreme, when the sound of
heavy guns was heard, and Peel’s noble sailors, dragging with them
their heavy 24-pounders, came up to the bridge, and brought them into
action. The enthusiasm of the men was now indescribable; they rushed
on, either crossing the bridge or fording the canal, came upon
the enemy’s camp, and took some guns at the point of the bayonet.
A Bengal field-battery galloped up and opened fire at easy range,
sending volleys of grape through the tents. The enemy, completely
surprised at the onslaught, fled in great haste, leaving everything
in their camp as it stood;--the rout was complete. The cavalry and
horse artillery coming down on the flank of the flying enemy, cut up
great numbers of them, and pursued along the Calpee road, followed
by the 42d, 53d, and Sikhs, for 14 miles. The slaughter was great,
till at last, the rebels despairing of effecting their retreat by
the road, threw away their arms and accoutrements, dispersed over
the country into the jungle, and hid themselves from the sabres and
lances of the horsemen. Night coming on, the wearied forces returned
to Cawnpore, carrying with them 17 captured guns. The strength and
courage of the young men of the Royal Highlanders was remarkable.
Many of them were mere lads, and had never seen a shot fired before,
yet during the whole of this day’s action and long march, not a
single man fell out, or complained of his hardships.
As soon as the Gwalior contingent was routed on the right, a severe
contest took place with the Nana Sahib’s men in the town, at a place
called the Sonbadar’s Tank, but before nightfall all Cawnpore was in
our possession.
The Nana’s men fled in great confusion along the road to Bithoor,
whither they were pursued on the 8th by Brigadier-General Hope Grant,
at the head of the cavalry, light artillery, and Hope’s brigade of
infantry (42d and 93d Highlanders, 53d, and 4th Punjaub rifles).
Bithoor was evacuated, but the force pushed on, marching all night,
and came upon the enemy at the ferry of Seria-Ghat on the Ganges, 25
miles from Cawnpore, at daylight on the 9th. The rebels had reached
the ferry, but had not time to cross. They received the British force
with a heavy cannonade, and tried to capture the guns with a charge
of cavalry, but the horsemen of the British drove them away. Their
infantry got amongst the enclosures and trees; but the whole of the
guns, amounting to 15 pieces, were captured, together with a large
quantity of provisions, camp equipage, and ammunition.
Lieutenant-Colonel Thorold, commanding the regiment, and Captain J.
C. M’Leod, commanding the rear guard, are honourably mentioned by
Brigadier-General Hope Grant, in his despatch dated 11th December
1857.
The grenadier company, when destroying some baggage-carts, &c., found
a very large gong, which was kept as a trophy by the regiment. The
troops encamped near the Ghat on the 9th and 10th, and on the 11th
marched back to Bithoor, where they were employed till the 28th
December, destroying the palace of the Nana Sahib, and searching for
treasure,--a great quantity of which was found in a tank,--with a
considerable amount of labour, the flow of water being so great that
200 men were employed night and day baling it out, so as to keep it
sufficiently low to enable the sappers to work.
The remainder of the regiment--Nos. 2, 4, 5, 6, and 7
companies--under the command of Major Wilkinson, joined at Bithoor
on the 22d December 1857. Lieutenant-Colonel Cameron and Major
Priestley, who had been left at Calcutta, joined head-quarters on the
12th December.
The Commander-in-chief with the forces at Cawnpore, marched towards
Futteghur on the 25th December, and the column at Bithoor followed
on the 28th, overtaking the head-quarter’s column on the 29th at
Merukie Serai. The regiment marched from the latter place, and at 1
o’clock, P.M. joined the head-quarters camp at Jooshia-Gunge--the
whole force a few days after proceeding to Futteghur. After various
skirmishes with the enemy during January 1858, about Futteghur, the
force on the 1st February commenced a retrograde march on Cawnpore,
which it reached on the 7th. On the 10th the 42d and 93d Highlanders
crossed the Ganges into Oudh, as a guard on the immense siege-train
which had been collected in Cawnpore for service at Lucknow. On the
11th they marched to Onao, where, with other troops the regiment
remained, acting as convoy escort to the immense train of provisions
and military materials being sent forward towards Lucknow.
On the 21st the regiment moved forward, and on the morning of the
26th, met their old companions in arms, the 79th Highlanders, at Camp
Purneah. A cordial greeting took place between old comrades, after
which the regiments proceeded together to Bunteerah the same morning.
Here the whole of the Commander-in-chief’s force assembled. The
siege train, &c., was gradually brought forward, and all necessary
preparations made for the attack on Lucknow.
The force marched from Bunteerah on the 1st March, and passing
through Alum Bagh (the post held by Major-General Sir George Outram)
and by the old fort of Jellalahabad on the left, soon met the enemy’s
outposts, which, after a few rounds from their field-guns, retired to
the city. The palace of Dalkoosha was seized without opposition, and
being close to the river Goomptee, formed the right of the British
position. The intervening space between this and the Alum Bagh on the
left was held by strong bodies of troops posted under cover, for the
hour of action had not yet arrived.
Lucknow had been fortified by every means that native art could
devise to make a strong defence. The canal was scarped, and an
immense parapet of earth raised on the inner side, which was
loop-holed in all directions. Every street was barricaded, and every
house loop-holed. The Kazerbagh was so strengthened as to form a kind
of citadel, and the place was alive with its 50,000 mutinous sepoys,
besides a population in arms of one kind or other of double that
number.
Brigadier Franks, who had marched from Benares with a column, by
way of Sultanpore, having been joined by the Nepaulese contingent
under General Jung Bahadoor, reached Lucknow on the 5th March; and
on the 6th a division, under command of Sir James Outram, crossed
the Goomptee, opposite the Dalkoosha park, and moved round towards
the old Presidency, driving in the enemy’s posts. Sir James Outram,
from his position on the opposite bank of the river, was enabled to
enfilade, and take in reverse a great portion of the great canal
embankment, and effectually to shell the enemy within his works.
The enemy’s most advanced position was La Martinière, a large public
building surrounded on three sides by high walls and ruined houses,
and its front covered by the river.
The plan of attack having been arranged, the 42d Highlanders were
ordered to storm the Martinière, which they did in gallant style
on the 9th. Four companies, under Major E. R. Priestley, advanced
in extended order, the remaining five advanced in line under
Lieutenant-Colonel Cameron. The Highlanders went steadily on until
within two hundred yards of the place, when, giving three cheers,
they rushed on in double time, the pipers playing “The Campbells are
coming.” The enemy became so alarmed, that they bolted from their
trenches without waiting to fire more than their first round. Thus,
the first position in Lucknow was gained without the loss of a single
man.
Till the flying enemy, having been joined by reinforcements at their
second line of intrenchment, summoned fresh courage, and showed
battle to the four skirmishing companies who had followed up; a
very smart affair ensued, in which the regiment suffered several
calamities. The enemy from behind their works were enabled to do this
without themselves being seen.
The five companies under Lieutenant-Colonel Cameron were ordered to
take position in an old village to the right of La Martinière about
300 yards, in passing to which they were exposed to a heavy fire upon
the great parapet of the canal; but on reaching the village it was
observed that the parapet near the river was undefended, having at
that end been enfiladed by General Outram’s guns. The 42d, with the
4th Punjaub rifles, under Major Wyld, making steps in the face of
the parapet with bayonets, &c., scrambled up, and taking ground to
the left, cleared the line of work as far nearly as Bank’s bungalow.
Reinforcements were brought up, and the position was held for the
night. Early next morning, the several companies of the regiment were
collected together, and the order was given to occupy Bank’s bungalow
and the houses and gardens adjacent. These points were also carried
with little opposition, the enemy nowhere attempting to stand, but
keeping up a constant fire of all kind of missiles from the tops of
houses, loop-holes, and other points.
The regiment was now close under the Begum Kootee, an extensive mass
of solid buildings, comprising several courts, a mosque, bazaar, &c.
This place was strongly fortified, and became an important post. Two
68-pound naval guns were at once brought up and commenced breaching;
within Bank’s bungalow were placed 16 mortars and cohorns, from which
shells were pitched at the Kootee that day, and all night, until the
following day about 2 o’clock (March 11th), when the 93d Highlanders
stormed the breach, and carried the place in gallant style. Upwards
of 500 corpses told the slaughter which took place within those
princely courts. During the attack, the 42d grenadier and light
companies were ordered to protect the left flank of the 93d, in doing
which several casualties took place, caused by the fire of the enemy
from a loop-holed gateway near which the light company had to pass.
After occupying Bank’s bungalow, two companies of the 42d were sent
under Major Priestley to clear and occupy some ruined houses on the
left front. This party, having advanced rather farther than this
point, got hotly engaged with the enemy, but held their original
ground.
A large section of the city being now in possession of the British,
operations were commenced against the Kaizer Bagh, from the direction
of the Begum Kootee, as well as from Sir James Outram’s side. He took
the Mess-house by storm, and other outworks in that direction, and on
the morning of the 14th got into this great palace. The place was now
almost wholly in possession of the British forces; at no one point
did the enemy attempt to make a stand, but fled in every direction.
By the 20th the rebels had been everywhere put down, and peace
partially restored. On the 22d the 42d Royal Highlanders were moved
to the Observatory Mess-house and old Presidency, where they remained
doing duty until the 2d April. During this time the men suffered
greatly from fever, brought on by hardship and exposure to the sun.
They had now been a whole month constantly on duty, their uniform
and accoutrements never off their backs; and the effluvium arising
from the many putrid half-buried carcases in the city, especially
about the Presidency, rendered the air very impure. Notwithstanding
the hard work performed by the regiment at Lucknow, only 5 rank
and file were killed, and Lieutenant F. E. H. Farquharson and
41 non-commissioned officers and privates wounded. Lieutenant
Farquharson was awarded the Victoria Cross “for a distinguished act
of bravery at Lucknow, 9th March 1858.”
On the evening of the 2d April, the regiment marched to camp at
the Dalkoosha, having been ordered to form part of the Rohilcund
field force under Brigadier Walpole. On the morning of the 8th
the regiment marched from camp, accompanied by the 79th and 93d
Highlanders, to the Moosha Bagh, a short distance beyond which the
brigade encamped; and having been joined by the remainder of the
force and the new Brigadier, commenced a march through Oudh, keeping
the line of the Ganges. Nothing of note occurred until the 15th. On
reaching Rhoadamow, Nurpert Sing, a celebrated rebel chief, shut
up in Fort Ruhya, refused to give his submission. The fort was
situated in a dense jungle, which almost completely hid it from
view. Four companies of the 42d, with the 4th Punjaub rifles, were
sent forward in extended order, to cover the guns and reconnoitre,
and were brought so much under the enemy’s fire from the parapet and
the tops of trees, that a great many casualties occurred in a very
short time. Brigadier Adrian Hope and Lieutenants Douglas and Bramley
here received their death wounds. After remaining in this exposed
condition for six hours, and after losing so many men, the Brigadier
withdrew his force about sunset, and encamped about two miles off.
During the night, the rebel chief retired quietly with all his men
and material. Besides the two officers above mentioned, 1 sergeant
and 6 privates were killed, and 3 sergeants and 34 privates wounded.
Quarter-Master Sergeant John Simpson, Lance-Corporal Alexander
Thompson, and Private James Davis were awarded the Victoria Cross.
Nothing of importance occurred till the force reached Bareilly,
when they came up with the enemy’s outposts at daybreak on the 5th
May. After a short cannonade for about half-an-hour, the enemy fell
back from the bridge and nullah, and occupied the topes (clumps of
trees) and ruined houses in the cantonments. In this position it
was necessary to shell every tope and house before advancing, which
caused considerable delay: all the time the sun was shining on the
troops with full force. About 10 A.M. the enemy made a bold attempt
to turn the British left flank, and the 42d were ordered forward in
support of the 4th Punjaub rifles, who had been sent to occupy the
old cavalry lines, but were there surprised by the enemy in great
numbers. Just as the 42d reached the old lines, they were met by
the Punjabees in full flight, followed by a lot of Gazees carrying
tulwars and shields. These rushed furiously on, and the men for a
moment were undecided whether they should fire on them or not, their
friends the Punjabees being mixed up with them when, as if by magic,
the Commander-in-chief appeared behind the line, and his familiar
voice, loud and clear, was heard calling out, “Fire away, men; shoot
them down, every man jack of them!” Then the line opened fire upon
them; but in the meantime, some of these Gazees had even reached
the line, and cut at the men, wounding several. Four of them seized
Colonel Cameron in rear of the line, and would have dragged him off
his horse, when Colour-Sergeant Gardner stepped from the ranks and
bayoneted them, the Colonel escaping with only a slight wound on
his wrist. For this act of bravery Gardner was awarded the Victoria
Cross. In this affair 1 private was killed, and 2 officers, 1
sergeant, and 12 privates wounded. No. 5 company 42d took possession
of the fort which was abandoned, and a line of piquets of the 42d and
79th Highlanders was posted from the fort to the extreme right of the
Commander-in-chief’s camp. Next day the place was cleared of rebels.
The regiment was told off as a part of the Bareilly brigade, and
on the 5th June detached a wing to Mooradabad under command of
Lieutenant Colonel Wilkinson. This wing marched to Bedaon with a
squadron of carbineers, and joined Brigadier Coke’s force, but
received orders to leave the carbineers with Brigadier Coke, and
proceed to Mooradabad. On this march the men suffered from exhaustion
and the heat. Indeed, the men who were still under canvas now began
to suffer very much from sun-stroke, fevers, diarrhœa, &c. Every
exertion was made to get them into temporary barracks, but this was
not effected until the middle of July, just in time to escape the
rains.
Lieutenant Colonel Alexander Cameron died of fever on the 9th August,
and Lieutenant Colonel F. G. Wilkinson succeeded to the command of
the regiment.
The headquarters and left wing were ordered to Peeleebheet on the
14th October, where it remained encamped till the 24th November,
when, in order the better to guard against the rebels crossing from
Oudh into Rohilkund, Colonel Smyth, Bengal Artillery, in command of
a small column, was ordered to take up a position on the banks of
the Sarda, to watch the Ghauts. No. 6, Captain Lawson’s company,
joined Colonel Smyth’s column. At the same time, Major M’Leod was
ordered, with the troops under his command, viz., 4 companies 42d
Royal Highlanders, 2 squadrons Punjaub cavalry, 1 company Kumaon
levies, and 2 guns, to proceed to Madho-Tandu, being a central
position whence support might be sent in any direction required.
This force subsequently moved close to the Sarda, in consequence of
the numerous reports of the approach of the enemy, but all remained
quiet until the morning of the 15th January 1859. The enemy having
been pursued in the Khyrugher district by a force under command of
Colonel Dennis, attempted to force his way into Rohilkund, with the
view, as was supposed, of getting into Rampore. Early on the morning
of the 15th the enemy, about 2000 strong, effected the passage of the
Sarda, at Maylah Ghaut, about three miles above Colonel Smyth’s camp,
at daylight. The alarm having been given, the whole of the troops in
camp moved out with all speed, and attacked the rebels in the dense
jungle, close to the river. Ensign Coleridge, 42d, was detached
in command of a piquet of 40 men of Captain Lawson’s company, and
40 men Kumaon levies, and was so placed as to be cut off from the
remainder of the force. The jungle was so dense, that the cavalry
could not act; the Kumaon levies were all raw recruits, who were with
difficulty kept to their posts, so the fighting fell almost wholly
to the lot of the 37 men under command of Captain Lawson. The enemy,
desperate, and emboldened by the appearance of so small a force
before them, made repeated attempts to break through the thin line of
skirmishers, but the latter nobly held their ground. Captain Lawson
received a gun-shot wound in his left knee, early in the day; Colour
Sergeant Landles was shot and cut to pieces, two corporals--Ritchie
and Thompson--were also killed, and several other casualties had
greatly weakened them. The company now without either officers or
non-commissioned officers, yet bravely held on their ground, and,
cheered on by the old soldiers, kept the enemy at bay from sunrise to
sunset. Privates Walter Cook and Duncan Miller, for their conspicuous
bravery during this affair were awarded the Victoria Cross.
Major M’Leod’s force was then at a place called Sunguree on the
Sarda, 22 miles from Colonel Smyth’s force. About 8 A.M. when the
numbers and nature of the enemy’s attack were discovered, a Sowar was
despatched to Major M’Leod (in temporary command) for a reinforcement
of two companies, and ordering the remainder of the force to proceed
with all speed to Madho-Tanda to await the result of the battle.
No. 7 and 8 companies were dispatched from Sunguree about noon, but
did not reach the scene of action till after 5 P.M. Their arrival
turned the tide of battle altogether. Such of the enemy as could
recrossed the river in the dark, and next morning nothing remained
on the field, but the dead and dying, 2 small guns, and some cattle
belonging to the rebels. Lord Clyde complimented the regiment very
highly on this occasion, and in particular, spoke of Captain Lawson’s
company as a pattern of valour and discipline.
General Walpole having received intelligence about the 22d that
a body of rebels were hovering about, under Goolah Sing, in the
Khyrugher jungles, two companies of the 42d Royal Highlanders at
Colonel Smyth’s camp, a squadron of the Punjaub cavalry, a squadron
of Crossman’s Horse, and three companies of Ghoorkhas, under command
of Colonel Wilkinson, were ordered to cross the river at the spot
where the rebels came over, and march to Gulori, 40 miles in the
interior, under the Nepaul hills. Gulori was reached in 4 days, but
Goolah Sing had secured himself in a fort under Nepaulese protection.
Colonel Dennis, with a force from Sultanpore had orders to march
on a village 20 miles from Gulori, and also sweep the jungles and
communicate with Colonel Wilkinson. As he never arrived, and the
jungles being free from rebels, the force recrossed the river and
returned to camp.
The left wing of the 42d remained on the Sarda until the 14th of
March, when it returned to Bareilly, and joined the right wing,
which had returned from Mooradabad on the 18th February, having
been relieved by a wing of the 82d regiment; but information having
been received that the rebels were again appearing in force in the
Khyrugher districts, the right wing, under command of Lieutenant
Colonel Priestley, was sent to the Sarda to join Colonel Smyth on
the 13th March, where it remained until the 15th May 1859, when it
returned to Bareilly, the weather being by this time very hot and
the district perfectly quiet. About this time, Lieutenant-Colonel
Wilkinson went on leave to England, and was appointed to a depot
battalion, and on the 27th September Lieutenant-Colonel Priestley
succeeded to the command of the regiment.
The regiment occupied the temporary barracks at the old Kutchery,
Berkley’s House, and the Jail, during the hot and rainy seasons. The
men were remarkably healthy, and very few casualties occurred.
His Excellency, Sir Hugh Rose, Commander-in-chief in India
having been invited on the 18th September, by Lieutenant-Colonel
Priestley in the name of the officers and soldiers of the 42d Royal
Highlanders, to present new colours to the regiment, arrived in
Bareilly for that purpose on the 1st of January 1861. After the
old colours had been lodged, and the new been presented by His
Excellency, and trooped with the usual ceremonies, Sir Hugh Rose
addressed the regiment in the following speech:--
“_42d Royal Highlanders_,
“I do not ask you to defend the colours I have presented to you this
day. It would be superfluous: you have defended them for nearly 150
years with the best blood of Scotland.
“I do not ask you to carry these colours to the front should you
again be called into the field; you have borne them round the world
with success. But I do ask the officers and soldiers of this gallant
and devoted regiment not to forget, because they are of ancient date,
but to treasure in their memories the recollection of the brilliant
deeds of arms of their forefathers and kinsmen, the scenes of which
are inscribed on these colours. There is not a name on them which is
not a study; there is not a name on them which is not connected with
the most important events of the world’s history, or with the pages
of the military annals of England.
“The soldiers of the 42d cannot have a better or more instructive
history than their regimental records. They tell how, 100 years ago,
the 42d won the honoured name of ‘Royal’ at Ticonderoga in America,
losing, although one battalion, 647 killed and wounded. How the
42d gained the ‘Red Heckle’ in Flanders. How Abercromby and Moore
in Egypt and in Spain, dying in the arms of victory, thanked, with
parting breath, the 42d. Well might the heroes do so! The fields of
honour on which they were expiring were strewed with the dead and
wounded soldiers of the 42d.
“The 42d enjoy the greatest distinction to which British regiments
can aspire. They have been led and commanded by the great Master in
War, the Duke of Wellington. Look at your colours: their badges will
tell you how often--and this distinction is the more to be valued,
because his Grace, so soldierlike and just was he, never would
sanction a regiment’s wearing a badge, if the battle in which they
had been engaged, no matter how bravely they may have fought in it,
was not only an important one, but a victory.
“In the Crimea, in the late campaign in this country, the 42d again
did excellent service under my very gallant and distinguished
predecessor, Lord Clyde. The last entry in the regimental records
shews that the spirit of the ‘Black Watch’ of 1729 was the same in
1859, when No. 6 company of the 42d, aided only by a company of
the Kumaon levy, four guns, and a squadron of irregular cavalry,
under Sir Robert Walpole, beat back, after several hours obstinate
fighting, and with severe loss, 2000 rebels of all arms, and gained
the day. Lord Clyde bestowed the highest praise on the company that a
general can do,--His Lordship thanked them for their valour and their
discipline.
“I am sincerely obliged to Lieutenant-Colonel Priestley for having,
on the part of the 42d Royal Highlanders, requested me to present
them with their new colours. It is an honour and a favour which I
highly prize, the more so, because I am of Highland origin, and have
worn for many years the tartan of another regiment which does undying
honour to Scotland--the 92d Highlanders.
“I have chosen this day--New Year’s day--for the presentation of
colours, because on New Year’s day in 1785 the colours were given to
the 42d under which they won their red plume. Besides, New Year’s
day, all over the world, particularly in Scotland, is a happy day.
Heaven grant that it may be a fortunate one for this regiment!”
On the 3d, after inspecting the regiment, His Excellency desired
Lieutenant-Colonel Priestley to thank them for the admirable
condition in which he found them, and for their regularity and good
conduct. His Excellency further called several officers and soldiers
to the front of the battalion and thanked them for their gallant
conduct on various occasions, and No. 6 company for the valour
and discipline evinced by them on the occasion alluded to in His
Excellency’s speech.
On the 8th of March three companies were detached to Futteghur.
On 23d March headquarters moved from Bareilly to Agra, where they
arrived on the 8th of April, and were garrisoned along with the 107th
regiment. On 27th July the regiment moved into camp, on account of
cholera having broken out, and returned to barracks on 12th August,
having lost from cholera 1 officer and 40 non-commissioned officers
and men. After returning to barracks, the regiment was prostrated by
fever and ague, so many as 450 men having been at one time unfit for
duty out of seven companies.
On 12th September the regiment was delighted by having its old
name reconferred upon it, as a distinguished mark of honour. A
notification was received that on 8th July 1861 Her Majesty had been
pleased graciously to authorise The Royal Highland Regiment to be
distinguished, in addition to that title, by the name by which it was
first known--“The Black Watch.”
In March 1862, Lieutenant-General, the Marquis of Tweeddale, was
appointed Colonel in place of the deceased Sir James Douglas. The
Marquis, however, in September of the following year, removed to the
2d Lifeguards, and was succeeded by the regiment’s former commander,
who led them up the slopes of Alma--Major-General Sir Duncan Cameron.
On 6th December 1863, the Black Watch marched by forced marches
from Lahore to Rawal Pundee, on account of active operations having
been commenced against some of the hill tribes. It arrived at the
latter place on December 19. Affairs on the frontier having, however,
assumed a favourable aspect, the regiment returned to Dugshai, which
it reached on the 13th February 1864, but returned to Rawal Pundee,
where on 14th December it was put into garrison with the 79th. It
left the latter place in October 1865, and proceeded to Peshawur,
where it was in garrison with the first battalion of the 19th
regiment, and subsequently with the 77th. In 1867, while at Peshawur,
cholera broke out in the cantonments, and on the 21st of May five
companies, under Major Macpherson, were removed to camp; these were
followed on the 25th by headquarters and the other five companies.
From the 20th to the 31st May, 66 men, 1 woman, and 4 children died
of cholera. On the 1st of June the regiment commenced its march to
Cheroat, a mountain of the Kultoch range, where headquarters was
established on the 15th. The health of the regiment was not, however,
immediately restored, and the number of deaths at Cheroat were 1
officer, 15 non-commissioned officers and men, 2 women, and 1 child.
The total deaths in the regiment, from 20th May to 17th October,
including casualties at depot, were 2 officers, 86 non-commissioned
officers and men, 5 women, and 9 children;--altogether 102, or nearly
one-sixth of the whole regiment.
On 17th October was commenced the march towards Kurrachee,
preparatory to embarkation for England. On January 17, 1868, the
regiment embarked at Kurrachee for Bombay, and on the 21st was
trans-shipped to the Indian troopship “Euphrates,” which landed it
at Suez on 15th February. On the 18th it embarked at Alexandria on
board the “Serapis,” which reached Portsmouth on the 4th of March,
when the regiment immediately left by sea for Scotland and landed
at Burntisland on the 7th, headquarters and 1 company proceeding
to Stirling Castle, 5 companies to Perth, and 4 to Dundee. Colonel
Priestley came home with the regiment from India, and carried on
his duties till the 24th of March, the day before his death. He
was succeeded by Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel M’Leod, who joined the
regiment in 1846. On 12th October headquarters moved by rail from
Stirling to Edinburgh Castle, and the detachments from Perth and
Dundee followed soon after. The reception accorded to Scotland’s
favourite and oldest regiment, on its arrival in Edinburgh, was
as overwhelmingly enthusiastic as in the days of old, when the
military spirit was in its glory. The reader will have an idea of
the enthusiasm with which this regiment is still regarded, and will
be so so long as its ranks are mainly recruited from Scotland, by
the following account of its reception, for which we are indebted
to the _Scotsman_ newspaper of the day following the regiment’s
arrival:--“The train arrived at the station about 10 minutes past
1 P.M., but long before that hour large and anxious crowds had
collected on the Waverley Bridge, in Princes Street Garden, on the
Mound, the Calton Hill, the Castle, and every other point from
which a view of the passing regiment could be obtained. The crowd
collected on the Waverley Bridge above must have numbered several
thousands. The scene altogether was very imposing and animated. Such
a turn-out of spectators has not been witnessed on the occasion
of the arrival of any regiment here since the 78th Highlanders
came from India, nearly ten years ago. Immediately after the train
entered the station, the bugle sounded, and the men were arranged
in companies, under the command of their respective captains. The
regiment was under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel J. C. M’Leod,
assisted by Major Cluny M’Pherson, Major F. C. Scott, and Adjutant
J. E. Christie, and was drawn up in 8 companies. On emerging from
the station the band struck up ‘Scotland yet,’ and the appearance of
the regiment was hailed with hearty cheers from the spectators. The
crowd in Canal Street was so great that it was with some difficulty
the soldiers managed to keep their ranks. Their line of march lay
along Princes Street, and every window and housetop from which a view
of the gallant 42d could be obtained was crowded with spectators. The
regiment proceeded by the Mound, Bank Street, and Lawnmarket, and
was loudly cheered at every turn. On the Castle esplanade the crowd
was, if possible, more dense than anywhere else. A large number of
people had taken up their position on the top of the Reservoir, while
every staircase from which a view could be obtained was thronged with
anxious spectators. Large numbers had also gained admission to the
Castle, and all the parapets and embrasures commanding a view of the
route were crowded with people.
“On the regiment arriving at this point, loud cheers were raised by
the immense crowd assembled on the esplanade, which were immediately
taken up by those in the Castle, and enthusiastically continued.
On arriving at the Castle gate, the band ceased playing, and the
pipes struck up a merry tune. Even after the regiment had passed
into the Castle, large numbers of people, including many relatives
of the soldiers, continued to linger about the esplanade. It is now
thirty-two years since the regiment was in Edinburgh, and certainly
the reception which they received yesterday was a very enthusiastic
one. Four companies came from Perth, and joined the headquarters at
Stirling, and the whole regiment proceeded from thence to Edinburgh.”
We cannot refrain here from quoting some verses of a short poem
on the Black Watch, which appeared about this time, so happy and
spirited that it deserves a more permanent resting-place than a
newspaper.
THE BLACK WATCH.
A HISTORIC ODE, BY DUGALD DHU.
_Written for Waterloo Day, 1868._
Hail, gallant regiment! Freiceadan Dubh!
Whenever Albion needs thine aid,
“Aye ready” for whatever foe,
Shall dare to meet “the black brigade!”
Witness disastrous Fontenoy,
When all seemed lost, who brought us through?
Who saved defeat? secured retreat?
And bore the brunt?--the “Forty-Two!”
So, at Corunna’s grand retreat,
When, far outnumbered by the foe,
The patriot Moore made glorious halt,
Like setting sun in fiery glow.
Before us foam’d the rolling sea,
Behind, the carrion eagles flew;
But Scotland’s “Watch” proved Gallia’s match,
And won the game by “Forty-Two!”
The last time France stood British fire
“The Watch” gained glory at its cost;
At Quatre Bras and Hugomont,
Three dreadful days they kept their post.
Ten hundred there, who form’d in square,
Before the close a handful grew;
The little phalanx never flinched,
Till “Boney” ran from Waterloo!
The “Forty-Second” never dies--
It hath a regimental soul;
Fond Scotia, weeping, filled the blanks
Which Quatre Bras left in its roll.
At Alma, at Sevastopol,
At Lucknow, waved its bonnets blue!
Its dark green tartan, who but knows?
What heart but warms to “Forty-Two?”
But while we glory in the corps,
We’ll mind their martial brethren too;
The Ninety-Second, Seventy-Ninth,
And Seventy-First--all Waterloo!
The Seventy-Second, Seventy-Fourth--
The Ninety-Third--all tried and true!
The Seventy-Eight, real, “men of Ross;”
Come, count their honours, “Forty-Two!”
Eight noble regiments of the Queen,
God grant they long support her crown!
“Shoulder to shoulder,” Hielandmen!
United rivals in renown!
We’ll wreath the rose with heath that blows
Where barley-rigs yield mountain dew;
And pledge the Celt, in trews or kilt,
Whence Scotland drafts her “Forty-Two!”
It is worthy of remark, that from the time that the regiment embarked
at Leith for England in May 1803, until October 1868, a period of
upwards of 65 years, it was quartered in Edinburgh only 15 months--6
months in 1816, and 9 months in 1836-7. At its last visit it remained
only about a year, taking its departure on November 9, 1869, when it
embarked at Granton in the troop-ship “Orontes,” for Portsmouth, _en
route_ for the camp at Aldershot, where it arrived on the 12th. The
enthusiasm of the inhabitants of Edinburgh appears to have been even
far greater to the Black Watch on its departure than on its entry
into the northern metropolis. During their residence in Edinburgh
the Highlanders conducted themselves in such a manner as to win the
favourable opinions of all classes of the community, and to keep up
the ancient prestige and unbroken good name of the regiment. The
following is the _Scotsman’s_ account of its departure:
“After a sojourn in Scotland of eighteen months, twelve of which
have been passed in Edinburgh, the 42d Royal Highlanders departed
yesterday from the city, taking with them the best wishes of the
inhabitants. Since the arrival of the 78th Highlanders, immediately
after the close of the Indian mutiny, such a degree of excitement as
was displayed yesterday has not been witnessed in connection with any
military event in the metropolis. It was generally known that 9 A.M.
had been fixed for the evacuation of the Castle by the Highlanders,
and long before that hour the Lawnmarket and the esplanade were
crowded with an eager and excited multitude. At 9 o’clock the crowd
increased fourfold, by the thousands of work-people, who, set free
at that time, determined to spend their breakfast-hour in witnessing
the departure of the gallant ‘Black Watch.’ At half-past nine, the
regiment, which had assembled in heavy marching order in the Castle
Square, began to move off under the command of Colonel M’Leod, the
band playing ‘Scotland Yet,’ and afterwards ‘Bonnets o’ Blue.’ As
the waving plumes were seen slowly wending down the serpentine path
which leads to the esplanade, an enthusiastic and prolonged cheer
burst from the spectators. As soon as the regiment had passed the
drawbridge, a rush was made by the onlookers to get clear of the
Esplanade. The narrow opening leading to the Lawnmarket was speedily
blocked, and the manner in which the living mass swayed to and fro
was most alarming--the din created by the crowd completely drowning
the music of the band. The pressure of the crowd was so great that
for a time the ranks of the regiment were broken, and a word of
praise is due to the Highlanders for their forbearance under the
jostling which they received from their perhaps too demonstratively
affectionate friends. The line of route taken was Lawnmarket, Bank
Street, the Mound, Hanover Street, Pitt Street, Brandon Street, to
Inverleith Row, and thence by the highway to Granton. The whole way
to the port of embarkation the regiment had literally to force its
passage through the dense masses which blocked the streets, and every
now and again a parting cheer was raised by the spectators. The
crowd, as has already been mentioned, was the largest that has been
seen in Edinburgh for many years, and has been roughly estimated as
numbering from fifty to sixty thousand persons. During the march
to Inverleith toll, the band played ‘Scotland for Ever,’ the ‘Red,
White, and Blue,’ ‘Home, sweet Home,’ and ‘London’s bonnie Woods and
Braes.’ Shortly after pressing through the toll, and when within a
mile of Granton, the Highlanders were met by the 90th Regiment of
Foot (Perthshire Volunteers), who were _en route_ to Edinburgh to
succeed the ‘Black Watch’ as the garrison of the Castle. According to
military custom, the junior regiment drew up alongside the roadway,
and presented arms to the Highlanders, who fixed bayonets and
brought their rifles to the shoulder as they marched past. At this
interesting ceremony the band of the Highlanders played ‘Blue Bonnets
over the Border,’ while that of the 90th struck up the ‘Gathering
of the Grahams.’ Granton was reached about 11 o’clock, and as the
Highlanders marched along the pier, ‘Auld Langsyne’ was appropriately
played by the band. The slopes leading down to the harbour and the
wharfs were thickly covered with spectators, who lustily cheered the
Highlanders, and who showed the liveliest interest in the process of
embarkation.”
VIII.
1817-1873.
Account of Variations in Dress of the Black Watch--Regimental
Pets--“Pincher”--“Donald the Deer”--“The Grenadiers’ Cat”--Monument
to Black Watch in Dunkeld Cathedral--Conclusion.
Before concluding our history of this, the oldest Highland regiment,
we shall present a brief account of the variations which have from
time to time taken place in the dress of the regiment, and wind up
with short biographies of the regimental pets. For our information
on both these matters, as well as for the greater part of the modern
history of the regiment, we must again express our large indebtedness
to the manuscript memorials of Lieutenant-Colonel Wheatley.
It is a curious study to note the many alterations that have taken
place in the uniform of officers and men since 1817. In 1817 the
officers had a short-skirted coatee, elaborately covered with rich
gold lace, about nine bars on the breast over blue lappels, hooked
in the centre. It was also thickly covered with lace on the collar,
cuffs, and skirts. All ranks wore two heavy epaulets of rich bullion.
The field officers only wore scarves, which were their distinguishing
mark of rank. All the officers wore richly braided scarlet
waistcoats, and frills plaited very small, the shirt collar well
exposed above the black silk stock. Sky-blue cloth trousers, with a
broad stripe of gold lace edged with scarlet was the usual parade
uniform; and parade invariably took place morning and afternoon,
every officer present, and in the above-mentioned uniform, and with
feathered bonnet. The gold-laced trousers were abolished in 1823, and
blue-gray substituted without lace, which was continued until 1829,
when Sir Charles Gordon introduced the trews of regimental tartan,
which were fringed round the bottom, and up the outer seams. The
fringe system was continued for some years, when it was also done
away with.
The undress in barracks was in general a light gray long frock coat;
but leaving the barracks, the officers invariably appeared in the
coatee and a tartan bonnet without feathers, with a short red heckle
in front, confined by a gold ring about one-third up. This handy
bonnet was also worn on the line of march with the coatee. It was
replaced in 1824 by a tartan shako, with black silk cord ornaments
and a heavy red ostrich plume, which again gave way to the regular
forage cap in 1826, first introduced with a broad top, and stiff in
appearance, with a small gold embroidered thistle in front. Before
1830, when the single-breasted blue frock-coat, without any shoulder
ornaments, was introduced into the army, a richly braided blue
frock-coat was worn; but it was optional. White Cashmere trousers,
narrow at the ankles with a gold stripe edged with scarlet, silk
socks, and long quartered shoes with buckles, was also permitted for
the evening (about 1819-20).
Before the adoption of the tartan trousers, the officers’ dress was
a strange mixture of Highland and line. For instance, at the guard
mounting parade in Dublin in 1819-20, could anything, in the way
of dress, be more absurd in a Highland regiment than to see the
officers for the Castle guards in full Highland dress, and the five
or six for other guards, the field officer, adjutant, quarter-master,
and medical officer, in white Cashmere pantaloons, and short (under
the knee) Hessian tassled boots, and that with a feathered bonnet?
All officers for guard ought to have been in the full dress of the
regiment, but it was put on by them with the greatest reluctance, and
so seldom, that the officers could not dress themselves, and their
remarks reached the barrack rooms, through their servants, which
caused the dislike to the dress to descend to the men, and for years
had the direct effect of causing the men to rail much against it.
Since 1843, officers and men alike wear it on duty and on parade,
which ought always to have been the case. In 1823-24 the officers
all wore wings, rich and heavy, which were discontinued in 1830, by
order, and epaulets, with bullion according to rank (for the first
time) substituted; and it is a singular fact that the men were
authorised to wear wings, by regulation, the same year; and still
more singular, until the epaulets were abolished 25 years afterwards,
the non-commissioned officers and men wore wings, and the officers
epaulets. The laced lappels and braided waistcoats disappeared in
1830, when lace was generally done away with on the breast of the
coat in the army. When the regiment returned from the Peninsula in
1814, from being so long in the field, the feathers had disappeared
from the bonnet, and a little red feather on the front, the same as
on a shako, had been adopted. When the bonnets were renewed, the rank
and file were not allowed to have foxtails, under the impression
that it caused an unsteady appearance in the ranks. Why not the
officers and sergeants cause an unsteady appearance? Be that as it
may, to the disgust of the men, and a source of amusement to all the
other Highland regiments, was our “craw’s wing,” a wirework 8 inches
above the cloth, covered with flats (almost free of anything like
ostrich feathers) having a large unmeaning open gap at the right
side, famous for catching the wind, which was ornamented with a large
loose worsted tuft of white for the grenadiers, green for the light
company, and red for the others. Yet this hideous thing was continued
until the summer of 1821, when most willingly the men paid about
thirty shillings each to have the addition of “foxtails;” yet these
were a draw back, as the tails were not to hang lower than the top
of the dice of the tartan. The grand point was, however, gained in
getting rid of the frightful “craw’s wing,” and by degrees the tails
descended to a proper length. At this time there were a variety of
heckles worn in the bonnet, another piece of bad taste--white for
the grenadiers, green for the light company, the band white, and
the drummers yellow, with each of them two inches of red at the
top, and the other eight companies (called battalion companies)
red. On going to Dublin in 1825, from Buttevant, the colonel of the
regiment, Sir George Murray, was the commander of the forces, and
at the first garrison parade, noticing the extraordinary variety of
heckles, asked an explanation as to the reason of any heckle being
worn in the regiment other than the red, it being “a special mark of
distinction,” and desired that all other colours should disappear.
The next day every officer and man was in possession of a red heckle.
The white jacket was first worn with the kilt in 1821, which was
considered at first to be very odd. Up to 1819, it was sometimes
served out without sleeves; and when sleeves became general, the
soldiers were charged 1s. 3d. for them, “for the colonel’s credit.”
Until 1821 it was used as a waistcoat, or for barrack-room wear. It
is still in use in the Guards and Highland regiments, notwithstanding
its being a most useless article to the soldier. Instead of being
used, it has to be carefully put up ready for the next parade.
Moreover, why were the Guards and Highlanders left to suffer under
it, when the reason for doing away with it in 1830 was--“It having
been represented to the general commanding-in-chief, that the
frequent use of dry pipe-clay, in the cleaning of the white jacket,
is prejudicial to the health of the soldiers?” Surely the lungs of
the Guards and Highlanders were as vulnerable as those of the rest of
the army, and their health and lives equally precious. Many a time
it was brought to notice; but “to be like the Guards” was sufficient
to continue it. Yet there is no doubt the honour would be willingly
dispensed with, and the getting rid of it would be much to the men’s
comfort. Let us hope it will soon disappear, as well as the white
coats of the band, still in use for all the army in 1873.
Until about 1840, never more than 4 yards of tartan were put into the
kilt, and until lately, it never exceeded 4½ to 5. The plaid up to
1830 contained about 2½ yards, for no use or purpose but to be pushed
up under the waist of the coat, taking from the figure of the man.
Until 1822, to have trousers was optional, even on guard at night.
Many men were without them, and cloth of all colours, and fustian,
was to be seen. From soon after the return of the regiment to
Edinburgh after Waterloo, long-quartered shoes and buckles were
worn on all occasions. The shoes were deserving of the name given
to them--“toe cases.” To such a ridiculous extent was the use of
shoes and buckles carried, that after a marching order parade, the
spats had to be taken off, and buckles put on before being permitted
to leave the barracks. The red and white hose cloth up to 1813 was
of a warm, woolly, genial stuff; but, for appearance, a hard cold
thin article was encouraged, and soon became so general, that it
was finally adopted, and the warm articles put out of use. At this
time the regiment was in Richmond Barracks, Dublin (1819-20), and,
consequently had to go to the Royal Barracks for guard mounting, and
often from a mile or two farther to the guard, in the shoe already
described. In rainy weather, it was quite a common occurrence to see
men reach the guard almost shoeless, with the hose entirely spoiled,
and no change for twenty-four hours; yet, bad as this was, it had its
consolation, that “it was better than breeches and leggings,” the
guard and review dress for the infantry at this time. Had gaiters
been taken into use, even in winter, and the strong shoe, it would
have added much to the comfort of the men. The hose being made out
of the piece, with coarse seams, were also badly adapted for the
march, and not a man in twenty had half hose and socks. The soldier
in general is thoughtless, and at this time no consideration for his
comfort was taken by those whose duty it was do so, either in eating
or clothing. As a proof of it, we have seen that no breakfast mess
was established until 1819.
It was at Gibraltar, in the beginning of 1826, that the gaiters
were taken into daily wear and for guard; and the frill, the pest
of the men (because of the care that had to be taken of it), and
the soldiers’ wives who did the washing. There were individuals who
rejoiced in these frills, and to excel, paid from 2s. 6d. to 4s.
for them. White leather pipe-clayed gloves were also part of the
soldier’s dress at all parades, and “gloves off” became a regular
word of command before “the manual and platoon.” In short, what with
shoes and buckles, frills, a stock up to the ears, about six yards
of garters on each leg, muskets with clear locks (burnished in many
cases), and well bees-waxed stocks and barrels, they were a most
singularly equipped set of soldiers. Yet such was the force of habit,
and what the eye had been accustomed to, when the frills and buckles
disappeared, many (officers) considered it as an unwarrantable
innovation; but not so the soldiers, who derived more comfort from
the change than can well be imagined.
In 1820, shoulder tufts, about four inches, were substituted for the
smaller ones hitherto worn by the battalion companies. The following
year they became a little longer. In 1824, though still short of a
regular wing, a shell was added, but without lace, stiffened with
pasteboard. In 1827 a little lace was added, and in 1830 the ambition
of having wings was consummated, as it became regulation for the
non-commissioned officers and men of Highland regiments to wear
wings, although, as already mentioned, the officers continued to wear
epaulets.
Patent leather chin straps were first used in 1822. Before that a few
only had narrow tape, which was not always approved of, it resting
upon the whim of the officers or sergeant-major.
Until about 1840, the lace on the coats of both cavalry and infantry
was of great variety, a few corps having it all white, but, in
general with a “worm” of one or two colours of from one-fifth to
one-third of the breadth of the lace. The 42d wore white lace, with
a red “worm” three-fourths of the white on one side of the red, and
one-fourth on the other. The 73d had the same lace, continued from
the time it was the 2d battalion of the regiment.
The breast, cuffs, collars, and skirts were covered with lace, the
cause of much dry pipe-claying. Some corps had it with square bars,
others in “frogs.” The 42d had the latter. Its abolition about 1830
was regretted by many, because it was an old-established custom, and
also that it added much to the appearance of the sergeants’ uniform;
but when it came to be worn at a cost of from six to seven pounds for
lace and fringe, it was, without doubt, a hardship, and Sir Charles
Gordon did well in abolishing it.[362]
All the staff-sergeants wore the turned-back blue lappels, barred
with square lace, and hooked in the middle, which was particularly
handsome, and much admired. They ceased to wear the silver at the
same time as the others, more to their regret, as a coat served many
of them for years. The sergeant-major and quarter-sergeant only
continued it, being furnished to them, with handsome bullion wings,
along with their clothing.
The only changes of late years have been the Highland jacket and dark
hose, both for the better, and the bonnet much reduced in size, also
a decided improvement, all introduced after the Crimean war. The kilt
is also more ample, and better made, adding to the better figure
and appearance of the men, who are in all better dressed at present
(1873) than at any previous period. May they always continue to be
the pattern, as they ought to be, to all the Highland regiments,
and that not only in dress, but also in all the qualities of good
soldiers.
* * * * *
Out of the many pets of the regiment, we present our readers with
the lives of these three, as being on the whole most worthy of
record,--the dog “Pincher,” “Donald” the Deer, and the “Grenadiers’
Cat.”
“Pincher” was a small smooth-skinned terrier that attached himself to
the regiment on the march in Ireland, at some stage near to Naas, its
destination on coming home after the Peninsular war in 1814. Pincher
was truly a regimental dog. If he had any partiality, it was slightly
towards the light company. He marched to Kilkenny with the regiment,
back from Naas, remained with it during the winter, and embarked for
Flanders in the spring; went into action with it at Quatre Bras, and
was wounded somewhat severely in the neck and shoulder, but, like a
good soldier, would not quit the field. He was again in action at
Waterloo, accompanied his regiment to Paris, and, amidst armies of
all nations, Pincher never lost himself, came home, kept to his post,
and went over to his native country in 1817. Late in that year, or
early in 1818, he went with some men going on furlough to Scotland,
who were landed at Irvine. Poor Pincher ran after some rabbits in an
open warren, and was shot by a keeper, to the general grief of the
regiment, when the intelligence reached it, which was not until one
of the men returned from Scotland to join. In the meantime, Pincher
had hardly been missed. There was some wonder at Armagh, and remarks
made that Pincher was long on his rounds, but no anxiety regarding
him, because it was well known, that from the time of his joining the
regiment in 1814, it mattered not how many detachments were out from
headquarters, in turn he visited them all; and it was often a matter
of wonder how he arrived, and by what instinct he found them out.
Poor Pincher was a good and faithful soldier’s dog, and, like many
a good soldier, died an inglorious death. His memory was respected
while his generation existed in the regiment.
“Donald” the Deer was with the depot which awaited the regiment when
it went into Edinburgh Castle in September 1836 after landing at
Granton from Corfu. He was a youth at the time, and not so formidable
as to cause his antlers to be cut, which had to be done afterwards.
He marched the three days to Glasgow in June 1837. He was somewhat
mischievous that year, sometimes stopping the way when he chose to
make his lair, or with the meddlers and intruders on the Green when
the regiment was out at exercise. But it was in Dublin, in the summer
of 1838, that Donald came out. Without any training, he took his
place at the head of the regiment alongside of the sergeant-major.
Whether marching to and from the Phœnix Park for exercise, marching
out in winter, or at guard mounting on the day the 42d furnished the
band and staff, Donald was never absent. He accompanied the regiment
to all garrison field-days, went to feed until the time came for
going home, was often a mile from them, but always at his post when
the time came. With one exception, about the third field-day, the
79th were there for the first time, and Donald trotted up to them
when marching off. He somehow discovered his mistake, and became
uneasy and bumptious, and on reaching Island Bridge, when the 79th
had to turn off to Richmond Barracks, declined to accompany his
new friends any farther. Colonel Ferguson desired half a dozen men
to hand over their muskets to their comrades, and to drive Donald
towards the Royal Barracks. He went willingly, and happened to
rejoin his own corps at the Park gate, evidently delighted. He never
committed a similar mistake. When the regiment had the duty, he
invariably went with the guard to the Castle; and whether going or
coming, the crowd was always dense, although a daily occurrence,
but Donald made his way, and kept it clear too, and the roughs knew
better than to attempt to annoy him. Indeed, he has been known to
single out an individual who did so, and give chase after him through
the crowd. There was never any concern about him, as he could well
defend himself. The Greys were in the Royal Barracks with the 42d,
and permitted Donald to make his bed, even by tossing down their
litter, fed him with oats daily, &c. But early in 1839 the Greys
left, and the Bays succeeded them. It was very soon evident that
Donald and the new comers did not understand each other. The Bays
would not allow him to make his bed, nor did they give oats, and
Donald declared war against all Bays, when and wherever they came
near him, till at last a Bay man could hardly venture to cross the
Royal square, without looking out that Donald was out of the way. It
gave rise to a clever sketch made on the wall of the officers’ room
at the Bank guard of the “Stag at Bay,” where Donald was represented
as having one of them up against a wall. In May 1839, he made nine
days’ march to Limerick, although very footsore and out of temper,
and woe to the ostlers in the hotel-yard who interfered with him
after a day’s march. Donald had another failing, which his countrymen
are accused of, which was a great liking for whisky or sherry. He
suffered after a debauch, and it was forbidden to indulge Donald
in his liking in that way. At Limerick, as soon as the officers’
dinner pipe went, he made his way to the mess-room windows, which
were on the ground floor, to look for sherry, until a high fine had
to be made on any one who gave it to him. Donald afterwards marched
to Templemore, and finally to Cork. He had by this time become so
formidable in his temper, particularly to strangers, that it was
clear he could not be taken on board a ship to Corfu, even if the
captain of the troopship would permit it; and, to the regret of all,
it was decided that Donald must be transferred to strangers. Colonel
Johnstone arranged with Lord Bandon, who promised that Donald should
have the run of his fine park at Bandon Castle while he lived, and it
was Donald’s own fault that it was not so. It was really an effecting
sight to see poor Donald thrown over and tied with ropes by those he
loved so well, and put into a cart to be carried off. His cries were
pitiful, and he actually shed tears, and so did some of his friends,
for Donald was a universal favourite. Thus the regiment parted with
dear old Donald, and nothing more was heard of him for many years.
In 1862, nearly 22 years afterwards, Lieutenant-Colonel Wheatley
being appointed to the Cork district, soon after arriving at Cork,
took steps to ascertain the subsequent history of Donald. The reply
was, “That from the day he was set at liberty in the park, he
declined having any intercourse with either man or beast. That summer
and winter he kept in out-of-the-way places to which no one could
approach; and that there had been so many complaints against him,
that about the end of two years his lordship reluctantly sanctioned
his being shot.” Poor Donald! the regiment and its ways was the only
home he ever knew, and his happiness left him when separated from it.
So has it been with many others besides Donald.
The “Grenadier’s Cat” was picked up by the company in one of the
encampments in Bulgaria, probably in Gevrecklar, and was embarked at
Varna for the Crimea. Having seen it at the bivouac at Lake Touzla,
Lieutenant-Colonel Wheatley was induced, after the action at Alma
had commenced, to ask what had become of poor puss, when one of No.
1 company called, “It is here, sir,” and opening his haversack, the
animal looked out quite contented. It was shut up again, and on
making inquiry next morning, it was found that “Bell” had escaped
both death and wounds, and was amongst them in the bivouac, well
taken care of in so far as having an ample share of the rations. It
appears that the man who carried the cat and took care of it, was
exempted by the company from fatigue duties, or his turn of carrying
the cooking-kettles, &c. Like all the pets, it did not come to a
peaceful end. It finally became an inmate of the regimental hospital,
being the only quiet place to be found for it, got worried, and
died at Balaclava. Such was the end of Bulgarian “Bell,” the only
instance, probably, of a cat going into action.
On 2d April 1872 took place one of the most interesting events in
connection with the history of the Black Watch, viz., the unveiling
in Dunkeld Cathedral of a magnificent monument (a plate of which
we give) to the memory of the officers, non-commissioned officers,
and men of the regiment, who fell in war from the creation of the
regiment to the close of the Indian mutiny. The monument, which had
been in preparation for several years, was subscribed for by the
officers of the regiment, and was executed by Mr John Steell, R.S.A.,
the celebrated Scottish sculptor. It is placed in the vestibule of
the cathedral, at the east end of the choir, and is the largest and
one of the finest mural monuments ever erected in Scotland.
The monument, as we have indicated, is a mural one, having for its
principal feature a beautiful piece of sculpture in _alto relievo_.
As originally designed by the artist, this composition was on a
comparatively small scale. When, however, the sketch came to be
submitted to the officers of the regiment, they were so much pleased
with the idea embodied in it that they resolved to have the figures
executed of life size, and increased their contributions accordingly.
Standing out against a large pointed panel of white marble, the
sculptured group, which is worked out in the same material as the
background, represents an officer of the 42d visiting a battle-field
at the close of an engagement to look for some missing comrade. The
point of time selected is the moment in which the searcher, having
just discovered the body of his friend, stands with uncovered head,
paying mute homage to departed valour. The central figure of the
composition is admirably modelled, the expression of the soldier’s
countenance being in fine keeping with the calm and subdued tone
which pervades the whole work. On the left, beneath the remains of
a shattered gun-carriage, lies the body of a young ensign, his hand
still grasping the flag he had stoutly defended, and his face wearing
a peaceful expression, as befitted a man who had died at his post.
Other accessories combine with those just mentioned to suggest the
grim realities of war; but the artist has so toned his composition
that the mind is insensibly led to dwell on that other aspect of the
battlefield in which it speaks of danger braved and duty nobly done.
A slab underneath the sculpture bears the following inscription:--
IN MEMORY OF
THE OFFICERS, NON-COMMISSIONED OFFICERS,
AND
PRIVATE SOLDIERS
OF THE
42D ROYAL HIGHLANDERS--THE BLACK WATCH--
_WHO FELL IN WAR_
FROM
THE CREATION OF THE REGIMENT
TO
THE CLOSE OF THE INDIAN MUTINY,
1859.
THE TEN INDEPENDENT COMPANIES OF THE FREACADAN
DUBH, OR BLACK WATCH, WERE FORMED INTO A
REGIMENT ON THE 25TH OCTOBER 1739, AND THE
FIRST MUSTER TOOK PLACE IN MAY 1740,
IN A FIELD BETWEEN TAYBRIDGE
AND ABERFELDY.
Here, ’mong the hills that nursed each hardy Gael,
Our votive marble tells the soldier’s tale;
Art’s magic power each perished friend recalls,
And heroes haunt these old Cathedral walls.
_Erected by the Officers of the Corps._
1872.
[Illustration: MONUMENT IN DUNKELD CATHEDRAL.]
On either side of the above inscription are recorded the names of
the hard-fought fields in which the regiment gained its enviable
reputation. How many memories are recalled as one reads the long
roll of historic battle-grounds--“Fontenoy, Flanders, Ticonderoga,
Martinique, Guadaloupe, Havannah, Egypt, Corunna, Fuentes D’Onor,
Pyrenees, Nivelle, Nive, Orthes, Toulouse, Peninsula, Waterloo,
Alma, Sebastopol, Lucknow!” The selection of a site for the monument
was determined by considerations connected with the history of the
regiment. The gallant 42d having been originally drawn chiefly from
Perthshire, it was felt to be appropriate that the memorial intended
to commemorate its fallen heroes should be erected in that county;
and all will concur in the propriety of the arrangement by which
a shrine has been found for it within the venerable Cathedral of
Dunkeld.
For the following account of the ceremony we are indebted to the
_Scotsman_ of 3d April 1872:--
A detachment of the 42d, under the command of Major Macpherson, had
been sent down from Devonport to perform the ceremony of handing
over the monument to the custody of the Duke of Athole, and also to
place over it the colours under which the regiment had fought on
many a bloody field. In the vestibule of the cathedral were the Duke
and Duchess of Athole, the Duchess Dowager of Athole, and many other
distinguished persons.
Upon entering the vestibule, Major Macpherson, younger of Cluny,
placed the old colours of the regiment over the monument. He then
requested the Duchess-Dowager to unveil the monument; which having
been done,
Major Macpherson said--May it please your Grace, ladies, and
gentlemen--We, a detachment of the 42d Royal Highlanders, have
come here to deposit the old colours of the regiment in Dunkeld
Cathedral--a place which has been selected by the regiment as the
most fitting receptacle for the colours of the 42d--a regiment which
has been essentially connected with Perthshire. In the name of the
officers of the regiment, I have to express to his Grace the Duke
of Athole our kindest thanks for the great interest he has taken in
this memorial, which I have had the too great honour to ask the
Duchess-Dowager to unveil; and if I may be allowed, I would express
to your Grace the kindest thanks of the regiment for the great
interest the late Duke of Athole took in this monument.
The Duke of Athole then said--You have this day paid a great
compliment to the county of Perth, and to this district in
particular. By the placing of this beautiful monument in our
cathedral you have enhanced its value, and by placing over it your
time and battle-worn colours. I can assure you we shall value the
possession of this monument excessively, and do our utmost to
preserve it from all harm. I trust that the cloud which is now
hanging over the connection between the 42d and Perthshire will yet
be dispelled, and that the old ties may not be broken, and that we
may yet see the ‘Freiceadan Dubh’ localised in Perth.[363] I need
not allude to the services of the 42d--they are far too well known
to require comment on my part. One of the earliest colonels of the
regiment was one of my own family--Lord John Murray; and at different
times a great many men from Athole have served in your ranks. Members
of almost every large family in Athole have at one time or other been
officers in the corps. Many relatives and friends of my own have
likewise served with the regiment. His Grace concluded by asking
Major Macpherson to convey to the officers of the 42d the thanks of
the county of Perth for the honour they had done to the county.
At the close of the proceedings a salute of 21 guns was fired from a
battery placed on Stanley Hill.
After the ceremony the Duchess-Dowager entertained a select party
at her residence to lunch. The detachment of the 42d and the Athole
Highlanders at the same time partook of dinner in the Servants’ Hall.
When the dinner had been concluded, the Duchess-Dowager, the Duke
and Duchess of Athole, and party, entered the Servants’ Hall, where
the Dowager-Duchess proposed the health of the 42d, a detachment
of which regiment had come such a long distance in order to place
their beautiful colours in the Cathedral of Dunkeld. Her Grace having
made a touching allusion to the various battles in which the colours
had been borne, remarked that there was no better place where the
regiment could lodge them than the old historical cathedral of the
city where the corps was chiefly raised. The colours had been given
in charge to the Athole Highlanders, and she was sure that they would
be as proud to look upon them hanging on the walls of the Cathedral
as the 42d themselves would be to see them in the midst of battle,
and she might assure the detachment that the utmost care would be
taken of them.
Major Macpherson returned thanks on behalf of the officers and men
of the 42d. He stated that the officers had taken a vote as to
where the colours should be lodged, and the majority were in favour
of having them placed over this monument in Dunkeld Cathedral, on
the banks of the Tay, where the regiment was originally formed. He
begged, on behalf of the officers and men, to thank her Grace for the
exceedingly kind reception which had been accorded to them during
their stay in Dunkeld, and concluded by calling upon the men to drink
to the health of the Duchess-Dowager of Athole. The original colours
of the 42d are in the Tower of London.
The colours placed in Dunkeld Cathedral were carried through the
Crimean campaign and the Indian Mutiny. The colours which the
regiment presently possesses were presented by the Commander-in-Chief
at Aldershot in 1871.
In the autumnal manœuvres of 1871, the Black Watch, as might be
surmised, performed their part brilliantly, and to the satisfaction
and gratification of all present, the foreign officers especially
awarding them the palm as models in every respect of what soldiers
ought to be; indeed, their praises were in the mouths of all.
In September 1871 the regiment went to Devonport; and when, in
February 1873, in accordance with the scheme for the establishment
of military centres, the 42d were allocated to Perth in conjunction
with the 79th, we believe both corps felt the greatest gratification,
as they had stood “shoulder to shoulder” in many a hard-fought field,
always indeed in the same brigade--in Egypt, the Peninsula, Waterloo,
the Crimea, and last of all in the Indian Mutiny.
We cannot help expressing our gratification at being able to present
our readers with a group of authentic steel portraits of four of the
most eminent Colonels of the Black Watch. That of the first Colonel,
John, Earl of Crawford, is from the original in the possession of
the Earl of Crawford and Balcarres, at Haigh Hall, Wigan. The Earl
is represented in a Russian or Hungarian dress. That of Sir George
Murray, so long and intimately associated with the regiment, is
from an original painting by H. W. Pickersgill, R.A. The portrait
of Sir John Macdonald, his successor, is taken from the original in
possession of Mrs Burt, Edinburgh: And that of the present brave
and much respected Colonel, Sir Duncan Alexander Cameron, from a
photograph taken expressly for this work; and Sir Duncan’s modest
reluctance, we ought to say, to allow his portrait to be published,
was not easily overcome.
Here may we fitly end the story of the brave Black Watch, which
nearly a century and a half ago was originated not far from Perth
by the chivalry of the North. In these later days of rapid advance
in military science, when the blind enthusiasm of our forefathers
is spoken lightly of, have the highest military authorities come to
the conclusion, after much discussion and cogitation, that it is
wise after all to give way occasionally to sentiment; and thus have
they been led to assign to the old Black Watch, after a glorious but
chequered career, a permanent recruiting home in the country of its
birth, not many miles from the spot where it was first embodied.
SUCCESSION LISTS OF COLONELS, FIELD AND STAFF OFFICERS, &c.
COLONELS.
John, Earl of Crawford, 25th October 1739.
Hugh Lord Sempill, 14th January 1741.
Lord John Murray, 25th April 1745.
Sir Hector Munro, K.B., 1st June 1787.
George, Marquis of Huntly, 3d January 1806.
John, Earl of Hopetoun, G.C.B., 29th January 1820.
The Right Hon. Sir George Murray, G.C.B., G.C.H., 6th September 1823.
Removed to the First, or the Royal Regiment of Foot, on the
29th December 1843.
Sir John Macdonald, K.C.B., 15th January 1844.
Died 28th March 1850.
Sir James Douglas, K.C.B., 10th April 1850.
Died 6th March 1862.
George, Marquis of Tweeddale, K.T., 7th March 1862.
Removed to 2d Life Guards 9th September 1863.
Major General Sir Duncan Alexander Cameron, K.C.B., 9th September
1863.
Sir Duncan Alexander Cameron, K.C.B., joined the Regiment in 1825
as Ensign, and has never served in any other.--He was appointed
Brigadier in
Turkey, (local rank) on the 24th October 1854.
Major-General, (local) 5th October 1855.
Major-General, (local) in England, 24th July 1856.
Major-General, 25th March 1859.
Colonel of the 42d, 9th Sept. 1863.
Lieutenant-General, 1st May 1868.
He served throughout the Eastern campaign of 1854-1855; commanded
the regiment at the battle of Alma, and the Highland Brigade at the
battle of Balaklava, on the expedition to Kertch--Siege and fall
of Sebastopol and assault on the outworks 18th June--Was appointed
president of the Council of Education in 1857--Commander-in-chief in
Scotland in 1860--Commander of the forces in New Zealand, with the
local rank of Lieut.-General 1861, and of the Australian Colonies
and New Zealand in 1863--Governor of The Royal Military College at
Sandhurst in 1865, which he still holds (1873).
LIEUTENANT-COLONELS.
Sir Robert Munro, 25th October 1739.
Promoted to Colonelcy Ponsonby’s Regiment, 17th June 1745.
John Monroe, 17th July 1745.
Died in 1749.
John Campbell, 24th May 1749.
Promoted to Colonelcy of 56th Foot, 23d December 1755.
Francis Grant, 17th December 1755.
Promoted to be Colonel-Commandant of 90th Regiment, 19th
February 1762.
Gordon Graham, 9th July 1762.
Retired 12th December 1770.
Thomas Græme, 12th December 1770.
Retired 7th September 1771.
Thomas Stirling, 7th September 1771.
Promoted to 71st Regiment, 13th February 1782.
Norman Macleod, 21st March 1780.
Removed to 73d in 1786, which regiment was formed from second
battalion of the 42d Regiment.
Charles Graham, 28th April 1782.
Promoted to a regiment serving in the West Indies, 30th
November 1796.
William Dickson, 1st September 1795.
Retired 3d March 1808.
James Stewart, 14th December 1796.
Retired 19th September 1804.
James Stirling, 7th September 1804.
Promoted to rank of Major-General, 4th June 1814.
Robert Lord Blantyre, 19th September 1804.
Exchanged to half-pay, late Eighth Garrison Battalion, 6th
May 1813.
John Farquharson, 3d March 1808.
Retired 16th April 1812.
Robert Macara, 16th April 1812.
Killed in action, 16th June 1815.
Sir George Leith, Bart, 6th May 1813.
Placed on Half-pay, 25th December 1814.
Robert Henry Dick, 18th June 1815.
Exchanged to Half-pay, 25th November 1828.
Honourable Sir Charles Gordon, 25th November 1828.
William Middleton, 23d October 1835.
George Johnstone, 23d August 1839.
Henry Earl of Uxbridge, 5th September 1843.
Duncan Alexander Cameron, 5th September 1843.
James Macdougall, 14th April 1846.
Charles Dunsmure, 15th February 1850.
Thomas Tulloch, 9th March 1855.
Alexander Cameron, 9th October 1855.
George Edward Thorold, 28th July 1857.
Frederick Green Wilkinson, 5th March 1858.
Edward Ramsden Priestley, 10th August 1858.
John Chetham M’Leod, 26th March 1868.
The Lieut.-Colonels from 1815 are also included in the general
alphabetical list.
MAJORS.
George Grant, 25th October 1739.
Died in 1742.
James Colquhoun, 24th June 1742.
Retired in 1745.
Francis Grant, 1st October 1745.
Promoted December 17, 1755.
Duncan Campbell, 17th December 1755.
Killed at Ticonderoga.
Gordon Graham, 17th July 1758.
Promoted July 9, 1762.
John Reid, 1st August 1759.
Exchanged to half-pay, February 10, 1770.
John M’Neil, 9th July 1762.
Died in 1762.
Allan Campbell, 15th August 1762.
Placed on half-pay on the reduction of the regiment, March
18, 1763.
John Murray, 10th February 1770.
Retired March 31, 1770.
Thomas Græme, 31st March 1770.
Promoted December 12, 1770.
Thomas Stirling, 12th December 1770.
Promoted September 7, 1771.
William Murray, 7th September 1771.
Promoted to Twenty-seventh Regiment, October 5, 1777.
William Grant, 5th October 1777.
Retired August 25, 1778.
Charles Graham, 25th August 1778.
Promoted April 28, 1782.
Patrick Graham, 21st March 1780.
Died October 22, 1781.
Walter Home, 28th April 1782.
Retired March 16, 1791.
John Campbell, 23d October 1781.
Died March 23, 1784.
Hay Macdowall, 24th March 1784.
Removed in 1786 to Seventy-third, which corps was formed from
second battalion Forty-second Regiment.
George Dalrymple, 16th March 1791.
Promoted to Nineteenth Foot, December 31, 1794.
William Dickson, 14th January 1795.
Promoted September 1, 1795.
Robert Pigot Christie, 1st September 1795.
Died June 23, 1796.
William Munro, 2d September 1795.
Promoted to Caithness Legion Fencibles, October 21, 1795.
James Stewart, 21st October 1795.
Promoted December 14, 1796.
Alexander Stewart, 24th June 1796.
Retired September 7, 1804.
James Stirling, 14th December 1796.
Promoted September 7, 1804.
John Farquharson, 9th July 1803.
Promoted March 3, 1808.
Archibald Argyll Campbell, 9th July 1803.
Died in February 1809.
Charles Macquarie, 7th September 1804.
Retired May 2, 1811.
James Grant, 7th September 1804.
Retired November 14, 1805.
Robert Macara, 14th November 1805.
Promoted April 16, 1812.
Thomas Johnston, 3d March 1808.
Exchanged to half-pay, Bradshaw’s Levy, July 14, 1808.
Robert Henry Dick, 14th July 1808.
Promoted June 18, 1815.
Hamilton Rose, 9th February 1809.
Died in October 1811.
William Munro, 2d May 1811.
Exchanged to half-pay, Royal Regiment of Malta, May 30, 1811.
William Cowell, 30th May 1811.
Retired April 8, 1826.
Maxwell Grant, 10th October 1811.
Placed on half-pay, December 25, 1814.
Robert Anstruther, 16th April 1812.
Placed on half-pay, December 25, 1814.
Archibald Menzies, 18th June 1815.
James Brander, 8th April 1826.
William Middleton, 15th August 1826.
John Malcolm, 25th December 1828.
Hugh Andrew Fraser, 3d December 1829.
George Johnstone, 4th May 1832.
James Macdougall, 23d October 1835.
Duncan Alexander Cameron, 23d August 1839.
Charles Dunsmure, 5th September 1843.
Daniel Frazer, 14th April 1846.
George Burell Cumberland, 15th February 1850.
Thomas Tulloch, 20th May 1853.
John Cameron Macpherson, 29th December 1854.
The Honourable Robert Rollo, 5th January 1855.
Alexander Cameron, 24th April 1855.
Charles Murray, 10th August 1855.
Frederick Green Wilkinson, 9th October 1855.
Andrew Pitcairn, 12th September 1856.
Edward Ramsden Priestley, 17th July 1857.
John Chetham M’Leod, 16th March 1858.
John Drysdale, 10th August 1858.
Duncan Macpherson, 5th July 1865.
Francis Cunningham Scott, 26th March 1868.
The Majors from 1815 are also included in the alphabetical list.
PAYMASTERS.
John Home, 21st March 1800--the first appointment of that rank to
the Regiment.
Alexander Aitken, 25th December 1818.
Charles Wardell, 22d February 1821.
Stephen Blake, 3d July 1828.
William A. M’Dougall, 23d August 1833.
John Wheatley, 12th October 1838.
James A. Bazalgette, 24th April 1855.
Frank Samwell, 15th Dec. 1869.
ADJUTANTS.
Gilbert Stewart, 25th October 1739.
Lieut. James Grant, 26th June 1751.
“ Alexander Donaldson, 20th March 1759.
“ John Gregor, 27th August 1760.
“ William Gregor, 22d October 1761.
“ Duncan Cameron, 6th October 1762.
“ John M’Intosh, 1st November 1768.
“ Hugh Fraser, 20th March 1776.
“ Robert Leslie, (2d Battalion), 21st March 1780.
“ John Farquharson, 6th April 1791.
“ John Fraser, 5th October 1795.
“ Simon Fraser, 21st March 1800.
“ James Walker, 5th April 1801.
“ Archibald Menzies, 9th July 1803.
“ James Hunter, 28th September 1804.
“ James Swanson, 6th June 1805.
“ John Innes (Killed at Orthes), 8th December 1808.
“ James White, 8th June 1809.
“ Colin M’Dougall, 13th February 1812.
Lieutenant James Young, from 18th March 1814.
Lieutenant James Robertson, 14th September 1815.
Ensign (from Sergeant Major) William Duff, 14th April 1825.
Lieutenant William Dick Macfarlane, 16th July 1829.
Ensign (from Acting Sergeant-Major) John Wheatley, 20th July 1832.
Ensign Duncan Cameron, 30th October 1838.
Lieut. Atholl Wentworth Macdonald, 8th May 1840.
Lieut. Archibald Colin Campbell, 31st March 1843.
Lieut. Thomas Robert Drummond Hay, 24th January 1845.
Lieutenant Andrew Pitcairn, 28th August 1846.
Lieut. William John Cunninghame, 9th March 1849.
Ensign John Drysdale, 25th June 1852.
Ensign (from Quarter-Master) William Wood, 16th February 1855.
Lieutenant James Edmund Christie, 4th May 1863.
Andrew Gilbert Wauchope, 5th April 1870.
The Adjutants from 1814 are also included in the alphabetical list.
QUARTERMASTERS FROM 1795.
David Rawlins, 5th October 1795.
Donald M’Intosh, 9th July 1803.
Finlay King, from Sergt. Major, 31st December 1818.
Edward Patou, from Quarter-Master Sergt., 19th June 1840.
Charles Fraser, from Ensign, 28th August 1846.
William Wood, from Sergeant-Major, 5th May 1854.
Alexander M’Gregor, from Quarter-Master Sergeant, 25th May 1855.
John Simpson, V.C. from Quarter-Master Sergeant, 7th October 1859.
All, with the exception of the first, are included in the general
alphabetical list.
SUCCESSION OF SURGEONS FROM 1800.
Alexander Grant, 26th September 1795.
Swinton Macleod, 9th July 1803.
Brinsley Nicholson, M.D., 15th November 1829.
James Paterson, M.D. 19th June 1835.
James M’Gregor, 26th February 1841.
John Gillespie Wood, M.D. 12th March 1852.
John Sheldon Furlong, M.D. 9th February 1855.
James Edmund Clutterbuck, M.D. 14th June 1864.
All, with the exception of the first, are included in the general
alphabetical list.
SUCCESSION OF SERGEANT-MAJORS.
Sergeant-Major James, was killed in action at Toulouse, 10th April
1814.
Sergeant-Major Perie, was killed in action at Quatre Bras
(Waterloo), on the 16th June 1815.
Finlay King, 16th June 1815, to Quarter-Master, 1818.
William Duff, 31st December 1818, to Adjutant, 1825.
John Macdonald, 14th April 1825. Discharged to pension, 10th
December 1834. Died the following year.
John Wheatley, appointed Acting, on the 15th November 1827; at the
regiment (the Sergeant-Major being at the Depot), to Adjutant,
1832.
Thomas Penny, acting with service companies, from 20th July
1832--Sergeant-Major, 11th December 1834. Discharged to Pension
1839. Died at Glasgow 15th February 1865.
Charles Fraser, 12th December 1839, to Ensign, 1843.
Alexander Geddes, appointed to Reserve Battalion 1st April 1843.
Discharged to Pension 22d October 1851--appointed Quarter-Master
of the Perth Militia 22d November 1856.
John Drysdale, 5th September 1843, to Ensign, 1847.
James Ranken, 22d June 1847. Discharged to Pension 10th November
1853. Quarter-Master Argyll Militia 14th April 1869.
William Wood, 11th November 1853, to Quarter-Master, 1854.
John Wilson, 5th May 1854, to Ensign, 1854.
William Lawson, 10th August 1854, to Ensign, 1854.
John Granger, 18th January 1855, to Lieutenant Land Transport
Corps, 1855.
Peter White, 7th September 1855. Discharged to Pension 25th July
1865.
John Forbes, 26th July 1865.
The Sergeant-Majors who were promoted to be Officers are included in
the general alphabetical list.
LIST OF OFFICERS
_Who have served in the 42d Royal Highlanders, “The Black Watch,”
from the date of the Muster taken at Armagh on the 28th of May
1817, the day of marching in from Glasgow, for the period ended
on the 24th of May up to the 31st of December 1872._[364] From
Lieut.-Colonel Wheatley’s MS.
Abercromby, Samuel Douglas, Lieut.--3d June 1842, Ensign. Died at
Bermuda 16th May 1847.
Ainslie, Montague, Ensign, 20th May 1843. Died at Gosport, 18th Oct.
1853.
Aitken, Alex., Paymaster, 25th Dec. 1818.--Half-pay 7th February
1821. Died at Brighton, 13th May 1871.
Aitken, Walker, Lieut.--3d Dec. 1861, Ensign--Lieut. 19th Dec. 1865.
Alexander, Sir James Edward, Major-General.--9th March 1832,
Captain--Half-Pay 24th April 1838.
Allan, Fife, Ensign 23d Sept. 1855. Retired 12th Dec. 1856.
Baird, William, Bt.-Major.--17th Nov. 1854, Ensign--Captain 22d May
1857--Bt.-Major 5th July 1872.
Balfour, James William, Captain.--2nd March 1847, Ensign. On
Reduction to 89th, Lieut. Retired Captain from 7th Dragoon Guards
16th June 1857.
Balguy, Charles Yelverton.--24th Feb. 1854, Captain from 41st.
Retired 24th April 1855.
Barnett, John Osborne, Lieut.--16th Nov. 1841, Ensign. Retired 12th
Nov. 1847.
Bayly, Richard Kerr, Captain.--16th Mar. 1855, Ensign--Captain 5th
July 1865.
Bazalgette, James Arnold.--24th April 1855,
Paymaster.--Half-pay--1869.
Beales, William, Lieut.-Colonel.--24th April 1838, Captain--To
Half-Pay 30th August 1844, Captain. Died at St Heliers, Jersey, on
retired full pay, 23d April 1868.
Bedingfield, William.--9th Dec. 1862, Ensign from 58th Regiment--To
7th Hussars, Cornet, 22d Nov. 1864.
Bennett, William Henry.--27th May 1853, Lieut. from 30th Regiment.
Retired 11th May 1855.
Berwick, William Alex., Lieut.--17th Feb. 1869, Ensign from 16th
Foot.--Lieut. 28th Oct. 1871.
Bethune, Alex, (of Blebo), Lieut.--20th May 1842, Ensign. Retired 2d
March 1847.
Black, Wilsone, Major.--11th August 1854, Ensign--Half-pay on
reduction, 9th Jan. 1857--To 6th Foot 17th Nov. 1857--Brevet-Major
14th April 1873.
Blake, Stephen, Paymaster.--3d July 1828, Paymaster--Exchanged to
7th Fusiliers 23d Aug. 1833. Died Paymaster of the 93d at Dublin,
5th Oct. 1848.
Borrowes, Peter Robert.--2d Sept. 1845, Lieut, from 13th Foot.
Retired 16th June 1848. Died in Dublin 1854.
Bosworth, Percie Mackie, Lieut.--23d March 1855, Ensign--Lieut. 2d
Oct. 1855. Died at Nynee, India, 19th June 1858.
Boyle, Robert, Captain.--5th April 1806, Ensign--Half-Pay 31st May
1821. Died in London 11th July 1821.
Bramly, Alfred Jennings, Lieut.--15th March 1855, Ensign--Lieut. 2d
Oct. 1855. Killed in action at Rooyah, India, 15th April 1858.
Bramly, Henry Jennings, Lieut.--30th Dec. 1859, Ensign. Retired
Lieut. 3d March 1865. Died at Tunbridge Wells 19th Feb. 1870.
Brander, James, Major.--14th Dec. 1809, Ensign--To Half-pay,
Lieut.-Colonel, 15th Aug. 1826. Died at Pitgaveny House, Elgin, 23d
March 1854.
Brereton, Robert, Captain.--8th Dec. 1825, Captain, to Half-pay 9th
March 1832. Retired 12th May 1842.--Dead.
Brickenden, Richard H. Lambert, Lieut.--18th July
1865, Ensign--Lieut. 11th Jan. 1867.
Brooke, Henry, Ensign.--5th Aug. 1859. Retired 9th Dec. 1862.
Brophy, N. Winsland, Lieut.--30th Jan. 1866, Ensign from 6th
Regiment--Lieut. 17th March 1869.
Cameron, Alexander, Lieut.-Colonel.--24th Feb. 1832, Ensign. Died
Lieut.-Colonel Commanding at Bareilly, India, 9th Aug. 1858.
Cameron, Duncan (of Inverailort), Lieut.--23d Oct. 1835, Ensign.
Retired 8th May 1840.
Cameron, Sir Duncan Alexander, Lieut.-General.--8th April 1825,
Ensign--In the Regiment until promoted to Major-General in
1855--Colonel of the Regiment 9th Sept. 1863.
Cameron, Wm. Gordon, C.B., Colonel.--24th May 1844, Ensign--To
Grenadier Guards, Lieut. 12th May 1847--4th Foot, Major, 23d Oct.
1857--Lieut.-Colonel 1st April 1873.
Campbell, Archibald (of Glendaruel), Captain.--26th Nov. 1825,
Ensign. Retired Captain 6th March 1840.
Campbell, Arch. Colin (Renton), Brevet-Major.--24th Feb. 1837,
Ensign. Retired Captain and Brevet-Major 7th Sept. 1855. Died at
Mordington House, Berwickshire, 23d Nov. 1866.
Campbell, Colin (Southhall family), Lieut.--8th April 1826, Ensign.
Retired Lieut. 27th Sept. 1839. Died at Auchan, Isle of Man, 10th
Oct. 1859.
Campbell, Colin George (of Stonefield), Lieut.--31st Dec. 1829,
Ensign. Retired Lieut. 24th April 1838.
Campbell, Farquhard (of Aros), Captain.--30th Nov. 1838, Ensign.
Retired Captain 26th Oct. 1849.
Campbell, George Frederick, Lieut.--11th Jan. 1867, Ensign--Lieut.
25th March 1871, to 51st Regiment 31st Oct. 1871.
Campbell, John, Colonel.--3d Dec. 1807, Captain from 35th--Half-pay
Major and Brevet Lieut.-Colonel 22d April 1826. Died at Marseilles,
31st March 1841.
Campbell, John Charles, M. B.--29th March 1861, Assistant-Surgeon,
from 4th Hussars--To Half-pay 2d July 1861.
Campbell, John Gordon, Captain.--17th Nov. 1848. Ensign. Retired 9th
May 1856. Died at Peebles 30th Nov. 1865.
Campbell, Patrick, Captain.--24th Aug. 1815, Ensign--To Half-pay 3d
Sept. 1829. Died at Ford near Dalkeith, 24th Feb. 1856.
Ceely, Arthur James, Lieut.--10th Aug. 1855, Ensign--Lieut. 20th
June 1858. Died at Point de Galle, Ceylon, Sick from India, 29th
Dec. 1866.
Chawner, Edward Hoare, Captain.--9th June 1825, Ensign--Exchanged to
4th Dragoon Guards, Lieut.--Half-pay, Captain, 7th Sept. 1832. Died
23d Nov. 1868.
Childers, William, Captain.--5th June 1826, Captain. Retired 14th
Sept. 1832. Died at St Heliers, Jersey, 28th Feb. 1861.
Chisholm, Arch. Macra, Captain.--17th April 1842, Ensign. Retired
Captain 6th April 1855.
Chisholm, Donald, Captain.--10th Oct. 1805, Lieut. from 30th--To
4th Veteran Battalion, Captain, 24th Feb. 1820. Died at Portobello,
Edinburgh, 21st Aug. 1853.
Christie, James Edmund, Captain.--10th Aug. 1855, Ensign--Captain,
Half-pay 1st April 1870.
Clark, James, Ensign.--26th Aug. 1819, Ensign--To Half-Pay 2d Sept.
1824. Died 12th Dec. 1838.
Clarke, Alfred T. Stafford, M.D. 8th Aug. 1862, Assistant-Surgeon,
from Staff--To Royal Artillery, 20th Sept. 1864.
Clarke, Charles Christopher, Lieut.--2d Aug. 1815, Ensign--To
Half-Pay 1st Nov. 1827. Died in the 33d Regiment in Jamaica, 23d
Sept. 1831.
Clavering, Ernest, F.G. Lieut.--15th April 1842, Ensign. Retired 6th
July 1849. Died in Edinburgh 9th Aug. 1852.
Clutterbuck, James Edward, M.D.--14th June 1864, Surgeon from
Staff--Surgeon-Major, 22d Dec. 1868.
Cockburn, George William, Captain.--23d Feb. 1855, Ensign--Captain
24th March 1863--Exchanged to 83d, 28th Jan. 1870. Retired 30th Nov.
1870.
Cockburn, Thomas Hugh, Lieut.-Colonel.--6th March 1840,
Ensign--Exchanged Captain to 43d--Half-Pay Major 29th May 1863.
Retired with rank of Lieut.-Colonel 18th April 1865.
Coleridge, Francis George, Captain.--11th Jan. 1856. Ensign--Lieut.
in 25th 13th Dec. 1859. Retired as Captain 28th June 1871.
Colquhoun, Alan John, Lieut.--15th Oct. 1861.--Ensign, from Cornet
16th Lancers--Lieut. 13th Nov. 1865. Retired 23d Jan. 1869.
Cooper, Egbert William, Captain.--From 2d West India Regiment, 30th
July 1869.
Coveny, Robert Charles, Lieut.--2d Sept. 1862, Ensign--from 23d
Regiment, Lieut. 30th Jan. 1866.
Cowell, William, Major from H. P., and Brevet Lieut.-Colonel--30th
May 1811, Major. Retired 8th April 1826. Died at Portarlington,
Ireland, 29th May 1847.
Creagh, A. Michael. Lieut.--16th April 1861, Ensign from
58th--Lieut. 3d March 1865.
Crompton, William Henry, (Now Crompton-Stansfield),
Lieut.-Colonel.--17th Aug. 1854, Ensign--To Half-Pay Captain on
reduction 7th Nov. 1856--11th Foot 9th Jan. 1858--Lieut.-Colonel,
22d July 1871.
Crosse, Robert Legh, 18th June 1861, Ensign.--To 52d, 3d Dec. 1861.
Cumberland, George Bentinck Macleod, Lieut.--22d Nov. 1864,
Ensign--Lieut. 29th Dec. 1866.
Cumberland, George Barrel, Major.--28th May 1829, Lieut. Retired
Major 5th Jan. 1855. Died at Wolvers Dean, Andover, 22d May 1865.
Cumming, Alex. Ensign.--17th July 1814, Ensign--To Half-Pay, 26th
Aug. 1819. Died Jan. 1853.
Cunninghame, Robert Campbell, Captain.--29th Aug. 1846, Ensign. Sent
from the Crimea. Died at Malta, 5th Sept. 1855.
Cunninghame, William John, Lieut.--25th Oct. 1844, Ensign. Died at
Halifax on sick leave from Bermuda, 21st June 1850.
Daniel, John Hinton--22d May 1846, Captain from 49th. Retired 23d
July 1852. Died in London 8th May 1863.
Davidson, Wm. Alex., M.D., Surgeon.--28th March 1854, Assistant
Surgeon--To 1st Royal Dragoons 31st July 1855.
Dawson, Charles, M.D.--9th Oct. 1840, Assistant-Surgeon--To Surgeon
into the 54th, 9th Oct. 1846. Died at Antigua, West Indies, 13th
Nov. 1849.
Dempster, James, M.D., Surgeon.--14th April 1825, Assistant
Surgeon--To 94th Surgeon 27th Sept. 1827.
Dick, Sir Robert Henry, Major-General,--22d Nov. 1800,
Ensign--Half-Pay Colonel, 25th Nov. 1828--Killed in action at
Sobraon, 10th Feb. 1846.
Douglas, Arthur Henry Johnstone--27th Nov. 1866, Ensign. Retired 23d
July 1869.
Douglas, Charles.--23d March 1855, Lieutenant from Canadian Rifles.
Died of wounds at Rooyah, India, 17th April 1858.
Douglas, Henry Sholto, Captain.--31st May 1839, Ensign. Retired
Captain 17th Nov. 1838.
Douglas, Sir James, General.--10th April 1850, Colonel. Died at
Clifton, 6th March 1862.
Douglas, William, Lieut.--1st Nov. 1827, Lieut.--Retired 20th July
1832.--Dead.
Drake, John Allat, 18th July 1865, Lieut.--from Bengal Staff Corps.
Retired 9th Nov. 1866.
Drummond, Henry Maurice, Colonel, (now Drummond Hay) of
Seggieden.--4th Dec. 1832, Ensign.--Retired Captain, 8th June
1852.--Lieut.-Colonel, Royal Perth Rifles, 5th Nov. 1855. Retired
with the rank of Colonel, 21st Nov. 1870.
Drummond, Malcolm, (Viscount Forth), 4th Nov. 1853, Ensign. Retired
17th Nov. 1854. Died at Gloucester 8th Oct. 1861.
Drysdale, John, Brevet Lieut.-Colonel.--Joined the Regiment 28th
June 1836--Ensign from Sergeant-Major, 22d June 1847--Major 10th
Aug. 1858.--Brevet Lieut.-Colonel on the day that he died, viz, 4th
July 1865, at Uphall, near Edinburgh, on sick leave from India.
Duff, William, Lieut.--Joined the Regiment 16th Aug. 1806--Ensign
and Adjutant from Sergeant-Major 14th April 1825.--To Half-pay 16th
July 1829. Died at Ayr 8th Oct. 1833.
Dunbar, Alex., Lieut.--25th July 1807, Ensign,--To Half-pay 3d March
1825. Died at Inverness, 15th Feb. 1832.
Dunbar, Sir Frederick Wm., Bart.--24th April 1838, Ensign. Retired
10th Jan. 1840. Died Dec. 1841
Dunbar, Rothes Lennox, Captain.--13th May 1854, Ensign. Retired
Captain 7th Sept. 1856. Died in London, 31st Jan. 1857.
Dunsmure, Charles, Lieut.-Colonel.--9th April 1825, Ensign--Reduced
Lieut.-Colonel 1st April 1850, with the Reserve Battalion. Retired
8th June 1852.
Dundas, Charles Whitely Dean, Lieut.--25th Dec. 1828, Ensign--To
Coldstream Guards, 3d Aug. 1830. Retired 21st April 1837. Died at
Edinburgh, 11th April 1856.
Eden, Charles John, Lieut.--20th Oct. 1865, Ensign from the
30th--Lieut. 23d March 1867.
Elgin, Edward Arthur, Lieut.--from 17th Foot, 10th July 1860. Died
at Agra, 28th July 1861.
Fairlie, William, Lieut.--22d June 1815, Ensign--Half-pay 10th Sept.
1819. Died 18th May 1824.
Farquharson, Francis Edward Henry, V.C. Captain.--19th Jan. 1855,
Ensign--Captain 28th June 1862.
Feilden, Henry Wemys, Lieut.--1st Feb. 1856, Ensign. Retired Lieut.
27th Sept. 1861.
Ferguson, Adam, Captain.--18th Aug. 1854, Ensign.--Captain 1st May
1857. Died in India, 11th Sept. 1865.
Fergusson, James Muir (of Middlehaugh). Lieut.--9th Nov. 1826,
Ensign. Retired Lieut. 29th May 1839. Died at Perth, 20th May 1867.
Fletcher, Duncan Downie--2d April 1851, Ensign. Retired 6th May
1853. Died at Killarney, 20th May 1855.
Foley, H.R. Stanhope, Lieut.--14th June 1864, Ensign--Lieut. 9th
Nov. 1866. Retired 16th March 1869.
Fraser, Alex., Captain.--26th May 1803, Ensign--Half-Pay 8th Dec.
1825. Died in Edinburgh, 24th June 1835.
Fraser, Charles, Captain.--Joined the Regiment 21st April 1813--From
Sergeant-Major, Ensign 5th Sept. 1843--Quarter-Master, 28th Aug.
1846--Reduced with Reserve Battalion, 1st April 1850, appointed to
49th--To Half-Pay with the rank of Captain.--30th June 1854.
Fraser, George, Captain.--6th July 1849, Ensign. Died in India,
Captain 27th June 1862.
Fraser, The Hon. Henry Thomas, Lieut.-Colonel.--10th April 1858,
Ensign--To Scots Fusilier Guards, 24th June 1859.
Fraser, Hugh Andrew, Major.--25th April 1806, Ensign--Half-pay, 4th
May 1832. Died at Maidstone, Kent, 3d May 1855.
Fraser, William Thomas, Lieut.--1st May 1855, Ensign--Lieut. 14th
Dec. 1855. Retired 9th April 1861.
Frazer, Daniel, Colonel.--27th Dec. 1827, Captain from H. P. Retired
on full-pay, Major and Brevet Lieut.-Colonel. Died Colonel at
Feversham Rectory, Newport Pagnel, Bucks, 12th July 1868.
Frazer, Rowland Aynsworth (son of Col. Daniel Frazer).
Captain.--14th April 1846, Ensign. Killed before Sebastopol, 17th
July 1855.
Furlong, John Sheldon, M.D. Surgeon-Major.--9th Feb. 1855, Surgeon
from 39th--To 6th Dragoons, 14th June 1864.
Furse, George Armand, Captain.--29th March 1855, Ensign.--Captain
12th Sept. 1865.
Fyfe, Laurence, Captain.--10th Oct. 1817, Ensign--Exchanged to 17th
Foot, 10th Aug. 1838. Retired from Half-pay 22d Nov. 1842.
Gartshore, John Murray,(of Ravelston), Captain--7th Dec. 1826.
Retired 30th March 1838.
Gisborne, Henry Francis, Assistant-Surgeon--15th Jan. 1827,
Assistant-Surgeon. Resigned 27th Nov. 1828.
Goldie, Mark Wilkes.--27th Aug. 1844, Captain from 22d. Retired 3d
Nov. 1846.
Gordon, Lord Cecil, Captain.--10th Aug. 1838, Captain from 17th.
Retired 4th Nov. 1841.
Gordon, The Hon. Sir Charles, Lieut.-Colonel.--From H. P. 93d, 25th
Nov. 1828. Died at Geneva, when on leave from Corfu. 30th Sept. 1835.
Gordon, George, Lieut.--20 Feb. 1812, Ensign--Half-pay 30th Dec.
1819. Died at Glasgow, 31st March 1861.
Gordon, Hamilton Douglas.--2d May 1851, Captain from 78th. Died at
Cairo, on his way to join from India, 9th Sept. 1851.
Gordon, Rowland Hill, Captain from Coldstream Guards, 7th Sept.
1855. Retired 30th June 1869.
Graham, Charles Campbell, (now Graham Stirling, of Craigbarnet),
Brevet-Major.--30th Aug. 1841, Ensign. Retired 1st May 1847.
Graham, Thomas, Lieut.-Colonel.--30th April 1827, Lieut.--Half-Pay,
Captain, 9th Aug. 1833. Died Lieut.-Colonel 1st Royal Scots at
Haslar, Gosport, from the Crimea, 29th Oct. 1855. [365] Granger,
John, Captain--Joined the Regiment 21st Dec. 1837.--Promoted
from Sergeant-Major to Lieut, in Land Transport Corps, 1st Oct.
1855--Captain, 1st Feb. 1856, Half-pay, 1st April 1857. Retired in
1860.
Grant, Alexander, Lieut.--16th Oct. 1866, Ensign from 15th
Foot.--Lieut. 22d Oct. 1870. Retired 24th March 1871.
Grant, Edward Birkett, Captain.--14th Nov. 1826, Ensign--To 92d, 22d
March 1827. Retired Captain from 4th Light Dragoons, 13th May 1839.
Died at Hill, near Carlisle, 25th Sep. 1852.
Grant, The Hon. George Henry Essex, Captain.--5th Nov. 1841, Ensign.
Retired Captain, 6th April 1865. Died at Crieff, 31st May 1873.
Grant, The Hon. James, Lieut.--30th March 1838, Ensign. Retired 26th
October 1841.
Grant, John, Lieut.--20th May 1811, Ensign--To Half-pay 24th Aug.
1821. Died 18th June 1827.
Grant, John, (of Glenmoriston), Captain.--8th May 1840, Lieut, from
62d--Exchanged Captain, to 49th 22d May 1846. Retired 23d May 1848.
Died at Moy House, Forres, 17th Aug. 1867.
Grant, William Oliver, Lieut.--29th March 1827, Ensign. Retired
Lieut. 25th Sept. 1835. Died in 1836.
Green, William, Bt.-Major.--16th Jan. 1855, Ensign--Captain 19th
Aug. 1859--Bt.-Major 5th July 1872.
Grogan, Edward George, Lieut.--24th July 1869, Ensign--Lieut. 28th
Oct. 1871.
Grove, J. Charles Ross, Captain.--9th Sept. 1851, Ensign--Half-pay
Captain, 14th June 1864. Retired 16th Oct. 1866.
Guthrie, John (of Guthrie), Lieut.--16th July 1829, Lieut.--Half-pay
15th June 1832. Retired 19th July 1836.
Guthrie, William, Captain.--21st March 1827, Lieut.--To Half-pay
Captain, 10th August 1847.
Haldane, Edward, Orlando.--30th June 1863, Lieut. from H. P. 14th
Hussars. Retired 23d Nov. 1865.
Halkett, Sir P. Arthur, of Pitfirrane, Bart., Captain.--20th May
1853, Ensign from 71st, exchanged Captain to 3d Light Dragoons 8th
Jan. 1856. Retired 21st May 1858.
Hamilton, Alex. Thomas, Lieut.--18th August 1869, Ensign--Lieut.
28th October 1871. Retired 26th March 1873.
Harrison, James Compson, Lieut.--23d Nov. 1867, Ensign from
73d--Lieut. 28th Oct. 1871. Retired 22d April 1873.
Harvey, John, E. A.--31st Oct. 1871, Lieut. from 51st.
Hay, T. R. Drummond, Lieut.-Colonel.--2d August 1839,
Ensign--Exchanged Captain to 78th--To Half-pay 2d Feb. 1864.
Haynes, Jonathan Wynyard, Captain.--25th May 1855, Ensign--Captain
10th July 1866--Exchanged to 2d West India Regiment, 30th July 1869.
Hesketh, Wm. Pemberton, Lieut.--9th March 1855, Ensign--Lieut. 6th
Sept. 1855--To 18th Hussars 16th March 1858. Retired 7th Nov. 1862.
Hicks, Edward Percy, Lieut.--24th May 1861--Ensign 12th Sept. 1865.
Hill, Harcourt, Lieut.--10th Feb. 1825, Ensign--Half-pay 28th May
1829. Dead.
Hill, Marcus, Lieut.--7th June 1854, Ensign--Resigned 23d March 1855.
Hogarth, George, Lieut.-Colonel.--4th Nov. 1819, Ensign--Lieut. H.
P. 13th Sept. 1821. Died Major and Brevet. Lieut.-Colonel in the
26th Regiment at Quebec, 25th July 1854.
Home, John, Paymaster.--21st March 1800, Paymaster--Half-pay 20th
December 1818. Died at Eskbank, near Dalkeith, 14th April 1849.
Hooper, Alfred, Surgeon.--31st July 1857, Assistant Surgeon from
Staff--To Staff Corps in India, 1st Sept. 1865--Surgeon 10th July
1866.
Hopetoun, John, Earl of, General.--29th Jan. 1820, Colonel. Died
27th August 1823.
Hulse, Samuel George.--3d March 1865, Ensign. Retired 11th Dec. 1866.
Hunter, James, Captain.--17th Nov. 1837, Ensign--Exchanged to 13th
Foot, Lieut., 2d Sept. 1845. Died Staff Officer of Pensioners at
Chester, 26th March 1860.
Inglis, Abraham, Lieut.--15th August 1826, Ensign--Retired Lieut.
15th Jan. 1833.
Jackson, Adam Thomas, M.D., Surgeon Major.--15th Feb. 1833,
Assistant-Surgeon--To Staff 5th May 1837. Died at Athlone,
Surgeon-Major Depot Battalion, 1st May 1860.
James, Thomas Mansfield, Lieut.--11th May 1855, Ensign--Lieut. 22d
Nov. 1855. Died at Almorah, India, 26th Sept. 1860.
James, William, Lieut.--30th March 1855, Ensign.--Lieut. 16th April
1858. Retired 19th Dec. 1865.
Jervoise, Henry Clark, Lieut.-Colonel.--8th April 1853 Lieut. from
23d--Exchanged to Coldstream Guards Captain, 7th Sept. 1855.
Johnstone, George, Lieut.-Colonel.--From H. P. Late of the Grenadier
Guards--4th May 1832, Major--To Half-pay from Lieut.-Colonel
Commanding, 5th Sept. 1843.
Johnstone, Wm. James Hope (Yr. of Annandale), Lieut.--16th March
1838, Ensign. Retired 16th May 1840. Died at Annandale, 17th March
1850.
Kauntze, George, E. F. Major.--8th June 1856 Captain from 3d Light
Dragoons--To Half-pay on reduction 7th Nov. 1856--To 7th Dragoon
Guards. Retired Major 1867.
Kellet, Robert J. Napier, Captain.--3d Sept. 1829, Captain--To
Half-pay 24th Feb. 1837. Retired 19th Oct. 1838. Died at Florence 2d
Nov. 1853.
Kerr, Lord Charles Lennox, Captain.--1st Sept. 1837,
Lieut.--Half-pay Captain 23d August 1844. Retired 10th Dec. 1848.
Kidston, Alex. Ferrier, Captain--9th Nov. 1858, Ensign--Captain 12th
Feb. 1873.
King, Finlay. Joined the Regiment in 1803.--31st Dec. 1818, from
Sergeant-Major promoted to Quarter-Master--Half-pay 19th June 1840.
Died at Guernsey, 7th November 1842.
King, Robert Henry (son of the Quarter-Master).--18th August 1848,
Assistant-Surgeon--To Staff 16th July 1852. Died in Canada 31st July
1853.
Kinloch, Thomas, Captain.--14th Sept. 1832, Ensign--Retired 25th
Oct. 1844. Died at Logie, Perthshire, 6th Dec. 1848.
Lawson, William, Captain.--Joined the Regiment 29th Sept.
1837--Promoted to Ensign from Sergeant-Major, 5th Nov. 1854--Captain
10th August 1858. Died from wounds received in action, 19th August
1858.
Leith, T. Augustus Forbes.--18th Nov. 1854. Resigned 23d March 1855.
Leslie, John, Captain.--20th July 1815, Ensign--To Half-pay 9th
March 1838. Died at Aberdeen 25th Dec. 1845.
M’Dakin, S. Gordon, Lieut.--23d Oct. 1855, Ensign--Lieut. 24th May
1861--To 19th Foot 5th Nov. 1861--Half-pay 22d Dec. 1863.
Macdonald, Atholl Wentworth, Captain.--9th August 1833, Ensign.
Retired Captain 6th Dec. 1844. Died in the Pavilion Floriana Malta,
with the Regiment, 27th February 1845.
Macdonald, Charles Kerr, Brevet-Major.--15th May 1823,
Ensign--Half-pay Captain, 7th Nov. 1826. Died at Alexandria in
Egypt, 17th Oct. 1867.
M’Donald, Donald, Captain.--16th August 1803, Ensign--Half-pay 27th
May 1819. Died at Musselburgh 24th Sept. 1865.
Macdonald, Sir John, Lieut.-General.--15th Jan. 1844, Colonel. Died
in London 28th March 1850.
M’Donald, Ranald, Ensign.--10th August 1815--Half-pay 8th July 1819.
Cashiered from 3d Foot 31st July 1828.
Macdonald, Robert Douglas, Captain.--11th July 1822, Ensign.
Exchanged to 94th 15th June 1838. Died Barrack-Master at Dover, 9th
Feb. 1860.
Macdougall, James, Lieut.-Colonel.--From H. P. 23d, 30th Dec. 1819,
Lieut. Retired from Lieut.-Colonel Commanding the Reserve Battalion,
15th Feb. 1850.
M’Dougall, Kenneth, Lieut.--6th March 1809, Ensign. Retired 9th Nov.
1826. Died in the Island of Skye, 1827.
M’Dougall, William Adair, Paymaster--23d August 1833.--To Half-pay
1st Oct. 1838. Died at Guernsey 27th Jan. 1841.
M’Duff, John, Major-General.--7th April 1825, Ensign--from Half-pay;
Lieut. 40th Regiment 26th June 1827--Major-General 23d Oct. 1863.
Died at New-miln Stanley, Perthshire, 25th September 1865.
Macfarlane, Victor, Ensign.--2d October 1855.--Superseded for
absence without leave, 29th July 1856.
Macfarlane, Wm. Dick (of Donavourd), Captain.--10th Sept. 1825,
Ensign--Half-pay Captain 16th Nov. 1832. Retired from 92d 15th Jan.
1836. Died at Perth 3d Feb. 1838.
M’Gregor, Alexander.--Joined the Regiment 13th March 1833.--Promoted
to Quarter-Master from Quarter-Master Sergeant 25th May 1855--To a
Depot Battalion, 30th August 1859--To Half-pay with rank of Captain,
from 98th Regiment 1st August 1868.
M’Gregor, Alex. Edgar, Captain.--18th June 1852 Lieut, from 93d.
Died Captain in the 31st at Hong-Kong, 12th August 1860.
M’Gregor, James (of Fonab), Dep. Inspector General.--12th April
1826, Assistant-Surgeon--To Staff Surgeon 1st class 12th March
1852--To Half-pay, 7th Dec. 1858.
M’Gregor, James, M.D.--12th March 1841, Assistant-Surgeon--To Staff
22d Nov. 1842.
M’Intosh, Daniel, Captain.--4th June 1805, Lieut. Retired 24th
October 1821. Died at Hamilton 13th March 1830.
M’Intosh, Donald, Quarter-Master.--Joined the Regiment, not
known--9th July 1803, Quarter-Master--Half-pay 30th Dec. 1818. Died
at Perth 30th July 1829.
M’Intosh, William Henry.--27th Oct. 1846,
Assistant-Surgeon.--Resigned 18th August 1848.
M’Iver, George, Captain.--31st March 1814, Ensign--To Half-pay 5th
April 1839. Died July 1845.
M’Kay, Donald, Captain.--25th Jan. 1810, Ensign. Died at the
Regimental Depot, Stirling, 13th Feb. 1832.
Mackie, Hugh, 7th August 1846, Surgeon.--To Staff 1st April 1850.
Died at Halifax, Nova Scotia, 10th April 1858.
M’Kenzie, Donald, Captain.--23d July 1807, Lieut. Retired 13th Sept.
1821. Died in Edinburgh 5th Dec. 1838.
M’Kenzie, Thomas, Captain.--8th Feb. 1856, Ensign. Exchanged to 78th
23d Oct. 1857.
M’Kinnon, Wm. Alex., C.B., Surgeon-Major.--24th March 1854,
Assistant-Surgeon from the Staff--To 57th Surgeon 28th Jan. 1862.
Maclachlan, James.--16th April 1842, Ensign. Resigned 24th May 1844.
M’Laine, Murdoch, Brevet-Major.--18th Jan. 1800, Ensign. Died 12th
Dec. 1822.
M’Laren, Charles, Lieut.--2d June 1808, Lieut.--Half-pay 25th June
1817. Died in London 13th March 1818.
M’Lean, Alex., Surgeon.--7th Sept. 1854, Assistant-Surgeon--To Royal
Artillery 8th Nov. 1861.
Macleod, Arthur Lyttleton, Captain.--12th Dec. 1822,
Ensign--Half-pay Lieut, 9th June 1825. Retired from 86th 12th March
1841. Nothing more known of him.
M’Leod, John Chetham, C.B., Colonel.--21st April 1846, Ensign--now
(1873) in command of the Regiment.
M’Leod, Murdoch, Captain.--20th Feb. 1855, Ensign--Captain 24th May
1861. Retired 17th August 1869.
Macleod, Swinton, Dep.-Inspec.-General.--25th June 1801,
Assistant-Surgeon--Half-pay 5th Nov. 1829. Died in London 27th Dec.
1847.
Macnish, Wm. Lear, Lieut.--28th August 1846, Ensign--Exchanged to
93d, Lieut. 18th June 1852. Drowned at Scutari, Turkey, 19th May
1854.
Macpherson, Andrew Kennedy, Lieut.--19th Dec. 1865, Ensign--To 17th
Foot 16th Feb. 1869. Lieut. Bengal Staff Corps 14th Dec. 1869.
Macpherson, Donald, Surgeon.--1st June 1809, Assistant-Surgeon--To
half-pay from 62d 24th July 1835. Died at Chatham, 25th June 1839.
Macpherson, Duncan (Younger of Cluny), Major.--25th June 1852,
Ensign--Major 5th July 1865.
Macpherson, Ewen (of Cluny), 15th June 1830, Captain.--Half-pay 14th
June 1833. Retired 16th July 1841.
Macpherson, John Cameron, Lieut.-Colonel.--10th September 1830,
Ensign--To full-pay Major, with rank of Lieut.-Colonel 24th April
1855. Died at Stirling, 23d April 1873.
Macpherson, Mungo, Major.--4th Nov. 1800, Ensign--Half-pay Major
18th May 1826. Died at Hastings 26th Nov. 1844.
Macquarie, George W., Captain.--25th Sept., Ensign--Exchanged to
63d--Captain 21st Jan. 1853. Retired 7th Sept. 1855.
Maginn, Daniel Wedgworth, Assistant-Surgeon 27th Nov. 1828.
Exchanged to Staff 15th Feb. 1833. Died at Chatham 20th March 1834.
Maitland, Charles.--12th Nov. 1847, Ensign. Died at Bermuda 21st
April 1851.
Maitland, George Thomas, Lieut.--9th April 1861, Ensign--Lieut. 5th
July 1865--To Bengal Staff Corps 2d March 1866.
Malcolm, John, Major.--19th Feb. 1807, Ensign. Died at Cork,
returning home on sick leave from Gibraltar 14th Nov. 1829.
Malcolm, John, Ensign.--6th Jan. 1814, Ensign--To Half-pay 4th Nov.
1819. Died 8th Sept. 1835.
Menzies, Archd., Major.--25th September 1800, Ensign--Retired Major
25th Dec. 1828. Died at Avondale, near Falkirk, 11th July 1854.
Menzies, Gilbert Innes, Lieut.--18th April 1842, Ensign. Retired
20th May 1853.
Middleton, William, Lieut.-Colonel.--9th July 1803, Ensign. Retired
from command of the Regiment 23d August 1839. Died at Woolwich 18th
Feb. 1843.
Mitchel, James William.--5th March 1858, Lieut, from St Helena
Regiment--To 17th Foot 10th July 1860. Retired 23d July 1861.
Montague, George, Brevet-Major.--5th April 1839.--From H. P. 52d, 3d
June 1842.
Montgomery, Thos. Henry (of Hattonburn), Captain.--3d March 1847,
Ensign. Retired 22d May 1847.
Moore, George T. Carns, Captain.--12th Dec. 1856, Ensign--Captain
23d Nov. 1872.
Moseley, Herbert Henry, Captain.--3d June 1853, Ensign--Retired 24th
March 1863. Died at Calcutta 19th May 1863.
Moubray, William Henry H. C., Lieut.--22d Oct. 1870, Ensign--Lieut.
25th Oct. 1871.
Muir, Sir Wm., K.C.B., M.D. and C.B.--22d Nov. 1842,
Assistant-Surgeon--Promoted Surgeon 33d Regiment 24th Feb.
1854--Inspector-General 15th Feb. 1861.
Munro, George Montgomery, Sub-Lieut.--11th Dec. 1872.
Murray, Charles, Lieut.-Colonel.--21st June 1833, Ensign--To
Half-pay Major 12th Sept. 1856. Retired 21st Sept. 1860 with rank of
Lieut.-Colonel.
Murray, The Hon. David Henry, Brevet-Major.--6th April 1828,
Ensign--To Lieut. 7th Fusiliers 9th Nov. 1830. Retired from Scots
Fusilier Guards 4th Feb. 1848. Died at Taymount, Perthshire, 5th
Sept. 1862.
Murray, Sir George, General.--6th Sept. 1823, Colonel--Removed to
the 1st Royal Scots 29th Dec. 1843. Died in London 28th July 1846.
Murray, Henry Dundas.--30th Jan. 1835, Ensign. Retired 17th Nov.
1837.
Murray, James Wolfe (of Cringletie).--25th Jan. 1833, Ensign.
Retired 24th June 1833.
Murray, Sir Robert, Bart.--15th Dec. 1837, Ensign. Retired 2d August
1839.
Murray, Sir William Keith, Bart.--Captain 1st Oct. 1825.--Half-pay
15th June 1830. Retired 10th March 1838. Died 16th Oct. 1861.
Nicholson, Brinsley, M.D., Dep.-Inspector-General.--15th Nov. 1829,
Surgeon--Staff-Surgeon to the Forces 19th June 1835--Half-pay 30th
Dec. 1845. Died at Red Hill, Surrey, 15th March 1857.
Orde, John W. Powlett, Captain (yr. of Kilmory).--6th Dec. 1844,
Ensign. Retired 9th Jan. 1857.
Paterson, Augustus, Captain.--10th Jan. 1840, Ensign--To 68th
Captain on reduction 24th Sept. 1850. Retired from 41st on the 24th
Nov. 1854.
Paterson, James, M.D., Surgeon.--19th June 1835, Surgeon--To
Half-pay 26th Feb. 1841. Died in Edinburgh 26th August 1866.
Paterson, James Erskine, Lieut, (now Erskine Erskine of
Linlathen).--3d Nov. 1846, Ensign. Retired 12th Oct. 1852.
Paton, Edward, Captain.--Joined the Regiment as Armourer-Serjeant
24th August 1814.--Quarter-Master-Serjeant 15th Nov.
1838--Quarter-Master 19th June 1840--To Half-pay 5th May 1854. Died
at Southsea, Portsmouth, 2d May 1863.
Peter, James John, Lieut.--16th April 1861, Ensign from 5th
foot--Lieut. 14th June 1864. Died in India, 11th Nov. 1865.
Pitcairn, Andrew, Lieut.-Colonel.--15th May 1840, Ensign--Exchanged
Major to 25th, 17th July 1857. To Half-pay Lieut.-Colonel on
reduction of a Depot Battalion--1st April 1870. Retired 21st August
1871.
Priestly, Edward Ramsden, Colonel.--17th July 1857, Major from 25th
Regiment. Died in command of the Regiment at Stirling, 25th March
1868.
Ramsay, Alexander, Captain.--16th May 1840, Ensign--Exchanged to
68th. Captain 27th Sept. 1853. Retired 20th Jan. 1854.
Ramsay, Robert Williamson, Captain.--15th June 1832, Lieut. from
62d. Retired 16th Nov. 1841.
Raynes, Thomas, Captain.--2d Sept. 1824, Ensign. Retired 30th Jan.
1835.
Robertson, George Duncan (of Struan), Lieut.--14th June, 1833,
Ensign. Retired 16th May 1840. Died at Bonchurch, Isle of Wight, 3d
April 1864.
Robertson, James, Captain.--1st Dec. 1808, Ensign--to Half-pay
Captain 13th Feb. 1827. Died in the 48th Regiment, at Chatham, 20th
April 1833.
Robertson, Wm. James (younger of Kinlochmoidart), Captain.--16th
June 1848, Ensign--Exchanged Lieut. to 30th Regiment. Retired 4th
Dec. 1857. Died at Kinlochmoidart, 26th June 1869.
Rollo, The Hon. Robert, C.B., Major-General.--10th Aug. 1832,
Ensign--To Half-pay Lieut.-Colonel 17th July 1855.
Rose, Eustace, Henry.--21st Jan. 1833, Captain from 60th
Rifles--Exchanged to 7th Fusiliers 27th May 1853. Retired 3d June
1856.
Ross, Gilian M’Lean, Brevet-Major.--17th Nov. 1841--Lieut.
from 57th--To Half-pay as Captain 4th Sept. 1849--To 3d W. I.
Regiment--and To Half-pay from it 6th March 1863. Died in London 23d
May 1866.
Ross, James Kerr, Lieut.-General.--31st May 1821, Captain--Half-pay
27th Dec. 1827. Died at Edinburgh, 26th April 1872.
St John, George Frederick Berkeley, Major.--25th Nov. 1819,
Lieut.--To Half-pay Captain 25th Oct. 1821--To H. P. Major from the
52d, 31st May 1839. Died a Knight of Windsor, 23d July 1866.
Samwell, Frank, Captain.--Paymaster from Half-pay 102d 15th Dec.
1869.
Sandeman, Thos. Fraser, Captain.--24th Dec. 1848, Ensign--Half-pay
Lieut. 10th Aug. 1832. Retired from 73d Captain 31st May 1844.
Sandilands, E. Nimmo, Lieut.-Colonel.--21st May 1842,
Ensign--Promoted to Lieut. 8th Foot 3d April 1846--Lieut.-Colonel
Bengal Staff Corps.
Scobie, Mackay John, Lieut.--12th Jan. 1867, Ensign--Lieut. 28th
Oct. 1871.
Scott, Francis Cunningham (younger of Malleny), Major.--24th Nov.
1852, Ensign--Major 26th March 1868.
Scott, James Rattray, Lieut.--4th July 1819, Ensign--To 47th 11th
July 1822. Resigned 6th Dec. 1826.
Shuttleworth, Charles, Captain.--23d April 1855, Ensign--To Bengal
Staff Corps, Lieut. 27th Oct. 1865--Captain 23d April 1867.
Simpson, John, V.C.--Joined the Regiment 8th June 1843--From
Quarter-Master Sergeant promoted to Quarter-Master 7th Oct. 1859.
Sinclair, Robert Bligh, Captain.--27th Sept. 1839, Ensign.--To
Half-pay Captain on reduction 15th Nov. 1850. Retired from 66th
Captain 3d Nov. 1854--Was Adjutant-General of Militia for Nova
Scotia, and went to the Danish Island of Santa Cruz for the benefit
of his health, where he died on the 28th of June 1872.
Spens, Colin, Lieut.--2d Dec. 1862, Ensign--Lieut. 2d March 1866.
Died in India 22d June 1867.
Spooner, Wm. Henry, Lieut.--9th Oct. 1855, Ensign--To 9th Foot
Lieut. 16th April 1861--To 90th 11th April 1862--Half-pay 27th Feb.
1867. Died at Bingen on the Rhine, 29th Nov. 1870.
Stevenson, A. Scott, Lieut.--17th March 1869, Ensign--Lieut. 28th
Oct. 1871.
Stevenson, George Milne, Lieut.-Colonel.--10th Sept. 1818,
Lieut.--To Half-pay Captain 19th June 1840--To H. P. Lieut.-Colonel
from Rifle Brigade 19th June 1840. Retired 7th August 1846. Nothing
more known of him.
Stewart, Andrew David Alston, Captain.--26th Sept. 1831,
Ensign--Exchanged to 6th Foot Lieut. 1st Sept 1837. Died in India,
Captain 61st, 18th May 1848.
Stewart, Charles Edward, Ensign.--8th June 1826, Ensign. Died at
Gibraltar, 3d Nov. 1828.
Stewart, The Hon. Randolph Henry, Captain.--2d March 1855,
Ensign--Captain 14th June 1864--To Half-pay 23d March 1867.
Stewart, John, Assistant-Surgeon.--4th May 1809.--To Half-pay 25th
Dec. 1818. Died at Perth, 2d Jan. 1837.
Stewart, Roger, Captain.--28th June 1810, Ensign--To Half-pay
Captain 13th Feb. 1827. Died in the Royal African Corps, on the West
Coast, 15th July 1833.
Stirling, James, Captain.--13th August 1805, Ensign. Retired 25th
Sept. 1817. Died at Musselburgh 20th Jan. 1818.
Stirling, Thos. Jas. Graham (of Strowan), Lieut.--8th Nov. 1827,
Ensign. Retired 15th Dec. 1837.
Strange, Alex., Lieut.--8th Feb. 1809, Ensign. Died 15th May 1823.
Stuart, J. G. Gordon, Lieut.--1st June 1855, Ensign--Lieut. 1st May
1857--Exchanged to St Helena Regiment 5th March 1858. Retired 23d
Sept. 1862.
[366]Stuart, John Patrick, Brevet-Major.--Joined the Regiment 18th
May 1825--Promoted from Colour-Serjeant to 2d Lieut. in the 21st
Fusiliers, 30th Dec. 1838--To Staff-Officer of Pensioners, 1st Jan.
1855, from 43d Light Infantry.
Suther, William King, Lieut.--13th Feb. 1866, Ensign from
99th--Lieut. 18th August 1869.
Thompson, William Kerr, Lieut.--7th April 1825, Ensign from
Half-pay, Lieut. 26th Regiment, 26th April 1828. Died on Half-pay
27th May 1833.
Thompson, William Thomas, Captain from 83d, 28th Jan. 1870. Retired
19th Oct. 1872.
Thornhill, T. Allen, M.B.--24th July 1867, Assistant-Surgeon--To 7th
Hussars 25th March 1859.
Thorold, George Edward, Colonel.--28th July 1857, Lieut.-Colonel
from H. P. 92d. Retired on Full-pay, with rank of Colonel, 16th
March 1858.
Tinnie, William Thomas, Captain.--26th June 1827, Ensign--To 86th
Lieut. 20th Dec. 1827. Retired Captain from 8th Hussars 15th Nov.
1839. Died 21st March 1848.
Troup, Robert William, M.B.--1st Sept. 1865, Assistant-Surgeon from
the Staff.
Tulloch, Thomas, Colonel.--15th June 1838, Captain from 94th--To
Half-pay Lieut.-Colonel 9th Oct. 1855. Retired with the rank of
Colonel 21st Oct. 1859. Died in London 3d Jan. 1866.
Tulloch, James Tulloch, M.D., Assistant-Surgeon.--2d July 1861, from
Rifle Brigade. Died in India 16th July 1867.
Underwood, William, Captain.--5th June 1855, Ensign--Captain 11th
Jan. 1867. Retired 12th Feb. 1873.
Wade, Thos. Francis, Colonel.--13th July 1809, Captain from
20th--Half-pay Major 4th May 1826. Died at Haverford West, 3d Dec.
1846.
Wade, Thomas Francis (son of the Colonel), Lieut.--23d August 1839,
Ensign--Promoted in 98th, Lieut. 16 Nov. 1841. Retired 22d June
1847. Now British Minister at Pekin.
Walter, William Sanders, Captain.--25th Jan. 1856, Ensign--Captain
23d March 1867. Retired 23d Nov. 1872.
Ward, William Crofton, Captain.--18th August 1848, Ensign--Retired
24th May 1861.
Wardell, Charles, Paymaster.--22d Feb. 1821.--Half-pay 25th Jan.
1828. Died 29th July 1862.
Warner, Chas. W. Pole.--28th Dec. 1860, Ensign from 43d. Resigned
16th April 1861.
Warrand, Arthur Wellesley, Lieut. 24th March 1863, Ensign--Lieut.
10th July 1866. Retired 21st Oct. 1870. Died at Cape of Good Hope
1st June 1871.
Wauchope, Andrew Gilbert, Lieut. and Adjutant.--21st Nov. 1865,
Ensign--Lieut. 23d June 1867--Adjutant 5th April 1870.
Webber, W. G. Everard, Captain.--23d Nov. 1852, Ensign. Died in
India, 9th July 1866.
Wedderburn, John Walter, Lieut.-Colonel.--26th Oct. 1841, Ensign.
Retired Captain 12th May 1854--Major, Royal Perth Rifles, 5th Nov.
1855. Retired with rank of Lieut.-Colonel 10th Dec. 1869.
Wheatley, John, Lieut.-Colonel.--Joined the Regiment 1st May
1817--Ensign and Adjutant from Acting Serjeant-Major 20th July
1832--To a Depot Battalion, 26th Jan. 1855. Retired on Half-pay 27th
June 1866.
Whigham, Robert, Major.--6th June 1854, Ensign.--To Half-pay Captain
on reduction 1st Jan. 1857--7th Fusiliers 31st Dec. 1857--16th
Lancers 9th Oct. 1863.
Whitehead, Edmund, Captain.--22d May 1857, Ensign.--Captain 17th
August 1869.
Whitehead, Frederick G. I.--27th May 1853, Captain from 7th
Fusiliers. Retired 27th July 1854.
Wilkes, Edwin.--10th July 1860, Assistant-Surgeon from Staff--To
Staff Corps in India, 8th Aug. 1862.
Wilkinson, Frederick Green, Colonel.--28th Nov. 1851, Captain from
43d--Lieut.-Colonel, exchanged to a Depot Battalion 27th Sept. 1861.
Wilson, John, Bt.-Major.--Joined the Regiment 22d Oct.
1844--Promoted Ensign from Sergeant-Major 10th August 1854--Captain
16th March 1858--Bt.-Major 5th July 1872.
Wood, John Gillespie, M.D.--12th March 1852, Surgeon--To Staff
Surgeon-Major 9th Feb. 1855--To Half-pay Dep.-Inspec.-General, 8th
June 1867.
Wood, William, Major--Joined the Regiment 27th July 1843--Promoted
to Quarter-Master from Sergeant-Major, 5th May 1854--Adjutant 16th
Feb. 1855--To Half-pay Captain 17th March 1863--Major 1st April 1870.
Young, James, Lieut.--22d Oct. 1805, Ensign--Half-pay 25th Nov.
1819. Died in Edinburgh, 15th June 1846.
HIGHLAND PIBROCH:
Composed by one of the MacCrummens in the midst of the Battle of
Inverlochy, 1427, wherein Donald Balloch of the Isles was victorious
over the Royal Forces.
[Music: ARRANGED FOR THE BAGPIPES.
VARIATION 1st. Slow.]
[Music: VARIATION 2nd. Slow and pointed.
VARIATION 3rd. A little lively.
DOUBLING OF VARIATION 3rd.
VARIATION 4th. Livelier.]
[Music: Doubling of VARIATION 4th. Lively.
Trebling of VARIATION 4th. Livelier still.
CREANLUIDH or ROUND MOVEMENT. Brisk.]
[Music: Doubling of CREANLUIDH. Very brisk.]
[Music: Trebling of CREANLUIDH. As lively as can be
played distinctly.]
The ground of this Piobaireachd may be played after the Doubling of
each VARIATION.
NOTE.--This HIGHLAND PIBROCH was played by the 42nd Royal Highlanders
while marching to Quatre Bras. See page 394.
FOOTNOTES:
[257] Stewart’s _Sketches_. In confirmation of this, General Stewart
mentions the case of Mr Stewart of Bohallie, his grand-uncle by
marriage, who was one of the gentlemen soldiers in Carrick’s
company. “This gentleman, a man of family and education, was five
feet eleven inches in height, remarkable for his personal strength
and activity, and one of the best swordsmen of his time in an age
when good swordsmanship was common, and considered an indispensable
and graceful accomplishment of a gentleman; and yet, with all these
qualifications, he was only a centre man of the centre rank of his
company.”
[258] Sir Robert Menzies, writing to the _Dundee Advertiser_ in
connection with the monument recently erected at Dunkeld to the Black
Watch, says this is a mistake, although it is the account generally
received, and that given by General David Stewart. Sir Robert says
“the detailed companies of the Black Watch met at Weem, and that the
whole regiment was first drawn up in the field at Boltachan, between
Weem and Taybridge.” It is strange, considering the inscription on
the monument, that Sir Robert should have been asked to allow it to
be erected in the field in question. After all, both statements may
be essentially correct, and it is of no great consequence.
[259] While the companies acted independently, each commander assumed
the tartan of his own clan. When embodied, no clan having a superior
claim to offer a uniform plaid to the whole, and Lord Crawford,
the colonel, being a lowlander, a new pattern was assumed, which
has ever since been known as the 42d, or Black Watch tartan, being
distinct from all others. Here we must acknowledge our indebtedness
to a manuscript history of this regiment, kindly lent us by
Lieutenant-Colonel Wheatley, whose “happy home,” he says himself,
the regiment was for 38 years. The volume contains much curious,
valuable, and interesting information, on which we shall largely
draw in our account of the 42d. Our obligations to Colonel Wheatley
in connection with this history of the Highland regiments are very
numerous; his willingness to lend us every assistance in his power
deserves our warmest thanks.
[260] Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[261] See p. 234 of this volume.
[262] See vol. i., p. 626.
[263] Taybridge and the Point of Lyon, a mile below Taymouth Castle,
were their places of rendezvous for exercise.
[264] Culloden Papers, No. CCCXC.
[265] The king, having never seen a Highland soldier, expressed a
desire to see one. Three privates, remarkable for their figure and
good looks, were fixed upon and sent to London a short time before
the regiment marched. These were Gregor M’Gregor, commonly called
Gregor the Beautiful, John Campbell, son of Duncan Campbell of the
family of Duneaves, Perthshire, and John Grant from Strathspey, of
the family of Ballindalloch. Grant fell sick, and died at Aberfeldy.
The others “were presented by their Lieutenant-Colonel, Sir Robert
Munro, to the king, and performed the broadsword exercise, and that
of the Lochaber axe, or lance, before his majesty, the Duke of
Cumberland, Marshal Wade, and a number of general officers assembled
for the purpose, in the Great Gallery at St James’s. They displayed
so much dexterity and skill in the management of their weapons, as
to give perfect satisfaction to his majesty. Each got a gratuity of
one guinea, _which they gave to the porter at the palace gate as they
passed out_.”[266] They thought that the king had mistaken their
character and condition in their own country. Such was, in general,
the character of the men who originally composed the Black Watch.
This feeling of self-estimation inspired a high spirit and sense of
honour in the regiment, which continued to form its character and
conduct long after the description of men who originally composed it
was totally changed. These men afterwards rose to rank in the army.
Mr Campbell got an ensigncy for his conduct at Fontenoy, and was
captain-lieutenant of the regiment when he was killed at Ticonderoga,
where he also distinguished himself. Mr M’Gregor was promoted in
another regiment, and afterwards purchased the lands of Inverardine
in Breadalbane. He was grandfather of Sir Gregor M’Gregor, a
commander in South America.--Stewart’s _Sketches_, vol. i. p. 250.
[266] _Westminster Journal._
[267] Brother to General Kenneth M’Pherson of the East India
Company’s Service, who died in 1815. General Stewart says that
Lord John Murray, who was afterwards colonel of the regiment, had
portraits of the sufferers hung up in his dining-room; but for what
reason is not known. They were remarkable for their great size and
handsome figure.
[268] _St James’s Chronicle_, 20th July 1743.
[269] Dr Doddridge’s _Life of Colonel Gardiner_.
[270] Rolt’s _Life of the Earl of Crawford_.
[271] Rolt’s _Life of the Earl of Crawford_.
[272] “Captain John Campbell of Carrick was one of the most
accomplished gentleman of his day. Possessing very agreeable manners
and bravery, tempered by gaiety, he was regarded by the people as
one of those who retained the chivalrous spirit of their ancestors.
A poet, a soldier, and a gentleman, no less gallant among the ladies
than he was brave among men; he was the object of general admiration;
and the last generation of Highlanders among whom he was best known,
took great pleasure in cherishing his memory, and repeating anecdotes
concerning him. He married a sister of General Campbell of Mamore,
afterwards Duke of Argyll.”--Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[273] Culloden Papers, p. 200.
[274] Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[275] Culloden Papers, No. CCXLIII. “On this occasion the Duke of
Cumberland was so much struck with the conduct of the Highlanders,
and concurred so cordially in the esteem which they had secured
to themselves both from friends and foes, that, wishing to show a
mark of his approbation, he desired it to be intimated to them,
that he would be happy to grant the men any favour which they chose
to ask, and which he could concede, as a testimony of the good
opinion he had formed of them. The reply was worthy of so handsome
an offer. After expressing acknowledgments for the condescension
of the commander-in-chief, the men assured him that no favour he
could bestow would gratify them so much as a pardon for one of
their comrades, a soldier of the regiment, who had been tried by
a court-martial for allowing a prisoner to escape, and was under
sentence of a heavy corporal punishment, which, if inflicted, would
bring disgrace on them all, and on their families and country.
This favour, of course, was instantly granted. The nature of this
request, the feeling which suggested it, and, in short, the general
qualities of the corps, struck the Duke with the more force, as,
at the time, he had not been in Scotland, and had no means of
knowing the character of its inhabitants, unless, indeed, he had
formed his opinion from the common ribaldry of the times, when it
was the fashion to consider the Highlander ‘as a fierce and savage
depredator, speaking a barbarous language, and inhabiting a barren
and gloomy region, which fear and prudence forbade all strangers to
enter.’”--Stewart’s _Sketches_, i. p. 274-5.
[276] _Life of Colonel Gardiner._
[277] Account published at Paris, 26th May 1745.
[278] _The Conduct of the Officers at Fontenoy Considered._ Lond.
1745.--“Such was the battle of Fontenoy, and such were the facts
from which a very favourable opinion was formed of the military
qualifications of the Black Watch, as it was still called in
Scotland. At this period there was not a soldier in the regiment born
south of the Grampians.”--Stewart’s _Sketches_, i. 278.
[279] _Caledonian Mercury_, March 1747.
[280] _Hague Gazette._
[281] Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[282] There were few courts-martial; and, for many years, no instance
occurred of corporal punishment. If a soldier was brought to the
halberts, he became degraded, and little more good was to be expected
of him. After being publicly disgraced, he could no longer associate
with his comrades; and, in several instances, the privates of a
company have, from their pay, subscribed to procure the discharge of
an obnoxious individual.
Great regularity was observed in the duties of public worship. In
the regimental orders, hours were fixed for morning prayers by the
chaplain; and on Sundays, for Divine service, morning and evening.
The greatest respect was observed towards the ministers of religion.
When Dr Ferguson was chaplain of the corps, he held an equal, if not,
in some respects, a greater, influence over the minds of the men
than the commanding officer. The succeeding chaplain, Mr Maclaggan,
preserved the same authority; and, while the soldiers looked up with
reverence to these excellent men, the most beneficial effects were
produced on their minds and conduct by the religious and moral duties
which their chaplains inculcated.
[283] “During the whole of 1756 the regiment remained in Albany
inactive. During the winter and spring of 1757, they were drilled
and disciplined for bush-fighting and sharp-shooting, a species
of warfare for which they were well fitted, being in general good
marksmen, and expert in the management of their arms.”--Stewart’s
_Sketches_.
[284] Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[285] Smollett’s _History of England_.
[286] This officer, who was son of Duncan Campbell, of the family of
Duneaves, in Perthshire, along with Gregor MacGregor, commonly called
Gregor the Beautiful, grandfather of Sir Gregor MacGregor, were the
two who were presented to George II. in the year 1743, when privates
in the Black Watch.
[287] Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[288] _St James’s Chronicle._
[289] “It has been observed, that the modern Highland corps display
less of that chivalrous spirit which marked the earlier corps from
the mountains. If there be any good ground for this observation, it
may probably be attributed to this, that these corps do not consist
wholly of native Highlanders. If strangers are introduced among
them, even admitting them to be the best of soldiers, still they
are not Highlanders. The charm is broken,--the conduct of such a
corps must be divided, and cannot be called purely national. The
motive which made the Highlanders, when united, fight for the honour
of their name, their clan, and district, is by this mixture lost.
Officers, also, who are strangers to their language, their habits,
and peculiar modes of thinking, cannot be expected to understand
their character, their feelings, and their prejudices, which, under
judicious management, have so frequently stimulated to honourable
conduct, although they have sometimes served to excite the ridicule
of those who knew not the dispositions and cast of character on which
they were founded. But if Highland soldiers are judiciously commanded
in quarters, treated with kindness and confidence by their officers,
and led into action with spirit, it cannot on any good grounds be
alleged that there is any deficiency of that firmness and courage
which formerly distinguished them, although it may be readily allowed
that much of the romance of the character is lowered. The change of
manners in their native country will sufficiently account for this.
“In my time many old soldiers still retained their original manners,
exhibiting much freedom and ease in their communications with the
officers. I joined the regiment in 1789, a very young soldier.
Colonel Graham, the commanding officer, gave me a steady old soldier,
named William Fraser, as my servant,--perhaps as my adviser and
director. I know not that he had received any instructions on that
point, but Colonel Graham himself could not have been more frequent
and attentive in his remonstrances, and cautious with regard to
my conduct and duty, than my old soldier was, when he thought he
had cause to disapprove. These admonitions he always gave me in
Gaelic, calling me by my Christian name, with an allusion to the
colour of my hair, which was fair, or _bane_, never prefixing _Mr_
or _Ensign_, except when he spoke in English. However contrary to
the common rules, and however it might surprise those unaccustomed
to the manners of the people, to hear a soldier or a servant
calling his master simply by his name, my honest old monitor was
one of the most respectful, as he was one of the most faithful, of
servants.”--Stewart’s _Sketches_, p. 302.
[290] General Stewart says that two officers, anxious to obtain
commissions, enlisted eighteen Irishmen at Glasgow, contrary to the
peremptory orders of Lord John Murray, that none but Highlanders
should be taken. Several of the men were O’Donnels, O’Lachlans,
O’Briens, &c. To cover this deception the O was changed to Mac, and
the Milesians passed muster as true Macdonnels, Maclachlans, and
Macbriars, without being questioned.
[291] _Letters from Guadeloupe._
[292] “By private accounts, it appears that the French had formed the
most frightful and absurd notions of the _Sauvages d’Ecosse_. They
believed that they would neither take nor give quarter, and that they
were so nimble, that, as no man could catch them, so nobody could
escape them; that no man had a chance against their broadsword; and
that, with a ferocity natural to savages, they made no prisoners, and
spared neither man, woman, nor child: and as they were always in the
front of every action in which they were engaged, it is probable that
these notions had no small influence on the nerves of the militia,
and perhaps regulars of Guadaloupe.” It was always believed by the
enemy that the Highlanders amounted to several thousands. This
erroneous enumeration of a corps only eight hundred strong, was said
to proceed from the frequency of their attacks and annoyance of the
outposts of the enemy, who “saw men in the same garb who attacked
them yesterday from one direction, again appear to-day to advance
from another, and in this manner ever harassing their advanced
position, so as to allow them no rest.”--_Letters from Guadaloupe._
[293] An Indian sachem, astonished at the success of the British
arms, remarked that “the English, formerly women, are now men, and
are thick all over the country as trees in the woods. They have taken
Niagara, Cataraque, Ticonderoga, Louisburg, and now lately Quebec,
and they will soon eat the remainder of the French in Canada, or
drive them out of the country.”
[294] _Westminster Journal._
[295] It was in 1776 that William Pitt, afterwards Lord Chatham,
uttered in Parliament his famous eulogy on the Highland
regiments:--“I sought for merit wherever it could be found. It is
my boast that I was the first minister who looked for it, and found
it, in the mountains of the north. I called it forth, and drew into
your service a hardy and intrepid race of men: men who, when left by
your jealousy, became a prey to the artificies of your enemies, and
had gone nigh to have overturned the State, in the war before last.
These men, in the last war, were brought to combat on your side; they
served with fidelity, as they fought with valour, and conquered for
you in every quarter of the world.”
[296] To allure the young Highlanders to enlist into other regiments,
recruiting parties assumed the dress of the Royal Highlanders, thus
deceiving the recruits into the belief that they were entering
the 42d. When the regiment lay in Dublin, a party of Highland
recruits, destined for the 38th regiment, arrived there; but on
representing the deception which had been practised upon them, they
were, after a full inquiry, discharged by Lord Townshend, the lord
lieutenant. They, however, immediately re-enlisted into the 42d
regiment.--_Stewart._
[297] At this time, the words of “the Garb of Old Gaul” were
composed. Major Reid set them to music of his own composition,
which has ever since been the regimental march. Peace and country
quarters affording leisure to the officers, several of them indulged
their taste for poetry and music. Major Reid was one of the most
accomplished flute-players of the age. He died in 1806, a general in
the army, and colonel of the 88th or Connaught Rangers. He left the
sum of £52,000 to the University of Edinburgh, where he was educated,
to establish a Professorship of Music in the College, with a salary
of not less than £300 per annum, and to hold an annual concert on the
anniversary of his birth-day, the 13th of February; the performance
to commence with several pieces of his own composition, for the
purpose of showing the style of music in his early years, and towards
the middle of the last century. Among the first of these pieces is
the Garb of Old Gaul. [See account of Clan Robertson.] The statement
in Stewart’s _Sketches_, that this song was originally written in
Gaelic by a soldier of the 42d, is incorrect. Dr David Laing says,
in Wood’s _Songs of Scotland_, edited by G. F. Graham, that it
was originally written in English by Lieutenant-General Sir Henry
Erskine, Bart., second son of Sir John Erskine of Alva, who commanded
the Scots Greys in 1762. It has been attributed to Sir Henry Erskine
of Torry, but it was not written by him. Its earliest appearance (in
English) was in _The Lark_, 1765. An indifferent translation into
Gaelic, by Morrison, was published in Gillies’ _Gaelic Poetry_, 1786.
This is the first Gaelic version. A much better translation into
Gaelic is by Captain M’Intyre, and appeared in _Am Filidh_, a Gaelic
Song Book, edited by James Munro, 12mo, Edin. 1840.
We give here the original song, with the Gaelic version of Captain
M’Intyre:--
IN THE GARB OF OLD GAUL.
In the garb of old Gaul, with the fire of old Rome,
From the heath-covered mountains of Scotia we come;
Where the Romans endeavoured our country to gain,
But our ancestors fought, and they fought not in vain.
Such our love of liberty, our country, and our laws,
That, like our ancestors of old, we stand by freedom’s cause;
We’ll bravely fight, like heroes bright, for honour and
applause,
And defy the French, with all their arts, to alter our laws.
No effeminate customs our sinews unbrace,
No luxurious tables enervate our race;
Our loud-sounding pipe bears the true martial strain,
So do we the old Scottish valour retain.
As a storm in the ocean when Boreas blows,
So are we enraged when we rush on our foes:
We sons of the mountains, tremendous as rocks,
Dash the force of our foes with our thundering strokes.
We’re tall as the oak on the mount of the vale,
Are swift as the roe which the hound doth assail,
As the full moon in autumn our shields do appear,
Minerva would dread to encounter our spear.
Quebec and Cape Breton, the pride of old France,
In their troops fondly boasted till we did advance;
But when our claymores they saw us produce,
Their courage did fail, and they sued for a truce.
In our realm may the fury of faction long cease,
May our councils be wise and our commerce increase,
And in Scotia’s cold climate may each of us find,
That our friends still prove true and our beauties prove kind.
Then we’ll defend our liberty, our country, and our laws,
And teach our late posterity to fight in freedom’s cause,
That they like our ancestors bold, for honour and applause,
May defy the French, with all their arts, to alter our laws.
EIDEADH NAN GAEL.
Ann an éideadh nan Gàel,
Le tein’-àrdain na Ròimh’,
’S ann o fhraoch-bheannaibh Alba
A dh’ fhalbh sinn a chum gleòis,
Tir a stribhich na Ròimhich
Le foirneart thoirt uainn,
Ach ar sinnscarra chòmhraig,
’S mar sheòid thug iad buaidh!
Le sòghalas no féisdeachas
Ar féithean las cha-n fhàs;
Cha toir ròic no ruidht oirnn striocadh
Chum’s gu’u díobair sinn ar càil;
’S i a’ phìob a’s àírde nual
A bhios g’ ar gluasad gu blàr;--
Sin an ceòl a chumas suas annainn
Cruadal nan Gàel.
’S co-chruaidh sinn ris na daragan
Tha thall-ud anns a’ ghleann;
Is co-luath sinn ris an eilid
Air nach beir ach an cù seang;
Mar a’ ghealach làn as t-fhogar
Nochdar aghaidh ar cuid sgiath,
’S roimh ’r lannan guineach geur
Air Minérbha bi’dh fiamh!
Mar a shéideas a’ ghaoth tuath
Air a’ chuan a’s gairge toirm,
’S ann mar sin a ni sinn brùchdadh
Air ar naimhde ’nùll gu borb;
Mar chreaga trom a’ tùirling orr’
Thig ur-shiol nam beannta,
G’ an caitheamh as le ’n tréuntas,
’S le géiread an lann.
Mar so, ar Lagh ’s ar Righeachd
Gu’n dionar leinn gu bràth;--
Agus cath air taobh ua saorsa
Gu’m faoghluim sinn d’ ar n-àl;
Gus an diong iad fòs an seanairean
’Am fearalas s ’an càil,
’S gus an cuir iad cìs gun tainng
Air an Fhraing ’s air an Spàinn.
[298] “Officers and non-commissioned officers always wore a small
plume of feathers, after the fashion of their country; but it was not
till the period of which I am now writing that the soldiers used so
many feathers as they do at present.”--Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[299] Jackson’s _European Armies_.
[300] Stewart’s _Sketches_. The use of silver lace was not
discontinued until 1830.
[301] Of the number of privates, 931 were Highlanders, 74 Lowland
Scotch, 5 English (in the band), 1 Welsh, and 2 Irish.
[302] The Oxford transport, with a company of the 42d on board, was
captured by an American privateer. The military officers and ship’s
crew were taken on board the privateer, and a crew and guard sent
to the transport, with directions to make the first friendly port.
A few days afterwards the soldiers overpowered the Americans; and
with the assistance of the carpenter, who had been left on board,
navigated the vessel into the Chesapeak, and casting anchor at
Jamestown, which had been evacuated by Lord Dunmore and the British,
she was taken possession of, and the men marched as prisoners to
Williamsburgh in Virginia, where every exertion was made, and every
inducement held out, to prevail with them to break their allegiance,
and join the American cause. When it was found that the offers of
military promotion were rejected, they were told that they would
have grants of fertile land to settle in freedom and happiness,
and that they would all be lairds themselves, and have no rents to
pay. These latter inducements also failed. “These trustworthy men
declared they would neither take nor possess any land, but what
they had deserved by supporting their king, whose health they could
not be restrained from drinking, although in the middle of enemies;
and when all failed, they were sent in small separate parties to
the back-settlements.”--They were exchanged in 1778, and joined the
regiment.--Stewart’s _Sketches_, i. 368.
[303] Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[304] Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[305] “This hill was so perpendicular, that the ball which wounded
Lieutenant Macleod, entering the posterior part of his neck, ran down
on the middle of his ribs, and lodged in the lower part of his back.
“One of the pipers, who began to play when he reached the point of
a rock on the summit of the hill, was immediately shot, and tumbled
from one piece of rock to another till he reached the bottom.
“Major Murray, being a large corpulent man, could not attempt this
steep ascent without assistance. The soldiers, eager to get to the
point of their duty, scrambled up, forgetting the situation of Major
Murray, when he, in a melancholy supplicating tone, cried, ‘Oh
soldiers, will you leave me!’ A party leaped down instantly, and
brought him up, supporting him from one ledge of the rocks to another
till they got him to the top.”--Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[306] “On this occasion Sergeant Macgregor, whose company was
immediately in the rear of the picquet, rushed forward to their
support with a few men who happened to have their arms in their
hands, when the enemy commenced the attack. Being severely wounded,
he was left insensible on the ground. When the picquet was
overpowered, and the few survivors forced to retire, Macgregor, who
had that day put on a new jacket with silver-lace, having, besides,
large silver buckles in his shoes, and a watch, attracted the notice
of an American soldier, who deemed him a good prize. The retreat
of his friends not allowing him time to strip the sergeant on the
spot, he thought the shortest way was to take him on his back to a
more convenient distance. By this time Macgregor began to recover;
and, perceiving whither the man was carrying him, drew his dirk,
and grasping him by the throat, swore that he would run him through
the breast if he did not turn back and carry him to the camp. The
American finding this argument irresistible, complied with the
request, and meeting Lord Cornwallis (who had come up to the support
of the regiment when he heard the firing), and Colonel Stirling, was
thanked for his care of the sergeant; but he honestly told them that
he only conveyed him thither to save his own life. Lord Cornwallis
gave him liberty to go whithersoever he chose. His lordship procured
for the sergeant a situation under government at Leith, which he
enjoyed many years.”--Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[307] From Watson’s _Annals of Philadelphia_ we learn that a Mrs
Gordon opened a boarding-house in Front Street, which was much
frequented by British officers during the American Revolution war,
and at times was nearly filled with officers of the 42d and Royal
Irish. “The British Barracks,” we learn from Watson’s _Annals of
Philadelphia_, “were built in the Northern Liberties soon after the
defeat of Braddock’s army, and arose from the necessity, as it was
alleged, of making better permanent provision for troops deemed
necessary to be among us for future protection. Many of the people
had so petitioned the king, not being then so sensitive of the
presence of ‘standing armies’ as their descendants have since become.
The parade and ‘pomp of war’ which their erection produced in the
former peaceful city of Penn, gave it an attraction to the town’s
people, and being located far out of town, it was deemed a pleasant
walk to the country and fields, to go out and see the long ranges of
houses, the long lines of kilted and bonneted Highlanders, and to
hear ‘the spirit stirring fife and soul-inspiring drum!’ The ground
plot of the barracks extended from Second to Third Street, and from
St Tamany Street to Green Street, having the officers’ quarters, a
large three-storey brick building, on Third Street, the same now
standing as a Northern Liberty Town Hall. The parade ground fronted
upon Second Street, shut in by an ornamental palisade fence on the
line of that street. After the war of Independence they were torn
down, and the lots sold for the benefit of the public. It was from
the location of those buildings that the whole region thereabout was
familiarly called Campingtown. In 1758 I notice the first public
mention of ‘the new barracks in Campingtown,’ the _Gazettes_ stating
the arrival there of ‘Colonel Montgomery’s Highlanders,’ and some
arrangement by the City Council to provide them their bedding, &c.
In the year 1764 the barracks were made a scene of great interest to
all the citizens; there the Indians, who fled from the threats of the
murderous Paxtang boys, sought their refuge under the protection of
the Highlanders, while the approach of the latter was expected, the
citizens ran there with their arms to defend them and to throw up
entrenchments.”
[308] “In the year 1776 (says General Stewart) the three battalions
of the 42d and of Fraser’s Highlanders embarked 3248 soldiers; after
a stormy passage of more than three months, none died; they had only
a few sick, and these not dangerously.”
[309] Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[310] “On the 1st of June this year, Lord John Murray died, in the
forty-second year of his command of the regiment, and was succeeded
by Major-General Sir Hector Munro. It is said that Lord Eglinton
was much disappointed on that occasion. He had formed an attachment
to the Highland soldiers, when he commanded his Highland regiment
in the seven years’ war; and, owing to Lord J. Murray’s great age,
had long looked to the command of the Royal Highlanders. In Lord
North’s administration, and likewise in Mr Pitt’s, he had, in some
measure, secured the succession; but the king had previously, and
without the knowledge of his ministers, assented to an application
from Sir H. Munro. Lord Eglinton was appointed to the Scots Greys
on the first vacancy. Till Lord John Murray was disabled by age,
he was the friend and supporter of every deserving officer and
soldier in the regiment. The public journals during the German or
seven years’ war give many instances. I shall notice one. When the
disabled soldiers came home from Ticonderoga in 1758, to pass the
Board at Chelsea, it is stated, ‘that the morning they were to appear
before the Board, he was in London, and dressed himself in the full
Highland uniform, and, putting himself at the head of all those
who could walk, he marched to Chelsea, and explained their case in
such a manner to the Commissioners, that all obtained the pension.
He gave them five guineas to drink the king’s health, and their
friends, with the regiment, and two guineas to each of those who had
wives, and he got the whole a free passage to Perth, with an offer
to such as chose to settle on his estate, to give them a house and
garden.’”--_Westminster Journal._
[311] Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[312] Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[313] One of these, a trumpeter, was brought to England by the 42d,
and given over to the York Rangers, at the formation of that corps.
[314] General Stewart says that in the assault on the redoubts, when
proceeding from the second to the third, he found a lad of seventeen
years of age whom he had enlisted in August preceding, with his foot
on the body of a French soldier, and his bayonet thrust through from
ear to ear, attempting to twist off his head. Lieutenant Stewart
touched him on the shoulder, and desired him to let the body alone.
“Oh, the brigand,” said he, “I must take off his head.” When told
that the man was already dead, and that he had better go and take the
head off a living Frenchman, he answered, “You are very right, Sir;
I did not think of that;” and immediately ran forward to the front
of the attack. Yet such is the power of example, that this young
man, so bold, turned pale and trembled, when, a few days after he
had enlisted, he saw one of his companions covered with blood from a
cut he had received in the head and face in some horseplay with his
comrades.
[315] In one of the skirmishes in the woods between a party of
the 42d and the enemy, Lieutenant-Colonel Graham (afterwards a
lieutenant-general and governor of Stirling Castle) was wounded,
and lay senseless on the ground. “His recovery from his wound,”
says General Stewart, “was attended by some uncommon circumstances.
The people believing him dead, rather dragged than carried him over
the rough channel of the river, till they reached the sea-beach.
Observing here that he was still alive, they put him in a blanket and
proceeded in search of a surgeon. After travelling in this manner
four miles, I met them, and directed the soldiers to carry him to a
military post, occupied by a party of the 42d under my command. All
the surgeons were out in the woods with the wounded soldiers, and
none could be found. Colonel Graham was still insensible. A ball
had entered his side, and passing through, had come out under his
breast. Another, or perhaps the same ball, had shattered two of his
fingers. No assistance could be got but that of a soldier’s wife,
who had been long in the service, and was in the habit of attending
sick and wounded soldiers. She washed his wounds, and bound them
up in such a manner, that when a surgeon came and saw the way in
which the operation had been performed, he said he could not have
done it better, and would not unbind the dressing. The colonel soon
afterwards opened his eyes, and though unable to speak for many
hours, seemed sensible of what was passing around him. In this
state he lay nearly three weeks, when he was carried to Kingston,
and thence conveyed to England. He was still in a most exhausted
state,--the wound in his side discharging matter from both orifices.
He went to Edinburgh, with little hopes of recovery; but on the
evening of the illumination for the victory of Camperdoun, the smoke
of so many candles and flambeaux having affected his breathing, he
coughed with great violence; and, in the exertion, threw up a piece
of cloth, carried in and left by the ball in its passage through his
body. From that day he recovered as by a charm.
“The soldier’s wife,” continues the General, “who was so useful
to him in his extremity, was of a character rather uncommon. She
had been long a follower of the camp, and had acquired some of its
manners. While she was so good and useful a nurse in quarters, she
was bold and fearless in the field. When the arrangements were made
previously to the attack on the Vizie on the 10th of June, I directed
that her husband, who was in my company, should remain behind to
take charge of the men’s knapsacks, which they had thrown off to be
light for the advance up the hill, as I did not wish to expose him
to danger on account of his wife and family. He obeyed his orders,
and remained with his charge; but his wife, believing, perhaps, that
she was not included in these injunctions, pushed forward to the
assault. When the enemy had been driven from the third redoubt, I was
standing giving some directions to the men, and preparing to push on
to the fourth and last redoubt, when I found myself tapped on the
shoulder, and turning round, I saw my Amazonian friend standing with
her clothes tucked up to her knees, and seizing my hand, ‘Well done,
my Highland lad,’ she exclaimed, ‘see how the brigands scamper like
so many deer!’--‘Come,’ added she, ‘let us drive them from yonder
hill!’ On inquiry, I found that she had been in the hottest fire,
cheering and animating the men; and when the action was over, she was
as active as any of the surgeons in assisting the wounded.”
[316] Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[317] When the boats were about to start, two young French field
officers, who were prisoners on board the _Minotaur_, Captain Louis,
went up to the rigging “to witness, as they said, the last sight of
their English friends. But when they saw the troops land, ascend the
hill, and force the defenders at the top to fly, the love of their
country and the honour of their arms overcame their new friendship:
they burst into tears, and with a passionate exclamation of grief and
surprise ran down below, and did not again appear on deck during the
day.”--Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[318] “The great waste of ammunition,” says General Stewart, “and
the comparatively little execution of musketry, unless directed by
a steady hand, was exemplified on this occasion. Although the sea
was as smooth as glass, with nothing to interrupt the aim of those
who fired,--although the line of musketry was so numerous, that
the soldiers compared the fall of the bullets on the water to boys
throwing handfuls of pebbles into a mill-pond,--and although the
spray raised by the cannon-shot and shells, when they struck the
water, wet the soldiers in the boats,--yet, of the whole landing
force, very few were hurt; and of the 42d one man only was killed,
and Colonel James Stewart and a few soldiers wounded. The noise and
foam raised by the shells and large and small shot, compared with
the little effect thereby produced, afford evidence of the saving
of lives by the invention of gunpowder; while the fire, noise,
and force, with which the bullets flew, gave a greater sense of
danger than in reality had any existence. That eight hundred and
fifty men (one company of the Highlanders did not land in the first
boats) should force a passage through such a shower of balls and
bomb-shells, and only one man killed and five wounded, is certainly
a striking fact.” Four-fifths of the loss of the Highlanders was
sustained before they reached the top of the hill. General Stewart,
who then commanded a company in the 42d, says that eleven of his men
fell by the volley they received when mounting the ascent.
[319] Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[320] Concerning this episode in the fight, and the capture of the
standard of the “Invincibles” by one of the 42d, we shall here
give the substance of the narrative of Andrew Dowie, one of the
regiment who was present and saw the whole affair. We take it from
Lieutenant-Colonel Wheatley’s Memoranda, and we think our readers
may rely upon it as being a fair statement of the circumstances. It
was written in 1845, in a letter to Sergeant-Major Drysdale of the
42d, who went through the whole of the Crimean and Indian Mutiny
campaigns without being one day absent, and who died at Uphall, near
Edinburgh--Major and Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel in the regiment--on
the 4th July 1865:--While Dowie was inside of the ruin above
mentioned, he observed an officer with a stand of colours, surrounded
by a group of some 30 men. He ran and told Major Stirling of this,
who advanced towards the French officer, grasped the colours, carried
them off, and handed them to Sergeant Sinclair of the 42d Grenadiers,
telling him to take them to the rear of the left wing, and display
them. The major then ordered all out of the fort to support the
left wing, which was closely engaged. Meantime, some of the enemy
seeing Sinclair with the colours, made after and attacked him. He
defended himself to the utmost till he got a sabre-cut on the back
of the neck, when he fell with the colours among the killed and
wounded. Shortly afterwards the German regiment, commanded by Sir
John Stewart, came from the rear line to the support of the 42d, and
in passing through the killed and wounded, one Anthony Lutz picked
up the colours, stripped them off the staff, wound them round his
body, and in the afternoon took them to Sir Ralph’s son, and it was
reported received some money for them. In 1802 this German regiment
(97th or Queen’s Own) arrived at Winchester, where this Anthony
Lutz, in a quarrel with one of his comrades, stabbed him with a
knife, was tried by civil law, and sentence of death passed upon him.
His officers, to save his life, petitioned the proper authorities,
stating that it was he who took the “Invincible Colours.” Generals
Moore and Oakes (who had commanded the brigade containing the
42d), then in London, wrote to Lieut.-Col. Dickson, who was with
the regiment in Edinburgh Castle, and a court of inquiry was held.
Sergeant Sinclair was sent for from Glasgow, and, along with Dowie,
was examined on the matter, the result of the examination being
in substance what has just been narrated. Sergeant Sinclair was a
captain in the 81st regiment in Sicily in 1810.
[321] General Hutchinson’s _Official Despatches_.
[322] See note, pp. 370, 71.
[323] Further details concerning this unfortunate misunderstanding
will be given when we come to speak of the presentation of the vase
in 1817.
[324] Of these 231 were Lowlanders, 7 English, and 3 Irish.
[325] General Orders, Horse Guards, 1st February 1809.
[326] “It was not without cause that the Highland soldiers shed tears
for the sufferings of the kind and partial friend whom they were now
about to lose. He always reposed the most entire confidence in them;
placing them in the post of danger and honour, and wherever it was
expected that the greatest firmness and courage would be required;
gazing at them with earnestness in his last moments, and in this
extremity taking pleasure in their successful advance; gratified at
being carried by them, and talking familiarly to them when he had
only a few hours to live; and, like a perfect soldier, as he was,
dying with his sword by his side. Speaking to me, on one occasion,
of the character of the Highland soldiers, ‘I consider,’ said he,
‘the Highlanders, under proper management, and under an officer who
understands and values their character, and works on it, among the
best of our military materials. Under such an officer, they will
conquer or die on the spot, while their action, their hardihood, and
abstinence, enable them to bear up against a severity of fatigue
under which larger, and apparently stronger, men would sink. But it
is the principles of integrity and moral correctness that I admire
most in Highland soldiers, and this was the trait that first caught
my attention. It is this that makes them trustworthy, and makes
their courage sure, and not that kind of flash in the pan, which
would scale a bastion to-day, and to-morrow be alarmed at the fire
of a picquet. You Highland officers may sleep sound at night, and
rise in the morning with the assurance that, with your men, your
professional character and honour are safe, unless _you yourselves
destroy the willing and excellent material entrusted to your
direction_.’ Such was the opinion particularly addressed to me, as a
kind of farewell advice in 1805, when my regiment left his brigade to
embark for the Mediterranean. It was accompanied by many excellent
observations on the character of the Highland soldier, and the duties
of Highland officers, especially what regards their management
of, and behaviour towards their soldiers, and the necessity of
paying attention to their feelings. The correctness of his views on
this important subject I have seen fully confirmed by many years’
experience.”--Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[327] Cannon’s _Historical Record of the 42d_.
[328] Marmont’s _Despatch_.
[329] The loss of the 79th will be found stated in the memoirs of
that regiment.
[330] General Graham’s Despatches.
[331] In a conversation between General Hill and Major-General
Stewart (Garth), a few days after the battle, the former, alluding
to the attempt of the enemy to take the redoubt, said to General
Stewart, “I saw your old friends the Highlanders in a most perilous
situation; and had I not known their firmness I should have trembled
for the result. As it was, they could not have resisted the force
brought against them if they had not been so instantaneously
supported.” Being asked by General Stewart what was the amount at
which he calculated the strength of the enemy’s column of attack,
he replied, “Not less than 6000 men.” In passing soon afterwards
through Languedoc, Stewart stopped to view a brigade of French
infantry exercising. The French commanding officer rode up to him,
and invited him, with great politeness, to accompany him through the
ranks. Talking of the recent battles, the French general concluded
his observations thus,--“Well, we are quite satisfied if the English
army think we fought bravely, and did our duty well.” General Stewart
mentioning the Highland corps, “Ah!” said the Frenchman, “these are
brave soldiers. If they had good officers, I should not like to
meet them unless I was well supported. I put them to the proof on
that day.” Being asked in what manner, he answered “that he led the
division which attempted to retake the redoubt;” and on a further
question as to the strength of the column, he replied, “More than
6000 men.” As General Hill was more than two miles from the field of
action, the accuracy of his calculation is remarkable.
[332] Anton’s _Military Life_, p. 120.
[333] Cannon’s _Historical Records of the 42d_, p. 141.
[334] For music of this see end of the history of this regiment.
[335] Anton’s _Military Life_, p. 188.
[336] One English pint. There were four days’ allowance of bread, and
three days’ of beef and spirits, issued before leaving Brussels for
each man.
[337] These are the only officers of the regiment now (1873) alive
who served in the Peninsula and at Waterloo; the former being now
Captain Innes, and a military knight of Windsor, and the latter,
Captain Orr, residing in Edinburgh.
[338] Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[339] There were no exchanges of men and officers between this and
the first battalion.
[340] The number of men who died in this battalion from December
1803, to 24th October 1814, was 322. The number discharged and
transferred to the first battalion and to other regiments, from 1803
till the reduction in 1814, was 965 men.
[341] The deaths by sickness in the second battalion are not
included. This battalion sustained very little loss in war.
[342] Anton’s _Military Life_, p. 247.
[343] The following is an extract from the account published at
the time; “Tuesday, the first division of the 42d regiment, under
the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Robert Henry Dick (who succeeded
to the command of the regiment, on the death of Lieutenant-Colonel
Sir Robert Macara, killed at Quatre Bras), marched into the Castle.
Major-General Hope, commander of the district, and Colonel David
Stewart of Garth, accompanied the Lieutenant-Colonel at the head
of the regiment. Not only the streets of the city were crowded
beyond all former precedent with spectators, but the windows, and
even the house-tops, were occupied. The road from Musselburgh, a
distance of six miles, was filled with relations and friends; and
so great was the crowd, that it was after four o’clock before they
arrived at the Castle Hill, although they passed through Portobello
about two o’clock. It was almost impossible for these gallant men
to get through the people, particularly in the city. All the bells
were rung, and they were everywhere received with the loudest
acclamations.”
[344] Peelers and Bobbies are names by which the police are
sometimes, even yet, referred to. They were embodied under an Act
brought in by Sir Robert Peel about 1820. In 1823 it was extended to
all Ireland.
[345] The 12th, 20th, 23d, 45th, 71st, 91st, 97th, and second
battalion Rifle Brigade.
[346] Lieutenant-Colonel Johnstone appropriately acknowledged the
honour thus conferred upon him by his Cephalonian friends:--
“_Farewell to Cephalonia, 1843._
“GENTLEMEN,
“_Nobili e cari Signori._
“I hardly know how to express my sense of your kindness, or how much
I feel honoured by the announcement you have just made me of the
intention of my friends in Cephalonia to present me with a medal, on
my departure from this Island. As a proof of yours and their esteem,
I cannot value it too highly, nor can I fail, however poor my merits
may have been, to appreciate the generosity of feeling which has
actuated you on this occasion.
“Your allusions to the 42d and my family have been most gratifying
to me, and one and all desire to join me in every good wish for
your prosperity and happiness. May this happiness be long continued
to you; and may the zeal and ability for which so many of you are
distinguished be honourably and usefully employed in promoting the
best interests of your country.
“Dear Friends, farewell,
“Cari Cefeleni Amici, Addio.”
[347] Galatabourna, close to the Black Sea, about five miles to the
south-west of Varna.
[348] Whose kindness in allowing us to make these extracts we have
pleasure in acknowledging.
[349] Kinglake’s _Crimea_, vol. ii. pp. 186, 216.
[350] Ibid. vol. ii. p. 234.
[351] Kinglake’s _Crimea_, vol. ii. p. 242.
[352] Ibid. vol. ii. p. 242.
[353] Kinglake’s _Crimea_, v. ii. p. 252.
[354] _Letters from Headquarters._
[355] Kinglake’s _Crimea_, v. ii. p. 443.
[356] We shall take the liberty of quoting here the same author’s
sketch of Campbell’s career:--
“Whilst Ensign Campbell was passing from boyhood to man’s estate, he
was made partaker in the great transactions which were then beginning
to work out the liberation of Europe. In the May of 1808 he received
his first commission--a commission in the 9th Foot; and a few weeks
afterwards--then too young to carry the colours--he was serving with
his regiment upon the heights of Vimieira. There the lad saw the
turning of a tide in human affairs; saw the opening of the mighty
strife between ‘Column’ and ‘Line;’ saw France, long unmatched upon
the Continent, retreat before British infantry; saw the first of
Napoleon’s stumbles, and the fame of Sir Arthur Wellesley beginning
to dawn over Europe.
“He was in Sir John Moore’s campaign, and at its closing
scene--Corunna. He was with the Walcheren expedition; and afterwards,
returning to the Peninsula, he was at the battle of Barossa, the
defence of Tarifa, the relief of Taragona, and the combats at Malaga
and Osma. He led a forlorn hope at the storming of St Sebastian,
and was there wounded twice; he was at Vittoria; he was at the
passage of the Bidassoa; he took part in the American war of 1814;
he served in the West Indies; he served in the Chinese war of 1842.
These occasions he had so well used that his quality as a soldier
was perfectly well known. He had been praised and praised again and
again; but since he was not so connected as to be able to move the
dispensers of military rank, he gained promotion slowly, and it was
not until the second Sikh war that he had a command as a general:
even then he had no rank in the army above that of a colonel. At
Chilianwalla he commanded a division. Marching in person with one
of his two brigades, he had gained the heights on the extreme right
of the Sikh position, and then bringing round the left shoulder, he
had rolled up the enemy’s line and won the day; but since his other
brigade (being separated from him by a long distance) had wanted his
personal control, and fallen into trouble, the brilliancy of the
general result which he had achieved did not save him altogether from
criticism. That day he was wounded for the fourth time. He commanded
a division at the great battle of Gujerat; and, being charged to
press the enemy’s retreat, he had so executed his task that 158 guns
and the ruin of the foe were the fruit of the victory. In 1851 and
the following year he commanded against the hill-tribes. It was he
who forced the Kohat Pass. It was he who, with only a few horsemen
and some guns, at Punj Pao, compelled the submission of the combined
tribes then acting against him with a force of 8000 men. It was he
who, at Ishakote, with a force of less than 3000 men, was able to end
the strife; and when he had brought to submission all those beyond
the Indus who were in arms against the Government, he instantly gave
proof of the breadth and scope of his mind as well as of the force
of his character; for he withstood the angry impatience of men in
authority over him, and insisted that he must be suffered to deal
with the conquered people in the spirit of a politic and merciful
ruler.
“After serving with all this glory for some forty-four years, he
came back to England; but between the Queen and him there stood a
dense crowd of families--men, women, and children--extending further
than the eye could reach, and armed with strange precedents which
made it out to be right that people who had seen no service should
be invested with high command, and that Sir Colin Campbell should
be only a colonel. Yet he was of so fine a nature that, although he
did not always avoid great bursts of anger, there was no ignoble
bitterness in his sense of wrong. He awaited the time when perhaps he
might have high command, and be able to serve his country in a sphere
proportioned to his strength. His friends, however, were angry for
his sake; and along with their strong devotion towards him there was
bred a fierce hatred of a system of military dispensation which could
keep in the background a man thus tried and thus known.
“Upon the breaking-out of the war with Russia, Sir Colin was
appointed--not to the command of a division, but of a brigade. It was
not till the June of 1854 that his rank in the army became higher
than that of a colonel.”
[357] Kinglake’s _Crimea_, vol. ii. pp. 474-79.
[358] Kinglake’s _Crimea_, vol. ii. pp. 481-86.
[359] Many of our people who had heard the cheers of the Highlanders
were hindered from seeing them by the bend of the ground, and they
supposed that the cheers were uttered in charging. It was not so. The
Highlanders advanced in silence.
[360] Ibid. vol. ii. pp. 487-90, 493.
[361] _Letters from Headquarters._
[362] We omitted to notice the death of this excellent officer in the
proper place. It occurred while the regiment was at Vido in 1835.
Sir Charles had gone on leave to Switzerland, with unaccountable
reluctance it is said, though he was in apparently perfect health,
and died at Geneva, after a short illness, on 30th September. His
loss was deeply lamented by all ranks. The announcement of his
unexpected death cast a gloom over the regiment, which was long felt.
His gentlemanly bearing and kindly disposition made him universally
loved and respected both by officers and men. The regiment was
fortunate in his successor--Major William Middleton, who had served
in the corps from 1803.
[363] Alluding to the Brigade Centre for the 42d and 79th being told
off for Dundee, which was subsequently altered to Perth.
[364] The rank after the name is that held in December 1872, or the
one attained before death. The first date is that of joining the
regiment, followed by the rank at the time. Field and staff officers
since 1817 are included in the general list, as well as in the
separate succession lists of those officers. Those left unfinished
were alive, or still serving in the regiment, on the 1st January 1873.
[365] Never served in the regiment as an officer.
[366] Never served in the Regiment as an Officer.
LOUDON’S HIGHLANDERS.
1745-1748.
Raising of Regiment--Rebellion of 1745--Flanders--Bergen-op-Zoom
--Reduction of Regiment.
The bravery displayed by Lord John Murray’s Highlanders at Fontenoy
opened the eyes of Government to the importance of securing the
military services of the clans. It was therefore determined to
repair, in part, the loss sustained in that well-fought action, by
raising a second regiment in the Highlands, and authority to that
effect was granted to the Earl of Loudon. By the influence of the
noblemen, chiefs, and gentlemen of the country, whose sons and
connexions were to be appointed officers, a body of 1250 men was
raised, of whom 750 assembled at Inverness, and the remainder at
Perth. The whole were formed into a battalion of twelve companies,
under the following officers, their commissions being dated June 8th
1745:--
_Colonel._--John Campbell, Earl of Loudon, who died in 1782,
a general in the army.
_Lieutenant-Colonel._--John Campbell (afterwards Duke of
Argyll), who died a field-marshal in 1806.
_Captains._
John Murray (afterwards Duke of Athole), son of Lord George Murray.
Alexander Livingstone Campbell, son of Ardkinglass.
John Macleod, younger of Macleod.
Henry Munro, son of Colonel Sir Robert Munro of Fowlis.
Lord Charles Gordon, brother of the Duke of Gordon.
John Stewart, son of the Earl of Moray.
Alexander Mackay, son of Lord Reay.
Ewen Macpherson of Clunie.
John Sutherland of Forse.
Colin Campbell of Ballimore, killed at Culloden.
Archibald Macnab, who died a lieutenant-general in 1791, son of
the laird of Macnab.
_Lieutenants._
Colin Campbell of Kilberrie.
Alexander Maclean.
John Campbell of Strachur, who died in 1806, a general in the army,
and colonel of the 57th regiment.
Duncan Robertson of Drumachuine, afterwards of Strowan.
Patrick Campbell, son of Achallader.
Donald Macdonald.
James Macpherson of Killihuntly.
John Robertson or Reid, of Straloch, who died in 1806, at the age
of eighty-five, a general in the army and colonel of the 88th
or Connaught Rangers.[367]
Patrick Grant, younger of Rothiemurchus.
John Campbell of Ardsliginish.
Alexander Campbell, brother to Barcaldine.
Donald Macdonell of Lochgarry.
Colin Campbell of Glenure.
_Ensigns._
James Stewart of Urrard.
John Martin of Inch.
George Munroe of Novar.
Malcolm Ross, younger of Pitcalnie.
Hugh Mackay.
James Fraser.
David Spalding of Ashintully.
Archibald Campbell.
Donald Macneil.
Alexander Maclagan, son of the minister of Little Dunkeld.
Robert Bisset of Glenelbert, afterwards commissary-general of
Great Britain.
John Grant, younger of Dalrachnie.
Before the regiment was disciplined, the rebellion broke out, and
so rapid were the movements of the rebels, that the communication
between the two divisions, at Perth and Inverness, was cut off.
They were therefore obliged to act separately. The formation of the
regiment at the time was considered a fortunate circumstance, as
many of the men would certainly have joined in the insurrection;
and indeed several of the officers and men went over to the rebels.
Four companies were employed in the central and southern Highlands,
whilst the rest were occupied in the northern Highlands, under Lord
Loudon. Three companies under the Hon. Captains Stewart and Mackay,
and Captain Munro of Fowlis, were, with all their officers, taken
prisoners at the battle of Gladsmuir. Three other companies were also
at the battle of Culloden, where Captain Campbell and six men were
killed and two soldiers wounded.
On the 30th of May 1747, the regiment embarked at Burntisland for
Flanders, but it did not join the Duke of Cumberland’s army till
after the battle of Lafeldt, on the 2d of July. Though disappointed
of the opportunity which this battle would have given them of
distinguishing themselves, another soon offered for the display
of their gallantry. Marshal Saxe having determined to attack the
strong fortress of Bergen-op-Zoom, with an army of 25,000 men under
General Count Lowendahl, all the disposable forces in Brabant,
including Loudon’s Highlanders, were sent to defend the lines, which
were strongly fortified. To relieve the garrison, consisting of
six battalions, and to preserve a communication with the country,
eighteen battalions occupied the lines. The fortress, which was
considered impregnable, was defended by 250 pieces of cannon. The
siege was carried on unremittingly from the 15th of July till the
17th of September, during which time many sorties were made. In
the _Hague Gazette_, an account is given of one of these, which
took place on the 25th of July, in which it is stated “that the
Highlanders, who were posted in Fort Rouro, which covers the lines
of Bergen-op-Zoom, made a sally, sword in hand, in which they were
so successful as to destroy the enemy’s grand battery, and to kill
so many of their men, that Count Lowendahl beat a parley, in order
to bury the dead. To this it was answered, that had he attacked the
place agreeably to the rules of war, his demand would certainly have
been granted; but as he had begun the siege like an incendiary, by
setting fire to the city with red-hot balls, a resolution had been
taken neither to ask or grant any suspension of arms.”
Having made breaches in a ravelin and two bastions, the besiegers
made an unexpected assault on the night of the 16th of September, and
throwing themselves into the fosse, mounted the breaches, forced open
a sally port, and, entering the place, ranged themselves along the
ramparts, almost before the garrison had assembled. Cronstrun, the
old governor, and many of his officers, were asleep, and so sudden
and unexpected was the attack, that several of them flew to the ranks
in their shirts. Though the possession of the ramparts sealed the
fate of the town, the Scottish troops were not disposed to surrender
it without a struggle. The French were opposed by two regiments of
the Scotch brigade, in the pay of the States-general, who, by their
firmness, checked the progress of the enemy, and enabled the governor
and garrison to recover from their surprise. The Scotch assembled in
the market-place, and attacked the French with such vigour that they
drove them from street to street, till, fresh reinforcements pouring
in, they were compelled to retreat in their turn,--disputing every
inch as they retired, and fighting till two-thirds of their number
fell on the spot, killed or severely wounded,--when the remainder
brought off the old governor, and joined the troops in the lines.
The troops in the lines, most unaccountably, retreated immediately,
and the enemy thus became masters of the whole navigation of the
Scheldt. “Two battalions,” says an account of the assault published
in the _Hague Gazette_, “of the Scotch brigade have, as usual, done
honour to their country,--which is all we have to comfort us for
the loss of such brave men, who, from 1450, are now reduced to 330
men--and those have valiantly brought their colours with them, which
the grenadiers twice recovered from the midst of the French at the
point of the bayonet. The Swiss have also suffered, while others
took a more _speedy way to escape_ danger.” In a history of this
memorable siege the brave conduct of the Scotch is also thus noticed:
“It appears that more than 300 of the Scotch brigade fought their
way through the enemy, and that they have had 19 officers killed and
18 wounded. Lieutenants Francis and Allan Maclean of the brigade
were taken prisoners, and carried before General Lowendahl, who thus
addressed them: ‘Gentlemen, consider yourselves on parole. If all had
conducted themselves as you and your brave corps have done, I should
not now be master of Bergen-op-Zoom.’”[368]
The loss of a fortress hitherto deemed impregnable was deeply felt by
the allies. The eyes of all Europe had been fixed upon this important
siege, and when the place fell strong suspicions were entertained of
treachery in the garrison. Every thing had been done by the people of
the United Provinces to enable the soldiers to hold out: they were
allowed additional provisions of the best quality, and cordials were
furnished for the sick and dying. Large sums of money were collected
to be presented to the soldiers, if they made a brave defence; and
£17,000 were collected in one day in Amsterdam, to be applied in the
same way, if the soldiers compelled the enemy to raise the siege.
Every soldier who carried away a gabion from the enemy was paid a
crown, and such was the activity of the Scotch, that some of them
gained ten crowns a-day in this kind of service. Those who ventured
to take the burning fuse out of the bombs of the enemy (and there
were several who did so), received ten or twelve ducats. In this
remarkable siege the French sustained an enormous loss, exceeding
22,000 men; that of the garrison did not exceed 4000.[369]
After the loss of Bergen-op-Zoom, Loudon’s Highlanders joined the
Duke of Cumberland’s army, and at the peace of 1748 returned to
Scotland, and was reduced at Perth in June of the same year.
FOOTNOTES:
[367] For details as to General Reid, see accounts of Clan Robertson
and the 42d Regiment.
[368] Lieutenant Allan Maclean was son of Maclean of Torloisk. He
left the Dutch and entered the British service. He was a captain in
Montgomery’s Highlanders in 1757; raised the 114th Highland regiment
in 1759; and, in 1775, raised a battalion of the 84th, a Highland
Emigrant regiment; and, by his unwearied zeal and abilities, was
the principal cause of the defeat of the Americans at the attack on
Quebec in 1775-6. Lieutenant Francis Maclean also entered the British
service, and rose to the rank of Major-general. In the year 1777 he
was appointed colonel of the 82d regiment, and, in 1779 commanded
an expedition against Penobscot in Nova Scotia, in which he was
completely successful.--_Stewart’s Sketches._
[369] The following anecdote of faithful attachment is told by Mrs
Grant, in her _Superstitions of the Highlanders_. Captain Fraser of
Culduthel, an officer of the Black Watch, was a volunteer at this
celebrated siege, as was likewise his colonel, Lord John Murray.
Captain Fraser was accompanied by his servant, who was also his
foster-brother. A party from the lines was ordered to attack and
destroy a battery raised by the enemy. Captain Fraser accompanied
this party, directing his servant to remain in the garrison. “The
night was pitch dark, and the party had such difficulty in proceeding
that they were forced to halt for a short time. As they moved forward
Captain Fraser felt his path impeded, and putting down his hand to
discover the cause, he caught hold of a plaid, and seized the owner,
who seemed to grovel on the ground. He held the caitiff with one
hand, and drew his dirk with the other, when he heard the imploring
voice of his foster-brother. ‘What the devil brought you here?’ ‘Just
love of you and care of your person.’ ‘Why so, when your love can do
me no good; and why encumber yourself with a plaid?’ ‘Alas! how could
I ever see my mother had you been killed or wounded, and I not been
there to carry you to the surgeon, or to Christian burial? and how
could I do either without any plaid to wrap you in?’ Upon inquiry it
was found that the poor man had crawled out on his knees and hands
between the sentinels, then followed the party to some distance, till
he thought they were approaching the place of assault, and then again
crept in the same manner on the ground, beside his master, that he
might be near him unobserved.”
Captain Fraser was unfortunately killed a few days thereafter, by a
random shot, while looking over the ramparts.
MONTGOMERY’S HIGHLANDERS,
OR
SEVENTY-SEVENTH REGIMENT.
1757-1763.
Lord Chatham and the Highlanders--Raising of the Regiment
--America--Fort du Quèsne--Ticonderoga--Cherokees--Dominique
--West Indies--Newfoundland--Fort Pitt.
We have already quoted[370] Lord Chatham’s eloquent statement with
regard to the Highland Regiments, in his celebrated speech on
the differences with America in 1766. The only way by which the
Highlanders could be gained over was by adopting a liberal course of
policy, the leading features of which should embrace the employment
of the chiefs, or their connections, in the military service of the
government. It was reserved to the sagacity of Chatham to trace to
its source the cause of the disaffection of the Highlanders, and,
by suggesting a remedy, to give to their military virtue a safe
direction.
Acting upon the liberal plan he had devised, Lord Chatham (then Mr
Pitt), in the year 1757 recommended to his Majesty George II. to
employ the Highlanders in his service, as the best means of attaching
them to his person. The king approved of the plan of the minister,
and letters of service were immediately issued for raising several
Highland regiments. This call to arms was responded to by the clans,
and “battalions on battalions,” to borrow the words of an anonymous
author, “were raised in the remotest part of the Highlands, among
those who a few years before were devoted to, and too long had
followed the fate of the race of Stuarts. Frasers, Macdonalds,
Camerons, Macleans, Macphersons, and others of disaffected names
and clans, were enrolled; their chiefs or connections obtained
commissions; the lower class, always ready to follow, with eagerness
endeavoured who should be first listed.”
This regiment was called Montgomerie’s Highlanders, from the name
of its colonel, the Hon. Archibald Montgomerie, son of the Earl of
Eglinton, to whom, when major, letters of service were issued for
recruiting it. Being popular among the Highlanders, Major Montgomerie
soon raised the requisite body of men, who were formed into a
regiment of thirteen companies of 105 rank and file each; making in
all 1460 effective men, including 65 sergeants, and 30 pipers and
drummers.
The colonel’s commission was dated the 4th of January 1757. The
commissions of the other officers were dated each a day later than
his senior in the same rank.
_Lieutenant-Colonel Commanding._
The Hon. Archibald Montgomerie, afterwards Earl of Eglinton, died a
general in the army, and colonel of the Scots Greys, in 1796.
_Majors._
James Grant of Ballindalloch, died a general in the army in 1806.
Alexander Campbell.
_Captains._
John Sinclair.
Hugh Mackenzie.
John Gordon.
Alexander Mackenzie, killed at St John’s, 1761.
William Macdonald, killed at Fort du Quèsne, 1759.
George Munro, killed at Fort du Quèsne, 1759.
Robert Mackenzie.
Allan Maclean, from the Dutch brigade, colonel of the 84th Highland
Emigrants; died Major-general, 1784.
James Robertson.
Allan Cameron.
Captain-lieutenant Alexander Mackintosh.
_Lieutenants._
Charles Farquharson.
Alexander Mackenzie, killed at Fort du Quèsne, 1759.
Nichol Sutherland, died Lieutenant-colonel of the 47th regiment,
1780.
Donald Macdonald.
William Mackenzie, killed at Fort du Quèsne.
Robert Mackenzie, killed at Fort du Quèsne.
Henry Munro.
Archibald Robertson.
Duncan Bayne.
James Duff.
Colin Campbell, killed at Fort du Quèsne, 1759.
James Grant.
Alexander Macdonald.
Joseph Grant.
Robert Grant.
Cosmo Martin.
John Macnab.
Hugh Gordon, killed in Martinique, 1762.
Alexander Macdonald, killed at Fort du Quèsne.
Donald Campbell.
Hugh Montgomerie, late Earl of Eglinton.
James Maclean, killed in the West Indies, 1761.
Alexander Campbell.
John Campbell of Melford.
James Macpherson.
Archibald Macvicar, killed at the Havannah, 1762.
_Ensigns._
Alexander Grant.
William Haggart.
Lewis Houston.
Ronald Mackinnon.
George Munro.
Alexander Mackenzie.
John Maclachlane.
William Maclean.
James Grant.
John Macdonald.
Archibald Crawford.
James Bain.
Allan Stewart.
_Chaplain._--Henry Munro.
_Adjutant._--Donald Stewart.
_Quarter-master._--Alex. Montgomerie.
_Surgeon._--Allan Stewart.
The regiment embarked at Greenock for Halifax, and on the
commencement of hostilities in 1758 was attached to the corps under
Brigadier-general Forbes in the expedition against Fort du Quèsne,
one of the three great enterprises undertaken that year against the
French possessions in North America. Although the point of attack was
not so formidable, nor the number of the enemy so great, as in the
cases of Ticonderoga and Crown Point; yet the great extent of country
which the troops had to traverse covered with woods, morasses, and
mountains, made the expedition as difficult as the other two. The
army of General Forbes was 6238 men strong.
The brigadier reached Raystown, about 90 miles from the Fort, in
September, having apparently stayed some time in Philadelphia.[371]
Having sent Colonel Boquet forward to Loyal Henning, 40 miles
nearer, with 2000 men, this officer rashly despatched Major Grant of
Montgomery’s with 400 Highlanders and 500 provincials to reconnoitre.
When near the garrison Major Grant imprudently advanced with pipes
playing and drums beating, as if entering a friendly town. The enemy
instantly marched out, and a warm contest took place. Major Grant
ordered his men to throw off their coats and advance sword in hand.
The enemy fled on the first charge, and spread themselves among the
woods; but being afterwards joined by a body of Indians, they rallied
and surrounded the detachment on all sides. Protected by a thick
foliage, they opened a destructive fire upon the British. Major Grant
then endeavoured to force his way into the wood, but was taken in
the attempt, on seeing which his troops dispersed. Only 150 of the
Highlanders returned to Loyal Henning.
In this unfortunate affair 231 soldiers of the regiment were killed
and wounded. The names of the officers killed on this occasion have
already been mentioned; the following were wounded: viz. Captain
Hugh Mackenzie; Lieutenants Alexander Macdonald, junior, Archibald
Robertson, Henry Monro; and Ensigns John Macdonald and Alexander
Grant. The enemy did not venture to oppose the main body, but retired
from Fort du Quèsne on its approach, leaving their ammunition,
stores, and provisions untouched. General Forbes took possession of
the Fort on the 24th of November, and, in honour of Mr Pitt, gave it
the name of Pittsburgh.
[Illustration: VIEW OF THE CITY OF PHILADELPHIA
AS IN 1753 A.D.,
TAKEN FROM THE JERSEY SIDE OF THE DELAWARE.
1. Christ Church.
2. State House.
3. Academy.
4. Wesleyan Church.
5. Dutch Calvinist Church.
6. The Court House.
7. Corn Mill.
8. Quaker Meeting House.
From a rare print, the drawing of which was made under the direction
of Nicholas Scull, Surveyor-General of Pennsylvania.]
The regiment passed the winter of 1758 in Pittsburgh, and in May
following they joined part of the army under General Amherst in his
proceedings at Ticonderoga, Crown Point, and the Lakes,--a detail
of which has been given in the history of the service of the 42d
regiment.
In consequence of the renewed cruelties committed by the Cherokees,
in the spring of 1760, the commander-in-chief detached Colonel
Montgomery with 700 Highlanders of his own regiment, 400 of the
Royals, and a body of provincials, to chastise these savages. The
colonel arrived in the neighbourhood of the Indian town Little
Keowee in the middle of June, having, on his route, detached the
light companies of Royals and Highlanders to destroy the place. This
service was performed with the loss of a few men killed and two
officers of the Royals wounded. Finding, on reaching Estatoe, that
the enemy had fled, Colonel Montgomery retired to Fort Prince George.
The Cherokees still proving refractory, he paid a second visit to
the middle settlement, where he met with some resistance. He had 2
officers and 20 men killed, and 26 officers and 68 men wounded.[372]
Of these, the Highlanders had 1 sergeant and 6 privates killed,
and Captain Sutherland, Lieutenants Macmaster and Mackinnon, and
Assistant-surgeon Monro, and 1 sergeant, 1 piper, and 24 rank and
file wounded. The detachment took Fort Loudon,--a small fort on the
confines of Virginia,--which was defended by 200 men.
The next service in which Montgomery’s Highlanders were employed
was in an expedition against Dominique, consisting of a small land
force, which included six companies of Montgomery’s Highlanders and
four ships of war, under Colonel Lord Rollo and Commodore Sir James
Douglas. The transports from New York were scattered in a gale of
wind, when a small transport, with a company of the Highlanders on
board, being attacked by a French privateer, was beaten off by the
Highlanders, with the loss of Lieutenant Maclean and 6 men killed,
and Captain Robertson and 11 men wounded. The expedition arrived off
Dominique on the 6th of June 1761. The troops immediately landed,
and marched with little opposition to the town of Roseau. Lord Rollo
without delay attacked the entrenchments, and, though the enemy
kept up a galling fire, they were driven, in succession, from all
their works by the grenadiers, light infantry, and Highlanders. This
service was executed with such vigour and rapidity that few of the
British suffered. The governor and his staff being made prisoners,
surrendered the island without further opposition.
In the following year Montgomery’s Highlanders joined the expeditions
against Martinique and the Havannah, of which an account will be
found in the narrative of the service of the 42d regiment. In the
enterprise against Martinique, Lieutenant Hugh Gordon and 4 rank and
file were killed, and Captain Alexander Mackenzie, 1 sergeant, and
26 rank and file, were wounded. Montgomery’s Highlanders suffered
still less in the conquest of the Havannah, Lieutenant Macvicar and 2
privates only having been killed, and 6 privates wounded. Lieutenants
Grant and Macnab and 6 privates died of the fever. After this last
enterprise Montgomery’s Highlanders returned to New York, where they
landed in the end of October.
Before the return of the six companies to New York, the two
companies that had been sent against the Indians in the autumn
of 1761, had embarked with a small force, under Colonel Amherst,
destined to retake St John’s, Newfoundland, which was occupied by
a French force. The British force, which consisted of the flank
companies of the Royals, a detachment of the 45th, two companies
of Fraser’s and Montgomery’s Highlanders, and a small party of
provincials, landed on the 12th of September, seven miles to the
northward of St John’s. A mortar battery having been completed on
the 17th, and ready to open on the garrison, the French commander
surrendered by capitulation to an inferior force. Of Montgomery’s
Highlanders, Captain Mackenzie and 4 privates were killed, and 2
privates wounded.
After this service the two companies joined the regiment at New
York, where they passed the ensuing winter. In the summer of 1763 a
detachment accompanied the expedition sent to the relief of Fort Pitt
under Colonel Bouquet, the details of which have been already given
in the account of the 42d regiment. In this enterprise 1 drummer and
5 privates of Montgomery’s Highlanders were killed, and Lieutenant
Donald Campbell, and Volunteer John Peebles, 3 sergeants, and 7
privates were wounded.
After the termination of hostilities an offer was made to the
officers and men either to settle in America or return to their own
country. Those who remained obtained a grant of land in proportion
to their rank. On the breaking out of the American war a number of
these, as well as officers and men of the 78th regiment, joined the
royal standard in 1775, and formed a corps along with the Highland
Emigrants in the 84th regiment.
FOOTNOTES:
[370] Vol. ii. p. 345.
[371] See vol. ii. p. 354, _note_.
[372] “Several soldiers of this and other regiments fell into the
hands of the Indians, being taken in an ambush. Allan Macpherson,
one of these soldiers, witnessing the miserable fate of several of
his fellow-prisoners, who had been tortured to death by the Indians,
and seeing them preparing to commence some operations upon himself,
made signs that he had something to communicate. An interpreter was
brought. Macpherson told them, that, provided his life was spared for
a few minutes, he would communicate the secret of an extraordinary
medicine, which, if applied to the skin, would cause it to resist the
strongest blow of a tomahawk or sword; and that, if they would allow
him to go to the woods with a guard to collect the proper plants
for this medicine, he would prepare it, and allow the experiment to
be tried on his own neck by the strongest and most expert warrior
amongst them. This story easily gained upon the superstitious
credulity of the Indians, and the request of the Highlander was
instantly complied with. Being sent into the woods, he soon returned
with such plants as he chose to pick up. Having boiled the herbs, he
rubbed his neck with their juice, and laying his head upon a log of
wood, desired the strongest man amongst them to strike at his neck
with his tomahawk, when he would find he could not make the smallest
impression. An Indian, levelling a blow with all his might, cut
with such force, that the head flew off at the distance of several
yards. The Indians were fixed in amazement at their own credulity,
and the address with which the prisoner had escaped the lingering
death prepared for him; but, instead of being enraged at this escape
of their victim, they were so pleased with his ingenuity that
they refrained from inflicting farther cruelties on the remaining
prisoners.”--Stewart’s _Sketches_.
FRASER’S HIGHLANDERS,
OR
OLD SEVENTY-EIGHTH AND SEVENTY-FIRST REGIMENTS.
I.
78TH REGIMENT.
1757-1763.
Raising of the Regiment--Uniform--North America--Louisburg--Quebec
--General Wolfe--Newfoundland--Reduction of the Regiment--Its
descendants.
Following up the liberal policy which Lord Chatham had resolved to
pursue in relation to the Highlanders, he prevailed upon George II.
to appoint the Hon. Simon Fraser, son of the unfortunate Lord Lovat,
and who had himself, when a youth, been forced into the rebellion by
his father, Lieutenant-colonel commandant of a regiment to be raised
among his own kinsmen and clan. Though not possessed of an inch of
land, yet, such was the influence of clanship, that young Lovat in a
few weeks raised a corps of 800 men, to whom were added upwards of
600 more by the gentlemen of the country and those who had obtained
commission. The battalion was, in point of the number of companies
and men, precisely the same as Montgomery’s Highlanders.
The following is a list of the officers whose commissions were dated
the 5th January 1757:--
_Lieutenant-Colonel Commandant._
The Hon. Simon Fraser, died a Lieutenant-general in 1782.
_Majors._
James Clephane.
John Campbell of Dunoon, afterwards Lieutenant-colonel
commandant of the Campbell Highlanders in Germany.
_Captains._
John Macpherson, brother of Cluny.
John Campbell of Ballimore.
Simon Fraser of Inverallochy, killed on the heights of Abraham, 1759.
Donald Macdonald, brother to Clanranald, killed at Quebec in 1760.
John Macdonell of Lochgarry, afterwards colonel of the 76th, or
Macdonald’s regiment, died in 1789 colonel.
Alexander Cameron of Dungallon.
Thomas Ross of Culrossie, killed on the heights of Abraham, 1759.
Thomas Fraser of Strui.
Alexander Fraser of Culduthel.
Sir Henry Seton of Abercorn and Culbeg.
James Fraser of Belladrum.
_Captain-lieutenant_--Simon Fraser, died Lieutenant-general
in 1812.
_Lieutenants._
Alexander Macleod.
Hugh Cameron.
Ronald Macdonell, son of Keppoch.
Charles Macdonell from Glengarry, killed at St John’s.
Roderick Macneil of Barra, killed on the heights of Abraham, 1759.
William Macdonell.
Archibald Campbell, son of Glenlyon.
John Fraser of Balnain.
Hector Macdonald, brother to Boisdale, killed 1759.
Allan Stewart, son of Innernaheil.
John Fraser.
Alexander Macdonald, son of Darisdale, killed on the heights of
Abraham, 1759.
Alexander Fraser, killed at Louisburg.
Alexander Campbell of Aross.
John Douglas.
John Nairn.
Arthur Rose of the family of Kilravock.
Alexander Fraser.
John Macdonell of Leeks, died in Berwick, 1818.
Cosmo Gordon, killed at Quebec, 1760.
David Baillie, killed at Louisburg.
Charles Stewart, son of Colonel John Roy Stewart.
Ewen Cameron, of the family of Glennevis.
Allan Cameron.
John Cuthbert, killed at Louisburg.
Simon Fraser.
Archibald Macallister, of the family of Loup.
James Murray, killed at Louisburg.
Alexander Fraser.
Donald Cameron, son of Fassifern, died Lieutenant on half-pay, 1817.
_Ensigns._
John Chisolm.
Simon Fraser.
Malcolm Fraser, afterwards captain 84th regiment.
Hugh Fraser, afterwards captain 84th or Highland Emigrants.
Robert Menzies.
John Fraser of Errogie.
James Mackenzie.
Donald Macneil.
Henry Munro.
Alexander Gregorson, Ardtornish.
James Henderson.
John Campbell.
_Chaplain._--Robert Macpherson.
_Adjutant._--Hugh Fraser.
_Quarter-master._--John Fraser.
_Surgeon._--John Maclean.
The uniform of the regiment “was the full Highland dress with musket
and broadsword, to which many of the soldiers added the dirk at their
own expense, and a purse of badger’s or otter’s skin. The bonnet was
raised or cocked on one side, with a slight bend inclining down to
the right ear, over which were suspended two or more black feathers.
Eagle’s or hawk’s feathers were usually worn by the gentlemen, in the
Highlands, while the bonnets of the common people were ornamented
with a bunch of the distinguishing mark of the clan or district. The
ostrich feather in the bonnets of the soldiers was a modern addition
of that period, as the present load of plumage on the bonnet is a
still more recent introduction, forming, however, in hot climates, an
excellent defence against a vertical sun.”[373]
The regiment embarked in company with Montgomery’s Highlanders at
Greenock, and landed at Halifax in June 1757. They were intended
to be employed in an expedition against Louisburg, which, however,
after the necessary preparations, was abandoned. About this time it
was proposed to change the uniform of the regiment, as the Highland
garb was judged unfit for the severe winters and the hot summers of
North America; but the officers and soldiers having set themselves in
opposition to the plan, and being warmly supported by Colonel Fraser,
who represented to the commander-in-chief the bad consequences that
might follow if it were persisted in, the plan was relinquished.
“Thanks to our gracious chief,” said a veteran of the regiment, “we
were allowed to wear the garb of our fathers, and, in the course of
six winters, showed the doctors that they did not understand our
constitution; for, in the coldest winters, our men were more healthy
than those regiments who wore breeches and warm clothing.”
Amongst other enterprises projected for the campaign of 1758, the
design of attacking Louisburg was renewed. Accordingly, on the 28th
of May, a formidable armament sailed from Halifax, under the command
of Admiral Boscawen and Major-general Amherst, and Brigadier-generals
Wolfe, Laurence, Monckton, and Whitmore. This armament, consisting
of 25 sail of the line, 18 frigates, and a number of bombs and
fire-ships, with 13,000 troops including the 78th Highlanders,
anchored, on the 2d of June, in Gabarus Bay, seven miles from
Louisburg. In consequence of a heavy surf no boat could approach the
shore, and it was not till the 8th of June that a landing could be
effected. The garrison of Louisburg consisted of 2500 regulars 600
militia, and 400 Canadians and Indians. For more than seven miles
along the beach a chain of posts had been established by the enemy,
with entrenchments and batteries; and, to protect the harbour, there
were six ships of the line and five frigates placed at its mouth, of
which frigates three were sunk.
The disposition being made for landing, a detachment of several
sloops, under convoy, passed the mouth of the harbour towards
Lorembec, in order to draw the enemy’s attention that way, whilst
the landing should really be on the other side of the town. On
the 8th of June, the troops being assembled in the boats before
day-break in three divisions, several sloops and frigates, that
were stationed along shore in the bay of Gabarus, began to scour
the beach with their shot. The division on the left, which was
destined for the real attack, consisted of the grenadiers and light
infantry of the army, and Fraser’s Highlanders, and was commanded by
Brigadier-general Wolfe. After the fire from the sloops and frigates
had continued about a quarter of an hour, the boats containing this
division were rowed towards the shore; and, at the same time, the
other two divisions on the right and in the centre, commanded by
Brigadiers-general Whitmore and Laurence, made a show of landing,
in order to divide and distract the enemy. The landing-place was
occupied by 2000 men entrenched behind a battery of eight pieces
of cannon and ten swivels. The enemy reserved their fire till the
boats were near the beach, when they opened a discharge of cannon
and musketry which did considerable execution. A considerable surf
aided the enemy’s fire, and numbers of the men were drowned by the
upsetting of the boats. Captain Baillie and Lieutenant Cuthbert of
the Highlanders, Lieutenant Nicholson of Amherst’s, and 38 men were
killed; but, notwithstanding these disadvantages, General Wolfe
pursued his point with admirable courage and deliberation: “and
nothing could stop our troops, when headed by such a general. Some of
the light infantry and Highlanders got first ashore, and drove all
before them. The rest followed; and, being encouraged by the example
of their heroic commander, soon pursued the enemy to the distance of
two miles, where they were checked by a cannonading from the town.”
The town of Louisburg was immediately invested; but the difficulty of
landing stores and implements in boisterous weather, and the nature
of the ground, which, being marshy, was unfit for the conveyance of
heavy cannon, retarded the operations of the siege. The governor of
Louisburg, having destroyed the grand battery which was detached
from the body of the place, recalled his outposts, and prepared for
a vigorous defence. He opened a fire against the besiegers and their
work from the town, the island battery, and the ships in the harbour,
but without much effect. Meanwhile General Wolfe, with a strong
detachment, marched round the north-east part of the harbour to
secure a point called the Light-house Battery, from which the guns
could play on the ships and on the batteries on the opposite side of
the harbour. This service was performed on the 12th by General Wolfe
with great ability, who, “with his Highlanders and flankers,” took
possession of this and all the other posts in that quarter with very
trifling loss. On the 25th the inland battery immediately opposite
was silenced from this post. The enemy however, kept up an incessant
fire from their other batteries and the shipping in the harbour. On
the 9th of July they made a sortie on Brigadier-general Lawrence’s
brigade, but were quickly repulsed. In this affair Captain, the Earl
of Dundonald, was killed. On the 16th General Wolfe pushed forward
some grenadiers and Highlanders, and took possession of the hills in
front of the Light Horse battery, where a lodgement was made under
a fire from the town and the ships. On the 21st one of the enemy’s
line-of-battle ships was set on fire by a bombshell and blew up,
and the fire being communicated to two others, they were burned to
the water’s edge. The fate of the town was now nearly decided, the
enemy’s fire being almost totally silenced and their fortifications
shattered to the ground. To reduce the place nothing now remained
but to get possession of the harbour, by taking or burning the two
ships of the line which remained. For this purpose, in the night
between the 25th and 26th, the admiral sent a detachment of 600 men
in the boats of the squadron, in two divisions, into the harbour,
under the command of Captains Laforey and Balfour. This enterprise
was gallantly executed, in the face of a terrible fire of cannon and
musketry, the seamen boarding the enemy sword in hand. One of the
ships was set on fire and destroyed, and the other towed off. The
town surrendered on the 26th, and was taken possession of by Colonel
Lord Rollo the following day; the garrison and seamen, amounting
together to 5637 men, were made prisoners of war. Besides Captain
Baillie and Lieutenant Cuthbert, the Highlanders lost Lieutenants
Fraser and Murray, killed; Captain Donald M’Donald, Lieutenants
Alexander Campbell (Barcaldine), and John M’Donald, wounded; and 67
rank and file killed and wounded.
In consequence of the treaty of peace between Great Britain and the
several nations of Indians between the Apalachian mountains and the
Lakes, the British government was enabled to carry into effect those
operations which had been projected against the French settlements in
Canada. The plan and partial progress of these combined operations
have been already detailed in the service of the 42d regiment. The
enterprise against Quebec, the most important by far of the three
expeditions planned in 1759, falls now to be noticed from the share
which Fraser’s Highlanders had in it.
According to the plan fixed upon for the conquest of Canada,
Major-general Wolfe, who had given promise of great military talents
at Louisburg, was to proceed up the river St Lawrence and attack
Quebec, whilst General Amherst, after reducing Ticonderoga and Crown
Point, was to descend the St Lawrence and co-operate with General
Wolfe in the conquest of Quebec. Though the enterprise against this
place was the main undertaking, the force under General Wolfe did not
exceed 7000 effective men, whilst that under General Amherst amounted
to more than twice that number; but the commander in-chief seems to
have calculated upon a junction with General Wolfe in sufficient time
for the siege of Quebec.
The forces under General Wolfe comprehended the following
regiments,--15th, 28th, 35th, 43d, 47th, 48th, 58th, Fraser’s
Highlanders, the Rangers, and the grenadiers of Louisburg. The
fleet, under the command of Admirals Saunders and Holmes, with the
transports, proceeded up the St Lawrence, and reached the island of
Orleans, a little below Quebec, in the end of June, where the troops
were disembarked without opposition. The Marquis de Montcalm who
commanded the French troops, which were greatly superior in number to
the invaders, resolved rather to depend upon the natural strength of
his position than his numbers, and took his measures accordingly. The
city of Quebec was tolerably well fortified, defended by a numerous
garrison, and abundantly supplied with provisions and ammunition.
This able, and hitherto fortunate leader had reinforced the troops
of the colony with five regular battalions, formed of the best of
the inhabitants, and he had, besides, completely disciplined all the
Canadians of the neighbourhood capable of bearing arms, and several
tribes of Indians. He had posted his army on a piece of ground along
the shore of Beaufort, from the river St Charles to the falls of
Montmorency,--a position rendered strong by precipices, woods, and
rivers, and defended by intrenchments where the ground appeared the
weakest. To undertake the siege of Quebec under the disadvantages
which presented themselves, seemed a rash enterprise; but, although
General Wolfe was completely aware of these difficulties, a
thirst for glory, and the workings of a vigorous mind, which set
every obstacle at defiance, impelled him to make the hazardous
attempt. His maxim was, that “a brave and victorious army finds no
difficulties;”[374] and he was anxious to verify the truth of the
adage in the present instance.
Having ascertained that, to reduce the place, it was necessary to
erect batteries on the north of the St Lawrence, the British general
endeavoured, by a series of manœuvres, to draw Montcalm from his
position; but the French commander was too prudent to risk a battle.
With the view of attacking the enemy’s intrenchments, General Wolfe
sent a small armament up the river above the city, and, having
personally surveyed the banks on the side of the enemy from one of
the ships, he resolved to cross the river Montmorency and make the
attack. He therefore ordered six companies of grenadiers and part
of the Royal Americans to cross the river and land near the mouth
of the Montmorency, and at the same time directed the two brigades
commanded by Generals Murray and Townshend to pass a ford higher
up. Close to the water’s edge there was a detached redoubt, which
the grenadiers were ordered to attack, in the expectation that the
enemy would descend from the hill in its defence, and thus bring
on a general engagement. At all events the possession of this post
was of importance, as from it the British commander could obtain a
better view of the enemy’s intrenchments than he had yet been able
to accomplish. The grenadiers and Royal Americans were the first who
landed. They had received orders to form in four distinct bodies,
but not to begin the attack till the first brigade should have passed
the ford, and be near enough to support them. No attention, however,
was paid to these instructions. Before even the first brigade had
crossed, the grenadiers, ere they were regularly formed, rushed
forward with impetuosity and considerable confusion to attack the
enemy’s intrenchments. They were received with a well-directed
fire, which effectually checked them and threw them into disorder.
They endeavoured to form under the redoubt, but being unable to
rally, they retreated and formed behind the first brigade, which
had by this time landed, and was drawn up on the beach in good
order. The plan of attack being thus totally disconcerted, General
Wolfe repassed the river and returned to the isle of Orleans. In
this unfortunate attempt the British lost 543 of all ranks killed,
wounded, and missing. Of the Highlanders, up to the 2d of September,
the loss was 18 rank and file killed, Colonel Fraser, Captains
Macpherson and Simon Fraser, and Lieutenants Cameron of Gleneves,
Ewen Macdonald, and H. Macdonald, and 85 rank and file, wounded. In
the general orders which were issued the following morning, General
Wolfe complained bitterly of the conduct of the grenadiers: “The
check which the grenadiers met with yesterday will, it is hoped, be a
lesson to them for the time to come. Such impetuous, irregular, and
unsoldier-like proceedings, destroy all order, make it impossible for
the commanders to form any disposition for attack, and put it out of
the general’s power to execute his plan. The grenadiers could not
suppose that they alone could beat the French army; and therefore it
was necessary that the corps under brigadiers Monckton and Townshend
should have time to join, that the attack might be general. The very
first fire of the enemy was sufficient to repulse men who had lost
all sense of order and military discipline. Amherst’s (15th regiment)
and the Highlanders alone, by the soldier-like and cool manner they
were formed in, would undoubtedly have beaten back the whole Canadian
army if they had ventured to attack them.”
General Wolfe now changed his plan of operations. Leaving his
position at Montmorency, he re-embarked his troops and artillery,
and landed at Point Levi, whence he passed up the river in
transports; but finding no opportunity of annoying the enemy above
the town, he resolved to convey his troops farther down, in boats,
and land them by night within a league of Cape Diamond, with the
view of ascending the heights of Abraham,--which rise abruptly, with
steep ascent, from the banks of the river,--and thus gain possession
of the ground on the back of the city, where the fortifications
were less strong. A plan more replete with dangers and difficulties
could scarcely have been devised; but, from the advanced period
of the season, it was necessary either to abandon the enterprise
altogether, or to make an attempt upon the city, whatever might be
the result. The troops, notwithstanding the recent disaster, were in
high spirits, and ready to follow their general wherever he might
lead them. The commander, on the other hand, though afflicted with a
severe dysentery and fever, which had debilitated his frame, resolved
to avail himself of the readiness of his men, and to conduct the
hazardous enterprise in which they were about to engage in person.
In order to deceive the enemy, Admiral Holmes was directed to move
farther up the river on the 12th of September, but to sail down in
the night time, so as to protect the landing of the forces. These
orders were punctually obeyed. About an hour after midnight of the
same day four regiments, the light infantry, with the Highlanders
and grenadiers, were embarked in flat-bottomed boats, under the
command of Brigadiers Monckton and Murray. They were accompanied by
General Wolfe, who was among the first that landed. The boats fell
down with the tide, keeping close to the north shore in the best
order; but, owing to the rapidity of the current, and the darkness
of the night, most of the boats landed a little below the intended
place of disembarkation.[375] When the troops were landed the boats
were sent back for the other division, which was under the command
of Brigadier-general Townshend. The ascent to the heights was by a
narrow path, that slanted up the precipice from the landing-place;
this path the enemy had broken up, and rendered almost impassable,
by cross ditches, and they had made an intrenchment at the top of
the hill. Notwithstanding these difficulties, Colonel Howe, who
was the first to land, ascended the woody precipices, with the
light infantry and the Highlanders, and dislodged a captain’s guard
which defended the narrow path. They then mounted without further
molestation, and General Wolfe, who was among the first to gain the
summit of the hill, formed the troops on the heights as they arrived.
In the ascent the precipice was found to be so steep and dangerous,
that the troops were obliged to climb the rugged projections of the
rocks, pulling themselves up by aid of the branches of the trees and
shrubs growing on both sides of the path. Though much time was thus
necessarily occupied in the ascent, yet such was the perseverance of
the troops, that they all gained the summit in time to enable the
general to form in order of battle before daybreak. M. de Montcalm
had now no means left of saving Quebec but by risking a battle, and
he therefore determined to leave his stronghold and meet the British
in the open field. Leaving his camp at Montmorency, he crossed the
river St Charles, and, forming his line with great skill, advanced
forward to attack his opponents. His right was composed of half
the provincial troops, two battalions of regulars, and a body of
Canadians and Indians; his centre, of a column of two battalions of
Europeans, with two field-pieces; and his left of one battalion of
regulars, and the remainder of the colonial troops. In his front,
among brushwood and corn-fields, 1500 of his best marksmen were
posted to gall the British as they approached. The British were drawn
up in two lines: the first, consisting of the grenadiers, 15th, 28th,
35th Highlanders, and 58th; the 47th regiment formed the second
line, or reserve. The Canadians and the Indians, who were posted
among the brushwood, kept up an irregular galling fire, which proved
fatal to many officers, who, from their dress, were singled out by
these marksmen. The fire of this body was, in some measure, checked
by the advanced posts of the British, who returned the fire; and a
small gun, which was dragged up by the seamen from the landing-place,
was brought forward, and did considerable execution. The French now
advanced to the charge with great spirit, firing as they advanced;
but, in consequence of orders they received, the British troops
reserved their fire till the main body of the enemy had approached
within forty yards of their line. When the enemy had come within that
distance, the whole British line poured in a general and destructive
discharge of musketry. Another discharge followed, which had such an
effect upon the enemy, that they stopped short, and after making an
ineffectual attempt upon the left of the British line, they began to
give way. At this time General Wolfe, who had already received two
wounds which he had concealed, was mortally wounded whilst advancing
at the head of the grenadiers with fixed bayonets. At this instant
every separate corps of the British army exerted itself, as if the
contest were for its own peculiar honour. Whilst the right pressed
on with their bayonets, Brigadier-general Murray briskly advanced
with the troops under his command, and soon broke the centre of the
enemy, “when the Highlanders, taking to their broadswords, fell in
among them with irresistible impetuosity, and drove them back with
great slaughter.”[376] The action on the left of the British was not
so warm. A smart contest, however, took place between part of the
enemy’s right and some light infantry, who had thrown themselves
into houses, which they defended with great courage. During this
attack, Colonel Howe, who had taken post with two companies behind
a copse, frequently sallied out on the flanks of the enemy, whilst
General Townshend advanced in platoons against their front. Observing
the left and centre of the French giving way, this officer, on whom
the command had just devolved in consequence of General Monckton,
the second in command, having been dangerously wounded, hastened to
the centre, and finding that the troops had got into disorder in
the pursuit, formed them again in line. At this moment, Monsieur de
Bougainville, who had marched from Cape Rouge as soon as he heard
that the British troops had gained the heights, appeared in their
rear at the head of 2000 fresh men. General Townshend immediately
ordered two regiments, with two pieces of artillery, to advance
against this body; but Bougainville retired on their approach. The
wreck of the French army retreated to Quebec and Point Levi.
The loss sustained by the enemy was considerable. About 1000 were
made prisoners, including a number of officers, and about 500
died on the field of battle. The death of their brave commander,
Montcalm, who was mortally wounded almost at the same instant with
General Wolfe, was a serious calamity to the French arms. When
informed that his wound was mortal,--“So much the better,” said he,
“I shall not live to see the surrender of Quebec.” Before his death
he wrote a letter to General Townshend, recommending the prisoners
to the generous humanity of the British. The death of the two
commanders-in-chief, and the disasters which befell Generals Monckton
and Severergues, the two seconds in command, who were carried wounded
from the field, are remarkable circumstances in the events of this
day. This important victory was not gained without considerable loss
on the part of the British, who, besides the commander-in-chief, had
8 officers and 48 men killed; and 43 officers and 435 men wounded.
Of these, the Highlanders had Captain Thomas Boss of Culrossie,
Lieutenant Roderick Macneil of Barra, Alexander Macdonell, son of
Barrisdale, 1 sergeant and 14 rank and file killed; and Captains John
Macdonell of Lochgarry, Simon Fraser of Inverallochy; Lieutenants
Macdonell, son of Keppoch, Archibald Campbell, Alexander Campbell,
son of Barcaldine, John Douglas, Alexander Fraser, senior; and
Ensigns James Mackenzie, Malcolm Fraser, and Alexander Gregorson; 7
sergeants and 131 rank and file, wounded. The death of General Wolfe
was a national loss. When the fatal ball pierced the breast of the
young hero, he found himself unable to stand, and leaned upon the
shoulder of a lieutenant who sat down on the ground. This officer,
observing the French give way, exclaimed,--“They run! they run!” “Who
run?” inquired the gallant Wolfe with great earnestness. When told
that it was the French who were flying: “What,” said he, “do the
cowards run already? Then I die happy!” and instantly expired.[377]
On the 18th of September the town surrendered, and a great part of
the surrounding country being reduced, General Townshend embarked
for England, leaving a garrison of 5000 effective men in Quebec,
under the Hon. General James Murray. Apprehensive of a visit from a
considerable French army stationed in Montreal and the neighbouring
country, General Murray repaired the fortifications, and put the
town in a proper posture of defence; but his troops suffered so much
from the rigours of winter, and the want of vegetables and fresh
provisions, that, before the end of April, 1760, the garrison was
reduced, by death and disease, to about 3000 effective men. Such was
the situation of affairs when the general received intelligence that
General de Levi, who succeeded the Marquis de Montcalm, had reached
Point au Tremble with a force of 10,000 French and Canadians, and
500 Indians. It was the intention of the French commander to cut
off the posts which the British had established; but General Murray
defeated this scheme, by ordering the bridges over the river Rouge
to be broken down, and the landing-places at Sylleri and Foulon to
be secured. Next day, the 27th of April, he marched in person with
a strong detachment and two field-pieces, and took possession of an
advantageous position, which he retained till the afternoon, when the
outposts were withdrawn, after which he returned to Quebec with very
little loss, although the enemy pressed closely on his rear.
General Murray was now reduced to the necessity of withstanding
a siege, or risking a battle. He chose the latter alternative, a
resolution which was deemed by some military men as savouring more
of youthful impatience and overstrained courage, than of judgment;
but the dangers with which he was beset, in the midst of a hostile
population, and the difficulties incident to a protracted siege,
seem to afford some justification for that step. In pursuance of
his resolution, the general marched out on the 28th of April, at
half-past six o’clock in the morning, and formed his little army on
the heights of Abraham. The right wing, commanded by Colonel Burton,
consisted of the 15th, 48th, 58th, and second battalion of the 60th,
or Royal Americans: the left under Colonel Simon Fraser, was formed
of the 43d, 23d Welsh fusiliers, and the Highlanders. The 35th, and
the third battalion of the 60th, constituted the reserve. The right
was covered by Major Dalling’s corps of light infantry; and the left
by Captain Huzzen’s company of rangers, and 100 volunteers, under
the command of Captain Macdonald of Fraser’s regiment. Observing the
enemy in full march in one column, General Murray advanced quickly
forward to meet them before they should form their line. His light
infantry coming in contact with Levi’s advance, drove them back on
their main body; but pursuing too far, they were furiously attacked
and repulsed in their turn. They fell back in such disorder on the
line, as to impede their fire, and in passing round by the right
flank to the rear, they suffered much from the fire of a party who
were endeavouring to turn that flank. The enemy having made two
desperate attempts to penetrate the right wing, the 35th regiment was
called up from the reserve, to its support. Meanwhile the British
left was struggling with the enemy, who succeeded so far, from their
superior numbers, in their attempt to turn that flank, that they
obtained possession of two redoubts, but were driven out from both
by the Highlanders, sword in hand. By pushing forward fresh numbers,
however, the enemy at last succeeded in forcing the left wing to
retire, the right giving way about the same time. The French did not
attempt to pursue, but allowed the British to retire quietly within
the walls of the city, and to carry away their wounded. The British
had 6 officers, and 251 rank and file killed; and 82 officers, and
679 non-commissioned officers and privates, wounded. Among the
killed, the Highlanders had Captain Donald Macdonald,[378] Lieutenant
Cosmo Gordon and 55 non-commissioned officers, pipers, and privates;
their wounded were Colonel Fraser, Captains John Campbell of Dunoon,
Alexander Fraser, Alexander Macleod, Charles Macdonell; Lieutenants
Archibald Campbell, son of Glenlyon, Charles Stewart,[379] Hector
Macdonald, John Macbean, Alexander Fraser, senior, Alexander
Campbell, John Nairn, Arthur Rose, Alexander Fraser, junior, Simon
Fraser, senior, Archibald M’Alister, Alexander Fraser, John Chisholm,
Simon Fraser, junior, Malcolm Fraser, and Donald M’Neil; Ensigns
Henry Monro, Robert Menzies, Duncan Cameron (Fassifern), William
Robertson, Alexander Gregorson, and Malcolm Fraser,[380] and 129
non-commissioned officers and privates. The enemy lost twice the
number of men.
Shortly after the British had retired, General Levi moved forward on
Quebec, and having taken up a position close to it, opened a fire
at five o’clock. He then proceeded to besiege the city in form, and
General Murray made the necessary dispositions to defend the place.
The siege was continued till the 10th of May, when it was suddenly
raised; the enemy retreating with great precipitation, leaving all
their artillery implements and stores behind. This unexpected event
was occasioned by the destruction or capture of all the enemy’s ships
above Quebec, by an English squadron which had arrived in the river,
and the advance of General Amherst on Montreal. General Murray left
Quebec in pursuit of the enemy, but was unable to overtake them. The
junction of General Murray with General Amherst, in the neighbourhood
of Montreal, in the month of September, and the surrender of that
last stronghold of the French in Canada, have been already mentioned
in the history of the service of the 42d regiment.
Fraser’s Highlanders were not called again into active service till
the summer of 1762, when they were, on the expedition under Colonel
William Amherst, sent to retake St John’s, Newfoundland, a detailed
account of which has been given in the notice of Montgomery’s
Highlanders. In this service Captain Macdonell of Fraser’s regiment,
was mortally wounded, 3 rank and file killed, and 7 wounded.
At the conclusion of the war, a number of the officers and men having
expressed a desire to settle in North America, had their wishes
granted, and an allowance of land given them. The rest returned
to Scotland, and were discharged. When the war of the American
revolution broke out, upwards of 300 of those men who had remained in
the country, enlisted in the 84th regiment, in 1775, and formed part
of two fine battalions embodied under the name of the Royal Highland
Emigrants.
Many of the hundreds of Frasers who now form so important a part of
the population of Canada claim descent from these Fraser Highlanders
who settled in America. Full details concerning the Canadian branch
of the great clan Fraser have already been given at the conclusion of
our history of that clan.
The loss of this regiment during four years’ active service was--
KILLED.
In officers, 14
Non-commissioned officers and privates, 109
----
Total, 123
WOUNDED.
In officers, 46
Non-commissioned officers and privates, 400
----
Total, 446
----
Grand Total, 569
II.
OLD SEVENTY-FIRST REGIMENT.
1775-1783.
Raising of the Regiment--American Revolutionary War--Honourable
place assigned to the regiment--Brooklyn--Various expeditions
--Savannah--Boston Creek--Defence of Savannah--Stony Point and
Verplanks--Cambden--Catawba River--South Carolina--Guilford
Court-house--York River--Reduction of Regiment.
The American revolutionary war requiring extraordinary exertions
on the part of the Government, it was resolved in 1775 to revive
Fraser’s Highlanders, by raising two battalions, under the auspices
of Colonel Fraser, who, for his services, had been rewarded by King
George III. with a grant of the family estates of Lovat, which had
been forfeited in 1746. In his exertions to raise the battalions,
Colonel Fraser was warmly assisted by his officers, of whom no less
than six, besides himself, were chiefs of clans, and within a few
months after the letters of service were issued, two battalions of
2340 Highlanders were raised, and assembled first at Stirling, and
afterwards at Glasgow, in April 1776. The following were the names of
the officers:--
FIRST BATTALION.
_Colonel._--The Honourable Simon Fraser of Lovat, died in 1782,
a lieutenant-general.
_Lieutenant-Colonel._--Sir William Erskine of Torry, died in
1795, a lieutenant-general.
_Majors._
John Macdonell of Lochgarry, died in 1789, colonel.
Duncan Macpherson of Cluny, retired from the foot-guards in 1791,
died in 1820.
_Captains._
Simon Fraser, died lieutenant-general in 1812.
Duncan Chisholm of Chisholm.
Colin Mackenzie, died general in 1818.
Francis Skelly, died in India, lieutenant-colonel of the 94th
regiment.
Hamilton Maxwell, brother of Monreith, died in India
lieutenant-colonel of the 74th regiment, 1794.
John Campbell, son of Lord Stonefield, died lieutenant-colonel of
the 2d battalion of 42d regiment at Madras, 1784.
Norman Macleod of Macleod, died lieutenant-general, 1796.
Sir James Baird of Saughtonhall.
Charles Cameron of Lochiel, died 1776.
_Lieutenants._
Charles Campbell, son of Ardchattan, killed at Catauba.
John Macdougall.
Colin Mackenzie.
John Nairne, son of Lord Nairne.
William Nairne, afterwards Lord Nairne.
Charles Gordon.
David Kinloch.
Thomas Tause, killed at Savannah.
William Sinclair.
Hugh Fraser.
Alexander Fraser.
Thomas Fraser, son of Leadclune.
Dougald Campbell, son of Craignish.
Robert Macdonald, son of Sanda.
Alexander Fraser.
Roderick Macleod.
John Ross.
Patrick Cumming.
Thomas Hamilton.
_Ensigns._
Archibald Campbell.
Henry Macpherson.
John Grant.
Robert Campbell, son of Ederline.
Allan Malcolm.
John Murchison.
Angus Macdonell.
Peter Fraser.
_Chaplain._--Hugh Blair, D.D., Professor of Rhetoric in the
University of Edinburgh.
_Adjutant._--Donald Cameron.
_Quarter-master._--David Campbell.
_Surgeon._--William Fraser.
SECOND BATTALION.
_Colonel._--Simon Fraser.
_Lieutenant-Colonel._
Archibald Campbell, died lieutenant-general, 1792.
_Majors._
Norman Lamont, son of the Laird of Lamont.
Robert Menzies, killed in Boston harbour, 1776.
_Captains._
Angus Mackintosh of Kellachy, formerly Captain in Keith’s
Highlanders, died in South Carolina, 1780.
Patrick Campbell, son of Glenure.
Andrew Lawrie.
Æneas Mackintosh of Mackintosh.
Charles Cameron, son of Fassifern, killed at Savannah, 1779.
George Munro, son of Culcairn.
Boyd Porterfield.
Law Robert Campbell.
_Lieutenants._
Robert Hutchison.
Alexander Sutherland.
Archibald Campbell.
Hugh Lamont.
Robert Duncanson.
George Stewart.
Charles Barrington Mackenzie.
James Christie.
James Fraser.
Dougald Campbell, son of Achnaba.
Lodovick Colquhoun, son of Luss.
John Mackenzie.
Hugh Campbell, son of Glenure.
John Campbell.
Arthur Forbes.
Patrick Campbell.
Archibald Maclean.
David Ross.
Thomas Fraser.
Archibald Balnevis, son of Edradour.
Robert Grant.
Thomas Fraser.
_Ensigns._
William Gordon.
Charles Main.
Archibald Campbell.
Donald Cameron.
Smollett Campbell, son of Craignish.
Gilbert Waugh.
William Bain.
John Grant.
_Chaplain._--Malcolm Nicholson.
_Adjutant._--Archibald Campbell.
_Quarter-master._--J. Ogilvie.
_Surgeon._--Colin Chisholm, afterwards physician in Bristol.
At the time when the regiment was mustered in Glasgow, there were
nearly 6000 Highlanders in that city, of whom 3000 belonging to the
42d and 71st regiments were raised and brought from the North in ten
weeks. A finer and a more healthy and robust body of men could not
have been anywhere selected; and their conduct was so laudable and
exemplary as to gain the affections of the inhabitants, between whom
and the soldiers the greatest cordiality prevailed. So great was the
desire of the Highlanders to enlist into this new regiment, that
before leaving Glasgow for embarkation, it was found that more men
had arrived than were required, and it became necessary, therefore,
to leave some of them behind; but unwilling to remain, several of
these stole on board the transports, and were not discovered till the
fleet was at sea. There were others, however, who did not evince the
same ardour to accompany their countrymen. A body of 120 men had been
raised on the forfeited estate of Captain Cameron of Lochiel, by the
ancient tenants, with the view of securing him a company. Lochiel
was at the time in London, and being indisposed, was unable to join
the regiment. His men were exceedingly disappointed at not meeting
their chief and captain at Glasgow, and when they received orders to
embark, they hesitated, as they believed that some misfortune had
befallen him; but General Fraser, with a persuasive eloquence, in
which he was well skilled, removed their scruples; and as Captain
Cameron of Fassifern, a friend and near relation of Lochiel, was
appointed to the company, they cheerfully consented to embark.[381]
When Lochiel heard of the conduct of his men he hastened to Glasgow,
though he had not recovered from the severe illness which had
detained him in London; but the fatigue of the journey brought on a
return of his complaint, to which he fell a victim in a few weeks.
His death was greatly lamented, as he was universally respected.
Some time after the sailing of the fleet, it was scattered in a
violent gale, and several of the ships were attacked singly by
American privateers. One of these, with eight guns, attacked a
transport with two six pounders only, having Captain (afterwards Sir
Æneas) Macintosh and his company on board. Having spent all their
ammunition, the transport bore down upon the privateer to board her;
but the latter sheered off, and the transport proceeded on her voyage.
Another transport, having Colonel Archibald Campbell and Major
Menzies on board, was not so fortunate. Ignorant of the evacuation of
Boston by General Howe, they sailed into Boston harbour, and were
instantly attacked by three privateers full of men. The transport
beat off her antagonists, but expended all her ammunition, and
getting her rudder disabled by a shot, she grounded under a battery,
and was forced to surrender. Major Menzies and seven men were killed,
and Colonel Campbell and the rest were made prisoners. The death of
Major Menzies was a great loss, as from his great military experience
he was particularly well qualified to discipline the corps which had
not yet undergone the process of drilling.
The regiment joined the army under General Howe in Staten island,
and though totally undisciplined, the 71st was immediately put in
front, the general judging well from the experience he had had of
Fraser’s Highlanders in the seven years’ war, that their bravery, if
engaged before being disciplined, would make up for their want of
discipline. The regiment was divided, the grenadiers being placed in
the battalion under the Hon. Lieutenant-Colonel Charles Stewart, and
the other companies, which were formed into three small battalions,
formed a brigade under Sir William Erskine.
The first affair in which they were engaged was the battle of
Brooklyn, referred to in the notice of the 42d. In this action they
fully justified the expectations of the commander. They displayed, in
common with the other troops, great eagerness to push the enemy to
extremities, and compel them to abandon the strong position they had
taken up; but from a desire to save the lives of his troops, General
Howe restrained their ardour by recalling the right wing, in which
the grenadiers were, from the attack. The loss sustained on this
occasion by the 71st was 3 rank and file killed, and 2 sergeants and
9 rank and file wounded.
The regiment passed the winter at Amboy. The next campaign was spent
in skirmishes, in some of which the regiment was engaged. They were
also employed in the expeditions against Willsborough and Westfield,
at the commencement of the campaign of 1777. They afterwards embarked
for the Chesapeake, and part of them were engaged in the battle
of Brandywine. They embarked for New York in November, where they
received an accession of 200 recruits from Scotland. Along with 100
more from the hospital, they were formed into a corps under Captain
Colin (afterwards General) Mackenzie. This small corps acted as
light infantry, and formed part of an expedition sent up the New
River to make a diversion in favour of General Burgoyne’s movements.
This corps led a successful assault on Fort Montgomery on the 6th of
October, in which they displayed great courage. In the year 1778 the
71st regiment was employed in the Jerseys, under Lord Cornwallis, in
which excursion on occasion occurred for distinguishing themselves.
On the 29th of November 1777, an expedition, of which the 71st formed
a part, destined against Savannah, the capital of Georgia, sailed
from Sandy Hook, and reached the river of that name about the end
of December, under Lieutenant-Colonel Archibald Campbell, who had
been exchanged this year. The 1st battalion and the light infantry,
having landed a little below the town, Captain Cameron, an “officer
of high spirit and great promise,” instantly pushed forward to attack
the advanced post of the enemy, when he and three men were killed by
a volley. The remainder advancing, charged the enemy and drove them
back on the main body drawn up in line in an open plain behind the
town. As soon as the disembarkation was finished, Colonel Campbell
formed his army in line, and whilst he detached Sir James Baird with
the light infantry, to get round the right flank of the enemy by a
narrow path, he sent the corps, lately Captain Cameron’s, to get
round the left. The attention of the enemy being occupied by the
army in front, they neglected to watch the motions of the flanking
parties, who, on reaching their ground, made signals to the front
to advance. These being instantly answered, the enemy now perceived
they were nearly surrounded, and turning their backs fled in great
disorder. They suffered severely from the light infantry, who closed
in upon their flanks; they had 100 men killed, and 500 wounded
or taken prisoners. The British had only 4 soldiers killed and 5
wounded. The town then surrendered, and the British took possession
of all the shipping and stores and 45 pieces of cannon.
Colonel Campbell now advanced into the interior, and entered Augusta,
a town 150 miles distant from Savannah, where he established
himself. Meanwhile General Prevost, having arrived at Savannah
from Florida, assumed the command. Judging the ground occupied too
extensive, he evacuated Augusta. The Americans, taking courage from
this retrograde movement, assembled in considerable numbers, and
harassed the rear of the British. The Loyalists in the interior
were greatly dispirited, and, being left unprotected, suffered much
from the disaffected. The winter was spent in making some inroads
into the interior, to keep the Americans in check. About this time
Lieutenant-Colonel Maitland succeeded to the command of the regiment,
in consequence of the return of Colonel Campbell to England, on leave
of absence.
The regiment remained almost inactive till the month of February
1779, when it was employed in an enterprise against Boston Creek,
a strong position defended by upwards of 2000 men, besides 1000
occupied in detached stations. The front of this position was
protected by a deep swamp, and the only approach in that way
was by a narrow causeway; on each flank were thick woods nearly
impenetrable, except by the drier parts of the swamps which
intersected them; but the position was more open in the rear. To
dislodge the enemy from this stronghold, which caused considerable
annoyance, Lieutenant-Colonel Duncan Macpherson,[382] with the first
battalion of the 71st, was directed to march upon the front of the
position; whilst Colonel Prevost, and Lieutenant-Colonels Maitland
and Macdonald, with the 2d battalion, the light infantry, and a party
of provincials, were ordered to attempt the rear by a circuitous
route of many miles. These combined movements were executed with such
precision, that, in ten minutes after Colonel Macpherson appeared
at the head of the causeway in front, the fire of the body in the
rear was heard. Sir James Baird, with the light infantry, rushing
through the openings in the swamps on the left flank, the enemy were
overpowered after a short resistance. In this affair the Highlanders
had 3 soldiers killed, and 1 officer and 12 rank and file wounded.
General Prevost next determined to dislodge a considerable force
under General Lincoln, stationed on the South Carolina side of
the river. With the troops lately so successful at Brien’s Creek,
he crossed the river ten miles below the enemy’s position. Whilst
the general advanced on their front, he ordered the 71st to attack
their rear by a circuitous march of several miles. Guided by a party
of Creek Indians, the Highlanders entered a woody swamp at eleven
o’clock at night, in traversing which they were frequently up to the
shoulders in the swamp. They cleared the woods at eight o’clock in
the morning, with their ammunition destroyed. They were now within
half a mile of the enemy’s rear, and although General Prevost had not
yet moved from his position, the Highlanders instantly attacked and
drove the enemy from their position without sustaining any loss.
Emboldened by this partial success, the general made an attempt
upon Charleston; but after summoning the town to surrender, he was
induced, by the approach of the American general, Lincoln, with
a large force, to desist, and determined to return to his former
quarters in Georgia. As the Americans were in arms, and had possessed
themselves of the principal pass on the route, he was forced to
return by the sea-coast, a course very injurious to the troops, as
they had to march through unfrequented woods, and salt water marshes
and swamps, where they could not obtain fresh water. In this retreat,
the British force was separated in consequence of Lieutenant-Colonel
Prevost, the Quarter-master-general, who had gone with a party on a
foraging excursion, having removed part of a bridge of boats leading
to John’s Island. The enemy, who had 5000 men in the neighbourhood,
endeavoured to avail themselves of this circumstance, and pushed
forward 2000 men with some artillery, to attack a battalion of the
Highlanders and some Hessians under Colonel Maitland, who were placed
in a redoubt at Stone Ferry, for the purpose of protecting the
foraging party. Hearing of the advance of the enemy, Colonel Maitland
sent out Captain Colin Campbell,[383] with 4 officers and 56 men, to
reconnoitre. Whilst this small party was standing on an open field,
the enemy emerged from a thick wood. Regardless of the inequality of
numbers, Captain Campbell attacked the enemy with great vivacity;
and a desperate contest took place, in which all the Highlanders
and officers, except 7 of the soldiers, fell. When Captain Campbell
was struck, he desired such of his men as were able to retire to
the redoubt; but they refused to obey, as they considered that if
they left their officers behind in the field, they would bring a
lasting disgrace on themselves. The enemy, unexpectedly, ceased
firing, and the 7 men, availing themselves of the respite, retired,
carrying their wounded officers along with them, followed by such of
the soldiers as were able to walk. The enemy then advanced on the
redoubt, and the Hessians having got into confusion, they forced an
entrance; but they were driven out by the Highlanders, at the point
of the bayonet. The enemy were preparing for another attack, but the
second battalion of the Highlanders having come up, the Americans
retired with considerable loss.
After this affair, General Prevost retired with the main body
towards Savannah, leaving behind him 700 men under Colonel Maitland,
who took up a position in the island of Port Royal. In the month
of September 1779, the Count D’Estaing arrived on the coast of
Georgia with a large fleet, with troops on board, for the purpose of
retaking Savannah, then garrisoned by 1100 effective men, including
one battalion of the 71st. The town, situated on a sandy plain,
gently declining towards the south, had few natural or artificial
means of defence, and as the force about to attack it was said to
exceed 12,000 men, the British general had nothing to rely upon
but the energy and firmness of his troops. The Count, on landing,
made regular approaches, and summoned the town to surrender. In the
absence of Colonel Maitland’s detachment in Port Royal, time was
of importance, and being demanded, was granted. Colonel Maitland,
on hearing of the arrival of the enemy, instantly set out for
Savannah; but finding the principal passes and fords in possession
of the enemy, he made a wide circuit; and after a most tedious march
through marshes and woods hitherto considered impassable, he reached
Savannah before General Prevost had returned a definitive answer to
D’Estaing’s summons.
Having thus accomplished his object, General Prevost made immediate
preparations to defend the place to the last extremity, and being
seconded by the zeal and abilities of Captain Moncrieff, the chief
engineer, and the exertions of the officers and soldiers, assisted
by the Negro population, the town was put in a good state of defence
before the enemy had completed their approaches. During these
operations, several sorties were made by the garrison. On the morning
of the 24th of September, Major Colin Graham sallied out with the
light company of the 16th and the Highlanders, and drove the enemy
from their outworks, with the loss of 14 officers, and 145 men
killed, wounded, and prisoners. In this affair, Lieutenant Henry
Macpherson of the 71st and 3 privates were killed, and 15 wounded. In
another sortie, Major Macarthur with the piquets of the Highlanders
advanced with such caution, that, after a few rounds, the Americans
and French, mistaking their object, fired on each other, and killed
50 men, during which encounter he retired without loss.
Having completed his arrangements, D’Estaing made an assault, on the
9th of October, before day-break, with all his forces. Owing to a
thick fog, and the darkness of the morning, it was some time before
the besieged could ascertain in what direction the principal attack
was to be made. As soon as daylight appeared, the French and American
forces were seen advancing in three columns, D’Estaing leading the
right in person. By taking too large a circuit, the left column got
entangled in a swamp, and being exposed to the guns of the garrison,
fell into confusion, and was unable to advance. The heads of the
right and centre columns suffered greatly, from a well-directed fire
from the batteries; but they still persevered in advancing; the men
in the rear supplying the place of those who fell in front. When
the enemy reached the first redoubt, the contest became furious;
many of them entered the ditch, and some of them even ascended and
planted the colours on the parapet, where they were killed. The
first man who mounted was stabbed by Captain Tawse of the 71st, who
commanded the redoubt, and the Captain himself was shot dead by the
man who followed. The grenadiers of the 60th came up to the support
of Captain Archibald Campbell, who had assumed the command of the
redoubt, and the enemy’s column, being attacked on both sides, was
broken and driven back with precipitation.
In this enterprise the enemy are supposed to have lost 1500 men
killed, wounded, and prisoners. The British had only 3 officers and
36 soldiers killed, and 2 officers and 60 men wounded. The Americans
retired to South Carolina, and the French to their ships. The
garrison before the siege was sickly, but during active operations,
the disease was in a manner suspended, an affect which has been often
observed in the army. After the cause of excitement was over, by the
raising of the siege, the men relapsed, and one-fourth of them were
sent to the hospital.[384]
The grenadiers of the 71st were not employed in Georgia, but were
posted at Stony Point and Verplanks, in the state of New York, which
places had been recently taken from the enemy. Wishing to make amends
for allowing his post to be surprised by Major-General Sir Charles
Grey, the American general, Wayne, was sent to retake the posts of
Stony Point and Verplanks. Accordingly, with a body of troops, he
proceeded at eight o’clock in the evening of the 15th of July 1779,
and taking post in a hollow within two miles of the fort, advanced
unperceived, about midnight, in two columns. One of these gained
the summit, on which the fort stood, without being observed, and
the garrison being surprised, surrendered after a short resistance,
with the loss of 17 soldiers killed, and 3 officers and 72 privates
wounded. The piquet, which was commanded by Lieutenant Cumming of the
71st, resisted one of the columns till almost all the men composing
it were killed or wounded. Lieutenant Cumming was among the latter.
After the surrender of Charleston on the 12th of May 1780, to the
forces under Sir Henry Clinton, Lord Cornwallis was appointed to the
command of the southern provinces. Having projected an excursion
into the interior, he was joined by the 71st, which had remained at
Savannah in quarters during the winter. In the beginning of June,
the army, amounting to 2500, reached Cambden, and encamped in the
neighbourhood, the general making that place his head quarters. The
American general, Gates, having, in July, assembled a force of 7000
men, took up a position at Rugley’s Mill, nearly twelve miles from
Cambden. Determined to surprise and attack the enemy, the British
general moved forward on the night of the 15th of August; whilst,
by a singular coincidence, the American commander left his position
at the very same hour, with the same intention. It was full moon,
and the sky was unclouded. Before three o’clock in the morning, the
advanced guards met half-way, and exchanged some shots; but both
generals, ignorant of each other’s strength, declined a general
action, and lay on their arms till morning. The ground on which the
armies lay was a sandy plain, with straggling trees, but a part
on the left of the British was soft and boggy. Each army prepared
for battle, by forming line. The British right consisted of the
light infantry and the Welsh fusileers; the 33d regiment and the
volunteers of Ireland formed the centre; and the provincials composed
the left, having the marshy ground in their front. Whilst this
formation was going on, Captain Charles Campbell, who commanded the
Highland light companies on the right, mounted the stump of an old
tree to reconnoitre, and perceiving the enemy in motion, as if they
intended to turn his flank, he leaped down, muttering to himself,
“I’ll see you damned first,” and calling to his men, said, “Remember
you are light infantry; remember you are Highlanders:--charge!” The
Highlanders instantly rushed forward, and such was the impetuosity
of the attack, that the division of the enemy which was to have
surrounded the right of the British was completely broken, and
driven from the field before the battle commenced in the other
parts of the line. In the contest which took place between these,
the centre of the enemy gained ground; but neither party seeming
disposed to advance, a pause of a few minutes took place, as if by
mutual consent, during which both parties remained stationary without
firing a shot. Whilst matters were in this state Lord Cornwallis
ordered the corps in the centre to open their right and left; and
when a considerable space intervened, he directed the Highlanders,
who were getting impatient at being left in the rear, whilst their
friends were fighting in front, to advance and occupy the vacant
space. When the Highlanders had taken their ground, his lordship
cried out, “My brave Highlanders, now is your time!” The words were
scarcely uttered, when they rushed forward, accompanied by the 33d,
and the volunteers of Ireland. The charge was irresistible, and
the centre of the enemy was completely overthrown. Meanwhile the
right of the enemy, which was enveloped in the smoke of the fire,
advanced unperceived, and gained the ground on which the Highlanders
had been formerly posted as a reserve. Unaware of the fate of their
companions, they gave three cheers for victory; but their joy was
of short duration, for, the smoke immediately clearing up, they
saw their mistake; and a party of Highlanders turning on them, the
greater part threw down their arms, whilst the remainder flew in all
directions. The loss of the British in this decisive action was 3
officers and 66 men killed, and 17 officers and 226 rank and file
wounded. Lieutenant Archibald Campbell and 3 soldiers of the 71st
were killed, and Captain Hugh Campbell, Lieutenant John Grant, 2
sergeants, and 30 privates wounded.[385]
Though the battle of the 16th of August was decisive, yet as General
Sumpter with a strong corps occupied positions on the Catawba river,
which commanded the road to Charleston, it was necessary to dislodge
him. For this purpose Colonel Tarleton was directed to proceed with
the cavalry, and a corps of light infantry, under Captain Charles
Campbell of the 71st. On the morning of the 18th they came in sight
of Fishing Creek, and observing some smoke at a short distance on
their right, the sergeant of the advanced guard halted his party,
and went forward to reconnoitre. He observed an encampment with arms
piled, and, with the exception of a few sentinels and some persons
employed in cooking, the soldiers were reposing in groups apparently
asleep. The sergeant reporting what he had seen to Captain Campbell,
the latter, who commanded in front, fearing a discovery, formed
such of the cavalry as had come up, and with 40 of the Highlander
light infantry rushed quickly forward, secured the piled arms,
and surprised the camp. The success was complete; a few men were
killed, nearly 500 surrendered prisoners, and the rest fled in all
directions. The loss was trifling, but the Highlanders had in an
especial manner to regret the death of Captain Campbell, who was
killed by a random shot.
The American general, Morgan, having entered South Carolina, in
December 1780, with about 1100 men, Colonel Tarleton was detached
with some infantry, of which the first battalion of the 71st formed
a part, and a small body of cavalry. On the morning of the 17th of
January 1781, intelligence was received that General Morgan was
posted on a rising ground in front, which was thinly covered with
pine trees. The front line was drawn up on the top of the rising
ground, and the second, four hundred paces in rear of the first.
Colonel Tarleton instantly formed in order of battle. In front he
placed the 7th, or fusileers, the infantry of the British legion, and
the light infantry; the Highlanders and cavalry formed the reserve.
The line, exhausted by running at a rapid pace, received the fire
of the enemy at the distance of thirty or forty yards, which did
considerable execution. The fire was returned, but without spirit
and with little effect; and it was kept up on both sides for ten or
twelve minutes, neither party advancing. The light infantry then made
two attempts to charge, but were repulsed with loss. In this state
of matters the Highlanders were ordered up, and advancing rapidly
to the charge, the enemy’s front line instantly gave way; and this
retrograde motion being observed by the second line, which had not
yet been engaged, it immediately faced to the right and inclined
backwards, and by this skilful manœuvre opened a space by which the
front line retreated. Eager to pursue, the Highlanders followed the
front line, when Colonel Howard, who commanded the enemy’s reserve,
threw in a destructive fire upon the 71st, when within forty yards
of the hostile force. So disastrous was the effect of this fire,
that nearly one half of the Highlanders fell; and the rest were so
scattered over the ground, on which they pursued, that they could
not be united to form a charge with the bayonet. Though checked,
the Highlanders did not fall back, probably expecting that the
first line and the cavalry would come up to their support; but they
were mistaken: and after some irregular firing between them and
Colonel Howard’s reserve, the front line of the Americans rallied,
returned to the field, and pushed forward to the right flank of the
Highlanders. Alone, and unsupported, and almost overpowered by the
increasing numbers of the enemy, the Highlanders “began to retire,
and at length to run, the first instance (may it be the only one!)
of a Highland regiment running _from_ an enemy!!”[386] A general
rout ensued; few of the infantry escaped, but the cavalry saved
themselves by the speed of their horses. The loss of the British, in
this disastrous affair, exceeded 400 men. The Highland officers were
perfectly satisfied with the conduct of their men, and imputing the
disaster altogether to the bad dispositions of Colonel Tarleton, made
a representation to Lord Cornwallis, not to be employed again under
the same officer, a request with which his lordship complied.
The main body of the American army under General Green retreated
northward after this action, and Lord Cornwallis made every exertion
to follow them. Previous to the march the two battalions of the
71st, being greatly reduced, were consolidated into one, and formed
in brigade with the Welsh fusileers and 33d regiment. General Green
retreated to Guildford Court-house, where on the 16th of March he
prepared for battle. He drew up his army in three lines: the first
occupied the edge of a wood with a fence in front of Hogstie farm;
the second a wood of stunted oaks at some distance in the rear; and
the third line was drawn up in the more open parts of the woods and
upon cleared ground. The front line of the British was formed of
the German regiment of De Bos, the Highlanders and guards under the
Honourable General Leslie on the right; and the Welsh fusileers, 33d
regiment, and 2d battalion of guards under Brigadier-General Charles
O’Hara, on the left. The cavalry were in the rear, supported by the
light infantry of the guards and the German Jagers.
The order of battle being completed, the attack began at one o’clock.
The Americans, covered by the fence in their front, reserved their
fire till the British were within thirty or forty paces, at which
distance they opened a most destructive fire, which annihilated
nearly one-third of Colonel Webster’s brigade. The fire was returned
by the brigade, who rushed forward on the enemy. These abandoned
their fence, and retreated on the second line. The contest was
maintained with greater pertinacity on the more open ground, where
the regiment of De Bos and the 33d retreated and advanced repeatedly
before they succeeded in driving the enemy from the field. A party
of the guards pressing forward without observing a body of cavalry
placed in the right flank as a reserve, were charged in flank,
had their line broken, and lost several men. The enemy, who had
retreated, emboldened by the effect of this charge, halted, turned
their face to the field, and recommenced firing. Whilst matters were
in this state, and the Hessians warmly engaged, the Highlanders, who
had rapidly pushed round the flank, appeared on a rising ground in
rear of the enemy’s left, and rushing forward with shouts, made such
an impression on the Americans that they immediately fled, leaving
their guns and ammunition behind. In this well-contested action
every corps fought separately, each depending on its own firmness;
and having to sustain the weight of so greatly superior numbers, the
issue was for some time doubtful. The British had 7 officers and
102 non-commissioned officers and rank and file killed, among whom
were Ensign Grant and 11 soldiers of the 71st; and 20 officers and
419 non-commissioned officers and rank and file wounded, including 4
sergeants and 46 soldiers of the same regiment.
No solid advantage was gained by this battle, as Lord Cornwallis
found it necessary to retreat, and was even obliged to leave his
wounded behind in a house in the neighbourhood. The British took
the direction of Cross Creek, followed close in the rear by the
Americans. The settlement of Cross Creek was possessed by emigrant
Highlanders, who had evinced great loyalty during the war; and they
now offered to bring 1500 men into the field, and to furnish every
necessary except arms and ammunition, but stipulated that they should
be commanded by officers from the line. This reasonable offer was
declined; but it was proposed to form them into what was called a
provincial corps of the line. This proposition was rejected by the
emigrant Highlanders, who retired to their settlements, after a
negotiation of twelve days. The army then marched for Wilmington,
where it arrived on the 17th of April. Here Lord Cornwallis halted
till the 26th, when he proceeded on the route to Peterborough. After
traversing several hundred miles of a country chiefly hostile,
he arrived at Peterborough on the 20th of May, where he formed a
junction with Major-general Philips, who had recently arrived from
New York with 3000 men. With the united forces, which amounted to
6000 men, Lord Cornwallis proceeded to Portsmouth, and whilst he was
preparing to cross the river at St James’s island, the Marquis de
la Fayette, ignorant of the strength of the British army, gallantly
attacked Colonel Thomas Dundas’s brigade, with 2000 men. The Marquis
was repulsed, but not without a warm contest.
Arriving at Portsmouth, Lord Cornwallis continued his march to
Yorktown, and took up a position on the York river, on the 22d of
August. The place selected was an elevated platform, on the banks of
the river, nearly level. On the right of the position, extending from
the river, was a ravine about forty feet in depth, and upwards of one
hundred yards in breadth; a line of entrenchments, with a horn-work,
formed the centre. Beyond the ravine, on the right of the position,
was an extensive redoubt, and two smaller ones on the left, also
advanced beyond the entrenchments. These defences, which constituted
the chief strength of the camp, were not completed when General
Washington, who had been lately joined by the Count de Rochambeau,
took up a position at the distance of two miles from the British
lines. His force consisted of 7000 French and 12,000 Americans, being
thrice as numerous as that of the British, which did not exceed 5950
men.
General Washington immediately proceeded to erect batteries, and to
make his approaches. He first directed his fire against the redoubt
on the right, which after four days’ bombardment was reduced to a
heap of sand. He did not, however, attempt an assault on this point
of the position, but turned his whole force against the redoubts
on the left, which he carried by storm, and turned the guns of the
redoubts on the other parts of the entrenchments. Some soldiers of
the 71st, who had manned one of these redoubts, conceiving that the
honour of the regiment was compromised by their expulsion from the
redoubt, sent a petition through the commanding officer to Lord
Cornwallis, for permission to retake it; but as his lordship did
not think that the acquisition would be of much importance, under
existing circumstances, he declined.
Finding his position quite untenable, and his situation becoming
every hour more critical, the British commander determined to decamp
at midnight with the _elite_ of his army, to cross the river,
and leave a small force in the works to capitulate for the sick
and wounded, the former being very numerous. The plan would have
succeeded had not the passage of the river been rendered dangerous,
if not impracticable, by a squall of wind. The first division was
embarked, and some of the boats had reached Gloucester Point on
the opposite shore, when the General countermanded the enterprise
in consequence of a storm which arose. Judging farther resistance
hopeless, Lord Cornwallis made proposals of capitulation, and the
terms being adjusted, the British troops marched out with their
arms and baggage on the 8th of October 1781, and were afterwards
sent to different parts of the country. The garrison had 6 officers
and 150 non-commissioned officers and rank and file killed, and 6
officers and 319 non-commissioned officers and rank and file wounded.
Lieutenant Fraser and 9 soldiers of the 71st were killed, and 3
drummers and 19 soldiers wounded.
The military services of this army, which were now closed, had
been most arduous. In less than twelve months they had marched and
counter-marched nearly 2000 miles, had been subjected to many severe
hardships, and besides numerous skirmishes had fought two pitched
battles, in all of which they had been victorious; yet all their
exertions were unavailing in the general contest.
With this misfortune also ended the military career of the Fraser
Highlanders, who remained prisoners till the conclusion of the war.
True to their allegiance, they resisted to a man the solicitations
of the Americans to join their standard and settle among them, thus
exhibiting a striking contrast to many soldiers of other corps, who,
in violation of their oath, entered the American ranks. In other
respects the conduct of the Highlanders was in perfect keeping with
this high state of moral feeling and daring, not one instance of
disgraceful conduct ever having occurred in the old 71st. The only
case of military insubordination was that which happened at Leith
in April 1779, of which an account has been given in the history of
the 42d regiment; but it is clear that no fault was attributable
to the men of the detachment in question who merely insisted on
the fulfilment of the engagement which had been entered into with
them.[387]
The regiment returned to Scotland on the termination of hostilities,
and was discharged at Perth in 1783.
FOOTNOTES:
[373] Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[374] General Wolfe’s Despatches.
[375] “The French had posted sentries along shore to challenge
boats and vessels, and give the alarm occasionally. The first boat
that contained the English troops being questioned accordingly,
a captain of Fraser’s regiment, who had served in Holland, and
who was perfectly well acquainted with the French language and
customs, answered without hesitation to _Qui vive?_--which is their
challenging word,--_la France_; nor was he at a loss to answer the
second question, which was much more particular and difficult. When
the sentinel demanded, _a quel regiment?_ the captain replied, _de la
reine_, which he knew, by accident, to be one of those that composed
the body commanded by Bougainville. The soldier took it for granted
this was the expected convoy (a convoy of provisions expected that
night for the garrison of Quebec), and, saying _passe_, allowed all
the boats to proceed without further question. In the same manner
the other sentries were deceived; though one, more wary than the
rest, came running down to the water’s edge, and called, _Pour quoi
est ce que vous ne parlez pas haut?_ ‘Why don’t you speak with an
audible voice?’ To this interrogation, which implied doubt, the
captain answered with admirable presence of mind, in a soft tone of
voice, _Tai toi nous serons entendues!_ ‘hush! we shall be overheard
and discovered.’ Thus cautioned, the sentry retired without farther
altercation.”--_Smollett._
[376] General account of the battle.
[377] Smollett.
[378] “Captain Macdonald was an accomplished high-spirited officer.
He was a second son of Clanranald. He entered early in life into the
French service, and following Prince Charles Edward to Scotland,
in 1745, he was taken prisoner, and along with O’Neil, afterwards
a lieutenant-general in the service of Spain, and commander of the
expedition against Algiers in 1775, was confined in the castle of
Edinburgh; but being liberated without trial, he returned to France,
where he remained till 1756, when he came back to Scotland, and was
appointed to a company in Fraser’s Highlanders. On the expeditions
against Louisburg and Quebec he was much in the confidence of
Generals Amherst, Wolfe, and Murray, by whom he was employed on
all duties where more than usual difficulty and danger was to
be encountered, and where more than common talent, address, and
spirited example were required. Of this several instances occurred at
Louisburg and Quebec.”--Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[379] “This officer engaged in the Rebellion of 1745, and was in
Stewart of Appin’s regiment, which had seventeen officers and
gentlemen of the name of Stewart killed, and ten wounded, at
Culloden. He was severely wounded on that occasion, as he was on
this. As he lay in his quarters some days afterwards, speaking to
some brother officers on the recent battles, he exclaimed, ‘From
April battles and Murray generals, good Lord, deliver me!’ alluding
to his wound at Culloden, where the vanquished blamed Lord George
Murray, the commander-in-chief of the rebel army, for fighting on
the best field in the country for regular troops, artillery, and
cavalry; and likewise alluding to his present wound, and to General
Murray’s conduct in marching out of a garrison to attack an enemy,
more than treble his numbers, in an open field, where their whole
strength could be brought to act. One of those story retailers who
are sometimes about headquarters, lost no time in communicating this
disrespectful prayer of the rebellious clansman; General Murray, who
was a man of humour and of a generous mind, called on the wounded
officer the following morning, and heartily wished him better
deliverance in the next battle, when he hoped to give him occasion to
pray in a different manner.”--Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[380] In a journal kept by this officer, lent to the editor by the
Hon. John Fraser de Berry, “Chief of the Frasers of the Province of
Quebec,” Member of the Legislative Council of Canada, &c., it is
stated that the 78th had about 400 men in the field on this occasion,
half of whom had of their own accord left the hospital to take part
in the fight.
[381] “While General Fraser was speaking in Gaelic to the men, an old
Highlander, who had accompanied his son to Glasgow, was leaning on
his staff gazing at the general with great earnestness. When he had
finished, the old man walked up to him, and with that easy familiar
intercourse which in those days subsisted between the Highlanders and
their superiors, shook him by the hand, exclaiming, ‘Simon, you are
a good soldier, and speak like a man; as long as you live, Simon of
Lovat will never die;’ alluding to the general’s address and manner,
which, as was said, resembled much that of his father, Lord Lovat,
whom the old Highlanders knew perfectly. The late General Sir George
Beckwith witnessed the above scene, and often spoke of it with much
interest.”--Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[382] This officer was called _Duncan of the Kiln_, from the
circumstance of his being born in an old malt-kiln, which was fitted
up as a temporary residence for his mother, after the destruction of
his father’s castle of Cluny, in 1745.
[383] He was son of Campbell of Glendaruel, in Argyleshire.
[384] One of the first who died was the Honourable Lieutenant-Colonel
Maitland, son of the Earl of Lauderdale. He was an able and an
enterprising officer, and attracted the particular notice of General
Washington, with whom he was personally acquainted. During some of
the operations, which brought them into occasional collision, Colonel
Maitland jocularly notified to the American general, that, to enable
him to distinguish the Highlanders, so that he might do justice to
their exploits, in annoying his posts, and obstructing his convoys
and detachments, they would in future wear a red feather in their
bonnets. Fraser’s Highlanders accordingly put the red feather in
their bonnets, which they wore till the conclusion of the war. This
must not be confounded with the red feather of the 42d, the origin of
which has been given in the history of that regiment.
[385] In a letter communicated to General Stewart by Dr Chisholm of
Bristol, an eye-witness, the writer says that there were many acts of
individual prowess. One will suffice. “A tough stump of a Sutherland
Highlander, of the name of Mackay, afterwards my own batman, entered
the battle with his bayonet perfectly straight, and brought it out
twisted like a cork-screw, and with his own hand had put to death
seven of the enemy.”
[386] Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[387] Vol. ii., page 355.
KEITH’S AND CAMPBELL’S HIGHLANDERS,
OR
THE OLD EIGHTY-SEVENTH AND EIGHTY-EIGHTH REGIMENTS.
1759-1763.
Keith’s Highlanders--Germany--Campbell’s Highlanders--Germany
--Zeirenberg--Fellinghausen--Continental Notions of Highlanders
--Brucher Mühl--Reduction of regiments.
The first of these regiments consisted of three companies of 105
men each. A relation of the celebrated Field-Marshal Keith, Major
Robert Murray Keith, who had served in the Scotch Brigade in Holland,
was appointed to the command. About the end of the year 1759 this
regiment joined the allied army in Germany under Prince Frederick of
Brunswick.
The Highlanders were not long in the allied camp when they were
brought into action. On the 3d of January 1760 the Marquis de Vogue
attacked and carried the town of Herborn, and made a small detachment
of the allies who were posted there prisoners. At the same time the
Marquis Dauvet made himself master of Dillenburg, the garrison of
the allied troops retiring into the castle, where they were closely
besieged. Prince Ferdinand no sooner understood their situation
than he began to march with a strong detachment for their relief on
the 7th of January, when he attacked and defeated the besiegers. On
the same day “the Highlanders under Major Keith, supported by the
hussars of Luckner, who commanded the whole detachment, attacked the
village of Eybach, where Beau Fremonte’s regiment of dragoons was
posted, and routed them with great slaughter. The greater part of the
regiment was killed, and many prisoners were taken, together with two
hundred horses and all their baggage. The Highlanders distinguished
themselves on this occasion by their intrepidity, which was the more
remarkable, as they were no other than raw recruits, just arrived
from their own country, and altogether unacquainted with discipline.”
The Highlanders had 4 men killed and 7 wounded.[388] Prince Ferdinand
was so well satisfied with the conduct of this body, that he
recommended to the governor not only to increase it to 800 men, but
to raise another regiment of equal strength, to be placed under
his serene highness. This recommendation was instantly attended
to, and, in a few weeks, the requisite number of men was raised in
the counties of Argyle, Perth, Inverness, Ross, and Sutherland.
The command of the new regiment was conferred on John Campbell
of Dunoon; but power was reserved to the Earls of Sutherland and
Breadalbane, the lairds of Macleod and Innes, and other gentlemen in
the north, to appoint captains and subalterns to companies raised on
their respective estates. Major Macnab, son of the laird of Macnab;
Captain Archibald Campbell, brother of Achallader; John Campbell of
Auch, and other officers, were recommended by Lord Breadalbane; and
Macleod, who raised a company in Skye, appointed his nephew, Captain
Fothringham of Powrie to it. Sir James Innes, chief of that name, who
succeeded to the estates and Dukedom of Roxburgh in the year 1810,
was also appointed to a company.
Keith’s regiment was embodied at Perth and Campbell’s at Stirling,
and being embodied at the same time, and ordered on the same service,
an interchange of officers took place. Embarking for Germany they
joined the allied army, under Prince Ferdinand, in 1760, and were
distinguished by being placed in the grenadier brigade.
The allied army moved from Kalle on the 30th of July 1760, in
consequence of the advance of the French, who took up a position on
the river Dymel. The hereditary prince of Brunswick, who had passed
that river the preceding day, was directed by Prince Ferdinand to
turn the left of the enemy, who were posted between Warburg and
Ochsendorff, whilst he himself advanced in front with the main body
of the army. The French were attacked almost at the same moment both
in flank and rear, and defeated with considerable loss. In an account
of the battle written by Prince Ferdinand to George II., he says,
“that the loss of the allies, which was moderate, fell chiefly upon
Maxwell’s brave battalion of English grenadiers and the two regiments
of Scots Highlanders, which did wonders. Colonel Beckwith, who
commanded the whole brigade formed of English grenadiers and Scots
Highlanders, distinguished himself greatly.” None of the Highlanders
were killed, but Lieutenant Walter Ogilvie, and two privates were
wounded.
Another affair soon occurred in which the Highlanders also
distinguished themselves. Prince Ferdinand, having determined to
beat up the quarters of a large French detachment stationed at
Zeirenberg, pitched upon five battalions, with a detachment of the
Highlanders and eight regiments of dragoons, for this service. This
body began their march on the night of the 5th of August, and when
within two miles of the town the corps proceeded by three different
roads--Maxwell’s brigade of grenadiers, the regiment of Kingsby, and
the Highlanders, keeping together. They marched in profound silence,
and though their tramp was at last heard by the French, the surprise
was too sudden for effectual resistance. “The Scots Highlanders
mounted the breaches sword in hand, supported by the Chasseurs. The
column of English grenadiers advanced in good order and with the
greatest silence. In short, the service was complete, and the troops
displayed equal courage, soldier-like conduct, and activity.”[389]
The loss of the Highlanders in this affair was 3 privates killed and
6 wounded.
The hereditary prince being hard pressed by Marshal de Castries,
was reinforced from the camp at Warburg. The Highlanders joined him
on the 14th of October shortly after he had been attacked by the
Marshal, who had compelled him to retire. The prince now attacked the
French commander in his turn, but was unsuccessful, being obliged
again to retire after a warm contest, which lasted from five till
nine in the morning. The Highlanders, who “were in the first column
of attack, were the last to retreat, and kept their ground in the
face of every disadvantage, even after the troops on their right and
left had retired. The Highlanders were so exasperated with the loss
they sustained that it was with difficulty they could be withdrawn,
when Colonel Campbell received orders from an aide-de-camp sent by
the prince, desiring him to retreat as to persist in maintaining
his position longer would be a useless waste of human life.” In
this action Lieutenants William Ogilvie and Alexander Macleod of
the Highlanders, 4 sergeants, and 37 rank and file were killed, and
Captain Archibald Campbell of Achallader, Lieutenants Gordon Clunes,
Archibald Stewart, Angus Mackintosh of Killachy, and Walter Barland,
and 10 rank and file wounded.[390]
On the preceding night an attempt was made by Major Pollock, with 100
grenadiers and the same number of Keith’s Highlanders, to surprise
the convent of Closter Camp, where a detachment of the enemy was
posted, and where, it was supposed, the French commander and some of
his officers were to pass the night; but this attempt miscarried. On
reaching the sentinel of the main-guard Major Pollock rushed upon him
and ran him through the body with his sword. The wounded man, before
falling, turned round upon his antagonist and shot him with a pistol,
upon which they both fell dead.
The next affair in which the Highlanders were engaged was the battle
of Fellinghausen, in July 1762. The commander in chief, in a general
order, thus expressed his approbation of the conduct of the corps in
this action: “His serene highness, Duke Ferdinand of Brunswick, has
been graciously pleased to order Colonel Beckwith to signify to the
brigade he has the honour to command his entire approbation of their
conduct on the 15th and 16th of July. The soldier-like perseverance
of the Highland regiments in resisting and repulsing the repeated
attacks _of the chosen troops of France_, has deservedly gained them
the highest honour. The ardour and activity with which the grenadiers
pushed and pursued the enemy, and the trophies they have taken,
justly entitle them to the highest encomiums. The intrepidity of
the little band of Highlanders merits the greatest praise.” Colonel
Beckwith, in making his communication, added, that “the humanity
and generosity with which the soldiers treated the great flock of
prisoners they took, did them as much honour as their subduing the
enemy.” In this action Major Archibald Campbell of Achallader, who
had been promoted only a week before,[391] and Lieutenants William
Ross and John Grant, and 31 rank and file, were killed; and Major
Archibald Macnab, Captain James Fraser, Lieutenants Archibald
Macarthur, Patrick Campbell, and John Mackintosh, brother of Killachy
and father of Sir James Mackintosh, 2 sergeants, and 70 privates,
were wounded.
No enterprise of any moment was attempted till the 28th of June 1762,
when Prince Ferdinand attacked the French army at Graibenstein,
and defeated them. The French lost upwards of 4000 men in killed,
wounded, and prisoners, including 200 officers, whilst that sustained
by the allies did not exceed 700 men. The British troops, who were
under the command of the Marquis of Granby, “behaved with a bravery
not to be paralleled, especially our grenadiers and Highlanders.”
The Highlanders, from the distinction they had earned in these
different encounters, now began to attract the especial notice
of the Germans. At a time when an entire ignorance prevailed
among the people of England respecting the Highlanders, it is not
to be wondered at that the Germans should have formed the most
extraordinary notions of these mountaineers. In common with the
English they looked upon the Highlanders as savages; but their
ignorance went farther, for the people of Germany actually believed
that the Highlanders were still strangers to Christianity. “The
Scotch Highlanders,” says an article which appeared in the _Vienna
Gazette_ of 1762, “are a people totally different in their dress,
manners, and temper from the other inhabitants of Britain. _They
are caught in the mountains when young_, and still run with a
surprising degree of swiftness. As they are strangers to fear,
they make very good soldiers when disciplined. The men are of low
stature, and the most of them old or very young. They discover an
extraordinary submission and love for their officers, who are all
young and handsome. From the goodness of their dispositions in every
thing--for the boors are much better treated by these savages than
by the polished French and English; from the goodness of their
disposition, which, by the by, shows the rectitude of human nature
before it is vitiated by example or prejudice, it is to be hoped
that their king’s laudable, though late, endeavours to civilise
and instruct them in the principles of Christianity will meet with
success!” The article adds, that the “French held them at first in
great contempt, but they have met with them so often of late, and
seen them in the front of so many battles, that they firmly believe
that there are twelve battalions of them in the army instead of two.
Broglio himself has lately said that he once wished that he was a man
of six feet high, but that now he is reconciled to his size since
he has seen the wonders performed by the little mountaineers.” An
acquaintance with the Highlanders soon dissipated the illusions under
which the Germans laboured.
The Highlanders were not engaged in the battle of Johannisberg, in
which the allies were worsted; but on the 21st of September, in the
subsequent action at Brucher Mühl, they took a part. The French
occupied a mill on one side of the road, and the allies a redoubt
on the other, and the great object of both parties was to obtain
possession of a small post which defended the bridge at Brucher Mühl.
At first a slight cannonade was opened from a few guns, but these
were speedily augmented to twenty-five heavy pieces on each side.
In the post occupied by the allies there was only at first 100, but
during the action, which lasted without intermission for fifteen
hours, no less than seventeen regiments were successively brought
forward, replacing one another after they had spent their ammunition.
Both sides remained in their respective positions, and although the
contest was long and severe the allies lost only 600 in killed and
wounded. The Highland corps had Major Alexander Maclean and 21 rank
and file killed, and Captain Patrick Campbell and Lieutenant Walter
Barland, 3 sergeants, and 58 rank and file wounded.
On the conclusion of hostilities in November 1762 the Highlanders
were ordered home. In the three campaigns in which they had served
they had established a well-earned reputation for bravery; and so
great was the estimation in which they were held by the Dutch, that,
on their march through Holland, they were welcomed with acclamations,
particularly by the women, who presented them with laurel leaves;--a
feeling which, it is said, was in some measure owing to the friendly
intercourse which had previously existed between the inhabitants and
the Scotch brigade.
After landing at Tilbury Fort, the regiments marched for Scotland,
and were received everywhere on their route with the most marked
attention, particularly at Derby, the inhabitants of which town
presented the men with gratuities in money. Among various reasons
assigned for the remarkable predilection shown by the people of
Derby, the most probable is, a feeling of gratitude for the respect
shown by the Highlanders to the persons and properties of the
inhabitants when visited by them in the year 1745.
Keith’s regiment was marched to Perth and Campbell’s to Linlithgow,
and they were reduced in July 1763.
The total loss of these corps was 150 men besides 7 officers killed;
and 170 men, and 13 officers, wounded.
FOOTNOTES:
[388] Smollett.
[389] Military Memoirs.
[390] At this time the corps was joined by a reinforcement of 400 men
from Johnstone’s Highlanders, and soon afterwards by 200 of Maclean’s.
[391] The cause of his promotion was his having, with a party of
Highlanders, rescued General Griffin, afterwards Lord Howard of
Walden, from a strong detachment of the enemy. Major Campbell
was brother of Achallader, who, by his classical learning and
acquirements, attracted the notice of Lord Lyttleton.
EIGHTY-NINTH HIGHLAND REGIMENT.
1759-1765.
Raising of the Regiment--India--Reduction.
The war in which Great Britain was engaged requiring at this time
increased exertions on the part of the government, it was resolved
to raise, in addition to Keith’s Highlanders, another regiment in
those parts of the Highlands where the influence of the Gordon family
prevailed. At the solicitation of the Dowager Duchess of Gordon,
Major Staates Long Morris, to whom she had been lately married, was
appointed to raise the regiment; and to strengthen his interest
amongst the youth of the North, her eldest son by her former husband,
the late Duke of Gordon, then a youth at college, was appointed
a captain; his brother, Lord William, a lieutenant; and his
younger brother, Lord George, an ensign. The object of the duchess
in obtaining these appointments was to counteract the political
influence of the Duke of Argyle during the minority of her son. Major
Morris was so successful that, in a few weeks, 760 men were collected
at Gordon Castle, who, in December 1759, were marched to Aberdeen.
The regiment embarked at Portsmouth for the East Indies in December
1760, and arrived at Bombay in November following. The Duke of Gordon
was desirous of accompanying the regiment, but his mother, at the
especial request of George II., induced him to remain at home to
finish his education.
The 89th had no particular station assigned it, but kept moving
from place to place till a strong detachment under Major Hector
Munro joined the army under the command of Major Carnac, in the
neighbourhood of Patna. Major Munro then assumed the command, and
being well supported by his men, quelled a formidable mutiny among
the troops. After the ringleaders had been executed, and discipline
restored, Major Munro attacked the enemy at Buxar, on the 23d of
October 1764, and though the force opposed to him was five times as
numerous as his own, he overthrew and dispersed it. The enemy had
6000 men killed, and left 130 pieces of cannon on the field, whilst
his majesty’s troops had only 2 officers and 4 rank and file killed.
Major Munro received a letter of thanks on the occasion from the
President and Council of Calcutta. “The signal victory you gained,”
they say, “so as at one blow utterly to defeat the designs of the
enemy against these provinces, is an event which does so much honour
to yourself, Sir, in particular, and to all the officers and men
under your command, and which, at the same time, is attended with
such particular advantages to the Company, as call upon us to return
you our sincere thanks.” For this important service Major Munro was
immediately promoted to the brevet rank of Lieutenant-colonel.
[Illustration: COLONELS OF THE 71^{ST} AND 72^{ND} HIGHLANDERS.
JOHN, LORD MACLEOD.
Col. of 71^{st} Highl^{rs} 18^{th} Dec. 1777--2^{nd} April 1789.
_First Colonel._
SIR THOMAS REYNELL, B^{T}. K.C.B.
Col. of 71^{st} Highl^{rs} 15^{th} March 1841--10^{th} Feb. 1848.
KENNETH, EARL OF SEAFORTH.
Col. of 72^{nd} Highl^{rs} 29^{th} Dec. 1777--Aug^t 1781.
_First Colonel._
SIR NEIL DOUGLAS, K.C.B., K.C.H.
Col. of 72^{nd} Highl^{rs} 12^{th} July 1847--29^{th} Dec. 1851.
_Also Col. of 78^{th} Highl^{rs} 29^{th} Dec. 1851--1^{st} Sep.^t
1853._
A. Fullarton & C^{o} London & Edinburgh.]
The services of the regiment being no longer required, it was ordered
home, and was reduced in the year 1765. It has been remarked, as
a singular circumstance attending their service, that although
five years embodied, four of which were spent in India, or on the
passage going and returning, none of the officers died, nor was
there any promotion or other change among them, except the change
of Lord William Gordon to the 76th regiment, and the promotion
of his successor to his lieutenancy. The same good conduct which
distinguished the other Highland corps was not less conspicuous in
this,--not one man out of eight of the companies, numbering in all
780, having been brought to the halberts. Of the whole regiment only
six men suffered corporal punishment.
JOHNSTONE’S HIGHLANDERS,
OR
ONE HUNDRED AND FIRST REGIMENT.
1760-1763.
This regiment, which consisted of five companies, of 5 sergeants
and 105 rank and file each, was raised in the year 1760 by the
following gentlemen, viz. Colin Graham of Drainie, James Cuthbert of
Milncraigs, Peter Gordon of Knockespic, Ludovick Grant of the family
of Rothiemurchus, and Robert Campbell, son of Ballivolin. These all
received captain’s commissions.
After the companies were completed they assembled at Perth, and
thence were marched to Newcastle, where they remained till near the
end of the year 1761, when they were sent to Germany, to reinforce
Keith’s and Campbell’s Highlanders. Their officers did not accompany
them, but were ordered back to the Highlands to raise six additional
companies of the same strength as the other five. This service was
soon performed, 600 men having assembled at Perth in a few months.
Major, afterwards Sir James Johstone of Westerhall was appointed to
the command of the corps, with the rank of major-commandant. The
major, Adjutant Macveah, and Sergeant-major Coxwell, were the only
persons in the 101st regiment not Highlanders. Lieutenant-general
Lord George Beauclerk reviewed the regiment at Perth in 1762, and
declared that he had never seen a body of men in a more “efficient
state, and better fitted to meet the enemy.” They had, however, no
opportunity of realizing the expectations formed of them, not having
been called into active service. The regiment was reduced at Perth in
August 1763.
LORD MACLEOD’S HIGHLANDERS,
FORMERLY SEVENTY-THIRD REGIMENT, NOW SEVENTY-FIRST OR GLASGOW
HIGHLAND LIGHT INFANTRY.
I.
1777-1818.
Raising of the Regiment--First Battalion in India--Perambaucum
--Porto-Novo--Cuddalore--Number of Regiment changed to 71st--War
with Tippoo Saib--Bangalore--Seringapatam--Nundydroog--Savendroog
--Seringapatam--Ceylon--Home--Cape of Good-Hope--Buenos
Ayres--Home--Peninsula--Roleia--Vimiera--Corunna--Flushing
--Sobral--Zibriera--Fuentes d’Onor--Albuera--Arroyo-del-Molinos
--Ciudad Rodrigo--Badajoz--Almaraz--Fort-Napoleon--Salamanca
--Alba-de-Tormes--Vittoria--La Puebla--Maya--Lizasso--Eguaros--Doña
Maria--Pyrenees--Altobispo--The Nive--St Pierre--Sauveterre--Orthes
--Aire--Tarbes--Toulouse--Waterloo--Champs Elysées.
This regiment took its original name from Lord Macleod, eldest son
of the Earl of Cromarty, both of whom were engaged in the rebellion
of 1745. Having on account of his youth, received an unconditional
pardon for his share in that transaction, Lord Macleod went abroad
in quest of employment in foreign service. He sojourned some time
at Berlin with Field Marshal Keith, through whose interest, it is
believed, he obtained a commission in the Swedish army. At this time
his means were so limited that he was unable to equip himself for the
service, but the Chevalier de St George, on the recommendation of
Lord George Murray, sent him a sum of money to defray the expenses of
his outfit. He is described by Lord George as “a young man of real
merit,” who, he was hopeful, would gain the good opinion of those
under whom he was to serve. This expectation was fully realized,
and after serving the crown of Sweden twenty-seven years with
distinguished efficiency, he obtained the rank of Lieutenant-general.
Though exiled so long from his native country, his attachment to
the land of his birth was not in the least abated, and, desirous
of revisiting it, he returned to England in the year 1777, and was
presented to George III., who received him very graciously. At the
suggestion of Colonel Duff of Muirtown, who had served in Keith’s
Highlanders, and encouraged by the favourable reception he met with
in the North, he offered his services to raise a regiment. The offer
was accepted, and although without property or political consequence,
yet so great was the influence of his name, that 840 Highlanders
were raised and marched to Elgin in a very short time. In addition
to these, 236 Lowlanders were raised by Captains the Honourable John
Lindsay, David Baird, James Fowlis, and other officers, besides 34
English and Irish, who were enlisted in Glasgow, making in all 1100
men. The corps was embodied at Elgin, and inspected there by General
Skene in April 1778. About this time letters of service were issued
for raising a second battalion of the same size as the first,--a
service which was speedily performed. The men of both battalions, of
whom nearly 1800 were from those parts of the Highlands where the
interest of Lord Macleod’s family had once predominated, were of a
robust constitution and of exemplary behaviour.
FIRST BATTALION.
_Colonel_--John Lord Macleod.
_Lieut.-Colonel_--Duncan M’Pherson.
_Majors._
John Elphinston.
James Mackenzie.
_Captains._
George Mackenzie.
Alexander Gilchrist.
John Shaw.
Charles Dalrymple.
Hugh Lamont.
Hon. James Lindsay.
David Baird.
_Captain Lieutenant and Captain_, David Campbell.
_Lieutenants._
A. Geddes Mackenzie.
Hon. John Lindsay.
Abraham Mackenzie, Adjt.
Alexander Mackenzie.
James Robertson.
John Hamilton.
John Hamilton.
Lewis Urquhart.
George Ogilvie.
Innis Munro.
Simon Mackenzie.
Philip Melvill.
John Mackenzie.
John Borthwick.
William Gunn.
William Charles Gorrie.
Hugh Sibbald.
David Rainnie.
Charles Munro.
_Ensigns._
James Duncan.
Simon Mackenzie.
Alexander Mackenzie.
John Sinclair.
George Sutherland.
James Thrail.
Hugh Dalrymple.
_Chaplain_--Colin Mackenzie.
_Adjutant_--Abraham Mackenzie.
_Quartermaster_--John Lytrott.
_Surgeon_--Alexander MacDougall.
SECOND BATTALION.
_Colonel_--John Lord Macleod.
_Lieut.-Colonel_--The Hon. George Mackenzie.
_Majors._
Hamilton Maxwell.
Norman Macleod.
_Captains._
Hon. Colin Lindsay.
John Mackintosh.
James Foulis.
Robert Sinclair.
Mackay Hugh Baillie.
Stair Park Dalrymple.
David Ross.
Adam Colt.
_Lieutenants._
Norman Maclean.
John Irving.
Rod. Mackenzie, senior.
Charles Douglas.
Rod. Mackenzie, junior.
Phineas Mackintosh.
John Mackenzie, senior.
Alexander Mackenzie.
Phipps Wharton.
Laughlan MacLaughlan.
Kenneth Mackenzie.
Angus Mackintosh.
John Fraser.
Robert Arbuthnot.
David MacCulloch.
Murdoch Mackenzie.
George Fraser.
John Mackenzie, junior.
Martin Eccles Lindsay.
John Dallas.
David Ross.
William Erskine.
_Ensigns._
John Fraser.
John MacDougal.
Hugh Gray.
John Mackenzie.
John Forbes.
Æneas Fraser.
William Rose.
Simon Fraser, Adjutant.
_Chaplain_--Æneas Macleod.
_Adjutant_--Simon Fraser.
_Quartermaster_--Charles Clark.
_Surgeon_--Andrew Cairncross.
The first battalion, under Lord Macleod, embarked for the East Indies
in January 1779, and arrived in Madras Roads on the 20th of January
1780. The second battalion, under the command of the Honourable
Lieut.-Colonel George Mackenzie, brother of Lord Macleod, was sent to
Gibraltar, where it landed two days before the arrival of the first
battalion at Madras.
The second battalion formed part of the garrison of Gibraltar during
the siege, which lasted upwards of three years. In this, the only
service in which it was engaged, the battalion had 30 privates
killed and 7 sergeants, and 121 rank and file wounded. In May 1783
it returned to England, and was reduced at Stirling in October
following. The officers who were regimentally senior in rank had
liberty granted to join the first battalion in India.
The first battalion joined the army under Major-General Sir Hector
Munro, and assembled at St Thomas’s Mount, near Madras, in July
1780. This force amounted to 5209 men, and, with the exception of
one battalion of the Company’s European troops and the Grenadiers of
another and 800 Highlanders, consisted of native troops.
This young and untried regiment had scarcely arrived in India,
when Hyder Ali, forcing his way through the Ghauts, at the head of
100,000 men, burst like a mountain torrent into the Carnatic. He had
interposed his vast army between that of the British, commanded by
Sir Hector Monro, and a smaller force, under the command of Colonel
Baillie, which were endeavouring to form a junction. The latter
having, though victorious, sustained a serious loss in an engagement
with Hyder Ali’s troops, sent to the commander an account of his
difficult position, stating that, from the loss he had sustained
and his total want of provisions, he was equally unable to advance
or remain in his then situation. With the advice of a council of
war, Sir Hector judged the only course was to endeavour to aid
Colonel Baillie, with such a reinforcement as would enable him to
push forward in defiance of the enemy. The detachment selected
for this enterprise consisted of about 1,000 men under Colonel
Fletcher; and its main force was composed of the grenadier and
infantry companies of Lord Macleod’s regiment, commanded by Captain
Baird. Hyder Ali having gained intelligence of this movement, sent
a strong body to cut them off on their way, but, by adopting a long
circuitous route, and marching by night, they at length safely
effected a junction with Colonel Baillie. With the most consummate
skill, however, Hyder, determining that they should never return,
prepared an ambuscade, into which, early on the morning of the 10th
of September, they unwarily advanced. The enemy, with admirable
coolness and self-command, reserved their fire till the unhappy
British were in the very midst of them. The army under the command
of Colonels Baillie and Fletcher, and Captain Baird, marched in
column. On a sudden, whilst in a narrow defile, a battery of twelve
guns opened upon them, and, loaded with grape-shot, poured in upon
their right flank. The British faced about; another battery opened
immediately upon their rear. They had no choice therefore, but to
advance; other batteries met them here likewise, and in less than
half an hour fifty-seven pieces of cannon, brought to bear on them
at all points, penetrated into every part of the British line. By
seven o’clock in the morning, the enemy poured down upon them in
thousands: Captain Baird and his grenadiers fought with the greatest
heroism. Surrounded and attacked on all sides, by 25,000 cavalry, by
thirty regiments of Sepoy infantry, besides Hyder’s European corps,
and a numerous artillery playing upon them from all quarters, within
grape shot distance, yet did this gallant column stand firm and
undaunted, alternately facing their enemies on every side of attack.
The French officers in Hyder’s camp beheld with astonishment the
British Grenadiers, under Captain Baird’s command, performing their
evolutions in the midst of all the tumult and extreme peril, with
as much precision, coolness, and steadiness, as if upon a parade
ground. The little army, so unexpectedly assailed, had only ten
pieces of cannon, but these made such havoc amongst the enemy, that
after a doubtful contest of three hours, from six in the morning
till nine, victory began to declare for the British. The flower
of the Mysore cavalry, after many bloody repulses, were at length
entirely defeated, with great slaughter, and the right wing, composed
of Hyder’s best forces, was thrown into disorder. Hyder himself
was about to give orders for retreat, and the French officer who
directed the artillery began to draw it off, when an unforeseen and
unavoidable disaster occurred, which totally changed the fortune of
the day. By some unhappy accident the tumbrils which contained the
ammunition suddenly blew up in the centre of the British lines. One
whole face of their column was thus entirely laid open, and their
artillery overturned and destroyed. The destruction of men was great,
but the total loss of their ammunition was still more fatal to the
survivors. Tippoo Saib, the son of Hyder, instantly seized the
moment of advantage, and without waiting for orders, fell with the
utmost rapidity, at the head of the Mogul and Carnatic horse, into
the broken square, which had not had time to recover its form and
order. This attack by the enemy’s cavalry being immediately seconded
by the French corps, and by the first line of infantry, determined
at once the fate of our unfortunate army. After successive prodigies
of valour, the brave Sepoys were almost to a man cut to pieces.
Colonels Baillie and Fletcher, assisted by Captain Baird, made one
more desperate effort. They rallied the Europeans, and, under the
fire of the whole immense artillery of the enemy, gained a little
eminence, and formed themselves into a new square. In this form did
this intrepid band, though totally without ammunition, the officers
fighting only with their swords and the soldiers with their bayonets,
resist and repulse the myriads of the enemy in thirteen different
attacks; until at length, incapable of withstanding the successive
torrents of fresh troops which were continually pouring upon them,
they were fairly borne down and trampled upon, many of them still
continuing to fight under the very legs of the horses and elephants.
To save the lives of the few brave men who survived, Colonel Baillie
had displayed his handkerchief on his sword, as a flag of truce;
quarter was promised, but no sooner had the troops laid down their
arms than they were attacked with savage fury by the enemy. By the
humane interference, however, of the French officers in Hyder’s
service, many lives were saved. Colonel Fletcher was slain on the
field. Colonel Baillie, severely wounded, and several other officers,
with two hundred Europeans, were made prisoners. When brought into
the presence of Hyder, he, with true Asiatic barbarism, received them
with the most insolent triumph. The British officers, with a spirit
worthy of their country, retorted with an indignant coolness and
contempt. “Your son will inform you,” said Colonel Baillie, “that you
owe the victory to our disaster, rather than to our defeat.” Hyder
angrily ordered them from his presence, and commanded them instantly
to prison. Captain Baird had received two sabre-wounds on his head,
a ball in his thigh, and a pike-wound in his arm. He lay a long time
on the field of battle, narrowly escaping death from some of the more
ferocious of the Mysore cavalry, who traversed the field spearing the
wounded, and at last being unable to reach the force under Munro, he
was obliged to surrender to the enemy.
[Illustration: Sir David Baird, from a painting by Raeburn.]
The result of this battle was the immediate retreat of the main army
under Sir Hector Munro to Madras. Colonel Baillie, Captain Baird,
and five other British officers were marched to one of Hyder’s
nearest forts, and afterwards removed to Seringapatam, where they
were joined by others of their captive countrymen, and subjected to a
most horrible and protracted imprisonment. It was commonly believed
in Scotland that Captain Baird was chained by the leg to another
man; and Sir Walter Scott, writing in May 1821 to his son, then a
cornet of dragoons, with his regiment in Ireland, when Sir David was
commander of the forces there, says, “I remember a story that when
report came to Europe that Tippoo’s prisoners (of whom Baird was
one) were chained together two and two, his mother said, ‘God pity
the poor lad that’s chained to _our Davie_!’” She knew him to be
active, spirited and daring, and probably thought that he would make
some desperate effort to escape. But it was not the case that he was
chained to another. On the 10th of May all the prisoners had been put
in irons except Captain Baird; this indignity he was not subjected
to till the 10th of November following. “When they were about,”
says his biographer, “to put the irons on Captain Baird, who was
completely disabled in his right leg, in which the wound was still
open, and whence the ball had just then been extracted, his friend
Captain Lucas, who spoke the language perfectly, sprang forward,
and represented in very strong terms to the Myar the barbarity
of fettering him while in such a dreadful state, and assured him
that death would be the inevitable termination of Captain Baird’s
sufferings if the intention were persisted in. The Myar replied that
the Circar had sent as many pairs of irons as there were prisoners,
and they must be put on. Captain Lucas then offered to wear two sets
himself, in order to save his friend. This noble act of generosity
moved the compassion even of the Myar, who said he would send to
the Kellidar, (commander of the fort,) to open the book of fate. He
did so, and when the messenger returned, he said the book had been
opened, and Captain Baird’s fate was good; and the irons were in
consequence not put on at that time. Could they really have looked
into the volume of futurity, Baird would undoubtedly have been the
last man to be spared.”[392] Each pair of irons was nine pounds
weight. Captain Lucas died in prison. Captain Baird lived to revenge
the sufferings which he and his fellow-prisoners endured by the
glorious conquest of Seringapatam on the 4th of May, 1799.
Some time after the battle of Conjeveram, Lord Macleod took ship for
England, having, it is said, differed in opinion with General Munro
on the subject of his movements, particularly those preceding Colonel
Baillie’s disaster. He was succeeded in the command of the 73d by
Colonel James Crawford, who, with the regiment now reduced to 500
men, joined the army under Sir Eyre Coote on the morning of the 1st
of July 1781, when about to attack the enemy at Porto Novo.
General Coote’s army did not exceed 8000 men, of which the 73d was
the only British regiment. The force under Hyder Ali consisted of
25 battalions of infantry, 400 Europeans, between 40,000 and 50,000
horse, and above 100,000 matchlock men, peons, and polygars, with 47
pieces of cannon. Notwithstanding this immense disparity of force,
Sir Eyre Coote determined to attack Hyder, and, accordingly, drew up
his army in two lines, the first commanded by Major-general Hector
Munro, and the second by Major-general James Stewart. A plain divided
the two armies, beyond which the enemy were drawn up on ground
strengthened by front and flanking redoubts and batteries. General
Coote advanced to the attack at nine o’clock, and, after a contest
of eight hours, the enemy was forced from all his entrenchments, and
compelled to retire.
The 73d was on the right of the first line, and led all the
attacks, to the full approbation of General Coote, whose notice was
particularly attracted by one of the pipers, who always blew up his
most warlike sounds whenever the fire became hotter than ordinary.
This so pleased the General that he cried aloud, “Well done, my brave
fellow, you shall have a pair of silver pipes for this!” The promise
was not forgotten, and a handsome pair of pipes was presented to the
regiment, with an inscription in testimony of the General’s esteem
for its conduct and character.
After a variety of movements, both armies again met, August 27th,
near Perambaucum, the spot so fatal to Colonel Baillie’s detachment.
“Perhaps there come not within the wide range of human imagination
scenes more affecting, or circumstances more touching, than many
of our army had that day to witness and to bear. On the very spot
where they stood lay strewed amongst their feet the relics of their
dearest fellow soldiers and friends, who near twelve months before
had been slain by the hands of those very inhuman monsters that now
appeared a second time eager to complete the work of blood. One poor
soldier, with the tear of affection glistening in his eye, picked up
the decaying spatterdash of his valued brother, with the name yet
entire upon it, which the tinge of blood and effects of weather had
kindly spared. Another discovered the club or plaited hair of his
bosom friend, which he himself had helped to form, and knew by the
tie and still remaining colour. A third mournfully recognised the
feather which had decorated the cap of his inseparable companion. The
scattered clothes and wings of the flank companies of the 73d were
everywhere perceptible, as also their helmets and skulls, both of
which bore the marks of many furrowed cuts.
“These horrid spectacles, too melancholy to dwell upon, while they
melted the hardest hearts, inflamed our soldiers with an enthusiasm
and thirst of revenge such as render men invincible; but their ardour
was necessarily checked by the involved situation of the army.”[393]
Hyder Ali, in anticipation of an attack, had taken up a strong
position on ground intersected by deep water courses and ravines. The
British commander formed his line of battle under a heavy fire, which
the troops bore with firmness. An obstinate contest took place, which
lasted from nine in the morning till sunset. Hyder then abandoned his
position, leaving General Coote master of the field of battle. The
loss of the British was upwards of 400 killed and wounded, almost all
native troops.
Colonel Crawford having become second in command, in consequence of
the departure of General Munro for England, and the disabling of
General Stewart in the last-mentioned action, Captain Shaw assumed
the command of the 73d regiment. It continued attached to General
Coote’s army, and was present at the battles of Sholungar on the 27th
of September 1781, and of Arnee on the 2d of June 1782.[394]
Having obtained reinforcements from England, General Stewart, who
had recovered from his wounds, and succeeded to the command of
the army on the death of General Coote, who died in April 1783,
resolved to attack Cuddalore, the garrison of which had also obtained
considerable additions from the Isle of France. General Stuart
accordingly appeared before the place on the 6th of June 1783, and as
M. Bussy, who commanded the garrison, was active in increasing his
means of defence, he determined to make a speedy attack, and fixed
the morning of the 13th for that purpose. The firing of three guns
from a hill was to be the signal for a simultaneous assault at three
different points; but in consequence of the noise of the cannonade
which was immediately opened, the signals were not distinguished,
and the attacks were not made at the same time. The enemy were thus
enabled to direct their whole forces against each successive attack,
and the result was, that one of the divisions was driven back. In the
ardour of the pursuit, the besieged evacuated their redoubts, which
were instantly taken possession of by Lieutenant-colonel Cathcart
with the Grenadiers, and Lieutenant-colonel Stuart “with the precious
remains of the 73d regiment.” Though Colonel Stuart’s party were
forced to retire from the more advanced posts, yet as they retained
possession of the principal redoubts, the advantage already was on
the side of the British. In the belief that the French would retire
from all their advanced posts during the night, General Stuart did
not attempt to carry them. This expectation was realised. In this
affair the 73d had Captains Alexander Mackenzie, and the Honourable
James Lindsay, Lieutenants Simon Mackenzie and James Trail, 4
sergeants and 80 rank and file killed; and Captain John Hamilton,
Lieutenants Charles Gorrie, David Rannie, John Sinclair, James
Duncan, and George Sutherland, 5 sergeants, and 107 rank and file
wounded. The casualties of the enemy exceeded 1000 men.
The following flattering compliment formed part of the general orders
issued by the Commander-in-chief at the conclusion of the battle:--“I
am also grateful to Captain Lamont and the officers under his
command, who gallantly led the _precious remains_ of the 73d regiment
through the most perilous road to glory, until exactly one half of
the officers and men of the battalion were either killed or wounded.”
With the aid of 2400 men from the fleet, under Admiral Suffrein,
Bussy made a spirited sortie on the 25th of June, but was driven
back with great loss. Hostilities terminated on the 1st of July in
consequence of accounts of the signature of preliminaries of peace
between Great Britain and France having been received. The army
returned to St Thomas’s Mount at the conclusion of the definitive
treaty of peace, in March, 1784.
In consequence of the arrangements made when the second battalion
was reduced, the Honourable Lieutenant-Colonel George Mackenzie,
and some other officers of that corps, joined the regiment in 1785.
Next year the number of the regiment was changed to the 71st, on
which occasion it received new colours. The same year the corps
sustained a heavy loss by the death of Colonel Mackenzie, when
Captain (afterwards General Sir David) Baird was appointed Major.
Lord Macleod died in 1789, and was succeeded in the Colonelcy by the
Honourable Major-General William Gordon. The strength of the regiment
was at this time about 800 men, having been kept up to that number by
occasional detachments from Scotland.
The war between Tippoo Saib and the East India Company, which broke
out in 1790, brought the regiment again into active service. In May
of that year, the 71st and Seaforth’s Highlanders (now the 72d),
joined a large army assembled at Trichinopoly, the command of which
was assumed by Major-General Meadows. The right wing was commanded by
Lieutenant-Colonel James Stuart, and the left by Lieutenant-Colonel
Bridges, while the two Highland regiments formed the second brigade.
In the campaign against Tippoo, the 71st followed all the movements
of the army. The flank companies were employed in the attack on
Dundegul, and the regiment was after the capture of that place,
engaged in the siege of Palacatcherry.
Lord Cornwallis joined the army early in 1791 as Commander-in-chief,
and, after various movements, encamped close to Bangalore on the 5th
of March. He made an assault on the 21st, and carried the place with
little loss. The attack was led by the flank companies, including
those of the 71st, all under the command of the Honourable John
Lindsay and Captain James Robertson, son of Principal Robertson the
historian.
Having obtained a reinforcement of 10,000 well-mounted native cavalry
and some European troops from the Carnatic, Lord Cornwallis advanced
upon Seringapatam, and on the 13th of May came within sight of the
enemy, drawn up a few miles from the town, having the river on their
right, and the heights of Carrighaut on their left. On the 15th the
enemy were forced from a strong position, and driven across the river
into the island on which the capital stands. In this affair the 71st
had Lieutenant Roderick Mackenzie, and 7 rank and file killed; and
Ensign (afterwards Lieutenant-Colonel of the 50th regiment[395])
Chas. Stewart, and 74 rank and file wounded.
The advanced state of the season, and other unfavourable
circumstances operating against a siege, Lord Cornwallis retired
to Bangalore. From this place he detached Major Gowdie to attack
Nundydroog, a strong fortified granite rock of great height. Except
on one side this fortress was inaccessible, and care had been
taken to strengthen that part by a double line of ramparts; and
an outwork covered the gate by a flanking fire. Notwithstanding
its great elevation, and very steep ascent, Nundydroog could still
be approached, though it required immense labour to render the
approaches available. After fourteen days’ intense exertion, the
besiegers succeeded in drawing up some guns, and erecting batteries
on the face of a craggy precipice, from which they made two breaches,
one on the re-entering angle of the outwork, and the other in the
curtain of the outer wall.
Moving with his whole army towards Nundydroog, on the 18th of
October, Lord Cornwallis made preparations for storming the place.
An assault by night having been determined upon, Lieutenant Hugh
Mackenzie, (afterwards paymaster of the 71st,) with twenty grenadiers
of the 36th and 71st regiments, was to lead the attack on the right,
and Lieutenant Moore, with twenty light infantry, and two flank
companies of the same regiment, under the command of Lieutenants
Duncan and Kenneth Mackenzie, was to lead the left. The whole was
under the command of Captain (afterwards Lieutenant-General) James
Robertson, supported by Captain (afterwards Major-General) Burns,
with the grenadiers, and Captain Hartly with the light infantry of
the 36th regiment. Whilst waiting the signal to advance, one of
the soldiers whispered something about a _mine_. General Meadows
overhearing the observation, took advantage of the circumstance, by
intimating that there _was_ a mine, but it was “a mine of gold.” This
remark was not thrown away upon the troops.
Apprehensive of an assault, the enemy had provided themselves with
huge masses of granite, to hurl down upon the besiegers when they
should attempt to ascend the rock. The assault was made on the
morning of the 19th of October, in a clear moonlight, and in spite
of every obstacle the assailants effected a lodgement within one
hundred yards of the breach. Driven from the outward rocks, the enemy
attempted to barricade the gate of the inner rampart; but it was soon
forced, and the place carried with the loss of 30 men amongst the
native troops killed and wounded, principally from the stones which
were rolled down the rock.
Encouraged by this success, Lord Cornwallis next laid siege to
Savendroog, the strongest rock in the Mysore, and hitherto deemed
impregnable. This stronghold was considerably higher than Nundydroog,
and was separated by a chasm into two parts at the top, on each
of which parts was a fort, but each independent of the other.
The arduous duty of reducing this stronghold was intrusted to
Lieutenant-Colonel Stuart, who had already distinguished himself in
other enterprises. Some of the outworks were battered, preparatory
to an assault, which was fixed for the 21st of December. Accordingly
on the morning of that day, the flank companies of the 52d, the two
Highland regiments and the 76th, were assembled under the command
of Lieutenant-Colonel Nisbet of the 52d, and at eleven o’clock
in the forenoon, the party advanced to the assault to the air of
_Britons Strike Home_, performed by the band of the 52d regiment. The
assailants then ascended the rock, clambering up a precipice which
was so nearly perpendicular, that after the capture of the place the
men were afraid to descend. The citadel on the eastern top was soon
carried, and eventually the whole of the rock, the assailants losing
only two men. This success was soon followed by the capture of all
the other strongholds in the Mysore.
Bent upon the capture of the Sultan’s capital, the possession of
which would, it was supposed, finish the war, Lord Cornwallis, in
the month of January 1792, put his army in motion for Seringapatam,
of which place he came in sight on the 4th of February. On the
evening of the 6th he formed his army into three columns; the right
column consisting of the 36th and 76th regiments, being under the
command of General Meadows; the centre one, consisting of the 52d,
with the 71st and 74th Highland regiments, under Lord Cornwallis,
with Lieutenant-Colonels James Stuart and the Honourable John
Knox; and the left column, being the 72d Highland regiment under
Lieutenant-Colonel Maxwell. The native troops were divided in
proportion to each column. General Meadows was to penetrate the
enemy’s left, after which he was to attempt to open and preserve
the communication with Lord Cornwallis’s division, by directing all
his efforts towards the centre. Part of the centre division, under
Colonel Stewart, was to pierce through the centre of the enemy’s
camp, and attack the works on the island, while Colonel Maxwell with
the left wing was directed to force the works on Carrighaut Hill,
and descending thence to turn the right of the main division, and
unite with Colonel Stuart. The three columns began to move at eight
o’clock in the evening. “The head of the centre column led by the
flank companies of the regiment, after twice crossing the Lockary,
which covered the right wing of the enemy, came in contact with their
first line, which was instantly driven across the north branch of
the Cavery, at the foot of the glacis of the fort of Seringapatam.
Captain Lindsay, with the grenadiers of the 71st, attempted to push
into the body of the place, but was prevented by the raising of the
drawbridge a few minutes before he advanced. He was here joined by
some grenadiers and light infantry of the 52d and 76th regiments.
With this united force he pushed down to the Loll Bang, where he
was fiercely attacked by a body of the enemy, whom he quickly
drove back with the bayonet. His numbers were soon afterwards
increased by the grenadier company of the 74th, when he attempted
to force his way into the Pettah (or town,) but was opposed by such
overwhelming numbers that he did not succeed. He then took post in
a small redoubt, where he maintained himself till morning, when he
moved to the north bank of the river, and joined Lieutenant-Colonels
Knox and Baird, with the troops who formed the left of the attack.
During these operations the battalion companies of the 52d, 71st,
and 72d regiments forced their way across the river to the island,
overpowering all that opposed them. At this moment, Captain
Archdeacon, commanding a battalion of Bengal sepoys, was killed. This
threw the corps into some confusion, and caused it to fall back on
the 71st, at the moment that Major Dalrymple was preparing to attack
the Sultan’s redoubt, and thus impeded his movements. However, the
redoubt was attacked, and instantly carried. The command was given
to Captain Sibbald, who had led the attack with his company of the
71st. The animating example and courage of this officer made the
men equally irresistible in attack, and firm in the defence of the
post they had gained. The enemy made several vain attempts to retake
it. In one of these the brave Captain Sibbald was killed. Out of
compliment to this officer, the Commander-in-chief changed the name
from Sultan’s to Sibbald’s redoubt. In this obstinate defence the men
had consumed their ammunition, when, by a fortunate circumstance,
two loaded oxen of the enemy, frightened by the firing, broke loose
from their drivers, and taking shelter in the ditch of this redoubt,
afforded an ample and seasonable supply. The command of this post was
assumed by Major Kelly of the 74th regiment, who had gone up with
orders from the Commander-in-chief, and remained there after the
death of Captain Sibbald. The Sultan seemed determined to recover
this redoubt distinguished by his own name, and directed the French
troops to attack it. But they met with no better success than the
former, notwithstanding their superior discipline.”[396]
The loss of the enemy in this affair was estimated at 4000 men and
80 pieces of cannon. That on the side of the assailants was 535 men
killed and wounded. Of the 71st, Captain Sibbald and Lieutenant
Baine, 2 sergeants, and 34 rank and file were killed; and Ensigns
Duncan Mackenzie, and William Baillie, 3 sergeants, and 67 rank and
file wounded.
On the 9th of February Major-General Robert Abercromby, with the
army from Bombay, consisting of the 73d and 75th Highland, and 77th,
besides some native regiments, joined the besieging army. Operations
for the siege were begun the same day; but nothing particular
occurred till the 18th, when Major Dalrymple, to cover the opening
of the trenches, crossed the Cavery at nine o’clock at night, and
surprised and routed a camp of Tippoo’s horse. During the three
following days traverses were finished; and on the 22d, the enemy,
after a warm contest, were defeated by a part of the Bombay army
under General Abercromby. This was the last effort of the Sultan, who
sued for peace, and obtained it at the expense of nearly one-half of
his dominions, which he ceded to the East India Company.
On the termination of the war, the 71st, now under the command of
Lieutenant-colonel David Baird, was marched to the neighbourhood
of Trichinopoly, where they remained till the breaking out of the
war with France, in 1793. The flank companies were employed on the
expedition against Ceylon, in the month of August that year, in which
enterprise Captain Gorrie was severely wounded, and 11 men were
killed and wounded.
On the 2d of January 1797, the regiment was inspected by
Major-general Clarke, who issued the following general order:--
“Major-General Clarke has experienced infinite satisfaction, this
morning, at the review of His Majesty’s 71st regiment.
“He cannot say that on any occasion of field exercise he ever was
present at a more perfect performance.
“When a corps is so striking in appearance, and so complete in
every branch of its discipline, little can occur to the Commander
in-chief to particularise. He cannot but notice, however, that the
71st regiment has excited his admiration for its expertness in those
parts of its exercise which are most essential, and most difficult
to execute. He alludes to its order and regularity when moving in
line; its extreme accuracy in preserving distances, and the neatness
and promptitude that are so evident in all its formations. So much
perfection in a corps, whose services in India will long be held in
remembrance, does the greatest honour to Lieut.-Colonel Baird and all
his officers, to whom, and the corps at large, the Commander-in-chief
desires to offer his best thanks.”
In October 1797, in consequence of orders, all the soldiers fit for
service, amounting to 560 men, were drafted into the 73d and 74th
regiments; those unfit for service, along with the officers and
non-commissioned officers, sailed from Madras for England on the 17th
of October, and arrived in the Thames in August 1798. The regiment
was then removed to Leith, and thence to Stirling, after an absence
of nearly 18 years from Scotland.[397]
As a mark of indulgence, a general leave of 2 months was granted
to the officers and men of the 71st, to enable them to visit their
friends and families, after so long an absence from their native
country.
The regiment remained in Scotland till June, 1800, when it was
removed to Ireland, having previously received an accession of 600
volunteers from the Scottish fencible regiments. This augmented
the corps to 800 men, of whom 600 were Highlanders. On the 24th of
April, 1801, Lieutenant-Colonel Pack joined and assumed command
of the regiment. In August 1803, Major-General Sir John Francis
Cradock was appointed Colonel of the 71st, in succession to General
the Honourable William Gordon. A second battalion was ordered to be
embodied at Dumbarton, in the year 1804. From the success with which
the recruiting for this battalion was carried on in Glasgow, and the
favour shown to the men by the inhabitants, the corps acquired the
name of the “Glasgow Highland Light Infantry.”
The first battalion sailed from Cork on the 5th of August, 1805, on
the expedition against the Cape of Good Hope, (of which an account
will be found under the head of the Sutherland Regiment,) and reached
its destination on the 4th of January 1806. On this service the
regiment had 6 rank and file killed, and Brevet-Lieutenant-Colonel
Robert Campbell, 5 sergeants, and 67 rank and file wounded.
This enterprise was followed by that against Buenos Ayres, of which
the 71st formed the chief force. The expedition reached the Rio de la
Plata on the 8th of June, and passing Monte Video, anchored opposite
to the city of Buenos Ayres, on the 24th. The troops and the marines
of the fleet, amounting together to about 1400 men, landed the
following evening without opposition. Next forenoon the troops moved
forward to the village of Reduction in full view of the enemy, who
were posted on the brow of an adjoining eminence. The enemy, after
firing a few shots, retired into the city. On the 27th the passage
of the Rio Chuelo was forced, and the result was that the city
surrendered. The Spaniards, however, soon attempted to regain what
they had lost, and in the beginning of August collected a force of
1500 men in the neighbourhood; but these were attacked and dispersed
by General Beresford, with a detachment of the 71st, and the corps of
St Helena. Notwithstanding their dispersion, however, these troops
collected again, and on the 10th of August, surprised and cut off a
sergeant’s guard. Next day the town was abandoned by the British, who
retired to the fort, and seeing no prospect of relief, capitulated
the same evening. The 71st lost in this expedition Lieutenant
Mitchell and Ensign Lucas, and 91 non-commissioned officers and
privates were killed and wounded.
After the capitulation of General Whitelock’s army, the regiment was
restored to liberty, and embarked with the troops for England. The
regiment landed in Ireland and marched to Middleton and afterwards to
Cork, where it received a reinforcement of 200 men from the second
battalion, by which the effective force was increased to 920 men. On
the 21st of April, 1808, the regiment received new colours instead
of those they had surrendered at Buenos Ayres. The colours were
presented by General Floyd, a veteran officer, who had frequently
witnessed the gallantry of the 71st in India. He made an eloquent
speech on the occasion, the conclusion of which was as follows:--
“SEVENTY-FIRST,
“I am directed to perform the honourable duty of presenting your
colours.
“Brave SEVENTY-FIRST! The world is well acquainted with your gallant
conduct at the capture of _Buenos Ayres_, in South America, under one
of His Majesty’s bravest generals.
“It is well known that you defended your conquest with the utmost
courage, good conduct, and discipline to the last extremity. When
diminished to a handful, hopeless of succour, and destitute of
provisions, you were overwhelmed by multitudes, and reduced by the
fortune of war to lose your liberty, and your well-defended colours,
but not your honour. Your honour, SEVENTY-FIRST regiment, remains
unsullied. Your last act in the field covered you with glory.
Your generous despair, calling upon your general to suffer you to
die with arms in your hands proceeded from the genuine spirit of
British soldiers. Your behaviour in prosperity,--your sufferings in
captivity,--and your faithful discharge of your duty to your King and
country, are appreciated by all.
“You who now stand on this parade, in defiance of the allurements
held out to base desertion, are endeared to the army and to the
country, and your conduct will ensure you the esteem of all true
soldiers,--of all worthy men,--and fill every one of you with honest
martial pride.
“It has been my good fortune to have witnessed, in a remote part of
the world, the early glories and gallant conduct of the SEVENTY-FIRST
regiment in the field; and it is with great satisfaction I meet you
again, with replenished ranks, and with good arms in your hands, and
with stout hearts in your bosoms.
“Look forward, officers and soldiers, to the achievement of new
honours and the acquirement of fresh fame.
“Officers, be the friends and guardians of these brave fellows
committed to your charge.
“Soldiers, give your confidence to your officers. They have shared
with you the chances of war; they have bravely bled along with you;
they will always do honour to themselves and you. Preserve your
regiment’s reputation for valour in the field and regularity in
quarters.
“I have now the honour to present the
ROYAL COLOUR.
This is the KING’S COLOUR.
“I have now the honour to present your
REGIMENTAL COLOUR.
“This is the colour of the SEVENTY-FIRST regiment.
“May victory for ever crown these colours.”
The expectations which General Floyd had formed of the regiment
were soon to be realised. In the month of June the first battalion
of the regiment embarked at Cork for Portugal, in the expedition
under Sir Arthur Wellesley, which sailed on the 13th of July. The
fleet arrived in Mondego Bay on the 29th, and the forces, amounting
to 10,000 men, landed early in August. In a few days a body of 5000
troops from Gibraltar joined the army. General Wellesley made a
forward movement towards Lisbon on the 9th of August, and was joined
on the 11th by 6000 Portuguese, but being destitute of provisions
and military stores he could not proceed. The British army reached
Caldas on the 14th--four companies of the 60th and Rifle corps
pushing forward to the village of Brilos, then in possession of the
enemy. An affair of advanced posts now took place, which ended in the
occupation of the village by the British. This was the commencement
of a series of battles and operations which raised the military fame
of Great Britain to the highest pitch, overtopping all the glories of
Marlborough’s campaigns. Lieutenant Bunbury and a few privates of the
Rifle corps were killed on this occasion.
The French under General Laborde, amounting to upwards of 5000 men,
took up a position on the heights of Roleia, whither they were
followed by the British on the 17th. These heights were steep and
very difficult of access, with only a narrow path leading to the
summit; but notwithstanding the almost insuperable obstacles which
presented themselves, the position was carried by the British, after
a gallant resistance by the French, who were forced to retreat at
all points. The light company of the 71st was the only part of the
regiment engaged, the remainder being employed in manœuvring on the
right flank of the French. The company had only one man killed and
one wounded.
The regiment acted a conspicuous part in the battle of Vimeira, which
took place on the 21st of August 1808.
It was Sunday morning, and the men were engaged in washing their
clothes, cleaning their firelocks, and in other employments, when the
French columns made their appearance on the opposite hills, about
half-past eight. “To arms” was sounded, and everything being packed
up as soon as possible, the 71st, along with the other brigaded
regiments, left the camp ground, and moved across a valley to the
heights on the east of Vimeira.
The grenadier company of the 71st greatly distinguished itself, in
conjunction with a sub-division of the light company of the 36th
regiment. Captain Alexander Forbes, who commanded the grenadier
company, was ordered to the support of some British artillery, and,
seizing a favourable opportunity, made a dash at a battery of the
enemy’s artillery immediately in his front. He succeeded in capturing
five guns and a howitzer, with horses, caissons, and equipment
complete. In this affair alone the grenadier company had Lieutenants
John Pratt and Ralph Dudgeon and 13 rank and file wounded, together
with 2 men killed.[398]
The French made a daring effort to retake their artillery, both
with cavalry and infantry; but the gallant conduct of the grenadier
company, and the advance of Major-General Ferguson’s brigade, finally
left the guns in the possession of those who had so gallantly
captured them.
George Clark, one of the pipers of the regiment, and afterwards piper
to the Highland Society of London, was wounded in this action, and
being unable to accompany his corps in the advance against the enemy,
put his pipes in order, and struck up a favourite regimental air, to
the great delight of his comrades. This is the second instance in
which the pipers of the 71st have behaved with particular gallantry,
and evinced high feeling for the credit and honour of the corps.
During the advance of the battalion, several prisoners were taken,
among whom was the French general, Brennier. Corporal John M’Kay, of
the 71st, who took him, was afterwards promoted to an ensigncy in the
Fourth West India Regiment.
The result of this battle was the total defeat of the enemy, who
subsequently retreated on Lisbon, with the loss of twenty-one pieces
of cannon, twenty-three ammunition waggons, with powder, shells,
stores of all descriptions, and 20,000 rounds of musket ammunition,
together with a great many officers and soldiers killed, wounded, and
taken prisoners.
The conduct of the battalion, and of its commanding officer,
Lieut.-Colonel Pack, was noticed in the public despatches, and the
thanks of both Houses of Parliament were conferred on the troops.
The following officers of the 71st were wounded in the battle of
Vimeira:--Captains Arthur Jones and Maxwell Mackenzie; Lieutenants
John Pratt, William Hartley, Augustus M’Intyre, and Ralph Dudgeon;
Ensign James Campbell, and Acting Adjutant R. M’Alpin.
The 71st subsequently received the royal authority to bear the
word “_Vimeira_” on the regimental colour and appointments, in
commemoration of this battle.
The “_Convention of Cintra_,” signed on the 30th of August, was the
result of this victory. By its provisions the French army evacuated
Portugal, which thus became freed from its oppressors.
In September, Lieutenant-General Sir John Moore assumed the command
and made dispositions for entering Spain. The 71st was brigaded with
the 36th and 92d regiments under Brigadier-General Catlin Crawfurd,
and placed in the division under the command of Lieutenant-General
the Honourable John Hope, afterwards the Earl of Hopetoun. On the
27th October the division left Lisbon, and joined the forces under
Moore at Salamanca. The regiment took part in the disastrous retreat
under Sir John Moore to Corunna, and along with the rest of the army
suffered dreadfully from the severity of the weather, want of food
and clothing, and disease.
“At this period the situation of the British army was dispiriting
in the extreme. In the midst of winter, in a dreary and desolate
country, the soldiers, chilled and drenched with the heavy rains,
and wearied by long and rapid marches, were almost destitute of fuel
to cook their victuals, and it was with extreme difficulty that
they could procure shelter. Provisions were scarce, irregularly
issued, and difficult of attainment. The waggons, in which were
their magazines, baggage, and stores, were often deserted in the
night by the Spanish drivers, who were terrified by the approach of
the French. Thus baggage, ammunition, stores, and even money were
destroyed to prevent them falling into the hands of the enemy; and
the weak, the sick, and the wounded were necessarily left behind. The
71st suffered in proportion with the rest, and by weakness, sickness,
and fatigue, lost about 93 men.”[399]
In January 1809, Lieutenant-General Francis Dundas was appointed from
the 94th regiment to be Colonel of the 71st, in succession to Sir
John Francis Cradock, removed to the 43d.
On the 11th of January the army under Moore arrived at Corunna,
where the furious battle was fought in which this famous leader
got his death-wound. We have already, in our account of the 42d,
given sufficient details of this engagement. While waiting for the
transports some skirmishing took place with the French, in which
four companies of the 71st were warmly engaged, and lost several men
in killed and wounded. In the general battle on the 16th, the 71st,
being placed on the extreme left of the British line, had little to
do therein. In commemoration of this battle, and of the conduct of
the regiment during the expedition, the 71st was authorised to bear
the word _Corunna_ on the regimental colours and appointments.
On the 17th of January the army embarked for England, and reached
Plymouth about the end of the month, where the men were received by
the people with the utmost enthusiasm, and were welcomed into every
house as if they had been relations.[400] The battalion in which was
the 71st was marched to Ashford barracks, where it remained for some
time. In June the first battalion was increased by the addition of
several officers and 311 non-commissioned officers and men from the
second battalion which continued to be stationed in Scotland, and by
a number of volunteers from the militia.
In March 1809, the royal authority was granted for the 71st to be
formed into a light infantry regiment, when it was directed that
the clothing, arming, and discipline should be the same as those of
other regiments of a similar kind. However, it cannot be said to
have ceased to be a Highland regiment, for the men were permitted to
retain such parts of the national dress as might not be inconsistent
with their duties as a light corps. Lieutenant-Colonel Pack wrote to
the Adjutant-General, in April 1810, on the subject, and received the
following reply from headquarters:--
“HORSE GUARDS, _12th April 1810_.
“SIR,--Having submitted to the Commander-in Chief your letter of the
4th instant, I am directed to state, that there is no objection to
the 71st being denominated _Highland Light Infantry Regiment_, or to
the retaining of their pipes, and the Highland garb for the pipers;
and that they will, of course, be permitted to wear caps according to
the pattern which was lately approved and sealed by authority.[401]
“I have, &c.
“WILLIAM WYNYARD,
“Deputy-Adjutant-General.
“Lieut.-Colonel Pack,
“71st Regiment.“
The 71st was next employed on the disastrous expedition to Walcheren,
for which the most gigantic preparations had been made. The troops
amounted to 40,000 men, commanded by Lieutenant-General the Earl of
Chatham, while the naval portion consisted of 39 ships of the line,
36 frigates, and numerous gun-boats and bomb-vessels, and other small
craft, under Admiral Sir James Strachan.
On the 16th of July, the first battalion of the 71st, consisting
of 3 field-officers, 6 captains, 27 subalterns, 48 sergeants, and
974 drummers and rank and file, embarked at Portsmouth on board the
_Belleisle_ and _Impérieuse_. The expedition sailed from the Downs on
the 28th of July, and in about thirty hours reached Roompet Channel,
when the 71st was the first to disembark. It was brigaded with the
68th and 85th regiments, under the command of Brigadier-General the
Baron de Rottenburg, in the division commanded by Lieutenant-General
Alexander Mackenzie-Fraser, and the corps of Lieutenant-General Sir
Eyre Coote. The light brigade, consisting of the 71st, 68th, and 85th
light infantry, were landed under cover of the fire of some small
craft, and immediately on landing came in contact with the enemy’s
sharpshooters, who fell back skirmishing. Two of the companies of
the 71st captured four guns and several prisoners. A battery and
flagstaff on the coast were taken possession of by the 10th company
of the 71st, and in place of a flag, a soldier’s red jacket was
hoisted on it. Further details of this expedition we take the liberty
of copying from Cannon’s history of this regiment.
“This advance having succeeded at all points, and the enemy having
fallen back on _Flushing_ and _Middelburg_, the army was disembarked.
The advance then dividing, proceeded by different routes. The 71st
moved by the sea dyke on a fort called _Ter Veer_, the situation and
strength of which was not sufficiently known, an enemy’s deserter
having given but imperfect intelligence respecting it.
“After nightfall the column continued to advance in perfect silence,
with orders to attack with the bayonet, when, on a sudden, the
advance-guard fell in with an enemy’s party, who came out for the
purpose of firing some houses which overlooked the works. The column
following the advance-guard had entered an avenue or road leading
to the fort, when the advance commenced the action with the enemy,
who, retiring within the place, opened a tremendous fire from his
works with artillery and musketry. Some guns pointing down the road
by which the battalion advanced did great execution, and the 71st
had Surgeon Charles Henry Quin killed, and about 18 men killed and
wounded. The column, after some firing, retired, and the place was
the next day regularly invested by sea and land. It took three days
to reduce it, when it capitulated, with its stores, and a garrison of
800 men.
“Flushing having been invested on the 1st of August, the 71st,
after the surrender of Ter Veer, were ordered into the line of
circumvallation, and placed on the extreme left, resting on the
Scheldt. The preparations for the attack on the town having been
completed, on the 13th a dreadful fire was opened from the batteries
and bomb-vessels, and congreve rockets having been thrown into the
town, it was on fire in many places. The ships having joined in the
attack, the enemy’s fire gradually slackened, and at length ceased. A
summons being sent in, a delay was demanded, but being rejected, the
firing recommenced.
“On the 14th of August one of the outworks was carried at the point
of the bayonet by a party of detachments and two companies of the
71st under Lieutenant-Colonel Pack.
“In this affair Ensign Donald Sinclair, of the 71st, was killed;
Captain George Spottiswoode and a few men were wounded.
“Flushing, with its garrison of 6000 men, capitulated on the 15th
of August, and the right gate was occupied by a detachment of 300
men of the first or Royal Scots, and the left gate by a detachment
of similar strength of the 71st under Major Arthur Jones. The naval
arsenal, and some vessels of war which were on the stocks, fell into
the hands of the British.
“The 71st shortly after proceeded to Middelburg, where the battalion
remained for a few days, when it was ordered to occupy _Ter Veer_,
of which place Lieutenant-Colonel Pack was appointed commandant, and
Lieutenant Henry Clements, of the 71st, town major. The battalion
remained doing duty in the garrison until this island, after the
works, &c., were destroyed, was finally evacuated on the 22d of
December.
“On the 23d of December, the battalion embarked in transports,
and sailed for England, after a service of five months in a very
unhealthy climate, which cost the battalion the loss of the following
officers and men:--
Officers. Sergeants, Drummers,
and Rank and File.
Died on service 1 57
Killed 2 19
Died after return home 2 9
-- --
Total 5 85
“In passing Cadsand, that fort opened a fire on the transports, one
of which, having part of the 71st on board, was struck by a round
shot, which carried off Sergeant Steele’s legs above the knees.
“On the 25th of December, the first battalion of the 71st disembarked
at Deal, and marched to Brabourne-Lees Barracks, in Kent, where
it was again brigaded with the 68th and 85th light infantry, and
was occupied in putting itself in an efficient state for active
service.”[402]
In May 1810, the battalion removed to Deal Barracks, and while here
Lieutenant-Colonel Pack was removed from the regiment to become a
brigadier in the Portuguese army. In the early part of September
the battalion received orders to prepare six companies for foreign
service, which was done by drafting into the 1st, 2d, 3d, 4th, 6th,
and 10th companies the most effective officers and men belonging
to the other companies. When completed, the companies altogether
consisted of 30 officers, 42 sergeants, and 615 rank and file.
These companies sailed on the 15th September from the Downs in two
frigates, and disembarked at Lisbon on the 26th of the same month,
when the men were quartered in two convents. “To my great joy,”
says the _Journal of a Soldier of the 71st_, “we paraded in the
grand square, on the seventh day after our arrival, and marched in
sections, to the music of our bugles, to join the army: having got
our camp equipments, consisting of a camp-kettle and bill-hook, to
every six men; a blanket, a canteen, and haversack, to each man.
Orders had been given that each soldier, on his march, should carry
along with him three days’ provision. Our mess of six cast lots who
should be cook the first day, as we were to carry the kettle day
about; the lot fell to me. My knapsack contained two shirts, two
pairs of stockings, one pair of overalls, two shoe-brushes, a shaving
box, one pair of spare shoes, and a few other articles; my great-coat
and blanket above the knapsack; my canteen with water was slung
over my shoulder, on one side; my haversack, with beef and bread, on
the other; sixty round of ball-cartridge, and the camp-kettle above
all.”[403]
At Mafra, to which place the detachment marched on the 2nd of
October, it was joined by Lieutenant-Colonel the Honourable Henry
Cadogan, who assumed the command. The detachment joined the army
under Wellington at Sobral on the 10th, and was brigaded with the
50th and 92d regiments, under Major-General Sir William Erskine,
in the first division under Lieutenant-General Sir Brent Spencer.
We cannot do better than quote from the simple but graphic journal
already referred to:--
“We had not been three hours in the town, and were busy cooking,
when the alarm sounded. There were nine British and three Portuguese
regiments in the town. We were all drawn up and remained under arms,
expecting every moment to receive the enemy, whose skirmishers
covered Windmill Hill. In about an hour the light companies of all
the regiments were ordered out, along with the 71st. Colonel Cadogan
called to us, at the foot of the hill, ‘My lads, this is the first
affair I have ever been in with you; show me what you can do, now
or never.’ We gave a hurra, and advanced up the hill, driving their
advanced skirmishers before us, until about half-way up, when we
commenced a heavy fire, and were as hotly received. In the meantime
the remaining regiments evacuated the town. The enemy pressed so hard
upon us, we were forced to make the best of our way down the hill,
and were closely followed by the French, through the town, up Gallows
Hill. We got behind a mud wall, and kept our ground in spite of their
utmost efforts. Here we lay upon our arms all night.
“Next morning, by day-break, there was not a Frenchman to be seen. As
soon as the sun was fairly up, we advanced into the town, and began
a search for provisions, which had now become very scarce; and, to
our great joy, we found a large store-house full of dry fish, flour,
rice, and sugar, besides bales of cloth. All now became bustle and
mirth; fires were kindled, and every man became a cook. Scones[404]
were the order of the day, Neither flour nor sugar were wanting, and
the water was plenty; so I fell to bake myself a flour scone. Mine
was mixed and laid upon the fire, and I, hungry enough, watching
it. Though neither neat nor comely, I was anticipating the moment
when it would be eatable. Scarce was it warm ere the bugle sounded
to arms. Then was the joy that reigned a moment before turned to
execrations. I snatched my scone off the fire, raw as it was, put it
into my haversack, and formed. We remained under arms until dark, and
then took up our old quarters upon Gallows Hill, where I ate my raw
scone, sweetly seasoned by hunger. In our advance to the town we were
much entertained by some of our men who had got over a wall the day
before, when the enemy were in the rear; and now were put to their
shifts to get over again, and scarce could make it out.
“Next morning the French advanced to a mud wall, about forty yards
in front of the one we lay behind. It rained heavily this day, and
there was very little firing. During the night we received orders
to cover the bugle and tartans of our bonnets with black crape,
which had been served out to us during the day, and to put on our
great-coats. Next morning the French, seeing us thus, thought we had
retired, and left Portuguese to guard the heights. With dreadful
shouts they leaped over that wall before which they had stood, when
guarded by British. We were scarce able to withstand their fury. To
retreat was impossible; all behind being ploughed land, rendered
deep by the rain. There was not a moment to hesitate. To it we
fell, pell-mell, French and British mixed together. It was a trial
of strength in single combat: every man had his opponent, many had
two.” In the first of these affairs the detachment had 8 men killed
and 34 wounded. In Wellington’s despatch concerning the affair of
the 14th, the names of Lieutenant-Colonels Cadogan and Reynell were
particularly mentioned. John Rea, a soldier of the 6th company of
the 71st behaved on this occasion with so much gallantry, and so
particularly distinguished himself, that he received a silver medal,
inscribed ‘To John Rea, for his exemplary courage and good conduct as
a soldier at Sobral, 14th October 1810.’
“On the 15th October the 71st retired between the lines at Tibreira,
a continuation of those at Torres Vedras. Here the detachment
remained along with the other regiments watching Marshal Massena,
until the latter was compelled to retire from want of provisions
in the nights between the 14th and 15th November. He was followed
by the allied forces, and the 71st, along with the rest of its
division, were quartered in and about Almoster from the 20th to the
26th. Massena took up a position in the vicinity of Santarem, and
Wellington, after some manœuvring, placed himself in front of the
enemy, having his headquarters at Cartano. The 71st was quartered in
a convent at Alquintrinha, where the detachment remained until March
1811. In this month two companies of the 1st battalion arrived in the
Peninsula to reinforce the regiment, other two coming out in July. On
the night of the 5th of March, the French gave the British army the
slip, deceiving the latter by placing wooden guns in their batteries,
and stuffing old clothes with straw, which they put in place of
their sentinels. It was two days before the trick was discovered.
The British army immediately followed in pursuit, but did not come
up with the enemy until they reached the Aguida on the 9th of April.
The division, in which was the 71st, was posted at Abergaria, a small
town on the frontiers of Spain, where it remained till the 30th
April, when, on account of the movements of the enemy, the British
army was moved out of its cantonments, and was formed in line on the
high ground about two miles in rear of Fuentes d’Onor.
“On the 3rd of May, at day-break, all the cavalry and sixteen light
companies occupied the town. We stood under arms until three o’clock,
when a staff-officer rode up to our colonel, and gave orders for
our advance. Colonel Cadogan put himself at our head, saying, ‘My
lads, you have had no provisions these two days; there is plenty in
the hollow in front, let us down and divide.’ We advanced as quick
as we could run, and met the light companies retreating as fast
as they could. We continued to advance at double-quick time, our
firelocks at the trail, our bonnets in our hands. They called to us,
‘Seventy-first, you will come back quicker than you advance.’ We soon
came full in front of the enemy. The colonel cried, ‘Here is food, my
lads; cut away.’ Thrice we waved our bonnets, and thrice we cheered;
brought our firelocks to the charge, and forced them back through the
town.
“How different the duty of the French officers from ours! They,
stimulating the men by their example; the men vociferating, each
chafing each until they appear in a fury, shouting, to the points
of our bayonets. After the first huzza, the British officers,
restraining their men, still as death--‘Steady, lads, steady,’ is all
you hear, and that in an under tone.
“During this day the loss of men was great. In our retreat back to
the town, when we halted to check the enemy, who bore hard upon us,
in their attempts to break our line, often was I obliged to stand
with a foot upon each side of a wounded man, who wrung my soul with
prayers I could not answer, and pierced my heart with his cries to be
lifted out of the way of the cavalry. While my heart bled for them, I
have shaken them rudely off.
“We kept up our fire until long after dark. About one o’clock in the
morning we got four ounces of bread served out to each man, which had
been collected out of the haversacks of the Foot Guards. After the
firing had ceased, we began to search through the town, and found
plenty of flour, bacon, and sausages, on which we feasted heartily,
and lay down in our blankets, wearied to death. Soon as it was light
the firing commenced, and was kept up until about ten o’clock, when
Lieutenant Stewart, of our regiment, was sent with a flag of truce,
for leave to carry off our wounded from the enemy’s lines, which was
granted; and, at the same time, they carried off theirs from ours. We
lay down, fully accoutred, as usual, and slept in our blankets. An
hour before day we were ready to receive the enemy.
“About half-past nine o’clock, a great gun from the French line,
which was answered by one from ours, was the signal to engage. Down
they came, shouting as usual. We kept them at bay, in spite of their
cries and formidable looks. How different their appearance from ours!
their hats set round with feathers, their beards long and black, gave
them a fierce look. Their stature was superior to ours; most of us
were young. We looked like boys; they like savages. But we had the
true spirit in us. We foiled them in every attempt to take the town,
until about eleven o’clock, when we were overpowered, and forced
through the streets, contesting every inch.
“During the preceding night we had been reinforced by the 79th
regiment, Colonel Cameron commanding, who was killed about this time.
Notwithstanding all our efforts, the enemy forced us out of the town,
then halted, and formed close column betwixt us and it. While they
stood thus the havoc amongst them was dreadful. Gap after gap was
made by our cannon, and as quickly filled up. Our loss was not so
severe, as we stood in open files. While we stood thus, firing at
each other as quick as we could, the 88th regiment advanced from the
lines, charged the enemy, and forced them to give way. As we passed
over the ground where they had stood, it lay two and three deep of
dead and wounded. While we drove them before us through the town,
in turn, they were reinforced, which only served to increase the
slaughter. We forced them out, and kept possession all day.”[405]
The 71st took 10 officers and 100 men prisoners, but lost about half
their number in killed and wounded. Those killed were Lieutenants
John Consell, William Houston, and John Graham, and Ensign Donald
John Kearns, together with 4 serjeants and 22 rank and file.
Captains Peter Adamson and James M’Intyre, Lieutenants William
M’Craw, Humphrey Fox, and Robert Law (Adjutant), Ensigns Charles Cox,
John Vandeleur, and Carique Lewin, 6 serjeants, 3 buglers, and 100
rank and file, were wounded. Two officers, with several men, were
taken prisoners.
In commemoration of the gallantry displayed in this prolonged action,
the 71st subsequently received the royal authority to bear the words
“_Fuentes d’Onor_” on the regimental colour and appointments.
Viscount Wellington particularly mentioned the name of Lieut.-Colonel
the Honourable Henry Cadogan in his despatch, and being highly
gratified with the conduct of the 71st on this occasion, directed
that a non-commissioned officer should be selected for a commission.
According to his Lordship’s recommendation, Quartermaster-Serjeant
William Gavin was shortly afterwards promoted to an ensigncy in the
regiment.[406]
The 71st, on the 14th of May, returned to Albergaria, where it
remained till the 26th, when it was marched to reinforce Marshal
Beresford’s army, then besieging Badajos. After a variety of
marchings, the battalion went into camp at Toro de Moro, where it
remained a month, and was recruited by a detachment of 350 from the
2d battalion, stationed at Deal. The battalion returned along with
Wellington’s army on the 20th of July to Borba, where it remained
until the 1st of September, when it removed to Portalegre, and thence
marched to Castello de Vido on October 4th.
“On the 22nd of October, we received information that General Girard,
with 4000 men, infantry and cavalry, was collecting contributions in
Estremadura, and had cut off part of our baggage and supplies. We
immediately set off from Portalegre, along with the brigade commanded
by General Hill, and, after a most fatiguing march, the weather
being very bad, we arrived at Malpartida. The French were only ten
miles distant. By a near cut, on the Merida road, through Aldea del
Cano, we got close up to them, on the 27th, at Alcuesca, and were
drawn up in columns, with great guns ready to receive them. They had
heard nothing of our approach. We went into the town. It was now
nigh ten o’clock; the enemy were in Arroyo del Molino, only three
miles distant. We got half a pound of rice served out to each man,
to be cooked immediately. Hunger made little cooking necessary. The
officers had orders to keep their men silent. We were placed in the
houses; but our wet and heavy accoutrements were, on no account, to
be taken off. At twelve o’clock we received our allowance of rum;
and, shortly after, the serjeants tapped at the doors, calling not
above their breath. We turned out, and at slow time continued our
march.
“The whole night was one continued pour of rain. Weary, and wet
to the skin, we trudged on, without exchanging a word; nothing
breaking the silence of the night save the howling of the wolves.
The tread of the men was drowned by the pattering of the rain. When
day at length broke we were close upon the town. The French posts
had been withdrawn into it, but the embers still glowed in their
fires. During the whole march the 71st had been with the cavalry and
horse-artillery, as an advanced guard.
“General Hill rode up to our colonel, and ordered him to make us
clean out our pans (as the rain had wet all the priming), form
square, and retire a short distance, lest the French cavalry had seen
us, and should make an attack; however, the drift was so thick, they
could not--it blew right in their faces when they looked our way. The
Colonel told us off in three divisions, and gave us orders to charge
up three separate streets of the town, and force our way, without
halting, to the other side. We shouldered our arms. The general,
taking off his hat, said, ‘God be with you--quick march.’ On reaching
the gates, we gave three cheers, and in we went; the inhabitants
calling, ‘Live the English,’ our piper playing ‘Hey Johnny Cope;’ the
French swearing, fighting in confusion, running here and there, some
in their shirts, some half accoutred. The streets were crowded with
baggage, and men ready to march, all now in one heap of confusion. On
we drove: our orders were to take no prisoners, neither to turn to
the right nor left, until we reached the other side of the town.
“As we advanced I saw the French general come out of a house, frantic
with rage. Never shall I forget the grotesque figure he made, as he
threw his cocked hat upon the ground, and stamping upon it, gnashed
his teeth. When I got the first glance of him he had many medals on
his breast. In a minute his coat was as bare as a private’s.
“We formed under cover of some old walls. A brigade of French
stood in view. We got orders to fire: not ten pieces in a company
went off, the powder was again so wet with the rain. A brigade of
Portuguese artillery came up. We gave the enemy another volley,
leaped the wall, formed column, and drove them over the hill; down
which they threw all their baggage, before they surrendered. In this
affair we took about 3000 prisoners, 1600 horse, and 6 pieces of
artillery, with a great quantity of baggage, &c.
“We were again marched back to Portalegre, where the horses were
sold and divided amongst the men according to their rank. I got 2s.
6d.”[407]
The 71st remained in Portalegre till March 1812, having taken part,
during the January of that year, in the expulsion of the French
from Estremadura. After the capture of Badajos by Wellington on
the 6th of April, the 71st, and the other troops under the command
of Lieutenant-General Sir Rowland Hill, retired into Andalusia.
Wellington, having armed the Tagus against Marshal Marmont, Sir
Rowland Hill’s force took post at Almendralejos for the purpose of
watching Marshal Soult. Here the 71st remained from the 13th April
to the 11th May, when it along with the rest of Sir R. Hill’s corps
marched to Almaraz to destroy the bridge of boats there. On the 18th
of May it reached the height on which the castle of Mirabete stands,
five miles from Almaraz.
“On the evening of the third day, General Hill ordered our left
companies to move down to the valley, to cover his reconnaissance.
When he returned, the officers were called. A scaling ladder was
given to each section of a company of the left wing, with the
exception of two companies. We moved down the hill in a dismal
manner; it was so dark we could not see three yards before us. The
hill was very steep, and we were forced to wade through whins and
scramble down rocks, still carrying the ladders. When day-light,
on the morning of the 19th, at length showed us to each other, we
were scattered all over the foot of the hill like strayed sheep, not
more in one place than were held together by a ladder. We halted,
formed, and collected the ladders, then moved on. We had a hollow to
pass through to get at the battery. The French had cut a part of
the brae-face away, and had a gun that swept right through into the
hollow. We made a rush past it, to get under the brae on the other
side. The French were busy cooking, and preparing to support the
other fort, thinking we would attack it first, as we had lain next it.
“On our approach the French sentinel fired and retired. We halted,
fixed bayonets, and moved on in double-quick time. We did not receive
above four shots from the battery, until we were under the works, and
had the ladders placed to the walls. Their entrenchment proved deeper
than we expected, which caused us to splice our ladders under the
wall; during which time they annoyed us much, by throwing grenades,
stones, and logs over it; for we stood with our pieces cocked and
presented. As soon as the ladders were spliced, we forced them from
the works, and out of the town, at the point of the bayonet, down
the hill and over the bridge. They were in such haste, they cut the
bridge before all their men had got over, and numbers were either
drowned or taken prisoners. One of our men had the honour to be the
first to mount the works.
“Fort Napoleon fired two or three shots into Fort Almaraz. We took
the hint from this circumstance, and turned the guns of Almaraz on
Fort Napoleon, and forced the enemy to leave it.
“We moved forward to the village of Almaraz, and found plenty of
provisions, which had been very scarce with us for some days.”[408]
The whole of this brilliant affair was concluded in about 15
minutes, the regiment losing Captain Lewis Grant, 1 sergeant, and
7 rank and file, killed; Lieutenants William Lockwood and Donald
Ross, 3 sergeants, and 29 rank and file wounded. The names of 36
non-commissioned officers and soldiers were inserted in regimental
orders for conspicuous bravery on this occasion, and “_Almaraz_” was
henceforth inscribed upon the regimental colours. Both in the Brigade
and General Orders, the 71st was particularly mentioned.
From this time to the 7th of November the 71st was occupied with
many tedious marchings and countermarchings in accordance with the
movements of the enemy. It occupied Alba de Tormes from the 7th
till the 13th of November, and during that period sustained a loss,
in action with the enemy, of 1 sergeant and 6 rank and file killed,
and 1 bugler and 5 rank and file wounded. The army retired from
this part and began to return on Portugal; and after various slight
skirmishes with the enemy, reached Puerto de Baños in December, where
it remained till April 1812, being then removed to Bejar, which it
occupied till May 21st. In December the 1st battalion was joined by
a draft of 150 men from the 2nd. On the 20th of June the battalion
along with the rest of its division encamped at La Puebla, in the
neighbourhood of Vitoria.
On the morning of the 21st, the two armies being in position, the
71st was ordered to ascend the heights of La Puebla to support the
Spanish forces under General Morillo. Forward they moved up the
hill under a very heavy fire, in which fell mortally wounded their
commander Colonel Cadogan, who, in falling, requested to be carried
to a neighbouring height, from which he might take a last farewell of
the regiment and the field.
[Illustration: Monument in Glasgow Cathedral to Colonel the
Honourable Henry Cadogan.]
“The French had possession of the top, but we soon forced them back,
and drew up in column on the height, sending out four companies to
our left to skirmish. The remainder moved on to the opposite height.
“Scarce were we upon the height, when a heavy column, dressed in
great-coats, with white covers on their hats, exactly resembling
the Spanish, gave us a volley, which put us to the right about at
double-quick time down the hill, the French close behind, through
the whins. The four companies got the word, the French were on
them. They likewise thought them Spaniards, until they got a volley
that killed or wounded almost every one of them. We retired to the
height, covered by the 50th, who gave the pursuing column a volley
which checked their speed. We moved up the remains of our shattered
regiment to the height. Being in great want of ammunition, we were
again served with sixty rounds a man, and kept up our fire for some
time, until the bugle sounded to cease firing.
“We lay on the height for some time. Our drought was excessive;
there was no water upon the height, save one small spring, which was
rendered useless. At this time the major had the command, our second
colonel being wounded. There were not 300 of us on the height able to
do duty, out of above 1000 who drew rations in the morning. The cries
of the wounded were most heart-rending.
“The French, on the opposite height, were getting under arms: we
could give no assistance, as the enemy appeared to be six to one of
us. Our orders were to maintain the height while there was a man
of us. The word was given to shoulder arms. The French at the same
moment got under arms. The engagement began in the plains. The French
were amazed, and soon put to the right about, through Vitoria. We
followed, as quick as our weary limbs would carry us. Our legs were
full of thorns, and our feet bruised upon the roots of the trees.
Coming to a bean field at the bottom of the heights, the column was
immediately broken, and every man filled his haversack. We continued
to advance until it was dark, and then encamped on a height above
Vitoria.
“This was the dullest encampment I ever made. We had left 700 men
behind. None spoke; each hung his head, mourning the loss of a friend
and comrade. About twelve o’clock a man of each company was sent
to receive half a pound of flour for each man at the rate of our
morning’s strength, so that there was more than could be used by
those who had escaped. I had fired 108 rounds this day.”[409]
The loss of the regiment in the battle of Vitoria was dreadful.
Colonel the Honourable Henry Cadogan, Captain Hall, Lieutenants Fox
and Mackenzie, 6 serjeants, 1 bugler, and 78 rank and file were
killed; Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel Cother; Captains Reed, Pidgeon, and
Grant; Lieutenants Duff, Richards, M’Intyre, Cox, Torriano, Campbell,
and Cummeline; 13 serjeants, 2 buglers, and 255 rank and file were
wounded.
The enemy retired to Pampeluna, followed by the British, who
afterwards marched towards the Pyrenees, the 71st reaching Maya
upon the 8th of July. At Maya, on July 25th,--of which, as of other
Peninsular battles, details will be found in the account of the
42nd,--the 71st behaved with marked bravery, maintaining their
position to the last, and, when their ammunition was exhausted,
hurling stones upon the enemy to impede their advance. The 71st had
3 sergeants and 54 rank and file killed, and 6 sergeants and 77 rank
and file wounded.
The army under General Hill continued retiring until the 30th of
July, when a strong position was taken up at Lizasso. Here they
were attacked by the French, the 71st taking an active part in the
engagement, and losing 1 sergeant, and 23 rank and file killed, and 2
sergeants and 34 rank and file wounded.
In the action in the pass of Doña Maria on the 31st, the 71st
distinguished itself, and had 1 sergeant and 29 rank and file
killed, and 2 sergeants and 45 rank and file wounded. For the part
taken in these engagements the 71st was authorised to bear the word
“_Pyrenees_” on its colours and appointments. Between the 14th of
June and the 7th August, the regiment lost in killed and wounded, 33
officers, 6 buglers, and 553 rank and file.
For nearly three months after the last engagement the regiment
was encamped on the heights of Roncesvalles, where the men were
principally engaged in the construction of block-houses and
batteries, and in the formation of roads for artillery, during which
they suffered dreadfully from the inclemency of the weather. On the
night of October 11th a strong party of the French made an attack
upon an advance of 15 men of the 71st under Sergeant James Ross, but
the small band, favoured somewhat by their position and the darkness,
maintained its ground, and forced the enemy to retire. At the request
of Lieutenant-General Sir William Stewart, each of the 16 men was
presented with a medal.
After the battle of Nivelle, in which the 71st did not take part, the
regiment occupied part of the town of Cambo, and was there joined by
a detachment of 16 men of the 2nd battalion (then in Glasgow), under
the command of Lieutenant Charles Henderson. On the 9th of December
the 71st crossed the Nive without loss, the regiment forming upon the
top of the opposite height, and sending out two companies after the
enemy, who, however, eluded pursuit. The enemy retired on Bayonne,
and General Hill disposed his army with the right on the Adour, the
left above the Nive, and the centre, in which was the 71st, at St
Pierre, across the high road to St Jean Pied-de-Port.
“All the night of the 11th December we lay in camp upon the face of a
height, near the Spaniards. In the afternoon of the 12th, we received
orders to move round towards Bayonne, where we were quartered along
the main road. There we remained until we received orders to march
to our own right, to assist a Spanish force which was engaged with
superior numbers. We set off by day-light on the morning of the
13th towards them, and were moving on, when General Hill sent an
aide-de-camp after us, saying, ‘That is not the direction,--follow
me.’ We put to right-about, to the main road towards Bayonne. We soon
came to the scene of action, and were immediately engaged. We had
continued firing, without intermission, for five hours, advancing
and retreating, and lost a great number of men, but could not gain a
bit of ground. Towards evening we were relieved by a brigade which
belonged to another division. As many of us as could be collected
were drawn up. General Hill gave us great praise for our behaviour
this day, and ordered an extra allowance of liquor to each man. We
were marched back to our old quarters along the road-side. We lay
upon the road-side for two or three days, having two companies three
leagues to the rear, carrying the wounded to the hospital. We were
next cantoned three leagues above Bayonne, along the side of the
river. We had strong picquets planted along the banks. The French
were cantoned upon the other side. Never a night passed that we were
not molested by boats passing up and down the river, with provisions
and necessaries to the town. Our orders were to turn out and keep up
a constant fire upon them while passing. We had two grasshopper guns
planted upon the side of the river, by means of which we one night
sunk a boat loaded with clothing for the army, setting it on fire
with red-hot shot.
“Next day we were encamped in the rear of the town, being relieved
by a brigade of Portuguese. We remained in camp two or three days,
expecting to be attacked, the enemy having crossed above us on the
river. We posted picquets in the town, near our camp. At length,
receiving orders to march, we moved on, until we came to a river on
our right, which ran very swift. Part of the regiment having crossed,
we got orders to come to the right-about, and were marched back to
our old campground. Next morning we received orders to take another
road toward Salvatierra, where we encamped that night, and remained
until the whole army assembled the following day.
“About two o’clock in the afternoon we were under arms, and moved
towards the river, covered by a brigade of artillery. We forded, and
continued to skirmish along the heights until the town was taken. We
lost only one man during the whole time. We encamped upon the other
side of the town; and next morning followed the line of march, until
we came before a town called Aris. We had severe fighting before we
got into it. We were led on by an aide-de-camp. The contest lasted
until after dark. We planted picquets in different streets of the
town; the enemy did the same in others. Different patroles were sent
out during the night, but the French were always found on the alert.
They retired before day-light, and we marched into the town with our
music at the head of the regiments. The town appeared then quite
desolate, not worth twopence; but we were not three days in it, until
the French inhabitants came back, opened their shops and houses, and
it became a fine lively place.”[410]
In the action of the 13th December the 71st lost Lieutenant-Colonel
Mackenzie, Lieutenants Campbell and Henderson, 2 sergeants, and 24
men killed; Captains Barclay and Grant, Lieutenants M’Intyre and
Torriano, and 37 men wounded. For these services the regiment bears
“_Nive_” on its colours. On the 26th February 1814 the regiment was
in action at Sauveterre, and on the 27th took part in the battle of
Orthez, although it appears that in the latter it sustained little or
no loss. It bears “_Orthez_” on its colours.
Two divisions of the French army having retired to Aire, after the
action of the 27th of February, Lieutenant-General Sir Rowland Hill
moved upon that town to dislodge them. Upon the 2d of March the
French were found strongly posted upon a ridge of hills, extending
across the great road in front of the town, having their right on the
Adour. The second division attacked them along the road, seconded by
a Portuguese brigade, and drove them from their position in gallant
style. Lieutenant James Anderson and 17 rank and file were killed;
Lieutenant Henry Frederick Lockyer, 1 sergeant, and 19 rank and file,
were wounded.
A detachment from the second battalion, consisting of 1 captain, 4
subalterns, and 134 rank and file, under the command of Major Arthur
Jones, joined at Aire.
On the 25th of March part of the battalion was engaged in an
affair at Tarbes, in which Lieutenant Robert Law was wounded, and
upon the 10th of April was in position at Toulouse, where some
of the companies were employed skirmishing, and sustained a loss
of 1 sergeant and 3 rank and file killed; 6 rank and file were
wounded.[411]
On the 10th of April the regiment marched to Toulouse, in order to
attack it. It was drawn up in column behind a house, and sent out the
flank companies to skirmish; the French, however, evacuated Toulouse
on the night of the 11th, when the 71st and the other regiments
entered the town. The following interesting incident, in connection
with the attack on Toulouse, is narrated by a soldier of the 71st in
his _Journal_:--
“I shall ever remember an adventure that happened to me, towards the
afternoon. We were in extended order, firing and retiring. I had
just risen to run behind my file, when a spent shot struck me on the
groin, and took the breath from me. ‘God receive my soul!’ I said,
and sat down resigned. The French were advancing fast. I laid my
musket down and gasped for breath. I was sick, and put my canteen to
my head, but could not taste the water; however, I washed my mouth,
and grew less faint. I looked to my thigh, and seeing no blood, took
resolution to put my hand to the part, to feel the wound. My hand
was unstained by blood, but the part was so painful that I could not
touch it. At this moment of helplessness the French came up. One of
them made a charge at me, as I sat pale as death. In another moment
I would have been transfixed, had not his next man forced the point
past me: ‘Do not touch the good Scot,’ said he; and then addressing
himself to me, added, ‘Do you remember me?’ I had not recovered my
breath sufficiently to speak distinctly: I answered, ‘No.’ ‘I saw you
at Sobral,’ he replied. Immediately I recognised him to be a soldier
whose life I had saved from a Portuguese, who was going to kill him
as he lay wounded. ‘Yes, I know you,’ I replied. ‘God bless you!’
cried he; and, giving me a pancake out of his hat, moved on with his
fellows; the rear of whom took my knapsack, and left me lying. I had
fallen down for greater security. I soon recovered so far as to walk,
though with pain, and joined the regiment next advance.”[412]
On the afternoon of April 12th word came that Napoleon had abdicated,
and shortly after peace was proclaimed, and a treaty concluded
between France and England.
The 71st marched from Toulouse to Blaachfort, where it was encamped
for about a fortnight, after which it proceeded to Bordeaux, where it
embarked on the 15th of July, arriving in Cork on the 28th of that
month. Shortly afterwards the regiment proceeded to Limerick, where
it lay for the rest of the year, and where Colonel Reynell assumed
the command in December. In January 1815 the first battalion of the
71st embarked at Cork, and proceeded to America; but peace having
been concluded with the United States, its destination was changed,
in consequence of Napoleon having again broken loose, and resumed
his former dignity of Emperor of the French. Thus England was once
more embroiled in war. The 71st was in consequence transhipped in a
small craft, and sent to Ostend, where it disembarked on April 22nd.
It was then marched to Leuze, where, quartered in the surrounding
villages, it lay till June 16th, 1815, under the command of Colonel
Reynell. It was brigaded with the first battalion of the 52nd, and
eight companies of the 95th regiment (Rifles), the brigade being
commanded by Major-General Frederick Adam, and the division by
Lieutenant-General Sir Henry Clinton. The first battalion had at this
time 997 rank and file. The regiment was drilled every day, and on
the morning of June 16 was proceeding to its drill-ground as usual,
when it was ordered immediately to advance upon Nivelles, where it
arrived late at night. On the same day Blucher had been attacked at
Ligny, and Wellington had successfully met Marshal Ney at Quatre
Bras, in which action the 71st had no chance of taking part, although
they had their own share of the fighting at Waterloo. On the morning
of the 17th the 71st took the road to Waterloo, and along with the
other regiments of the brigade took up a position behind Hougoumont,
where they lay under arms, amid pouring rain, all night. Two hours
after daybreak, General Hill came down and took away the 10th company
to cover his reconnaissance, and shortly after, the regiment set
to cleaning their arms, and preparing for action. All the opposite
heights were covered by the enemy.
“The artillery had been tearing away since daybreak in different
parts of the line. About twelve o’clock we received orders to fall
in for attack. We then marched up to our position, where we lay on
the face of a brae, covering a brigade of guns. We were so overcome
by the fatigue of the two days’ march, that scarce had we lain down
until many of us fell asleep. We lay thus about an hour and a half,
under a dreadful fire, which cost us about 60 men, while we had
never fired a shot. The balls were falling thick amongst us.
“About two o’clock a squadron of lancers came down, hurrahing, to
charge the brigade of guns: they knew not what was in the rear. The
general gave the word, ‘Form square.’ In a moment the whole brigade
were on their feet, ready to receive the enemy. The general said,
‘Seventy-first, I have often heard of your bravery, I hope it will
not be worse to-day than it has been.’ Down they came upon our
square. We soon put them to the right-about.
“Shortly after we received orders to move to the heights. Onwards we
marched, and stood, for a short time, in square, receiving cavalry
every now and then. The noise and smoke were dreadful. We then moved
on in column for a considerable way, and formed line, gave three
cheers, fired a few volleys, charged the enemy, and drove them back.
“At this moment a squadron of cavalry rode furiously down upon our
line. Scarce had we time to form. The square was only complete in
front when they were upon the points of our bayonets. Many of our men
were out of place. There was a good deal of jostling for a minute or
two, and a good deal of laughing. Our quarter-master lost his bonnet
in riding into the square; got it up, put it on, back foremost, and
wore it thus all day. Not a moment had we to regard our dress. A
French general lay dead in the square; he had a number of ornaments
upon his breast. Our men fell to plucking them off, pushing each
other as they passed, and snatching at them.
“We stood in square for some time, whilst the 13th dragoons and a
squadron of French dragoons were engaged. The 13th dragoons retiring
to the rear of our column, we gave the French a volley, which put
them to the right-about; then the 13th at them again. They did this
for some time; we cheering the 13th, and feeling every blow they
received.
“The whole army retired to the heights in the rear; the French
closely pursuing to our formation, where we stood, four deep, for
a considerable time. As we fell back, a shot cut the straps of the
knapsack of one near me: it fell, and was rolling away. He snatched
it up, saying ‘I am not to lose you that way, you are all I have in
the world,’ tied it on the best manner he could, and marched on.
“Lord Wellington came riding up. We formed square, with him in our
centre, to receive cavalry. Shortly the whole army received orders
to advance. We moved forwards in two columns, four deep, the French
retiring at the same time. We were charged several times in our
advance. This was our last effort; nothing could impede us. The whole
of the enemy retired, leaving their guns and ammunition, and every
other thing behind. We moved on towards a village, and charged right
through, killing great numbers, the village was so crowded. We then
formed on the other side of it, and lay down under the canopy of
heaven, hungry and weary to death. We had been oppressed, all day, by
the weight of our blankets and great-coats, which were drenched with
rain, and lay upon our shoulders like logs of wood.”[413]
“The 71st had Brevet Major Edmund L’Estrange, aide-de-camp to
Major-General Sir Denis Pack, and Ensign John Tod killed. The
following officers were wounded: the Lieutenant-Colonel commanding
the battalion, Colonel Thomas Reynell; Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel
Arthur Jones; Captains Samuel Reed, Donald Campbell, William
Alexander Grant, James Henderson, and Brevet Major Charles Johnstone;
Lieutenants Joseph Barrallier, Robert Lind, John Roberts, James
Coates, Robert Law, Carique Lewin, and Lieutenant and Adjutant
William Anderson.
The number of serjeants, buglers, and rank and file killed amounted
to 29; 166 were wounded, and 36 died of their wounds.”[414]
The 71st afterwards marched to Paris with the rest of the army,
and was encamped in the Champs Elysées, continuing there till the
beginning of November, when it proceeded to Versailles, and to
Viarmes in December. On the 21st of December the second battalion
was disbanded at Glasgow, the effective officers and men being
transferred to the first battalion.
In January 1816 the regiment marched to the Pas de Calais, where it
was cantoned in several villages. On the 21st of June the 71st was
formed in hollow square upon the _bruyère_ of Rombly for the purpose
of receiving the medals which had been granted by the Prince Regent
to the officers and men for their services at Waterloo, when Colonel
Reynell addressed the regiment as follows:--
“SEVENTY-FIRST,--The deep interest which you will all give me credit
for feeling in everything that affects the corps, cannot fail to be
awakened upon an occasion such as the present, when holding in my
hands, to transfer to yours, these honourable rewards bestowed by
your sovereign for your share in the great and glorious exertions
of the army of His Grace the Duke of Wellington upon the field of
Waterloo, when the utmost efforts of the army of France, directed
by Napoleon, reputed to be the first captain of the age, were not
only paralysed at the moment, but blasted beyond the power of even a
second struggle.
“To have participated in a contest crowned with victory so decisive,
and productive of consequences that have diffused peace, security,
and happiness throughout Europe, may be to each of you a source of
honourable pride, as well as of gratitude to the Omnipotent Arbiter
of all human contests, who preserved you in such peril, and without
whose protecting hand the battle belongs not to the strong, nor the
race to the swift.
“I acknowledge to feel an honest and, I trust, excusable exultation
in having had the honour to command you on that day; and in
dispensing these medals, destined to record in your families the
share you had in the ever memorable battle of Waterloo, it is a
peculiar satisfaction to me that I can present them to those by whom
they have been fairly and honourably earned, and that I can here
solemnly declare that, in the course of that eventful day, I did not
observe a soldier of this good regiment whose conduct was not only
creditable to the English nation, but such as his dearest friends
could desire.
“Under such agreeable reflections, I request you to accept
these medals, and to wear them with becoming pride, as they are
incontestable proofs of a faithful discharge of your duty to your
king and your country. I trust that they will act as powerful
talismans, to keep you, in your future lives, in the paths of honour,
sobriety, and virtue.”
[Illustration: Major-General Sir Denis Pack, K.C.B. From a painting
in possession of Mrs Reynell Pack.]
The regiment received new colours on the 13th of January 1817; they
were presented by Major-General Sir Denis Pack, a name intimately
associated with some of our Highland regiments. On this occasion he
addressed them as follows:--
“SEVENTY-FIRST REGIMENT,--Officers, non-commissioned officers, and
soldiers, it affords me the greatest satisfaction, at the request
of your commanding officer, Colonel Reynell, to have the honour of
presenting these colours to you.
“There are many who could perform the office with a better grace, but
there is no one, believe me, who is more sensible of the merit of the
corps, or who is more anxious for its honour and welfare.
“I might justly pay to the valour and good conduct of those present
the compliments usual on such occasions, but I had rather offer
the expression of my regard and admiration of that excellent
_esprit-de-corps_ and real worth which a ten years’ intimate
knowledge of the regiment has taught me so highly to appreciate. I
shall always look back with pleasure to that long period in which
I had the good fortune to be your commanding officer, and during
which time I received from the officers the most cordial and zealous
assistance in support of discipline; from the non-commissioned
officers proofs of the most disinterested regard for His Majesty’s
service and the welfare of their regiment; and I witnessed on
the part of the privates and the corps at large a fidelity to
their colours in South America, as remarkable under such trying
circumstances as their valour has at all times been conspicuous in
the field. I am most happy to think that there is no drawback to
the pleasure all should feel on this occasion. Your former colours
were mislaid after a fête given in London to celebrate the Duke of
Wellington’s return after his glorious termination of the peninsular
war, and your colonel, General Francis Dundas, has sent you three
very handsome ones to replace them. On them are emblazoned some of
His Grace’s victories, in which the 71st bore a most distinguished
part, and more might be enumerated which the corps may well be
proud of. There are still in our ranks valuable officers who have
witnessed the early glories of the regiment in the East, and its
splendid career since is fresh in the memory of all. Never, indeed,
did the character of the corps stand higher; never was the fame of
the British arms, or the glory of the British empire more pre-eminent
than at this moment, an enthusiastic recollection of which the sight
of these colours must always inspire.
“While you have your present commanding officer to lead you, it is
unnecessary for me to add anything to excite such a spirit; but were
I called upon to do so, I should have only to hold up the example of
those who have fallen in your ranks, and, above all, point to the
memory of that hero who so gloriously fell at your head.”[415]
After remaining in France until the end of October 1818, the 71st
embarked for England, and arrived at Dover on the 29th of that month,
proceeding to Chelmsford, where the establishment was reduced from
810 to 650 rank and file.
From 1818 to 1822 this regiment performed garrison duties at
various places in England, a mere enumeration of which would not be
interesting, and is needless here. While at Chatham in 1821, the
strength of the regiment was reduced to 576 rank and file. In 1822
it sailed from Liverpool for Dublin, where it arrived on the 3rd of
May, and remained there till the beginning of October, when it was
marched to the south of Ireland. Here it remained until May 1824,
having its headquarters at Fermoy, with detachments stationed at
various villages in order that disturbances might be suppressed and
order maintained. The nature of the duties which the regiment had to
perform can be seen by reference to our account of the 42nd about
this period. In January 1824 Lieutenant-General Sir Gordon Drummond
was removed from the colonelcy of the 88th to that of the 71st,
vacant by the death of General Francis Dundas.
In May the regiment proceeded to Cork to re-embark for North America;
but before doing so, Colonel Sir Thomas Arbuthnot, commanding the
regiment, received very gratifying addresses from the magistrates and
inhabitants of Fermoy, praising highly the conduct of the regiment,
which had now the esteem of all classes. The 71st embarked at Cork
for North America on the 14th, 16th, 17th, and 18th of May 1824,
and arrived at Quebec about a month thereafter, at which place the
headquarters of the regiment was stationed. The 71st remained in
America performing garrison duty at various places till 1831. In May
1827 the headquarters was removed to Montreal; preparatory to the
change, the service companies were inspected by Lieutenant-General
the Earl of Dalhousie, who assured Lieutenant-Colonel Jones that he
never had seen any regiment in more perfect order. In May 1828 the
regiment removed to Kingston, where it remained for a year, and where
it suffered much from fever and ague. From this place headquarters
removed to Toronto in June 1829, and companies were sent out to
occupy various posts; the 71st remained there for two years.
In June 1825 the strength of the regiment had been increased to 710
rank and file, who were formed into 6 service and 4 depôt companies,
the latter stationed in England; the movements of the former we have
been narrating. In August 1829 the depôt companies removed from
Gravesend to Berwick-on-Tweed, and in June 1830 from the latter
place to Edinburgh Castle. In September 1829 Major-General Sir Colin
Halkett succeeded General Drummond as colonel of the 71st.
In May 1831 the service companies returned to Quebec, where they
stayed four months, sailing in October for Bermuda, where they
were stationed till September 1834. While at Bermuda, in February
1834, the tartan plaid scarf was restored to the 71st by authority
of the King. In September of that year the 6 service companies
left Bermuda for Britain, arriving at Leith on October 19th. The
regiment was stationed at Edinburgh till May 1836, when it embarked
for Ireland, and was stationed at Dublin till June 1837, when it
proceeded to Kilkenny. The regiment remained in Ireland till April
1838, on the 16th of which month the 6 service companies again sailed
from Cork to Canada. The four depôt companies remained in Ireland
till June 1839, when they sailed from Cork to Scotland, and were
stationed at Stirling. While in Ireland, March 1838, Major-General
Sir Samuel Ford Whittingham succeeded Sir Colin Halkett to the
colonelcy of the regiment, and he again was succeeded in March 1841
by Lieutenant-General Sir Thomas Reynell, formerly so intimately
associated with the regiment as its lieutenant-colonel. The strength
of the regiment was in August 1838 increased to 800.
During 1840 the 6 service companies were stationed at St John’s,
Lower Canada.
The service companies proceeded from St John’s to Montreal, in two
divisions, on the 27th and 28th of April 1842.
In consequence of the augmentation which took place in the army at
this period, the 71st regiment was ordered to be divided into two
battalions, the 6 service companies being termed the first battalion,
and the depôt, augmented by two new companies, being styled the
reserve battalion. The depôt was accordingly moved from Stirling to
Chichester in 1842, and after receiving 180 volunteers from other
corps, was there organised into a battalion for foreign service.
The reserve battalion of the 71st, under the command of
Lieutenant-Colonel James England, embarked at Portsmouth in Her
Majesty’s troop-ship “Resistance,” which sailed for Canada on the
13th of August 1842, and landed at Montreal on the 23d of September,
where the first battalion was likewise stationed, under the command
of Major William Denny, who, upon the arrival of Lieutenant-Colonel
England, took charge of the reserve battalion.
The reserve battalion marched from Montreal to Chambly on the 5th of
May 1843, and arrived there on the same day.
The first battalion, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel England,
embarked at Quebec for the West Indies in the “Java” transport, on
the 20th of October 1843. The headquarters disembarked at Grenada on
the 15th of December following.
The headquarters of the first battalion embarked on the 25th of
December 1844, at Grenada, for Antigua,[416] where it remained till
April 1846. It proceeded to Barbadoes, leaving that in December
for England, arriving at Spithead, January 25th 1847. The first
battalion, on landing, proceeded to Winchester, where it remained
till July, when it was removed to Glasgow, and in December left the
latter place for Edinburgh. Here it remained till April 1848, when it
was removed to Ireland.
In February 1848, on the death of Sir Thos. Reynell,
Lieutenant-General Sir Thos. Arbuthnot succeeded to the colonelcy
of the 71st, and on his death, in January 1849, it was conferred on
Lieutenant-General Sir James Macdonell.
In compliance with instructions received upon the occasion of Her
Majesty’s visit to Dublin, the headquarters of the first battalion,
with the effectives of three companies, proceeded from Naas to that
garrison on the 28th of July, and were encamped in the Phœnix Park.
The three detached companies also joined at the encampment on the
same day. On the 13th of August the head-quarters and three companies
returned to Naas.
The headquarters and two companies of the reserve battalion, under
the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Sir Hew Dalrymple, Bart., proceeded
from St John’s to Montreal in aid of the civil power, on the 28th of
April 1849. The headquarters and three companies quitted Montreal
and encamped on the Island of St Helen’s on the 30th of June, but
returned to St John’s on the 16th of July. On the 17th of August
1849, the headquarters and two companies proceeded from St John’s to
Montreal in aid of the civil power, and returned to St John’s on the
6th of September.
In April 1850 the first battalion proceeded from Naas to Dublin.
The headquarters and two companies of the reserve battalion quitted
St John’s and Chambly on the 21st of May 1850, and arrived at Toronto
on the 23rd of that month, where the battalion was joined by the
other companies, and it continued there during the remainder of the
year.
In May 1852 the reserve battalion proceeded from Toronto to Kingston.
On the 8th of June following, Lieutenant-Colonel Hew Dalrymple,
Bart., retired from the service by the sale of his commission, and
was succeeded by Lieutenant-Colonel Nathaniel Massey Stack.[417]
On the 18th of February 1848, Lieutenant-General Sir Thomas
Arbuthnot, K.C.B., from the 9th Foot, was appointed colonel of the
regiment in room of Lieutenant-General Sir Thomas Reynell, Bart., who
had died; and on the death of the new colonel, about a year after,
Lieutenant-General Sir James Macdonell, K.C.B., from the 79th Foot,
was appointed to the colonelcy of the regiment.
Instructions having been received for the battalion to embark at
Glasgow for Ireland, three companies proceeded to Dublin on the 27th,
and the headquarters, with the three remaining companies, embarked
on board the “Viceroy” steamer on the 1st of May, and arrived at
Dublin on the 2nd. Companies were detached to various places, and the
headquarters proceeded from Dublin to Naas on the 20th of May.
On the 4th of July Lieutenant-Colonel William Denny, having
arrived from Canada, assumed the command of the battalion, when
Lieutenant-Colonel Sir Hew Dalrymple, Bart., proceeded to join the
reserve battalion.
H.R.H. Major-General Prince George of Cambridge, commanding the
Dublin district, made the autumn half-yearly inspection of the
regiment on the 13th of October, on which occasion H.R.H. expressed
personally to the regiment his satisfaction and approbation of their
appearance and steadiness under arms, and the marked improvement
that had been effected.
In compliance with instructions received, on the occasion of the
expected visit of Her Majesty to Dublin, the headquarters, with the
effectives of three companies, moved from Naas to Dublin on the
28th of July, and encamped in the Phœnix Park. The three detached
companies also joined the encampment on the same day.
The Queen having arrived on the 6th of August, the battalion had
the honour of sharing in the grand review which took place in the
park on the 9th, in presence of Her Majesty and Prince Albert, after
which a highly complimentary general order was issued, expressing the
high approval of Her Majesty and Prince Albert of the conduct of the
troops present at the review.
On the 10th of August Her Majesty and Prince Albert and the Royal
Family left Dublin, and the 71st furnished a guard of honour under
Captain T. H. Colville, at the railway station; and on the 11th,
the lieutenant-general commanding marked his very high appreciation
of the services of the troops stationed in Dublin during the above
auspicious occasion, by publishing another highly complimentary
general order.
In addition to the remarks in the general order of Lieutenant-General
Sir Edward Blackeney, which reflected so much credit on the 71st
Highland Light Infantry, in common with the other regiments in
garrison, Major-General H.R.H. Prince George of Cambridge was
graciously pleased to express his approbation of the high state
of efficiency and good conduct of the battalion; and as its stay
in Dublin was intended to be during Her Majesty’s visit, the
headquarters and three companies returned to Naas on the 13th of
August, detaching on the same day three companies to Maryborough,
Carlow, and Newbridge.
During the months of March and April 1850, the various scattered
companies of the 71st were removed to Dublin, where the whole
battalion was stationed at the Richmond Barracks.
A draft of the reserve battalion, consisting of 2 subalterns, 2
sergeants, and 90 rank and file, embarked at Cork for Canada on the
4th of May of the same year.
The state of discipline in the regiment was reported to be good on
its arrival in Dublin, and during its stay in that garrison it was
most favourably reported upon. The accompanying extracts, which were
conveyed to the commanding officer, by order, are creditable to the
character of the regiment:--
“ASST. ADJT.-GENERAL’S OFFICE,
“DUBLIN, _21st July 1851_.
“The Commander-in-Chief is glad to find that his Royal Highness
considers the recruits lately joined to be of a superior description,
and that he is enabled to speak with unqualified praise on the state
of the discipline to which the regiment has arrived since it formed
part of the garrison of Dublin.
“GEORGE MYLINS,
“_Asst. Adj.-Gen._
“Officer Commanding
“1st Bat. 71st Regt.”
The following is an extract from a letter received from the
Adjutant-General of the Forces, having reference to the confidential
report of H.R.H. the Duke of Cambridge, of the 1st battalion of the
71st Highland Light Infantry, for the second period of 1850:--
“ASST. ADJT.-GENERAL’S OFFICE,
“DUBLIN, _28th January 1851_.
“The progress made by this battalion during the half year is
extremely satisfactory to the Commander-in-Chief, and in the highest
degree creditable to Lieutenant-Colonel Denny and his officers, who
may congratulate themselves on having brought the battalion into a
state of efficiency of which it certainly could not boast when the
lieutenant-colonel assumed the command.
“W. F. FORSTER, _A. A.-G._”
During 1851 and 1852 the regiment remained in Ireland, moving about
in detachments from place to place, and performing efficiently a
variety of duties, agreeable and disagreeable, in that disturbed
country, and sending off now and then small parties to join the
reserve battalion in Canada. In August the regiment removed to
Kilkenny.
On the 1st of November 1852, a communication was received for
the battalion to be held in readiness for embarkation for the
Mediterranean, and in compliance therewith, the service and depôt
companies were formed on the 1st of January 1853; and on the 3rd the
battalion received new colours. On the arrival of the battalion at
Cork, the old colours were placed over a tablet erected at Kinsale,
to the memory of the late Lieutenant-General Sir Thomas Arbuthnot,
a native of that place, who commanded the regiment for many years.
During February and March the regiment sailed in detachments for
Corfu.
By a War Office letter of 20th of February 1854, the regiment was
to be augmented, from the 1st of April, by one pipe-major and five
pipers.
The reserve battalion remained in Canada from 1849 to 1853, having
been stationed successively at St John’s, Toronto, Kingston, and
Quebec, returning from Canada in 1854, and forming the depôt of the
regiment at Canterbury in October.
On the outbreak of the Crimean war all the effectives, with a
proportion of officers, consisting of 1 major, 3 captains, 6
subalterns, 20 serjeants, 6 buglers, and 391 rank and file--total,
417--were ordered to proceed to the Crimea, and embarked at
Portsmouth, on board the “Royal Albert,” November 24, and landed at
Balaclava on the 20th of December. The first battalion joined the
reserve in February 1855.
Major-General A. F. Mackintosh, Commander of the Forces in the Ionian
Islands, issued the following order prior to the embarkation of the
first battalion from Corfu for the Crimea, in January 1855:--
“_General Order._
“DEPUTY QR.-MASTER GENERAL’S OFFICE,
“CORFU, _24th January 1855_.
“The Major-General commanding addresses a few words to the 71st Light
Infantry on their departure for the seat of war.
“The Major-General first saw the 71st a good many years ago, on a
day when their commanding officer fell at their head; he has since
often met the regiment in various parts of the world, and has always
remarked among both the officers and men of the regiment that high
military spirit and personal activity still conspicuous, which caused
it to be selected and organised as a light corps.
“They are now about to appear on a scene where their predecessors
in the regiment have so often distinguished themselves--the field
of battle,--and the Major-General wishes them a prosperous passage,
followed by a glorious career.
“R. WALPOLE,
“_Dep. Qr.-Mr. General_.”
During the time the 71st was in the Crimea, it had no chance of
distinguishing itself in any great action, as had the 42d, and
the other two Highland regiments with which it was brigaded.
Nevertheless, the 71st had many fatiguing and critical duties to
perform, which it did with efficiency; as will be seen, it was mainly
occupied in expeditions to various parts of the Crimea.
The regiment embarked on the 3rd of May on board the “Furious” and
the “Gladiator” steam frigates, forming part of the first expedition
to Kertch, returning to Balaclava on the 8th. The regiment moved to
the front on the 9th of May, and joined the third brigade of the
fourth division in camp, before Sebastopol, performing satisfactorily
the very trying duties in the trenches. Here, however, it did not
long remain, as on May 22nd it embarked at Balaclava, on board the
steam frigates “Sidon” and “Valorous,” and proceeded to Kertch with
the expeditionary force of the allied army.
Landing at Kamiesch Bouroun, about five miles from Kertch, on the
24th of May, under cover of the gun-boats, it bivouacked that night,
and marched to Kertch the following morning, proceeding the same day
to Yenikali, where it encamped.
The regiment re-embarked at Yenikali on the 10th of June on board the
steam frigates “Sidon” and “Valorous,” to return to the headquarters
of the army, but was again disembarked--the headquarters and right
wing at Yenikali on June the 12th, and the left wing at Cape St Paul
on the 14th--to protect these points, in conjunction with a French
and Turkish force. One company moved into Kertch from Yenikali,
August 4th, and the left wing from Cape St Paul to Kertch, September
22nd.
Three companies, under Major Hunter, embarked at Kertch, September
24th, and proceeded with the French on a joint expedition to Taman.
Taman and Phanagoria were bombarded by the French and English
gun-boats, and taken possession of by the allied expeditionary force
on the same day. A large supply of hutting material and fuel was
obtained for the use of the troops from these places, after which
they were fired and abandoned. The expedition returned to Kertch on
the 3rd of October.
A draft, consisting of 1 captain, 5 subalterns, 4 sergeants, and
121 rank and file from the reserve companies at Malta, landed at
Balaclava in August, was moved to the front, and attached to the
Highland division in camp before Sebastopol. It was present at the
fall of Sebastopol, under the command of Major Campbell, and joined
the headquarters of the regiment at Yenikali on the 2nd of October.
Until the 22nd of June 1856, the various companies were kept moving
between Yenikali and Kertch. On that date Kertch and Cape St Paul
were handed over by the regiment to the Russian authorities, the
whole of the French and Turkish forces having previously evacuated
that part of the Crimea.
The headquarters and six companies embarked on board the steamship
“Pacific,” and two companies on board the “Gibraltar,” on the 22nd of
June, for passage to Malta.
During the stay of the 71st in Malta, from July 1856 to January 1858,
there is nothing of importance to record.
The regiment received orders by telegram from England to proceed
overland to India on the evening of the 2nd of January 1858, and
on the morning of the 4th it embarked on board H.M. ship “Princess
Royal” and the steam frigate “Vulture.” The headquarters and right
wing arrived at Bombay on February 6th, and the left wing on the 8th;
the right wing proceeding to Mhow by bullock train in detachments
of about forty daily, the first of which left Bombay on the 26th
of February, and the last arrived at Mhow, March 17th. It marched
from Mhow on the 30th March to join the Central India Field Force,
and joined the second brigade at Mote on May 3rd. It was present at
the action in Rose’s attack on the enemy at Koonch, May 7th, when
eight men fell dead in the ranks, and upwards of twenty officers
and men had to be carried from the field on account of the heat of
the sun. It was present also at the actions at Muttra and Deapoora,
16th and 17th May; at the latter places the principal attacks
of the enemy were repulsed by this regiment. Lieutenant-Colonel
Campbell commanding the brigade, Major Rich commanding the regiment,
and Battalion Major Loftus, were specially mentioned by the
major-general. The regiment was present at the battle of Gowlowlee,
May 22nd, the occupation of Calpee, May 23rd, and it marched on
Gwalior with the 1st Brigade Central India Field Force; at the action
of Moorar on the 16th of June, in which the 71st took a prominent
part. It was while rushing on at the head of a company of this
regiment that Lieutenant Wyndham Neave fell mortally wounded, and
that Sergeant Hugh M’Gill, 1 corporal, and 2 privates were killed.
Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell, Major Rich, and Lieutenant Scott were
specially mentioned; and Sergeant Ewing and Private George Rodgers
were recommended for the Victoria Cross.
On the evening of the 18th of June the regiment formed part of a
column for the support of Brigadier Smith’s brigade, and advanced on
Gwalior with the whole force on the 19th and 20th.
After the capture of Gwalior on the 20th of June, the headquarter’s
wing marched back to Moorar cantonments, where it was stationed till
the 12th of August, when it returned to Gwalior, and was stationed at
the Lushker and Phool Bagh, and returned again to Moorar on the 6th
of June 1859.
On the 11th of November 1858, a detachment from headquarters went on
field-service to the Sind River, had two skirmishes with the rebels,
and returned to Gwalior on the 9th of February 1859.
On the 29th of November 1858, another detachment from headquarters
went on field service, and had skirmishes with the rebels at Ranode
and Nainewass. At the latter place three were killed. This detachment
returned to Gwalior on 27th of May 1859.
The left wing marched from Bombay on the 11th of March 1858, and
arrived at Mhow on 17th of April, and on the 9th of June a company
was detached from Mhow to Indore. The greater portion of the left
wing proceeded on field-service, under Major-General Michel, C.B.,
and on 2nd September 1858 was present at the action at Rajghur. In
the action at Mongrowlee, on September the 15th, the 71st had one
private killed. In the action at Sindwaho on October the 19th, and
that at Koorai on October the 25th, the 71st had no casualties. The
left wing arrived at Bhopal on the 17th of November 1858, and marched
to Goonah on the 17th of January 1859.
On the 25th of November a party of 50 rank and file left Mhow
on camels, with a column under command of Major Sutherland, 92d
Highlanders, and were engaged with the rebels at Rajpore on the same
day, after which they returned to Mhow.
On the 1st of January 1859, the company stationed at Indore marched
from that place _en route_ to join a column on service under
Brigadier-General Sir R. Napier, K.C.B., and was present at the
attack of the Fort of Naharghur, 17th of January, where two privates
were wounded. Captain Lambton was specially mentioned for his daring
attack.
The headquarters of the regiment were inspected by the
Commander-in-Chief, Lord Clyde, on the 2nd of December 1859. His
Excellency expressed his satisfaction, both with what he himself saw
and the reports which he had received regarding the state of the
regiment from other sources. The report made by Lord Clyde to H.R.H.
the General Commanding-in-Chief, produced the following letter from
the Adjutant-General of the Forces, highly complimentary to the
commanding officer and all ranks of the regiment:--
“HORSE GUARDS,
“_24th January 1860_.
“SIR,--His Royal Highness the General Commanding-in-Chief is much
gratified to hear from General Lord Clyde, Commander-in-Chief in
India, that at his Lordship’s last visit to the station occupied by
the regiment under your command, he found it in the highest order.
“After the recent arduous and continuous duties on which it has been
employed, great credit is due to its commanding officer, Colonel
William Hope, and to every rank in the corps, and H.R.H. requests
that his opinion may be communicated to them accordingly.--I have the
honour to be, &c.
“G. A. WETHERAL,
“_Adjutant-General_.
“Officer Commanding
“71st Highlanders.”
In the month of January 1860, intimation was received of the
death of Lieutenant-Colonel R. D. Campbell, C.B., in London, on
the 4th of December 1859, and the command of the 71st devolved on
Lieutenant-Colonel Hope, C.B.
On the 22nd of July cholera broke out in the regiment. It first
appeared in the hospital in cantonments, but the next day spread to
the barracks, and, two or three days later, reached the fortress
of Gwalior. The companies in cantonments, with the exception of
one, moved under canvas; two of those in the fort moved down into
quarters at the Phool Bagh. Notwithstanding these movements, the
epidemic continued until the beginning of September, and did not
finally disappear until the 16th of that month, having carried off 1
colour-sergeant, 2 sergeants, 2 corporals, 1 piper, 1 bugler, and 62
men, 11 women and 11 children.
On the 11th of November 1860 the order for the relief was received,
and on the 20th of the next month the regiment marched for Sealkote,
Punjab, having been relieved at Gwalior by the 27th Inniskillings.
The state of discipline of the regiment while in the Gwalior district
can be gathered from the following extract from a report from the
Political Agent, Gwalior, to the Government of India, dated 15th June
1860:--
“When it was determined in June last to post a British force at the
Lushker, the people expected with dread and deprecation a violent
and dangerous, at least a rude and overbearing soldiery; but Her
Majesty’s 71st Highlanders soon dispelled their fears and created
pleasant feelings.
“His Highness and the best informed men of the Durbar have assured me
that those soldiers who passed ten months in the Phool Bagh have, by
their manners, habits, dealings, and whole demeanour, so conciliated
the respect and regards of all, that nothing would be more acceptable
than the domestication of such a force in the capital.
“The Durbar considers further, that it would bring to Gwalior
incalculable industrial advantages, through affording a constant
supply of superintendents of public works and skilled labourers.
“I venture to express the hope, that his Excellency may consider the
Durbar’s view of the conduct of Her Majesty’s 71st, commanded by
Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell, C.B., a very high and true compliment,
as worthy of express recognition as good conduct in the field. It is
in my humble judgment a most fully deserved compliment.
“AD. A. CHARTERS MACPHERSON,
“_Political Agent_.”
“CAMP AGRA,
“_29th November 1859_.
“MY LORD,--As your Lordship is going to Gwalior, I trust you will
not think that I exceed my office, if I venture to send you an
extract from a report of June last, in which I attract the attention
of the Government to the admirable conduct of Her Majesty’s 71st
Highlanders, and to its appreciation by Maharajah Scindia and his
people.
“The importance of such conduct on the part of the first British
troops stationed at the capital of Gwalior might scarcely be over
stated.
“Having lived with the 71st at the Phool Bagh for about twelve
months, my pride in them as soldiers and countrymen must be my excuse
to your Lordship for venturing upon this irregular communication of
my impressions. General Napier’s views will, I trust, confirm them.
“AD. A. CHARTERS MACPHERSON,
“_Political Agent_.”
Various drafts joined the service companies in 1860. The regiment
marched into Sealkote on Sunday, the 17th of February 1861.
The brigadier-general, commanding the Lahore division, made his first
half-yearly inspection of the regiment on the 26th of April 1861,
and published the following order on the conclusion of this duty:--
“_Extract from Station Orders, dated Sealkote, 27th April 1871._
“Brigadier-General Ferryman, C.B., having completed the inspection of
the 71st Highland Light Infantry, begs to express to Lieut.-Col. Rich
and the regiment his great satisfaction with everything he has seen.
The drill is excellent; it could not be better; and the officers are
well instructed. He will, therefore, have much pleasure in making
a very high report to the Commander-in-Chief of everything he has
witnessed.”
The regiment remained at Sealkote till the 1st of November 1862, when
headquarters and seven companies marched _en route_ to Nowshera,
and arrived at that station on the 21st of the same month, having
detached one company at Attock to garrison the fortress.
On the 14th of October 1863, headquarters, under Lieut.-Col. Hope,
C.B., moved from Nowa-Killa in the Yuzufzai country, arriving on the
18th of October at Nowshera, where the sick were left. At Nowa-Killa
was assembled the force about to be employed in the hill country
to the eastward, and the command was assumed by Brigadier-General
Sir Neville Chamberlain, K.C.B. The object of the expedition was to
destroy Mulka, on the Mahabun Mountains, the stronghold of certain
Hindostanee refugees, generally known as the Sitana Fanatics, who
infested our frontier and preyed on the villages. Mulka is just
beyond our frontier line, and in the territory of the Indoons.
The direct route to Mulka by the Chinglae Pass being reported to be
stockaded, it was decided to take the more circuitous one by the
Umbeylah Pass and the Chumla Valley. The brigadier-general decided
on having a small native force at Nowa-Killa, and forming a depôt
for the European troops at Roostum, which is near the entrance to
the Umbeylah Pass, and directed the sick and the regimental band
to remain there accordingly. 99 men of the 71st of all ranks were
detached to remain at Roostum under Lieut. Boulderson.
The force marched in two divisions,--the first, all of native troops
under command of Lieut.-Col. Wilde, C.B., of the corps of Guides, on
19th October; and the second, which included all the European troops,
on the 20th of October, under the brigadier-general.
The pass was seized by Lieut.-Col. Wilde without difficulty, but
owing to the rugged nature of the ground, the so-called road being
merely a path hardly practicable for loaded cattle, the troops
were not concentrated at the crest of the pass until nearly 8
o’clock in the evening, and the baggage, of which much was lost or
destroyed, was not all up for four days. The heavy guns were shifted
on to elephants at the bottom of the pass, and got up without much
difficulty.
On the 21st more ground to the front was taken, and the regiment
marched down in the direction of Umbeylah about a quarter of a mile,
and encamped on a small piece of level ground, and not far from a
small stream of water. On the 22nd a reconnaissance was made in the
Chumla Valley under the orders of Lieut.-Col. Taylor, C.E., with a
small body of native cavalry, supported by the 20th Native Infantry.
This party penetrated some distance into the valley without being
molested; but on its return near sunset it was attacked near the
village of Umbeylah, and sustained some loss. Their assailants,
who were chiefly of the Boneyir tribe, followed up the 20th Native
Infantry in great numbers, and commenced a general attack upon the
force, which was immediately turned out and placed in position with
some difficulty owing to the darkness. The attack was, however,
repulsed with heavy loss to the enemy and slight loss on the British
side, the 71st sustaining none. This attack by the Boneyir was not
anticipated.
There was no intention of entering the Boneyir Valley, the pass of
which is close to the village of Umbeylah; but this had not been
explained to them. They were doubtless unwilling to allow a force to
enter even the Chumla Valley, the inhabitants of which are closely
connected with them, and the opportunity of attacking the invaders at
a disadvantage, as they thought, was not to be lost by these warlike
mountaineers.
The unexpected hostility of this numerous and warlike tribe,
superadded to the difficulty regarding the baggage, and the delay
now become necessary to bring up additional supplies, entirely
changed the aspect of affairs, and it became apparent that the force
must remain on its present ground for some days at least; orders were
accordingly given to throw up breastworks along the front and flanks.
The front line, which was across the valley or pass, was chiefly
occupied by the European troops; while the flanks, which were on the
hills on each side, were entirely occupied by native troops, until
the 26th.
On the 25th, 100 men under command of Captain Aldridge, and 15
marksmen, were employed in meeting a slight attack made on the
right flank; but no casualty occurred in the 71st. On the 26th, the
marksmen, 1 sergeant and 15 men, were with an equal number of the
101st Royal Bengal Fusiliers ordered up to the left flank, which was
threatened. Shortly afterwards, Major Parker with 150 men of the 71st
proceeded as a further reinforcement. Both these parties obtained
great praise for steadiness and gallantry in this, the most serious
attack that had yet occurred. The marksmen occupied the post called
the Eagle’s Nest, which was several times attacked by the enemy in
great numbers, and with great determination. Many were shot down when
close to the breastwork.
Major Brownlow, 20th Native Infantry commanding the post, made a most
favourable report of the conduct of this small party, and especially
named privates William Clapperton and George Stewart as having
exhibited great gallantry and coolness. These men’s names afterwards
appeared in General Orders, and they were recommended for the “medal
for service in the field.”
The conduct of the party under Major Parker was also eulogised by
Lieut.-Col. Vaughan, who commanded the picquets on the left flank,
and Major Parker’s name was afterwards specially brought to the
notice of the Commander-in-Chief. On this day the casualties were, 1
killed and 5 wounded. Major Parker’s party remained on the heights
during the 26th and 27th, and was relieved on the 28th by equal
numbers of the 101st regiment.
On the 30th the regiment assisted in repulsing a very spirited, but
not well-sustained attack made by the enemy about dawn on the front
line of the picquets in the valley, when 3 men were wounded.
On several days the regiment furnished a strong working party to make
a new road, leading from the right flank to the village of Umbeylah.
On the 6th of November an armed party, under Ensign C.B. Murray, was
ordered out to cover the working party, and about a mile from the
nearest post it soon became evident that the enemy intended to molest
the party. Accordingly, about 11 A.M. a reinforcement of 50 men,
under Captain Mounsey, proceeded to the threatened point. Captain
Mounsey was placed by the commanding officer, Major Harding, at a
point considerably higher than that occupied by Ensign Murray, and
nearer to camp, where he materially assisted in protecting Ensign
Murray’s left flank, which was threatened. Soon after 1 o’clock the
working party was withdrawn. Corresponding orders were, however,
omitted to be sent to Ensign Murray’s party, which consequently
held its ground along with a party of the 20th Native Infantry; and
Captain Mounsey having been ordered to take up a fresh position still
higher up the hill, the party under Ensign Murray, no longer assisted
by the flank fire of the other, could only hold its ground, and was
nearly surrounded.
About 2 P.M. Ensign Murray was killed, and other casualties having
occurred, Major Harding, who had joined soon after, decided on
holding the ground till dark, when he hoped to be able to carry
off the wounded, which could not be done under the enemy’s fire.
Major Harding finally retired without the wounded, but was killed
in the retreat. Captain Mounsey having proceeded to the point to
which he was directed, assisted by parties of the Guide corps and
1st Punjab Infantry, twice charged and drove the enemy off; and,
without casualty to his own party, protected some wounded officers
and men until they could be removed. For this service he was
specially mentioned to the Commander-in-Chief, as was also Lieutenant
Davidson of the Indian army, attached to, and doing duty with the
71st, for gallantry in assisting a wounded officer. In addition to
the above-named officers, sergeant J. B. Adams and 2 privates were
killed, and 5 wounded.
On the 18th of November, at daylight, a change of position was
effected, and the whole force was concentrated on the heights,
which up to that time had been on the right flank. The movement was
completed by 8 o’clock A.M., without molestation, and apparently
without the knowledge of the enemy, who soon afterwards appeared in
great force in the valley and occupied the abandoned position.
An attack on Captain Griffan’s battery, which was supported by
two companies of the 71st, was at first threatened, but the enemy
soon turned his attention to the post occupied by the 14th Native
Infantry, commanded by Major Ross, and which had now become our
advanced post on the left. Repeated attacks were made on this post.
Reinforcements being called for, Captain Smith’s company, 2 officers
and 34 bayonets, was pushed forward about 2 P.M. The enemy was in
great force, and between 5 and 6 P.M. the picquets were obliged to
retire to a second line of breastwork. During its occupation of the
advance line and in the retreat, Captain Smith’s company suffered
severely. The captain himself had his leg broken by a matchlock ball,
and was cut down. Lieutenant Gore Jones of the 79th, who was attached
to the company, was shot in the head. The picquet reformed in the
second line, and were joined by two companies of the 71st under Major
Parker, who resumed command. They were furiously attacked, but after
a severe hand-to-hand struggle repulsed the enemy at all points, and
retained possession of the ground until after nightfall, when the
whole were withdrawn by the brigadier-general, as the occupation of
this point was not considered necessary or advisable. Major Parker
was specially mentioned for this service.
There were killed on this occasion Captain C. F. Smith, Lieutenant
Gore Jones, and 4 privates; the wounded were Sergeant John Hunter and
4 privates.
On the morning of the 19th Captain Aldridge was shot, when returning
from visiting the advance sentries of the Lalloo picquet. Four
companies of the regiment relieved an equal number of the 101st on
the upper picquet, on which the enemy continued firing all day, when
2 privates were wounded.
The 101st took the picquets of the upper camp, and also held the
advanced post known as the Craig picquet. About 3 P.M. the enemy made
a sudden and furious attack in great force on the Craig picquet,
and succeeded in obtaining possession of it. The 71st was at once
ordered to re-take it. This post was situated on the apex of a very
steep and rocky hill, of which the enemy had disputed possession on
several occasions. Supported by a concentrated artillery fire and
by two native corps, the 5th Ghoorkas and the 5th Punjab Infantry,
the regiment, led by Colonel Hope, C.B., soon regained possession,
and the combined force drove the enemy back over the nearest hill. A
heavy flanking fire was maintained on the enemy by the water picquet,
which also suffered some loss. The loss of the regiment was severe.
The post was held that night by 270 of the 71st, under Major Parker,
who also assumed command of the regiment. Brigadier-General Sir N.
Chamberlain was wounded in the attack, and eventually had to resign
command of the force to Major-General Garvock.
His Excellency the Commander in-Chief, Sir Hugh Rose, signified
his entire approval of the gallantry of the regiment and of all
the troops employed on this occasion. Casualties on the 20th of
November 1863,--killed, 6 privates; wounded, Colonel W. Hope, C.B., 2
sergeants, 3 corporals, and 20 privates.
After his repulse with very heavy loss on the 20th, the enemy
refrained from attacking any of our posts until the 15th of December,
during which interval Major-General Garvock took command, and the 7th
Fusiliers and the 93rd Highlanders having arrived, the duty became
less severe. Previous to the arrival of these regiments no soldier in
camp could be said to be off duty day or night. An exchange of posts
from the upper camp to the lower was the only relief, the upper camp
being much more exposed.
On the 15th December, the regiment being on picquet duty, did not
accompany the portion of the force which, under the major-general,
with Brigadiers Turner and Wilde commanding brigades, advanced and
drove the enemy from all its posts in front, and from the village of
Lalloo, but assisted in repulsing a very determined counter attack
made by a strong force on the Craig picquet and upper camp generally.
On the 16th the major-general advanced and again defeated the enemy
at the village of Umbeylah, which with Lalloo was burned. On the
following morning the enemy sent into the major-general’s camp and
tendered submission, which was accepted. A small force was detached
with a strong party of Boneyirs co-operating, to destroy Mulka.
This was done without actual opposition, but this force was very
critically situated for a short time.
The regiment returned to Nowa-Killa, and reached Nowshera on the
30th, whence it marched on the 4th of January 1864, reaching Peshawur
on the 5th.
On the 21st the regiment was inspected by His Excellency, Sir Hugh
Rose, G.C.B., Commander-in-chief, who expressed himself in the most
complimentary manner with reference to the conduct of the regiment in
the late campaign. He called the three men whose names had appeared
in General Orders--privates Malcolm, Clapperton, and Stewart--to the
front, and addressed some words of approval and encouragement to them.
On the 28th of April the regiment was inspected by Major-General
Garvock, who also spoke in high terms of its conduct and discipline.
On the 23rd of October, pursuant to orders from England, the regiment
marched to Calcutta for embarkation. It arrived at Rawul Pindee on
the 30th; and on the 1st of November the half-yearly inspection was
made by Sir John Garvock, G.C.B.
The regiment having been called on to furnish volunteers to regiments
serving in the Bengal Presidency, 200 men volunteered, and were
transferred to other regiments.
On the 9th of November the regiment resumed its march by Lahore,
Umritsur, and Loodiana to Umballa, where it arrived on the 13th of
December; and on the following day was present at a general parade
of the troops in the station, where medals for gallant service
in the field were presented by Major-General Lord George Paget to
Sergeant-Major John Blackwood, and privates Macdonald, Malcolm,
Clapperton, and Stewart, for distinguished conduct in the field. The
Sergeant-Major was also granted a pension of £15 in addition to the
medal.
The regiment arrived at Delhi on the 26th of December; and on the 4th
of January 1865, one wing proceeded by rail to Allahabad, and was
followed next day by the other wing.
On the 21st and 23d the regiment proceeded by rail to Chinsurah,
25 miles from Calcutta, where it remained until it embarked--the
right wing and head-quarters, under the command of Colonel Hope,
on the 4th of February, in the steamship “Mauritius,” and the left
wing, commanded by Major Gore, in the “Albert Victor,” on the 14th
of February. The right wing arrived and disembarked at Plymouth on
the 29th of May, having touched at Madras, the Cape, and Fayal. It
remained at Plymouth until the 7th of June, when it was sent to Leith
in H.M.’s ship “Urgent,” and arrived in Edinburgh on the 12th, where
it occupied the Castle.
The left wing arrived at Gravesend on the 19th of June, where it
landed, and was afterwards taken round to Leith by the “Urgent,” and
joined the head-quarters in Edinburgh Castle on the 25th of June.
The following General and Divisional Orders were published previous
to the regiment quitting India:--
_Extract of Divisional Order by Major-General Sir John Garvock,
K.C.B., commanding Peshawur Division._
“RAWUL PINDEE, _1st November 1864_.
“The 71st Highland Light Infantry being about to leave the Peshawur
Division, _en route_ to England, the Major-General commanding desires
to offer them his best wishes on the occasion.
“He has known the regiment for a number of years. He was very
intimately associated with it in the Mediterranean, and his interest
in it is now naturally increased in no small degree by its having
served under him in the field and done its part, and done it well, in
obtaining for him those honours which Her Majesty has been pleased to
confer.
“The Major-General had not assumed the command of the Yuzufzai Field
Force when the 71st re-captured the Craig Picquet, but he well knows
that it was a most gallant exploit.
“Sir John Garvock, K.C.B., begs Colonel Hope, C.B., and the officers,
non-commissioned officers, and soldiers of the 71st Highland Light
Infantry, to believe that, although they will be soon no longer under
his command, he will continue to take the liveliest interest in their
career; and he now wishes them a speedy and prosperous voyage.”
_General Orders
By His Excellency the Commander-in-chief._
“HEAD-QUARTERS, CALCUTTA,
_27th January 1865_.
“The services of the 71st Highland Light Infantry in India entitle
them, on their departure for England, to honourable mention in
general orders.
“A wing of the regiment on their arrival in India in 1858 joined the
Central India Field Force, and His Excellency is therefore enabled
to bear testimony to the good services which they performed, and the
excellent spirit which they displayed during that campaign.
“The regiment more recently distinguished itself under their
commanding officer, Colonel Hope, C.B., in the late operations on the
frontier.
“Sir Hugh Rose cannot, in justice to military merit, speak of the
71st in a General Order without reverting to an earlier period, when
in two great campaigns in Europe they won a reputation which has
earned them an honoured page in history.
“Sir Hugh Rose’s best wishes attend this distinguished regiment on
their leaving his command for home.
“By order of His Excellency the Commander-in-chief.
“E. HAYTHORN,
“_Colonel, Adjutant-General_.”
The depot companies, commanded by Brevet-Major Lambton, joined the
regiment in Edinburgh, and the establishment of the regiment was
fixed at 12 companies, with 54 sergeants, 31 buglers and pipers, and
700 rank and file.
The autumn inspection was made by Major-General Walker, on the 4th of
October 1865.
“HORSE-GUARDS, _13th February 1866_.
“SIR,
“Referring to your confidential report on the 71st regiment, dated
the 4th of October last, in which you represent that a sword is
worn by the officers which is not regulation, I am directed by the
Field-Marshal Commander-in-chief, to acquaint you that H.R.H. having
seen the sword in question, has no objection to the continuance of
its use, the 71st being a Light Infantry Regiment.
“For levees, &c., the basket hilt should be worn, which, it is
understood, can be made removable, and the cross-bar substituted at
pleasure.
“I have, &c.,
“J. TROWBRIDGE, D.A.G.
“Major-General Walker, C.B.,
“Commanding North Britain.”
In October 1865, during the stay of the regiment in Edinburgh Castle,
it sustained the loss by death of Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel Parker,
on which occasion the following Regimental Order was published by
Colonel Hope:--
“The Commanding Officer regrets to have to announce to the regiment
the demise of Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel Parker, which occurred
this morning at 8 A.M. Colonel Hope feels certain that the
announcement will be received with the deepest regret for the loss
sustained, as well by the regiment, as by Her Majesty’s service
generally. Lieutenant-Colonel Parker has departed after a service
of twenty-three years in the regiment, many of which he passed in
distant countries and in active services against the enemies of his
country. On more than one occasion, and as recently as 1863, his
services in the field met with such approbation from general officers
under whom he served, as to induce them to name him in public
despatches.
“Colonel Hope can only express his opinion that no officer more
faithfully and ably sustained the honour and reputation of the
regiment than did Lieutenant-Colonel Parker, and that none better
merited the honours done him.”
In February 1866, the regiment removed to Aldershot, where the spring
inspection was made on the 2nd of May 1866; and also the autumn
inspection by Brigadier-General Sir Alfred Horsford, K.C.B., who was
pleased to comment highly on the appearance and discipline of the
regiment.
In December the regiment removed to Ireland, and was distributed in
Fermoy, Cork, and Ballincollig; head-quarters being at Fermoy.
On the 27th November 1867, Colonel Hope retired from the command of
the regiment, which he had held for many years, and in which capacity
he had gained alike the esteem and love both of officers and men. His
retirement, which was forced upon him by his continued ill health,
was felt to be an occasion upon which each individual member of
the regiment lost a valued friend as well as a brave commander. On
leaving he issued the following Order:--
“Colonel Hope has this day (18th of November 1867), relinquished
the command of the regiment, which he has held for eight years, and
handed it over to Major Macdonnell, who also will be his successor.
“Having served so many years--in fact, from his boyhood--in the
regiment, and having commanded for the last eight years, he need
hardly say that he quits the 71st with the greatest sorrow and regret.
“It has been his anxious wish at all times to maintain intact the
reputation of the regiment as it was received by him; and this wish
has, he believes, been gratified.
“Since the regiment was embodied, now 90 years ago, in all parts of
the world,--in India, in the Cape of Good Hope, in South America,
in Spain,--the 71st has been equally renowned for conduct and
discipline--in the field before the enemy, during a long peace, and
in quarters at home and abroad. It has also received the approbation
of superior military authorities.
“Since the breaking out of the war with Russia, it has seen service
in the Crimea, and the Indian Mutiny brought it once more to India,
where its early laurels were won.
“In the Central Indian Campaign of 1858, the regiment served under
Sir Hugh Rose, and received commendations from that distinguished
officer (now Lord Strathnairn), as it did with other commanders, with
whom that desultory campaign brought it into contact.
“1863 again saw the regiment in the Yuzufzai Hills, opposed to the
warlike tribes of Central Asia. Colonel Hope can never forget the
devotion of all officers and soldiers in the short but arduous
campaign, nor the handsome terms in which Lord Strathnairn, then
the Commander-in-Chief in India, acknowledged their services on its
termination.
“Colonel Hope is well aware that this short recital of the regimental
history is well known to all the older officers and soldiers, many
of whom took part in the exploits of the 71st during the last twelve
years, but he mentions them now that they may be known and remembered
by the younger members, and with the confident hope that it will
never be forgotten that the 71st has a reputation and a name in the
British army, which must be maintained at all hazards.
[Illustration: Monument erected in Glasgow Cathedral.
WILLIAM BRODIE, R.S.A., Sculptor]
“Colonel Hope now bids farewell to all his comrade officers and
soldiers with every good wish for their prosperity and happiness.”
The command of the regiment now devolved upon Major John Ignatius
Macdonnell, who obtained his promotion to Lieutenant-Colonel by
Colonel Hope’s retirement. He took over the command with the good
wishes and confidence of every one, having served in the regiment
from the date of his first commission, on the 26th of April 1844,
and been with it during the Crimea, Central Indian, and Yuzufzai
campaigns.
The detachment of the regiment at Tralee was inspected by Lord
Strathnairn, Commander of the Forces in Ireland, October 28th, 1867,
and favourably reported upon.
During the stay of the 71st in the south of Ireland, parts of it
were on several occasions called out in aid of the civil authorities
during the Fenian disturbances; and it was held to be greatly to
the credit of the regiment, that during this trying time with the
inhabitants of the south of Ireland in open revolt against Her
Majesty’s authority, there were no complaints of quarrels or other
disturbances between any civilians and soldiers of the 71st.
The establishment of the regiment was increased from the 1st of
April 1868 to the following standard:--12 companies; 1 colonel;
1 lieutenant-colonel; 2 majors; 12 captains; 14 lieutenants; 10
ensigns; 1 paymaster; 1 adjutant; 1 quarter-master; 1 surgeon; 1
assistant-surgeon; 57 sergeants; 31 buglers and pipers; and 800 rank
and file.
On the 22nd of July 1868, the regiment removed from Dublin to the
Curragh, where it remained during summer, employed exclusively in
practising field manœuvring, and in taking part in movements on a
large scale with the rest of the division.
General Lord Strathnairn inspected the regiment before leaving his
command, and expressed his regret at losing it, while he still
further complimented it on its steadiness and good behaviour.
Two depot companies having been formed, they proceeded on the 9th of
October for Aberdeen, to join the 15th depot battalion there.
On the 17th of October the regiment left the Curragh, and embarked
at Dublin on board H.M.S. “Simoom” for Gibraltar, where it arrived
on the 22d, disembarked on the 23d, and encamped under canvas on the
North Front Camping Ground until the 29th, whence it marched into
quarters and was distributed between Europa and Buena Vista Barracks.
On the 13th of March 1870 the regiment sustained the loss by death,
of its Colonel, General the Hon. Charles Grey, on which occasion the
following Order was published by the commanding officer:--
“It is with the deepest regret that the commanding officer has to
announce to the regiment the death of General the Hon. Charles
Grey, Colonel of the 71st Highland Light Infantry. This officer
has peculiar claims on the sympathy of the regiment, from the deep
interest he has always taken in its welfare, and his warm attachment
to a corps in which he served for upwards of ten years. On all
occasions he had exerted his powerful interest to promote every
measure required for the honour of the officers, non-commissioned
officers, and men, and never did he cease to watch with the kindliest
feelings the varied and honourable career in distant lands of his old
regiment, which he had been so proud of commanding in his early life.
“The officers will wear regimental mourning for the period of one
month.”
The vacancy in the colonelcy was filled up by the appointment thereto
of Lieutenant-General Robert Law, K.H., which was notified to the
regiment by the commanding officer in the following terms:--
“The commanding officer has much pleasure in informing the regiment
that Lieutenant-General Robert Law, K.H., has been appointed colonel
of the regiment, as successor to the late General the Honourable
Charles Grey.
“The following account of General Law’s services in the 71st will
sufficiently inform the regiment how much he is entitled to their
respect.”
Lieutenant-General Law served with the 71st Light Infantry on
Sir John Moore’s retreat at the action of Lago and the battle of
Corunna; the expedition to Walcheren, Liége, Ter Verre, and Flushing;
subsequently in Portugal, Spain, and the south of France, from
1810 to 1814; the action of Sobraon; the entering of the lines of
Torres Vedras; the pursuit of Massena through Portugal; the battle
of Fuentes d’Onor, on the 3rd and 5th of May 1811 (where he was
wounded in two places); the covering the two last sieges of Badajos;
the surprise and defeat of Girard’s corps at Arroyo del Molino;
the storming and destruction of the enemy’s tête-du-pont and other
works at Almarez; the defence of the Alba-de-Tormes; the battles
in the Pyrenees, in July 1813, where, on the 30th, the command of
an important post devolved upon him; the attack on Sorauren; the
capture at Elizondo of the convoy of supplies destined for the relief
of Pamplona; the battles of the Nivelle and the Nive; the action at
the Bridge of Cambo; the affair at Hellette, St Palais, Arrizarelle,
and Garris; and the action at Aire. He was employed in command of
an armed boat on night duties; in the affair with picquets on the
river Adour; at the battle of St Pierre near Bayonne, on the 13th of
December 1813; at the battle of Orthes; and the action at Tarbes,
where he was wounded.
In the foregoing services he was long Adjutant of his regiment,
and latterly acted as such to the light battalion of his brigade.
He served also in the campaign of 1815, including the battle of
Waterloo, where he was severely wounded by a cannon shot, which
also killed his horse; he served also three years in the Army of
Occupation in France, and received the war-medal with six clasps, and
was made a K.H.
On the 1st of April the strength of the regiment was reduced to 10
companies (including 2 depot companies), consisting of 34 officers,
49 sergeants, 26 buglers and pipers, and 600 rank and file.
On the 5th of November 1869, the depot moved from Aberdeen to
Fort-George; and on the 1st of April 1870, an order having been
issued for the abolition of depot battalions, they proceeded to join
the head-quarters of the 72d Highlanders at Buttevant, to which
regiment they were attached and joined on the 7th of April 1870. On
the 15th of August the establishment of the rank and file of the
regiment was increased to 650, the other ranks remaining unaltered.
On the 24th of April 1873, the regiment embarked at Gibraltar for
Malta. Previous to embarking, it was inspected by General Sir W. F.
Williams, Bart., G.C.B., who, in his address, after his inspection,
spoke of the appreciation in which the regiment was held by himself,
and by the whole garrison and inhabitants of Gibraltar, for their
soldier-like qualities, their smartness, and steadiness on duty, and
their general good conduct, and added, “I myself personally regret
your approaching departure, and I am certain that feeling is shared
by every one in the place, but I also feel convinced that you will
equally keep up the same good character in your new quarters. I wish
you all health and happiness, and a good passage to your destination.”
Under the new system the 71st Highland Light Infantry has been linked
with the 78th (Ross-shire) Highlanders, forming the 55th Brigade,
head-quarters at Fort-George.
We have much pleasure in being able to present our readers with
authentic steel portraits of two of the most eminent Colonels of
the 71st Highland Light Infantry. That of the first Colonel, John
Lord Macleod, is from the original painting in the possession of
the Duchess of Sutherland, at Tarbat House, Ross-shire; and that of
Sir Thomas Reynell, Bart., from a painting in the possession of Mrs
Reynell Pack, at Avisford House, Arundel, Sussex.
FOOTNOTES:
[392] _Life of Sir David Baird_, vol. i. p. 44.
[393] Cannon’s 71st, p. 16.
[394] In these encounters the regiment suffered little loss. Munro in
his narrative mentions the following case: “I take this opportunity
of commemorating the fall of John Doune Mackay, corporal in Macleod’s
Highlanders, son of Robert Doune, the bard whose singular talent for
the beautiful and extemporaneous composition of Gaelic poetry, was
held in such esteem. This son of the bard had frequently revived the
spirits of his countrymen, when drooping in a long march, by singing
the humorous and lively productions of his father. He was killed by
a cannon shot, and buried with military honours by his comrades the
same evening.”
[395] He died in Spain, in the year 1810.
[396] Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[397] On the 23d of May 1821, His Majesty King George the Fourth was
graciously pleased to authorise the 71st to bear on the regimental
colour and appointments the word “HINDOOSTAN,” in commemoration of
its distinguished services in the several actions in which it had
been engaged, while in India, between the years 1780 and 1797.
[398] Lieut.-General Sir Harry Burrard landed during the action,
but did not assume the command. Lieut.-General Sir Hew Dalrymple
landed on the following day, and took command of the army. The force
under Lieut.-General Sir John Moore was also disembarked during the
negotiation, which subsequently took place, making the British army
amount to 32,000 men.
[399] Cannon’s _History of the 71st Regiment_, p. 73.
[400] _Journal of a Soldier of the 71st._
[401] The bonnet _cocked_ is the pattern cap to which allusion
is made in the above letter. This was in accordance with
Lieutenant-Colonel Pack’s application; and with respect to retaining
the pipes, and dressing the pipers in the Highland garb, he added,
“It cannot be forgotten how these pipes were obtained, and how
constantly the regiment has upheld its title to them. These are the
honourable characteristics which must preserve to future times the
precious remains of the old corps, and of which I feel confident His
Majesty will never have reason to deprive the 71st regiment.”
[402] Cannon’s _History of the 71st Regiment_, pp. 77-79.
[403] _Memorials of the late War_, p. 76.
[404] Thin flat cakes.
[405] _Memorials of the late War_, pp. 87-91.
[406] Cannon’s _History of the 71st Regiment_, p. 85.
[407] _Memorials of the late War_, p. 94.
[408] _Memorials of the late War_, p. 98.
[409] _Memorials of the late War_, p. 113.
[410] _Memorials of the late War_, p. 123.
[411] _Cannon’s History of the 71st Regiment_, p. 104.
[412] _Memorials of the late War_, p. 127.
[413] _Memorials of the late War_, p. 132.
[414] Cannon’s _History of the 71st Regiment_, p. 110.
[415] Colonel the Honourable Henry Cadogan, who was mortally wounded
at Vitoria on the 21st of June 1813.
[416] _Cannon’s History of the 71st Regiment_, pp. 120, 121.
[417] Cannon’s _History of the 71st Regiment_, pp. 122, 123.
ARGYLE HIGHLANDERS,
OR
OLD SEVENTY-FOURTH HIGHLAND REGIMENT.
1778-1783.
Raising of the Regiment--America--Penobscot--Return home--Disbanded.
This regiment was raised by Colonel John Campbell of Barbreck, who
had served as captain and major of Fraser’s Highlanders in the Seven
Years’ War. To him letters of service were granted in December 1777,
and the regiment was completed in May 1778, when it was inspected
at Glasgow by General Skene. The lower orders in Argyleshire, from
their proximity to the sea, being more addicted to the naval than to
the land service, did not embrace the military profession with the
same alacrity as the other Highlanders; and the result was, that only
590 Highlanders entered this regiment. The remainder were Lowlanders
recruited in Glasgow and the western districts of Scotland. With
the exception of 4, all the officers were Highlanders, of whom 3
field-officers, 6 captains, and 14 subalterns, were of the name of
Campbell.
The 74th embarked at Greenock in August 1778, for Halifax, in Nova
Scotia, where they were garrisoned along with the Edinburgh Regiment
(the 80th) and the Duke of Hamilton’s (the 82d), all under the
command of Brigadier-General Francis Maclean. In spring, 1779, the
grenadier company, commanded by Captain Ludovick Colquhoun of Luss,
and the light company by Captain Campbell of Balnabie, were sent
to New York, and joined the army immediately before the siege of
Charlestown.
The battalion companies, with a detachment of the 82d regiment,
under the command of Brigadier-General Maclean, embarked at Halifax
in June of the same year, and took possession of Penobscot. With
the view of establishing himself there, the brigadier proceeded to
erect defences; but before these were completed, a hostile fleet
from Boston, with 2000 troops on board, under Brigadier-General
Lovel, appeared in the bay, and on the 28th of July effected a
landing on a peninsula, where the British were erecting a fort.
The enemy immediately began to erect batteries for a siege; but
their operations met with frequent interruption from parties that
sallied from the fort. Meanwhile General Maclean proceeded with his
works, and not only kept the enemy in complete check, but preserved
the communication with the shipping, which they endeavoured to cut
off. Both parties kept skirmishing till the 13th of August, on the
morning of which day Commodore Sir George Collier entered the bay
with a fleet to relieve the brigadier. The enemy immediately raised
the siege, and retired to their ships, but a part only were able to
escape. The remainder, along with the sailors of some of their ships
which had grounded, formed themselves into a body, and attempted to
penetrate through the woods; but running short of provisions, they
afterwards quarrelled among themselves, and fired on each other till
all their ammunition was spent. After upwards of 60 had been killed
and wounded in this affray, the rest dispersed in the woods, where
numbers perished. In this expedition, the 74th had 2 sergeants and 14
privates killed, and 17 rank and file wounded.
General Maclean returned to Halifax with the detachment of the
82d, leaving Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander Campbell of Monzie with
the 74th at Penobscot, where they remained till the termination
of hostilities, when they embarked for England. They landed at
Portsmouth, whence they marched for Stirling, and, after being joined
by the flank companies, were reduced in the autumn of 1783.
MACDONALD’S HIGHLANDERS,
OR
OLD SEVENTY-SIXTH HIGHLAND REGIMENT.
1777-1784.
Raising of the Regiment--Refusal to embark--America--Made
prisoners--Return home--Disbanded.
Letters of service were granted in December 1777 to Lord Macdonald
to raise a regiment in the Highlands and Isles, of which corps his
lordship was offered the command; but he declined the commission,
and at his recommendation, Major John Macdonell of Lochgarry was
appointed lieutenant-colonel commandant of the regiment. Lord
Macdonald, however, exerted his influence in the formation of the
corps, and as a good selection of officers was made from the families
of the Macdonalds of Glencoe, Morar, Boisdale, and others of his own
clan, and likewise from those of other clans, as Mackinnon, Fraser
of Culduthel, Cameron of Callart, &c., a body of 750 Highlanders was
soon raised. Nearly 200 men were raised in the Lowlands by Captains
Cunningham of Craigends, and Montgomery Cunningham, and Lieutenant
Samuel Graham. These were kept together in two companies, and another
body of men, principally raised in Ireland by Captain Bruce, formed
a third company, all of which were kept perfectly distinct from the
Highlanders. The regiment was inspected at Inverness in March 1778 by
General Skene, and amounted to 1086 men, including non-commissioned
officers and drummers.
The regiment was then quartered in Fort-George, where it remained
twelve months under the command of Major Donaldson, who, from his
long experience, was well calculated to train them properly.
Being removed to Perth in March 1779, the regiment was again reviewed
by General Skene on the 10th, and, being reported complete, was
ordered to march to Burntisland for the purpose of embarking for
America. Shortly after their arrival at Burntisland, numbers of
the Highlanders were observed in parties in earnest conversation
together. The cause of this consultation was soon known. Each
company, on the evening of the third day, gave in a written
statement, complaining of non-performance of promises, of their
bounty-money being withheld, &c., and accompanied by a declaration,
that till their grievances were redressed, they would not embark.
They demanded that Lord Macdonald should be sent for to see justice
done to them. No satisfactory answer having been returned within
the time expected, the Highlanders marched off in a body, and took
possession of a hill above Burntisland. To show that these men had
no other end in view but justice, they refused to allow some young
soldiers, who had joined them in a frolic, to remain with them,
telling them that as they had no ground for complaint, they ought not
to disobey orders.
The Highlanders remained for several days on the hill without
offering the least violence, and sent in parties regularly to the
town for provisions, for which they paid punctually. During this
interval, Major Donaldson, assisted by Lieutenant David Barclay
the paymaster, investigated the claims of the men, and ascertained
that they were well founded, and Lord Macdonald having arrived, his
lordship and the major advanced the money, and paid off every demand
at their own risk. On a subsequent investigation of the individual
claims, when sent to the Isle of Skye, it was ascertained that all,
without exception, were found to be just,[418] a circumstance as
honourable to the claimants as it was disgraceful to those who had
attempted to overreach them.
This disagreeable affair being fortunately settled, the regiment
embarked on the 17th of March; but before their departure, all
the men of Skye and Uist sent the money they had received home to
their families and friends.[419] Major Donaldson being unable to
accompany the regiment on account of the delicate state of his
health, and Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonell having been taken prisoner
on his passage from America, where he had been serving with Fraser’s
Highlanders, the command of the regiment devolved on Major Lord
Berridale.
The transports, with the 76th on board, touched at Portsmouth, and
while lying at Spithead, the regiment was ordered to the relief
of Jersey, which the enemy had attacked; but before reaching the
island the French had been repulsed. They then proceeded on the
voyage, and landed at New York in August. The flank companies were
then attached to the battalion, composed of the flank companies of
the other regiments, and the battalion companies were quartered
between New York and Staten Island. In February 1781, these companies
embarked for Virginia with a detachment of the army, commanded by
Major-General Phillips. The light company, being in the second
battalion of light infantry, also formed a part of the expedition.
Lord Berridale, who had, by the death of his father this year,
become Earl of Caithness, having been severely wounded at the siege
of Charlestown, returned to Scotland, and was succeeded in the
command of the regiment by the Hon. Major Needham, afterwards Earl of
Kilmorey, who had purchased Major Donaldson’s commission.
General Phillips landed at Portsmouth, Virginia, in March, and having
joined the detachment under General Arnold, the united detachments
formed a junction with the army of Lord Cornwallis in May. The
Macdonald Highlanders, on meeting with men who had braved the dangers
of the field, considered themselves as an inferior race, and sighed
for an opportunity of putting themselves on an equality with their
companions in arms, and they did not wait long.
The celebrated Marquis de la Fayette, anxious to distinguish
himself in the cause which he had espoused, determined to attack
Lord Cornwallis’s army, and in pursuance of this intention pushed
forward a strong corps, which forced the British picquets. He then
formed his line, and a warm contest immediately began, the weight
of which, on the side of the British, was sustained by the brigade
of Colonel Thomas Dundas, consisting of the 76th and 80th regiments.
These corps, which were on the left, were drawn up on an open field,
while the right of the line was covered by woods. Coming up in the
rear of the 76th, Lord Cornwallis gave the word to charge, which
being responded to by the Highlanders, they rushed forward with great
impetuosity upon the enemy, who, unable to stand the shock, turned
their backs and fled, leaving their cannon and 300 men, killed and
wounded, behind them.[420]
After the surrender of Lord Cornwallis’s army, the 76th was marched
in detachments as prisoners to different parts of Virginia. During
their confinement, many attempts were made by their emigrant
countrymen, as well as by the Americans, to induce them to join the
cause of American independence; but not one of them could be induced
by any consideration to renounce his allegiance.
The regiment, on its return to Scotland, was disbanded in March 1784
at Stirling Castle.
FOOTNOTES:
[418] Stewart.
[419] Ibid.
[420] “At the moment Lord Cornwallis was giving the orders to charge,
a Highland soldier rushed forward and placed himself in front of his
officer, Lieutenant Simon Macdonald of Morar, afterwards major of
the 92d regiment. Lieutenant Macdonald having asked what brought him
there, the soldier answered, ‘You know that when I engaged to be a
soldier, I promised to be faithful to the king and to you. The French
are coming, and while I stand here, neither bullet nor bayonet shall
touch you, except through my body!’
“Major Macdonald had no particular claim to the generous devotion
of this trusty follower, further than that which never failed to be
binding on the true Highlander,--he was born on his officer’s estate,
where he and his forefathers had been treated with kindness,--he was
descended of the same family (Clanranald),--and when he enlisted
he promised to be a faithful soldier. He was of the branch of the
Clanranald family, whose patronymic is Maceachen, or the sons of
Hector; the same branch of which Marshal Macdonald, Duke of Tarentum,
is descended.”--Stewart.
ATHOLE HIGHLANDERS,
OR
OLD SEVENTY-SEVENTH HIGHLAND REGIMENT.
1778-1783.
Raising of the Regiment--Ireland--Mutiny--Disbanded.
On the application of the young Duke of Athole, government granted
him authority to raise a regiment of 1000 men for the service of the
State, with power to appoint officers. The command of this corps was
given to Colonel James Murray, son of Lord George Murray.
The Athole Highlanders were embodied at Perth, and in June 1778
were marched to Port-Patrick, and embarked for Ireland, where they
remained during the war. They were thus deprived of an opportunity of
distinguishing themselves in the field; but their presence in Ireland
was attended with this advantage, that they supplied the place of
other troops, who would probably have been less exemplary in their
conduct amongst a people whose passions were excited by misgovernment.
The terms on which the men had enlisted were to serve for three
years, or during the war. On the conclusion of hostilities, they,
of course, expected to be disbanded; but instead of this they were
transported to England, and marched to Portsmouth for embarkation
to the East Indies. On the march they were made acquainted with the
intentions of Government; and so far from objecting to a continuance
of their service, they showed no disinclination to embark, and when
they first saw the fleet at Spithead, as they crossed Portsdown-hill,
they pulled off their bonnets, and gave three cheers for a brush
with Hyder Ali. They had scarcely, however, taken up their quarters
at Portsmouth, when the face of matters changed. The minds of the
men, it is said, were wrought upon by emissaries from London,
who represented the unfaithfulness of Government in sending them
abroad after the term of their service had expired. It was even
insinuated that they had been sold to the East India Company at a
certain sum per man, and that the officers were to divide the money
amongst themselves. These base misrepresentations had their intended
effect, and the result was that the soldiers resolved not to embark.
The authority of the officers was despised; and after a scene of
uproar and confusion, which lasted several days, during which the
Highlanders attempted to obtain possession of the main-guard and
garrison parade, the order to embark was countermanded by Government.
One account of this affair, dated at Portsmouth, and published in
February 1783, contains the following details:--“The Duke of Athole,
his uncle, Major-General Murray, and Lord George Lennox, have been
down here, but the Athole Highlanders are still determined not to
go to the East Indies. They have put up their arms and ammunition
into one of the magazines, and placed a very strong guard over them,
whilst the rest of the regiment sleep and refresh themselves. They
come regularly and quietly to the grand parade, very cleanly dressed,
twice a-day, their adjutant and other officers parading with them.
One day it was proposed to turn the great guns of the rampart on
the Highlanders; but this scheme was soon overruled. Another time
it was suggested to send for some marching regiments quartered near
the place, upon which the Highlanders drew up the draw-bridges, and
placed sentinels at them.”
“You may be assured,” says another account, “I have had my
perplexities since the mutiny commenced in the 77th regiment; but
I must do the men the justice to confess, that excepting three or
four drunken fellows, whose impudence to their officers could only
be equalled by their brutality, the whole regiment have conducted
themselves with a regularity that is surprising; for what might not
have been expected from upwards of one thousand men let loose from
all restraint? Matters would never have been carried to the point
they have, but for the interference of some busy people, who love to
be fishing in troubled waters. The men have opened a subscription
for the relief of the widow of the poor invalid,[421] for whose
death they express the greatest regret. On their being informed that
two or three regiments were coming to force them to embark, they
flew to their arms, and followed their comrade leaders through the
town, with a fixed determination to give them battle; but on finding
the report to be false, they returned in the same order to their
quarters. The regiment is not to go to the East Indies contrary to
their instructions, which has satisfied them, but will be attended
with disagreeable consequences to the service; and since the debates
in the House of Commons on the subject, I should not wonder if every
man intended for foreign service refused going, for the reasons then
given, which you may depend on it they are now well acquainted with.”
Mr Eden, afterwards Lord Auckland, secretary for Ireland, in the
Parliamentary debates on the mutiny, bore honourable testimony to the
exemplary conduct of the regiment in Ireland:--“He had happened,” he
said, “to have the 77th regiment immediately under his observation
during sixteen months of their garrison duty in Dublin, and though
it was not the most agreeable duty in the service, he must say that
their conduct was most exemplary. Their officers were not only men
of gentlemanly character, but peculiarly attentive to regimental
discipline. He having once, upon the sudden alarm of invasion, sent
an order for the immediate march of this regiment to Cork, they
showed their alacrity by marching at an hour’s notice, and completed
their march with a despatch beyond any instance in modern times, and
this too without leaving a single soldier behind.”
This unfair and unworthy attempt on the part of Government created
a just distrust of its integrity, and had a most pernicious effect
on its subsequent endeavours to raise men in the Highlands. Alluding
to this unfortunate affair, General Stewart observes, that “if
Government had offered a small bounty when the Athole Highlanders
were required to embark, there can be little doubt they would have
obeyed their orders, and embarked as cheerfully as they marched into
Portsmouth.”
The fault resting entirely with Government, it wisely abstained from
pushing matters further by bringing any of the men to trial. The
regiment was immediately marched to Berwick, where it was disbanded
in April 1783, in terms of the original agreement.
FOOTNOTE:
[421] He was killed when the Highlanders made the attempt to take
possession of the main-guard and garrison parade.
SEAFORTH’S HIGHLANDERS,
FORMERLY
THE SEVENTY-EIGHTH,
NOW
THE SEVENTY-SECOND REGIMENT, OR DUKE OF ALBANY’S OWN HIGHLANDERS.
I.
1778-1858.
Raising the Regiment--First Officers--Disaffection at Leith--“The
affair of the Macraes”--Embarkation for India--Death of Lord
Seaforth--Effects of scurvy--Joining Sir Eyre Coote’s army--Joining
Major-General James Stuart’s army--Led by Colonel Fullarton
against Tippoo Sahib--Palghatcherri--Number of the Regiment
changed to 72nd--Recruiting--War with Tippoo Sahib--Stuart’s
dilemma--Palghatcheri--Ordered home--Fort Dindigal--Stuart takes
Palghatcheri--Lord Cornwallis--Bangalore--Ootradroog--Forlorn
hope of Sergeant Williams--Valour of the 72nd--Siege of
Seringapatam--Storming of Savendroog--Ootradroog--Sailing for
India--The Mauritius--Landing at the Cape of Good Hope--Arrival at
Calcutta--Lands again at Cape Town--Captain Gethin’s death--Return
home--Permitted to assume the name of the Duke of Albany’s Own
Highlanders--The Cape of Good Hope again--Graham’s Town--The Kaffir
War in 1835--The Governor-General at the camp--The Kaffirs attack
the Fingoes--End of the Kaffir War--Permitted to add “Cape of Good
Hope” to the colours--At Graham’s Town--At Cape Town--Home.
[Illustration: _The late Duke of York’s Cipher and Coronet._
HINDOOSTAN.
CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.
SEVASTOPOL.
CENTRAL INDIA.]
Kenneth Mackenzie, grandson of the Earl of Seaforth, whose estate and
title were forfeited in consequence of his concern in the rebellion
of 1715, having purchased the family property from the Crown, was
created an Irish peer, by the title of Lord Viscount Fortrose. In
the year 1771, Government restored to him the family title of Earl
of Seaforth. To evince his gratitude for this magnanimous act, the
Earl, in the year 1778, offered to raise a regiment on his estate for
general service. This offer being accepted by his Majesty, a corps
of 1130 men was speedily raised, principally by gentlemen of the name
of Mackenzie, his lordship’s clan.
Of these about 900 were Highlanders, 500 of whom were raised upon
Lord Seaforth’s own estate, and the remainder upon the estates of the
Mackenzies of Scatwell, Kilcoy, Applecross, and Redcastle, all of
whom had sons or brothers in the regiment. The remainder were raised
in the Lowlands, of whom 43 were English and Irish.
The following is the first list of officers:--
_Lieut.-Col.-Commandant_--Kenneth,
Earl of Seaforth.
_Major_--James Stuart (from Capt. 64th Regt.)
_Captains._
T. F. M. Humberston.
Robert Lumsdaine.
Peter Agnew.
Kenneth Mackenzie.[422]
George Mackenzie.
Hugh Frazer.
Hon. Thos. Maitland.
Charles Halkett.[423]
_Captain Lieutenant_--Thomas Frazer.
_Lieutenants._
Donald Moody.
William Sutherland.
Colin Mackenzie.
Kenneth Mackenzie.
Patrick Haggard.
Thomas Mackenzie.
George Innes.
Charles M’Gregor.
David Melville.
George Gordon.
James Gualie.
George Mackenzie.
Charles Gladoning.
William Sinclair.
Charles Mackenzie.
John Campbell.
James Stewart.
Robert Marshall.
Philip Anstruther.
Kenneth Macrae.
John M’Innes.
_Ensigns._
James Stewart.
James Finney.
Aulay M’Aulay.
Malcolm M’Pherson.
Robert Gordon.
John Mitchell.
Ewen M’Lennan.
George Gordon.
_Staff._
_Chaplain._--Wm. Mackenzie.
_Surgeon._--John Walters.
_Adjutant._--James Finney.
_Quarter-master._--George Gunn.
The regiment was embodied at Elgin, in May 1778, and was inspected
by General Skene, when it was found so effective that not one man
was rejected. In the month of August the regiment marched to Leith
for embarkation to the East Indies; but they had not been quartered
long in that town when symptoms of disaffection began to appear among
them. They complained of an infringement of their engagements, and
that part of their pay and bounty was in arrear. Being wrought upon
by some emissaries, the men refused to embark, and, marching out of
Leith with pipes playing, and two plaids fixed on poles instead
of colours, they took up a position in the immediate vicinity of
Edinburgh on Arthur’s Seat, on which they remained several days.
During this time they were amply supplied with provisions and
ammunition by the inhabitants of the capital, who had espoused
their quarrel. The causes of complaint having been inquired into,
after much negotiation, in which the Earls of Dunmore and Seaforth,
Sir James Grant of Grant, and other gentlemen connected with the
Highlands, took an active and prominent part, the grievances were
removed, and the soldiers being satisfied, marched down the hill with
pipes playing, with the Earls of Seaforth and Dunmore, and General
Skene at their head, and returned to their quarters at Leith. From
the great number of the clan Macrae that were in the regiment, the
mutiny was called “The affair of the Macraes.”
At Leith the regiment embarked with the greatest cheerfulness,
accompanied by their colonel, the Earl of Seaforth. The intention of
sending them to India being for the present abandoned, one half of
the regiment was sent to Guernsey, and the other to Jersey. At the
end of April 1781, however, both divisions assembled at Portsmouth,
where, on the 12th of June, they embarked for the East Indies, being
then 973 strong, rank and file. Though the men were all in excellent
health, they suffered so severely from the effects of the voyage and
the change of food, that before reaching Madras on the 2nd of April
1782, 247 of them had died of scurvy, and out of all that landed,
only 369 were fit to carry arms. The death of Seaforth, their chief,
who expired before the regiment reached St Helena, threw a damp over
the spirits of the men, and it is said to have materially contributed
to that prostration of mind which made them more readily the victims
of disease.
As the service was pressing, such of the men as were able to march
were immediately sent up the country under Major James Stuart; but
many of them being still weak from the effects of scurvy, suffered
greatly on the march. The men were sinewy and robust, and such as had
escaped the scurvy were greatly injured by the violence of the sun’s
beams, the effects of which were not so injurious to men of more
slender habits. They joined the army of Sir Eyre Coote at Chingleput
in the beginning of May; but he found them so unfit for service that
he ordered the corps into quarters, and put the few who remained
healthy into the 73rd or Macleod’s Highlanders, the only European
corps then with the army.
The men gradually recovered, and in the month of October upwards
of 600 were fit for duty. The colours of the regiment were again
unfolded, and in April 1783 they joined the army destined to attack
Cuddalore, under Major-General James Stuart (of the family of
Torrance).
On the 25th of June, the enemy made a sally on the British lines, but
were repulsed at every point, losing 150 men in killed and prisoners,
including among the latter the Chevalier Dumas.
Notwithstanding the termination of hostilities with France in
January 1783, the war with Tippoo Sahib was continued. Colonel
Fullarton, who had marched on Cuddalore, finding he was no longer
needed in that quarter, retraced his steps southward, reinforced by
Seaforth’s Highlanders and other troops, thus augmenting his force
to upwards of 13,000 men. This army was employed several months in
keeping down some turbulent chiefs; and in October Colonel Fullarton
marched on Palghatcherri, after securing some intermediate forts.
Lieutenant-Colonel Humberston Mackenzie, of the 100th regiment, who
succeeded about this time to the command of the 78th, in consequence
of the death of his cousin, the Earl of Seaforth, as well as to his
title and estates, had intended to attack this place the preceding
year, but he abandoned the attempt. After a fatiguing march through
thick woods and a broken country, Colonel Fullarton reached the place
early in November, and immediately laid siege to it. The garrison
might have made a long and vigorous defence; but an event occurred
which hastened the fall of Palghatcherri. The enemy having taken
shelter from a shower of rain, the Hon. Captain Sir Thomas Maitland
advanced unperceived with his flank corps, and drove the enemy
through the first gateway, which he entered; but his progress was
checked at the second, which was shut. Being immediately reinforced,
he prepared to force an entrance; but the enemy, afraid of an
assault, immediately surrendered.
On the 30th of April this year the regiment lost their new colonel,
who died of wounds received on board the “Ranger” sloop of war on the
7th of April 1783, in an action with a Mahratta fleet while on his
return from Bombay. He was succeeded in the command of the regiment
by Major-General James Murray, from the half-pay of the 77th regiment.
In consequence of the peace, Seaforth’s regiment having been
raised on the condition of serving for three years, or during the
war,--those of the men that adhered to this agreement were allowed
to embark for England; while those that preferred staying in the
country received the same bounty as other volunteers. The number of
men who claimed their discharge on the 10th of August 1784 reduced
the regiment to 425 rank and file; but so many men volunteered into
the corps from the different regiments ordered home (among whom was a
considerable number of Highlanders who had formerly enlisted into the
100th Regiment with Colonel Humberston Mackenzie), that the strength
was at once augmented to 700 men. At the end of the next year the
regiment received 423 men from various regiments.
On the 12th of September 1786 the number of the regiment was changed
to the 72nd, in consequence of the reduction of senior regiments.
On the 25th of December 1787 the establishment was reduced to the
following numbers:--1 captain, 1 lieutenant-colonel and captain, 1
major and captain, 7 captains, 22 lieutenants, 8 ensigns, 1 chaplain,
1 adjutant, 1 quartermaster, 1 surgeon, 2 mates, 30 sergeants,
40 corporals, 20 drummers, 2 fifers, 710 privates, including 40
contingent men.
It was soon found necessary, however, again to increase the strength
of the regiment, and recruiting was carried on with success. A
considerable detachment joined on the 18th of August 1789; so that
in the following year, when war commenced with Tippoo, the 72nd
was nearly 800 strong, while the men were healthy, seasoned to the
climate, well-disciplined, and highly respectable in their moral
conduct. In this highly-efficient state they formed part of the army
under Major-General Meadows on the 23rd of July 1790.
The first service of the 72nd was under Colonel Stuart, being ordered
along with other troops to attack Palghatcheri, which on a former
occasion had been the scene of success to a corps now destined to
sustain a disappointment. The detachment being overtaken by the rains
which fell in almost unprecedented abundance, Colonel Stuart got so
beset with the mountain streams that, for a short time, he could
neither proceed nor retire; and when the waters abated he returned
to headquarters. In this enterprise the 78th had Captain George
Mackenzie and 23 rank and file killed, and 3 sergeants and 44 rank
and file wounded.
After a short rest, the same officer, with the same troops under
his command, was detached against Dindigul, before which he arrived
on the 16th of August 1790. This is one of those granite rocks so
common in that part of India. The fort on the summit had lately
been repaired, and mounted with 14 guns, the precipice allowing of
only one point of ascent. The means of attack, both in guns and
ammunition, were very deficient. A small breach, however, was made
on the 20th; and Colonel Stuart resolved to assault, small as the
breach was, judging that more loss would be sustained by delay than
by an immediate attack, since, in addition to other difficulties, he
was short of ammunition. Accordingly, on the evening of the 21st of
August, the attack was made. The defences were unusually complete,
and the resistance more determined than had been experienced on any
former occasion. Every man that reached the summit of the breach was
met and forced down by triple rows of spikes from the interior of
the rampart. After a bold but fruitless effort, they were repulsed
with loss. But the enemy was so intimidated, and dreaded so much
the consequence of a second and perhaps successful attack, that
he surrendered next morning, ignorant of their opponent’s want of
ammunition, the real cause of the premature attack.
Colonel Stuart again proceeded against Palghatcherri, and on the 21st
of September opened two batteries within five hundred yards of the
place; and though the fortification had been greatly strengthened
since the time the place was taken by Colonel Fullarton, he
succeeded the same day in making a practicable breach. Preparations
were made for an assault the following morning; but before daylight
the enemy offered to surrender on terms which were acceded to.
Leaving a garrison in the place, Colonel Stuart joined the army in
the neighbourhood of Coimbatore on the 15th of October, after which
the regiment followed all the movements of the army till the 29th of
January 1791, when Lord Cornwallis arrived and assumed the command.
The 72nd was engaged along with the 71st in the second attack on
Bangalore, the first attack on Seringapatam, and the attack on
Savendroog and Ootradroog. On the evening of March 7, 1791, the
pettah of Bangalore was stormed, and the siege of the town was
immediately commenced. During the night, the 72nd Highlanders were
posted under the outer pettah wall, close to the gate. “The enemy
kept up a sharp fire; their shots, which were many of them thirty-two
pounders, came very close to the regiment, making a great rattling
in the trees and bamboo hedge, near the line; but no casualties
occurred.”[424]
At four o’clock on the afternoon of the 20th of March, six companies
of the regiment marched into the trenches; and on the evening of the
following day the regiment was ordered to prepare to take part in
storming the fortress. The grenadier company was to join the storming
party appointed to advance by the left approach; the light company,
that by the right approach; and the battalion companies were formed
on the right of the parallel, to support the grenadiers. Three of the
72nd grenadiers joined the forlorn hope under Sergeant Williams of
the 76th regiment. Lieutenant Campbell states in his Journal:--“The
storming party primed and loaded, and sat down on their arms. Our
batteries, both gun and mortar, kept firing frequently during the
evening. At a quarter before eleven we got into motion; an opening
was made in the centre of the second parallel; the signal for
storming was given--three guns in quick succession--and out we
rushed. The covered way instantly appeared as a sheet of fire,
seconded from the fort, but with no aim or effect; our batteries
answered with blank cartridge; and we were in the covered way in a
moment, and on the breach as quick as thought. I pushed on, carried
forward by a powerful impulse, and found myself at the top of the
breach with the front files. The grenadiers immediately turned off
to the right with a huzza; their progress was suddenly stopped by an
opening; the fort was hung with blue lights; a heavy fire was opened
upon us, but with little effect; the difficulty was overcome, and
our troops ascended the ladders with every possible expedition. The
grandest and most striking sight I ever beheld was the rushing up of
the troops to the top of the breach, and the ascent of the grenadiers
in crowds by the scaling-ladders. We now heard the grenadiers’ march
beating in every quarter; our soldiers shouted with joy, and we
swept round the ramparts, with scarce anything to oppose us. Every
enemy that appeared had a bayonet in him instantly. The regiments
that supported us came in by the gateway, and cleared the town
below, where numbers were killed. In two hours we were in thorough
possession of the fort, and Lieutenant Duncan, of the 71st regiment,
pulled down the flag and put his own sash in its place. The Union
flag was afterwards hoisted, and the troops gave three cheers.”
On this occasion the regiment had 6 rank and file killed, and 1
sergeant and 23 rank and file wounded. In the orders issued on the
following day by Lord Cornwallis, the following passage occurs:--
“The conduct of all the regiments which happened, in their tour, to
be on duty that evening did credit in every respect to their spirit
and discipline; but his Lordship desires to offer the tribute of his
particular and warmest praise to the European grenadiers and light
infantry of the army, and to the 36th, 72nd, and 76th regiments, who
led the attack and carried the fortress, and who by their behaviour
on that occasion furnished a conspicuous proof that discipline and
valour in soldiers, when directed by zeal and capacity in officers,
are irresistible.
“Lieut.-Colonel Stuart (72nd Regiment) may be assured that Lord
Cornwallis will ever retain the most grateful remembrance of the
valuable and steady support which that officer afforded him, by his
military experience and constant exertions to promote the public
service.”
The army advanced to the siege of Seringapatam on the 4th of May, and
on the 15th as it approached the place, the Sultan’s position was
attacked by the 72nd, with other regiments. The enemy was driven from
every post, and towards the close of the action the 72nd ascended an
eminence and captured a round redoubt. The regiment had about 20 men
killed and wounded, among the latter being Captain Braithwaite and
Lieutenant Whitlie. The army, nearly all its provisions and other
stores being exhausted, retreated to the vicinity of Bangalore.
On the morning of the 21st of December the 72nd took part in the
storm of the strong fortress of Savendroog. The right attack was made
by the light companies of the 71st and 72nd, supported by a battalion
company of the 72nd; the left attack by the two flank companies
of the 76th and grenadier company of the 52nd; the centre attack
under Major Fraser of the 72nd, by the grenadiers and two battalion
companies of the 72nd, two companies of the 52nd, the grenadiers
of the 71st, and four companies of sepoys, supported by the sixth
battalion of sepoys; the whole under Lieut.-Colonel Nisbitt, of the
52nd regiment. The storming-parties proceeded to their stations;
the band of the 52nd took post near them, and suddenly striking up
the tune _Britons, strike home_, the whole rushed forward with the
most heroic ardour. The Mysoreans made a feeble defence, and in less
than two hours the British were in possession of the fort, with the
trifling loss of five men wounded. The troops were thanked in General
Orders, for their very gallant conduct.
Two days afterwards the troops advanced against Ootradroog. On
the 24th, two battalion companies of the 52nd and 72nd regiments,
supported by the 26th sepoys, attacked the pettah by escalade, and
were speedily in possession of the town. “Lieutenant M’Innes, senior
officer of the two 72nd companies, applied to Captain Scott for
liberty to follow the fugitives up the rock, saying he should be
in time to enter the first gateway with them. The captain thought
the enterprise impracticable. The soldiers of M’Innes’s company
heard the request made, and not doubting of consent being given, had
rushed towards the first wall, and were followed by M’Innes. The gate
was shut: but Lieutenant M’Pherson arrived with the pioneers and
ladders, which were instantly applied, and our people were within
the wall as quick as thought, when the gate was unbolted, and the
two companies entered. The enemy, astonished at so unexpected an
attempt, retreated with precipitation. M’Innes advanced to the second
wall, the men forced open the gate with their shoulders, and not a
moment was lost in pushing forward for the third wall; but the road,
leading between two rocks, was so narrow that only two could advance
abreast; the pathway was, in consequence, soon choked up, and those
who carried the ladders were unable to proceed. At the same time, the
enemy commenced throwing huge stones in numbers upon the assailants,
who commenced a sharp fire of musketry, and Lieut.-Colonel Stuart,
who had observed from a distance this astonishing enterprise, sent
orders for the grenadiers not to attempt anything further. Lieutenant
M’Pherson forced his way through the crowd, causing the ladders to
be handed over the soldiers’ heads, from one to another, and before
the colonel’s orders could be delivered, the gallant Highlanders were
crowding over the third gateway. The enemy fled on all hands; the
foremost of our men pursued them closely, and gained the two last
walls without opposition--there were five walls to escalade. The
garrison escaped by the south-east side of the fort, over rocks and
precipices of immense depth and ruggedness, where many must have lost
their lives. By one o’clock, our two companies were in possession
of every part of the fort, and M’Innes had planted the colours on
the highest pinnacle, without the loss of a single man. The Kiledar
and two of his people were taken alive. Colonel Stuart declared the
business to be brilliant and successful, beyond his most sanguine
hopes.”[425] Thus was the important fortress of Outra-Durgum captured
by two companies of Highlanders (Major Petrie’s, and Captain Hon.
William M. Maitland’s) of the 72nd regiment; the officers with the
two companies were Lieutenants M’Innes, Robert Gordon, ---- Getty,
and Ensign Andrew Coghlan. Lieutenant M’Pherson conducted the
pioneers. They all were thanked in General Orders by Earl Cornwallis,
who expressed his admiration of the gallantry and steadiness of the
officers and soldiers engaged in this service.
The rainy season being over, it was resolved to make a second attack
on Seringapatam, to which place the army marched in the beginning
of February 1792. The sultan had taken up a formidable position to
cover his capital, and was attacked during the night of the 6th
of February. The regiment formed part of the left division under
Lieutenant-Colonel Maxwell, which advanced to the attack in the
following order:--Grenadier Company, 72nd; Light Company, 72nd, with
scaling ladders; pioneers; 23rd Native Infantry; 72nd regiment; 1st
and 6th Native Infantry. The share taken by the 72nd in the attack
on the place we shall give in the words of the journal of Lieutenant
Campbell of the 72nd, quoted several times already:--
“We (the 72nd) moved from the left along the north side of the ridge
of hills extending from the Carrighaut pagoda to the Cappalair
rocks; by ten at night we found ourselves near the base of the hill,
where the officers were directed to dismount. When we were about two
hundred yards from the lower entrenchment, our grenadiers filed off
from the right with trailed arms, a serjeant and twelve men forming
the forlorn hope. When about fifty yards from the works, the sentinel
challenged us, and instantly fired his piece, which was followed by
a scattered fire from the rest of their party. We rushed among them,
and those who did not save themselves by immediate flight were shot
or bayoneted. The greatest number of them ran down to the Carriagat
pagoda, where they made a stand, and kept up a smart fire until we
were almost close to them; then retired under our fire to the foot
of the hill, where they were joined by a strong body from the plain,
and made a stand at a small choultry (or caravanserai), from which
a flight of steps led to the bridge across the nulla. By this time
the general attack on the enemy’s lines had commenced, and there
was an almost connected sheet of fire from right to left--musketry,
guns, and rockets rending the air with their contending noise. We
sat upon the brow of the hill a few minutes, while our men were
recovering their breath, and had a commanding prospect of the whole
attack, though nearly three miles in extent, as we contemplated the
scene before us, the grandest, I suppose, that any person there had
beheld. Being rested a little, Colonel Maxwell led us down the hill
under a smart fire. We rushed forward and drove the enemy across the
nulla in great haste, although they stood our approach wonderfully.
We crossed the bridge under a constant fire, the enemy retreating
as we advanced; we crossed the Lokany river, the opposite bank
of which was well covered by a _bound-hedge_, and their fire did
execution. A serjeant of grenadiers was killed, Captain Mackenzie
mortally wounded, Major Fraser and Captain Maitland shot through
their right arms, besides other casualties. After we had penetrated
the _bound-hedge_, the enemy took post behind an extensive choultry;
but nothing could stop the ardour of our men: we charged without
loss of time, and soon dislodged the enemy, who retreated along the
banks of the Cavery to a second choultry, where their numbers were
reinforced. We had now got into their camp, upon the right flank of
their lines; they retreated steadily before us, and our fire and
bayonets did great execution among them, the road being strewed with
their bodies. We charged and dislodged them from the second choultry;
here Lieutenant M’Pherson of the grenadiers was wounded. We pursued
the enemy to a large pagoda; they attempted to cross the river, but
the place was so crowded with guns, tumbrils, bullocks, elephants,
camels, followers, and Heaven knows what, that we were in the midst
of them before they could escape, and for some minutes there was
nothing but shooting and bayoneting. Colonel Maxwell came up with
the 23rd Native Infantry; the sepoys of the 14th native battalions
advanced; they took us for the enemy, and fired, but their officers
suppressed the fire before much injury was done. The 71st regiment
also joined us, and preparations were made to cross the river and
force the lines on the opposite side. Colonel Baird requested me to
lead with twenty men; I instantly rushed into the stream, followed
by twenty grenadiers of the 72nd regiment; we pushed on through
holes, over rocks and stones, falling and stumbling at every step,
the enemy’s shot reducing our numbers; and myself, with about half a
dozen grenadiers, arrived at a smooth part of the stream which proved
beyond our depth; five of us, however, got over; but the regiments
did not venture to follow and we returned with difficulty. An easy
passage had been found out lower down; the 71st and 72nd regiments
had got into the island; the flank companies of the 52nd, 71st, and
74th regiments forded higher up, and the enemy, seeing our troops on
all sides of them, betook themselves to flight.
[Illustration: From a Painting by Sir Thomas Lawrence.
General James Stuart, who died in 1815, after 54 years’ service.]
“About one o’clock in the morning the 71st and 72nd regiments
advanced to the pettah, from which the inhabitants had fled, and
we released a number of Europeans from prison. About seven o’clock
the 72nd marched into the famous _Llal Baugh_, or, as I heard it
translated, ‘_garden of pearls_,’ and were posted in one of the walks
during the day.”
The loss of the regiment in this brilliant victory over Tippoo Sahib
was Captain Thomas Mackenzie and 14 men killed; Major Hugh Fraser,
Captain the Honourable William Maitland, Lieutenants M’Pherson and
Ward, 1 serjeant, and 42 men wounded. This victory was the means of
inducing the Sultan Tippoo to sue for peace, which he obtained on
ceding half of his dominions, and paying £3,500,000, part of which
was given as a gratuity to the troops, along with six months’ batta
or field allowance.
The 72nd returned to Wallahabad, where it remained till 1795, with
a brief absence in August 1793, when it took part in an expedition
against the French settlement of Pondicherry on the Coromandel
coast.[426] The 72nd performed trench and other duty, and had only
two men killed.
On the death of General Murray, the colonelcy of the regiment was
conferred on Major-General Adam Williamson, March 19, 1794.
In 1795, the 72nd under their old commander-colonel, Major-General
James Stuart, took part in the expedition against the Dutch
settlements of Ceylon, where the regiment remained from August 1795
till March 1797, taking part in various operations with but little
loss of men. At the siege of Trincomalee, the 72nd had Ensign Benson,
2 serjeants, and 7 rank and file wounded. Major Fraser, who was
promoted to the lieutenant-colonelcy of the regiment in September
1793, was detached against the fort of Batticaloa, which surrendered
to him on the 18th of that month.
The 72nd was removed to Pondicherry preparatory to embarking for
England in March 1797, previous to which the men who were fit for
service were drafted into corps remaining in India. The skeleton of
the regiment embarked at Madras on the 10th of February 1798, and on
arriving in England, it was ordered to Perth, which it reached in
August that year. For its distinguished services in India, it was
authorised to bear “Hindoostan” on its colours.
In October of the same year, Major-General James Stuart succeeded
General Adam Williamson as colonel.[427] Lieutenant-Colonel Fraser
died in May 1801; he was loved and respected by the regiment, with
which he had been in many a hard-fought field. Some high ground near
Seringapatam, the scene of his gallantry, was named “Fraser’s Hill.”
He bequeathed £500 to the officers’ mess, to be appropriated in such
a manner as should best commemorate his attachment to the corps and
his esteem for the officers.
In 1804, when a French invasion was feared, a second battalion
was added to the regiment, formed of men raised in Aberdeen for
limited service, under the “Limited Service Act.” It was embodied at
Peterhead, and remained in Scotland for some time.
In 1805 the 72nd, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Colquhoun Grant,
embarked with the secret expedition under Major-General Sir David
Baird, which sailed in August for the Cape of Good Hope, then
possessed by the Dutch. The expedition anchored in Table Bay on the
4th of January 1806; and on the morning of the 6th, the Highland
brigade, composed of the 71st, 72nd, and 93rd regiments, effected a
landing, the light companies of the two former regiments driving the
Dutch sharpshooters from the contiguous heights.[428] After gaining a
complete victory, and pursuing the enemy three miles under a burning
sun, the Highlanders were ordered to halt, and the first brigade
continued the pursuit.[429] In Sir David Baird’s despatch, he spoke
as follows of the Highland brigade and of the 72nd:--
“The Highland brigade advanced steadily under a heavy fire
of round shot, grape, and musketry. Nothing could resist the
determined bravery of the troops, headed by their gallant leader,
Brigadier-General Ferguson; and the number of the enemy, who swarmed
the plain, served only to augment their ardour and confirm their
discipline. The enemy received our fire and maintained his position
obstinately; but in the moment of charging, the valour of British
troops bore down all opposition, and forced him to a precipitate
retreat.
“Your lordship will perceive the name of Lieutenant-Colonel Grant
among the wounded; but the heroic spirit of this officer was not
subdued by his misfortune, and he continued to lead his men to glory,
as long as an enemy was opposed to His Majesty’s 72nd regiment.”
The regiment lost 2 rank and file killed; Lieutenant-Colonel Grant,
Lieutenant Alexander Chisholm, 2 sergeants, and 34 rank and file
wounded.
[Music: CABAR FEIDH;
OR,
GATHERING OF THE 72nd HIGHLANDERS.
ARRANGED FOR THE BAGPIPES.]
On the 10th of January, the regiment marched to Wineberg barracks;
and on the 11th, Lieutenant M’Arthur of the 72nd was detached with
thirty men of the regiment, to take possession of Hout’s Bay. “After
Lieutenant M’Arthur’s departure, it was ascertained that the enemy
had a strong garrison at Hout’s Bay, and Major Tucker of the 72nd
was sent after him on horseback, to detain him until a reinforcement
should arrive; but the lieutenant had reached the vicinity of the
place with much expedition, and finding how matters stood, showed
his men rank entire, and only partially, but to the most advantage.
Having procured pen, ink, and paper, he summoned the garrison to
unconditional surrender, otherwise he would blow the place about
their ears, assault the works, and give no quarter. The Dutch
immediately surrendered at discretion, and when the major arrived, he
found Lieutenant M’Arthur in full possession of the works, consisting
of a strong block-house and two batteries.”[430]
The 72nd remained about the Cape till 1810, when it embarked 800 men
to take part with troops from India in the capture of Mauritius.
Having on the 3rd of December arrived well to windward of the Isle
of France, it was ascertained that the Indian army had landed
the previous morning at Point Cannonnière, and was menacing the
enemy’s position. The transports carrying the Cape brigade were in
consequence ordered to proceed to the mouth of Port Louis Harbour,
where the 72nd was held in momentary readiness to land in the rear
of the enemy’s lines, should he have attempted to defend them. The
French captain-general, who affected to despise the Indian Sepoys,
against whom he had declared he would defend himself, was by this
movement afforded the opportunity of seeing that the Cape brigade was
absolutely present and threatening to land. This circumstance, to use
his own words, “determined the immediate surrender of the Mauritius.”
Accordingly, on the 5th of December 1810, the regiment landed and
remained on that island, taking its tour of the detachment and
garrison duties during upwards of three years, during which period
it obtained the respect and approbation of the inhabitants in a very
eminent degree; and the universal regret expressed by the latter on
the departure of the corps was in terms that would leave no doubt of
its sincerity.
In 1809 King George III. approved of the regiment discontinuing
to wear the Highland costume, which, however, was restored to it
in 1823, with the exception of the kilt, for which the trews were
substituted. In September 1811 the strength of the first battalion
was augmented to 1000 rank and file, and was completed by drafts from
the 2nd battalion, then in Ireland.
In April 1815, Lieutenant-General Rowland, Lord Hill, was appointed
colonel of the 72nd in room of the deceased General Stuart; and Lord
Hill was succeeded, in February 1817, by Major-General Sir George
Murray.
The regiment remained at the Cape till June 1815, when it embarked
for India, bearing on its colours “Cape of Good Hope” for its eminent
services in South Africa. The destination of the regiment was India;
but when it arrived there in September 1814, the war against the
Rajah of Nepaul had terminated, and it was ordered back to the
Cape, landing at Cape Town in March 1816. The war in Europe having
terminated, the second battalion of the regiment was disbanded at
Londonderry, the men either volunteering into incomplete regiments or
receiving their discharge.
In June 1817 four companies of the regiment removed to Graham’s Town
to relieve the 21st Light Dragoons. These companies were distributed
along the Great Fish River, to carry on a line of posts intended to
defend the frontiers against the depredations of the warlike tribes
of Kaffirs, that were continually committing acts of hostility and
aggression. Notwithstanding the arduous and toilsome nature of their
duties, and their frequent exposure to the inclement weather, the men
of the 72nd remained remarkably healthy.
On the 3rd of February 1819, the regiment had to regret the loss of
Captain Gethin, who, with one sergeant and a private, was killed near
the post of De Bruin’s Drift, on an excursion against the Kaffirs.
It appears those savages had entered the colony and taken off some
cattle belonging to a boor in the neighbourhood of Gethin’s post. On
the circumstance being reported, he instantly set out with a patrol
in pursuit, and, coming upon their traces, pushed forward in advance
with some of the men and boors, who were mounted, and came up with
the cattle in a thick part of the bush. Depending on the support
of the boors, who were well armed, in the event of an attack, he,
with the few men that had accompanied him, fearlessly entered, and
was proceeding to drive the cattle out, when they were attacked and
surrounded by the Kaffirs; and though the cowardly boors were within
hearing, and had among them the owner of the cattle, not one had the
spirit to render the least assistance. Captain Gethin and his party
behaved with the greatest bravery, fully determined to sell their
lives as dearly as possible. He defended himself with the butt of his
gun till he fell, overpowered by numbers and exertion: his body was
found afterwards, pierced with thirty-two wounds. By this unfortunate
affair was lost to the regiment a highly respected and valuable
soldier, and to the service a brave and intelligent officer, whose
gallant conduct in the Peninsula, particularly at the capture of San
Sebastian, had been rewarded by promotion.
The regiment remained at the Cape, always having a detachment on the
frontiers, till December 1821, when it embarked for England. At its
departure, it received the approbation of the Governor-General, Lord
Charles Somerset, for the exemplary and steady conduct of the men
during their residence at the Cape.
On its arrival in England, in March 1822, the 72nd proceeded to Port
Cumberland; and, after moving about among various stations, it took
up its quarters in Jersey and Guernsey in May 1823, in which year Sir
George Murray removed to the 42nd, and was succeeded in the colonelcy
of the 72nd by Lieutenant-General Sir John Hope. In this same year,
the conduct of the regiment having on all occasions been so soldierly
and exemplary, on the recommendation of the Commander-in-Chief, the
Duke of York and Albany, George IV. was pleased to authorise that the
72nd should resume the Highland costume, with the exception of the
kilt, trews being substituted. At the same time, as a special mark
of royal favour, the regiment was authorised to assume the title of
“The Duke of Albany’s Own Highlanders;” and in June 1824 His Majesty
approved of the 72nd using as a regimental badge the Duke of Albany’s
cipher and coronet, to be borne on the regimental colours.
The 72nd remained in the Channel Islands till April 1824, and on
leaving was presented with addresses by the authorities and principal
inhabitants, expressing their high admiration of its discipline, and
of the peaceful and orderly behaviour of the men. After staying a
short time at Plymouth, the regiment proceeded to Scotland, landing
on the 13th of September at Newhaven, from which it marched to
Edinburgh Castle, headed by its colonel, Lieutenant-General Sir John
Hope. Detachments were sent to Stirling, Fort-William, and Dumbarton.
While in Edinburgh, in August 1825, the regiment received new
colours, which were presented to the colonel, Sir John Hope, by Lady
Hope. In presenting them to the regiment, Sir John addressed it as
follows:--
“In delivering to your charge these colours, which have been
presented to the 72nd regiment by Lady Hope, I am fully aware that
I am not addressing a newly raised corps, whose name and character
have yet to be acquired. As it has pleased His Majesty to confer so
distinguished an honour on the regiment as to permit the 72nd to
assume the name of the Duke of Albany’s Own Highlanders, I cannot
omit congratulating the corps on having received so flattering and
honourable a mark of approbation, and expressing my conviction
that this additional badge, which is now placed on these colours,
will afford a new and powerful inducement for maintaining the high
character which the 72nd regiment has so long and so deservedly
possessed. I feel particularly gratified that the honour of
delivering these colours has devolved on me, and that their
presentation should also have taken place in the capital of the
country where the regiment was first raised, and after its return
from a long period of honourable and distinguished service. The
country being now at peace, there is no opportunity for the 72nd
to gain fresh honours by victories in the field; but the regiment
may deserve and obtain almost equal honour and credit by setting an
example of discipline and good conduct on home service, which becomes
now particularly incumbent when so highly distinguished by being
named after His Royal Highness the Commander-in-Chief, to whom the
whole army is indebted for the present state of order and discipline
to which it has attained. That the 72nd will ever continue to
deserve the approbation of His Royal Highness I make no doubt: and
I have now to offer my most sincere good wishes for the prosperity
of the corps collectively, and of every individual officer,
non-commissioned officer, and private soldier of the regiment.”
The regiment left Edinburgh for Ireland during the same month, the
Lord Provost and Magistrates of the city thanking the men for their
exemplary conduct.
While in Ireland--where it was divided into detachments posted at
various places--the regiment, in September 1827, was formed into
six service and four depôt companies, the former proceeding to
London, and taking duty at the Tower. In June 1828, it was inspected
at Canterbury by Lord Hill, who complimented it by stating “that
although it had been his lot to see and serve with most of the
regiments in the service, he felt he should not be doing full
justice to the 72nd Highlanders if he did not express his particular
approbation of everything connected with them, and add, that he had
never before seen a regiment their equal in movements, in appearance,
and in steadiness under arms.”
In the end of the same month the service companies of the regiment
again embarked for the Cape of Good Hope, where its reputation had
already been so well established, and reached it on the 11th October.
On disembarking at the Cape of Good Hope, it was quartered in the
main barracks at Cape Town until it was removed on the 1st of October
1832 to the Castle. During this period it furnished in its tour the
detachments at Simon’s Bay and Rotten Island. From the latter part
of 1829 to the end of 1830 a company was employed in making a road
through Hottentot Holland Kloof, since called “Sir Lowry’s Pass.”
With this exception, nothing occurred to interrupt the usual routine
of garrison duty, until the 31st of December 1834, when an express
having arrived with the unexpected intelligence that a great part
of the eastern frontier district was overrun and plundered by the
Kaffirs, the Governor, Major-General D’Urban, immediately directed
a wing of the regiment to be held in readiness for embarkation and
on the 2nd of January 1835 Nos. 3 and 5, with the Light Companies,
under the command of Major Maclean, immediately sailed for Algoa
Bay. On the 6th, the Grenadier Company marched to Simon’s Bay, and
embarked in His Majesty’s 16-gun ship “Trinculo,” in which the
Governor took his passage to the frontier. Lieutenant-Colonel Peddie,
K.H., with the remaining companies, proceeded, in four divisions,
overland to Uitenhage, where the lieutenant-colonel with the first
division arrived on the 16th, after a harassing journey of ten
days, and was joined on the three succeeding days by the remaining
divisions.
A detachment, consisting of Captain Sutherland, one subaltern, and
forty rank and file, which rejoined the head-quarters at Grahamstown
on the 12th of February, was left here for the protection of the
town until a local force could be organised. Lieut.-Colonel Peddie,
with the remainder, marched for Grahamstown on the 20th of January,
arriving there on the 23rd, and finding at the Diodsty the three
companies which had preceded them by sea, except the Light Company.
With the latter and a small mounted force Captain Jervis had, on
the 16th, been sent to re-occupy Fort Willshire. This, with all the
military posts on the frontier, except Fort Beaufort and Hermann’s
Kraal, had been abandoned to the Kaffirs, and sacked by them.
At this time the Kaffirs had swept off nearly all the cattle in the
colony, and were returning with their booty to the most distant
and secure parts of their own country, while the Governor was at
Grahamstown awaiting the arrival of armed boors and Hottentots, who
hastened from the remote districts, and were collecting supplies for
the prosecution of the war in Kaffirland. On the 27th of January,
Major Cox, of the 75th regiment, had collected a force, of which
Captain Jervis, with forty men of the Light Company, and the whole
mounted force at Fort Willshire, formed part, for the purpose of
bringing off the missionaries and traders, who were assembled at
Burns Hill in Kaffirland: this service they successfully executed.
During their absence, however, which had the effect of weakening
the garrison of the fort, then under the orders of Lieutenant Bent,
Royal Engineers, on the 29th of January the Kaffirs, in overwhelming
numbers, made a sudden attack on the cattle-guard. Although
assistance was promptly afforded from the fort, which was not a
thousand paces distant, and though the guard made a most gallant
resistance, yet the Kaffirs succeeded in killing Corporal Davidson,
and Privates Arnut, Webster, and Woods, of the Light Company, with
two Hottentots of the new levies that composed it, and carried off
all the cattle.
As it had been ascertained by Lieutenant-Colonel England, 75th
regiment, that the Fish River Bush was occupied by the Kaffirs in
great force, Captain Murray, with his company, marched, on the 31st
of January, to Trompetter’s Drift, to join a force collected there
for the purpose of clearing the country; and Major Maclean, with
100 men of the 72nd, also marched thither on the 7th of February
to reinforce this command, which was now under the direction of
Lieutenant-Colonel Smith, C.B., and which returned to Grahamstown
on the 17th of February. The next day, the Commander-in-Chief in
General Orders, congratulated the troops--“all of whom behaved
admirably”--“upon the complete success which has crowned their recent
operations, and by which the necessary and important object has been
gained of driving the hostile tribes from the woods and fastnesses
of the Great Fish River. The enterprise was one of no ordinary
difficulty. The enemy was numerous, and well armed with muskets,
and was determined to hold his ground, which, from the rugged and
well-wooded ravines, was singularly adapted to his peculiar mode
of fighting. The enemy was routed everywhere, and driven from his
strongholds and over the Keiskamma, with a great loss in killed and
wounded, and all his possessions in cattle, of which 4000 head, with
large quantities of sheep and goats, fell into our hands.”
During these operations there were lost altogether eleven killed and
eleven wounded, of whom three killed and four wounded belonged to the
72nd regiment.
For some time after this the Kaffirs continued inactive, and made no
more incursions, while the Governor confined himself to organising
the new levies, and providing for the security of the country during
the absence of the army.
On the 6th of February 1835 a patrol from Fort Willshire, which had
been reinforced by the Albany Burger Force and the Bathurst Yeomanry,
discovered that a large body of the Kaffirs, estimated at 3000, had
passed into the Fish River Bush, and next day Captain Jervis, with
120 men, proceeded to “Breakfast Key,” and following the _spoor_
(foot-marks), soon saw the Kaffirs, who kept up a well-sustained
fire on the patrol as it approached the Bush. On being reinforced,
however, by the George Burghers from the camp at Somerset Mount, and
a three-pounder, the patrol succeeded in taking all the cattle that
the enemy had brought up for his subsistence, thus inflicting on him
a very severe blow.
The Kaffirs, however, retreated lower down the Fish River Bush, and
near Trompetter’s Drift fell in with a party of the Port Elizabeth
Yeomanry, and killed eight of their number, with a loss on their part
of only nine men--relatively speaking, a very small proportion. On
the 8th, the Grenadier Company of the 75th regiment relieved Captain
Jervis and the Light Company at Fort Willshire, which was marched
that night to Breakfast Key, and next day formed part of the Force
under Colonel Smith, which, on the following day, cleared the Bush
of the Kaffirs, who retreated across the Keiskamma. The Government
notice reports the loss of the Kaffirs as 150 killed, and our loss as
9 killed and 11 wounded. Sergeant Burt was the only man of the 72nd
that suffered at this time: he had somehow unaccountably fallen a few
paces in the rear of his company, and was immediately overpowered.
Colonel Smith pursued the Kaffirs with his whole force, and a camp
was formed at Macomo’s Old Kraal, to which, on the 11th of March, the
Light Company proceeded; and on the 18th it was joined by the rest of
the regiment.
The Governor, having confided the protection of the colony to
Lieut.-Colonel England, and the 75th regiment, with some local corps
arrived on the 28th at the camp on the Brak River to which the
troops at Macomo’s Kraal had moved on the 25th. On the day after the
Governor’s arrival he issued an order distributing the army in four
divisions, as follows:--
1st Division--Lieut.-Colonel Peddie near Fort Willshire; two guns
Royal Artillery, the gunners of which, as well as the guns attached
to the 3rd division, were selected from the 72nd regiment; the 72nd
Highlanders; a detachment of the Cape Mounted Rifles, under Major
Lowen; the 1st battalion Provisional Infantry; and the Swellend
Burgher Force.
2nd Division--Lieut.-Colonel Somerset on the Clusie; two guns Royal
Artillery; Cape Mounted Riflemen; Burgher Force; George Burgher
Force; Uitenhage Force; and Albany Force.
3rd Division--Major Cox, 75th Regiment, Block Drift; two guns Royal
Artillery; detachment of Cape Mounted Rifles; 2d Battalion Colonial
Infantry; Beaufort Burgher Force; and the Kat River Legion.
4th Division--Field-Commandant Wyk, at Tambookie Vley, consisted of
the Cradock and Somerset Burgher Forces.
On the 30th of March, the first division, with the headquarters
of the Commander-in-Chief, broke up the camp at the Brak River,
simultaneously with other divisions, at their various points, entered
Kaffirland at Execution Drift, above Fort Willshire, and encamped
that night on the Kebeca. The next day, April the 1st, this division
encamped on the Debè Flats, and on the evening of the 2nd, Captain
Jervis was despatched with the Light Company to the Upper Amatola,
where he joined Major Cox, with the Kat River Legion, on the 3rd.
These, with their combined force, succeeded in killing several
Kaffirs, and taking 800 head of cattle, many horses, and immense
flocks of goats, which were sent into the Debè Camp on the 4th, Major
Cox following with his whole division. On the 3rd the first division
left the Debè, penetrated to the fastnesses in rear of T’Slambie’s
Kop, and not meeting with the enemy in force, returned to the camp
the same night, having succeeded in killing some stragglers, while
the force sustained a loss of one man killed and one wounded. On
the 6th the army left the Debè, and the third division entered the
Keiskamma Hoek, while the baggage and supplies marched with the first
division to the Buffalo.
The first division encamped on the left bank of the Buffalo, where
Fort Beresford was afterwards built, and the second division encamped
about three miles further down the river. Early on the morning of
the 7th, Captain Murray, with 100 men of the regiment, and three
companies of the First Provincial Battalion, was despatched to the
principal ridge of Buffalo Mountain, with the view of intercepting
any Kaffirs that might be retreating from the third division, which
was advancing from the Keiskamma Hoek, and from the fourth, which was
advancing from Klip Platts across the Bontebok to the rear of the
mountains. About daybreak they came to a high, rugged cliff, called
Murray’s Krantz, and here found 600 chosen Kaffir warriors, under the
guidance of Tyali, son of Dushanie, awaiting the attack, under the
mistaken notion of the impregnability of their position.
On the 8th of April, Captain Murray, at the head of his company,
gallantly climbed the cliff, although the Kaffirs, not content with
the usual weapons, hurled down masses of rock on the attacking party.
At length, however, the savage warriors fled, leaving a large number
of killed on the ground, but not until Captain Murray and four of his
men had been severely wounded by the assegais.[431] The result of
this affair was the capture of 4000 head of cattle, the only loss on
the British side being 1 sergeant of the Provincial Battalion, who
was shot by a Hottentot deserter while driving the cattle out of the
bush.
The patrol returned to the camp at night, and the Commander-in-Chief,
in a General Order, thanked all the officers and troops employed in
the affair. The conclusion of the General Order is in the following
gratifying terms:--“The intrepid and determined perseverance
of Captain Murray, who, though severely wounded, continued his
exertions to the end of the day, with his company of the 72nd,
was of the highest order, and deserves the especial thanks of the
Commander-in-Chief.”
On the evening of the 8th of April all the troops were assembled at
their respective points of attack, and prepared for a concentrating
movement on the mountains in which the Keiskamma, Kaboosie, and
Buffalo take their rise. Sir Benjamin D’Urban, with the second
division and the mounted part of the first, was at the Posts of
the Buffalo; Major Cox and the third division, at the head of the
Keiskamma Hoek; Van Wyk, with the fourth, was on the plains to the
northward; while Colonel Peddie, leaving the camp at midnight with
four companies of the regiment and the First Provincial Battalion,
ascended the Iseli-Berg; and having, early on the morning of the 9th,
divided his forces into two columns, he penetrated the fastnesses of
the Isidingi or Mount Kempt. The Kaffirs, now perceiving that they
were attacked at every point, fled in the utmost dismay, and several
thousand head of cattle became the reward of this movement; while
on our side we had only to lament the loss of 1 man killed and 4
wounded, among whom was Field-Commander Van Wyk. This success is thus
recorded in General Orders:--
“The hostile chiefs of the tribes of Tyali, Macomo, Bothina, Eno,
and others, were at length compelled to assemble in the rocky woods
near the sources of the Buffalo, with their followers, to the
number of at least 7000 men, and had avowed their determination
to defend themselves to the last. From these fastnesses, however,
notwithstanding their impervious nature, they were immediately
driven,--the troops penetrating them everywhere, each column in its
ordered course; and they have scattered and dispersed in various
directions, disheartened and dismayed, with a great loss of killed
and wounded (among whom are some of the sons and relations of the
chiefs), and in cattle to the number of ten thousand head. The
Commander-in-Chief desires to express his warmest approbation of the
conduct of all the troops; their excellent marching, their patient
endurance of fatigue, and the brilliant gallantry with which they
drove the enemy before them wherever they were to be found, alike
deserve his praise and the thanks which he offers to Lieut.-Col.
Peddie, commanding the first division; Lieut.-Col. Somerset, the
second; Major Cox, the third; and Field-Commandant Van Wyk, the
fourth; as well as the officers and soldiers of their respective
divisions.”
On the 11th of April Sir Benjamin D’Urban, leaving the third and
fourth divisions to harass and pursue the now discomfited Kaffirs,
advanced to the river Kei in person with the two remaining divisions,
the first taking the more direct road, the second moving in a
parallel direction, but nearer the sea.
The first division crossed the Kei on the 16th; and now, upon
entering the territories of Hintza, an order was issued forbidding
any unprovoked hostility, and directing that all pillage or
ill-treatment of the inhabitants should be repressed with the utmost
rigour.
The first division encamped at Butterworth on the 17th, and on the
19th were joined by the second division, which had captured 3000 head
of cattle, which Colonel Somerset had sent to the rear.
The Governor, having been engaged in fruitless negotiations with
Hintza for some days, at length had recourse to hostile measures;
and war was accordingly formally proclaimed on the morning of the
21st, on which day Colonel Smith, with the mounted force of the first
division, started in pursuit of Hintza, and the regiment, with the
First Provisional Battalion, marching in the direction of the Izolo,
where they encamped on the 25th. There they were joined by Colonel
Smith, who had taken the 12,000 head of cattle, which were sent to be
guarded by the second division, that still remained at Butterworth.
On the 26th, Colonel Smith, with a large patrol, of which Captain
Murray and two companies of the regiment formed a part, marched to
the T’Somo and returned to the camp on the 29th, when Colonel Smith
reported the result of these two days’ operations:--“Nearly 15,000
head of cattle have fallen into our hands, many of the enemy have
been shot, whilst our loss has been trifling; and the savages have
again been taught that neither woods, ravines, nor mountains can
secure them from the pursuit of British troops. More difficult and
fatiguing marches troops never encountered, and these happy results
would not have been obtained without extraordinary exertions.”
Meanwhile, these movements and their results had a dire effect on
Hintza, and upon the Commander-in-Chief’s assurance of a safe-conduct
for himself and also that of other persons who would be admitted to
treat for him, he came into the camp on the 29th of April with his
ordinary retinue of fifty followers, and had an immediate conference
with the Commander-in-Chief.
The next morning a treaty was formally agreed to, and hostilities
suspended. Hintza, together with Krieh, his principal son, and their
followers, continued in the camp at their own desire; and on the
2nd of May they accompanied the troops, when the latter took their
departure from the Izolo, and commenced their retrograde movement.
At a deserted trading station, where the division halted during the
middle of the day, and where Bokoo, Hintza’s brother, and a chief
joined the party, an express was received by Colonel Somerset that
the Kaffirs were massacring the Fingoes, who had placed themselves
under British protection, and were preparing to accompany the
retreat of the troops. Sir Benjamin d’Urban thereupon summoned to
his presence Hintza and his suite, who up to this period had been
under no restraint, and informed them that, after sufficient time had
elapsed for the Kaffirs to be made aware of the perilous situation
of the sovereign, for each Fingo who should be murdered two Kaffirs
should be hanged, and that the first selected should be Hintza and
his brother Bokoo. On the division moving and encamping on the
Debakazi, the whole of the now captive guests and followers were
disarmed, and most of them dismissed the camp. The few whom the chief
Hintza was allowed to retain, together with Bokoo, Krieh, and the
Hemraden, were placed under a guard of 1 captain, 2 subalterns, and
90 men of the regiment, who had orders to use extraordinary measures
of precaution, and to shoot any of their prisoners except Krieh,
should there be an attempt at escape or rescue.
The Governor remained here some days, and on the 9th Colonel
Somerset, having previously marched towards the colony with the
Fingoes and captured cattle, moved on with the division, now
augmented by the greater part of the Cape corps, and encamped on
the left bank of the Kei at Lapstone Drift. Here, on the morning of
the 10th, the Commander-in-Chief declared, under a royal salute,
and in presence of Hintza, who was marched a prisoner into the
square for the purpose, that the Kei was to be the future boundary
of the colony, and that the chiefs Macomo, Tyali, Eno, Bothina,
T’Slambie, Dushani, &c., and their tribes, were for ever expelled
from the new territory, and would be treated as enemies if found
therein. The territory was named the province of Queen Adelaide. The
Commander-in-Chief gave as his reason for taking this step, “the
absolute necessity of providing for the future security of the colony
against unprovoked aggression, which could only be done by removing
these treacherous and irreclaimable savages to a safer distance.”
After this, Hintza was informed by the Governor that he would retain
Krieh and Bokoo as the hostages required by the treaty entered into
at the Izolo, and that he had a right to send him to Cape Town as a
prisoner of war, but would refrain from doing so on his accompanying
Colonel Smith through the country, and exerting his authority to
collect the horses and cattle due. Upon Hintza engaging to do so,
he was marched back to the guard, and his arms restored to him. He
was shortly after handed over by the 72nd to a party of the corps
of Guides, and proceeded with Colonel Smith accordingly. As soon
as the party, with which was Captain Murray with two companies
of the regiment, amounting in all to 500 men, had marched on the
destined service, the Governor broke up his camp and marched to the
Impotshane, where a Post named “Wardens” was immediately commenced.
On the morning of the 17th the party under Colonel Smith rejoined
headquarters, having, in the words of the General Order, “marched 218
miles in seven days.” They had crossed the Bashee, taken 3000 head of
cattle, and succeeded in bringing off 1000 Fingoes, who from their
remote situation had been unable before to join their countrymen, now
under British protection. Major White, with a detachment of the Cape
corps, was cut off whilst reconnoitring the country. This was the
only loss on the British side. Hintza, however, met with his death
while attempting to make his escape on the 14th, near the N’gabaxa.
Although he had already received two severe wounds, he was shot by
one of the corps of Guides, formerly a Kaffir trader, of the name of
Southey. Even those who attempt to justify the deed characterise it
as an untoward event.
On the following day, the 18th of May, Sir Benjamin d’Urban entered
into a treaty with Krieh, now the principal chief, who took upon
himself his father’s engagements, and was permitted to receive the
border tribes: Bokoo and Vadanna being left as hostages, the young
chief was escorted into his own country. During these transactions
Major Cox had not been inactive, but had perpetually harassed the
Kaffirs, now seeking individual safety, and was on the point of
entering into negotiations with Macomo and Tyali, who on the 13th
were prepared to come into his camp, when they received a message
from Hintza that he was a prisoner, and advising them to take care
of themselves. This advice they followed, although they did not
retaliate by detaining Major Cox, who was in their power, without the
means of resistance.
On the 20th of May, the work being finished, and a force of 2
subalterns and 80 rank and file of the regiment being left behind to
garrison the place, the remainder marched to the Komga, and halting
there, constructed a Post, called Fort Wellington. Having left 1
subaltern and 25 rank and file of the regiment, and some provisional
troops, to garrison it, the division marched to Brownlie’s missionary
station, on the Buffalo, which it reached on the 23rd. Here the
Governor determined on fixing the future capital of the province,
which was named King William’s Town; a fort, named “Fort Hill,” being
completed and garrisoned, the plan of the town was laid out, and the
troops commenced hutting themselves.
On the 10th of June the Governor left King William’s Town, and,
the division being broken up, gave over the command of the troops
to Colonel Smith. On the 12th the Light Company marched to join
Captain Jervis at the sources of the Buffalo, where a Post called
Fort Beresford was constructed; and on the same day, Captain Lacy,
with 30 men of his company and some provisional troops, marched to
form a Post at Mount Coke, called Fort Murray. The exertions of the
troops continued unremitting, not only in completing the works of
the different Posts, but also in patrolling the country. For their
success in these duties they were repeatedly thanked in General
Orders.
On the 9th of July a new Post, named Fort Cox, was established at
Burn’s Hill by Major Cox, and garrisoned by a detachment of the 75th
Regiment. During the whole of this month patrolling was continued
with unabated activity, but the Kaffirs, now become desperate, were
successful in their efforts at Keiskamma. Lieutenant Baillie and a
patrol of 30 men of the 1st Provisional Battalion were overpowered
and killed to a man on the Commity flats, whilst retreating from the
Keiskamma Hoek. Fifteen men of a foraging party from King William’s
Town were killed at the Kamka, or Yellow Wood Trees; and on the 20th,
Gazela made a vigorous but unsuccessful attack upon Fort Wellington,
when Private Storey of the 72nd was killed.
On the 8th of August the Kaffirs made a successful attack on the
Fingoes in the Cedul Territory, carrying off all their cattle; and on
intelligence being received at King William’s Town, a large patrol of
the regiment under Major Maclean was sent in pursuit. Their rations
having, however, been expended, they were compelled to return without
being able to retake the cattle or attack the Kaffirs with effect,
although the latter hovered about with loud shouting and cheers
during the march, and kept up a desultory fire on the detachment. In
consequence of the report made by Major Maclean, and intelligence
obtained that Macomo and Tyali were in great force on the Amatola
and Izinuka mountains during the night of the 11th of July, Major
Maclean and 40 men of the regiment, and 150 Provisionals from King
William’s Town, and 1 officer and 40 men of the 72nd, with 40 of
the Provisionals from Fort Beresford, and the Kat River legion from
Camp Adelaide, were assembled at Fort Cox. At no period since the
commencement of hostilities did affairs wear a more unsatisfactory
aspect. The Kaffirs, emboldened by success, watched from their
fastnesses the movements of the troops, and took advantage of every
circumstance to harass them and cut off stragglers. They made
frequent and incessant forays within the colony: the difficulty
and expense of providing for the large force necessarily kept up
increased every day: the Dutch Burgher force had been allowed to
return to their homes; and among the now dispirited Hottentot levies,
discontent and insubordination were making rapid progress. Under such
circumstances Sir Benjamin D’Urban took the most effectual means to
put a speedy end to the war. He again called out a large proportion
of the Burgher force, whom he now ordered to receive a fixed rate
of pay; and at the same time he despatched Brigade-Major Warden to
Fort Cox to treat with the frontier Kaffirs, on condition of their
becoming British subjects. An opportunity soon offered. Major Cox,
having barely sufficient garrison in Fort Cox, divided the remainder
and the reinforcement that were concentrated at his Post into three
divisions, which, sallying from the fort, were everywhere successful,
occasioning considerable loss to the enemy. They reassembled at the
Gwali, where, a communication having been opened with the chiefs,
Major Cox bivouacked.
The next day Major Warden having arrived from Fort Cox, he with Major
Cox and an interpreter, all unarmed, proceeded about two miles from
the camp to meet the chiefs, who had assembled with a body guard of
800 men, 300 of whom had firearms. Their conference came to a happy
conclusion, Macomo and Tyali each sending an assegai to the Governor
in token of submission and readiness to pass under the English rule.
A suspension of hostilities was mutually agreed upon, and the camp
was soon filled with unarmed Kaffirs, who expressed the greatest
delight at the event. On the 21st of August a second conference was
held below Fort Cox, and on this occasion the Kaffirs, to the number
of 4000, of whom a great part were mounted, and upwards of 400 of
them armed with guns, drew up with an evident attempt at display,
and considerable pretension to military regularity. They received
the overtures of Major Warden with but slight attention, and took
little pains to conceal that they were not indisposed to a renewal
of the contest. This altered feeling was no doubt in a great measure
produced by the circumstance that 2000 head of cattle had during the
few preceding days fallen a prey to their marauding parties, which
Macomo pretended had been sent out in ignorance of the truce. In
consequence of this display, and in the event of the necessity of
recommencing hostilities, Fort Cox was reinforced from King William’s
Town and Fort Beresford.
On the 2nd of September H.M.S. “Romney” had arrived in Algoa Bay with
the 27th regiment and drafts for the 72nd and 75th. It is a curious
circumstance, and shows how readily the Kaffirs obtain information,
that the officers at Fort Cox knew of the arrival of troops in the
bay from the Kaffir messenger Platjè, long before they received
the intelligence through the usual channel of the post. To the
exaggerated accounts which the Kaffirs had received of the additional
force may with great probability be ascribed their changed demeanour
on the 7th, when Macomo and Tyali accepted the terms offered by
Colonel Smith, and, as a proof of their sincerity, returned with him
to Fort Cox.
On the 8th of September Sir Benjamin D’Urban arrived at Fort
Willshire for the purpose of negotiating with the chiefs, and shortly
after a treaty of peace was concluded, and hostilities finally
brought to a close.
During this contest, which had lasted nearly nine months, although
the regiment had but little opportunity of distinguishing itself, it
invariably maintained a high character for good conduct, not a single
instance of crime of any description having occurred in the corps
during the whole campaign. It repeatedly received the praise of Sir
Benjamin D’Urban, and had the satisfaction of seeing the approbation
of His Majesty William IV. recorded in the following words:--
“It affords His Majesty high gratification to observe that in this
new form of warfare His Majesty’s forces have exhibited their
characteristic courage, discipline, and cheerful endurance of fatigue
and privation.”
During the month of October the detachments of the regiment at
Forts Warden and Wellington were relieved by the 75th regiment,
whose headquarters were now at Fort Cox; and upon the 18th, the
headquarters having been relieved by the 75th regiment at King
William’s Town, marched for Grahamstown, where they arrived on the
26th, consisting of only two companies, the others being distributed
in Forts Cox, Beresford, and Murray.
Government having at the end of 1836 given up the new province of
Queen Adelaide, it was evacuated by the troops, when the regiment,
having its headquarters at Grahamstown, furnished detachments to
various forts.
On the 17th of March 1836 the regiment was permitted to bear on
its colours and appointments the words “Cape of Good Hope,” in
commemoration (as the order from the Horse Guards expresses it) of
the distinguished gallantry displayed by the 72nd regiment at the
capture of the town and garrison of the Cape of Good Hope, on the
8th of January 1806, when it formed part of the second or Highland
brigade employed on that occasion. On the 20th of January 1837, by an
order from the Horse Guards, His Majesty was also graciously pleased
to allow the regiment to bear on its colours and appointments the
word “Hindoostan,” in commemoration of the meritorious services of
the regiment while in India from 1782 to 1798.
The regiment remained with the headquarters at Grahamstown,
furnishing detachments to the different outposts until the month of
October 1838, when orders were received for the corps to be held
in readiness to proceed to Cape Town, on being relieved by the
27th regiment. The regiment, on its arrival at Cape Town, occupied
quarters in the castle and main barracks, and furnished detachments
to Simon’s Town and Rotten Island. A detachment of troops having
been ordered to proceed to Port Natal on the east coast of Africa,
and take possession of it in the name of Her Majesty, the 72nd
Highlanders furnished for this duty 1 captain, 2 subalterns, 1
assistant surgeon, 4 sergeants, 2 drummers, and the Light Company
completed to 86 rank and file. This detachment, under the command of
Major Charteris, military secretary to His Excellency Major-General
Sir G. Napier, K.C.B., embarked on the 19th of November 1838,
landing at Port Natal on the 3d of December, and were immediately
employed in the erection of buildings for the protection of stores,
and the construction of works for the defence of the Post.
The regiment remained during the year 1839 at Cape Town, and in that
period received two drafts from the depot companies, consisting in
all of 1 major, 1 captain, 3 subalterns, 3 sergeants, and about 170
rank and file. The detachment from Port Natal returned to Cape Town
under Captain Jervis of the 72nd on the 2nd of January 1840, when His
Excellency Major-General Sir George Napier, K.C.B., was pleased to
express in General Orders his entire satisfaction with their conduct
during absence from headquarters. The regiment had in September
1839 received orders to be held in readiness to embark for England,
on being relieved from home by the 25th regiment, and the latter
troops landed at the Cape in the month of March 1840. Previous to the
regiment embarking for England the following address was presented
to it, signed by all the principal inhabitants of Cape Town and its
vicinity:--
“_To the officers, non-commissioned officers, and private soldiers of
H.M. 72nd Highlanders._
“We, the undersigned merchants and other inhabitants of the Cape
of Good Hope, cannot permit the embarkation of the 72nd from the
shores of this colony to take place without recording some expression
of the sense we entertain of the general deportment and estimable
conduct of the regiment during the twenty-five years it has been
stationed in this garrison. The character of the 72nd Highlanders
throughout that period has been uniformly and permanently marked
towards the public by good order, sobriety, and discipline; while on
every occasion on which its assistance has been sought, its services
have been promptly, cheerfully, and effectively rendered. In parting
with a regiment whose conduct has been so exemplary, and in which
many of us have found personal friends, to whom we have been long
and faithfully attached, we are anxious to express, however feebly,
before you quit the colony, an acknowledgment of our regret at your
departure, and to convey to you, however inadequately, our cordial
wishes for your happiness wherever you may be stationed, and that
you may long continue to enjoy that distinguished renown which the
72nd Highlanders have so honourably achieved in the service of their
country.”
On the embarkation of the 72nd, the following General Order was
issued by Major-General Sir George Napier, commanding the forces at
the Cape:--
“His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief cannot permit the 72nd
Highlanders to embark for England, from the colony of the Cape of
Good Hope, in which they have been stationed for the long period
of twelve years, without his expressing his marked approbation of
the conduct of this highly-disciplined and exemplary corps while
under his immediate command; and from the reports His Excellency has
received from Colonel Smith, the Deputy-Quartermaster-General, under
whose orders this regiment has been during the greater part of the
above period, including a very arduous and active service in the
field, His Excellency is enabled to record, which he does with great
satisfaction, the very meritorious services of the 72nd Highlanders
in whatever duty they have been engaged, whether in the field or in
quarters.
“His Excellency begs to assure Major Hope, the officers,
non-commissioned officers, and soldiers of the 72nd regiment, that he
will ever feel a lively interest in their welfare.”
On the 11th of April 1840 the regiment embarked in two divisions
for England. The headquarters landed at Portsmouth on the 8th of
the following June, and marched immediately to Fort Cumberland. The
second division landed also at Portsmouth on the 18th of the same
month, and proceeded to the same place.
On the 1st of July Colonel Arbuthnot joined and assumed the command;
and by a regimental order of the same date, the ten companies were
consolidated, the depôt companies being stationed in Portsmouth at
the period of the arrival of headquarters from the Cape. On the
6th of July the headquarters marched into Portsmouth, and occupied
quarters in that garrison.
On the death of Sir John Hope, the colonelcy of the regiment was
conferred upon Major-General Sir Colin Campbell (_not_ Lord Clyde) in
August 1836.
II.
1841-1873.
The Duke of Wellington presents new colours to the
72nd--Gibraltar--Barbadoes--Trinidad--Nova Scotia--Return
to Europe--Embark for Malta--To the Crimea--Home--Channel
Islands--Shorncliffe--Presentation of colours--Arrive in India
in 1857--Shorncliffe--New Colours--Old Colours’ destination--To
Portsmouth--Bombay--Calaba--Guzerat--Tankaria--Baroda--Ahmedabad
--Deesa--Nusseerabad--Mount Aboo--Death of Major Mackenzie of
Glacket at Burra--The 72nd joins Major-General Roberts--Operations
against Kotah--Strength of the Force--Major Thellusson--Sawah
--Jehaspoor--Bhoondee--The Chumbul--The Rajah of Kotah--Major Burton
and his Sons murdered--Kotah taken--Its immense strength--Lieutenant
Cameron’s gallantry--Lala--Fall of Kotah--Cavalry pursuit of the
Rebels--Leave Kotah for Neemuch--Mokundurra Pass--Neemuch again
--Colonel Parke commands this Station--Nusseerabad--Mutiny of the
Army of Sindiah at Gwalior--The Bunnas--Kotaria--Brigadier-General
Parke--Oodeypoor--Jhalra Patun--Soosneer--Rajgurgh--Sironj
--Sarungpoor--Indore--Bhopal--Beoar--Mungowlee--The Betwah
--Borassa--Bhopal saved--Rao Sahib--Tantéa Topee--The Nerbudda
crossed by the Rebels--Hooshungabad--Churwah--Chicalda--Mhow
--Indore--Chapeira--Angur--Palace of Chotah Oodeypoor--Pertabghur
--Operations in the Jeysulmeer Districts on the Indus
--Brigadier-General Parke’s Operations north of Kotah--Tantéa
Topee captured and executed--Rao Sahib and Feroze Shah, Prince
of Delhi--Major-General Michel’s wonderful Marches--Lieutenant
Vesey’s March of 3000 Miles--The 72nd Medal for the Suppression
of the Indian Mutiny--Victoria Cross conferred on Lieutenant
Cameron--Mhow--Indore--Inspections--Leave Mhow--Nargaon--Leave
Poonah--Return Home--Edinburgh--Prince Alfred opens the Museum
of Arts and Sciences--The 72nd as a Guard of Honour--Inspection
by General F. W. Hamilton, C.B.--Colonel Payn, C.B., commands
--Aldershot--Inspection--Major Hunter in command--Manchester
--Dublin--Limerick--Buttevant--Ordered to India--Proceed to
Cork--Appointment of General Arbuthnot as Colonel of the 72nd
--Arrive at Alexandria--Umballah--Lieutenant Thomson’s Death
--Reviewed by General Lord Napier of Magdála--Inspected by
Major-General Fraser Tyler, C.B., at Umballah--Kussowlee
and Dugshai.
In July 1841 the regiment, now joined by the depôt companies,
proceeded from Portsmouth to Windsor, where, in January 1842, it was
presented with new colours by Field-Marshal His Grace the Duke of
Wellington, in the quadrangle of the castle, and in presence of Her
Majesty the Queen, Prince Albert, and the King of Prussia. The Duke
addressed the 72nd as follows:--
“Colonel Arbuthnot, and you, gentlemen officers, and you,
non-commissioned officers and soldiers of the 72nd Highland Regiment,
I have attended here this day, in compliance with the wish of your
commanding officer, and by permission of Her Majesty, to present to
you your new colours.
“These colours have been consecrated by one of the highest
dignitaries of our Church, and are presented to you in the presence
of Her Majesty, and of her illustrious and royal guest, the King of
Prussia, of Prince Albert, and of a number of the most distinguished
personages. They are composed of the colours of the three nations,
and bear the cipher of Her Majesty; and I have no doubt, from your
previous character and your present high state of discipline, that
you will guard them under every circumstance to the utmost of your
power.
“These colours you are henceforth to consider as your head-quarters,
and in every circumstance, in all times of privation and distress,
you will look to them as your rallying point; and I would again
remind you that their presentation is witnessed by the monarch of
one of the most powerful nations in Europe--a nation which boasts of
an army which has heretofore been a pattern for all modern troops,
and which has done so much towards contributing to the general
pacification of Europe. And I am happy to be able to show His
Majesty a regiment in such high order. I have long known the 72nd
Highland Regiment. Half a century has now nearly elapsed since I had
the pleasure of serving in the same army with them on the plains
of Hindoostan, and then they were famous for their high order and
discipline. Since that period they have been engaged in the conquest
of some of the most valuable colonies of the British Crown, and
latterly in performing most distinguished services at the Cape of
Good Hope. Fourteen years out of the last sixteen they have spent in
foreign service, and, with only eighteen months at home for their
re-formation and their redisciplining, appear in their present high
state of regularity and order. The best part of a long life has been
spent by me in barracks, camps, and cantonments; and it has been my
duty as well as my inclination always to study how best to promote
the health and discipline of the troops; and I have always found it
to be done only by paying the strictest regard to regularity and good
order, with the greatest attention to the orders of their superiors.
I address myself now particularly to the older soldiers, and wish
them to understand that their strict attention to their discipline
and respect to their officers will often have the best effect upon
the younger soldiers; and it is, therefore, their duty to set a good
example to their juniors by so doing. By these means alone can they
expect to command the respect and regard of the community among
whom they are employed. And I have made it my business to inquire
particularly, and am rejoiced to find that the 72nd has always
commanded that respect and regard, wherever it has been stationed, to
which its high state of discipline and order so justly entitles it.
“You will, I am sure, always recollect the circumstances under
which these colours are now committed to your charge, having been
consecrated by one of the highest dignitaries of the Church, in the
presence of Her Majesty, who now looks down upon you, and of her
royal visitors. I give them into your charge, confident that at all
times, under all circumstances, whether at home or abroad, and in all
trials and privations, you will rally round them, and protect them to
the utmost of your power.”
To this address Colonel Arbuthnot made the following reply:--
“My Lord Duke, it would be highly presumptuous in me if I were to
make any reply to the address which your Grace has delivered to us;
but I cannot avoid stating that it is impossible for me, and indeed,
I may add, out of the power of any one, to express how deeply I, my
officers, non-commissioned officers, and men, feel the high honour
which has been conferred on us by having had our colours presented
to us by the greatest soldier the world has ever seen, and that in
the presence of our Sovereign, His Majesty the King of Prussia, and
Field-Marshal His Royal Highness Prince Albert.”
In 1843 the regiment removed to Ireland, where it remained till
November 1844, when it embarked from Cork for Gibraltar. The depôt
companies remained in Ireland till September 1847, when they removed
to Paisley in Scotland.
After the decease of Lieutenant-General Sir Colin Campbell, on the
13th of June 1847, Lieut.-General Sir Neil Douglas, K.C.B., K.C.H.,
was appointed Colonel of the regiment on the 12th of the following
July.
During the whole of its service at Gibraltar, the regiment was
constantly employed in furnishing working parties and artificers
to assist in the construction of the new line of fortifications
extending from the Light House at Europa Point to Little Bay, and
from the New Mole to Chatham Counter-Guard. This magnificent work was
proceeding with wonderful rapidity when the regiment left Gibraltar.
On the 14th of June 1847 it had been notified in garrison orders that
the 72nd would re-embark, in the coming autumn, for the West Indies;
and on the arrival of the reserve battalion of the 67th Regiment, the
service companies embarked on the 15th of February 1848 on board the
“Bombay,” hired transport, and sailed on the 18th of February for
Barbadoes. Previous to the embarkation, the following complimentary
order was issued by his Excellency General Sir Robert Thomas Wilson,
Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the Forces at Gibraltar:--
“GIBRALTAR, _February 12, 1848_.
“The eminently soldier-like qualities, the correct and zealous
performance of all duties, and the general reputable conduct of the
72nd Highlanders during their service in Gibraltar, entitle them
to the fullest encomiums of the General commanding. Wherever the
regiment goes, the General commanding is confident that it will
confer credit on the profession; and on quitting this station it
leaves an impression of esteem on the garrison and the community that
absence will neither impair nor efface.”
After a favourable passage of twenty-three days, the regiment arrived
in Carlisle Bay, Barbadoes, on the 12th of March 1848, landed on the
14th, and occupied quarters in the Brick Barracks, St Ann’s. At this
time the 66th regiment, which had arrived from Gibraltar about three
weeks previously, occupied the Stone Barracks at St Ann’s. These
had been vacated in January by the 88th regiment, which encamped on
the Savanna in consequence of its having been attacked with yellow
fever, of which many died, during December and January, including the
commanding officer, Lieut.-Colonel Phibbs. But the regiment was now
healthy, and had proceeded to relieve the detachments of the 19th
regiment in the islands, which corps had assembled at Barbadoes,
and thence proceeded to Canada. In April, however, some men of the
66th were admitted into hospital with yellow fever, and several
deaths occurred. This continued until August, when the cases became
so numerous, that early in September the regiment was moved into
camp in rear of the Brick Barracks. In October, the men of the Royal
Artillery were also encamped; and in this month the 72nd, which
had hitherto been remarkably healthy, was visited by this terrible
disease. On the 13th of October, the assistant-surgeon, Dr Irwin,
died of it, and it spread very rapidly among the men. On the 15th of
November, the regiment moved out of the Brick Barracks into tents,
erected about a mile distant, on the site of a former naval hospital,
which had been destroyed by the hurricane of 1831. Nevertheless,
the disease continued to spread until the end of December; and
within the three months, 12 out of 14 officers, 26 non-commissioned
officers, and 177 men, were attacked; and of these 4 officers, 17
non-commissioned officers, and 42 men, died. After this, however,
only one other case occurred, that of Captain Maylan, who was taken
ill on the 21st of January, and expired on the 25th.
By circular memorandum, dated Horse Guards, the 29th of January 1849,
the regiment, being in the colonies, was ordered to be reduced to 770
rank and file.
In consequence of riots at St Lucia, a detachment of the 72nd,
consisting of 1 captain, 3 subalterns, and 100 rank and file,
was sent off at a few hours’ notice, on the 12th of March. When
it arrived, however, order had been restored; but the detachment
remained at St Lucia, being quartered at Pigeon Island, until it was
relieved by a company of the 66th, on the 16th of June.
In consequence of a riot at Trinidad, the flank companies were sent
off to that island at a few hours’ notice, on the 10th of October,
and were afterwards detached to St Joseph’s and San Fernando.
On the 19th of December 1849, the headquarters embarked at Barbadoes,
on board the “Princess Royal” transport, for Trinidad, where they
landed on the 24th of December, and occupied the barracks at St
James’s, thus relieving the head-quarters of the 88th Regiment. The
flank companies joined and formed the head-quarters of the regiment
in the commencement of January, having been relieved by No. 4 company.
The distribution of the regiment at this period was as follows:--
At Trinidad, Grenadier, Light, and No. 4 Companies.
“ Demerara, No. 1 and No. 2 Companies.
“ Grenada, No. 3 Company.
“ Tobago, Detachment of 30 men.
The regiment continued detached as above until the 12th of May 1851,
when the headquarters, having been relieved by the headquarters of
the 34th Regiment, embarked at Trinidad for Barbadoes, where they
landed on the 23rd and again occupied the Brick Barracks; the several
detachments above mentioned having previously been conveyed there
under the command of Major Gaisford. On the 8th of July, the regiment
having been relieved by the 69th regiment from Malta, embarked on
board H.M.S. “Hercules” for Halifax, Nova Scotia; and on its arrival,
on the 30th, marched into the South Barracks.
On the 8th of September the 72nd commenced its march for New
Brunswick to relieve the 97th, and on the 26th of the same month the
head-quarters arrived at Frederickton, relieving the head-quarters of
the 97th.
On the 1st of March 1854, 132 men were transferred from the depôt to
the 42nd and 79th Highlanders, which corps had been ordered to form
part of the expedition sent to the East against Russia. At the same
time an order was given that the recruiting parties of the regiment
should raise men for the corps sent on service, so that at this time
the 72nd was about 330 rank and file under the establishment, and
with little prospect of being recruited up to it.
On the 5th of May 1854, Lieut.-Colonel Freeman Murray retired from
the command of the regiment, having exchanged with Lieut.-Colonel
William Raikes Faber. This officer, however, never joined, but on the
23rd of June 1854 he exchanged with Lieut.-Colonel James Fraser of
the 35th Regiment.
On the 7th of October 1854, the service companies stationed at
Halifax, Nova Scotia, under command of Major R. P. Sharp, were
ordered to hold themselves in readiness to embark for Europe on the
shortest notice. On the 12th of the same month they embarked on board
the steamer “Alps” for conveyance to Dublin, and landed at Kingston
on the 24th, proceeding at once by railway to Limerick, where they
occupied the New Barracks, the depôt, under the command of Major J.
W. Gaisford, having arrived there a few days previously.
On the 1st of November 1854, Lieut.-Colonel James Fraser assumed
the command of the regiment, which was at once formed into twelve
companies, while the depôt and service companies were amalgamated. On
the 23rd a letter was received from the Horse Guards desiring that
the regiment should be held in readiness to embark for Malta.
On the 1st of December 1854, Lieut.-Colonel James Fraser retired
from the command of the 72nd, by the sale of his commission, and was
succeeded by Major R. P. Sharp, this being the first occasion on
which the Lieutenant-Colonelcy had been given in this regiment for
many years. On this day also the regiment was again formed into eight
service and four depôt companies, the latter being under the command
of Major J. W. Gaisford. On the 9th the service companies left
Limerick by railway for Buttevant, and shortly afterwards proceeded
to Cork, where they embarked on board H.M.S. “Neptune,” for Malta,
where they arrived on the 4th of January 1855, occupying the Floriana
Barracks.
On the 22nd of May the regiment embarked, under the command of
Lieut.-Colonel R. P. Sharp, on board the “Alma” steamship, and
sailed from Malta for service in the Crimea. The full strength
of the regiment was, on embarking--2 field-officers, 8 captains,
10 lieutenants, 5 ensigns, 5 staff-officers, 40 sergeants, 36
corporals, 17 drummers, and 514 privates. The regiment arrived
at Balaklava on the 29th of May, and remained at anchor outside
the harbour until the 31st, when it sailed to join the expedition
at Kertch, under Lieutenant-General Sir George Brown. It reached
Kertch on the following day, and remained on board ship until the
10th. While the regiment was at Kertch, cholera broke out in a
most malignant form, and during the last six days it carried off 2
sergeants, 1 drummer, and 19 privates. It ceased, however, as soon as
the ship left.
On the same day (the 10th of June) the 72nd arrived at Balaklava,
disembarked on the 13th, encamped that night on the plain, and
marched to the front of Sebastopol on the following day, where it
was attached to a brigade composed of the 3rd and 31st Regiments,
under the command of Colonel Van Straubenzee of the 3rd. On the 15th
the 72nd commenced doing duty in the trenches of the right attack.
On the 30th of this month it was appointed to the Highland brigade,
composed of the 42nd, 79th, and 93rd Highlanders, under the command
of Brigadier-General Cameron of the 42nd. This brigade was the 2nd
of the 1st division; the other brigade was that of the Guards; the
whole being under Major-General Sir Colin Campbell, who had the local
rank of lieutenant-general. The 72nd continued doing duty in the
trenches until the 26th of August, on which day the Highland brigade
was moved to Kamara in support of the Sardinian outposts, an attack
being expected in that direction, notwithstanding the repulse which
the enemy had received from the French and Sardinian troops at the
Traktir[432] Bridge, on the Tchernaya River, on the 16th of August
1855.
On the 18th of June the greater part of the regiment was in the
trenches under the command of Major William Parke, while the
remaining few were stationed under the command of Lieut.-Colonel
Sharp, in rear of the 21-gun battery. In the beginning of July,
however, Lieut.-Colonel Sharp, having obtained sick-leave of absence
to England, handed over the command of the 72nd to Major Parke.
It should be mentioned that, on the 22nd of June, a second
lieutenant-colonel and 4 captains, with the proportionate number of
subalterns, were added to the establishment of the regiment, which,
by a War-Office circular of the 20th of August, was now fixed at 16
companies, consisting of 1 colonel, 2 lieutenant-colonels, 2 majors,
16 captains, 26 lieutenants, 14 ensigns, 7 staff-officers, 109
sergeants, 100 corporals, 47 drummers and pipers, and 1900 privates.
On the 16th of July, a draft, under the command of Captain Cecil
Rice, composed of 3 subalterns, 1 staff-officer, 3 sergeants, 2
drummers, and 245 rank and file, joined from the depôt of the
regiment, among whom was a large proportion of volunteers from other
corps. After these had been in camp and done duty in the trenches
for about a fortnight, cholera broke out again in the regiment, and
carried off 35 men belonging, with only one exception, to the last
draft. This terrible disease lasted about six weeks.
The brigade marched from the camp at Kamara, on the 8th of September,
to the trenches, and occupied the 3rd parallel during the time the
French stormed and took the Malakoff Tower and works, and during
the unsuccessful attempt of the English to take the Redan. Between
4 and 5 o’clock that afternoon, the 72nd was ordered to the 5th
parallel, holding the part of it situated in front of the Redan, and
was to have led the storming party in another attack on the Redan at
daylight on the 9th of September, had not the Russians evacuated the
south side of Sevastopol during the night. How masterly their retreat
was is well known.
The Commander-in-Chief, Lieutenant-General Simpson, soon afterwards
resigned. He had been appointed to the supreme command on the death
of Lord Raglan, in June 1855, and soon after the fall of Sevastopol
was succeeded by Major-General Codrington.
Quarter-Master John Macdonald, of the 72nd, was wounded by a Minié
bullet on the 8th, soon after the regiment entered the trenches, and
died from the effects of the wound on the 16th of September. In him
the regiment lost a most useful, active, and intelligent officer. The
losses of the regiment on the 8th were slight--1 private killed, 1
sergeant, 2 corporals, and 16 privates wounded.
On the 15th of September, Lieut.-Colonel Gaisford arrived from
England, and assumed command of the regiment from Major Parke.
Lieut.-Colonel Gaisford returned to England, however, at the end
of October, having retired from the service by the sale of his
commission, and was succeeded by Lieut.-Colonel William Parke, who
again assumed the command of the regiment. From this time the 72nd
was constantly employed on fatigue duty, carrying up wooden huts from
Balaklava, as it had been decided that the Highland brigade,--which
had been joined by the 1st and 2nd battalions of the Royal Regiment,
and the 92nd Highlanders from Gibraltar,--should now be made into
the Highland division. The 2nd brigade consisted of the Royal
Regiment, the 71st Highland Light Infantry (at Kertch), and the
72nd Highlanders, under Brigadier-General Home, C.B., of the 20th
Regiment, and was quartered near Kamara during the winter.
On the 3d of October 1855, Sir Colin Campbell suddenly left for
England, the command of the division devolving on Brigadier-General
Cameron, C.B., of the 1st brigade, who obtained the local rank of
major-general on being confirmed in the command. Temporarily, he was
succeeded in the command of the 1st brigade by Colonel M. Atherley of
the 92d Highlanders.
On the 11th of November 1855, Sir William Codrington, K.C.B.,
succeeded General Simpson in command of the army, with the local rank
of lieutenant-general.
On the 12th of October the regiment had moved into huts in their
new encampment for the winter, the situation being most favourable,
well sheltered, with good water, and plenty of wood for fuel. This
spot had been occupied by Turkish troops during the summer. The
winter, during part of December, January, and February, was severe,
with unusually rapid variations of temperature. The regiment,
nevertheless, continued remarkably healthy, being well fed and
admirably clothed, besides having received a field allowance of 6d.
_per diem_ of extra pay.
The first issue of silver medals for the Crimea took place on the
12th of December 1855. A large number of officers, non-commissioned
officers, and private soldiers, received distinctions.
Sir Colin Campbell returned to the Crimea on the 15th of February
1856, and was appointed to the command of a corps d’armée, which,
however, was never collected or embodied.
On the 1st of March, it appeared in general orders that an armistice
had been signed, the conditions of which were: a suspension of arms;
that the river Tchernaya, from the ruins of the village of Tchernaya
to Sevastopol, should be the boundary line, and that no one should be
allowed to cross the river. On the 30th, a treaty of peace was signed
in Paris; and on the 2nd of April salutes were fired to announce
and commemorate the peace of the allied armies in the Crimea. The
communication with the interior of the country was soon opened, and
the great majority of the officers of the British army took advantage
of the permission.
On the 17th of April a review of the British army was held on the
heights in front of Sevastopol in honour of General Lüders, the
Russian Commander-in-Chief at that time. Marshal Pelissier, Le Duc
de Malakoff, and the Sardinian Commander-in-Chief, were present. The
British cavalry were all at Scutari, with the exception of the 11th
Hussars, who had wintered there.
In the beginning of June the army began to embark from the Crimea;
and on the 15th the 72nd was ordered from the camp near the mountain
gorge leading into the valley of Vernutka, which extends in the
direction of Baidar into Kadikoi, the other regiments of the Highland
division having embarked for England. On the 16th of June the 72nd
marched into Kadikoi, and occupied huts, being attached to the
brigade under Brigadier-General Warren. It was employed on fatigues,
shipping stores, &c., from Balaklava, until it embarked and sailed
for England in H.M.S. “Sanspareil.” After a most favourable passage,
the “Sanspareil” anchored off Spithead on the 29th of July.
The 72nd disembarked on the 31st of July, at Portsmouth, proceeding
on the same day to the camp at Aldershot: and on the 1st of August,
under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Parke, it was inspected by
Her Majesty the Queen. The regiment paraded in the grounds attached
to the Royal Pavilion, and Her Majesty was graciously pleased to
express her entire approbation of its appearance, and the steadiness
of the men under arms.
On the 16th of August the 72nd Highlanders were inspected by H.R.H.
the Duke of Cambridge, the General Commanding in Chief, who expressed
himself as thoroughly satisfied with the appearance and soldierlike
bearing of the men.
On the 27th of the same month, the head-quarters of this regiment,
consisting of the flank companies, Nos. 3, 4, and 5, left Aldershot
by railroad for Portsmouth, and embarked that afternoon for Guernsey,
disembarking on the 28th. The men were dispersed in detachments over
the whole island. The regiment was thus in a most unsatisfactory
position, being divided into so many small detachments after a
lengthened period of nearly twelve years’ foreign service, during a
great part of which they had been similarly dispersed. A new system,
however, was adopted of consolidating the depôts of all regiments,
whether at home or abroad, into battalions, under lieutenant-colonels
or colonels. In accordance with this regulation, the four companies
of the 72nd were ordered from Paisley to Fort George, to be formed
into a battalion with those of the 71st and the 92nd Highlanders,
under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Taylor, late second
lieutenant-colonel of the 79th Highlanders.
On the 22nd of April 1857, the head-quarters, with grenadier
and light companies of the regiment, left Guernsey, and arrived
at Portsmouth the following morning; thence proceeding direct
to Shorncliffe Camp. The detachment from Alderney, under Major
Mackenzie, had arrived on the 21st, and the remainder of the regiment
arrived on the 27th, under Major Thellusson. Before leaving the
island of Guernsey, however, the following address was presented to
the regiment from the Bailiff, on behalf of the Royal Court of the
island:--
“GUERNSEY, _April 22, 1857_.
“Sir,--I have the honour, on behalf of the Royal Court of the
island, to express the regret that it feels at the departure of the
72nd Highlanders. The inhabitants of Guernsey rejoiced at receiving
on their shores a corps which had borne its part in maintaining in
the Crimea the glory of the British arms. The soldierlike bearing of
the men, and the friendly dispositions that they have so generally
evinced, will long be borne in mind by all classes of society.
To the officers the acknowledgments of the Royal Court are more
especially due, for their ready co-operation with the civil power,
and their constant endeavour to promote a good understanding with the
inhabitants. In giving expression to the feelings of consideration
and esteem entertained by the Royal Court towards yourself and the
corps under your command, I have the further gratification of adding
that wherever the service of their country may call them, in peace or
in war, the 72nd Highlanders may feel assured that the best wishes of
the people of Guernsey will ever attend them.--I have the honour to
be, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,
“PETER STAFFORD CASEY,
“_Bailiff of Guernsey_.
“To Lieutenant-Colonel Parke,
“Commanding 72nd Highlanders.”
The 72nd regiment remained in camp at Shorncliffe during the summer
of 1857. On the 5th of August an order of readiness was received
for the immediate embarkation of the regiment for India, the
establishment of the regiment to be augmented to 1200 rank and file.
On the 24th the 72nd were inspected at Shorncliffe by H.R.H. the Duke
of Cambridge, General Commanding in Chief, who was graciously pleased
to present the regiment with new colours. The regiment received
H.R.H. in line, with the usual royal salute. The new colours, placed
in front of the centre of the line, were then consecrated by the
chaplain of the brigade, the Rev. J. Parker, and were received from
the hands of H.R.H. by Lieutenants Brownlow and Richardson, who then,
accompanied by the grenadier company, under Captain Rice, trooped
the new colours up and down the line, the old colours having been
cased and carried off with the usual honours.[433] The regiment was
then formed into three sides of a square, and addressed by H.R.H.,
who passed the highest encomiums upon its conduct, discipline, and
appearance. The regiment then marched past in slow and quick time,
and went through several manœuvres under the personal superintendence
of H.R.H., who was again pleased to express to Lieut.-Colonel Parke,
in command of the regiment, his entire and unqualified approbation.
On the 26th, the first detachment of the 72nd, consisting of 296
men and 14 officers, under the command of Major Thellusson, left
Shorncliffe for Portsmouth, and the same day embarked in the “Matilda
Atheling,” for Bombay. On the 4th of September, the head-quarters
of the regiment, consisting of the grenadier, No. 4, and the
light companies, under Lieut.-Colonel Parke, left Shorncliffe for
Portsmouth, and embarked in the screw steamer “Scotia” for Bombay
also, sailing on the 8th of the same month. The “Scotia” anchored in
Bombay harbour on the 9th of December, head-quarters landing the next
day, and occupying the barracks at Calaba.
On the 28th of December the steamer “Prince Albert,” with a
detachment of three companies of this regiment, under Major
Mackenzie, and on the 5th of January 1858 the “Matilda Atheling”
arrived. The whole regiment was now together in Calaba, four
companies being encamped under the command of Lieut.-Colonel William
Parke.
The strength of the regiment in January 1858 was--3 field officers,
10 captains, 19 subalterns, 8 staff-officers, 58 sergeants, 18
drummers and fifers, 41 corporals, and 766 privates, making a total
of 923.
On the 31st of December the regiment was placed under orders for
Goojerat, and on the 14th of January 1858 it embarked on board the
East India Company’s steamers “Auckland” and “Berenice” for the Bay
of Cambay, and disembarked at Tankaria, Bunder, on the 17th. On the
following day it left Tankaria for Baroda, which it reached on the
23rd, where 200 men were detained by the British resident at the
court of the Guicowar of Baroda and Goojerat, in case of force
being required in the disarming of the people. Notwithstanding the
constant exposure and severe marching to which these detachments
were subjected, the men throughout the whole regiment continued very
healthy.
The two companies of the regiment which had been left in Bombay soon
joined the others at Baroda, although they were not kept together,
but were moved by companies from village to village, collecting arms
and carrying out executions. The remaining six companies of the
regiment left Baroda on the 23rd of January, and reached Ahmedabad
on the 31st, and Deesa on the 13th of February. The climate at this
season is favourable to marching, the nights and early mornings being
cold; so that the men suffered little from fatigue, and remained in
excellent health, although recently landed after a long voyage. On
the 15th of this month, the regiment left Deesa for Nusseerabad; and
on the 18th a few delicate men of the regiment were left at Mount
Aboo, the sanitarium station for European troops in this command;
these were to rejoin as soon as the regiment should return into
quarters.
On the 5th of March 1858, at a village called Beawr, the regiment
sustained a great loss by the death, from small-pox, of Major
Mackenzie, the senior major of the regiment, and an officer
held in universal esteem. After this depressing incident, every
precautionary measure was taken, and this dreadful disease did
not spread. The regiment reached Nusseerabad on the 8th, where it
joined the division under Major-General Roberts, of the East India
Company’s Service, destined for the field-service in Rajpootanah,
but more especially for operations against the city of Kotah. The
cantonment of Nusseerabad no longer remained, having been laid in
ruins by the mutineers. The force here collected consisted of one
troop of Horse Artillery (Bombay), two batteries Bombay Artillery,
18 heavy siege-train guns of different calibres, one company R.E.,
one company Bombay Sappers, four small mountain-train guns (mortars),
1st regiment of Bombay Lancers, a strong detachment of Sind irregular
horse (Jacob’s), a detachment of Goojerat irregular horse, H.M.’s
72nd Highlanders, the 83rd and 95th regiments, the 10th and 12th
Native Infantry. This force was divided into one cavalry and two
infantry brigades, the cavalry under Colonel Smith, 3rd Dragoon
Guards, who had not joined. The first infantry brigade was under
Colonel Macan of the Company’s service, and consisted of H.M.’s
95th Regiment, a wing of H.M.’s 83rd, with the 10th and 12th Native
Infantry. The second Infantry Brigade, under Lieut.-Colonel Parke of
the 72nd Highlanders, consisted of Her Majesty’s 72nd, a wing of the
83rd, and the 13th regiment Native Infantry, which latter regiment
joined on the march to Kotah, having marched from Hyderabad in Sind.
A second troop of Bombay Horse Artillery likewise joined the division
from Sind after its departure from Nusseerabad. All the artillery of
the force was under Lieut.-Colonel Price, R.A.
The cavalry was placed temporarily under the command of
Lieut.-Colonel Owen, of the 1st Bombay Lancers. This force was
soon increased by the arrival of Her Majesty’s 8th Hussars and two
squadrons of the 2nd Bombay Cavalry.
On the 11th of March, the 72nd, under the command of Major
Thellusson, who had succeeded Lieut.-Colonel Parke, the first being
one day in advance, left Nusseerabad with the second brigade, _en
route_ to Kotah, a distance of 112 miles. The principal places passed
through were Sawoor, strongly fortified; Jhajpoor, a straggling,
ill-defended town; and Bhoondee. This last was a very strong
position, situated on the face of a ridge of mountains, approached on
one side through a narrow winding gorge, capable of being defended
with ease. This gorge or narrow valley runs below the city of
Bhoondee, and opens out into a vast plain overlooked by the city
and castle. Bhoondee is surrounded by substantially-built irregular
walls, bastions and defences extending to the summit of the mountain,
on whose side this curious, interesting, and beautiful city is built.
Here the second brigade joined the first, only two days’ march from
Kotah.
On the 22nd of March, the division reached Kotah, and encamped on
the left bank of the river Chumbul, opposite the city; but it was
subsequently forced to shift its position more to the rear, to avoid
the enemy’s artillery, the round-shot from which reached the camp.
The 72nd was on the extreme right of the line of the encampment,
and the cavalry on the extreme left, the whole army being exactly
opposite the city, and parallel with the river.
The immediate cause of these operations against Kotah was as
follows:--The Rajah of Kotah had always professed himself an ally of
the British Government, and for many years a British Resident had
been attached to his court; but when the mutiny at Neemuch broke out
among the Bengal troops, the British Resident, Major Burton, had
left Kotah for a short time for some purpose. During his absence,
however, the Rajah warned Major Burton against returning to Kotah, as
the inhabitants had joined the rebellion, and considerable numbers
of mutineers from Nusseerabad, Mundesoor, and Neemuch, had taken up
their quarters in the city. Nevertheless, Major Burton returned to
Kotah, and with his two sons was barbarously murdered. The Rajah
refused to join his subjects against the British Government, shut
himself up in his palace, which was situated in one of the strongly
fortified quarters of the city, and was regularly besieged by his own
subjects, now aided by their fellow rebels, from the neighbouring
states of Rajpootanah. To avenge the murder of the British Resident,
and to inquire into, and if necessary punish, the conduct of the
Rajah, were the primary objects of the expedition, of which the 72nd
regiment now formed a part.
On the 24th of March, two batteries were erected on the banks of the
Chumbul, one on the right and the other on the left of the British
position. On these the enemy opened a steady and well-directed fire.
On the 26th, at the invitation of the Rajah, Major-General Roberts
placed a body of troops in the entrenched quarter of the city, which
was still in the Rajah’s possession; while 200 men of Her Majesty’s
83rd regiment and the rifle company of the 13th Native Infantry
crossed over the river. On the 27th, 28th, and 29th, preparations
were made for bringing over some of the heavy ordnance and mortars
to be placed in position within the Rajah’s quarters, as it had been
decided by the Major-General to assault the enemy’s portion of the
city on the 30th, after a few hours’ heavy fire from all the guns
and mortars. Accordingly, at two o’clock A.M. of that day, three
columns of 500 men each passed over in large, square, flat-bottomed
boats into the Rajah’s city; the reserve was under Colonel Macan.
The leading column of the assault, under Lieutenant-Colonel Raimes,
of the 95th, was composed of 260 men of the 72nd and 250 of the 13th
Native Infantry; the second column, under Lieutenant-Colonel Holmes,
of the 12th Native Infantry, of a similar number of Her Majesty’s
95th regiment, with the 10th regiment of Native Infantry; the third
column, of 200 of the 83rd, with the 12th Native Infantry.
The column to which the 72nd belonged took up its position in the
rear of a wall which separated the Rajah’s quarters from that part
of the city held by the rebels, close to the Hunnyman Bastion.
The design was to blow open a gap in the wall sufficiently large
to admit of the 72nd making a rush through it upon the enemy; the
engineers, however, found the wall too solid to admit of a successful
result, and at eleven o’clock A.M., the regiment was ordered to
the Kittenpole Gate, which had been strongly built up. This was
instantly blown out by the engineers, and the column, headed by the
72nd under Major Thellusson, rushed through, and turned immediately
to the right, under cover of a party placed on the walls of the
fortifications of the Rajah’s quarters. But little resistance was
offered, and the advance of the column was rapid, the principal
object of attack being a bastion called the Zooraivoor, on the outer
walls of the city. On the approach of the column, a few shots were
fired by matchlock-men, but Enfield rifles cleared the way; and on
the 72nd reaching the bastion, most of the enemy had fled, while
some, throwing themselves from the ramparts, were dashed to pieces
at the bottom. The column then proceeded along the top of the outer
wall of the city as far as the Soorjpole Gate, one of the principal
entrances, through which a considerable body of the enemy was making
a precipitate retreat; the gateway was at once taken possession
of, and the column rushed into the city itself. No sooner, however,
had the regiment left the walls than the matchlock-men opened fire
from a strongly-built stone house, facing the gateway, an entrance
into which was attempted by Lieutenant Cameron of the 72nd with a
small party of men. This officer in a very gallant manner dashed up
a narrow passage and stair-case leading into the upper part of the
building, when he was met by a determined band of rebels, headed
by “THE LALLA,” the commander-in-chief of the rebels. Lieutenant
Cameron was cut down and severely wounded, while one man of the Royal
Engineers, and one of the 83rd, who happened to be with the party,
were killed, and one of the 72nd was wounded. Lieutenant-Colonel
Parke deemed it expedient not to risk more lives in the narrow, dark,
and intricate passages of the building; and accordingly he ordered
the company of Royal Engineers to lay powder-bags and effect an
opening by that means; this was immediately done, and some of these
determined fanatics were destroyed by the explosion, the remainder
being slain by the troops. A few other instances of desperate
resistance occurred, but anything like united, determined opposition
was nowhere encountered.
The other two columns had been equally successful, and by the evening
of the 30th of March 1858 the city of Kotah, one of the strongest
positions in India, was in possession of the British. Upwards of 70
guns of various calibres, some very heavy, besides a vast amount
of powder and war material, fell into the hands of the captors.
The escape of the rebels was unfortunately not intercepted by the
cavalry. On the 31st, the detachment of the 72nd was relieved by a
party of the regiment which had remained in camp.
The casualties of the 72nd on the 30th were few, considering the
importance of the victory. One officer, Lieutenant Cameron, was
wounded, and one private killed and eight wounded. The victory was
gained by a clever flank movement, which turned the enemy’s position
and rendered their defences useless. This point in tactics, the
rebels never sufficiently attended to, and consequently repeatedly
lost battles by allowing their flanks to be turned.
On the 18th of April the 72nd left Kotah, and on the 2nd of May the
regiment reached Neemuch, having on the march from Kotah passed
through the Mokundurra Pass, a long narrow valley between two ranges
of hills, easily rendered formidable by a small number of men, and
unfortunately known in Indian history for Colonel Monson’s disastrous
retreat thence. At Neemuch, new barracks were nearly completed for
the men, but no accommodation of any kind for officers. Nothing but a
mass of ruins remained of this once extensive cantonment, which had
been completely destroyed by the mutineers of the Bengal Army, who
had been quartered here.
The force at Neemuch now consisted of a wing of the 2nd Bombay
Cavalry, six guns of Bombay field artillery, one company of Royal
Engineers, one company of Royal Artillery without guns, the 72nd
Highlanders, one company of Her Majesty’s 95th regiment, and one wing
of the Bombay Native Infantry. The remainder of the division was at
Nusseerabad, with the exception of a column under Colonel Smith of
the 3rd Dragoon Guards, consisting of a wing of the 8th Hussars, a
wing of the 1st Bombay Lancers, one troop Bombay Horse Artillery
(Lieutenant-Colonel Blake’s), Her Majesty’s 95th Regiment, and a
Native Infantry Regiment, which had been detached to Goonah, to keep
open the communications between Jhansee and Indore in the rear of Sir
Hugh Rose’s division.
The 72nd was now once more in quarters. The conduct, discipline,
and health of the men from the time of their landing in India was
quite unexceptionable, the regiment remaining perfectly efficient
in every sense, though considerably under the proper number of its
establishment. The recruiting, however, at the dépôt quarters at
Aberdeen proved most satisfactory.
The regiment continued under the command of Major Thellusson,
Lieutenant-Colonel Parke having been appointed to command the station
at Neemuch.
On the 6th of June, four companies of the regiment were suddenly
ordered to Nusseerabad under Major Rocke, in consequence of the
mutiny of the main body of the army belonging to Sindhiah of
Gwalior. On the 20th of June this detachment of the regiment reached
Nusseerabad, and immediately took the field with a strong column
under the command of Major-General Roberts. This force consisted
of one troop Bombay Horse Artillery, a wing of Her Majesty’s 8th
Hussars, a wing of the 1st Bombay Cavalry, and some Belooch Horse,
a detachment of Her Majesty’s 72nd Highlanders, Her Majesty’s 83rd
regiment, a regiment of native infantry, four 9-pounder guns Bombay
Artillery, and a small siege train.
Major-General Roberts proceeded with the column in the direction
of Jeypoor to cover and protect that city, which was threatened by
a large army of rebels under the Rao Sahib and Tantéa Topee. These
two noted leaders, after the capture of Gwalior in June by Sir Hugh
Rose, crossed the river Chumbul at the northern extremity of Kerowlee
District, at the head of ten or twelve thousand men, and entered
the Jeypoor territory. On the advance, however, of Major-General
Roberts, the enemy turned south, marched on the city of Tonk,
pillaged the suburbs, capturing four field-pieces, and in good order,
on the approach of the British troops, made a rapid retreat in a
south-easterly direction to Bhoondee.
Major-General Roberts now detached a small force, composed of
horse-artillery, cavalry, and the four companies of 72nd Highlanders,
besides some native infantry, to take up the pursuit; but owing to
excessive rains, this service was one of great difficulty, and the
men were exposed to unusual hardships and privations. Such was the
state of the weather that, for several days consecutively, not even
the rebels could move.
On the 14th of August, Major-General Roberts, after a rapid
succession of forced marches, came up with the enemy near the village
of Kattara on the Bunas river, a few miles north of the city of
Oodeypoor, where the rebels had taken up a good position. On the
advance of the hussars and horse artillery, they abandoned their guns
and fled; their loss, it was calculated, having exceeded 1000 men
killed.
Simultaneously with these operations, a column, including 330 rank
and file of the regiment, under Lieutenant-Colonel Parke, recently
appointed Brigadier of the 1st Class, moved out from Neemuch to
co-operate with Major-General Roberts in the direction of Odeypoor,
the head-quarters. On the 18th of this month, the column under
Brigadier Parke received orders to pursue the scattered and fugitive
rebel forces, and was reinforced by the head-quarters and a wing
of the 13th Regiment Native Infantry, a wing of H.M. 8th Hussars,
250 Belooch horse, and a detachment of Goojerat irregular cavalry.
Notwithstanding the utmost efforts on the part of the pursuing
column, the enemy completely outstripped it by the extraordinary
rapidity of their flight. They took a direct easterly course between
the rivers Bunas and Bairas, retreating into the mountains and
rocky fastnesses to the north of Chittoor, proceeding as far as the
Chumbul river, which they crossed on the 23rd of August, without
being intercepted by the pursuing column. This, probably, would not
have happened had not the information supplied by the political
authorities been incorrect. On the evening of the 23rd, Brigadier
Parke reached the Chumbul; but he was unable to cross on account
of the rapid swelling of the stream and the completely worn-out
condition of the cavalry that had been detached from Major-General
Roberts’s column for the pursuit. The force accordingly returned,
reaching Neemuch on the 28th, the infantry having marched upwards of
220 miles between the 11th and 23rd of August.
On the 5th of September, the Neemuch or 2nd Brigade of the
Rajpootanah Field Force was again ordered to take the field, under
the command of Brigadier Parke. This force consisted of 200 men of
the 2nd Bombay Light Cavalry; one troop 8th Hussars; one company 11th
Royal Engineers; 500 of the 72nd Highlanders, under Major Thellusson;
four 9-pounder guns, Bombay Artillery; two mountain-train mortars;
two siege-train mortars; and 450 of the 15th Regiment Bombay Native
Infantry.
The object of this expedition was to attack the rebels, who were
reported as being in position at Jhalra Patoon, having obtained
possession of the Fort, containing upwards of 40 pieces of artillery,
and a great amount of treasure. Here they had been joined by the
Rajah’s troops, who opened the gates of the city as well as those
of the Fort, which is distant about 3 miles; the Rajah fled for
protection to the nearest British force at Soosneer.
The rebels, now considerably augmented in numbers and completely
re-equipped, hearing of the advance of the force from Neemuch, left
Jhalra Patoon and moved south towards Soosneer, as if intending
to attack a small body of British troops, detached from Mhow and
encamped at Soosneer under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel
Lockhart, of the 92nd Highlanders. The 2nd Brigade Rajpootanah Field
Force accordingly marched to Sakoondai Ford, crossed the Chumbul
river, and went direct to Soosneer. The rebels, however, did not
attack Lieutenant-Colonel Lockhart, who was joined shortly afterwards
by Major-General Michel, commanding the Malwah Division, together
with reinforcements.
On the morning of the 15th of September, the 2nd Brigade Rajpootanah
Field Force left Soosneer, heavy artillery firing having been heard
to the eastward. The brigade accordingly marched in that direction
to Mulkeera on the Sind river, a branch of the Kalli-Sind. It was
ascertained that Major-General Michel had overtaken the rebels near
Rajgurh, attacked, defeated, and captured all their guns, in number
twenty-seven. The rebel forces, computed at 10,000 to 12,000 men,
fled in hot haste and re-assembled at Sironj, a small state and large
Mohammedan city in Rajpootanah.
Major-General Michel now directed the 2nd Brigade Rajpootanah
Field Force to take up a position at Sarungpoor on the Bombay
and Agra grand trunk road, the object being to cover Indore, the
head-quarters of the Maharajah Holkar, and containing a numerous and
most disaffected population. It was therefore a matter of paramount
importance to frustrate any endeavour on the part of the rebels even
to appear in that immediate neighbourhood. The Major-General, after
the action at Rajgurh, likewise took a south-easterly course in
order to attack the rebels, covering at the same time the state and
city of Bhopal.
A few days afterwards, the brigade was transferred, as a temporary
arrangement, to the Malwah Division, and placed under the orders
of Major-General Michel. At end of September, when it marched to
Beawr on the grand trunk road. The 72nd, as part of the brigade, was
now employed in keeping open the communications with the rear and
covering the advance of the column under the Major-General through
Sironj to the eastward towards the river Betwah.
The enemy having been again attacked by the Major-General, on the
9th of October, near a place called Mungowlee, sought refuge in the
Chundairee jungles, and the 2nd Brigade Rajpootanah Field Force
received orders to march by Sironj to these jungles. The rebels,
however, crossed the Betwah and took a more easterly course, thus
causing change in the intended movements of the brigade, which, after
a few days’ halt at Sironj, was ordered to Bhorasso on the Betwah
river.
On the 25th of October information was received that the rebels had
been again attacked by the Major-General and driven south, as if
intending to make a descent on the city of Bhopal.
The 2nd brigade Rajpootanah Field Force accordingly left Bhorasso
on the night of the 25th of October, marched direct on Bhopal, and
bivouacked near that city on the evening of the 28th, thus having
accomplished a distance of about 110 miles in 74 hours. The important
and wealthy city of Bhopal was thus saved from falling into the
hands of the Rao Sahib and Tantéa Topee; for there was no doubt
whatever that the Begum’s troops would have joined the rebels. For
this service, the thanks of the Governor in Council (Bombay) and of
Sir Henry Somerset, the Commander-in-Chief of the Presidency, were
received.
Soon after the arrival of the brigade in Bhopal, the rebel forces
crossed the river Nerbudda about 40 miles to the eastward of
Hoosungabad, and proceeded due south through the Poochpoonah range
of mountains to the banks of the Taptee river. Major-General Michel,
C.B., with a column composed of cavalry and horse artillery,
followed rapidly to Hoosungabad, and ordered the 2nd brigade
Rajpootanah Field Force to do likewise. On the 9th of November the
brigade reached Hoosungabad, crossed the Nerbudda on the 11th, and
remained on the south side till the 14th. One wing of the regiment,
under Major Norman, was now ordered to remain with a portion of the
brigade at Hoosungabad, whence the headquarters of the regiment and
the brigade marched _en route_ to Charwah in a south-west direction.
At Charwah another change was made in the disposing of this regiment.
Brigadier Parke was ordered by the major-general to assume command
of a column composed of light and irregular cavalry, with 100 men
of the 72nd Highlanders mounted on riding camels, to pursue with
the utmost speed the rebels, who had entirely changed their course,
having turned north-west, making for the fords of the Nerbudda in the
vicinity of Chicoolda. This last-named detachment of the regiment was
composed of the light and No. 4 companies, under Lieutenant Vesey.
The headquarters of the regiment and the wing under Major Thellusson
were shortly afterwards ordered up to Mhow, which they reached on the
5th of December 1858, and on the 8th they were ordered to Indore,
where they remained until the 5th of January 1859, on which day they
returned to Mhow, and went into quarters. The detachment which had
remained under Major Norman in November at Hoosungabad recrossed
the Nerbudda, and was ordered north through Sehoor to Chapeira, and
thence south again to Angoor.
The detachment under Lieutenant Vesey continued with the pursuing
column under Brigadier Parke. The operations of this small force
commenced on the 23rd of November 1858, and on the 1st of December,
after having marched 250 miles in nine days, including the passage of
the Nerbudda near Chicoolda, it came up with the enemy at daylight,
and attacked him near the town and palace of Chhota Oodepoor, on the
road to Baroda, the capital of Goojerat. The rebel forces were under
the Rao Sahib and Tantéa Topee. These were completely dispersed,
and suffered considerable loss; but it was impossible to obtain
satisfactory accounts of the results, or to strike a heavy blow on
these rebel hordes, who scattered themselves in all directions. In
the course of ten days, however, the rebels again collected their
forces, and marched through dense jungles due north by Banswarra to
Sulumboor, a large and important city, strongly fortified, belonging
to an independent but disaffected Rajah, who secretly gave all the
aid in his power to the rebels, furnishing supplies in a country both
barren and very thinly inhabited--the only inhabitants of these vast
forest and mountainous districts being the aboriginal Bheels.
The rebels, however, being closely pressed by the pursuing column
under Brigadier Parke, entered the open country again near
Pertabgurh. Here they were met by a small force from Neemuch, under
Major Rocke, 72nd Highlanders. This force consisted of 150 men of
the 72nd, a small detachment of H.M.’s 95th Regiment, a few native
infantry and cavalry, and two 9-pounder guns Royal Artillery. The
rebels advanced late in the evening, but he was well and steadily
received by Major Rocke’s small detachment. For a considerable time
a heavy fire was kept up; but the object of the rebels being to
gain the open country, and rid themselves as rapidly as possible of
the presence of the numerous small columns of British troops which
had been stationed to watch the Banswarra and Sulumboor jungles,
they availed themselves of the night, and effected their escape to
the eastwards to Soosneer, crossing the Chumbul and the Kolli-Sind
rivers. From the want of cavalry, Major Rocke’s column could not take
up the pursuit, and therefore shortly afterwards returned to Neemuch.
The detachment under Lieutenant Vesey, with the column of pursuit,
now followed the course taken by the enemy, keeping to the westward,
but nearly parallel to it, there being several other fresh columns
in closer pursuit. Towards the middle of January, Brigadier Parke’s
column passed through the Mokundurrah Pass, and thence to the
Gamootch Ford, near Kotah, to Jeypoor, by Bhoondee, the rebels with
extraordinary rapidity having crossed the Chumbul near Indoorgurh,
and again entered the Jeypoor territory. They were attacked by
a column from Agra, under Brigadier Showers, and driven westward
towards the borders of the Jeysoolmeer sandy districts bordering upon
the deserts that extend to the Indus. Major-General Michel, with
a strong column, entered Rajpootanah, and took a position on the
highroad between Nusseerabad and Neemuch, ordering Colonel Somerset
to watch the mountain passes south of Nusseerabad in the range of
mountains separating Marwar and Jeypoor. Two other columns were also
out from Nusseerabad, all trying to intercept the rebel forces.
Brigadier Parke held the country between Samboor Lake and Jeypoor
to the north, and extending south to Kishengurh, near Ajmeer. After
several skirmishes with the British forces, the rebels marched due
south, and, in the middle of February, crossed the Aravulli range of
mountains at or near the Chutsebooj Pass, within a few “coss”[434]
of Colonel Somerset, who, with a fine brigade of fresh cavalry and
mounted infantry, took up the pursuit, but was unable to overtake his
flying foe. The rebels had now recourse to stratagem, and feeling at
last much distressed, they pretended to sue for truces. About 200
of the Ferozeshah’s followers surrendered. The British columns were
halted, and the rebel leaders availed themselves of the opportunity,
to return eastward with their now (as rumour had it) disheartened
followers greatly reduced in numbers, and sought refuge in the Sironj
and Shahabad jungles.
In March 1859 the pursuing column under Brigadier Parke was ordered
to Jhalra Patoon, there to halt and watch the country lying to the
south as far as Booragoon, and north to the Kotah district.
In the beginning of April the rebel leader Tantéa Topee, who had
separated from the main body of the rebels, was captured by means
of treachery on the part of a surrendered rebel chief, Maun Singh,
and executed at Sippree. The two remaining rebel leaders now were
Rao Sahib and Ferozeshah, Prince of Delhi, son of the late king; the
latter having managed to escape from Oude with about 2000 followers,
joined the Rao Sahib in January 1859, before crossing the Chumbul
into the Kerowlee and Jeypoor territories.
The rebel forces were now so much scattered, and such numbers had
been slain, that it was deemed advisable to order as many European
troops as possible into quarters. The detachment under Lieutenant
Vesey accordingly left Jhalra Patoon, and regained headquarters at
Mhow on the 21st of April. Brigadier Parke, with Captain Rice, of
the 72nd (his orderly officer), and some irregular cavalry, remained
in the field until 16th June 1859, on which day they returned into
head-quarters at Mhow, and the regiment was again in cantonments.
To enter into the details of the extraordinary pursuit and campaign
of the division under Major-General Michel, C.B., in Central India
and Rajpootanah, would be out of place. Suffice it to say that the
regiment under the command of Major Thellusson, from July 1858
to May 1859, was constantly in the field, engaged in perhaps the
most arduous and trying service which has ever fallen to the lot
of British soldiers in India. Disastrous marches, unsuccessful
campaigns, attended by all the miseries of war, have occurred
undoubtedly in India; but, for a constant unceasing series of
forced marches, frequently without excitement, the campaign
under Major-General Michel stands unsurpassed. The results were
most satisfactory. The pacification and restoration of order and
confidence in Central India were the completion of Sir Hugh Rose’s
brilliant campaign in 1858.
The thanks of both houses of Parliament were offered to Major-General
Sir John Michel, K.C.B., and the troops under his command, being
included in the general thanks to the whole army under Lord Clyde.
The conduct, discipline, and health of the regiment during all the
operations in 1858-9 were excellent. The detachment of the regiment
under Lieutenant Vesey, on its arrival at headquarters at Mhow, had
been under canvas in the field since January 1858, with the exception
of five weeks at Neemuch, and had marched over 3000 miles. The
headquarters of the regiment were in Neemuch during May, June, and
July 1858; with the exception of this period, they likewise were in
the field from January 1858 to January 1859.
In consequence of the services of the regiment, above enumerated, it
became entitled to a medal, granted for the suppression of the Indian
Mutiny of 1857-8.
Brigadier Parke returned from field service on the 16th of June,
and took over the command of the regiment from Lieutenant-Colonel
Thellusson.
[Illustration: Major-General William Parke, C.B.
From a Photograph by Mayall.]
The following promotions and appointments were made in the regiment
in 1858-9. Lieutenant-Colonel Parke was nominated a Companion of
the Bath on March 22, 1859, and was appointed aide-de-camp to the
Queen, with the rank of colonel in the army, on April 26, of the
same year. Major Thellusson was promoted to the brevet rank of
lieutenant-colonel in the army on July 20, 1858. Captain Norman was
promoted to the rank of Brevet-Major on July 20, 1858. Sergeant-major
James Thomson was promoted to the rank of ensign on October 15, and
appointed adjutant to the regiment on December 31, 1858.
The Victoria Cross was conferred on Lieutenant A. S. Cameron of the
72nd, on November 11, 1859, for conspicuous bravery at Kotah on March
30, 1858.
The field force under Major Rocke returned to Mhow on January 5,
1860, having marched through India to the confines of the Bengal
Presidency, a distance of 400 miles, and ensured the peace of the
territories of Sindiah, Holkar, and other minor chiefs, and prevented
the outbreak which had been expected to take place during the late
cold season.
Brigadier Horner, C.B., concluded the half-yearly inspection of the
regiment on May 3, and found the state of discipline so admirable,
that he was pleased to remit the unexpired term of imprisonment of
men under sentence of court-martial.
In December 1863, His Excellency Sir William Mansfield, K.C.B.,
Commander-in-Chief, Bombay Presidency, inspected the regiment, and
addressed it in nearly the following words:--“SEVENTY-SECOND, I have
long wished to see you. Before I came to this Presidency, I had often
heard from one who was a great friend of yours, as well as of my
own, Sir Colin Campbell, now Lord Clyde, that of all the regiments
he had known in the course of his long service, he had not met with
one in which discipline and steadiness in the field, as well as the
most minute matters of interior economy, all the qualities, in fact,
which contribute to make a good regiment, were united in so eminent
a degree as in the 72nd Highlanders, when serving in his division in
the Crimea, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Parke. I have
never met Colonel Parke, but I have heard of the reputation he made
at your head. It will afford me very great satisfaction to report
to His Royal Highness Commanding-in-Chief, and to write as I shall
do to Lord Clyde, that from the reports of all the general officers
you have served under in India, and now, from my own personal
observation, the 72nd Highlanders have in no way deteriorated
during their service in India, but are now under my old friend and
brother officer, Colonel Payn, in every respect, on the plains of
Hindoostan, the same regiment that, when serving under Sir Colin
Campbell on the shores of the Crimea, was considered by him a pattern
to the British army.” After the inspection, his Excellency requested
Lieutenant-Colonel Payn, C.B., to express to Lieutenant and Adjutant
J. Thomson, and Quarter-master D. Munro, his sense of the zeal and
ability which they had displayed in assisting their commanding
officer to carry out the institutions that were now in full working
order in the regiment.
By a General Order, dated 3d September 1863, the Queen, in
commemoration of the services of the 72nd Highlanders in Her
Majesty’s Indian dominions, was graciously pleased to command that
the words “Central India” be worn on the colours, &c., of the
regiment.
In October 1864 the regiment was inspected by Major-General Edward
Green, C.B., when he forwarded a letter to Colonel Payn, from which
we give the following extract:--
“The regiment under your command being about to leave this division,
I desire to express to you my entire satisfaction with the manner in
which duty has been performed by the officers and soldiers during
eighteen months that I have been associated with them as commander of
the division. The perfect steadiness under arms, the neat and clean
appearance of the soldiers at all times, the small amount of any
serious crimes, the order in which everything is conducted as regards
the interior economy, makes the 72nd Highlanders quite a pattern
corps, and a source of pride to a general officer to have such a
regiment under his command....
“As senior regimental officer in this brigade, you have assisted and
supported me with a readiness and goodwill most advantageous to the
public service, and as, in all probability, I may never again have
any official communication with the 72nd Regiment, I have to beg that
you will accept my hearty acknowledgements. Read this letter at the
head of the regiment at a convenient opportunity, and permit it to be
placed among the records of the Duke of Albany’s Own Highlanders.”
The regiment being under orders to leave Central India, three
companies marched from Mhow on the 26th of October for Sattarah,
and two companies for Asseergurh. On the 11th of February 1865, the
headquarters and five companies left Mhow for Poonah. The regiment
had been stationed there since January 1859.
On the 1st of March the regiment was distributed as under:--
Headquarters, with two companies, Nos. 4 and 6, Poonah--Colonel
Payn, C.B. Detachment of three companies, Nos. 5, 7, and 10,
Sattarah--Lieutenant-Colonel Rocke. Detachment of three companies,
Nos. 1, 3, and 9, Khandallah--Major Rice. Detachment of two
companies, Nos. 2 and 8, Asseergurh--Captain Ffrench. Nothing
requiring record occurred until the 15th of July, when the regiment
was placed under orders to proceed to Great Britain.
The order to volunteer into other regiments serving in India (usually
given to corps on departure from that country) was issued on the 6th
of September. The volunteering commenced on the 14th, and continued
till the 17th, during which time 272 men left the 72nd Highlanders to
join various other regiments.
On the 13th of October, a detachment, consisting of 1 captain,
5 subalterns, 1 assistant surgeon, 5 sergeants, 6 corporals, 2
drummers, and 72 rank and file, went by railroad to Bombay, and
embarked on the same day on board the freight ship “Talbot.” After
a prosperous though somewhat lengthened voyage of 108 days, this
detachment landed at Portsmouth on the 31st of January 1866, and
proceeded to Greenlaw, near Edinburgh, where it awaited the arrival
of the headquarters of the regiment.
On the 6th of November Brigadier-General J. C. Heath, inspected the
headquarters at Poonah, and expressed his satisfaction at the steady
and soldier-like manner in which it moved upon parade, commending the
good behaviour of the men, and the “particularly advanced system of
interior economy existing in the regiment.”
The detachments from Sattarah and Asseergurh, having joined
headquarters, the regiment left Poonah, under command of Major Hunter
(Major Crombie being at Bombay on duty, and the other field-officers
on leave), and proceeded by rail to Bombay, embarking on the 16th on
board the freight ship, the “Tweed.”
On afternoon of the 18th of November, the “Tweed” weighed anchor, and
on the evening of February 10, having passed the Needles, she reached
Spithead, and there, at her anchorage, rode through a terrible
hurricane which lasted twenty-four hours, during which many vessels
near her were lost, dismasted, or wrecked. Proceeding to Gravesend,
the regiment disembarked there on February 15th, and proceeded by
rail to Edinburgh Castle on the 21st, and released the 71st Highland
Light Infantry. The strength of the regiment on arriving in Great
Britain, including the depot companies at Stirling, was:--
Field Officers, 3
Captains, 12
Lieutenants, 14
Ensigns, 10
Staff, 5
Total Officers, -- 44
Sergeants, 42
Drummers and Pipers, 21
Corporals, 36
Privates, 578
Total Non-Commissioned Officers
and Privates, --- 677
---
Grand Total, 721
The depot, under command of Captain Beresford, joined the
headquarters shortly after their arrival at Edinburgh.
During the stay of the 72nd in Edinburgh no event of importance
occurred, and the conduct of the men was highly satisfactory. At
the various half-yearly inspections, Major-General F. W. Hamilton,
commanding in North Britain, expressed himself as thoroughly
satisfied with the discipline and appearance of the regiment, as well
as with its interior economy, which, as will have been noticed, also
elicited the commendation of the officers who inspected the regiment
in India.
On May 9th, the regiment embarked on board H.M.S. “Tamar” at Granton,
and landing on the 13th went by rail to Aldershott, where it was
placed in camp under canvas.
On October 7th, Major-General Renny, commanding the 1st Brigade
of Infantry at Aldershott, inspected the regiment under Major
Cecil Rice, and subsequently thus expressed himself to the latter
officer:--“I could see at a glance the regiment was beautifully
turned out, and, indeed, everything is as good as it is possible
to be. Such a regiment is seldom seen, and I will send the most
favourable report I am able to make to the Horse Guards.”
Of the 72nd, as of other regiments during time of peace, and
especially when stationed at home, there is but little that is
eventful to record. The regiment was kept moving at intervals from
one place to another, and wherever it was stationed, and whatever
duties it was called upon to perform, it invariably received the
commendation of the military officials who were appointed to inspect
it, as well as the hearty good-will of the citizens among whom it was
stationed. We shall conclude our account of the brave 72nd, which, as
will have been seen, has all along done much to ward off the blows of
Britain’s enemies, and enable her to maintain her high position among
the nations of the world, by noticing briefly its movements up to the
present time.
On October 24th, the regiment, now commanded by Major Hunter, left
Aldershott by rail for Manchester, taking with it every one belonging
to the regiment on its effective strength. The regiment remained at
Manchester till February 1st, 1868, when it proceeded, under the
command of Major Cecil Rice, to Ireland, arriving at Kingston on the
5th, and marching to Richmond barracks, Dublin.
A detachment under command of Captain F. G. Sherlock, consisting of 1
captain, 2 subalterns, and 2 companies, proceeded on the 25th by rail
to Sligo, in aid of the civil power, returning to Dublin on March
6th. Major C. Rice commended the good behaviour of the detachment
while on duty at Sligo. “It is by such conduct,” he said, “that the
credit and good name of a regiment are upheld.”
Colonel W. Payn, C.B., rejoined from leave of absence on the 12th of
March, and resumed command of the regiment.
In April, their Royal Highnesses the Prince and the Princess of
Wales visited Dublin; and on the 18th, the installation of His
Royal Highness as a Knight of the Order of St Patrick took place
at a special chapter of the order, held in St Patrick’s Cathedral,
His Excellency the Duke of Abercorn, Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland,
presiding as Grand-Master. The regiment, under Colonel Payn, C.B.,
was on that day on duty in York Street.
On the 20th of April the whole of the troops in Dublin were paraded
in the Phœnix Park, in review order, in presence of H.R.H. the Prince
of Wales, the Princess of Wales, and H.R.H. the Duke of Cambridge,
Field-Marshal, commanding-in-chief.
On September 16th the 72nd was ordered to Limerick, where it remained
till the end of October 1869. On the 21st the headquarters and three
companies, under the command of Major Beresford, proceeded by rail
to Buttevant in county Cork. On the 22nd, five companies proceeded
by rail to the Cove of Cork, viz., three companies under command
of Captain Sherlock to Cambden Fort, and two companies under the
command of Captain Tanner to Carlisle Fort. On the 25th, “F” (Captain
Guinness’s) company proceeded from Clare Castle to Tipperary to join
“A” (Captain Fordyce’s) company at the latter place.
On June 27th, 1870, orders were received for the embarkation of the
regiment for India on or about February 19th, 1871. In the months
of June and July 276 volunteers were received from various corps on
the home establishment, and 191 recruits joined in June, July, and
August. On October 4th, orders were received for the regiment to
proceed to Cork.
On the transfer of General Sir John Aitchison, G.C.B., to the
Colonelcy of the Scots Fusilier Guards, General Charles G. J.
Arbuthnot, from the 91st Foot, was appointed colonel of the regiment,
under date August 27, 1870. On the decease of General C. G. J.
Arbuthnot in 1870, Lieutenant-General Charles Gascoyne was appointed
colonel of the regiment, under date October 22, 1870.
On January 16th, 1871, the depot of the regiment was formed at
Cork, and on the 21st the headquarters and the various companies,
with the whole of the women, and children, and heavy baggage of the
regiment, under the command of Captain Payn, sailed from Queenstown
on board H.M. troop-ship “Crocodile” for India, where the 72nd had
so recently won high and well-deserved honours. The regiment arrived
at Alexandria on March 7th, and proceeded overland, to Suez, from
which, on the 9th, it sailed in the “Jumna” for Bombay. The regiment
arrived at Bombay on March 24th, embarked next morning, and proceeded
in three divisions by rail to Deoleca, where it remained till the
28th. On that and the two following days the regiment proceeded in
detachments to Umballah, where it was to be stationed, and where it
arrived in the beginning of April.
On May 3rd the regiment paraded for inspection by H.E. the
Commander-in-Chief, Lord Napier of Magdala, but owing to the
lamentable death of Lieutenant and Adjutant James Thomson--who, it
will be remembered, was promoted from the rank of sergeant-major
in 1858, for distinguished service in India--who was killed by a
fall from his horse on parade, the regiment was dismissed to its
quarters. On the evening of that date the remains of the late
Lieutenant Thomson were interred in the cemetery, his Excellency the
Commander-in-Chief and staff-officers of the garrison, and all the
officers and men of the regiment off duty, attending the funeral.
The following regimental mourning order was published by Colonel
Payn, C.B., on the occasion of this melancholy occurrence:--“A good
and gallant soldier has passed from amongst us, and Colonel Payn
is assured that there is no officer, non-commissioned officer,
or soldier in the 72nd Highlanders, but feels that in the death
of Lieutenant and Adjutant Thomson the regiment has suffered an
irretrievable loss. He was endeared to every one from the highest to
the lowest for his many estimable qualities, and nobody appreciated
his worth and value more than Colonel Payn himself. He had served
thirty years as soldier and officer in the 72nd, and was the oldest
soldier in it; and the welfare of the regiment was invariably his
first thought, his chief desire. He was just and impartial in
carrying out every duty connected with the regiment. His zeal and
abilities as an officer were unequalled, and he was killed in the
actual performance of his duties on parade, in front of the regiment
that he dearly loved, and it will be long before he is forgotten by
those whose interests were his chief study.”
On December 20th and 21st, the regiment proceeded to the camp of
exercise, Delhi, under command of Major Beresford. It was attached to
the 1st Brigade 3rd Division, which was commanded by Colonel Payn,
the division being under the orders of Major-General Sir Henry Tombs,
K.C.B., V.C.
On January 17th, 1872, the regiment was suddenly recalled to
Umballah, owing to an outbreak among the Kukah Sikhs. The regiment
was highly complimented by the Commander-in-Chief, Lord Napier of
Magdála, and Major-General Sir Henry Tombs, for the discipline and
efficiency it displayed whilst serving at the camp. On February 9th,
the regiment was inspected by Major-General Fraser-Tytler, C.B., at
Umballah, when he expressed himself highly pleased with the general
efficiency of the regiment.
Having received orders to move to Peshawur, the 72nd left Umballah on
the 27th of October 1873, and marched the whole way, a distance of
476 miles, or 46 marches, although there is rail as far as Lahore.
We have much pleasure in being able to present our readers with
authentic steel portraits of three of the gallant colonels of this
famous regiment:--That of its first Colonel-Commandant, Kenneth,
Earl of Seaforth, from a painting by Sir Joshua Reynolds; that of
Sir George Murray, G.C.B. and G.C.H., who was for some time also
Colonel of the 42nd Royal Highlanders, which is given on the plate of
colonels of that regiment; and that of Sir Neil Douglas, K.C.B. and
K.C.H., appointed from the 81st Regiment on the 12th of July 1847.
This portrait is from a painting by Sir John Watson Gordon, late
president of the Royal Scottish Academy.
SUCCESSION LISTS OF COLONELS, FIELD AND STAFF OFFICERS, &c., OF THE
72ND HIGHLANDERS.
COLONELS.
+------------------+---------------+--------+--------------------------+
| | Date of | | |
| NAMES. | Appointment |Country.| Remarks. |
| | to Regiment. | | |
+------------------+---------------+--------+--------------------------+
|Kenneth, Earl of |29th Dec. 1777 |Scotland|Lieut.-Col. Commandant |
| Seaforth | | | 29th Dec. 1777. Died |
| | | | at sea Aug. 1781. |
|Thomas Frederick |13th Feb. 1782 |England |Lieut.-Col. 13th Feb. |
| M. Humberston | | | 1782. Died 30th April |
| | | | 1783. |
|James Murray |1st Nov. 1783 |Scotland|Lieut.-Col. 1st Nov. 1783;|
| | | | Col 1786; Lieut.-Gen. |
| | | | 1793. Died 19th March |
| | | | 1794. |
|Sir Adam |1st March 1794 |Scotland|Lieut.-General 1797. Died |
| Williamson, K.B.| | | 21st Oct. 1798. |
|James Stuart |23d Oct. 1798 |Scotland|Lieut.-Col. Commandant |
| | | | Feb. 1782. Died in 1815.|
|Rowland, Lord |26th April 1815|England |Removed to 53d Foot 24th |
| Hill, G.C.B. | | | Feb. 1817. |
|Sir Geo. Murray, |24th Feb. 1817 |Scotland|Removed to 42d Regiment |
| G.C.B., G.C.H. | | | 6th Sept. 1823. |
|Sir John Hope. |6th Sept. 1823 |Scotland|Died at Rothesay, 1st Aug.|
| G.C.H. | | | 1836. |
|Sir Colin |15th Aug. 1836 |Scotland|Died in London, 13th June |
| Campbell, K.C.B.| | | 1847. |
|Sir Neil Douglas, |12th July 1847 |Scotland|Removed to 78th Regiment, |
| K.C.B. | | | 29th Dec. 1851. |
|John Aitchison |29th Dec. 1851 |Scotland|Removed to Scots F. |
| | | | Guards, 27th Aug. 1870. |
|General G. G. J. |27th Aug. 1870 |Scotland|From the 91st Foot, and |
| Arbuthnot | | | died in Oct. 1870. |
|Charles Gascoyne |22d Oct. 1870 |England | |
| |
| LIEUTENANT-COLONELS. |
| |
|H. Monckton |18th Jan. 1807 |England |Appointed Major-General. |
|W. N. Leitch |29th Dec. 1814 |England |Placed on Half-Pay on |
| | | | Reduction, 25th Dec. |
| | | | 1818. |
|Felix Calvert |9th Aug. 1821 |England |Exchanged to Half-Pay, |
| | | | 25th Sept. 1826. |
|C. G. J. Arbuthnot|1st Oct. 1825 |Scotland|Appointed to 90th, 17th |
| | | | May 1831. |
|Thomas Francis |17th May 1831 |Ireland |Retired upon Half-Pay, |
| Wade | | | 20th April 1832. |
|John Peddie |28th Aug. 1837 |Scotland|Appointed to 90th, 23d |
| | | | Feb. 1838. |
|C. G. J. Arbuthnot|23d Feb. 1838 |Scotland|Appointed Col. in the |
| | | | Army, 28th June 1838. |
|Lord Arthur Lenno |14th April 1843|Scotland|Exchanged to Half-Pay, |
| | | | 25th Feb. 1845. |
|Charles Gascoyne |25th Feb. 1845 |England |Exchanged to Half-Pay, |
| | | | 11th Sept. 1849. |
|Freeman Murray |11th Sept. 1849|Scotland|Exchanged to Half-Pay, |
| | | | 5th May 1854. |
|W. R. Faber |5th May 1854 |England |Exchd. to 35th, 23d June |
| | | | 1854. Never joined. |
|James Fraser |23d June 1854 |Scotland|Retired 1st Dec. 1854. |
|R. P. Sharp |1st Dec. 1854 |Ireland |Placed on Half-Pay by |
| | | | Reduction, 10th Nov. |
| | | | 1856. |
|J. W. Gaisford |22d June 1855 |England |Retired 23d Nov. 1855. |
|William Parke |23d Nov. 1855 |England |Exchanged to 53d, 14th |
| | | | Aug. 1860. |
|C. H. Somerset |25th Aug. 1857 |England |Retired 19th Aug. 1862. |
|William Payn |14th Aug. 1860 |England |Appointed Brigadier- |
| | | | General in India 14th |
| | | | June 1872. |
|Richard Rocke |19th Aug. 1862 |England |Placed on Half-Pay by |
| | | | Reduction, 15th Feb. |
| | | | 1866. |
|M. De la Poer |14th June 1872 |England |Still serving in 1873. |
| Beresford | | | |
| |
| MAJORS. |
| |
|Benjamin Graves |24th Sept. 1812|England |Exchanged to 12th Regiment|
| | | | 5th May 1815. |
|John Carter |11th Dec. 1813 |England |Exchanged to 7th Regiment |
| | | | 27th April 1823. |
|William Frith |5th May 1815 |Ireland |Exchanged to 55th |
| | | | Regiment. |
|John Rolt |29th Aug. 1822 |Ireland |Appointed Lieut.-Col. |
| | | | unattached. |
|T. G. Fitzgerald |27th April 1823|Ireland |Retired 26th Aug. 1824. |
|M. H. Drummond |24th July 1823 |Scotland|Appointed Lieut.-Col. |
| | | | unattached 16th June |
| | | | 1825. Died on passage to|
| | | | West Indies, 13th Jan. |
| | | | 1826. |
|Frederick Brownlow|26th Aug. 1824 |Ireland |Exchanged to Half-Pay, |
| | | | 19th Nov. 1825. |
|W. L. Maberly |19th May 1825 |England |Appointed Lieut.-Col. 96th|
| | | | Regiment. |
|Charles Middleton |16th June 1825 |Scotland|Appointed Lieut.-Col. |
| | | | unattached 19th Nov. |
| | | | 1825. |
|George Hall |19th Nov. 1825 |England |Exchanged to Half-Pay, |
| | | | 7th Aug. 1835. |
|C. M. Maclean |1st Feb. 1827 |Scotland|Promoted Lieut.-Col. 3d |
| | | | W. I. Regiment. |
|Frederick Hope |7th Aug. 1835 |Scotland|Exchanged to Half-Pay, |
| | | | 27th Sept. 1842. |
|Henry Jervis |27th Sept. 1842|England |Appointed Lieut.-Col. |
| | | | Provisional Battalion, |
| | | | Chatham. |
|Richard P. Sharp |8th March 1850 |England |Promoted Lieut.-Col. 72nd,|
| | | | 1st Dec. 1854. |
|J. W. Gaisford |19th July 1850 |England |Promoted Lieut.-Col. 72nd,|
| | | | 22d June 1855. |
|William Parke |1st Dec. 1854 |England |Promoted Lieut.-Col. 72nd,|
| | | | 23d Nov. 1855. |
|James Mackenzie |22d June 1855 |Scotland|Died in the East Indies, |
| | | | 5th March 1858. |
|A. D. Thellusson |23d Nov. 1855 |England |Retired 14th Aug. 1860. |
|Richard Rocke |6th March 1858 |England |Promoted Lieut.-Col. 72nd,|
| | | | 19th Aug. 1862. |
|C. J. W. Norman |14th Aug. 1860 |England |Retired 5th March 1861. |
|Alexander Crombie |5th March 1861 |Scotland|Retired 9th Nov. 1866. |
|T. C. H. Best |19th Aug. 1862 |England |Retired 20th Feb. 1863. |
|Cecil Rice |20th Feb. 1863 |England |Promoted Lieut.-Col. |
| | | | Half-Pay, 28th May 1870.|
|Charles F. Hunter |9th Nov. 1866 |Scotland|Retired 14th July 1869. |
|M. De la Poer |14th July 1869 |England |Promoted Lieut.-Col. 72nd,|
| Beresford | | | 14th June 1872. |
|Francis Brownlow |28th May 1870 |Ireland |Still serving in 1873. |
|W. H. Clarke |14th June 1872 |England |Still serving in 1873. |
| |
| PAYMASTERS. |
| |
|J. C. C. Irvine |27th Sept. 1810|Ireland |Exchanged to Half-Pay, |
| | | | 15th Oct. 1825. |
|William Graham |13th Oct. 1825 |Scotland|Died in London, 30th Dec. |
| | | | 1848. |
|Rowland Webster |29th May 1849 |England |Appointed to Coast Brigade|
| | | | Royal Artillery. |
|George Fowler |6th May 1862 |England |Resigned. |
|C. M. Dawes |30th Aug. 1864 |England |Exchanged to 30th |
| | | | Regiment. |
|J. Cassidy |22d Feb. 1871 |Scotland|Still serving in 1873. |
| |
| ADJUTANTS. |
| |
|Richard Coventry |11th Jan. 1810 |England |Appointed to Veteran |
| | | | Battalion 1819. |
|Henry Jervis |25th May 1819 |England |Promoted Captain 19th |
| | | | Sept. 1826. |
|Michael Adair |19th Sept. 1826|Ireland |Promoted Captain Half-Pay |
| | | | 10th March 1837. |
|Charles Moylan |14th April 1837|Ireland |Resigned 26th June 1840. |
|J. T. Hope |26th June 1840 |Scotland|Resigned 15th April 1842. |
|Henry Rice |15th April 1842|England |Promoted Captain 12th Nov.|
| | | | 1847. |
|Alexander Crombie |24th Dec. 1847 |Scotland|Promoted Captain 6th June |
| | | | 1854. |
|C. C. W. Vesey |25th Aug. 1854 |England |Resigned 1st May 1857. |
|Hon. S. R. H. Ward|1st May 1857 |Ireland |Promoted Captain 17th |
| | | | Regt. 10th Sept. 1858. |
|James Thomson |31st Dec. 1858 |Scotland|Died 3d May 1871 at |
| | | | Umballa, East Indies: the|
| | | | cause was a fall from his|
| | | | horse, on parade. |
|T. A. A. Barstow |4th May 1871 |Scotland|Still serving in 1873. |
| |
| QUARTERMASTERS. |
| |
|William Benton |1st Nov. 1804 |Scotland|Retired on Half-Pay 25th |
| | | | July 1822. |
|George Mackenzie |25th July 1822 |Scotland|Exchanged to Half-Pay 26th|
| | | | May 1825. |
|John Macpherson |9th Sept. 1823 |Scotland|Retired on Half-Pay 2d |
| | | | March 1838. |
|Samuel Brodribb |2d March 1838 |England |Appointed to 14th |
| | | | Dragoons. |
|William Hume |24th April 1838|Scotland|Retired on Half-Pay 23d |
| | | | July 1847. |
|John Lindsay |23d July 1847 |Scotland|Died at Barbadoes, 21st |
| | | | Nov. 1848. |
|Michael Boden |20th April 1849|Ireland |Retired 30th April 1852. |
|John Macdonald |30th April 1852|Scotland|Died of wounds received in|
| | | | the trenches before Sev-|
| | | | astopol 8th Sept. 1855. |
|Donald Munro |30th Nov. 1855 |Scotland|Exchanged to 91st |
| | | | Highlanders. |
|Peter Murray |24th Jan. 1865 |Scotland|Exchanged to 10th |
| | | | Regiment. |
|T. H. Smith |30th Sept. 1868|Scotland|Still serving in 1873. |
+------------------+---------------+--------+--------------------------+
[Illustration: KAFFRARIA: TO ILLUSTRATE THE 72nd, 74th, AND 91st
REGIMENTS.]
FOOTNOTES:
[422] From the Dutch Service.
[423] From the Austrian service.
[424] “Journal of Lieutenant Ronald Campbell, of the Grenadier
Company, 72nd Regiment,” 2 vols. folio, MS.
[425] Lieutenant Campbell’s Journal.
[426] On the 12th of August, as the grenadiers and Captain Gordon’s
company of the 72nd were on duty in the trenches, exposed to a
burning sun, and a severe cannonade from the fortress, Colonel
Campbell, field officer of the trenches, sent his orderly to
Lieutenant Campbell of the grenadiers requesting that the piper of
the grenadiers might be directed to play some _pibrachs_. This was
considered a strange request to be made at so unsuitable a time; it
was, however, immediately complied with; “but we were a good deal
surprised to perceive that the moment the piper began, the fire from
the enemy slackened, and soon after almost entirely ceased. The
French all got upon the works, and seemed more astonished at hearing
the bagpipe, than we with Colonel Campbell’s request.”--_Lieutenant
Campbell’s Journal._
[427] Stewart’s _Sketches_, ii. pp. 137-8.
[428] An account of the part taken by the Highland brigade in further
operations at the Cape will be found under the 93rd regiment.
[429] “The soldiers suffered excessively from the heat of the sun,
which was as intense as I ever felt it in India; though our fatigue
was extreme, yet, for the momentary halt we made, the grenadier
company (72nd) requested the pipers might play them their regimental
quick step, CABAR FEIDH, to which they danced a Highland reel, to
the utter astonishment of the 59th regiment, which was close in
our rear.”--_Journal of Captain Campbell, Grenadier Company, 72nd
regiment._
Properly speaking, _Cabar Feidh_ is not the regimental quickstep, but
the warning for the regiment to get ready for parade. In “marching
past” in quick time, the tune played by the band is “_Highland
Laddie_;” and in double time the pipers play _Cabar Feidh_.
[430] Captain Campbell’s Journal.
[431] _Assegai_, a dart or javelin used by the Kaffirs.
[432] TRAKTIR, a frequent name of villages and towns in the Crimea,
simply means _village_. KUTOR is a _farm_.
[433] These old colours were sent to Keith Stewart Mackenzie, Esq.,
of Brahan Castle, near Dingwall, Ross-shire.
[434] Forty-one “coss” are equal to a degree, or 69 English miles.
One coss (or kos) is thus nearly equal to one mile and seven-tenths.
It varies, however, in different parts of the country.
ABERDEENSHIRE HIGHLAND REGIMENT,
OR
OLD EIGHTY-FIRST.
1777-1783.
This regiment was raised by the Honourable Colonel William Gordon,
brother of the Earl of Aberdeen, to whom letters of service were
granted for that purpose in December 1777. Of 980 men composing the
regiment, 650 were from the Highlands of Aberdeenshire. The clan Ross
mustered strongly under Major Ross; when embodied it was found that
there were nine men of the name of John Ross in the regiment.
The corps was marched to Stirling, whence it was removed to Ireland,
where the regiment continued three years. In the end of 1782 it was
removed to England, and in March of the following year embarked at
Portsmouth for the East Indies immediately after the preliminaries
of peace were signed, notwithstanding the terms of agreement, which
were the same as those made with the Athole Highlanders. The men,
however, seemed satisfied with their destination, and it was not
until they became acquainted with the conduct of the Athole men,
that they refused to proceed. Government yielded to their demand to
be discharged, and they were accordingly marched to Scotland, and
disbanded at Edinburgh in April 1783. Their conduct during their
existence was as exemplary as that of the other Highland regiments.
ROYAL HIGHLAND EMIGRANT REGIMENT,
OR
OLD EIGHTY-FOURTH.
1775-1883.
Two Battalions--First Battalion--Quebec--Second Battalion--Settle
in Canada and Nova Scotia.
This battalion was to be raised from the Highland emigrants in
Canada, and the discharged men of the 42nd, of Fraser’s and
Montgomery’s Highlanders, who had settled in North America after the
peace of 1763. Lieutenant-Colonel Alan Maclean (son of Torloish), of
the late 104th Highland Regiment, was appointed lieutenant-colonel
commandant of the first battalion. Captain John Small, formerly
of the 42nd, and then of the 21st Regiment, was appointed
major-commandant of the second battalion, which was to be raised from
emigrants and discharged Highland soldiers who had settled in Nova
Scotia. Each battalion was to consist of 750 men, with officers in
proportion. The commissions were dated the 14th of June 1775.
Great difficulty was experienced in conveying the recruits who had
been raised in the back settlements to their respective destinations.
A detachment from Carolina was obliged to relinquish an attempt to
cross a bridge defended by cannon, in which Captain Macleod, its
commander, and a number of the men were killed. Those who escaped
reached their destination by different routes.
When assembled, the first battalion, consisting of 350 men, was
detached up the River St Lawrence, but hearing that the American
General Arnold intended to enter Canada with 3000 men, Colonel
Maclean returned with his battalion by forced marches, and entered
Quebec on the 13th of November 1776. The garrison of Quebec, previous
to the arrival of Colonel Maclean, consisted of only 50 men of
the Fusiliers and 700 militia and seamen. General Arnold, who had
previously crossed the river, made a spirited attempt on the night
of the 14th to get possession of the outworks of the city, but was
repulsed with loss, and forced to retire to Point au Tremble.
Having obtained a reinforcement of troops under General Montgomery,
Arnold resolved upon an assault. Accordingly, on the 31st of December
he advanced towards the city, and attacked it in two places, but
was completely repulsed at both points. In this affair General
Montgomery, who led one of the points of attack, was killed, and
Arnold wounded.
Foiled in this attempt, General Arnold took up a position on the
heights of Abraham, and by intercepting all supplies, reduced the
garrison to great straits. He next turned the blockade into a
siege, and having erected batteries, made several attempts to get
possession of the lower town; but Colonel Maclean, to whom the
defence of the place had been entrusted by General Guy Carlton, the
commander-in-chief, defeated him at every point.[435] After these
failures General Arnold raised the siege and evacuated Canada.
The battalion after this service was employed in various small
enterprises during the war, in which they were generally successful.
They remained so faithful to their trust, that notwithstanding that
every inducement was held out to them to join the revolutionary
standard, not one native Highlander deserted. Only one man was
brought to the halberts during the time the regiment was embodied.
Major Small, being extremely popular with the Highlanders, was
very successful in Nova Scotia, and his corps contained a greater
proportion of them than the first battalion. Of ten companies which
composed the second battalion, five remained in Nova Scotia and
the neighbouring settlements during the war, and the other five,
including the flank companies, joined the armies of General Clinton
and Lord Cornwallis. The grenadier company was in the battalion,
which at Eataw Springs “drove all before them,” as stated in his
despatches by Colonel Alexander Stuart of the 3d Regiment.
In the year 1778 the regiment, which had hitherto been known only
as the Royal Highland Emigrants, was numbered the 84th, and orders
were issued to augment the battalions to 1000 men each. Sir Henry
Clinton was appointed colonel in-chief. The uniform was the full
Highland garb, with purse of racoon’s skin. The officers wore the
broad sword and dirk, and the men a half-basket sword. At the peace
the officers and men received grants of land, in the proportion of
5000 acres to a field officer, 3000 to a captain, 500 to a subaltern,
200 to a sergeant, and 100 to a private soldier. The men of the first
battalion settled in Canada, and those of the second in Nova Scotia,
forming a settlement which they named Douglas. Many of the officers,
however, returned home.
FOOTNOTE:
[435] Colonel Maclean, when a subaltern in the Scotch brigade in
Holland, was particularly noticed by Count Lowendahl, for his bravery
at Bergen-op-Zoom in 1774. See the notice of Loudon’s Highlanders.
FORTY-SECOND OR ROYAL HIGHLAND REGIMENT.
SECOND BATTALION.
NOW THE SEVENTY-THIRD REGIMENT.
1780-1809.
Raising of the Regiment--First list of Officers--St Iago--India
--Ponanee--Bednoor--Anantapoor--Mangalore--Tillycherry--Bombay
--Dinapore--Cawnpore--Fort-William--Seringapatam--Pondicherry
--Ceylon--Madras--Mysore--Home--Ceases to be a Highland Regiment.
About 1780 the situation of Great Britain was extremely critical,
as she had not only to sustain a war in Europe, but also to defend
her vast possessions in North America and the East Indies. In this
emergency Government looked towards the north for aid, and although
nearly 13,000 warriors had been drawn from the country north of the
Tay, within the previous eighteen months, it determined again to draw
upon the Highland population, by adding a second battalion to the
42nd regiment.
The following officers were appointed to the battalion:--
_Colonel_--Lord John Murray, died in 1787, the oldest General
in the army.
_Lieutenant-Colonel_--Norman Macleod of Macleod, died in 1801,
a Lieutenant-General.
_Major_--Patrick Græme, son of Inchbraco, died in 1781.
_Captains._
Hay Macdowall, son of Garthland, a lieut.-gen., who was lost on his
passage from India in 1809.
James Murray, died in 1781.
John Gregor.
James Drummond, afterwards Lord Perth, died in 1800.
John Macgregor.
Colin Campbell, son of Glenure.
Thomas Dalyell, killed at Mangalore in 1783.
David Lindsay.
John Grant, son of Glenormiston, died in 1801.
_Lieutenants._
John Grant.
Alexander Macgregor of Balhaldy, died Major of the 65th regiment
in 1795.
Dugald Campbell, retired in 1787.
James Spens, retired Lieutenant-Colonel of the 72d regiment in 1798.
John Wemyss, died in 1781.
Alexander Dunbar, died in 1783.
John Oswald.[436]
Æneas Fraser, died captain, 1784.
Alexander Maitland.
Alexander Ross, retired in 1784.
_Ensigns._
Charles Sutherland.
John Murray Robertson.
Alexander Macdonald.
Robert Robertson.
John Macdonald.
William White.
Charles Maclean.
John Macpherson, killed at Mangalore.
_Chaplain._--John Stewart, died in 1781.
_Surgeon._--Thomas Farquharson.
_Adjutant._--Robert Leslie.
_Mate._--Duncan Campbell.
_Quarter-master._--Kenneth Mackenzie, killed at
Mangalore.
The name of the 42nd Regiment was a sufficient inducement to the
Highlanders to enter the service, and on the 21st of March 1780,
only about three months after the appointment of the officers, the
battalion was raised, and soon afterwards embodied at Perth.
In December the regiment embarked at Queensferry, to join an
expedition then fitting out at Portsmouth, against the Cape of
Good Hope, under the command of Major-General William Meadows and
Commodore Johnstone. The expedition sailed on the 12th of March 1781,
and falling in with the French squadron under Admiral Suffrein at St
Iago, was there attacked by the enemy, who were repulsed. Suffrein,
however, got the start of the expedition, and the commander, finding
that he had reached the Cape before them, proceeded to India, having
previously captured a valuable convoy of Dutch East Indiamen,
which had taken shelter in Saldanha Bay. As the troops had not
landed, their right to a share of the prize-money was disputed by
the commodore, but after a lapse of many years the objection was
overruled.
The expedition, with the exception of the “Myrtle” transport, which
separated from the fleet in a gale of wind off the Cape, arrived
at Bombay on the 5th of March 1782, after a twelve months’ voyage,
and on the 13th of April sailed for Madras. The regiment suffered
considerably on the passage from the scurvy, and from a fever caught
in the island of Joanna; and on reaching Calcutta, 5 officers,
including Major Patrick Græme, and 116 non-commissioned officers and
privates had died.
Some time after the arrival of the expedition, a part of the troops,
with some native corps, were detached against Palghatcheri, under
Lieutenant-Colonel Mackenzie Humberston of the 100th Regiment, in
absence of Lieutenant-Colonel Macleod, who, being on board the
Myrtle, had not yet arrived. The troops in this expedition, of which
seven companies of the Highlanders formed a part, took the field on
the 2nd of September 1782, and after taking several small forts on
their march, arrived before Palaghatcheri on the 19th of October.
Finding the place much stronger than he expected, and ascertaining
that Tippoo Sahib was advancing with a large force to its relief,
Colonel Humberston retired towards Ponanee, closely pursued by the
enemy, and blew up the forts of Mangaracotah and Ramgurh in the
retreat.
At Ponanee the command was assumed by Lieutenant-Colonel Macleod.
The effective force was reduced by sickness to 380 Europeans, and
2200 English and Travancore sepoys, and in this situation the British
commander found himself surrounded by 10,000 cavalry and 14,000
infantry, including two corps of Europeans, under the French General
Lally. Colonel Macleod attempted to improve by art the defences of
a position strong by nature, but before his works were completed,
General Lally made a spirited attack on the post on the morning of
the 29th of November, at the head of the European troops: after a
warm contest he was repulsed.
The conduct of the Highlanders, against whom Lally directed his
chief attack, is thus noticed in the general orders issued on the
occasion:--“The intrepidity with which Major Campbell and the
Highlanders repeatedly charged the enemy, was most honourable to
their character.” In this affair the 42nd had 3 sergeants and 19 rank
and file killed, and Major John Campbell, Captains Colin Campbell and
Thomas Dalyell, Lieutenant Charles Sutherland, 2 sergeants, and 31
rank and file wounded.
After this service, Colonel Macleod with his battalion embarked for
Bombay, and joined the army under Brigadier-General Matthews at
Cundapoor, on the 9th of January 1793. On the 23rd General Matthews
moved forward to attack Bednoor, from which the Sultan drew most of
his supplies for his army. General Matthews was greatly harassed
on his march by flying parties of the enemy, and in crossing the
mountains was much impeded by the nature of the country, and by a
succession of field-works erected on the face of these mountains. On
the 26th of February, the 42nd, led by Colonel Macleod, and followed
by a corps of sepoys, attacked these positions with the bayonet,
and were in the breastwork before the enemy were aware of it. Four
hundred of the enemy were bayonetted, and the rest were pursued to
the walls of the fort. Seven forts were attacked and taken in this
manner in succession. The principal redoubt, distinguished by the
appellation of Hyder Gurh, situated on the summit of the highest
ghaut or precipice, presented a more formidable appearance. It had a
dry ditch in front, mounted with twenty pieces of cannon, and might
have offered considerable resistance to the advance of the army, if
well defended; but the loss of their seven batteries had so terrified
the enemy, that they abandoned their last and strongest position in
the course of the night, leaving behind them eight thousand stand of
new arms, and a considerable quantity of powder, shot, and military
stores. The army took possession of Bednoor the following day, but
this triumph was of short duration, as the enemy soon recaptured the
place, and took General Matthews and the greater part of his army
prisoners.
Meanwhile the other companies were employed with a detachment under
Major Campbell, in an enterprise against the fort of Anantapoor,
which was attacked and carried on the 15th of February with
little loss. Major Campbell returned his thanks to the troops for
their spirited behaviour on this occasion, “and his particular
acknowledgments to Captain Dalyell, and the officers and men of the
flank companies of the 42nd regiment, who headed the storm.” As the
Highlanders on this occasion had trusted more to their fire than to
the bayonet, the major strongly recommended to them in future never
to fire a shot when the bayonet could be used.
The Highlanders remained at Anantapoor till the end of February,
when they were sent under Major Campbell to occupy Carrical and
Morebedery. They remained in these two small forts till the 12th
of April, when they were marched first to Goorspoor and thence
to Mangalore. Here the command of the troops, in consequence
of the absence of Lieutenant-Colonels Macleod and Humberston
devolved upon Major Campbell, now promoted to the brevet rank of
lieutenant-colonel. General Matthews having been suspended, Colonel
Macleod, now promoted to the rank of brigadier-general, was appointed
to succeed him.
Encouraged by the recapture of Bednoor, Tippoo detached a
considerable force towards Mangalore, but it was attacked and
defeated by Colonel Campbell, on the 6th of May. Little loss was
sustained on either side, but the enemy left all their guns. The
Highlanders had 7 privates killed, and Captain William Stewart and 16
rank and file wounded.
Tippoo, having now no force in the field to oppose him, advanced upon
Mangalore with his whole army, consisting of 90,000 men, besides
a corps of European infantry from the Isle of France, a troop of
dismounted French cavalry from the Mauritius, and Lally’s corps of
Europeans and natives. This immense force was supported by eighty
pieces of cannon. The garrison of Mangalore was in a very sickly
state, there being only 21 sergeants, 12 drummers, and 210 rank and
file of king’s troops, and 1500 natives fit for duty.
With the exception of a strong outpost about a mile from Mangalore,
the place was completely invested by the Sultan’s army about the
middle of May. The defence of the outpost was intrusted to some
sepoys, but they were obliged to abandon it on the 23rd. The siege
was now prosecuted with vigour, and many attacks were made, but
the garrison, though suffering the severest privations, repulsed
every attempt. Having succeeded at length in making large breaches
in the walls, and reducing some parts of them to a mass of ruins,
the enemy repeatedly attempted to enter the breaches and storm the
place; but they were uniformly forced to retire, sustaining a greater
loss by every successive attack. On the 20th of July a cessation
of hostilities was agreed to, but on the 23rd the enemy violated
the truce by springing a mine. Hostilities were then resumed, and
continued till the 29th, when a regular armistice was entered into.
Brigadier-General Macleod anchored in the bay on the 17th of August,
with a small convoy of provisions and a reinforcement of troops; but
on learning the terms of the armistice, the general, from a feeling
of honour, ordered the ships back to Tellicherry, to the great
disappointment of the half-famished garrison. Two reinforcements
which arrived off the coast successively on the 22nd of November,
and the last day of December, also returned to the places whence they
had come.
About this time, in consequence of the peace with France, Colonel
Cossigny, the French commander, withdrew his troops, to the great
displeasure of the Sultan, who encouraged the French soldiers to
desert and join his standard. Some of them accordingly deserted,
but Colonel Cossigny having recovered part of them, indicated his
dissatisfaction with Tippoo’s conduct, by ordering them to be shot
in presence of two persons sent by the Sultan to intercede for their
lives.
The misery of the garrison was now extreme. Nearly one-half of the
troops had been carried off, and one-half of the survivors were in
the hospital. The sepoys in particular were so exhausted that many of
them dropped down in the act of shouldering their firelocks, whilst
others became totally blind. Despairing of aid, and obliged to eat
horses, frogs, dogs, crows, cat-fish, black grain, &c., the officers
resolved, in a council of war, to surrender the place. The terms,
which were highly honourable to the garrison, were acceded to by the
Sultan, and the capitulation was signed on the 30th of January 1784,
after a siege of nearly nine months. In the defence of Mangalore, the
Highlanders had Captain Dalyell, Lieutenants Macpherson, Mackenzie,
and Mackintyre, 1 piper and 18 soldiers killed; and Captains William
Stewart, Robert John Napier, and Lieutenants Murray, Robertson, and
Welsh, 3 sergeants, 1 piper, and 47 rank and file wounded. The corps
also lost Mr Dennis the acting chaplain, who was shot in the forehead
by a matchlock ball whilst standing behind a breastwork of sand-bags,
and looking at the enemy through a small aperture.
Alluding to the siege of Mangalore, Colonel Fullarton says that the
garrison, under its estimable commander, Colonel Campbell, “made a
defence that has seldom been equalled, and never surpassed;” and
Colonel Lindsay observes, in his Military Miscellany, that “the
defence of Colberg in Pomerania, by Major Heiden and his small
garrison, and that of Mangalore in the East Indies, by Colonel
Campbell and the second battalion of the Royal Highlanders, now the
73rd regiment, are as noble examples as any in history.” The East
India Company showed a due sense of the services of the garrison,
by ordering a monument to be erected to the memory of Colonel
Campbell,[437] Captains Stewart and Dalyell, and those who fell at
the siege, and giving a handsome gratuity to the survivors.
The battalion embarked for Tellicherri on the 4th of February 1784,
where it remained till April, when it departed for Bombay. It was
afterwards stationed at Dinapoor in Bengal, when, on the 18th of
April 1786, the battalion was formed into a separate corps, with
green facings, under the denomination of the 73rd regiment, the
command of which was given to Sir George Osborne. It was at first
intended to reduce the junior officers of both battalions, instead
of putting all the officers of the second on half-pay; but on
representations being made by the officers of both battalions, the
arrangement alluded to was made to save the necessity of putting any
of the officers on half-pay.
In December 1787, the 73rd removed to Cawnpore, where it remained
till March 1790, when it was sent to Fort William in Bengal. Next
year the regiment joined the army in Malabar, under the command of
Major-General Robert Abercromby. Major Macdowall being about this
time promoted to the 57th, was succeeded by Captain James Spens.
With the view of attacking Seringapatam, Lord Cornwallis directed
General Abercromby to join him with all his disposable force,
consisting of the 73rd, 75th, and 77th British, and seven native
regiments. He accordingly began his march on the 5th of December
1791, but owing to various causes he did not join the main army till
the 16th of February following. The enemy having been repulsed before
Seringapatam on the 22nd, entered into preliminaries of peace on the
24th, when the war ended.
The 73rd was employed in the expedition against Pondicherry in 1793,
when it formed part of Colonel David Baird’s brigade. The regiment,
though much reduced by sickness, had received from time to time
several detachments of recruits from Scotland, and at this period
it was 800 strong. In the enterprise against Pondicherry, Captain
Galpine, Lieutenant Donald Macgregor, and Ensign Tod were killed.
The 73rd formed part of the force sent against Ceylon in the year
1793, under Major-General James Stuart. It remained in the island
till 1797, when it returned to Madras, and was quartered in various
parts of that presidency till 1799, when it joined the army under
General Harris.
This army encamped at Mallavelly on the 27th of March, on which day
a battle took place with the Sultan, Tippoo, whose army was totally
routed, with the loss of 1000 men, whilst that of the British was
only 69 men killed and wounded. Advancing slowly, the British army
arrived in the neighbourhood of the Mysore capital, Seringapatam, on
the 5th of April, and took up a position preparatory to a siege, the
third within the space of a few years. The enemy’s advanced troops
and rocket-men gave some annoyance to the picquets the same evening,
but they were driven back next morning by two columns under the Hon.
Colonel Arthur Wellesley and Colonel Shaw; an attempt made by the
same officers the previous evening having miscarried, in consequence
of the darkness of the night and some unexpected obstructions. The
Bombay army joined on the 30th, and took up a position in the line,
the advanced posts being within a thousand yards of the garrison. A
party of the 75th, under Colonel Hart, having dislodged the enemy on
the 17th, established themselves under cover within a thousand yards
of the fort; whilst at the same time, Major Macdonald of the 73rd,
with a detachment of his own and other regiments, took possession
of a post at the same distance from the fort on the south. On the
evening of the 20th, another detachment, under Colonels Sherbrooke,
St John, and Monypenny, drove 2000 of the enemy from an entrenched
position within eight hundred yards of the place, with the loss of
only 5 killed and wounded, whilst that of the enemy was 250 men. On
the 22nd the enemy made a vigorous though unsuccessful sortie on all
the advanced posts. They renewed the attempt several times, but were
as often repulsed with great loss. Next day the batteries opened
with such effect that all the guns opposed to them were silenced in
the course of a few hours. The siege was continued with unabated
vigour till the morning of the 4th of May, when it was resolved to
attempt an assault. Major-General Baird, who, twenty years before,
had been kept a prisoner in chains in the city he was now to storm,
was appointed to command the assailants, who were to advance in
two columns under Colonels Dunlop and Sherbrooke; the Hon. Colonel
Arthur Wellesley commanding the reserve. The whole force amounted to
4376 firelocks. Everything being in readiness, at one o’clock in the
afternoon the troops waited the signal, and on its being given they
rushed impetuously forward, and in less than two hours Seringapatam
was in possession of the British. The Sultan and a number of his
chief officers fell whilst defending the capital. In this gallant
assault, Lieutenant Lalor of the 73rd was killed, and Captain William
Macleod, Lieutenant Thomas, and Ensigns Antill and Guthrie of the
same regiment, were wounded.
Nothing now remained to complete the subjugation of Mysore but to
subdue a warlike chief who had taken up arms in support of the
Sultan. Colonel Wellesley was detached against him with the 73rd and
some other troops, when his army was dispersed, and the chief himself
killed in a charge of cavalry.
In 1805 the regiment was ordered home, but such of the men as were
inclined to remain in India were offered a bounty. The result was
that most of them volunteered, and the few that remained embarked
at Madras for England, and arrived at Gravesend in July 1806. The
remains of the regiment arrived at Perth in 1807, and in 1809 the
ranks were filled up to 800 men, and a second battalion was added.
The uniform and designation of the corps was then changed, and it
ceased to be a Highland regiment.
FOOTNOTES:
[436] This officer, the son of a goldsmith in Edinburgh, was very
eccentric in his habits. He became a furious republican, and going
to France on the breaking out of the revolution, was killed in 1793
in La Vendée, at the head of a regiment of which he had obtained the
command.
[437] Colonel Campbell died at Bombay. His father, Lord Stonefield,
a lord of session, had seven sons, and the colonel was the eldest.
After the surrender of Mangalore the Sultan showed him great
courtesy, and, after deservedly complimenting him upon his gallant
defence, presented him with an Arabian charger and sabre. Tippoo had,
however, little true generosity of disposition, and the cruelties
which he inflicted on General Matthews and his army show that he was
as cruel as his father Hyder.
74th HIGHLANDERS.
I.
1787-1846.
Raising of Four new Regiments--Original establishment of Officers of
74th--Goes to India--Mysore--Kistnagherry--Seringapatam--Incident
at Pondicherry--Patriotic Liberality of the 74th--Seringapatam
again--Storming of Ahmednuggur--Battle of Assaye--Battle of
Argaum--Return home--Captain Cargill’s recollections--Highland
dress laid aside--The Peninsula--Busaco--Various skirmishes--Fuentes
d’Onor--Badajoz--Ciudad Rodrigo--Badajoz--Salamanca--Vitoria
--Roncesvalles--Nivelle--Nive--Orthes--Toulouse--Home--Medals
--Burning of the old colours--Nova Scotia--The Bermudas--Ireland
--Barbadoes--West Indies--North America--England--Highland garb
restored.
[Illustration:
ASSAYE (with the elephant).
SERINGAPATAM.
BUSACO.
FUENTES D’ONOR.
CIUDAD RODRIGO.
BADAJOS.
SALAMANCA.
VITORIA.
PYRENEES.
NIVELLE.
ORTHES.
TOULOUSE.
PENINSULA.]
In the year 1787 four new regiments were ordered to be raised for the
service of the state, to be numbered the 74th, 75th, 76th, and 77th.
The first two were directed to be raised in the north of Scotland,
and were to be Highland regiments. The regimental establishment
of each was to consist of ten companies of 75 men each, with the
customary number of commissioned and non-commissioned officers.
Major-General Sir Archibald Campbell, K.B., from the half-pay of
Fraser’s Highlanders, was appointed colonel of the 74th regiment.[438]
The establishment of the regiment was fixed at ten companies,
consisting of--
1 Colonel and Captain.
1 Lieutenant-Colonel and Captain.
1 Major and Captain.
7 Captains.
1 Captain-Lieutenant.
21 Lieutenants.
8 Ensigns.
1 Chaplain.
1 Adjutant.
1 Quartermaster.
1 Surgeon.
2 Surgeon’s Mates.
30 Sergeants.
40 Corporals.
20 Drummers.
2 Fifers, and
710 Privates.
A recruiting company was afterwards added, which consisted of--
1 Captain.
2 Lieutenants.
1 Ensign.
8 Sergeants.
8 Corporals.
4 Drummers.
30 Privates.
Total of Officers and Men of all ranks, 902.
The regiment was styled “The 74th Highland Regiment of Foot.” The
uniform was the full Highland garb of kilt and feathered bonnet, the
tartan being similar to that of the 42nd regiment, and the facings
white; the use of the kilt was, however, discontinued in the East
Indies, as being unsuited to the climate.
The following were the officers first appointed to the regiment:--
_Colonel_--Archibald Campbell, K.B.
_Lieutenant-Colonel_--Gordon Forbes.
_Captains._
Dugald Campbell.
Alexander Campbell.
Archibald Campbell.
William Wallace.
Robert Wood.
_Captain-Lieutenant and Captain_--Heneage Twysden.
_Lieutenants._
James Clark.
Charles Campbell.
John Campbell.
Thomas Carnie.
W. Coningsby Davies.
Dugald Lamont.
John Alexander.
Samuel Swinton.
John Campbell.
Charles Campbell.
George Henry Vansittart.
Archibald Campbell.
_Ensigns._
John Forbes.
Alexander Stewart.
James Campbell.
John Wallace.
Hugh M’Pherson.
_Chaplain_--John Ferguson.
_Adjutant_--Samuel Swinton.
_Quartermaster_--James Clark.
_Surgeon_--William Henderson.
As the state of affairs in India required that reinforcements should
be immediately despatched to that country, all the men who had been
embodied previous to January 1788 were ordered for embarkation,
without waiting for the full complement. In consequence of these
orders, 400 men, about one-half Highlanders, embarked at Grangemouth,
and sailed from Chatham for the East Indies, under the command of
Captain William Wallace. The regiment having been completed in
autumn, the recruits followed in February 1789, and arrived at
Madras in June in perfect health. They joined the first detachment at
the cantonments of Poonamallee, and thus united, the corps amounted
to 750 men. These were now trained under Lieutenant-Colonel Maxwell,
who had succeeded Lieutenant-Colonel Forbes in the command, and who
had acquired some experience in the training of soldiers as captain
in Fraser’s Highlanders.
[Illustration: Major General Sir Archibald Campbell, Bart., K.C.B.
From a painting by J. C. Wood.]
In connection with the main army under Lord Cornwallis, the Madras
army under General Meadows, of which the 74th formed a part, began a
series of movements in the spring of 1790. The defence of the passes
leading into the Carnatic from Mysore was intrusted to Colonel Kelly,
who, besides his own corps, had under him the 74th; but he dying in
September, Colonel Maxwell[439] succeeded to the command.
The 74th was put in brigade with the 71st and 72nd Highland
regiments. The regiment suffered no loss in the different movements
which took place till the storming of Bangalore, on the 21st of March
1791. The whole loss of the British, however, was only 5 men. After
the defeat of Tippoo Sahib at Seringapatam, on the 15th of May 1791,
the army, in consequence of bad weather and scarcity of provisions,
retreated upon Bangalore, reaching that place in July.
The 74th was detached from the army at Nundeedroog on the 21st of
October, with three Sepoy battalions and some field artillery, under
Lieutenant-Colonel Maxwell, into the Baramahal country, which this
column was ordered to clear of the enemy. They reached the south end
of the valley by forced marches, and took the strong fort of Penagurh
by escalade on the 31st of October, and after scouring the whole of
the Baramahal to the southward, returned towards Caverypooram, and
encamped within five miles of the strong fort of Kistnagherry, 50
miles S.E. of Bangalore, on the 7th of November. Lieutenant-Colonel
Maxwell determined on attacking the lower fort and town immediately,
and the column advanced from the camp to the attack in three
divisions at ten o’clock on that night; two of these were sent to the
right and left to attack the lower fort on the western and eastern
sides, while the centre division advanced directly towards the
front wall. The divisions approached close to the walls before they
were discovered, succeeded in escalading them, and got possession
of the gates. The enemy fled to the upper fort without making much
resistance, and the original object of the attack was thus gained.
But a most gallant attempt was made by Captain Wallace of the 74th,
who commanded the right division, to carry the almost inaccessible
upper fort also. His division rushed up in pursuit of the fugitives;
and notwithstanding the length and steepness of the ascent, his
advanced party followed the enemy so closely that they had barely
time to shut the gates. Their standard was taken on the steps of the
gateway; but as the ladders had not been brought forward in time,
it was impossible to escalade before the enemy recovered from their
panic.
During two hours, repeated trials were made to get the ladders up,
but the enemy hurling down showers of rocks and stones into the road,
broke the ladders, and crushed those who carried them. Unluckily, a
clear moonlight discovered every movement, and at length, the ladders
being all destroyed, and many officers and men disabled in carrying
them, Lieutenant-Colonel Maxwell found it necessary to order a
discontinuance of the assault.
The retreat of the men who had reached the gate, and of the rest of
the troops, was conducted with such regularity, that a party which
sallied from the fort in pursuit of them was immediately driven back.
The pettah, or lower town, was set fire to, and the troops withdrawn
to their camp before daylight on the 8th of November.
The following were the casualties in the regiment on this
occasion:--Killed, 2 officers, 1 sergeant, 5 rank and file; wounded,
3 officers, 47 non-commissioned officers and men. The officers killed
were Lieutenants Forbes and Lamont; those wounded, Captain Wallace,
Lieutenants M’Kenzie and Aytone.
The column having also reduced several small forts in the district of
Ossoor, rejoined the army on the 30th of November.
In the second attempt on Seringapatam, on the 6th of February 1792,
the 74th, with the 52nd regiment and 71st Highlanders, formed the
centre under the immediate orders of the Commander-in-Chief. Details
of these operations, and others elsewhere in India, in which the
74th took part at this time, have already been given in our accounts
of the 71st and 72nd regiments. The 74th on this occasion had 2 men
killed, and Lieutenant Farquhar, Ensign Hamilton, and 17 men wounded.
On the termination of hostilities this regiment returned to the
coast. In July 1793 the flank companies were embodied with those
of the 71st in the expedition against Pondicherry. The following
interesting episode, as related in Cannon’s account of the regiment,
occurred after the capture of Pondicherry:--
The 74th formed part of the garrison, and the French troops remained
in the place as prisoners of war. Their officers were of the old
_régime_, and were by birth and in manners gentlemen, to whom it
was incumbent to show every kindness and hospitality. It was found,
however, that both officers and men, and the French population
generally, were strongly tinctured with the revolutionary mania,
and some uneasiness was felt lest the same should be in any degree
imbibed by the British soldiers. It happened that the officers of
the 74th were in the theatre, when a French officer called for the
revolutionary air, “_Ça Ira_;” this was opposed by some of the
British, and there was every appearance of a serious disturbance,
both parties being highly excited. The 74th, being in a body, had an
opportunity to consult, and to act with effect. Having taken their
resolution, two or three of them made their way to the orchestra,
the rest taking post at the doors, and, having obtained silence, the
senior officer addressed the house in a firm but conciliatory manner.
He stated that the national tune called for by one of the company
ought not to be objected to, and that, as an act of courtesy to the
ladies and others who had seconded the request, he and his brother
officers were determined to support it with every mark of respect,
and called upon their countrymen to do the same. It was accordingly
played with the most uproarious applause on the part of the French,
the British officers standing up uncovered; but the moment it was
finished, the house was called upon by the same party again to
uncover to the British national air, “God save the King.” They now
appealed to the French, reminding them that each had their national
attachments and recollections of home; that love of country was an
honourable principle, and should be respected in each other; and
that they felt assured their respected friends would not be behind
in that courtesy which had just been shown by the British. Bravo!
Bravo! resounded from every part of the house, and from that moment
all rankling was at an end. They lived in perfect harmony till the
French embarked, and each party retained their sentiments as a thing
peculiar to their own country, but without the slightest offence on
either side, or expectation that they should assimilate, more than
if they related to the colour of their uniforms.
As a set-off to this, it is worth recording that in 1798, when
voluntary contributions for the support of the war with France
were being offered to Government from various parts of the British
dominions, the privates of the 74th, of their own accord, handsomely
and patriotically contributed eight days’ pay to assist in carrying
on the war,--“a war,” they said, “unprovoked on our part, and
justified by the noblest of motives, the preservation of our
individual constitution.” The sergeants and corporals, animated by
similar sentiments, subscribed a fortnight’s, and the officers a
month’s pay each.
[Illustration: Plan of the
BATTLE OF ASSAYE,
SEPT. 23, 1803.
A, the ford from Peepulgaon to Warroor; B, the rising ground which
protected the advance; C, four old mangoes; D, screen of prickly
pear, covering Assaye; E E E E 30,000 of the enemy’s cavalry.]
Besides reinforcements of recruits from Scotland fully sufficient to
compensate all casualties, the regiment received, on the occasion
of the 71st being ordered home to Europe, upwards of 200 men from
that regiment. By these additions the strength of the 74th was kept
up, and the regiment, as well in the previous campaign as in the
subsequent one under General Harris, was one of the most effective in
the field.
The 74th was concerned in all the operations of this campaign, and
had its full share in the storming of Seringapatam on the 4th of May
1799.
The troops for the assault, commanded by Major-General Baird, were
divided into two columns of attack.[440] The 74th, with the 73rd
regiment, 4 European flank companies, 14 Sepoy flank companies, with
50 artillerymen, formed the right column, under Colonel Sherbroke.
Each column was preceded by 1 sergeant and 12 men, volunteers,
supported by an advanced party of 1 subaltern and 25 men. Lieutenant
Hill, of the 74th, commanded the advanced party of the right column.
After the successful storm and capture of the fortress, the 74th was
the first regiment that entered the palace.
The casualties of the regiment during the siege were:--Killed, 5
officers, and 45 non-commissioned officers and men. Wounded, 4
officers, and 111 non-commissioned officers and men. Officers killed,
Lieutenants Irvine Farquhar, Hill, Shaw, Prendergast. Officers
wounded, Lieutenants Fletcher, Aytone, Maxwell, Carrington.
The regiment received the royal authority to bear the word
“Seringapatam” on its regimental colour and appointments in
commemoration of its services at this siege.
The 74th had not another opportunity of distinguishing itself
till the year 1803, when three occasions occurred. The first was
on the 8th of August, when the fortress of Ahmednuggur, then in
possession of Sindiah, the Mahratta chief, was attacked, and carried
by assault by the army detached under the Hon. Major-General Sir
Arthur Wellesley. In this affair the 74th, which formed a part of
the brigade commanded by Colonel Wallace, bore a distinguished
part, and gained the special thanks of the Major-General and the
Governor-General.
The next was the battle of Assaye, fought on the 23rd of September.
On that day Major-General the Hon. Arthur Wellesley attacked the
whole combined Mahratta army of Sindiah and the Rajah of Berar, at
ASSAYE, on the banks of the Kaitna river. The Mahratta force, of
40,000 men, was completely defeated by a force of 5000, of which
not more than 2000 were Europeans, losing 98 pieces of cannon, 7
standards, and leaving 1200 killed, and about four times that number
wounded on the field. The conduct of the 74th in this memorable
battle was most gallant and distinguished; but from having been
prematurely led against the village of Assaye on the left of the
enemy’s line, the regiment was exposed, unsupported, to a most
terrible cannonade, and being afterwards charged by cavalry,
sustained a tremendous loss.
In this action, the keenest ever fought in India, the 74th had
Captains D. Aytone, Andrew Dyce, Roderick Macleod, John Maxwell;
Lieutenants John Campbell, John Morshead Campbell, Lorn Campbell,
James Grant, J. Morris, Robert Neilson, Volunteer Tew, 9 sergeants,
and 127 rank and file killed; and Major Samuel Swinton, Captains
Norman Moore, Matthew Shawe, John Alexander Main, Robert Macmurdo,
J. Longland, Ensign Kearnon, 11 sergeants, 7 drummers, and 270 rank
and file wounded. “Every officer present,” says Cannon, “with the
regiment was either killed or wounded, except Quarter-master James
Grant, who, when he saw so many of his friends fall in the battle,
resolved to share their fate, and, though a non-combatant, joined
the ranks and fought to the termination of the action.” Besides
expressing his indebtedness to the 74th in his despatch to the
Governor-General, Major-General Wellesley added the following to his
memorandum on the battle:--
“However, by one of those unlucky accidents which frequently happen,
the officer commanding the piquets which were upon the right led
immediately up to the village of Assaye. The 74th regiment, which
was on the right of the second line, and was ordered to support
the piquets, followed them. There was a large break in our line
between these corps and those on our left. They were exposed to a
most terrible cannonade from Assaye, and were charged by the cavalry
belonging to the Campoos; consequently in the piquets and the 74th
regiment we sustained the greatest part of our loss.
“Another bad consequence resulting from this mistake was the
necessity of introducing the cavalry into the action at too early a
period. I had ordered it to watch the motions of the enemy’s cavalry
hanging upon our right, and luckily it charged in time to save the
remains of the 74th and the piquets.”
The names especially of Lieutenants-Colonel Harness and Wallace were
mentioned with high approbation both by Wellesley and the Governor
General. The Governor-General ordered that special honorary colours
be presented to the 74th and 78th, who were the only European
infantry employed “on that glorious occasion,” with a device suited
to commemorate the signal and splendid victory.
The device on the special colour awarded to the 74th appears at the
head of this account. The 78th for some reason ceased to make use
of its third colour after it left India, so that the 74th is now
probably the only regiment in the British army that possesses such a
colour, an honour of which it may well be proud.
Captain A. B. Campbell of the 74th, who had on a former occasion
lost an arm, and had afterwards had the remaining one broken at the
wrist by a fall in hunting, was seen in the thickest of the action
with his bridle in his teeth, and a sword in his mutilated hand,
dealing destruction around him. He came off unhurt, though one of the
enemy in the charge very nearly transfixed him with a bayonet, which
actually pierced his saddle.[441]
The third occasion in 1803 in which the 74th was engaged was the
battle of Argaum, which was gained with little loss, and which fell
chiefly on the 74th and 78th regiments, both of which were specially
thanked by Wellesley. The 74th had 1 sergeant and 3 rank and file
killed, and 1 officer, Lieutenant Langlands,[442] 5 sergeants, 1
drummer, and 41 rank and file wounded.
Further details of these three important affairs will be found in the
history of the 78th regiment.
In September 1805, the regiment, having served for sixteen years in
India, embarked for England, all the men fit for duty remaining in
India.
The following Order in Council was issued on the occasion by the
Governor, Lord William Bentinck:--
“_Fort St George, 5th Sept. 1805._
“The Right Honourable the Governor in Council, on the intended
embarkation of the remaining officers and men of His Majesty’s
74th regiment, discharges a duty of the highest satisfaction to
his Lordship in Council in bestowing on that distinguished corps a
public testimony of his Lordship’s warmest respect and approbation.
During a long and eventful period of residence in India, the conduct
of His Majesty’s 74th regiment, whether in peace or war, has been
equally exemplary and conspicuous, having been not less remarkable
for the general tenor of its discipline than for the most glorious
achievements in the field.
“Impressed with these sentiments, his Lordship in Council is pleased
to direct that His Majesty’s 74th regiment be held forth as an object
of imitation for the military establishment of this Presidency, as
his Lordship will ever reflect with pride and gratification, that in
the actions which have led to the present pre-eminence of the British
Empire in India, the part so nobly sustained by that corps will add
lustre to the military annals of the country, and crown the name of
His Majesty’s 74th regiment with immortal reputation.
“It having been ascertained, to the satisfaction of the Governor
in Council, that the officers of His Majesty’s 74th regiment were,
during the late campaign in the Deccan, subjected to extraordinary
expenses, which have been aggravated by the arrangements connected
with their embarkation for Europe, his Lordship in Council has been
pleased to resolve that those officers shall receive a gratuity equal
to three months’ batta, as a further testimony of his Lordship’s
approbation of their eminent services.
“By order of the Right Honourable the Governor in Council.
“J. H. WEBB,
“_Secretary to the Government_.”
Besides the important engagements in which the 74th took part during
its long stay in India, there were many smaller conflicts and arduous
services which devolved upon the regiment, but of which no record
has been preserved. Some details illustrative of these services are
contained in Cannon’s history of the 74th, communicated by officers
who served with it in India, and afterwards throughout the Peninsular
War. Captain Cargill, who served in the regiment, writes as follows:--
“The 74th lives in my recollection under two aspects, and during two
distinct epochs.
“The first is the history and character of the regiment, from its
formation to its return as a skeleton from India; and the second is
that of the regiment as it now exists, from its being embarked for
the Peninsula in January 1810.
“So far as field service is concerned, it has been the good fortune
of the corps to serve during both periods, on the more conspicuous
occasions, under the great captain of the age; under him also,
during the latter period, it received the impress of that character
which attaches to most regiments that were placed in the same
circumstances, which arose from the regulations introduced by His
Royal Highness the Duke of York, and the practical application of
them by a master mind in the great school of the Peninsular War.
Uniformity was thus given; and the 74th, like every other corps that
has had the same training, must acknowledge the hand under which
its present character was mainly impressed. But it was not so with
the 74th in India. At that time every regiment had its distinctive
character and system broadly marked, and this was generally found
to have arisen from the materials of which it had been originally
composed, and the tact of the officer by whom it had been embodied
and trained. The 74th, in these respects, had been fortunate, and the
tone and discipline introduced by the late Sir Archibald Campbell,
together with the chivalrous spirit and noble emulation imbibed by
the corps in these earlier days of Eastern conquest, had impressed
upon the officers the most correct perception of their duties, not
only as regards internal economy and the gradation of military rank,
but also as regards the Government under which they served. It was,
perhaps, the most perfect that could well exist. It was participated
in by the men, and certainly characterised the regiment in a strong
degree.
“It was an established principle in the old 74th, that whatever
was required of the soldier should be strikingly set before him
by his officers, and hence the most minute point of ordinary duty
was regarded by the latter as a matter in which his honour was
implicated. The duty of the officer of the day was most rigidly
attended to, the officer on duty remaining in full uniform, and
without parting with his sword even in the hottest weather, and under
all circumstances, and frequently going the rounds of the cantonments
during the night. An exchange of duty was almost never heard of, and
the same system was carried into every duty and department, with the
most advantageous effect upon the spirit and habits of the men.
“Intemperance was an evil habit fostered by climate and the great
facility of indulgence; but it was a point of honour among the men
never to indulge when near an enemy, and I often heard it observed,
that this rule was never known to be broken, even under the
protracted operations of a siege. On such occasions the officers had
no trouble with it, the principle being upheld by the men themselves.
“On one occasion, while the 74th was in garrison at Madras, and
had received a route to march up the country, there was a mutiny
among the Company’s artillery at the Mount. The evening before the
regiment set out it was reported that they had some kind of leaning
towards the mutineers; the whole corps felt most indignant at the
calumny, but no notice was taken of it by the commanding officer.
In the morning, however, he marched early, and made direct for
the Mount, where he unfurled the colours, and marched through the
cantonments with fixed bayonets. By a forced march he reached his
proper destination before midnight, and before dismissing the men,
he read them a short but pithy despatch, which he sent off to the
Government, stating the indignation of every man of the corps at the
libellous rumour, and that he had taken the liberty of gratifying
his men by showing to the mutineers those colours which were ever
faithfully devoted to the service of the Government. The circumstance
had also a happy effect upon the mutineers who had heard the report,
but the stern aspect of the regiment dispelled the illusion, and they
submitted to their officers.”
The losses sustained by the regiment in officers and men, on many
occasions, of which no account has been kept, were very great,
particularly during the last six years of its Indian service.
That gallant veteran, Quarter-master Grant, who had been in the
regiment from the time it was raised, fought at Assaye, and returned
with it to England, used to say that he had seen nearly three
different sets of officers during the period, the greater part of
whom had fallen in battle or died of wounds, the regiment having been
always very healthy.
Before the 74th left India, nearly all the men who were fit for duty
volunteered into other regiments that remained on service in that
country. One of these men, of the grenadier company, is said to have
volunteered on nine forlorn hopes, including Seringapatam.
The regiment embarked at Madras in September 1805, a mere skeleton so
far as numbers were concerned, landed at Portsmouth in February 1806,
and proceeded to Scotland to recruit, having resumed the kilt, which
had been laid aside in India. The regiment was stationed in Scotland
(Dumbarton Castle, Glasgow, and Fort-George), till January 1809, but
did not manage to recruit to within 400 men of its complement, which
was ordered to be completed by volunteers from English and Irish,
as well as Scotch regiments of militia. The regiment left Scotland
for Ireland in January 1809, and in May of that year it was ordered
that the Highland dress of the regiment should be discontinued,
and its uniform assimilated to that of English regiments of the
line; it however retained the designation _Highland_ until the year
1816, and, as will be seen, in 1846 it was permitted to resume the
national garb, and recruit only in Scotland. For these reasons we are
justified in continuing its history to the present time.
It was while in Ireland, in September 1809, that Lieutenant-Colonel
Le Poer Trench, whose name will ever be remembered in connection
with the 74th, was appointed to the command of the regiment,
from Inspecting Field-Officer in Canada, by exchange with
Lieutenant-Colonel Malcolm Macpherson; the latter having succeeded
that brave officer, Lieutenant-Colonel Swinton, in 1805.
In January 1810 the regiment sailed from Cork for the Peninsula, to
take its share in the warlike operations going on there, landing at
Lisbon on February 10. On the 27th the 74th set out to join the army
under Wellington, and reached Vizeu on the 6th of March. While at
Vizeu, Wellington inquired at Colonel Trench how many of the men who
fought at Assaye still remained in the regiment, remarking that if
the 74th would behave in the Peninsula as they had done in India, he
ought to be proud to command such a regiment. Indeed the “Great Duke”
seems to have had an exceedingly high estimate of this regiment,
which he took occasion to show more than once. It is a curious fact
that the 74th had never more than one battalion; and when, some time
before the Duke’s death, “Reserve Battalions” were formed to a few
regiments, he decided “that the 74th should not have one, as they got
through the Peninsula with one battalion, and their services were
second to none in the army.”
The regiment was placed in the 1st brigade of the 3rd division, under
Major-General Picton, along with the 45th, the 88th, and part of the
60th Regiment. This division performed such a distinguished part in
all the Peninsular operations, that it earned the appellation of
the “Fighting Division.” We of course cannot enter into the general
details of the Peninsular war, as much of the history of which as is
necessary for our purpose having been already given in our account of
the 42nd regiment.
The first action in which the 74th had a chance of taking part was
the battle of Busaco, September 27, 1810. The allied English and
Portuguese army numbered 50,000, as opposed to Marshal Massena’s
70,000 men. The two armies were drawn upon opposite ridges, the
position of the 74th being across the road leading from St Antonio
de Cantara to Coimbra. The first attack on the right was made at six
o’clock in the morning by two columns of the French, under General
Regnier, both of which were directed with the usual impetuous rush of
French troops against the position held by the 3rd division, which
was of comparatively easy ascent. One of these columns advanced by
the road just alluded to, and was repulsed by the fire of the 74th,
with the assistance of the 9th and 21st Portuguese regiments, before
it reached the ridge. The advance of this column was preceded by a
cloud of skirmishers, who came up close to the British position, and
were picking off men, when the two right companies of the regiment
were detached, with the rifle companies belonging to the brigade,
and drove back the enemy’s skirmishers with great vigour nearly to
the foot of the sierra. The French, however, renewed the attack in
greater force, and the Portuguese regiment on the left being thrown
into confusion, the 74th was placed in a most critical position,
with its left flank exposed to the overwhelming force of the enemy.
Fortunately, General Leith, stationed on another ridge, saw the
danger of the 74th, and sent the 9th and 38th regiments to its
support. These advanced along the rear of the 74th in double quick
time, met the head of the French column as it crowned the ridge, and
drove them irresistibly down the precipice. The 74th then advanced
with the 9th, and kept up a fire upon the enemy as long as they could
be reached. The enemy having relied greatly upon this attack, their
repulse contributed considerably to their defeat. The 74th had Ensign
Williams and 7 rank and file killed, Lieutenant Cargill and 19 rank
and file wounded. The enemy lost 5000 killed and wounded.
The allies, however, retreated from their position at Busaco upon
the lines of Torres Vedras, an admirable series of fortifications
contrived for the defence of Lisbon, and extending from the Tagus to
the sea. The 74th arrived there on the 8th of October, and remained
till the middle of December, living comfortably, and having plenty
of time for amusement. The French, however, having taken up a strong
position at Santarem, an advanced movement was made by the allied
army, the 74th marching to the village of Togarro about the middle
of December, where it remained till the beginning of March 1811,
suffering much discomfort and hardship from the heavy rains, want of
provisions, and bad quarters. The French broke up their position at
Santarem on the 5th of March, and retired towards Mondego, pursued
by the allies. On the 12th, a division under Ney was found posted
in front of the village of Redinha, its flank protected by wooded
heights. The light division attacked the height on the right of the
enemy, while the third division attacked those on the left, and after
a sharp skirmish the enemy retired across the Redinha river. The 74th
had 1 private killed, and Lieutenant Crabbie and 6 rank and file
wounded. On the afternoon of the 15th of March the third and light
divisions attacked the French posted at Foz de Arouce, and dispersed
their left and centre, inflicting great loss. Captain Thomson and 11
rank and file of the 74th were wounded in this affair.
The third division was constantly in advance of the allied forces
in pursuit of the enemy, and often suffered great privations from
want of provisions, those intended for it being appropriated by some
of the troops in the rear. During the siege of Almeida the 74th was
continued at Nave de Aver, removing on the 2nd of May to the rear of
the village of Fuentes d’Onor, and taking post on the right of the
position occupied by the allied army, which extended for about five
miles along the Dos Casas river. On the morning of the 3rd of May
the first and third divisions were concentrated on a gentle rise, a
cannon-shot in rear of Fuentes d’Onor. Various attacks and skirmishes
occurred on the 3rd and 4th, and several attempts to occupy the
village were made by the French, who renewed their attack with
increased force on the morning of the 5th May. After a hard fight for
the possession of the village, the defenders, hardly pressed, were
nearly driven out by the superior numbers of the enemy, when the 74th
were ordered up to assist. The left wing, which advanced first, on
approaching the village, narrowly escaped being cut off by a heavy
column of the enemy, which was concealed in a lane, and was observed
only in time to allow the wing to take cover behind some walls, where
it maintained itself till about noon. The right wing then joined
the left, and with the 71st, 79th, and other regiments, charged
through and drove the enemy from the village, which the latter never
afterwards recovered. The 74th on this day lost Ensign Johnston, 1
sergeant, and 4 rank and file, killed; and Captains Shawe, M’Queen,
and Adjutant White, and 64 rank and file, wounded.
The 74th was next sent to take part in the siege of Badajos, where
it remained from May 28 till the middle of July, when it marched
for Albergaria, where it remained till the middle of September, the
blockade of Ciudad Rodrigo in the meantime being carried on by the
allied army. On the 17th of September the 74th advanced to El Bodon
on the Agueda, and on the 22nd to Pastores, within three miles of
Ciudad Rodrigo, forming, with the three companies of the 60th, the
advanced guard of the third division. On the 25th, the French, under
General Montbrun, advanced thirty squadrons of cavalry, fourteen
battalions of infantry, and twelve guns, direct upon the main body of
the third division at El Bodon, and caused it to retire, surrounded
and continually threatened by overwhelming numbers of cavalry, over a
plain of six miles, to Guinaldo.
The 74th, and the companies of the 60th, under Lieut.-Colonel Trench,
at Pastores, were completely cut off from the rest of the division by
the French advance, and were left without orders; but they succeeded
in passing the Agueda by a ford, and making a very long detour
through Robledo, where they captured a party of French cavalry,
recrossed the Agueda, and joined the division in bivouac near Fuente
Guinaldo, at about two o’clock on the morning of the 26th. It was
believed at headquarters that this detachment had been all captured,
although Major-General Picton, much pleased at their safe return,
said he thought he must have heard more firing before the 74th could
be taken. After a rest of an hour or two, the regiment was again
under arms, and drawn up in position at Guinaldo before daybreak,
with the remainder of the third and the fourth division. The French
army, 60,000 strong, being united in their front, they retired at
night about twelve miles to Alfayates. The regiment was again under
arms at Alfayates throughout the 27th, during the skirmish in which
the fourth division was engaged at Aldea de Ponte. On this occasion
the men were so much exhausted by the continued exertions of the
two preceding days, that 125 of them were unable to remain in the
ranks, and were ordered to a village across the Coa, where 80 died of
fatigue. This disaster reduced the effective strength of the regiment
below that of 1200, required to form a second battalion, which had
been ordered during the previous month, and the requisite strength
was not again reached during the war.
The 74th was from the beginning of October mainly cantoned at Aldea
de Ponte, which it left on the 4th of January 1812, to take part in
the siege of Rodrigo. The third division reached Zamora on the 7th,
five miles from Rodrigo, where it remained during the siege. The work
of the siege was most laborious and trying, and the 74th had its
own share of trench-work. The assault was ordered for the 19th of
January, when two breaches were reported practicable.
The assault of the great breach was confided to Major-General
M’Kinnon’s brigade, with a storming party of 500 volunteers under
Major Manners of the 74th, with a forlorn hope under Lieutenant
Mackie of the 88th regiment. There were two columns formed of the
5th and 94th regiments ordered to attack and clear the ditch and
_fausse-braie_ on the right of the great breach, and cover the
advance of the main attack by General M’Kinnon’s brigade. The light
division was to storm the small breach on the left, and a false
attack on the gate at the opposite side of the town was to be made by
Major-General Pack’s Portuguese brigade.
Immediately after dark, Major-General Picton formed the third
division in the first parallel and approaches, and lined the parapet
of the second parallel with the 83rd Regiment, in readiness to open
the defences. At the appointed hour the attack commenced on the side
of the place next the bridge, and immediately a heavy discharge of
musketry was opened from the trenches, under cover of which 150
sappers, directed by two engineer officers, and Captain Thomson of
the 74th Regiment, advanced from the second parallel to the crest
of the glacis, carrying bags filled with hay, which they threw down
the counterscarp into the ditch, and thus reduced its depth from
13½ to 8 feet. They then fixed the ladders, and General M’Kinnon’s
brigade, in conjunction with the 5th and 94th Regiments, which
arrived at the same moment along the ditch from the right, pushed
up the breach, and after a sharp struggle of some minutes with the
bayonet, gained the summit. The defenders then concentrated behind
the retrenchment, which they obstinately retained, and a second
severe struggle commenced. Bags of hay were thrown into the ditch,
and as the counterscarp did not exceed 11 feet in depth, the men
readily jumped upon the bags, and without much difficulty carried
the little breach. The division, on gaining the summit, immediately
began to form with great regularity, in order to advance in a compact
body and fall on the rear of the garrison, who were still nobly
defending the retrenchment of the great breach. The contest was
short but severe; officers and men fell in heaps, as Cannon puts it,
killed and wounded, and many were thrown down the scarp into the
main ditch, a depth of 30 feet; but by desperate efforts directed
along the parapet on both flanks, the assailants succeeded in turning
the retrenchments. The garrison then abandoned the rampart, having
first exploded a mine in the ditch of the retrenchment, by which
Major-General M’Kinnon and many of the bravest and most forward
perished in the moment of victory. General Vandeleur’s brigade of the
light division had advanced at the same time to the attack of the
lesser breach on the left, which, being without interior defence, was
not so obstinately disputed, and the fortress was won.
In his subsequent despatch Wellington mentioned the regiment with
particular commendation, especially naming Major Manners and
Captain Thomson of the 74th, the former receiving the brevet of
Lieutenant-Colonel for his services on this occasion.
During the siege the regiment lost 6 rank and file killed, and
Captains Langlands and Collins, Lieutenants Tew and Ramadge, and
Ensign Atkinson, 2 sergeants, and 24 rank and file, killed.
Preparations having been made for the siege of Badajos, the 74th was
sent to that place, which it reached on the 16th of March (1812),
taking its position along with the other regiments on the south-east
side of the town. On the 19th the garrison made a sortie from behind
the Picurina with 1500 infantry and a party of cavalry, penetrating
as far as the engineers’ park, cutting down some men, and carrying
off several hundred entrenching tools. The 74th, however, which
was the first regiment under arms, advanced under Major-General
Kempt in double quick time, and, with the assistance of the guard
of the trenches, drove back the enemy, who lost 300 officers and
men. The work of preparing for the siege and assault went on under
the continuance of very heavy rain, which rendered the work in the
trenches extremely laborious, until the 25th of March, when the
batteries opened fire against the hitherto impregnable fortress; and
on that night Fort Picurina was assaulted and carried by 500 men
of the third division, among whom were 200 men of the 74th under
Major Shawe. The fort was very strong, the front well covered by the
glacis, the flanks deep, and the rampart, 14 feet perpendicular from
the bottom of the ditch, was guarded with thick slanting palings
above; and from thence to the top there were 16 feet of an earthen
slope.[443] Seven guns were mounted on the works, the entrance to
which by the rear was protected with three rows of thick paling. The
garrison was about 300 strong, and every man had two muskets. The
top of the rampart was garnished with loaded shells to push over,
and a retrenched guardhouse formed a second internal defence. The
detachment advanced about ten o’clock, and immediately alarms were
sounded, and a fire opened from all the ramparts of the work. After
a fierce conflict, in which the English lost many men and officers,
and the enemy more than half of the garrison, the commandant, with
86 men, surrendered. The 74th lost Captain Collins and Lieutenant
Ramadge killed, and Major Shawe dangerously wounded.
The operations of trench-cutting and opening batteries went on till
the 6th of April, on the night of which the assault was ordered
to take place. “The besiegers’ guns being all turned against the
curtain, the bad masonry crumbled rapidly away; in two hours a
yawning breach appeared, and Wellington, in person, having again
examined the points of attack, renewed the order for assault.
“Then the soldiers eagerly made themselves ready for a combat,
so furiously fought, so terribly won, so dreadful in all its
circumstances, that posterity can scarcely be expected to credit the
tale, but many are still alive who know that it is true.”[444]
It was ordered, that on the right the third division was to file out
of the trenches, to cross the Rivillas rivulet, and to scale the
castle walls, which were from 18 to 24 feet high, furnished with all
means of destruction, and so narrow at the top, that the defenders
could easily reach and overturn the ladders.
The assault was to commence at ten o’clock, and the third division
was drawn up close to the Rivillas, ready to advance, when a lighted
carcass, thrown from the castle close to where it was posted,
discovered the array of the men, and obliged them to anticipate the
signal by half an hour. “A sudden blaze of light and the rattling of
musketry indicated the commencement of a most vehement contest at the
castle. Then General Kempt,--for Picton, hurt by a fall in the camp,
and expecting no change in the hour, was not present,--then General
Kempt, I say, led the third division. He had passed the Rivillas in
single files by a narrow bridge, under a terrible musketry, and then
reforming, and running up the rugged hill, had reached the foot of
the castle, when he fell severely wounded, and being carried back to
the trenches met Picton, who hastened forward to take the command.
Meanwhile his troops, spreading along the front, reared their heavy
ladders, some against the lofty castle, some against the adjoining
front on the left, and with incredible courage ascended amidst
showers of heavy stones, logs of wood, and burning shells rolled off
the parapet; while from the flanks the enemy plied his musketry with
a fearful rapidity, and in front with pikes and bayonets stabbed
the leading assailants, or pushed the ladders from the walls; and
all this attended with deafening shouts, and the crash of breaking
ladders, and the shrieks of crushed soldiers, answering to the sullen
stroke of the falling weights.”[445]
The British, somewhat baffled, were compelled to fall back a few
paces, and take shelter under the rugged edges of the hill. But by
the perseverance of Picton and the officers of the division, fresh
men were brought, the division reformed, and the assault renewed amid
dreadful carnage, until at last an entrance was forced by one ladder,
when the resistance slackened, and the remaining ladders were quickly
reared, by which the men ascended, and established themselves on the
ramparts.
Lieutenant Alexander Grant of the 74th led the advance at the
escalade, and went with a few men through the gate of the castle into
the town, but was driven back by superior numbers. On his return he
was fired at by a French soldier lurking in the gateway, and mortally
wounded in the back of the head. He was able, however, to descend
the ladder, and was carried to the bivouac, and trepanned, but died
two days afterwards, and was buried in the heights looking towards
the castle. Among the foremost in the escalade was John M’Lauchlan,
the regimental piper, who, the instant he mounted the castle wall,
began playing on his pipes the regimental quick step, “The Campbells
are comin’,” as coolly as if on a common parade, until his music
was stopped by a shot through the bag; he was afterwards seen by an
officer of the regiment seated on a gun-carriage, quietly repairing
the damage, while the shot was flying about him. After he had
repaired his bag, he recommenced his stirring tune.
After capturing the castle, the third division kept possession
of it all night, repelling the attempts of the enemy to force an
entrance. About midnight Wellington sent orders to Picton to blow
down the gates, but to remain quiet till morning, when he should
sally out with 1000 men to renew the general assault. This, however,
was unnecessary, as the capture of the castle, and the slaughtering
escalade of the Bastion St. Vincente by the fifth division, having
turned the retrenchments, there was no further resistance, and the
fourth and light divisions marched into the town by the breaches. In
the morning the gate was opened, and permission given to enter the
town.
Napier says, “5000 men and officers fell during the siege, and
of these, including 700 Portuguese, 3500 had been stricken in
the assault, 60 officers and more than 700 men being slain on
the spot. The five generals, Kempt, Harvey, Bowes, Colville, and
Picton were wounded, the first three severely.” At the escalade of
the castle alone 600 officers and men fell. “When the extent of
the night’s havoc was made known to Lord Wellington, the firmness
of his nature gave way for a moment, and the pride of conquest
yielded to a passionate burst of grief for the loss of the gallant
soldiers.” Wellington in his despatch noticed particularly the
distinguished conduct of the third division, and especially that of
Lieutenant-Colonels Le Poer Trench and Manners of the 74th.
The casualties in the regiment during the siege were:--Killed--3
officers, Captain Collins, Lieutenants Ramadge and Grant, 1
sergeant, and 22 rank and file. Wounded, 10 officers, Lieut.-Colonel
the Hon. B. Le Poer Trench, Captain Langlands, Brevet-Major Shawe,
Captains Thomson and Wingate, Lieutenants Lister, Pattison, King, and
Ironside, Ensign Atkinson, 7 sergeants, and 91 rank and file.
The 74th left Badajoz on the 11th of April, and marched to Pinedono,
on the frontiers of Beira, where it was encamped till the beginning
of June, when it proceeded to Salamanca. Along with a large portion
of the allied army, the 74th was drawn up in order of battle on the
heights of San Christoval, in front of Salamanca, from the 20th to
the 28th of June, to meet Marshal Marmont, who advanced with 40,000
men to relieve the forts, which, however, were captured on the 27th.
Brevet-Major Thomson of the 74th was wounded at the siege of the
forts, during which he had been employed as acting engineer.
On the 27th Picton having left on leave of absence, the command of
the third division was entrusted to Major-General the Hon. Edward
Pakenham.
After the surrender of Salamanca the army advanced in pursuit of
Marmont, who retired across the Douro.[446] Marmont, having been
reinforced, recrossed the Douro, and the allies returned to their
former ground on the heights of San Christoval in front of Salamanca,
which they reached on the 21st of July. In the evening the third
division and some Portuguese cavalry bivouacked on the right bank
of the Tormes, over which the rest of the army had crossed, and was
placed in position covering Salamanca, with the right upon one of the
two rocky hills called the Arapiles, and the left on the Tormes,
which position, however, was afterwards changed to one at right
angles with it. On the morning of the 22nd the third division crossed
the Tormes, and was placed in advance of the extreme right of the
last-mentioned position of the allied army. About five o’clock the
third division, led by Pakenham, advanced in four columns, supported
by cavalry, to turn the French left, which had been much extended
by the advance of the division of General Thomières, to cut off the
right of the allies from the Ciudad Rodrigo road. Thomières was
confounded when first he saw the third division, for he expected to
see the allies in full retreat towards the Ciudad Rodrigo road. The
British columns formed line as they marched, and the French gunners
sent showers of grape into the advancing masses, while a crowd of
light troops poured in a fire of musketry.
[Illustration: Lieut.-Colonel the Hon. Sir Robert Le Poer Trench.
From a bust in possession of his daughter, Mrs Burrowes.]
“But bearing on through the skirmishers with the might of a giant,
Pakenham broke the half formed line into fragments, and sent the
whole in confusion upon the advancing supports.”[447] Some squadrons
of light cavalry fell upon the right of the third division, but the
5th Regiment repulsed them. Pakenham continued his “tempestuous
course” for upwards of three miles, until the French were “pierced,
broken, and discomfited.” The advance in line of the 74th attracted
particular notice, and was much applauded by Major-General Pakenham,
who frequently exclaimed, “Beautifully done, 74th; beautiful, 74th!”
Lord Londonderry says, in his Story of the Peninsular War:--
“The attack of the third division was not only the most spirited, but
the most perfect thing of the kind that modern times have witnessed.
“Regardless alike of a charge of cavalry and of the murderous fire
which the enemy’s batteries opened, on went these fearless warriors,
horse and foot, without check or pause, until they won the ridge, and
then the infantry giving their volley, and the cavalry falling on,
sword in hand, the French were pierced, broken, and discomfited. So
close indeed was the struggle, that in several instances the British
colours were seen waving over the heads of the enemy’s battalions.”
Of the division of Thomières, originally 7000 strong, 2000 had been
taken prisoners, with two eagles and eleven pieces of cannon. The
French right resisted till dark, when they were finally driven from
the field, and having sustained a heavy loss, retreated through the
woods across the Tormes.
The casualties in the regiment at the battle of Salamanca
were:--Killed, 3 rank and file. Wounded, 2 officers, Brevet-Major
Thomson and Lieutenant Ewing, both severely; 2 sergeants, and 42 rank
and file.
After this the 74th, with the other allied regiments, proceeded to
Madrid, where it remained till October 20, the men passing their time
most agreeably. But, although there was plenty of gaiety, Madrid
exhibited a sad combination of luxury and desolation; there was no
money, the people were starving, and even noble families secretly
sought charity.
In the end of September, when the distress was very great,
Lieutenant-Colonel Trench and the officers of the 74th and 45th
Regiments, having witnessed the distress, and feeling the utmost
compassion for numbers of miserable objects, commenced giving a
daily dinner to about 200 of them, among whom were some persons of
high distinction, who without this resource must have perished.
Napier says on this subject, that “the Madrilenos discovered a deep
and unaffected gratitude for kindness received at the hands of the
British officers, who contributed, not much, for they had it not,
but enough of money to form soup charities, by which hundreds were
succoured. Surely this is not the least of the many honourable
distinctions those brave men have earned.”
During the latter part of October and the month of November, the
74th, which had joined Lieutenant-General Hill, in order to check the
movement of Soult and King Joseph, performed many fatiguing marches
and counter marches, enduring many great hardships and privations,
marching over impassable roads and marshy plains, under a continued
deluge of rain, provisions deficient, and no shelter procurable. On
the 14th of November the allied army commenced its retreat from Alba
de Tormes towards Ciudad Rodrigo, and the following extract from
the graphic journal of Major Alves of the 74th will give the reader
some idea of the hardships which these poor soldiers had to undergo
at this time:--“From the time we left the Arapiles, on the 15th,
until our arrival at Ciudad Rodrigo, a distance of only about 15
leagues, we were under arms every morning an hour before daylight,
and never got to our barrack until about sunset, the roads being
almost unpassable, particularly for artillery, and with us generally
ankle deep. It scarcely ceased to rain during the retreat. Our first
endeavour after our arrival at our watery bivouack, was to make it
as comfortable as circumstances would admit; and as exertion was our
best assistance, we immediately set to and cut down as many trees as
would make a good fire, and then as many as would keep us from the
wet underneath. If we succeeded in making a good enough fire to keep
the feet warm, I generally managed to have a tolerably good sleep,
although during the period I had scarcely ever a dry shirt. To add
to our misery, during the retreat we were deficient in provisions,
and had rum only on two days. The loss of men by death from the wet
and cold during this period was very great. Our regiment alone was
deficient about thirty out of thirty-four who had only joined us
from England on the 14th, the evening before we retreated from the
Arapiles.”
The 74th went into winter quarters, and was cantoned at Sarzedas, in
the province of Beira, from December 6, 1812, till May 15, 1813.
During this time many preparations were made, and the comfort and
convenience of the soldiers maintained, preparatory to Wellington’s
great attempt to expel the French from the Peninsula.
The army crossed the Douro in separate divisions, and reunited at
Toro, the 74th proceeding with the left column. Lieutenant-General
Picton had rejoined from England on the 20th May.
On the 4th of June the allies advanced, following the French army
under King Joseph, who entered upon the position at Vittoria on the
19th of June by the narrow mountain defile of Puebla, through which
the river Zadorra, after passing the city of Vittoria, runs through
the valley towards the Ebro with many windings, and divides the basin
unequally. To give an idea of the part taken by the 74th in the
important battle of Vittoria, we cannot do better than quote from a
letter of Sir Thomas Picton dated July 1, 1813.
“On the 16th of May the division was put in movement; on the 18th
we crossed the Douro, on the 15th of June the Ebro, and on the 21st
fought the battle of Vittoria. The third division had, as usual, a
very distinguished share in this decisive action. The enemy’s left
rested on an elevated chain of craggy mountains, and their right on a
rapid river, with commanding heights in the centre, and a succession
of undulating grounds, which afforded excellent situations for
artillery, and several good positions in front of Vittoria, where
King Joseph had his headquarters. The battle began early in the
morning, between our right and the enemy’s left, on the high craggy
heights, and continued with various success for several hours. About
twelve o’clock the third division was ordered to force the passage
of the river and carry the heights in the centre, which service
was executed with so much rapidity, that we got possession of the
commanding ground before the enemy were aware of our intention. The
enemy attempted to dislodge us with great superiority of force, and
with forty or fifty pieces of cannon. At that period the troops on
our right had not made sufficient progress to cover our right flank,
in consequence of which we suffered a momentary check, and were
driven out of a village whence we had dislodged the enemy, but it was
quickly recovered; and on Sir Rowland Hill’s (the second) division,
with a Portuguese and Spanish division, forcing the enemy to abandon
the heights, and advancing to protect our flanks, we pushed the
enemy rapidly from all his positions, forced him to abandon his
cannon, and drove his cavalry and infantry in confusion beyond the
city of Vittoria. We took 152 pieces of cannon, the military chest,
ammunition and baggage, besides an immense treasure, the property of
the French generals amassed in Spain.
“The third division was the most severely and permanently engaged
of any part of the army; and we in consequence sustained a loss of
nearly 1800 killed and wounded, which is more than a third of the
total loss of the whole army.”
The 74th received particular praise from both Lieutenant-General
Picton and Major-General Brisbane, commanding the division and
brigade, for its alacrity in advancing and charging through the
village of Arinez.
The attack on and advance from Arinez seems to have been a very
brilliant episode indeed, and the one in which the 74th was most
particularly engaged. The right wing, under Captain M’Queen, went off
at double quick and drove the enemy outside the village, where they
again formed in line opposite their pursuers. The French, however,
soon after fled, leaving behind them a battery of seven guns.
Captain M’Queen’s own account of the battle is exceedingly graphic.
“At Vittoria,” he says, “I had the command of three companies for
the purpose of driving the French out of the village of Arinez,
where they were strongly posted; we charged through the village and
the enemy retired in great confusion. Lieutenants Alves and Ewing
commanded the companies which accompanied me. I received three wounds
that day, but remained with the regiment during the whole action;
and next day I was sent to the rear with the other wounded. Davis
(Lieutenant) carried the colours that day, and it was one of the
finest things you can conceive to see the 74th advancing in line,
with the enemy in front, on very broken ground full of ravines, as
regularly, and in as good line as if on parade. This is in a great
measure to be attributed to Davis, whose coolness and gallantry were
conspicuous; whenever we got into broken ground, he with the colours
was first on the bank, and stood there until the regiment formed on
his right and left.”
Captain M’Queen, who became Major of the 74th in 1830, and who died
only a year or two ago, was rather a remarkable man; we shall refer
to him again. Adjutant Alves tells us in his journal, that in this
advance upon the village of Arinez, he came upon Captain M’Queen
lying, as he thought, mortally wounded. Alves ordered two of the
grenadiers to lift M’Queen and lay him behind a bank out of reach of
the firing, and there leave him. About an hour afterwards, however,
Alves was very much astonished to see the indomitable Captain at
the head of his company; the shot that had struck him in the breast
having probably been a spent one, which did not do him much injury.
Major White (then Adjutant) thus narrates an occurrence which took
place during the contest at Arinez:--“At the battle of Vittoria,
after we had forced the enemy’s centre, and taken the strong heights,
we found ourselves in front of a village (I think Arinez) whence the
French had been driven in a confused mass, too numerous for our line
to advance against; and whilst we were halted for reinforcements,
the 88th Regiment on our left advanced with their usual impetuosity
against the superior numbers I have spoken of, and met with a
repulse. The left of our regiment, seeing this, ran from the ranks
to the assistance of the 88th; and I, seeing them fall uselessly,
rode from some houses which sheltered us to rally them and bring
them back. The piper (M^cLaughlan, mentioned before) seeing that
I could not collect them, came to my horse’s side and played the
‘Assembly,’ on which most of them that were not shot collected round
me. I was so pleased with this act of the piper in coming into
danger to save the lives of his comrades, and with the good effect
of the pipes in the moment of danger, that I told M^cLaughlan that
I would not fail to mention his gallant and useful conduct. But at
the same time, as I turned my horse to the right to conduct the men
towards our regiment, a musket ball entered the point of my left
shoulder, to near my back bone, which stopped my career in the field.
The piper ceased to play, and I was told he was shot through the
breast; at all events he was killed, and his timely assistance and
the utility of the pipes deserves to be recorded.” It was indeed too
true about poor brave M^cLaughlan, whose pipes were more potent than
the Adjutant’s command; a nine-pound shot went right through his
breast, when, according to the journal of Major Alves, he was playing
“The Campbell’s are comin’” in rear of the column. It is a curious
circumstance, however, that the piper’s body lay on the field for
several days after the battle without being stripped of anything but
the shoes. This was very unusual, as men were generally stripped of
everything as soon as they were dead.
When the village was captured and the great road gained, the French
troops on the extreme left were thereby turned, and being hardly
pressed by Sir Rowland Hill’s attack on their front, retreated in
confusion before the advancing lines towards Vittoria.
The road to Bayonne being completely blocked up by thousands of
carriages and animals, and a confused mass of men, women, and
children, thereby rendered impassable for artillery, the French
retreated by the road to Salvatierra and Pamplona, the British
infantry following in pursuit. But this road being also choked up
with carriages and fugitives, all became confusion and disorder.
The French were compelled to abandon everything, officers and men
taking with them only the clothes they wore, and most of them being
barefooted. Their loss in men did not, however, exceed 6000, and that
of the allies was nearly as great. That of the British, however,
was more than twice as great as that of the Spanish and Portuguese
together, and yet both are said to have fought well; but as Napier
says, “British troops are the soldiers of battle.”
The French regiments which effected their escape arrived at Pamplona
and took shelter in the defile beyond it, in a state of complete
disorganisation. Darkness, and the nature of the ground unfavourable
for the action of cavalry, alone permitted their escape; at the
distance of two leagues from Vittoria the pursuit was given up.
The following Brigade Order was issued the day after the battle:--
“Major-General Brisbane has reason to be highly pleased with the
conduct of the brigade in the action of yesterday, but he is at a
loss to express his admiration of the conduct of the Honourable
Colonel Le Poer Trench and the 74th Regiment, which he considers
contributed much to the success of the day.”
The casualties in the 74th at the battle of Vittoria were:--Killed,
7 rank and file; wounded, 5 officers, Captains M’Queen and Ovens,
Adjutant White, and Ensigns Hamilton and Shore, 4 sergeants, 1
drummer, and 31 rank and file.
The army followed the retreating French into the Pyrenees by the
valley of Roncesvalles.
Of the various actions that took place among these mountains we have
already given somewhat detailed accounts when speaking of the 42nd.
The 74th was engaged in the blockade of Pamplona, and while thus
employed, on the 15th of July, its pickets drove in a reconnoitring
party of the garrison, the regiment sustaining a loss of 3 rank and
file killed, and 1 sergeant and 6 rank and file wounded. On the 17th
the blockade of Pamplona was entrusted to the Spaniards, and the
third, fourth, and second divisions covered the blockade, as well as
the siege of San Sebastian, then going on under Lieutenant-General
Sir Thomas Graham.
Marshal Soult, with 60,000 men, advanced on the 25th to force the
pass of Roncesvalles, and compelled the fourth division, which had
been moved up to support the front line of the allies, to retire; on
the 26th it was joined by the third division in advance of Zubiri.
Both divisions, under Sir Thomas Picton, took up a position on the
morning of the 27th July, in front of Pamplona, across the mouth of
the Zubiri and Lanz valleys. At daylight on the 30th, in accordance
with Wellington’s orders, the third division, with two squadrons of
cavalry and a battery of artillery, advanced rapidly up the valley
of the Zubiri, skirmishing on the flank of the French who were
retiring under General Foy. About eleven o’clock, the 74th being in
the valley, and the enemy moving in retreat parallel with the allies
along the mountain ridge to the left of the British, Lieut.-Colonel
Trench obtained permission from Sir Thomas Picton to advance with the
74th and cut off their retreat. The regiment then ascended the ridge
in view of the remainder of the division, which continued its advance
up the valley. On approaching the summit, two companies, which were
extended as skirmishers, were overpowered in passing through a
wood, and driven back upon the main body. Though the regiment was
exposed to a most destructive fire, it continued its advance, without
returning a shot, until it reached the upper skirt of the wood, close
upon the flank of the enemy, and then at once opened its whole fire
upon them.
A column of 1500 or 1600 men was separated from the main body, driven
down the other side of the ridge, and a number taken prisoners; most
of those who escaped were intercepted by the sixth division, which
was further in advance on another line. After the 74th had gained the
ridge, another regiment from the third division was sent to support
it, and pursued the remainder of the column until it had surrendered
to the sixth division. Sir Frederick Stoven, Adjutant-General of the
third division, who, along with some of the staff came up at this
moment, said he never saw a regiment behave in such a gallant manner.
The regiment was highly complimented by the staff of the division
for its conspicuous gallantry on this occasion, which was noticed as
follows by Lord Wellington, who said in his despatch,--
“I cannot sufficiently applaud the conduct of all the general
officers, officers, and troops, throughout these operations, &c.
“The movement made by Sir Thomas Picton merited my highest
commendation; the latter officer co-operated in the attack of the
mountain by detaching troops to his left, in which Lieutenant-Colonel
the Hon. Robert Trench was wounded, but I hope not seriously.”
The regiment on this occasion sustained a loss of 1 officer, Captain
Whitting, 1 sergeant, and 4 rank and file killed, and 5 officers,
Lieut.-Colonel the Hon. Robert Le Poer Trench, Captain (Brevet-Major)
Moore, and Lieutenants Pattison, Duncomb, and Tew, 4 sergeants, and
36 rank and file wounded.
The French were finally driven across the Bidassoa into France in the
beginning of August.
At the successful assault of the fortress of San Sebastian by the
force under Sir Thomas Graham, and which was witnessed by the 74th
from the summit of one of the neighbouring mountains, Brevet Major
Thomson of the 74th, was employed as an acting engineer, and received
the brevet rank of Lieutenant-Colonel for his services.
After various movements the third division advanced up the pass of
Zagaramurdi, and on the 6th October encamped on the summit of a
mountain in front of the pass of Echalar; and in the middle of that
month, Sir Thomas Picton having gone to England, the command of the
third division devolved upon Major-General Sir Charles Colville. The
74th remained encamped on the summit of this bare mountain till the
9th of November, suffering greatly from the exposure to cold and wet
weather, want of shelter, and scarcity of provisions, as well as from
the harassing piquet and night duties which the men had to perform.
Major Alves[448] says in his journal that the French picquets
opposite to the position of the 74th were very kind and generous in
getting the soldiers’ canteens filled with brandy,--for payment of
course.
Pamplona having capitulated on the 31st of October, an attack was
made upon the French position at the Nivelle on the 10th of November,
a detailed description of which has been given in the history of the
42nd. The third, along with the fourth and seventh divisions, under
the command of Marshal Beresford, were dispersed about Zagaramurdi,
the Puerto de Echellar, and the lower parts of these slopes of the
greater Rhune, which descended upon the Sarre. On the morning of the
10th, the third division, under General Colville, descending from
Zagaramurdi, moved against the unfinished redoubts and entrenchments
covering the approaches to the bridge of Amotz on the left bank of
the Nivelle, and formed in conjunction with the sixth division the
narrow end of a wedge. The French made a vigorous resistance, but
were driven from the bridge, by the third division, which established
itself on the heights between that structure and the unfinished
redoubts of Louis XIV. The third division then attacked the left
flank of the French centre, while the fourth and seventh divisions
assailed them in front. The attacks on other parts of the French
position having been successful, their centre was driven across the
river in great confusion, pursued by the skirmishers of the third
division, which crossed by the bridge of Amotz. The allied troops
then took possession of the heights on the right bank of the Nivelle,
and the French were compelled to abandon all the works which for the
previous three months they had been constructing for the defence of
the other parts of the position.
The 74th was authorised to bear the word “Nivelle” on its regimental
colour, in commemoration of its services in this battle; indeed it
will be seen that it bears on its colours the names of nearly every
engagement that took place during the Peninsular War. The French had
lost 51 pieces of artillery, and about 4300 men and officers killed,
wounded, and prisoners, during the battle of the Nivelle; the loss of
the allies was about 2700 men and officers.
On the 9th of December the passage of the Nive at Cambo having been
forced by Sir Rowland Hill, the third division remained in possession
of the bridge at Ustariz. On the 13th the French having attacked the
right between the Nive and the Adour at St Pierre, were repulsed by
Sir Rowland Hill after a very severe battle, and the fourth, sixth,
and two brigades of the third division were moved across the Nive in
support of the right.
The 74th, after this, remained cantoned in farm-houses between the
Nive and the Adour until the middle of February 1814.
Lieutenant-General Sir Thomas Picton having rejoined the army,
resumed the command of the third division in the end of December
1813. Many acts of outrage and plunder had been committed by the
troops, on first entering France, and Sir Thomas Picton took an
opportunity of publicly reprimanding some of the regiments of his
division for such offences, when he thus addressed the 74th:--“As for
you, 74th, I have nothing to say against you, your conduct is gallant
in the field and orderly in quarters.” And, addressing Colonel Trench
in front of the regiment, he told him that he would write to the
colonel at home (General Sir Alexander Hope) his report of their good
conduct. As Lieutenant-General Picton was not habitually lavish of
complimentary language, this public expression of the good opinion of
so competent a judge was much valued by the regiment.
The next engagement in which the 74th took part was that of Orthes,
February 27, 1814. On the 24th the French had concentrated at Orthes,
with their front to the river Gave de Pau, while the third division
was at the broken bridge of Bereaux, five miles lower down the river,
on the 25th, crossing to the other side next day. On the 27th, when
the sixth and light divisions crossed, the third, and Lord Edward
Somerset’s cavalry, were already established in columns of march,
with skirmishers pushed forward close upon the left centre of the
French position. During the whole morning of the 27th a slight
skirmish, with now and then a cannon shot, had been going on with the
third division, but at nine o’clock Wellington commenced the real
attack. The third and sixth divisions took without difficulty the
lower part of the ridges opposed to them, and endeavoured to extend
their left along the French front with a sharp fire of musketry. But
after three hours’ hard fighting, during which the victory seemed
to be going with the French, Wellington changed his plan of attack,
and ordered the third and sixth divisions to be thrown _en masse_
on the left centre of the French position, which they carried, and
established a battery of guns upon a knoll, from whence their shot
ploughed through the French masses from one flank to another.[449]
Meantime Hill had crossed the river above Orthes, and nearly cut
off the French line of retreat, after which the French began to
retire, step by step, without confusion. The allies advanced, firing
incessantly, yet losing many men, especially of the third division,
whose advance was most strongly opposed. The retreat of the French,
however, shortly became a rout, the men flying in every direction in
scattered bands, pursued by the British cavalry, who cut down many of
the fugitives.
During the first advance Lieutenant-General Sir Thomas Picton
particularly remarked to Major-General Brisbane the steady movement
of his brigade; and the latter reported to him the notice he had
taken of the gallantry of Sergeant-Major Macpherson, of the 74th,
upon which Sir Thomas Picton expressed to the sergeant-major his
pleasure to hear such a good report of him, and on the following day,
during a short halt on the march, desired Lieutenant-Colonel Manners,
who commanded the regiment in the absence of Lieutenant-Colonel
Trench, to write his recommendation, which he did on a drum-head; the
sergeant-major was consequently promoted to a commission on the 31st
of March following, and was afterwards a captain in the regiment.
The casualties in the regiment at the battle of Orthes were--1
sergeant and 7 rank and file killed; and 5 officers, Captain Lyster,
Lieutenant Ewing (mortally--dying shortly afterwards), Lieutenant
Ironside, Ensigns Shore and Luttrell, 1 sergeant, 1 drummer, and 17
rank and file wounded.
The 74th, along with the other regiments of the third division, was
kept moving about until the 7th of March, when it was cantoned at
Aire, on the left bank of the Adour. On the 18th the whole allied
army advanced up both sides of the Adour, the French falling back
before them. The third division was in the centre column, which on
the 19th came up with a division of the French, strongly posted
amongst some vineyards, two miles in front of the village of
Vic-en-Bigorre. The third division attacked the French and drove
them before it, and encamped in the evening about three miles beyond
the town of Vic-en-Bigorre.
The Marquis of Wellington stated in his despatch.--“On the following
day (the 19th) the enemy held a strong rear-guard in the vineyards
in front of the town of Vic-en-Bigorre; Lieutenant-General Picton,
with the third division and Major-General Rock’s brigade, made a very
handsome movement upon this rearguard, and drove them through the
vineyards and town.”
Two officers of the regiment, Lieutenant Atkinson and Ensign Flood,
were wounded in this affair.
On the 20th, after some sharp fighting, in which the 74th lost a few
men, the right column of the allies crossed the Adour at Tarbes, and
was encamped with the rest of the army upon the Larret and Arros
rivers. The French retreated towards Toulouse, and on the 26th the
allied army came in sight of the enemy posted behind the Touch river,
and covering that city. Details having already been given, in our
account of the 42nd Regiment, concerning this last move of Soult, we
need only mention here that the third, fourth, and sixth divisions
passed over the Garonne by a pontoon bridge fifteen miles below
Toulouse on the 3d of April. On the 10th about six o’clock in the
morning, the various divisions of the British army advanced according
to Wellington’s previously arranged plan. The part taken in the
battle of Toulouse by the 74th is thus narrated by Major Alves in his
journal:--
“Shortly after daylight the division was put in motion, with orders
to drive all the enemy’s outposts before us, and although acting
as adjutant, I was permitted by Colonel Trench to accompany the
skirmishers. With but feeble opposition we drove them before us,
until they reached the tête-de-pont on the canal leading into
Toulouse, on the right bank of the Garonne; on arriving there I
mentioned to Captain Andrews of the 74th, that I thought we had gone
far enough, and reconnoitered very attentively the manner in which
it was defended by strong palisades, &c. I then returned to where
the regiment was halted, and mentioned my observations to Colonel
Trench, and that nothing further could possibly be done without
artillery to break down the palisades. He immediately brought me to
General Brisbane, to whom I also related my observations as above,
who directed me to ride to the left and find out Sir Thomas Picton,
who was with the other brigade, and to tell him my observations.
After riding about two miles to the left I found Sir Thomas, and
told him as above stated, who immediately said, in presence of all
his staff, ‘Go back, sir, and tell them to move on.’ This I did
with a very heavy heart, as I dreaded what the result must be, but
I had no alternative. About a quarter of an hour afterwards the
regiment moved from where it was halted. We experienced a loss of 30
killed and 100 wounded, out of 350, in the attempt to get possession
of the tête-de-pont; and were obliged to retire without gaining
any advantage. The attack was the more to be regretted, as Lord
Wellington’s orders were that it was only to be a diversion, and not
a real attack.”
The casualties in the regiment at the battle of Toulouse were 4
officers, Captains Thomas Andrews and William Tew, Lieutenant
Hamilton, and Ensign John Parkinson, 1 sergeant, and 32 rank and
file killed; and 5 officers, Brevet-Major Miller, Captain Donald
M’Queen,[450] and Lieutenants Jason Hassard, William Graham, and E.
J. Crabbe, 4 sergeants, and 94 rank and file wounded.
The French abandoned the city during the night of the 11th of April,
and the allies entered it in triumph on the 12th, on the forenoon
of which day intelligence arrived of the abdication of Napoleon
and the termination of the war. The officers charged with the
intelligence had been detained near Blois “by the officiousness of
the police, and the blood of 8000 men had overflowed the Mount Rhune
in consequence.”[451]
After remaining in France for some time the 74th embarked in the
beginning of July, and arrived at Cork on the 25th of that month.
The record of the services of the 74th during these eventful years
will be sufficient to prove how well the corps maintained the high
character it had at first acquired in the East Indies, and how well
it earned the distinction for gallantry in the field and good conduct
in quarters.
In consideration of the meritorious conduct of the non-commissioned
officers and men of the regiment during the war, Colonel Trench
applied to the Commander-in-Chief to authorise those most
distinguished among them to wear silver medals in commemoration of
their services. The sanction of the Commander-in-Chief was conveyed
to Colonel Trench in a letter from the Adjutant-General, bearing date
“Horse Guards, 30th June 1814.”
[Illustration: Facsimile of the Medal.
From the collection of Surgeon-Major Fleming, late of the 4th Dragoon
Guards.]
Medals were accordingly granted to the deserving survivors of the
campaign, who were divided into three classes: first class, men who
had served in eight or nine general actions; second class, in six or
seven general actions; third class, in four or five general actions.
The regiment remained in Ireland till May 1818, not having had a
chance of distinguishing itself at the crowning victory of Waterloo,
although it was on its way to embark for Belgium when news of that
decisive battle arrived. While at Fermoy, on the 6th of April 1818,
the regiment was presented with new colours. The colours which had
waved over the regiment in many a hard-fought field, and which
had been received in 1802, were burned, and the ashes deposited
in the lid of a gold sarcophagus snuff-box, inlaid with part of
the wood of the colour-staves, on which the following inscription
was engraved:--“This box, composed of the old standards of the
Seventy-fourth regiment, was formed as a tribute of respect to the
memory of those who fell, and of esteem for those who survived
the many glorious and arduous services on which they were always
victoriously carried, during a period of sixteen years, in India,
the Peninsula, and France. They were presented to the regiment at
Wallajahbad in 1802, and the shattered remains were burned at Fermoy
on the 6th of April 1818.”
The 74th embarked at Cork for Halifax, Nova Scotia, on the 13th
of May, leaving one depôt company, which was sent to the Isle of
Wight. The companies were divided between St John’s, Newfoundland,
St John’s, New Brunswick, and Frederickton, where were headquarters
and five companies. The regiment remained in North America till 1828,
in August of which year proceeding to Bermudas, which it left at the
end of the next year for Ireland, where it arrived in the beginning
of 1830. In 1818 the regiment had been reduced to ten companies of
65 rank and file each, and in 1821 it was further reduced to eight
companies of 72 rank and file. In 1825, however, the strength was
augmented to ten companies--six service companies of 86 rank and
file, and four depôt companies of 56 rank and file each.
The regiment remained in Ireland till 1834, during part of which time
it was actively employed in suppressing the outrages consequent on
the disturbed state of the country. In the latter part of 1834 the
regiment was divided into four depot and six service companies;
three of the latter were sent to Barbadoes, while the headquarter
division, consisting of the three remaining companies, was sent to
the island of Grenada. In November 1835 the two service divisions
were sent to Antigua, where they remained till February 1837. From
thence the headquarter division proceeded to St Lucia, and the other
three companies to Demerara, both divisions being sent to St Vincent
in June of the same year. The regiment was kept moving about among
these western islands till May 1841, when it proceeded to Canada,
arriving at Quebec at the end of the month. While the regiment was
stationed at Trinidad it was attacked by fever and dysentery, which
caused great mortality; and fever continued to prevail among the men
until the regiment removed to Trinidad. With this exception the 74th
remained remarkably healthy during the whole of its residence in the
West Indies.
The 74th remained in the North American colonies till 1845, being
removed from Canada to Nova Scotia in May 1844, and embarking at
Halifax for England in March 1845. On arriving in England in the end
of that month, the service companies joined the depot at Canterbury.
While the regiment was stationed in Canterbury, Lieutenant-Colonel
Crabbe, commanding the regiment, submitted to the Commander-in-Chief,
through the colonel (Lieutenant-General Sir Phineas Ryall), the
earnest desire of the officers and men to be permitted to resume the
national garb and designation of a Highland regiment, under which the
74th had been originally embodied.
The lieutenant-colonel having himself first joined the regiment
as a Highland corps in the year 1807, and having served with
it continuously during the intervening period, knew by his own
experience, and was able to certify to the Commander-in-Chief,
how powerfully and favourably its character had been influenced
by its original organisation; and also that throughout the varied
services and changes of so many years, a strong national feeling,
and a connection with Scotland by recruiting, had been constantly
maintained. Various considerations, however, induced an application
for permission to modify the original dress of kilt and feathered
bonnet, and with the resumed designation of a Highland corps, to
adopt the trews and bonnet as established for the 71st regiment.
His Grace the Duke of Wellington was pleased to return a favourable
answer to the application, in such terms as to render his consent
doubly acceptable to the corps, causing it to be intimated to the
colonel, by a letter from the adjutant-general, bearing date ‘Horse
Guards, 13th August 1845,’ that he would recommend to Her Majesty
that the 74th Regiment should be permitted to resume the appellation
of a Highland regiment, and to be clothed “accordingly in compliment
to the services of that regiment so well known to his Grace in India
and in Europe.”
In the “Gazette” of the 14th November 1845 the following announcement
was published:--
“WAR OFFICE, _8th November 1845_.
“MEMORANDUM,--Her Majesty has been graciously pleased to approve
of the 74th foot resuming the appellation of the 74th (Highland)
Regiment of foot, and of its being clothed accordingly; that is,
to wear the tartan trews instead of the Oxford mixture; plaid cap
instead of the black chaco; and the plaid scarf as worn by the 71st
Regiment. The alteration of the dress is to take place on the next
issue of clothing, on the 1st of April 1846.”
The national designation of the regiment was of course immediately
resumed, and the recruiting has been since carried on solely in
Scotland with uniform success.
It was directed by the Adjutant-General that the tartan now to be
worn by the 74th should not be of the old regimental pattern, that
being already in use by two other regiments (the 42nd and 93rd),
but that it should be distinguished by the introduction of a white
stripe. The alteration of the regimental dress took place as ordered,
on the 1st of April 1846.
In May 1846, Lieutenant-Colonel Crabbe, who had been connected with
the regiment for forty years, retired on full pay, and took leave of
the regiment in a feeling order. Major Crawley was promoted to the
lieutenant-colonelcy in his place.
II.
1846-1853.
Return to Scotland--United at Glasgow--Ireland--South Africa
--Hottentot outbreak--Change of dress of the Regiment--Field
operations--At the Quesana--The Amatola Heights--Hottentots
repulsed--Another engagement--Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce left in
command at Riet Fontein--The Kaffirs at Fort Beaufort--Captain
Thackeray’s testimony--Movements of Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce--His
death--Major-General Somerset’s Movements in the Amatolas--Loss of
the “Birkenhead.”
After being stationed a short time at Canterbury and Gosport, the
74th removed to Scotland in detachments in the months of August
and September 1846, two companies being sent to Dundee, three to
Paisley, one to Perth, headquarters and three companies to Aberdeen,
and detachments to Stirling and Dunfermline. In November of the same
year, all the companies united at Glasgow, and in July 1847 the
regiment proceeded to Ireland. While stationed at Dublin, the 74th,
in consequence of the disturbed state of Tipperary, was sent to that
county on July 29th, to be employed as part of a movable column under
Major-General Macdonald. The regiment, along with the 75th and 85th,
a half battery of Artillery, a detachment of Sappers, and three
companies of the 60th Rifles, the whole forming a movable column, was
kept moving about in the neighbourhood of Thurles and Ballingarry
during the month of August. Happily, however, the column had none of
the stern duties of war to perform, and returned to Dublin in the
beginning of September, after having suffered much discomfort from
the almost incessant rain which prevailed during the time the men
were under canvas.
The 74th remained in Ireland till March 1851, on the 16th of which
month it sailed in the “Vulcan” from Queenstown, having been ordered
to South Africa to take part in the sanguinary Kaffir War of that
period, in which, as will be seen, the regiment maintained its
well-won reputation for valour in the faithful performance of its
duty. The 74th arrived in Simon’s Bay, Cape of Good Hope, on the
11th of May, when it was ordered to proceed to Algoa Bay to join the
first division at Fort Hare, under Major-General Somerset, who was
engaged in active operations against the Kaffirs and Hottentots.
Having arrived at Algoa Bay on the 16th, the regiment disembarked
at Fort Elizabeth, where, owing to the want of transport for the
camp equipage, it remained for a few days before proceeding to
Grahamstown, which, from want of grass and the consequent weak
condition of the oxen, it did not reach till the 27th of May.[452]
While the 74th was at Grahamstown, a sudden outbreak of the
Hottentots at the mission station of Theopolis occurred. Four
companies of the regiment, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel
Fordyce, together with a few native levies, proceeded to the scene
of disturbance, and succeeded in destroying the rebel camp, and
capturing about 600 head of cattle; the Hottentots, however, made
their escape.
The regiment having resumed its march for Fort Hare, arrived at
that place on June 12th, and encamped near the fort. Though but
a few days in the country, Colonel Fordyce saw that the ordinary
equipment of the British soldier was in no way suited to African
campaigning, and while at Fort Hare he made a complete change in
the appearance of the regiment. The dress bonnets, scarlet tunics,
black pouches, and pipe-clayed cross belts, were put away in the
quartermaster’s stores. Common brown leather pouches and belts were
issued, while an admirable substitute for the tunic was found in the
stout canvas frocks of which a couple are served out to each soldier
proceeding on a long sea voyage. These had been carefully preserved
when the regiment landed, and now, with the aid of copperas and
the bark of the mimosa bush, were dyed a deep olive brown colour,
which corresponded admirably with that of the bush, and was the
least conspicuous dress of any regiment in the field, not excepting
the Rifle Brigade and 60th, both of which corps had a battalion
engaged. The cuffs and shoulders were strapped with leather, and this
rough-looking but most serviceable tunic was worn by both officers
and men as long as they were actively employed in the field. The
forage cap, with a leather peak, completed the costume.
On the 18th of June Major-General Somerset ordered the following
troops, divided into brigades, to form a camp in advance for field
operations:--
First Brigade--Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce, 74th Highlanders: the 74th
Highlanders; the 91st Regiment; the 1st European Levy; and the Alice
European Levy.
Second Brigade--Lieutenant-Colonel Sutton, Cape Mounted Riflemen: the
George Levy, the Graaff Reynett Levy, the Kat River Levy, and the
Fingo Levies.
Cavalry Brigade-Major Somerset, Cape Mounted Riflemen: the Royal
Artillery, the Cape Mounted Riflemen, the George Mounted Levy,
and Blakeway’s Horse; and besides, a detachment of Royal Sappers
and Miners, under the orders of Lieutenant Jesse, R.E., Deputy
Quartermaster-General.
These troops marched from Fort Hare on the 24th for the Quesana
River; near the base of the Amatola Mountains, where a standing camp
was formed.
The division moved before daylight on the 26th of June, and ascended
in two columns the western range of the Amatola heights, halting on
the ridge while Major-General Somerset reconnoitered the position
of the enemy. While doing so, his escort was attacked, but on the
arrival of a reinforcement the enemy was driven from his position,
and forced into the valley below. While these operations were in
progress, the 74th Highlanders, Cape Mounted Rifles, European and
Kat River Levies, with the Alice and Port Elizabeth Fingoes, were
moved into the Amatola basin. A formidable body of the enemy, chiefly
Hottentots, were now seen strongly posted on the extreme point of
the ridge of the northern range of the Amatolas, partly concealed
and well covered by large stones and detached masses of rock; these
the 74th, flanked by the Alice and Port Elizabeth Fingoes, under
Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce, was ordered to dislodge. The enemy opened
a galling fire upon the advancing troops, but the 74th deployed into
extended line, and having opened fire, drove the Hottentots from
their position and gained the summit. After moving along the ridge,
which was intersected by a narrow strip of forest bush, the troops
were again attacked, and three men of the 74th killed. Having halted
for a short time to refresh themselves, the 74th, flanked by the
Fort Beaufort Fingoes, was again moved on the enemy’s position, when
some sharp firing took place, and the enemy was compelled to abandon
his position altogether, retiring into the forest and mountains. The
division descended into the Amatola basin, and at 5 P.M. bivouacked
for the night. It was reported that some Gaika chiefs and a
considerable number of the enemy were killed on this occasion; while
the casualties in the 74th were one corporal and two privates killed,
and one officer, Lieutenant W. W. Bruce, and nine men wounded.
Nothing of importance occurred during the next two days, and on the
29th the division marched to the camp on the Quesana.
The conduct of the 74th in the above services was highly spoken of
in various orders, but we need only quote from a general order by
Lieutenant-General Sir Harry Smith, Bart., dated “Headquarters, King
William’s Town, 3rd of July, 1851:--
“Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce and the 74th Highlanders seized every
opportunity of assailing them and driving them before them, and
the Major-General reports in the strongest terms of admiration the
gallantry and the discipline of the corps.”
On the 2nd of July the division again ascended the Amatolas, and
its operations were thus detailed by Major-General Somerset in the
following letter to the Deputy Quarter-master-General:--
“CAMP ON THE KAMKA OR YELLOW WOODS,
“_3d July 1851_.
“SIR,--I have the honour to acquaint you, for the information of
his Excellency the Commander-in-Chief, that I proceeded with my
division yesterday morning, and ascended the Amatola, with the view
of clearing the eastern range of the Victoria Heights, and also of
again attacking the enemy’s fastnesses in the forest, at the southern
point of Hogg’s Back Ridge. This latter point was thoroughly cleared
by the European Levy and a company of the 91st under Lieutenant
Mainwaring. The enemy abandoned the forest when their huts were
destroyed, and took refuge in the extreme and highest points of the
Chumie Mountains. I then directed my attention to the southern
point of the Victoria Heights, placing a gun under Lieutenant
Field; the 74th Highlanders, under Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce; and
the Cape Mounted Rifles, under Major Somerset, in position on the
middle ridge. I detached the Graaff Reynett Levy, under Captain
Heathcote, senior, the Fort Beaufort Fingoes, under Captain Verity,
and destroyed all the kraals east of the Victoria range. While this
movement was going on, I detached Captains Cumbers and Ayliff with
their levies, and Captain Hobbs with the Kat River Levy, down the
valley of the Amatola, destroying all the kraals at the base of the
middle ridge, and nearly succeeded in capturing the Kaffir chief Oba
or Waba, Tyali’s son, whom I saw lately with the Commander-in-Chief
at Fort Cox, as it was his kraal that was surprised by the Kat River
Levy under Captain Hobbs, and his wives and family, with all their
household property, were captured, including the chief’s crane
feathers for his tribe, his smart forage cap and jacket, given to
him by his Excellency, and much other property; and distinctly saw
the chief ride off from his kraal just before the patrol got there.
The enemy was completely routed, and made off in every direction. In
my attack on the Amatola position on the 26th instant, the chiefs
Beta and Pitoi, the son of Vongya (brother of the late Tyali),
were killed, and many others of less note. This information I have
received from the Kaffir Dakana, residing at the Quilli station.”
In a despatch from the Governor, Lieutenant-General Sir Harry Smith,
Bart., to Earl Grey, the regiment is mentioned as follows:--
“Major-General Somerset speaks in the highest terms of
Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce and the 74th Regiment, recently arrived
from England, upon whom the brunt of these operations fell in the
first division.”
During the next month the standing camp of the division was moved
about from place to place, and patrolling parties were constantly
sent out to check the depredations of the enemy. About the middle
of August, when the standing camp was fixed at Riet Fontein,
Major-General Somerset proceeded to Lower Albany with a large portion
of the division, leaving Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce, of the 74th
Highlanders, in command of the troops remaining in camp.
Lieutenant-Colonel Sutton, Cape Mounted Rifles, commanding at Fort
Beaufort, communicated with Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce, about the
beginning of September, regarding many bold and frequently successful
attempts at the robbery of cattle made by the hordes of Kaffirs
in the neighbourhood of that post, which it became necessary, if
possible, to check. A force, consisting of 11 officers and 245 men
of the 74th Highlanders, 3 officers and 36 men of the Cape Mounted
Rifles, and 22 officers and 372 men of the various levies in camp
and at Fort Beaufort, were assembled at Gilbert’s farm, on the Klu
Klu, on the night of the 7th of September, and marched about 2
o’clock A.M. on the 8th, under Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce, to the
lower edge of the Kroome, where they arrived at dawn, but found
none of the enemy in that locality. The force ascended the Kroome
heights by the steep and difficult ridge called the Wolf’s Head. It
being well known that the enemy, under the Gaika chief Macomo, were
in great force in the adjacent valleys of the Waterkloof, Fuller’s
Hoek, and Blinkwater, it was determined to halt in a hollow, where
there was good water, until future operations were determined upon.
Strong picquets were posted on the surrounding ridges, and the usual
precautions taken to guard against surprise. Some large bodies of the
enemy were seen collecting at various points, and about 3 P.M. the
alarm was given that the Kaffirs were approaching in great force.
They ran almost with the speed of greyhounds, but the troops, many
of whom had to toss away their half-cooked dinners, got under arms
with the utmost promptitude, and were soon posted in extended order
on the ridges surrounding the bivouac, reinforcing the picquets. The
enemy approached in swarms from all quarters of the contiguous bush,
and as soon as they were within range, opened fire, which they kept
up without intermission for about half an hour. Their force, at the
lowest computation, was about 2000 men, and was led by Macomo in
person, who was seen riding about on a white charger, well out of
range. The troops being posted behind a ridge, were enabled to keep
up a sharp fire without much danger to themselves, and the enemy
were soon compelled to withdraw to the bush. Nearly half of the
ammunition being now expended, the troops were ordered to retire; and
Lieutenant-Colonel Sutton, with a few mounted men, was directed to
occupy the pass leading from Kroome heights to Niland’s farm. Between
two and three hundred mounted Kaffirs were now seen endeavouring
to turn the left flank, but they were kept in check, and all the
troops were enabled to gain the pass--a narrow defile, in many parts
of which not more than four or five men could walk abreast. The
retreat was going on with perfect regularity, when a strong force of
the enemy opened fire from the bush, and a detachment of the Fort
Beaufort Fingoes became panic-stricken, rushing among the regular
troops in great disorder, and thereby preventing them from using
their arms with effect against the enemy. This no doubt encouraged
the Kaffirs, who, seizing the advantage, rushed from the bush and
stabbed many of the men with their assegais. The enemy continued
their fire until the troops cleared the bush, but they scarcely
showed themselves beyond it. The ammunition being nearly expended,
the retreat was continued until the force arrived at Gilbert’s farm,
which they did shortly after dark, and bivouacked there for the
night, sending an express to Riet Fontein for waggons to convey the
wounded to camp. The casualties in the regiment on this occasion were
8 privates killed, and 1 officer, Lieutenant John Joseph Corrigan,
1 corporal, and 8 privates wounded. Hans Hartung, who had for many
years been bandmaster of the regiment, and was much respected by all
ranks, lost his life on this occasion; he had accompanied the force
as a volunteer.
The troops returned to Riet Fontein and Fort Beaufort, on the
following day.
An officer,[453] who was with the regiment during the whole of
this war, states that this was the only instance in which the 74th
really met the Kaffirs face to face, and the latter even then had
the advantage of possessing a thorough knowledge of the intricacies
of the bush, and were in overwhelming numbers. There were numerous
hand-to-hand conflicts, and several of the enemy were killed with the
bayonet.
Major-General Somerset having arrived at Riet Fontein in September,
the division marched on the 3rd of October to Fort Beaufort and
encamped there, awaiting the arrival of reinforcements from the
second division, under Lieutenant-Colonel Michel, of the 6th
Regiment, intended to act with the first division in a combined
attack on the Waterkloof, Kroome Heights, and Fuller’s Hoek.
The necessary preparations having been made, Lieutenant-Colonel
Fordyce marched on the 13th of October with the Reserve Battalion
12th Regiment, Beaufort West Levy, Graaf Reynett Mounted Levy,
and Fort Beaufort Mounted Troop. The Major-General had previously
proceeded with the Cape Mounted Riflemen and Fort Beaufort Fingo Levy
to meet Lieutenant-Colonel Michel on his march from King William’s
Town.
The force under Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce arrived at the Gola River
on the afternoon of the 13th, and on the southern point of the
Kroome Heights about sunrise next morning. The Waterkloof and Kroome
Heights were that morning enveloped in a dense fog, which for a time
prevented Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce from acting in concert with the
Major-General, according to previous arrangement; but about noon the
fog cleared away, and the Major-General was then seen to be engaged
with the enemy at the head of the Waterkloof. Lieutenant-Colonel
Fordyce joined him with his brigade, and the enemy having been
dispersed, they all marched to Mandell’s farm, where they remained
until the morning of the 16th.
The force was now divided. Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce’s brigade,
reinforced by the Reserve Battalion 91st Regiment, marching by the
Bush Nek to the entrance of the Waterkloof; while the remainder
of the division, under the personal command of the Major-General,
proceeded to the head of the Waterkloof. Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce,
on his arrival at the entrance of the Waterkloof, extended a line
of skirmishers across the valley, seeing but few of the enemy, and
meeting with no opposition until they emerged from the bush at the
head of the Waterkloof, when a brisk fire was opened upon them; fresh
skirmishers were thrown out, and the enemy dispersed. The force then
joined the Major-General near Mount Misery, and the division marched
to Eastland’s Farm and bivouacked. The casualties in the regiment
on this occasion were 2 privates killed, and 1 lance-corporal and 1
private wounded.
In another skirmish at the head of the Waterkloof, on the 23rd, 2
privates were killed and 2 wounded.
Various operations were carried on at the head of the Waterkloof and
Kroome heights until the 28th, when Lieut.-Colonel Fordyce’s brigade
was ordered to the Blinkwater, where it arrived the same day, having
been in the field exposed to heavy rains, and frequently with only
one blanket per man, and since the 13th without tents.
The Commander-in-Chief, Sir Harry Smith, spoke, in his general
order of October 31, in deservedly high terms of the conduct of
the officers and men in these most trying duties; for this kind of
desultory warfare, entailing constant marches from place to place
without shelter, amid almost constant frost, snow, wind, and rain,
and frequently with short supplies of food, and even of ammunition,
against an immense number of savages, with whom it is impossible
to come to close quarters, is far more trying to the temper and
endurance of soldiers than a series of pitched battles with a
powerful, well-disciplined, and well-equipped enemy.
This particular post of the enemy, at the head of the Waterkloof, was
one which seemed almost impregnable, although it was held by only
a few hundred Hottentots. The rebels had taken up a position near
the summit of the Kloof, which they had fortified with a breastwall
of detached rocks, from behind which they long bade defiance to
all efforts to eject them. Occasionally, when the British soldiers
were receding from the bush, the enemy would appear in the open
ground, firing at the former with fatal precision, and seeming as
if to invite them to open combat. Our brave soldiers accepting the
challenge, and returning towards the Hottentots, or “Totties,”
as they were facetiously called, the latter would precipitately
retreat to their stronghold, reappearing when their opponents’
backs were turned, sending death to many a poor fellow, whose brave
comrades could never get a chance to avenge him. Such a mode of
warfare is harassing in the highest degree. It was at the deathful
Waterkloof that the 74th sustained the loss of one of its bravest and
best-beloved officers.
The troops belonging to the second division having marched to
King William’s Town, and the Major-General having assembled at
the Blinkwater all the available force of the first division, he
ascended the Blinkwater Hill on the 4th of November, and bivouacked
at Eastland’s Farm, leaving the tents and baggage at the Blinkwater
under a guard.
On the morning of the 6th of November the infantry under
Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce marched about two hours before daylight,
the cavalry under the Major-General following at dawn, to the head
of the Waterkloof, where, as we have said, a considerable party of
the enemy was seen posted in strong positions. The infantry, under
Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce, were ordered to attack the position. The
Colonel led his men in column into the Waterkloof, when suddenly
his march was arrested by a rocky precipice which flanked him in
the form of a semicircle, where he found the enemy in considerable
force, and these knew too well the rules of military tactics to
let so favourable an opportunity escape for inflicting a penalty.
Though the bayonets of our brave soldiers seemed powerless in such a
position--for they had to contend against an enemy concealed among
inaccessible rocks--yet Colonel Fordyce placed his men in position
for an assault, and it was while calmly surveying them to see that
all was ready for the desperate work, that he was struck in the side
by a ball, which proved fatal to him in a quarter of an hour. His
last words, it is said, were, “What will become of my poor regiment?”
He was indeed the father of his regiment, looking with parental
solicitude after the comforts of men, women, and children, and by all
he was lamented with unfeigned sorrow.[454] His men, notwithstanding
their irreparable loss, stood firm against the enemy, and the
Major-General having arrived and assumed the command, the enemy was
driven from his position, and the troops bivouacked for the night on
Mount Misery, near the scene of the day’s operations.
The casualties in the regiment on this occasion were 2 officers
(Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce and Lieutenant Carey), 2 sergeants, and 2
privates killed; and 1 officer, Lieutenant Gordon (who died shortly
afterwards), and 8 men wounded. The greater number of the casualties
on this occasion occurred in No. 2 company, under the command
of Lieutenant Carey, until he was mortally wounded, and then of
Lieutenant Philpot. They were opposed to a strong body of the enemy
posted behind rocks, but being assisted by the light company, they
succeeded in dislodging it.
The bodies of the dead were next day carried in a mule waggon for
burial at Post Retief--15 miles across the table-land. “The funeral
will never be forgotten by those who were present. The thunder,
mingled with the booming artillery, rolled grandly and solemnly among
the mountains. As the rough deal coffins were borne out, the ‘firing
party,’ dripping wet, and covered with mud, presented arms, the
officers uncovered, and we marched in slow time out of the gate and
down the road--the pipers playing the mournful and touching ‘Highland
Lament’--to where the graves had been dug, a few hundred yards from
the Post.”
[Illustration: Death of Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce.
From “Campaigning in Kaffirland,” by Captain William Ross King, 74th
Highlanders (now Lieut.-Col. unattached).]
The following division order by Major-General Somerset by no means
exaggerates the soldierly merits of Colonel Fordyce:--
“CAMP BLINKWATER,
“_Nov. 9th, 1851_.
“It is with the deepest regret that Major-General Somerset announces
to the division the death of Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce, commanding
the 74th Highlanders. He fell, mortally wounded, in action with the
enemy, on the morning of the 6th, and died on the field.
“From the period of the 74th Highlanders having joined the first
division, their high state of discipline and efficiency at once
showed to the Major-General the value of Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce
as a commanding officer; the subsequent period, during which the
Major-General had been in daily intercourse with Lieutenant-Colonel
Fordyce, so constantly engaged against the enemy in the field, had
tended to increase in the highest degree the opinion which the
Major-General had formed of Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce as a commander
of the highest order, and one of Her Majesty’s ablest officers, and
whom he now so deeply laments (while he truly sympathises with the
74th Highlanders in their irreparable loss), as an esteemed brother
soldier.”
Small parties of the enemy having again taken up positions near the
head of Fuller’s Hoek, they were attacked and dislodged on the 7th;
and on the following day the division marched to its camp at the
Blinkwater.
The 74th was engaged in no enterprise of importance for the next two
months, headquarters having meantime been removed to Fort Beaufort.
In January 1852 preparations were made under Major-General Somerset,
by the first and second divisions, for a combined movement to destroy
the enemy’s crops in the Chumie Hoek, Amatolas, and on the left bank
of the Keiskamma River. The Major-General marched from Fort Beaufort
on the 26th of January 1852 for that purpose, with a force which
included upwards of 250 of all ranks of the 74th. Detachments of the
regiment were left at Post Retief, Blinkwater, Riet Fontein, and Fort
Beaufort.
The Major-General, with the force under his command, arrived at the
Amatolas on the 27th, and on the 28th commenced the destruction of
the enemy’s crops, which was carried on at the Amatolas, Chumie Hoek,
and near the Gwali Mission Station, up to the 24th of February, with
little interruption from the enemy and no loss to the regiment.
The destruction of that part of the crops allotted to the first
division having been completed, the Major-General marched on the 25th
_en route_ for Haddon on the Koonap River, where he arrived on the
29th, and formed a standing camp.
At about two o’clock on the morning of the 4th of March, a patrol
under Lieutenant-Colonel Yarborough, 91st Regiment, consisting of all
the available men of that corps and of the 74th Highlanders, together
with a troop of the Cape Mounted Riflemen, marched to the Waterkloof
to destroy a number of kraals belonging to a party of the enemy who
had located themselves on the sides of the mountain near Browne’s
Farm. This force arrived at the scene of operations about sunrise,
and immediately attacked the kraals, which they completely destroyed,
and captured a number of horses and cattle which were concealed in
a dense bush in an adjacent kloof. These kraals were well defended
by the enemy, and the time necessarily occupied in securing the
horses and cattle allowed the enemy to collect in large numbers from
every part of the Waterkloof. They kept up an incessant fire upon
the troops until their arrival at Nel’s Farm, where a position was
taken up by the 74th and 91st Regiments, which kept the enemy in
check until the horses and cattle were driven beyond their reach,
after which the enemy dispersed, and the troops returned to camp. The
casualties in the regiment on this occasion were 1 private killed and
4 wounded.
On the 7th of March the Commander-in-Chief arrived at the Blinkwater
with all the available force of the 2nd division, for the purpose
of carrying out, in connection with the 1st division, a combined
movement against the Fuller’s Hoek, the Waterkloof, and Kroome
Heights, which were still occupied by Macomo and his best warriors.
These operations were carried on between the 10th and the 16th of
the month, and the regiment was engaged with the enemy on several
occasions during that time, but happily without sustaining any loss.
410 women, among whom was Macomo’s great wife, many children, 130
horses, 1000 head of cattle, and a number of goats were captured,
together with some arms and ammunition, and all the property in
Macomo’s Den.
The Commander-in-Chief, in referring to these six days’ operations
in a general order, spoke of them as a success which may well be
expected to lead to a permanent and lasting peace. “The Kaffir
tribes,” he said, “have never been previously thus punished, and the
expulsion over the Kei being effected, tranquillity on a permanent
basis may be hoped for. No soldiers ever endured greater fatigues, or
ever encountered them with more constant cheerfulness and devotion to
their sovereign and country.”
On the 16th of March the 1st division returned to its standing
camp, which had been removed on the 13th to the Gola River, near
the entrance of the Waterkloof; and the troops belonging to the 2nd
division returned to their stations.
The Waterkloof, Fuller’s Hoek, and Blinkwater being now considered
cleared of the enemy, the Commander-in-Chief ordered a combined
movement to take place against large bodies of the enemy that had
established themselves between the Kaboosie Mountains and the Kei
River. To effect this, the 1st division marched on the morning of the
18th of March; and having been joined on the 26th at the Thorn River
by a burgher force, which was to co-operate with the troops, reached
the Thomas River on the 29th, where a standing camp was formed. The
2nd division, at the same time, sent patrols to the Kaboosie Nek,
Keiskamma Hoek, and the banks of the Kei River, and a large number of
burghers was in the field co-operating with the troops.
On the 5th of April a patrol, under Lieutenant-Colonel Napier, Cape
Mounted Riflemen, consisting of 162 men, from the headquarters of the
74th, along with detachments of the various other corps, marched for
the junction of the Thomas and the Kei Rivers, where it was supposed
large numbers of the enemy’s cattle were concealed.
This force arrived at and bivouacked on the Quantine, a branch of the
Thomas River, on the evening of the 5th, and on the following morning
resumed their march in three separate columns. Large herds of cattle
were seen about ten o’clock in the morning near the junction of the
Thomas and the Kei Rivers, and signal fires were lighted up by the
enemy in various directions. After a successful contest of several
hours’ duration, in which 100 of the enemy were supposed to have
been killed, this force captured, with little loss, large numbers of
cattle, horses, and goats, with which they returned to the standing
camp on the Thomas River. The Commander-in-Chief, Lieutenant-General
Sir Harry Smith, Bart., in a general order, spoke in the highest
terms of these services, as being of such a character that a speedy
termination of the war might be looked for, which must lead to the
establishment of permanent peace to the country.
The standing camp was moved on the 10th of April to the Windvogel, a
branch of the Kei River. Lieutenant-General the Hon. George Cathcart,
appointed Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the Cape of Good Hope
in succession to Sir Harry Smith, who was recalled, having assumed
the command and arrived at King William’s Town, Major-General
Somerset proceeded to that town to receive instructions regarding
future operations.
Lieutenant-General Sir Harry George Wakelyn Smith, G.C.B., Bart.,
on resigning the command, bade farewell to the army which he had so
efficiently commanded in a general order, in which he said:--
“I have served my Queen and country many years; and, attached as I
have ever been to gallant soldiers, none were ever more endeared to
me than those serving in the arduous campaign of 1851 and 1852 in
South Africa. The unceasing labours of night marches, the burning
sun, the torrents of rain, have been encountered with a cheerfulness
as conspicuous as the intrepidity with which you have met the enemy
in so many enterprising fights and skirmishes in his own mountain
fastnesses and strongholds, and from which you have always driven him
victoriously.”[455]
During the next few months the 74th was kept incessantly moving about
in detachments from one post to another, the bare recital of which
movements would only fatigue the reader. The regiment was constantly
employed either on patrol, in waylaying parties, or on escort duties,
the work involved in such movements being, as we have already said,
far more trying and fatiguing to the soldier than a regular series
of field operations against a large and thoroughly disciplined
army. The high value of these irritating duties could only be fully
appreciated by the superior officers who were watching the progress
of the operations from day to day, and by the terrified colonists,
whose lives and property the brave soldiers were doing their best,
under great hardship, to protect. That the 74th, as well as the other
regiments, really were the protectors of the colonists in South
Africa, and performed their duties as such with honour and credit to
themselves, all who were in a position to form an opinion concur in
admitting. We have only heard of one instance in which an attempt
was made to sully the honour and honesty of the 74th: that was by
the Rev. Henry Renton, a Scotch missionary, who at a public meeting
in Glasgow made some remarks reflecting on the conduct of the 74th
Highlanders. We cannot believe that a Scotchman would maliciously
attempt to sully the honour of a Highland regiment; and, of course,
a Christian minister never so far should forget himself as to give
utterance to a statement which he does not believe has a foundation
in truth, especially when that statement, as in the present case,
involves the reputation of so many of his fellow-countrymen, and, it
is to be presumed, fellow-Christians. That the Rev. Henry Renton,
whose honesty of intention, then, we cannot doubt, was under a
misapprehension when he rashly--perhaps in a gush of “holy rapture,”
as Burns puts it--made this statement at the public meeting in
Glasgow, is clear from the following letter written on the subject by
Major-General Somerset:--
“GRAHAMSTOWN, _August 18, 1852_.
“SIR,--Having observed in several of the public journals that, at a
recent public meeting, Mr Renton, a Scotch minister, took occasion to
attack the character of the 74th Highlanders for their conduct when
encamped at the Gwali Station on the Chumie River, in the month of
February last, stating that the men of that corps had plundered and
destroyed the garden of the widow Chalmers while the savage enemies
had always spared her property; I desire to state, in justice to
the 74th Highlanders under your command, that the statement is a
false and gratuitous attack on your gallant regiment, whose unvaried
discipline and excellent conduct have ever met my fullest approbation.
“Shortly after the troops arrived in camp at Gwali, a guard was
detached to afford Mrs Chalmers protection, and if any produce was
taken out of her garden, it must have been in total ignorance that
any person was residing on the property--the Kaffirs who had been
residing on the grounds having all fled into the bush.
“I consider the attack of Mr Renton, whose character is so well
known on the frontier, to be an attempt to enhance the value of his
statements in favour of those barbarians whose atrocities he has
attempted to palliate, and whose cause he so earnestly patronises.
“You will be good enough to make this expression of my sentiments
known to the 74th Highlanders under your command.
“I have the honour to be, &c.,
“H. SOMERSET,
“Major-General.
“To Major Patton,
“Commanding 74th Highlanders.”
Major-General Somerset having been appointed to the Staff in India,
Colonel Buller, C.B., Rifle Brigade, assumed the command of the 1st
division on the 27th of August 1852.
Lieutenant-Colonel John Macduff, from the St Helena Regiment, having
been appointed to the 74th Highlanders, joined at Fort Beaufort on
the 17th of October 1852, and assumed the command of the regiment.
The Commander-in-Chief having determined upon sending an expedition
into the Abasutus country against Moshesh, to enforce the payment of
a fine of cattle and horses imposed upon that chief, the detachments
from Fort Browne, Koonap Port, Riet Fontein, Post Retief, joined
headquarters at Fort Beaufort in the beginning of November, and on
the 10th of that month the headquarters, under Lieutenant-Colonel
Macduff--strength, 2 captains, 5 subalterns, 3 staff, 12 sergeants,
5 buglers, and 244 rank and file--marched for Burghersdorp, where
the forces intended for the expedition were to assemble under
the personal command of His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief. A
detachment was left at Fort Beaufort under Major Patton, consisting
of 2 captains, 1 subaltern, 2 staff, 11 sergeants, 4 buglers, and 141
rank and file.
On the 11th of November, the force was joined by a detachment of
artillery and 2 guns under Captain Robinson, and a detachment of the
Cape Mounted Rifles, under Major Somerset, the whole being under the
command of Lieutenant-Colonel Macduff. Proceeding by stages towards
its destination, the force was joined on the 16th by Captain Brydon’s
company from Whittlesea, consisting of about 150 men, increasing the
strength to 1 lieutenant-colonel, 3 captains, 6 subalterns, 3 staff,
17 sergeants, 7 buglers, and 404 rank and file; on the 17th to the
Honey Klip River; on the 18th to Klaas Smidts River; on the 19th to
the Vleys on the Stormberg Mountains; on the 20th to the Stormberg
River, on the 22nd it reached Burghersdorp, and joined the troops
under Lieutenant-Colonel Eyre of the 73rd regiment, who had arrived
at Burghersdorp on the previous day.
On the 23rd, the headquarters of the Cape Mounted Rifles joined
the force, and on the 28th, His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief
arrived, and the troops were divided into brigades, the 74th
Highlanders, the 2nd (Queen’s Regiment), and one Rocket Battery,
forming the first brigade of infantry, under Lieutenant-Colonel
Macduff, 74th Highlanders.
On the 28th of November, the march was recommenced by brigades, and
the village of Plaatberg was reached on the 13th.
Moshesh’s sons, Nehemiah and David, arrived in camp the same evening,
and on the 15th, that chief himself appeared and had an interview
with the governor, who informed him that if his fine of horses and
cattle was not paid within three days, he would be obliged to go and
take them.
On the 18th, Nehemiah arrived with 3450 head of cattle; but the
remainder not having been sent within the stipulated time, the
cavalry and 2nd brigade advanced on the 19th to the Drift on the
Caledon River, leaving the camp and cattle at Plaatberg in charge
of the 1st brigade. This force moved against Moshesh on the morning
of the 20th, and after a sanguinary contest on the Berea Mountain,
which lasted during the day, captured 4500 head of cattle, and
some horses and goats. During that night Moshesh sent a letter to
the Governor, saying that he had been severely punished, and suing
for peace, which the Governor granted on the 21st, and the troops
returned to camp on the 22nd.
One company of the 2nd, or Queen’s, and one of the 74th, under
Captain Bruce, marched for Plaatberg on the afternoon of the
19th, and reinforced the troops engaged. The cattle were sent for
distribution to Bloem Fontein, and the troops commenced their march
on their return to the colony on the 24th of December. On their
arrival at the Orange River, it was found so swollen from recent
rains that the troops, waggons, and baggage had to be conveyed across
on two pontoons, which operation occupied six days.
The troops marched on their return to the colony by nearly the same
route by which they had advanced, a detachment of the regiment, under
Captain Bruce, of 2 sergeants, 1 bugler, and 40 rank and file, being
left at Whittlesea.
The Governor and Commander-in-Chief took his leave of the troops in a
general order dated “Camp Boole Poort, 26th December 1852,” in which
he spoke in the highest terms of their conduct during the expedition.
Lieutenant-Colonel Eyre also, on resigning command of the division,
published a division order, in which he spoke of the general
character of all non-commissioned officers and soldiers as having
been most exemplary. “To the officers generally he feels that his
thanks are especially due; their example and exertions have rendered
his task of commanding very easy.” Among the officers particularly
named by Lieutenant-Colonel Eyre were,--Lieutenant-Colonel Macduff of
the 74th Highlanders, commanding the 1st brigade, from whose judgment
and experience he derived great assistance; Captain Hancock, 74th
Highlanders; Lieutenant and Adjutant Falconer, 74th Highlanders,
acting Brigade-Major, and Dr Fraser, 74th Highlanders, &c.
The first brigade, under Lieutenant-Colonel Macduff, arrived at
Bryce’s Farm, on the Kat River, on the 19th of January, 1853. On the
following day the regiments composing the brigade returned to their
stations; the 74th proceeding to Fort Beaufort, where it arrived
on the 21st, and where, on the 20th, a small detachment from the
regimental depôt had joined.
In the beginning of February orders were received for the regiment
to proceed to King William’s Town to reinforce the 2nd division.
It accordingly marched from Fort Beaufort on the 3rd, under
Lieutenant-Colonel Macduff, leaving a small detachment at Fort
Beaufort. The regiment arrived at King William’s Town on the 7th,
and was ordered to proceed to the Duhne or Itembi Mission Station,
accompanied by detachments from the 12th Royal Lancers, the Royal
Artillery, and the Cape Mounted Riflemen; the whole under the command
of Lieutenant-Colonel Macduff, of the 74th Highlanders, the intention
being to form a connecting link in a chain of posts surrounding the
Amatolas. Numerous patrols were sent out to keep up a communication
with the post at Kaboosie Nek, and to examine the country near the
sources of the Kaboosie and the Buffalo rivers, and the valley
between the Iseli range and Murray’s Krantz.
Peace, however, having been established in March, the regiment
marched from the Duhne Station to Fort Beaufort, arriving there on
the 26th.
On the termination of the war, His Excellency published a general
order, which we shall give at length, as serving to convey the idea
formed by a competent judge of the urgent nature of the duties which
the soldiers engaged in the Kaffir War had to perform, and also
showing the important results of the operations in which the 74th
bore so conspicuous a part.
“HEADQUARTERS, GRAHAMSTOWN,
“_March 14, 1853_.
“The Commander of the Forces congratulates the army under his command
on the termination of the war of rebellion which has troubled the
eastern frontier of Her Majesty’s South African Dominions for more
than two years, and which at one time assuming the character of a war
of races, had it not been arrested by their gallantry, perseverance,
and unparalleled exertions, must have overwhelmed the inhabitants of
the eastern district of the colony. And indeed it is impossible to
calculate the extent to which it might have reached.
“In conveying his thanks to the army for their meritorious services,
His Excellency desires to include those of the Colonial service,
Europeans, Fingoes, and Loyal Hottentots, who, under gallant leaders,
nobly emulated the brilliant examples set them by Her Majesty’s
troops.
“The field of glory opened to them in a Kaffir war and Hottentot
rebellion is possibly not so favourable and exciting as that which
regular warfare with an open enemy in the field affords; yet the
unremitting exertions called for in hunting well-armed yet skulking
savages through the bush, and driving them from their innumerable
strongholds, are perhaps more arduous than those required in regular
warfare, and call more constantly for individual exertions and
intelligence.
“The British soldier, always cheerfully obedient to the call, well
knows that when he has done his duty, he is sure to obtain the thanks
and good opinion of his gracious Queen.
“It is His Excellency’s duty, and one which he has had the greatest
pleasure in performing, to call Her Majesty’s attention, not only
on particular occasions, but generally, to the noble conduct of all
officers, non-commissioned officers, and soldiers of this army,
throughout the arduous contest in which they have been engaged; and
they may rest assured it will not pass unheeded.
“It cannot fail to be an additional gratification to them to
reflect that the result of their exertions has been the total and
final clearance of the Waterkloof, Fish River, and all the other
strongholds of the enemy within the colony. The surrender of the
rebel chiefs, Sandilli, Macomo, and the Gaika people, who have been
expelled from all their former territories, including the Amatolas,
which now remain in possession of Her Majesty’s troops, and the
removal of that hitherto troublesome race to the banks of the Kei;
the complete submission of the Bassutus, the Sambookies, and the
Anna-Galiekas, and the extinction of the Hottentot rebellion; and
that thus, thanks to their noble exertions, where all was war and
rebellion two years ago, general and profound peace reigns in South
Africa.
“A. J. CLOETE,
“Quartermaster-General.”
Colonel Buller, C.B., Rifle Brigade, commanding 1st Division, made
his inspection of the regiment on the 5th of May, when he expressed
to Lieutenant-Colonel Macduff his entire satisfaction with the
regiment in every respect.
Before concluding our account of the doings of the 74th Highlanders
during the Kaffir War, we must tell the story of an action which
sheds more glory upon those who took part in it than a hundred
well-fought battles, or the taking of many cities; an action in which
discipline and self-denial triumphed gloriously over the love of dear
life itself.
On the 7th of January 1852, the iron paddle troopship “Birkenhead,”
of 1400 tons and 556 horse-power, commanded by Master Commanding
Robert Salmond, sailed from the Cove of Cork, bound for the Cape
of Good Hope, with detachments from the depôts of ten regiments,
all under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Seton of the 74th
Highlanders. Altogether there were on board about 631 persons,
including a crew of 132, the rest being soldiers with their wives and
children. Of the soldiers, besides Colonel Seton and Ensign Alexander
Cumming Russell, 66 men belonged to the 74th.
The “Birkenhead” made a fair voyage out, and reached Simon’s Bay,
Cape of Good Hope, on the 23rd of February, when Captain Salmond was
ordered to proceed eastward immediately, and land the troops at Algoa
Bay and Buffalo River. The “Birkenhead” accordingly sailed again
about six o’clock on the evening of the 25th; the night being almost
perfectly calm, the sea smooth, and the stars out in the sky. Men, as
usual, were told off to keep a look-out, and a leadsman was stationed
on the paddle-box next the land, which was at a distance of about 3
miles on the port side. Shortly before two o’clock on the morning
of the 26th, when all who were not on duty were sleeping peacefully
below, the leadsman got soundings in 12 or 13 fathoms: ere he had
time to get another cast of the lead, the “Birkenhead” was suddenly
and rudely arrested in her course; she had struck on a sunken rock,
surrounded by deep water, and was firmly fixed upon its jagged
points. The water immediately rushed into the fore part of the ship,
and drowned many soldiers who were sleeping on the lower troop deck.
It is easy to imagine the consternation and wild commotion with which
the hundreds of men, women, and children would be seized on realising
their dangerous situation. Captain Salmond, who had been in his
cabin since ten o’clock of the previous night, at once appeared on
deck with the other naval and military officers; the captain ordered
the engine to be stopped, the small bower anchor to be let go, the
paddle-box boats to be got out, and the quarter boats to be lowered,
and to lie alongside the ship.
It might have been with the “Birkenhead” as with many other
passenger-laden ships which have gone to the bottom, had there not
been one on board with a clear head, perfect self-possession, a noble
and chivalrous spirit, and a power of command over others which
few men have the fortune to possess; this born “leader of men” was
Lieutenant-Colonel Seton of the 74th Highlanders. On coming on deck
he at once comprehended the situation, and without hesitation made
up his mind what it was the duty of brave men and British soldiers
to do under the circumstances. He impressed upon the other officers
the necessity of preserving silence and discipline among the men.
Colonel Seton then ordered the soldiers to draw up on both sides of
the quarter-deck; the men obeyed as if on parade or about to undergo
inspection. A party was told off to work the pumps, another to assist
the sailors in lowering the boats, and a third to throw the poor
horses overboard. “Every one did as he was directed,” says Captain
Wright of the 91st, who, with a number of men of that regiment, was
on board. “All received their orders, and had them carried out, as if
the men were embarking instead of going to the bottom; there was only
this difference, that I never saw any embarkation conducted with so
little noise and confusion.”
Meanwhile Captain Salmond, thinking no doubt to get the ship safely
afloat again and to steam her nearer to the shore, ordered the
engineer to give the paddles a few backward turns. This only hastened
the destruction of the ship, which bumped again upon the rock, so
that a great hole was torn in the bottom, letting the water rush in
volumes into the engine-room, putting out the fires.
The situation was now more critical than ever; but the soldiers
remained quietly in their places, while Colonel Seton stood in the
gangway with his sword drawn, seeing the women and children safely
passed down into the second cutter, which the captain had provided
for them. This duty was speedily effected, and the cutter was
ordered to lie off about 150 yards from the rapidly sinking ship. In
about ten minutes after she first struck, she broke in two at the
foremast--this mast and the funnel falling over to the starboard
side, crushing many, and throwing into the water those who were
endeavouring to clear the paddle-box boat. But the men kept their
places, though many of them were mere lads, who had been in the
service only a few months. An eye-witness, speaking of the captain
and Colonel Seton at this time, has said--“Side by side they stood at
the helm, providing for the safety of all that could be saved. They
never tried to save themselves.”
Besides the cutter into which the women and children had been put,
only two small boats were got off, all the others having been stove
in by the falling timbers or otherwise rendered useless. When the
bows had broken off, the ship began rapidly to sink forward, and
those who remained on board clustered on to the poop at the stern,
all, however, without the least disorder. At last, Captain Salmond,
seeing that nothing more could be done, advised all who could swim
to jump overboard and make for the boats. But Colonel Seton told
the men that if they did so, they would be sure to swamp the boats,
and send the women and children to the bottom; he therefore asked
them to keep their places, and they obeyed. The “Birkenhead” was
now rapidly sinking; the officers shook hands and bade each other
farewell; immediately after which the ship again broke in two abaft
the mainmast, when the hundreds who had bravely stuck to their posts
were plunged with the sinking wreck into the sea. “Until the vessel
totally disappeared,” says an eye-witness, “there was not a cry or
murmur from soldiers or sailors.” Those who could swim struck out for
the shore, but few ever reached it; most of them either sank through
exhaustion or were devoured by the sharks, or were dashed to death on
the rugged shore near Point Danger, or entangled in the death-grip
of the long arms of sea-weed that floated thickly near the coast.
About twenty minutes after the “Birkenhead” first struck on the rock,
all that remained visible were a few fragments of timber, and the
main-topmast standing above the water. Of the 631 souls on board,
438 were drowned, only 193 being saved: not a single woman or child
was lost. Those who did manage to land, exhausted as they were, had
to make their way over a rugged and barren coast for fifteen miles,
before they reached the residence of Captain Small, by whom they were
treated with the greatest kindness until taken away by H.M. steamer
“Rhadamanthus.”
The three boats which were lying off near the ship when she went down
picked up as many men as they safely could, and made for the shore,
but found it impossible to land; they were therefore pulled away in
the direction of Simon’s Town. After a time they were descried by the
coasting schooner “Lioness,” the master of which, Thomas E. Ramsden,
took the wretched survivors on board, his wife doing all in her power
to comfort them, distributing what spare clothes were on board among
the many men, who were almost naked. The “Lioness” made for the scene
of the wreck, which she reached about half-past two in the afternoon,
and picked up about forty-five men, who had managed to cling to the
still standing mast of the “Birkenhead.” The “Lioness,” as well as
the “Rhadamanthus,” took the rescued remnant to Simon’s Bay.
Of those who were drowned, 357, including 9 officers, belonged to the
army; the remaining 81 formed part of the ship’s company, including
7 naval officers. Besides the chivalrous Colonel Seton and Ensign
Russell, 48 of the 66 men belonging to the 74th perished.
Any comment on this deathless deed of heroic self-denial, of
this victory of moral power over the strongest impulse, would be
impertinent; no one needs to be told what to think of the simple
story. The 74th and the other regiments who were represented on board
of the “Birkenhead,” as well as the whole British army, must feel
prouder of this victory over the last enemy, than of all the great
battles whose names adorn their regimental standards.
The only tangible memorial of the deed that exists is a monument
erected by Her Majesty Queen Victoria in the colonnade of Chelsea
Hospital; it bears the following inscription:--
“This monument is erected by command of Her Majesty Queen Victoria,
to record the heroic constancy and unbroken discipline shown by
Lieutenant-Colonel Seton, 74th Highlanders, and the troops embarked
under his command, on board the ‘Birkenhead,’ when that vessel was
wrecked off the Cape of Good Hope, on the 26th of February 1852, and
to preserve the memory of the officers, non-commissioned officers,
and men who perished on that occasion. Their names were as follows:--
“Lieutenant-Colonel ALEXANDER SETON, 74th Highlanders, commanding the
troops; Cornet Rolt, Sergeant Straw, and 3 privates, 12th Lancers;
Ensign Boylan, Corporal M’Manus, and 34 privates, 2nd Queen’s
Regiment; Ensign Metford and 47 privates, 6th Royals; 55 privates,
12th Regiment; Sergeant Hicks, Corporals Harrison and Cousins, and
26 privates, 43rd Light Infantry; 3 privates 45th Regiment; Corporal
Curtis and 29 privates, 60th Rifles; Lieutenants Robinson and Booth,
and 54 privates, 73rd Regiment; Ensign Russell, Corporals Mathison
and William Laird, and 46 privates, 74th Highlanders; Sergeant
Butler, Corporals Webber and Smith, and 41 privates, 91st Regiment;
Staff-Surgeon Laing; Staff Assistant-Surgeon Robinson. In all, 357
officers and men. The names of the privates will be found inscribed
on brass plates adjoining.”
Lieutenant-Colonel Seton, whose high-mindedness, self-possession, and
calm determination inspired all on board, was son and heir of the
late Alexander Seton, Esq. of Mounie, Aberdeenshire, and represented
the Mounie branch of the old and eminent Scottish house of Pitmedden.
His death was undoubtedly a great loss to the British army, as all
who knew him agree in stating that he was a man of high ability and
varied attainments; he was distinguished both as a mathematician and
a linguist. Lord Aberdare (formerly the Right Honourable H. A. Bruce)
speaks of Colonel Seton, from personal knowledge, as “one of the most
gifted and accomplished men in the British army.”[456]
III.
1853-1874.
Embarkation for India--Ten years in India--Malabar--Canara--New
stand of Colours--Mrs Anson--A desperate duel--Lieut.-General Shawe
becomes Colonel of the 74th--Indian Rebellion--The Kaffir War
Medals--Storm of Sholapoor--Kopál--Nargoond--Leave to be discharged
in 1858--The 74th embarks for England in 1864--Captain Thackeray
in command of the 74th--Edinburgh--Aldershot--Receives the special
commendation of H.R.H. Commanding-in-Chief.
Orders having been received that the 74th should hold itself in
readiness to proceed to India, all the outlying detachments joined
headquarters at Fort Beaufort. The regiment set out on November 10,
1853, to march for Port Elizabeth, where it arrived on the 18th,
and from which, on the 20th, the headquarters and right wing were
conveyed to Cape Town, where they embarked on board the freight-ship
“Queen.”
The “Queen” sailed from Table Bay on the 25th of November, and
arrived at Madras on the 12th of January 1854. The 74th was destined
to remain in India for the next ten years, during which time the
movements of its various detachments were exceedingly complicated,
and are difficult to follow even with the aid of a good map. Indeed,
few regiments, we are sure, have been more broken up into small
detachments than was the 74th, during its services at the Cape, and
for the greater part of the time that it remained in India; for eight
years from 1850, when the regiment was at Fermoy, in Ireland, it was
broken up into small detachments, and it was only on the repeated
petition of the commanding-officer to the War Office authorities
that, in 1858, all the companies once more found themselves
together: this was at Bellary, in the Madras Presidency, where
headquarters had been stationed for some time.
After the arrival of headquarters and the right wing at Madras, the
regiment was joined by a detachment from England, under Captain Jago.
After headquarters had been about a week at Madras, it, along with
four companies, re-embarked, on January 19, for Negapatam, about 180
miles further south, where it arrived next day, and remained till the
24th, when it set out to march for Trichinopoly, which it reached on
the 2nd of February.
On the 7th of February a detachment, under Captain Brydon, consisting
of 4 officers and 205 men, proceeded to Jackatalla (now Wellington,
about ten miles south of Ootakemund, in the Neelgherri Hills), there
to be stationed for the purpose of assisting in the building of
barracks at that place.
Captain Jago, with the two companies which had been left at Madras,
joined headquarters on the 13th, and a small detachment from England,
under Lieutenant Davies, landed at Madras on the 13th, and arrived at
Trichinopoly on the 27th of February.
The left wing of the service companies, which had left Cape Town
some time after the rest of regiment, landed at Madras on the 19th
of February, and embarked for Tranquebar. This detachment, on its
march from Tranquebar to Trichinopoly, was unfortunately attacked by
cholera, and lost 3 sergeants, 2 corporals, and 15 privates.
The headquarters marched for Jackatalla on the 15th of March, and
arrived there on the 30th, having left a detachment at Trichinopoly,
consisting of 2 captains, 5 subalterns, 1 assistant-surgeon, 10
sergeants, 4 drummers, and 220 rank and file, under command of Major
Hancock, who was relieved of the command by Lieutenant-Colonel
Monklands on the 3rd of April.
It would be tedious to follow the movements of the various
detachments of the regiment in the performance of the ordinary
routine duties which devolve on the British soldier when stationed
in India. The headquarters remained at Jackatalla--where it was
gradually joined by the various detachments which remained at
Trichinopoly--till 1857. At frequent intervals during this time, and
while the regiment remained in India, it was joined by detachments
of recruits from the depôt companies at home, and by volunteers from
other regiments in India--it being a common custom, when a regiment
was ordered home, to allow those of the men who wished to remain in
India to volunteer into other regiments. If we may judge from the
large detachments which the 74th received in this way, it must have
had a very high reputation among the other regiments of Her Majesty
stationed in India. Among the other additions which the 74th received
while at Jackatalla was one which was made by Her Majesty’s gracious
pleasure, much, no doubt, to the gratification of the regiment,
and one which to a Highland regiment is of no mean importance. The
addition we refer to consisted of 1 pipe-major and 5 pipers, who
joined in May 1854, and whose strains, no doubt, served often to
remind the many Highlanders in the regiment of their homes far away
in dear old Scotland. This accession was in addition to a pipe-major
and a piper for each company, which have always been maintained in
the regiment, and dressed at the expense of the officers.
In November of the same year that the regiment received the above
important addition, it was inspected by Major-General J. Wheeler
Cleveland, commanding the Southern Division, who, in a division order
afterwards issued, expressed himself in complimentary and justly
merited terms towards this distinguished regiment.
Colonel Macduff, having been appointed a brigadier of the 2nd class,
and ordered to assume the command of the provinces of Malabar and
Canara, handed over command of the regiment to Captain Brydon on the
7th of February 1855,--Lieutenant-Colonel Monkland, the next senior
officer, having proceeded to Bangalore on sick-leave. But Captain
and Brevet-Major Robert Bruce having joined, from leave of absence,
on the 28th of February, assumed command of the regiment, and was
relieved on the 9th of April by Lieutenant-Colonel Monkland.
A wing of the regiment having been ordered to relieve the 25th
(King’s Own Borderers) Regiment--132 volunteers from which joined
the 74th--at Cannanoor, a detail of 8 officers, 1 surgeon, 13
sergeants, 16 corporals, 6 drummers, 3 pipers, and 304 privates,
under command of Captain Jago, marched from headquarters on the 14th
of February, and arrived at Cannanoor on the 1st of March, having
_en route_ detached No. 5 Company, under Captain Augustus Davies, to
Malliapooram. The wing thus stationed at Cannanoor, on the Malabar
coast, had to furnish so many strong detachments to the provinces of
Malabar and Canara that it was necessary frequently to reinforce it
from headquarters, as well as from England, so that very soon the
number of companies at headquarters was reduced to four, the other
six being with the left wing.
The 24th of May, being the anniversary of the birth of Her Most
Gracious Majesty, was selected by the Hon. Mrs George Anson for
presenting a stand of new colours to the regiment. His Excellency
Lieutenant-General the Honourable George Anson, Commander-in-Chief of
the Madras Army, and the staff of the Most Noble the Governor-General
of India, the Marquis of Dalhousie, and a large concourse of
spectators, were to be present, but the Governor-General was
unfortunately prevented by illness from attending.
The new colours having been consecrated by the Rev. John Ruthven
Macfarlane, the chaplain of the regiment, were handed to Lieutenants
R. H. D. Lowe and H. R. Wolrige (the two senior subalterns present)
by the Honourable Mrs Anson, who, in doing so, mentioned the various
services of the regiment in a most complimentary manner; and His
Excellency the Commander-in-Chief, after the review, was pleased
to express himself in the most flattering terms with regard to the
gallantry, efficiency, soldier-like bearing, and good conduct of the
regiment.
In the month of September, the detachment stationed at Malliapooram,
under the command of Captain Augustus Davies, was employed against
some insurgent Moplahs in the neighbourhood, who had murdered Mr
Conolly, Collector of Malabar, and in an affair on the 17th of that
month 1 private was killed and 1 wounded.
During the performance of this duty a very remarkable incident
occurred which is well worth putting on record. Captain Davies’
company having been sent in quest of the Moplahs, came upon them,
after a hot mid-day march of about eight or ten miles, at the house
of a high caste Nair, which they had taken possession of after
murdering the servant who had been left in charge. The house was no
sooner surrounded by the soldiers than the Moplahs rushed forth,
fired what arms they possessed at the 74th, killing a private; they
then attacked the men with the Moplah war-knives. All the Moplahs
were speedily despatched, not, however, before one of them had
attacked Private Joseph Park, who transfixed the Moplah through the
chest with his bayonet. The Moplah thereupon, although mortally
wounded, seized the muzzle of Park’s firelock--for the 74th was
still armed with the old Brown Bess--and with a fierce blow of his
war-knife, whilst still transfixed with the bayonet, cut Park’s
throat almost from ear to ear. Staggered with the blow, the firelock
dropped from Park’s hands, and the Moplah fell dead at his feet.
After hovering between life and death for some weeks, Park ultimately
recovered.
Colonel Macduff, having been relieved from the provinces of Malabar
and Canara by the return of Brigadier Brown, rejoined headquarters,
and assumed command of the regiment on the 31st of January 1856, and
Lieutenant-Colonel Monkland proceeded to Cannanoor for the purpose of
assuming command of the left wing. On the 14th of November, however,
Colonel Macduff, as senior officer in the Presidency, having been
ordered to proceed to Bellary as acting Brigadier in place of Colonel
Brown of the 43d Foot, who had died, the command of the headquarters
devolved upon Lieutenant-Colonel Monkland, who, however, retained it
only a few weeks, as Colonel Macduff, having been relieved from the
command of the Bellary Brigade by Colonel Pole, 12th Lancers, his
senior, returned to headquarters at Jackatalla, and reassumed the
command of the regiment on the 6th of February.
On the 16th of February 1857 notification of the appointment of
Lieutenant-General Shawe to the colonelcy of the regiment, in place
of Lieutenant-General Thomson, was received by the regiment.
During all this time, of course, the regular half-yearly inspection
was made by Major-General Cleveland, who on every occasion was able
to express himself perfectly satisfied with the state of the regiment.
On the 12th of April 1857, Enfield rifles were first issued to a
portion of the regiment in accordance with the instructions from home
directing their partial introduction into the army as an experiment.
On the 22d of July, in accordance with instructions received,
the right wing and headquarter companies proceeded _en route_ to
Bangalore by Mysore; but on arriving at the latter place, their
destination having been changed to Bellary (with the exception of
150 men, who, under command of Captain Falconer, followed by marches
in charge of the families and baggage), the regiment was pushed
on by transit to that station, Government being apprehensive of a
rising among the Rajah’s zemindars in the Mahratta country. As the
sequel shows, the services of the regiment were soon called into
requisition. A movable column having been formed under the command
of Brigadier Whitlock, the grenadier company, made up to 100 men
immediately on its arrival, proceeded on the 12th of August to
join the force by way of Kurnool; and as soon as the arrival of
the detachment under Captain Falconer, above referred to, rejoined
headquarters on the 30th, the light company, also made up to 100 men,
proceeded to join the column. These companies were all armed with
the Enfield rifle--the right wing, on passing through Bangalore,
having been furnished with this weapon. These two companies being on
field service, and a wing of six companies being at Cannanoor, the
headquarters of the regiment at Bellary was reduced to a skeleton of
two weak companies.
On the 16th of September, Colonel Macduff being appointed Brigadier
of the 2nd class on the permanent establishment of the Presidency,
the command of the corps again devolved upon Colonel Monkland,
at this time in command of the left wing at Cannanoor, but who
now assumed the command at headquarters. On the following day a
letter, considerably augmenting the establishment of the regiment,
was received; and on the 29th the headquarters, consisting of
the two attenuated companies above referred to, was inspected by
Major-General Donald Macleod,[457] commanding the ceded districts,
who on the occasion expressed himself satisfied with everything that
came under his notice.
Instructions having been received for the left wing at Cannanoor to
join headquarters at Bellary, on the arrival of the 66th Foot at that
station from England, the various detachments rejoined the wing, and
the whole six companies marched, under the command of Captain Jago,
on the 12th of January 1858, having all been furnished with the new
Enfield rifle. The wing arrived at Bellary in daily batches by the
20th of February.
The regiment having been scattered in detachments, the medals which
it had so honourably won in the Kaffir war of 1851-53 had not been
presented to many of the men; therefore, upon the six companies
joining headquarters, Lieutenant-Colonel Monkland took an early
opportunity of distributing to the meritorious those rewards for
their distinguished conduct during that trying campaign.
Intimation having been received that the Rajah of Sholapoor was in
arms against the Government, the two companies of the regiment,
with Brigadier Whitlock, previously referred to, were detached to
Sholapoor, at the storm and capture of which, on the 8th and 9th of
February, they were present and took a prominent part.
On the 2nd, 3rd, and 4th of March, the regiment being, by good
fortune, all together for a brief period, with the exception of two
companies, Nos. 1 and 10, on field service, Major-General Donald
Macleod again inspected it, and was pleased, as previously, to
express himself much gratified with the discipline and interior
economy of the regiment, as well as with its appearance on parade.
The day following the inspection, the 15th of March 1858, a
detachment, under Captain Falconer, consisting of 2 captains, 4
subalterns, 1 staff-officer, 12 sergeants, 12 corporals, 3 pipers,
and 280 privates, proceeded on field-service to the southern
Mahratta country, being placed at the disposal of the Bombay
Government, and being ultimately stationed at Darwar.
On the 28th of May, a petty rajah or zemindar having taken possession
of the Fort of Kopál, a field force from Bellary was immediately
put in motion--No. 9 Company, under Captain Menzies, composing the
European infantry with the force. Major Hughes, deeming it politic to
nip in the bud this outbreak before it spread further in the Madras
Presidency, pushed on the force as quickly as possible by forced
marches, and arrived before Kopál on the 31st. The fort was stormed
and recaptured on the 1st of June by No. 9 Company, which formed the
storming party on the occasion, having 1 sergeant and 6 privates
wounded, one of the latter dying on the 5th.
The same day on which the storm and capture of Kopál took place,
Companies 2 and 6, under Captain Davies, having been, by direction
of the Bombay Government, detached from the contingent stationed at
Darwar, proceeded to Noorgoond, and stormed and captured the fort of
that name, on which occasion only 1 private was wounded.
Government being apprehensive that the rebel leader, Tantéa Topee,
was endeavouring to enter the Deccan and incite the Mahrattas, a
field force under the command of Brigadier Spottiswood of the 1st
Dragoon Guards, who had temporarily succeeded Brigadier Macduff in
command of the Bellary Brigade, marched from Bellary on the 9th of
November. The force consisted of the 74th Highlanders, 47th Regiment
Native Infantry, one battery of Royal Artillery, 5th Light Cavalry,
and one regiment of Mysore Horse. It proceeded by way of Kurnool to
Hyderabad, arriving there on the 3rd of December. This force remained
fully equipped and ready to move on any point until the 21st of
January 1859, when it was broken up and taken on the strength of the
Hyderabad subsidiary force. The 74th left Hyderabad on February 3rd,
and reached Bellary on the 22nd of the same month.
Shortly before this, Major-General Macleod left his district, and it
must be exceedingly gratifying to the 74th that an officer of his
penetration, knowledge, and honesty of speech, felt himself able
to issue an order so highly complimentary as the following, dated
“Headquarters, Ceded Districts, October 8th, 1858:”--
“The Major-General thanks Colonel Monkland for the excellent state
of discipline and good behaviour of the men of the 74th Highlanders
while the regiment remained at Bellary. The conduct of the men
has been strikingly correct. A single case of irregularity in any
soldier’s conduct out of quarters has never been observed.... As the
Major-General thinks it probable that during his period of command he
will not again have the troops composing the column under his orders,
he deems it right to express his high opinion of those composing it,
and feels confident that opportunity is only wanting to prove that
the Bellary column is second to none on field-service.”
It was at this time that, at the repeated request of the commanding
officer, the whole regiment was reunited at Bellary, where the
strength of the regiment was found to be as follows:--1 colonel,
2 lieutenant-colonels, 2 majors, 10 captains, 14 lieutenants, 2
ensigns, 6 staff, 55 sergeants, 44 corporals, 20 drummers, 6 pipers,
942 rank and file, being a total of 1067; and on the 14th of June a
draft of 16 recruits joined headquarters from England.
The period of service, under the “Limited Service Act” (of June
1847), of many of the men having long expired, and the country being
considered quiet, authority for the discharge of such as desired it
having been received, the regiment lost a large number of its best
soldiers, and by the end of 1859 was considerably reduced in numbers.
Colonel Macduff--the division under Major-General Whitlock, including
the 2nd Infantry brigade which he commanded, having been broken
up--returned to Bellary, and assumed the command of the brigade
at that station, having been repeatedly, during his absence on
field-service, successfully engaged against the rebels.
There is but little to record out of the even tenor of the regiment’s
way from this time until it embarked for England in 1864. The 74th
was of course regularly inspected every half-year by the superior
officer whose duty it was to do so; and invariably a good report
was given, not only of the discipline and bearing of the men,
their knowledge of their business, and their smart and soldierly
appearance, but also of their personal cleanliness, and the excellent
interior economy of the regiment, and of the unanimity and good
feeling that existed among all its ranks. Indeed, the terms in which
Major-General Coffin, whose duty it was at this time frequently to
inspect the regiment, spoke of the character and efficiency of the
74th, were such that Colonel Villiers seems to have been afraid that
the men would be spoiled by so much praise, and in a regimental order
of November 1860 sincerely hopes the high encomiums passed by the
Major-General may not lead either officers or men to rest satisfied
with the present state of the efficiency of their corps, but act as
an additional incentive to renewed exertion on the part of every
one concerned to render perfect what is now in their estimation
considered good.
In a letter dated Horse Guards, 27th of March 1860, it is intimated
that “the small amount of crime has been specially remarked by the
Duke of Cambridge.”
During this period some important changes took place among the
superior officers of the regiment. Lieutenant-Colonel Monkland, who
had been with the regiment since first he entered the army, exchanged
in November 1859 to half-pay, with Lieutenant-Colonel James Villiers,
who joined regimental headquarters from England in February 1860.
This latter officer, however, was not destined to be long connected
with the regiment, as he had the misfortune to be cut off by brain
fever at Ramdroog on May 10, 1862.
The senior Lieutenant-Colonel of the regiment, Major-General (local
rank) John Macduff, C.B., commanding the Oudh division of the Bengal
Presidency, had been placed on half-pay on the 24th of January of
this year, the date of his appointment to the Bengal staff, and the
supernumerary Lieutenant-Colonelcy was thereby absorbed.
On the death of Lieutenant-Colonel Villiers, Major William Kelty
Macleod, who had been in temporary command since that officer’s
departure on leave of absence on the 23rd of March, succeeded to the
command, Colonel Patton being absent in command of a brigade at
Thagetmyo in Burmah.
The depôt of the regiment was during this period stationed at
Aberdeen, and sent out frequent detachments of recruits to supply the
deficiencies created in the service companies by men who left on the
expiry of their term, and by the numerous batches of invalids whom it
was found necessary to send home for the sake of their health.
A pattern dress bonnet had been supplied to the companies at Aberdeen
in 1861 on trial, but not having been found durable, a new pattern
was designed by Captain Palmer, commanding the depôt, and submitted
by him to the clothing department for the approval of His Royal
Highness the General Commanding-in-Chief, who was pleased to direct a
letter to be sent to Captain Palmer, thanking him for his suggestion,
and directing the pattern to be sealed and adopted by the regiment as
its future head-dress.
The Indian mutiny medals having been received for the officers and
men of the regiment who were engaged at the capture of the forts
of Shorapoor, Noorgoond, and Kopál in 1858, they were presented at
Bellary, in presence of the division, on the 23rd of September (being
the sixtieth anniversary of the victory of Assaye), by Major-General
Armstrong, commanding the ceded districts. He addressed the regiment
in the following terms:--
“Major Macleod, officers, and men of the 74th Highlanders,--This is
the anniversary of a memorable day in the annals of your regiment,
and consequently I have selected it to perform a duty most agreeable
to myself; that is, to present in the presence of the assembled
division the medals to so many officers and men of your distinguished
regiment with which Her Most Gracious Majesty, our beloved Queen, has
been pleased to reward the good and gallant services and conduct of
her troops during the recent disturbances in Bengal and other parts
of India. But before fulfilling this duty, I feel called upon to say
a few words to you.”
Major-General Armstrong then glanced rapidly at all the brilliant
services performed by the 74th Highlanders, from Assaye to the Indian
Mutiny, concluding as follows:--
“Bravery is the characteristic of the British soldier, but the 74th
Highlanders possesses also another claim to distinction, such as in
all my long service I have never seen surpassed, and which has justly
obtained for the regiment a high reputation--I mean that very best
criterion of the good soldier, steady good conduct, obedience to
orders, and the most perfect discipline at all times, whether in camp
or quarters. You have now served in this division under my command
for a year and a half, and it is particularly gratifying to me to
be the medium of presenting so many of you with medals, honourable
tokens of your service to your country, and the approbation of your
Queen.”
The medals were then fastened on the left breast of the officers and
men by the General, assisted by several ladies, after which General
Armstrong spoke again as follows:--
“I am quite sure there is not a man now wearing the decoration just
fixed upon your breasts that will hereafter willingly be guilty of
any act to tarnish this token of your Sovereign’s favour. Long may
you live, one and all, to wear the honours you have won! I greatly
regret to think that the time is rapidly approaching when I shall
lose the 74th Regiment from my command on its return to England. Many
of you, no doubt, will volunteer for other regiments in India, and
you may be assured that every well-conducted man will find a good
recommendation to his new corps in his having served in a regiment
possessing the high reputation of the 74th Highlanders. But others
will be returning with the regiment to your native land, whither, if
my life is spared, I may follow you at no distant period, when I hope
to beat up the quarters of the regiment, and if so, I trust to see
many of the medals I have this day presented to you still decorating
the ranks of the corps. It will always be to me a proudly gratifying
recollection that a regiment so gallant, so well behaved, and in
every way distinguished, has served under my command.
“Major Macleod, and officers of the 74th, you may well feel a pride
in your Highlanders. I trust that you, Major Macleod, will long be
permitted to retain the command of them--a command which you have so
ably and efficiently exercised for the advantage of the service, and
the happiness and well being of all ranks during the whole period
the regiment has been under my orders.”
On the 1st of January 1864, 261 men who had volunteered to other
corps in the Madras Presidency were struck off the strength of the
regiment; and on the 4th of the same month the regiment marched
from Bellary _en route_ to Madras, where it arrived on the 13th of
February, and was ordered to encamp till the vessels were ready to
convey it to England.
While in camp cholera broke out, and several deaths having occurred,
the camp was at once removed to Palaveram, where, happily, the
disease disappeared.
On the 7th of March the regiment proceeded to Madras and embarked
for England--the headquarters and right wing under Major Jago (Major
Macleod having been permitted to proceed to England by the overland
route), and the left wing under Captain Thackeray.
On the 19th of June, the headquarters reached Spithead, where orders
were received for the vessel to proceed to Gravesend, on arrival
at which place the wing was transhipped, without landing, to the
“Princess Royal” steamer, and proceeded to Leith, disembarking at
Granton Pier on the 24th of June, and marching to Edinburgh Castle,
there to be stationed. The left wing did not reach Edinburgh till the
29th of July, having been delayed at St Helena by the illness of the
commander of the “Hornet.”
Brevet-Colonel Patton, who had gone home from India on sick leave
some weeks previously, joined headquarters on the 25th of June, and
assumed the command; but on the 9th of September he retired upon
half-pay, and Major Macleod was promoted to the lieutenant-colonelcy
of the regiment.
The movements of the regiment, from its arrival in Edinburgh up to
the present time, may be very briefly recorded, as there is but
little to tell except its movements from one quarter to another. Its
stay in Edinburgh was very brief, for in less than a year after its
arrival, on May 1, 1865, it re-embarked at Granton for Portsmouth _en
route_ for Aldershot, where it arrived on the evening of the 4th. The
74th left behind its old colours, which were deposited in the armoury
of Edinburgh Castle.
After a stay at Aldershot of a few months, the regiment got short
notice to proceed to Dover, which it did on February 20, 1866,
the admirable manner in which it turned out eliciting the special
commendation of His Royal Highness the Commander-in-Chief. On
its arrival at home, the strength of the regiment was of course
considerably reduced, and in April 1866 it was still further
reduced by two companies, the new establishment consisting of
only 640 privates, with a proportionate number of officers and
non-commissioned officers.
After a stay of six months at Dover, the 74th was ordered to Ireland,
arriving at Cork, whence it proceeded to Limerick, where it stayed
till September 26, 1867, on which day it went by rail to Dublin,
where it occupied Richmond barracks. While at Limerick, detachments
had been told off to do duty at Clare Castle and Nenagh. In
consequence of Fenian riots, flying columns were sent out on several
occasions, of which various companies of the 74th formed a part.
In November 1867, orders had been received for the regiment to hold
itself in readiness to proceed to New Brunswick; its destination was,
however, changed about a month later, when it received orders to make
ready to proceed to Gibraltar; the depôt companies, consisting of 92
men, under Captain Thackeray and 3 subalterns, having, on January
27, 1868, sailed for Greenock in order to proceed to Fort-George,
where it was to be stationed. The regiment sailed from Kingstown on
February 2nd, on board H.M. ship “Himalaya,” for Gibraltar, where it
arrived on February 7th, disembarked on the 8th, and encamped on the
North Front until the 13th, when it was removed to the South Barracks.
The 74th remained at Gibraltar till February 1872, on the 17th of
which month headquarters and four companies under Colonel Macleod
sailed for Malta, where it arrived on the 22nd. The left wing, under
Major Jago, followed on the 7th of March, arriving at Malta on the
12th.
SUCCESSION LISTS OF COLONELS AND FIELD OFFICERS OF THE 74TH
HIGHLANDERS.
COLONELS.
Sir Archibald Campbell, K.C.B., Oct. 12, 1787.
He was a Major-General, and the first Colonel of the 74th, which he
raised. He died on the 31st of March 1791, and a monument was erected
to his memory in Westminster Abbey.
Charles O’Hara, April 1, 1791.
From the 22nd Regiment in 1791.
Appointed Lieut.-General in 1793.
Governor of Gibraltar in 1798, and promoted to the rank of General.
He died at Gibraltar, Feb. 21, 1802.
John, Lord Hutchinson, K.B., March 21, 1802.
M.P. for Cork in 1777.
Lieut.-Colonel of the Athole Highlanders in 1783.
Colonel of the 94th in 1794.
Major-General in 1796.
Second in command in Egypt.
Chief in Egypt on the death of Abercromby, 1801.
Baron Hutchinson, Dec. 5, 1801.
Governor of Stirling Castle in 1803.
Lieut.-General in 1803.
Colonel of the 57th in 1806.
Colonel of the 18th Royal Irish in 1811.
General in 1813.
In 1825 became Earl of Donoughmore; and died June 29, 1832.
Sir John Stuart, K.B., Count of Maida, Sept 8, 1806.
Ensign 3d Foot Guards, 1779.
Lieut.-Colonel, 1793.
Colonel in 1796.
Brigadier-General in 1800.
Major-General in 1802.
Gained the victory over the French at Maida, July 4, 1806; received
the freedom of the city of London, and was appointed Colonel of the
74th, Sept. 8, 1806; Lieut.-General, April 25, 1808; Colonel of
the 20th Dec. 29, 1808; Commander of the Western District of Great
Britain, June 10, 1813; and died in 1815.
The Hon. Sir Alexander Hope, G.C.B., Dec. 29, 1809.
Ensign in the 63d Regiment, March 6, 1786.
Lieut.-Colonel of the 14th, Aug. 27, 1794.
Governor of Tynemouth and Glifford’s Fort, 1797.
Lieut.-Governor of Edinburgh Castle, 1798.
Deputy Adjutant-General, 1799.
Colonel in the Army, Jan. 1, 1800.
Colonel of 5th West India Regiment, Oct. 30, 1806.
Major-General, 1808.
Colonel of the 74th, Dec. 29, 1809.
Colonel of the 47th, April 1813.
Lieut.-General, June 1813.
General, July 22, 1830.
Colonel of the 14th, 1835.
G.C.B. and Lieut.-Governor of Chelsea Hospital. He died on the 19th
of May 1837.
James Montgomerie, April 26, 1813.
Ensign in the 51st, Sept. 13, 1773.
Exchanged into the 13th Foot, 1775.
Lieutenant, 1779.
Promoted to the late 93rd, 1780.
To the 10th Foot, 1786.
Brigade-Major, 1794.
Brevet-Major and Lieut.-Colonel of 6th West
India Regiment, 1795.
Volunteered with Sir Ralph Abercromby, 1796.
Commander of the troops at St Kitt’s till 1798,
when he exchanged into the 45th Regiment.
Brevet-Colonel, April 29, 1802.
Lieut.-Colonel of the 64th, 1804.
Brigadier-General in the West Indies, 1804.
Governor of these Colonies till 1808.
Major-General, Oct. 25, 1809.
Colonel of the 74th, April 26, 1813.
Lieut.-General, June 4, 1814.
Colonel of the 30th Regiment, June 13, 1823.
Which he retained till his death in 1829.
The Hon. Sir Charles Colville, G.C.B.,
G.C.H., June 13, 1823.
Ensign in the 28th, Dec. 26, 1781.
Lieutenant, 1787.
Major in the 13th, 1795.
Lieut.-Colonel, Aug. 26, 1796.
Brevet-Colonel, Jan. 1, 1805.
Brigadier-General, Dec. 25, 1809.
Major-General, July 25, 1810.
Col. of the 5th Garrison Battalion, Oct. 10, 1812.
Colonel of the 94th, April 29, 1815.
Lieut.-General, Aug. 12, 1819.
Colonel of the 74th, June 13, 1823.
Governor of the Mauritius, Jan. 1828.
Removed to the 14th Regiment of Foot, 1834.
Col. of the 5th Regiment of Foot, March 25, 1835.
General, Jan. 10, 1837.
Died March 27, 1843.
Sir James Campbell, K.C.B., K.C.H., Dec. 12, 1834.
Ensign 1st Royal Regiment of Foot, March 30, 1791.
Lieutenant, March 20, 1794.
Half-pay, Jan. 1790.
42nd Highland Regiment, Dec. 1797.
Major in the Argyll Fencibles, June 1799.
Removed to the 94th, April 7, 1802.
Lieutenant in the 94th, Sept. 27, 1804.
Brevet-Colonel, June 4, 1813.
Major-General, Aug. 12, 1819.
K.C.B., Dec. 3, 1822.
Colonel of the 94th, April 13, 1831.
Removed to the 74th Regiment, Dec. 12, 1834.
Died in Paris, May 6, 1835.
Sir Phineas Riall, K.C.H., May 20, 1835.
Ensign, Jan. 31, 1792.
Lieutenant, Feb. 28, 1794.
Captain, May 31, 1794.
Major, Dec. 8, 1794.
Lieut.-Colonel, Jan. 1, 1800.
Colonel, July 25, 1810.
Major-General, June 4, 1813.
Lieut.-General, May 27, 1825.
Colonel of the 74th Regiment, May 20, 1835.
General, Nov. 23, 1841.
Sir Phineas Riall received a medal and one clasp for Martinique and
Guadaloupe; served in America in 1813, and was severely wounded at
the battle of Chippawa.
Sir Alexander Cameron, K.C.H., April 24, 1846.
Ensign, Oct. 22, 1799.
Lieutenant, Sept. 6, 1800.
Captain, May 6, 1805.
Major, May 30, 1811.
Lieut.-Colonel, April 27, 1812.
Colonel, July 22, 1830.
Major-General, June 28, 1838.
Died at Inverailort, Fort-William, July 26, 1850.
Served in Holland, 1799; expedition to Ferrol, 1800; Egypt, 1801
(severely wounded at the battle of Alexandria); expedition to
Germany, 1805; Copenhagen and battle of Kiöge, 1807; Portugal in
1808; battles of Vimeiro and Corunna; Peninsula in 1809; present
at Busaco, Torres Vedras, Coa, Almeida, Fuentes d’Onor, &c., till
severely wounded at Vittoria and obliged to return to England; served
in the campaign of 1814 and 1815, including Quatre Bras and Waterloo
(severely wounded).
Alexander Thomson, C.B., Aug. 15, 1850.
Ensign, Sept. 23, 1803.
Lieutenant, Feb. 29, 1804.
Captain, May 14, 1807.
Major, April 9, 1812.
Lieut.-Colonel, Sept. 21, 1813.
Colonel, July 22, 1830.
Major-General, Nov. 23, 1841.
Lieut.-General, Nov. 11, 1851.
Colonel 74th Regiment, Aug. 15, 1850.
Died 1856.
Lieut.-General Thomson accompanied the 74th to the Peninsula,
landing at Lisbon in Jan. 1810, and was present at the battle of
Busaco, retreat to the lines of Torres Vedras, advance of the army
on Massena’s retreat therefrom, action at Foz d’Arouce (wounded),
battle of Fuentes d’Onor, siege and capture of Ciudad Rodrigo, where
he served as assistant engineer, and for his services was promoted
to the rank of Brevet-Major; siege and capture of Badajoz, where he
served as assistant engineer, and was slightly wounded when leading
about 300 men of the party that stormed and took the raveline of
St Roque to reinforce the 3rd division of the army which had taken
the castle; siege and capture of the forts of Salamanca, where he
served as assistant engineer, and was slightly wounded; battle of
Salamanca (severely wounded); siege of Burgos and retreat therefrom;
served as assistant engineer, and had the blowing-up of the bridge of
Villa Muriel and the bridge at Cabezon entrusted to him; battle of
Vittoria, as second in command of the 74th; siege of St Sebastian,
where he served as assistant engineer, and for his conduct was
promoted to the brevet rank of Lieut.-Colonel; battles of the
Nivelle and the Nive, passage of the Bidassoa, and battle of Orthes,
besides several skirmishes with his regiment at Alfayates, Villa de
Pastores Albidos, and other places. He received the gold medal for St
Sebastian, and the silver war medal with nine clasps for the other
battles and sieges.
Charles Augustus Shawe, Nov. 24, 1856.
Ensign, May 26, 1808.
Lieutenant and Captain, April 23, 1812.
Captain and Lieut.-Colonel, April 28, 1825.
Major and Colonel, Aug. 8, 1837.
Major-General, Nov. 9, 1846.
Lieut.-General, June 20, 1854.
General, March 6, 1863.
Colonel 74th Foot, Nov 24, 1856.
General Shawe served in the campaigns of 1810 and 1811, and part
of 1812, in the Peninsula, including the battle of Busaco. Served
also in Holland and Belgium from Nov. 1813 to 1814, and was severely
wounded at Bergen-op-Zoom. He received the war medal, with three
clasps, for Busaco, Fuentes d’Onor, and Ciudad Rodrigo.
+-------------------------------------------------------------------------+
| LIEUTENANT-COLONELS. |
+-------------------+--------------+--------------+-----------------------+
| | Date of | | |
| NAMES. | Appointment | Date of | Remarks. |
| | to Regiment. | Removal. | |
+-------------------+--------------+--------------+-----------------------+
|George Forbes |Oct. 12, 1787 |Dec. 14, 1788 |Died. |
|Hamilton Maxwell |Dec. 15, 1788 |June 8, 1794 |Died. |
|Marlborough Parsons|June 9, 1794 |Dec. 4, 1795 |Died. |
| Sterling | | | |
|Alexander Ross |Dec. 5, 1795 |Dec. 3, 1796 |Died. |
|Robert Shaw |Sept. 1, 1795 |Dec. 24, 1798 |Exchanged to 12th Foot.|
|Alexander Campbell |Dec. 4, 1796 |July 25, 1810 |Promoted Major-General.|
|William Harness |Dec. 24, 1798 |June 7, 1800 |Returned to 18th Foot, |
| | | | 7th June 1800. |
|Robert Shawe |June 7, 1800 |Dec. 1, 1803 |Resumed his situation |
| | | | in the Regiment 7th |
| | | | June 1800. Retired 1st|
| | | | Dec. 1803. |
|Samuel Swinton |Dec. 1, 1803 |May 13, 1805 |Promoted in 75th |
| | | | Regiment. |
|Malcolm M’Pherson |May 14, 1807 |Sept. 21, 1809|Exchanged to Inspecting|
| | | | Field Officer, Canada.|
|Hon. Sir Robt. Le |Sept. 21, 1809|Mar. 14, 1823 |Died.[458] |
| Poer Trench | | | |
|John Alexander Mein|Mar. 20, 1823 |Nov. 5, 1841 |Died. |
|Eyre John Crabbe |Nov. 6, 1841 |May 1, 1846 |Retired on Full-pay. |
|William White |May 1, 1846 |July 10, 1846 |Retired. |
| Crawley | | | |
|John Fordyce |July 10, 1846 |Nov. 6, 1851 |Killed in action, 6th |
| | | | of Nov. 1851, at |
| | | | Waterkloof, Cape of |
| | | | Good Hope. |
|Alexander Seton |Nov. 7, 1851 |Feb. 26, 1852 |Drowned in the wreck of|
| | | | the Birkenhead. |
|G. W. Fordyce |Feb. 27, 1852 |July 30, 1852 |Retired. |
|John MacDuff |July 30, 1852 |Jan. 24, 1862 |Promoted Major-General;|
| | | | since dead. |
|George Monkland |July 29, 1853 |Nov. 4, 1859 |Exchanged to Half-pay. |
|James Villiers |Nov, 4, 1859 |May 10, 1862 |Died. |
|W. D. P. Patton |May 11, 1862 |Sept. 9, 1864 |Retired on Half-pay. |
|William Kelty |Sept. 9, 1864 | |Now (1874) commanding. |
| M’Leod | | | |
| |
| MAJORS. |
| |
|Francis Skelly |Nov. 5, 1788 |Nov. 30, 1793 |Died. |
|Robert Shawe |Dec. 1, 1793 |Mar. 28, 1795 |Exchanged to 76th Foot.|
|Alexander Ross |Mar. 28, 1795 |Dec. 4, 1795 |Promoted Lieut.- |
| | | | Colonel. |
|Alexander Campbell |Dec. 25, 1795 |Dec. 4, 1796 |Promoted Lieut.- |
| | | | Colonel. |
|William Wallace |Sept. 2, 1795 |Nov. 22, 1803 |Promoted in the 19th |
| | | | Dragoons. |
|William Douglas |Dec. 4, 1796 |May 17, 1799 |Promoted in 85th Foot. |
|Samuel Swinton |May 17, 1799 |Dec. 1, 1803 |Promoted Lieut.- |
| | | | Colonel. |
|James Robertson |Nov. 22, 1803 |Nov. 14, 1804 |Retired. |
|Francis R. West |Dec. 1, 1803 |Nov. 15, 1804 |Retired. |
|Malcolm M’Pherson |Nov. 14, 1804 |May 13, 1807 |Promoted Lieut.- |
| | | | Colonel. |
|Hon. M’Donnell |Nov. 15, 1804 |Mar. 10, 1808 |Died. |
| Murray | | | |
|Edward Broughton |May 14, 1807 |April 14, 1810|Retired. |
|Russell Manners[459]May 11, 1808 |April 18, 1822|Retired. |
|Allan William |April 5, 1810 |Nov. 10, 1813 |Died of wounds. |
| Campbell[460] | | | |
|John Alexander Mein|Nov. 11, 1813 |Mar. 20, 1823 |Promoted Lieut.- |
| | | | Colonel. |
|David Stewart |April 18, 1822|Dec. 4, 1828 |Exchanged to 65th Foot.|
|William Moore[461] |Mar. 20, 1823 |Jan. 31, 1828 |Retired. |
|Eyre John Crabbe |Jan. 31, 1828 |Nov. 6, 1841 |Promoted Lieut.- |
| | | | Colonel. |
|John William |Dec. 4, 1828 |Oct. 22, 1830 |Died. |
| Hutchinson | | | |
|Donald John M’Queen|Oct. 23, 1830 |Oct. 3, 1834 |Retired. |
|Thomas Mannin |Oct. 3, 1834 |Oct. 12, 1839 |Died at sea. |
|William White |Oct. 13, 1839 |May 1, 1846 |Promoted Lieut.- |
| Crawley | | | Colonel. |
|John Casamir Harold|Nov. 6, 1841 |Oct. 22, 1844 |Exchanged to 11th Foot.|
|John Fordyce |Oct. 22, 1844 |July 10, 1846 |Promoted Lieut.- |
| | | | Colonel. |
|Augustus Francis |May 1, 1846 |May 24, 1850 |Retired on Half-pay. |
| Ansell | | | |
|Hon. Thomas O’Grady|July 10, 1846 |Mar. 14, 1851 |Retired. |
|Alexander Seton |May 24, 1850 |Nov. 7, 1851 |Promoted Lieut.- |
| | | | Colonel. |
|G. W. Fordyce |Mar. 14, 1851 |Feb. 27, 1852 |Promoted Lieut.- |
| | | | Colonel. |
|G. Monkland |Nov. 7, 1851 |July 29, 1853 |Promoted Lieut.- |
| | | | Colonel. |
|W. D. P. Patton |Feb. 27, 1852 |May 11, 1862 |Promoted Lieut.- |
| | | | Colonel. |
|E. W. L. Hancock |July 29, 1853 |Jan. 26, 1858 |Died. |
|William Kelty |Jan. 27, 1858 |Sept. 9, 1864 |Promoted Lieut.- |
| M’Leod | | | Colonel. |
|John Jago[462] |May 11, 1862 | -- | -- |
|H. W. Palmer |Sept. 9, 1864 |Oct. 4, 1864 |Exchanged to 90th. |
|L. H. L. Irby |Oct. 4, 1864 |Feb. 4, 1871 |Exchanged to Half-pay. |
|Robert F. Martin |Feb. 4, 1871 | -- | |
+-------------------+--------------+--------------+-----------------------+
FOOTNOTES:
[438] Portrait on the next page.
[439] This able officer was son of Sir William Maxwell of Monreith,
and brother of the Duchess of Gordon. He died at Cuddalore in 1783.
[440] For further details see the history of the 73rd regiment page
570, vol. ii.
[441] Welsh’s “Military Reminiscences,” vol. i. p. 178.
[442] A powerful Arab threw a spear at him, and, drawing his sword,
rushed forward to finish the lieutenant. But the spear having entered
Langland’s leg, cut its way out again, and stuck in the ground
behind him. Langlands grasped it, and, turning the point, threw
it with so true an aim, that it went right through his opponent’s
body, and transfixed him within three or four yards of his intended
victim. All eyes were for an instant turned on these two combatants,
when a Sepoy rushed out of the ranks, and patting the lieutenant
on the back, exclaimed, “Atcha Sahib! Chote atcha keeah!” “Well
Sir! very well done.” Such a ludicrous circumstance, even in a
moment of such extreme peril, raised a very hearty laugh among the
soldiers.--Welsh’s “Military Reminiscences,” vol. i. p. 194.
[443] Napier’s _Peninsular War_.
[444] Ibid.
[445] Napier’s _Peninsular War_.
[446] The two opposing armies were encamped for some time on the
opposite side of the Douro, and parties of the officers and men of
both armies used to meet daily, bathing in the river, and became so
familiar and friendly that the practice was forbidden in a general
order.
[447] Napier.
[448] This officer was present with the 74th during the whole of its
service in the Peninsula, and kept an accurate daily journal of all
the events in which he was concerned. He was afterwards Major of the
depôt battalion in the Isle of Wight.
[449] Napier.
[450] This brave officer, who died only quite recently, and who had
been made a Military Knight of Windsor only a few months before his
death, was severely wounded through the lungs. He had been in almost
every battle fought during the Peninsular War, and seldom came out
without a wound, yet he became Major of his regiment only in 1830,
though for his conduct in the Peninsula he received the silver
war medal with nine clasps. For some years he was barrack-master
at Dundee and Perth. In 1835, as a recognition of his meritorious
services in the Peninsula, he was made a Knight of the Royal
Hanoverian Guelphic Order. The following incident in which he was
concerned at Toulouse is worth narrating:--When left for dead on the
field, and his regiment had moved on, a soldier, his foster-brother,
named John Gillanders, whom he had taken with him from his native
parish as a recruit, missed his captain, and hurried back through a
heavy fire, searched for and found him, and carried him to the rear.
There were few places for shelter, and the faithful soldier, loaded
with his almost insensible burden, pushed his way into a house which
was filled with officers, and called out for a bed. In the room there
was a bed, and on it lay a wounded officer. He heard the entreaty
of the soldier, and saw the desperate condition of the officer he
carried, and at once exclaimed, “That poor fellow needs the bed more
than I do,” and rose and gave it up. That officer was the gallant Sir
Thomas Brisbane.
[451] Napier.
[452] On its arrival in South Africa, the 74th, with the exception of
about 80, mainly Irishmen, consisted of men raised in the northern
counties of Scotland.
[453] Captain Thackeray, who is intimately acquainted with the
history of his old regiment, and to whom we are greatly indebted for
having carefully revised this history of the 74th Highlanders, and
otherwise lent us valuable assistance and advice.
[454] We regret very much that, after making all possible inquiries,
we have been unable to obtain a portrait of this distinguished
officer; indeed, his brother, General Fordyce, informs us that no
good portrait of the Colonel exists.
[455] There is no doubt that the energetic Sir Harry Smith was
made the scape-goat of the shortcomings of the Government at home.
Among other things, he had been accused “of using the language of
hyperbole in describing the numerous rencontres which have occurred,
and of giving praise to the gallant officers and troops as well as
burghers.” Possessing, however, some experience in war, he says, in
his spirited despatch to Earl Grey, dated Camp Blinkwater, March 17,
1852, “I must maintain that such is not the case. Troops acting in
the open field expect not the stimulus of praise; the soldier sees
his foe, and his British courage rises at each step; but he who,
after perhaps a night-march of great length, has to ascend mountains,
or penetrate dense bush and ravines, filled probably with a daring
and intrepid enemy, as resolute as athletic, ready to murder any one
who may fall into his hands, and when warfare is of the most stealthy
and enterprising kind, appreciates the praise of his commander,
because, when his acts are conspicuously daring, he is conscious he
deserves it. He does his duty; but human nature renders even the
soldier’s intrepid heart sensible of the approbation of his superior,
which he is proud to know may reach the eye of his parents and
friends.”
[456] We regret exceedingly that we have been unable to procure an
authentic portrait of Colonel Seton.
[457] This officer met his death by a sad mischance in 1873, at one
of the London Metropolitan Railway Stations.
[458] His bust is on page 583, vol. ii.
[459] Brevet Lieut.-Colonel.
[460] Brevet Lieut.-Colonel, 30th June 1813
[461] Brevet Major, 21st June 1813.
[462] Brevet Lieut.-Colonel. 9th Dec. 1872
SEVENTY-FIFTH REGIMENT.
1787-1809.
Raising of the Regiment--India--Home--Ceases to be a Highland
Regiment.
While Major-General Sir Archibald Campbell was appointed Colonel
of the 74th, the colonelcy of its coeval regiment, the 75th, was
conferred on Colonel Robert Abercromby of Tullibody. He had commanded
a light infantry brigade during six campaigns in the American war;
and as several companies of this brigade had been composed of the
light infantry of the Highland regiments then in America, the colonel
was well known to the Highlanders, and had acquired an influence
among them rarely enjoyed by officers born south of the Grampians.
There are instances, no doubt, such as those of the Marquis of
Montrose and Viscount Dundee, and others of modern date, “where
Highland corps have formed attachments to officers not natives of
their country, and not less ardent than to the chiefs of old;”[463]
and if the instances have been few, it must be attributed entirely
to want of tact in officers themselves, who, from ignorance of the
Highland character, or from some other cause, have failed to gain the
attachment of the Highland soldiers.
From personal respect to Colonel Abercromby, many of the Highlanders,
who had served under him in America, and had been discharged at
the peace of 1783, enlisted anew, and with about 300 men who were
recruited at Perth, and in the northern counties, constituted the
Highland part of the regiment. According to a practice which then
prevailed, of fixing the head-quarters of a regiment about to be
raised in the neighbourhood of the colonel’s residence, if a man of
family, the town of Stirling was appointed for the embodying of the
75th; it was accordingly regimented here in June 1788, and being
immediately ordered to England, embarked for India, where it arrived
about the end of that year.
For eighteen months after its arrival in India, the regiment was
subjected to extreme severity of discipline by one of the captains,
who appears to have adopted the old Prussian model for his rule.
A more unfortunate plan for destroying the morale of a Highland
regiment could not have been devised, and the result was, that during
the existence of this discipline, there were more punishments in the
75th than in any other corps of the same description. But as soon as
the system was modified by the appointment of an officer who knew the
dispositions and feelings of the Highlanders, the conduct of the men
improved.
The regiment took the field in 1790, under the command of Colonel
Hartley, and in the two subsequent years formed part of the force
under Major-General Robert Abercromby, on his two marches to
Seringapatam. The regiment was also employed in the assault on
that capital in 1799, the flank companies having led the left
columns.[464] From that period down to 1804, the regiment was
employed in the provinces of Malabar, Goa, Goojerat, and elsewhere,
and in 1805 was with General Lake’s army in the disastrous attacks on
Bhurtpoor.
The regiment was ordered home in 1806; but such of the men as were
desirous of remaining in India were left behind. In 1809 there were
not one hundred men in the regiment who had been born north of
the Tay; on which account, it is believed, the designation of the
regiment was at that time changed.
The regiment, however, still retains its old number, and is known
as the “Stirlingshire Regiment.” It has had a distinguished career,
having been present in many of the engagements which we have had to
notice in connection with the existing Highland regiments. As will
be seen in our account of the 78th Highlanders, the 75th formed part
of the force with which Sir Colin Campbell marched to the relief of
Lucknow in November 1857, it having been left to guard the Alum Bagh
while Sir Colin, with the rest of the force, made his way to the
besieged garrison on the 14th of that month.
FOOTNOTES:
[463] Jackson’s _Characteristics_.
[464] See histories of the 71st, 72nd, 73rd, and 74th regiments in
this volume.
THE 78th HIGHLANDERS, OR ROSS-SHIRE BUFFS.[465]
I.
1793 to 1796.
The Clan Mackenzie--The various Battalions of the 78th--Offers
from F. H. Mackenzie, Esq. of Seaforth, to raise a Regiment
for Government--Letter of service granted to F. H. Mackenzie,
Esq., to raise a Regiment of Highlanders, to be numbered the
78th--The 1st Battalion--List of officers--Inspected and passed
by Sir Hector Munro--Under Lord Moira in Guernsey--The Campaign
of 1794-95 in Holland--The Regiment joins the Duke of York
on the Waal--Nimeguen--Disastrous retreat on Deventer--The
Regiment returns home--The Loyalist war in La Vendée--The
Quiberon Expedition--Occupation of L’Île-Dieu--The Regiment
returns home--Colonel F. H. Mackenzie’s proposals to raise a
2nd Battalion for the 78th--Letter of Service granted to him
for that purpose--List of Officers--Inspected and passed by Sir
Hector Munro--Granted the title of the Ross-shire Buffs--Ordered
to England--Difficulties prior to embarkation at Portsmouth--The
Regiment sails on secret service--Capture of the Cape of Good
Hope--The Regiment goes into quarters at Capetown, until the arrival
of the 1st Battalion.
[Illustration:
ASSAYE.
MAIDA.
JAVA.
PERSIA.
KOOSHAB.
LUCKNOW.]
The clan Mackenzie was, next to the Campbells, the most considerable
in the Western Highlands, having built its greatness upon the fallen
fortunes of the Macdonalds. Its military strength was estimated in
1704, at 1200 men; by Marshal Wade in 1715, at 3000 men; and by
Lord President Forbes in 1745, at 2500 men; but probably all these
conjectures were below the mark.[466]
The clan Mackenzie furnished large contingents to the present 71st
and 72nd Regiments when they were first raised.
In 1793, Francis Humberstone Mackenzie, heir-male of the family, and
afterwards Lord Seaforth, raised the present 78th Highlanders, and
a second battalion in the following year, when nearly all the men
enlisted were from his own or his clansmen’s estates in Ross-shire
and the Lewis. Another second battalion was subsequently raised in
1804, when, Lord Seaforth being absent as Governor of Demerara, his
personal influence was not of so much avail. However, again the
greater part of the men were recruited on the estates of the clan by
his brother-in-law, Colonel Alexander Mackenzie of Belmaduthy (who
afterwards adopted the additional surname of Fraser, on succeeding to
the Castle Fraser estates in right of his mother) and Colonel J. R.
Mackenzie of Suddie. Several Fencible, Militia, and local Volunteer
regiments were also raised among the Mackenzies at the end of the
last and beginning of the present century.
[Illustration: COLONELS OF THE 78^{TH} AND 79^{TH} HIGHLANDERS.
F. H. MACKENZIE OF SEAFORTH. LORD SEAFORTH.
Col. of 78^{th} Highl^{rs} 7^{th} March 1793--May 1796.
_First Colonel._
SIR PATRICK GRANT, G.C.B. G.C.M.G.
Col. of 78^{th} Highl^{rs} 23^{rd} Oct^r 1863--
SIR RONALD CRAUFURD FERGUSON, G.C.B.
Col. of 79^{th} Highl^{rs} 24^{th} March 1828--10^{th} April 1841.
SIR JAMES MACDONELL, K.C.B. K.C.H.
Col. of 79^{th} Highl^{rs} 14^{th} July 1842--8^{th} Feb. 1849.
_Also Col. of 71^{st} Highl^{rs} 8^{th} Feb. 1849--15^{th} May 1857._
A. Fullarton & C^o London & Edinburgh.]
As the early history of the 78th is a little complicated, owing to
its having been twice augmented with a 2nd battalion, it is as well
to remember the following chronology:--
1st Battalion--Letter of Service dated 7th March 1793.
2nd Battalion--Letter of Service dated 10th February 1794.
Both Battalions amalgamated, June 1796.
2nd Battalion--Letter of Service, dated 17th April 1804.
Both Battalions amalgamated, July 1817.
The regiment has ever since remained as a single battalion.
As early as the autumn of 1787 (when the 74th, 75th, 76th, and
77th Regiments were ordered to be raised for service in India),
Francis Humberstone Mackenzie of Seaforth, lineal descendant and
representative of the old earls of Seaforth, had made an offer to the
King for the raising of a Highland corps on his estates in Ross-shire
and the Isles, to be commanded by himself. As the Government,
however, merely accepted his services in the matter of procuring
recruits for the regiments of Sir Archibald Campbell and Colonel
Abercromby (the 74th and 75th), he did not come prominently forward.
On the 19th of May 1790, he again renewed his offer, but was informed
that Government did not contemplate raising fresh corps, the
establishment of the army having been finally fixed at 77 regiments.
Undismayed, however, by the manner in which his offers had been
hitherto shelved, he was the first to step forward, on the
declaration of war, and place his great influence in the Highlands
at the disposal of the Crown. Accordingly, a Letter of Service,
dated 7th March, 1793, was granted to him, empowering him, as
Lieut.-Colonel Commandant, to raise a Highland battalion, which, as
the first to be embodied during the war, was to be numbered the 78th.
The strength of the battalion was to be 1 company of grenadiers, 1
of light infantry, and 8 battalion companies. Seaforth immediately
appointed as his major his brother-in-law, Alexander Mackenzie
of Belmaduthy, son of Mackenzie of Kilcoy, a captain in the 73rd
Regiment, and a man in every way fitted for the post. A notice was
then posted through the counties of Ross and Cromarty, and the island
of Lewis.
Applications for commissions now poured in upon Seaforth; and,
besides his own personal friends, many who were but slightly known to
him solicited favours for their relatives. The following is a list of
those whose names were approved by the King:--
FIRST LIST OF OFFICERS.
_Lieut.-Colonel Commandant._--F. H. Mackenzie, afterwards Lord
Seaforth, Lieut.-Gen. 1808. Died 1815. [His portrait is on the Plate
of the Colonels of the 78th and 79th Regiments.]
_Lieut.-Colonel._--Alexander Mackenzie of Belmaduthy, afterwards of
Castle Fraser, when he assumed the name of Fraser. Lieut.-General
1808. Died 1809.
_Majors._
George, Earl of Errol, died 1799.
Alexander Mackenzie of Fairburn, Lieut.-General 1809.
_Captains._
Alexander Malcolm, died 1798.
Thomas Fraser of Leadclune.
John Mackenzie (Gairloch).
Gabriel Murray, Brevet-Major, killed at Tuil, 1794.
Alexander Grant, died 1807.
J. R. Mackenzie of Suddie, Major-General, killed at Talavera 1809.
Alexander Adams, Major-General 1814.
Hon. Geo. Cochrane, son of the Earl of Dundonald.
_Captain-Lieutenant_--Duncan Munro of Culcairn.
_Lieutenants._
Colin Mackenzie.
James Fraser, retired 1795.
Charles Rose.
Hugh Munro, Captain of Invalids.
Charles Adamson.
William Douglas, son of Brigton, Lieut.-Colonel 91st Regiment.
George Bayley, promoted to 44th.
Thomas, Lord Cochrane, Captain Royal Navy.
_Ensigns._
Duncan Macrae.
John Macleod, Colonel 1813.
J. Mackenzie Scott, Captain 57th, killed at Albuera, 1811.
Charles Mackenzie (Kilcoy).
John Reid.
David Forbes, Lieut.-Colonel, H.P.
Alexander Rose, Major of Veterans.
John Fraser.
_Chaplain_--The Rev. Alexander Downie, D.D.
_Adjutant_--James Fraser.
_Quarter-Master_--Archibald Macdougall.
_Surgeon_--Thomas Baillie. He died in India.
[Illustration: Notice posted throughout the Counties of Ross and
Cromarty and the Island of Lewis.
Engraved from a photograph of the original poster.]
SEAFORTH’S HIGHLANDERS
To be forthwith raised for the DEFENCE of His Glorious Majesty KING
GEORGE the Third, and the Preservation of our Happy Constitution in
Church and State.
All LADS of _TRUE HIGHLAND BLOOD_, willing to shew their Loyalty
and Spirit, may repair to _SEAFORTH_, or the Major, _ALEXANDER
MACKENZIE_ of _Belmaduthy_; Or, the other Commanding Officers
at Head Quarters, at _____________ where they will receive HIGH
BOUNTIES, and _SOLDIER-LIKE ENTERTAINMENT_.
_The LADS of this Regiment will_ LIVE _and_ DIE _together;--as they
cannot be DRAUGHTED into other Regiments, and must be reduced in a
BODY in their OWN COUNTRY_.
Now for a Stroke at the Monsieurs my Boys!
KING George for ever!
HUZZA!
The martial spirit of the nation was now so thoroughly roused, and
recruits poured in so rapidly, that, on the 10th of July, 1793, only
four months after the granting of the Letter of Service, the regiment
was inspected at Fort George, and passed by Lieut.-General Sir Hector
Munro. Orders were then issued to augment the corps to 1000 rank and
file, and 5 companies, including the flank ones, under the command of
Major Alexander Mackenzie, were embarked for Guernsey. In October of
the same year the remaining 5 companies were ordered to join their
comrades.
“This was an excellent body of men, healthy, vigorous, and efficient;
attached and obedient to their officers, temperate and regular; in
short, possessing those principles of integrity and moral conduct
which constitute a valuable soldier. The duty of officers was easy
with such men, who only required to be told what duty was expected
of them. A young officer, endowed with sufficient judgment to direct
them in the field, possessing energy and spirit to ensure the respect
and confidence of soldiers, and prepared on every occasion _to show
them the eye of the enemy_, need not desire a command that would
sooner and more permanently establish his professional character,
if employed on an active campaign, than that of 1000 such men as
composed this regiment.
“Colonel Mackenzie knew his men, and the value which they attached
to a good name, by tarnishing which they would bring shame on their
country and kindred. In case of any misconduct, he had only to
remonstrate, or threaten to transmit to their parents a report of
their misbehaviour. This was, indeed, to them a grievous punishment,
acting like the curse of Kehama, as a perpetual banishment from a
country to which they could not return with a bad character.”[467]
After being stationed a short time in Guernsey and the Isle of
Wight, the 78th, in September 1794, embarked with the 80th to join
Lord Mulgrave’s force in Walcheren. While detained by contrary winds
in the Downs, fever broke out on board the transports, which had
recently brought back prisoners of war from the West Indies, and had
not been properly purified; thus several men fell victims to the
disease.
The British troops had landed in Holland, on the 5th of March, 1793,
and since then the war had been progressing with varying success.
Without, therefore, giving details of their operations during the
first year and a half, we shall merely sketch the position they
occupied when the 78th landed at Flushing.
On the 1st of July, 1794, the allies having decided to abandon the
line of the Scheldt, the Duke of York retired behind the Dyle,
and was there joined by Lord Moira and 8000 men. On the 22nd the
Duke, having separated from the Austrians, established himself
at Rosendaal, and there remained inactive in his camp the whole
of August and the early part of September; but, on the 15th of
September, Boxtel having fallen into the hands of General Pichegru,
he was constrained to break camp and retire across the Meuse, and
finally across the Waal, establishing his head-quarters at Nimeguen.
At this juncture the 78th and 80th reached Flushing, and found that
Lord Mulgrave was ordered home. They therefore embarked with the
79th, 84th, and 85th, to join the Duke’s army. Early in October
the 78th landed at Tuil, and proceeded to occupy the village of
Rossem in the Bommeler-Waart, or Island of Bommel, where they first
saw the enemy, scarcely one hundred yards distant, on the opposite
side of the river. Here, through the negligence of a Dutch Emigrant
Officer, a sad accident occurred. This person hearing voices on the
bank of the river, and dreading a surprise, ordered his gunners to
fire an iron 12-pounder, loaded with case shot, by which discharge
the officer of the day, Lieut. Archibald Christie, 78th, and a
sergeant, were seriously wounded while visiting a sentry. They both
recovered, but were unable to serve again; strange to say, the sentry
escaped untouched. While quartered here, by a tacit understanding,
the sentries exchanged no shots, but it was observed that the French
frequently fired howitzers with effect when the troops were under
arms, and that, before the fire commenced, the sails of a certain
windmill were invariably put in motion. The owner was arrested, found
guilty as a spy, and condemned to death, but was reprieved through
the lenity of Lieut.-Colonel Mackenzie, the commandant, with the full
understanding that, on a repetition of the offence, the last penalty
would be enforced.
About the end of October the 78th proceeded to Arnheim, the Duke
of York’s headquarters, and thence, by a night march, to Nimeguen,
against which place the French were erecting batteries. On the 4th
of November a sortie was made, when the 78th was for the first time
under fire, and did such execution with the bayonet, as to call forth
the highest encomiums from experienced and veteran officers. The loss
of the regiment in this engagement was Lieutenant Martin Cameron
(died of his wounds) and seven men, killed; wounded, Major Malcolm,
Captain Hugh Munro, Captain Colin Mackenzie, Lieutenant Bayley, 4
sergeants, and 56 rank and file.
On the 6th the regiment marched from Nimeguen to Arnheim, and finally
to Dodewaart on the Waal, where they were brigaded with the 12th,
the 33rd, under Lieut.-Colonel Arthur Wellesley (afterwards Duke of
Wellington), and the 42nd under Major Dickson. The General going home
on leave, the command devolved on Colonel Alexander Mackenzie of the
78th, who, however, still remained with his regiment.
On the 2nd of December the Duke of York quitted Arnheim for England,
and handed over his command to Lieut.-General Harcourt.
On the 29th of December General Daendels, having crossed the Waal on
the ice and driven back the Dutch, Major-General Sir David Dundas
was ordered to dislodge him. He, therefore, marched towards Thiel by
Buren and Geldermalsen, and came up with the enemy at Tuil, which
village he carried at the point of the bayonet with comparatively
little loss, though Brevet Major Murray and three men of the light
company, 78th, were killed by the bursting of a shell thrown from a
distant battery. After the action the troops lay on their arms in the
snow until the evening of the 31st, and the French recrossed the Waal.
On the 3rd of January 1795 the French repossessed themselves of
Tuil, and on the 5th they drove in the British outposts at Meteren,
capturing two three-pounders, which were, however, recovered later in
the day. They then attacked Geldermalsen. The 78th were in advance,
supported by the 42nd, when they were charged by a Republican cavalry
corps, dressed in the same uniform as the French Emigrant Regiment
of Choiseul. They advanced towards the Highlanders with loud cries
of “Choiseul! Choiseul!” and the 78th, believing them to be that
regiment, forbore to fire upon them until they were quite close,
when, discovering the mistake, they gave them a warm reception,
and those of the enemy who had penetrated beyond their line were
destroyed by the 42nd. The infantry then came up, the officers
shouting “Avançez, Carmagnoles!” but the 78th, reserving their fire
till the foe had almost closed with them, poured in such a withering
volley, that they were completely demoralised and retreated in
great confusion. It was remarked that in this action the French
were all half drunk, and one officer, who was wounded and taken,
was completely tipsy. The loss of the 78th was four men killed, and
Captain Duncan Munro and seven men wounded. It was on this occasion
that a company of the 78th, commanded by Lieutenant Forbes, showed
an example of steadiness that would have done honour to the oldest
soldiers, presenting and recovering arms without firing a shot upon
the cavalry as they were coming down. The whole behaved with great
coolness, and fired nearly 60 rounds per man.
On the night of the 5th the troops retired to Buren. On the 6th the
British and Hanoverians retired across the Leck, with the exception
of the 6th Brigade, Lord Cathcart’s, which remained at Kuilenburg. On
the 8th both parties assumed the offensive, but the British advance
was countermanded on account of the severity of the weather. It
happened, however, luckily for the picquet of the 4th Brigade, which
was at Burenmalsen, opposite to Geldermalsen, that the order did not
reach Lord Cathcart until he had arrived at Buren, as being driven
in, it must otherwise have been taken. Here a long action took place,
which ended in the repulse of the French. The 4th and a Hessian
Brigade went into Buren, and the British into the castle.
The day the troops remained here, a man in the town was discovered
selling gin to the soldiers at such a low price as must have caused
him an obvious loss, and several of the men being already drunk, the
liquor was seized, and ordered by General Dundas to be divided among
the different corps, to be issued at the discretion of commanding
officers. Thus what the French intended to be a means of destruction,
turned out to be of the greatest comfort and assistance to the
men during their fearful marches through ice and snow. During the
afternoon a man was apprehended at the outposts, who had been sent to
ascertain whether the trick had taken effect, and whether the troops
were sufficiently drunk to be attacked with success.
Abercromby and Hammerstein having been unable to reach Thiel, were,
with Wurmb’s Hessians, united to Dundas at Buren. On the 10th the
French crossed the Waal, and General Regnier crossing the Oeg, drove
the British from Opheusden, back upon Wageningen and Arnheim, with a
loss of fifty killed and wounded. Abercromby, therefore, withdrew,
and the British retired across the Rhine at Rhenen. This sealed the
fate of Holland, and on the 20th General Pichegru entered Amsterdam.
The inclemency of the season increased, and the rivers, estuaries,
and inundations froze as they had never been known to do before, so
that the whole country, land and water, was one unbroken sheet of ice.
The Rhine was thus crossed on the ice on the night of the 9th of
February, and for two more nights the 78th lay upon their arms in
the snow, and then marched for Wyk. On the 14th Rhenen was attacked
by the French, who were repulsed by the Guards, with a loss of 20
men; however, the same night it was determined to abandon the Rhine,
and thus Rhenen, the Grand Hospital of the army, fell into the hands
of the French, who, nevertheless, treated the sick and wounded with
consideration. After resting two hours in the snow during the night,
the 78th resumed their march, passed through Amersfoort, and about
11 A.M. on the 15th lay down in some tobacco barns, having marched
nearly 40 miles. It had been decided to occupy the line of the
Yssel, and Deventer therefore became the destination. On the 16th at
daybreak the regiment commenced its march across the horrible waste
called the Veluwe. Food was not to be obtained, the inhabitants were
inhospitable; with the enemy in their rear, the snow knee deep,
and blown in swirls by the wind into their faces, until they were
partially or entirely blinded, their plight was most pitiable.
They had now a new enemy to encounter. Not only was the weather still
most severe, and the Republicans supposed to be in pursuit, but
the British had, in consequence of French emissaries, a concealed
enemy in every Dutch town and village through which they had to
pass. Notwithstanding the severity of the climate,--the cold being
so intense that brandy froze in bottles--the 78th, 79th (both young
soldiers), and the recruits of the 42nd, wore their kilts, and yet
the loss was incomparably less than that sustained by the other corps.
After halting at Loo to allow the officers and men to take off their
accoutrements, which they had worn day and night since the 26th
December, they on the 18th marched to Hattem on the Yssel. Finally,
on the 28th of March the 78th entered Bremen, and the army being
embarked, the fleet sailed on the 12th of April. On the 9th of May,
1795, the shores of Old England brought tears into the eyes of the
war-worn soldiers, and the first battalion of the Ross-shire Buffs
landed at Harwich, and proceeded to Chelmsford, where they took over
the barracks. After making up the returns, and striking off the names
of all men supposed to be dead or prisoners, the regiment, which
had embarked on the previous September 950 strong, and in excellent
health, was found to be reduced to 600 men, which number included
the disabled and sick who had not been yet invalided. The 78th
remained three weeks at Chelmsford, and marched to Harwich, where
it was brigaded with the 19th, under command of General Sir Ralph
Abercromby. It then proceeded to Nutshalling (now Nursling) Common,
where a force was assembling under the Earl of Moira, with a view to
making a descent on the French coast.
On the 18th of August the 78th, in company with the 12th, 80th, and
90th Regiments, and some artillery, embarked under the command of
Major-General W. Ellis Doyle, and sailed for Quiberon Bay; the design
was to assist the French Royalists. They bore down on Noirmoutier,
but finding the island strongly reinforced, and a landing
impracticable, they made for L’Île-Dieu, where they landed without
opposition. Here they remained for some time, enduring the hardships
entailed by continued wet weather and a want of proper accommodation,
coupled with an almost total failure of the commissariat, but were
unable to assist Charette or his royalist companions in any way.
Finally, the expedition embarked in the middle of December, joined
the grand fleet in Quiberon Bay, and proceeded with it to Spithead.
On the 13th of October 1793, Seaforth made an offer to Government to
raise a second battalion for the 78th Highlanders; and on the 30th
Lord Amherst signed the king’s approval of his raising 500 additional
men on his then existing letter of service. However, this was not
what he wanted; and on the 28th of December he submitted three
proposals for a second battalion to Government.
On the 7th of February 1794, the Government agreed to one battalion
being raised, with eight battalion and two flank companies, each
company to consist of “one hundred private men,”[468] with the usual
complement of officers and non-commissioned officers. But Seaforth’s
services were ill requited by Government; for while he contemplated
raising a second battalion to his regiment, Lord Amherst had issued
orders that it was to be considered as a separate corps. The
following is a copy of the letter addressed to Mr Secretary Dundas by
Lieut.-Colonel Commandant F. H. Mackenzie[469]:--
“ST ALBAN’S STREET,
“_8th Feb. 1794_.
“SIR,--I had sincerely hoped I should not be obliged to trouble you
again; but on my going to-day to the War Office about my letter of
service (having yesterday, as I thought, finally agreed with Lord
Amherst), I was, to my amazement, told that Lord Amherst had ordered
that the 1000 men I am to raise were not to be a second battalion of
the 78th, but a separate corps. It will, I am sure, occur to you that
should I undertake such a thing, it would destroy my influence among
the people of my country entirely; and instead of appearing as a
loyal honest chieftain calling out his friends to support their king
and country, I should be gibbeted as a jobber of the attachment my
neighbours bear to me. Recollecting what passed between you and me,
I barely state this circumstance; and I am, with great respect and
attachment, Sir, your most obliged and obedient servant,
“F. H. MACKENZIE.”
This argument had its weight; Lord Amherst’s order was rescinded,
and on the 10th February 1794, a letter of service was granted to
Seaforth, empowering him, as Lieut.-Colonel Commandant, to add a
second battalion to the 78th Highlanders, of which the strength was
to be “one company of grenadiers, one of light infantry, and eight
battalion companies.”[470]
Stewart states that of this number 560 men were of the same country
and character as the first, and 190 from different parts of Scotland;
but he alludes to the first six companies, as the regiment was almost
entirely composed of Highlanders.
The following is a list of the officers appointed to the regiment:--
_Lieutenant-Colonel Commandant._
F. H. Mackenzie of Seaforth.
_Lieutenant-Colonel._
Alexander Mackenzie of Fairburn, from first battalion.
_Majors._
J. R. Mackenzie of Suddie, from first battalion.
Michael Monypenny, promoted to 73d, dead.
_Captains._
J. H. Brown, killed in a duel in India.
Simon Mackenzie.
William Campbell, Major, killed in Java, 1811.
John Mackenzie, Major-General, 1813.
Patrick M’Leod (Geanies), killed at El Hamet, 1807.
[His portrait will be found on page 650.]
Hercules Scott of Benholm, Lieut.-Colonel 103d Regiment, 1814,
killed in Canada.
John Scott.
John Macleod, Colonel, 1813, from first battalion.
_Lieutenants._
James Hanson.
Alexander Macneil.
Æneas Sutherland.
Murdoch Mackenzie.
Archd. C. B. Crawford.
Norman Macleod, Lieut.-Colonel Royal Scots.
Thomas Leslie.
Alexander Sutherland, sen.
Alexander Sutherland, jun.
P. Macintosh.
John Douglas.
George Macgregor.
B. G. Mackay.
Donald Cameron.
James Hay.
Thomas Davidson.
William Gordon.
Robert Johnstone.
Hon. W. D. Halyburton, Colonel, half-pay.
John Macneil.
John Dunbar.
_Ensigns._
George Macgregor, Lieut.-Colonel 59th Regiment.
Donald Cameron.
John Macneil.
William Polson.
Alexander Wishart.
_Chaplain._--The Rev. Charles Proby.
_Adjutant._--James Hanson.
_Quarter-Master._--Alexander Wishart.
The records of this battalion having been lost many years since,
the only knowledge we can derive of its movements is to be obtained
from the Seaforth papers. The regiment was inspected and passed at
Fort-George by Sir Hector Munro in June 1794. In July his Majesty
authorised the regiment to adopt the name of “The Ross-shire Buffs”
as a distinctive title. In August six companies embarked for England,
and proceeded to Netley Camp, where they were brigaded with the
90th, 97th, and 98th. The troops suffered much from fever, ague, and
rheumatism, the situation being very unfavourable; but here again the
78th was found to be more healthy than their neighbours. The young
battalion was chafing at this enforced idleness, and longed to go on
active service. On the 5th of November, the regiment marched from
Netley, four companies proceeding to Poole, one to Wimborne, and one
to Wareham, Corff Castle, &c.
In the end of February 1795, the second battalion of the 78th
Highlanders, Lieut.-Colonel Alexander Mackenzie of Fairburn in
command, embarked, under Major-General Craig, with a secret
expedition. Major J. R. Mackenzie of Suddie, writing to Seaforth
under date “Portsmouth, 4th March 1795,” narrates the following
unpleasant circumstance which happened on the day previous to
embarkation:--
“The orders for marching from Poole were so sudden that there was
no time then for settling the men’s arrears. They were perfectly
satisfied then, and expressed the utmost confidence in their
officers, which continued until they marched into this infernal
place. Here the publicans and some of the invalids persuaded the men
that they were to be embarked without their officers, and that they
would be sold, as well as lose their arrears. This operated so far
on men who had never behaved ill before in a single instance, that
they desired to have their accounts settled before they embarked.
Several publicans and other villains in this place were guilty of
the most atrocious conduct even on the parade, urging on the men
to demand their rights, as they called it. Fairburn having some
intimation of what was passing, and unwilling that it should come to
any height, addressed the men, told them it was impossible to settle
their accounts in the short time previous to embarkation, but that he
had ordered a sum to be paid to each man nearly equal to the amount
of their credit. This was all the publicans wanted, among whom the
greatest part of the money rested. Next morning the men embarked in
the best and quietest manner possible, and I believe they were most
thoroughly ashamed of their conduct. I passed a most miserable time
from receiving Fairburn’s letter in London till I came down here,
when it had all ended so well; for well as I knew the inclinations
of the men to have been, it was impossible to say how far they might
have been misled.
“There is little doubt of the expedition being intended for the
East. It is said the fleet is to run down the coast of Guinea,
proceed to the Cape, which they hope to take by negotiation; but if
unsuccessful, to go on to the other Dutch possessions.”
The fleet sailed on the morning of Sunday the 1st of March. 1 major,
1 ensign, 4 sergeants, 1 drummer, and 124 privates were left behind;
and the most of them, with others, were incorporated with the first
battalion, on its amalgamation with the second battalion.
Holland having entirely submitted to France, as detailed in the
record of the first battalion, and Britain being fully aware that
submission to France became equivalent to a compulsory declaration
of war against her, it behoved her to turn her attention to the
Dutch colonies, which, from their proximity to India, would prove of
immense importance to an enemy.
In June 1795 a British fleet under Sir G. Elphinstone arrived off the
Cape, having Major-General Craig and the 78th Highlanders (second
battalion) on board; and the commanders immediately entered into
negotiations with Governor Slugsken for the cession of the colony to
Great Britain in trust for the Stadtholder. A determination to resist
the force having been openly expressed, the commanders determined to
disembark their troops and occupy a position. Accordingly, the 78th
and the Marines were landed at Simon’s Bay on the 14th, and proceeded
to take possession of Simon’s Town without opposition. The Dutch were
strongly posted in their fortified camp at Muysenberg, six miles on
this side of Capetown; and accordingly a force of 800 seamen having
been sent to co-operate with the troops on shore, the whole body
moved to its attack; while the ships of the fleet, covering them from
the sea, opened such a terrific fire upon the colonists that they
fled precipitately. Muysenberg was taken on the 7th of August, and on
the 9th a detachment arrived from St Helena with some field-pieces;
but it was not till the 3rd of September, when Sir A. Clarke, at the
head of three regiments, put into the bay, that an advance became
practicable. Accordingly, the Dutch position at Wineberg was forced
on the 14th, and on the 15th Capetown capitulated, the garrison
marching out with the honours of war. Thus, after a two months’
campaign, during which they suffered severely from the unhealthiness
of their situation, the scarcity of provisions, and the frequent
night attacks of the enemy, this young battalion, whose conduct
throughout had been exemplary in the highest degree, saw the object
of the expedition accomplished, and the colony taken possession of in
the name of his Britannic Majesty.
Under date “Cape of Good Hope, 19th September 1795,” Lieut.-Colonel
Alexander Mackenzie of Fairburn, commanding the second battalion of
the 78th Highlanders, sends a long account of the transactions at the
Cape to Lieut.-Colonel F. H. Mackenzie of Seaforth. We are sorry that
our space permits us to give only the following extracts:--
“I think if you will not be inclined to allow that the hardships have
been so great, you will at all events grant that the comforts have
been few, when I assure you that I have not had my clothes off for
nearly nine weeks, nor my boots, except when I could get a dry pair
to put on.
“ ... If the regiment is put on the East India establishment, which
is supposed will be the case, it will be equally the same for you as
if they were in India. I must observe it is fortunate for us that we
are in a warm climate, as we are actually without a coat to put on;
we are so naked that we can do no duty in town....
“I cannot tell you how much I am puzzled about clothing. The other
corps have all two years’ clothing not made up, and I should not be
surprised if this alone was to turn the scale with regard to their
going to India. General Clarke advises mo to buy cloth, but I fear
putting you to expense; however, if the clothing does not come out
in the first ship I shall be obliged to do something, but what, I
am sure I don’t know. I hope your first battalion may come out, as
there cannot be a more desirable quarter for the colonel or the
regiment. We are getting into excellent barracks, and the regiment
will soon get well of the dysentery and other complaints. They are
now immensely rich, and I shall endeavour to lay out their money
properly for them. I shall bid you adieu by saying that I do not
care how soon a good peace may be brought about. I think we have at
last turned up a good trump card for you, and I daresay the Ministry
will play the negotiating game well.”
In Capetown the regiment remained quartered until the arrival of the
first battalion in June 1796.
II.
1796-1817.
1st and 2d Battalions amalgamated--The Regiment sails for the
Cape--The consolidation completed--Capture of a Dutch fleet--Ordered
to India--Lucknow--Cession of Allahabad--Various changes of
Quarters--Colonels Alexander Mackenzie and J. R. Mackenzie quit the
Regiment--Ordered to Bombay--Join General Wellesley’s Army--The
Mahrattas--The Treaty of Bassein--Lake and Wellesley take the
field--War between the British and the Mahrattas--Ahmednuggur
taken--Battle of Assaye--Colours granted to the 74th and
78th--Wellesley’s pursuit of the Enemy--Battle of Argaum--Gawilghur
taken--The Regiment goes to Goojerat--From Bombay to Goa--Excellent
conduct--Ordered to Madras and thence to Java--Landing near
Batavia, which is invested--The Cantonment of Waltevreeden
forced--The Fortification of Cornelis captured, when General Jansens
flies--Colonel Gillespie defeats Jansens--The French army surrender
and evacuate the Island--Rebellion of the Sultan of Djokjokarta--His
Capital is taken, and he is deposed--Colonel Fraser and Captain
Macpherson murdered by Banditti at Probolingo--Major Forbes defeats
the Insurgents--Thanks of Government to the Regiment--Expeditions
against the Islands of Bali and Celebes--The Regiment sails for
Calcutta--Six Companies wrecked on the Island of Preparis--General
Orders by the Indian Government--The Regiment lands at Portsmouth
and proceeds to Aberdeen--Unfounded charge against the Highland
Regiments.
On the 28th of November, 1795, the Duke of York had issued orders
for the consolidation of both battalions, and accordingly, on the
arrival of the 1st battalion from L’Île-Dieu, the work was commenced
by the attachment to it of that part of the 2nd battalion which had
been left behind. On the 26th of February, 1796, only seven weeks
after its return from abroad, the battalion proceeded from Poole to
Portsmouth, where it embarked for the Cape in two divisions under
the command of Lieut.-Colonel Alexander Mackenzie of Belmaduthy, and
sailed on the 6th of March. On the 30th of May the 78th arrived in
Simon’s Bay, and on the 1st of June landed and commenced its march
to Capetown. Here the work of consolidation was completed, and
the supernumerary officers and men ordered home. The regiment now
presented the appearance of a splendid body of men, and mustered
970 Highlanders, 129 Lowlanders, and 14 English and Irish, the last
chiefly bandsmen. The Batavian Republic had formally declared war
against England in May; and, accordingly, on the 3rd of August,
apparently with the view of attempting the recapture of the Cape, a
Dutch fleet under Admiral Lucas anchored in Saldanha Bay. General
Craig, the commander of the troops, marched up a force, which
included the grenadier and light battalions of the 78th. As the Dutch
fleet, however, surrendered, the troops marched back to a place
called Groenekloof, about half-way to Capetown, where they remained
encamped for three or four weeks, when the 78th marched to Capetown,
and occupied the hill near the Castle until the transports were ready
to convey them to India.
On the 4th of November the regiment embarked, and sailed on the 10th;
it had a long passage, during which scurvy made its appearance, but
to no formidable extent. On the 10th of February 1797 the transports
reached Calcutta, and the following day the regiment marched into
Fort William. Ten days later it embarked in boats on the Hoogly,
and proceeded to Burhampoor, the voyage occupying fourteen days.
About the 1st of August, on the embarkation of the 33rd Regiment
with the expedition intended against Manilla, the 78th proceeded to
Fort William. In the beginning of October six companies were again
embarked in boats, and proceeded to Chunar. From Chunar, about the
end of November, the division, having drawn camp equipment from
the magazine, was ordered to drop down to Benares, there to land,
and form part of a large escort to the Governor-General (Sir John
Shore), and the Commander-in-Chief (Sir A. Clarke), about to proceed
to Lucknow. The division accordingly landed at Benares on the 6th of
December and marched to Sheopoor, six miles on the road, where it
halted to complete its field equipment. In the beginning of November,
the 33rd having returned to Fort William, the second division of
the 78th embarked and proceeded to Chunar, where it was landed and
encamped until the following March.
On the 9th of December the first division was joined by a part of
the 3rd Native Infantry, some artillery with field-pieces, and two
russallahs or squadrons of Irregular Hindoostani Cavalry, formerly
the body-guard of General De Boigne, a Savoyard in Sindiah’s service,
and marched forward, forming the escort above mentioned. The march
was continued without halting for fifteen days, which brought the
force to the race-course of Lucknow, where it was joined by the
remainder of the 3rd Native Infantry. It is unnecessary to enter here
into the complications of native Indian politics. It is enough to say
that on the death, in 1797, of the troublesome Asoph-ud-Dowla, the
Nawaub Vizir of Oudh, he was succeeded by his equally troublesome and
weak-minded son, Mirza Ali.
The young prince had barely ascended the throne, however, ere reports
were brought to the Governor-General of his incapacity, faithless
character, and prodigality. It was on receiving these reports,
therefore, that Sir John Shore determined to proceed to Lucknow in
person, and, by actual observation, satisfy himself of the merits of
the case. The narrative is resumed from the regimental records of the
78th.
“On the frontier of the Nawaub Vizir’s dominions, we had been met by
the new Nawaub Vizir, Ali, a young lad of known faithless principles,
with a large force; and his intentions being considered very
suspicious, each battalion furnished a captain’s outlying picquet,
for the security of the camp at night, which was continued until
after his deposition and the elevation of his successor, Saadut Ali,
on the 22nd January 1798.”
By skilful management Vizir Ali was secured without violence, and his
uncle, Saadut Ali, placed in his stead.
On the 23rd of February, the 78th, the 1st Battalion Native Infantry,
and a company of Artillery, under the command of Colonel Mackenzie of
the 78th, marched for the Fort of Allahabad, which had lately been
ceded to the British by Saadut Ali.
After various movements, the 78th found itself in garrison at Fort
William in December 1800. In the October of that year Lieut.-Colonel
Alexander Mackenzie had left for England, handing over his command to
Lieut.-Colonel J. Randoll Mackenzie of Suddie.[471] And in the latter
part of November Lieut.-Colonel Mackenzie also went to England, and
was succeeded in the command of the regiment by Lieut.-Colonel Adams.
The regiment remained in quarters at Fort William during the whole of
1801 and 1802.
In the middle of January, 1803, the 78th received orders to prepare
for embarkation for Bombay, where head-quarters arrived on the 26th
of March, and immediately received orders to prepare for field
service. The regiment re-embarked on the 4th of April, and proceeded
to Bassein, where it landed on the 7th, and marched at once to join
the camp of Colonel Murray’s detachment at Sachpara, 7 miles from the
town; being formed as an escort to His Highness the Peshwah, who had
been driven from his dominions by Holkar during the previous October.
The detachment set out on the 18th of April, and marched by Panwell
and the Bhore Ghât. In the beginning of June the 78th joined at
Poonah the army under General Wellesley, destined to act against
Sindiah and the Mahrattas. The regiment was posted to the brigade
commanded by Lieut.-Colonel Harness, 80th Regiment, which was
called the 4th brigade, with reference to the Grand Madras Army,
from which General Wellesley was detached, but which formed the
right of the General’s force. Its post in line was the right of
the centre, which was occupied by the park, and on the left of the
park was the 74th Highlanders, in the brigade commanded by Colonel
Wallace, 74th, and called the 5th Brigade. Besides these two brigades
of infantry there was one of cavalry, commanded by Lieut.-Colonel
Maxwell, 19th Light Dragoons; each brigade consisted of 1 European
and 3 native regiments. The train consisted of four iron and four
brass 12-pounders, besides two 5½-inch howitzers, and some spare
field-pieces.
A very few days after the army moved forward the rainy season
commenced, but was by no means a severe one; the great want of
forage, however, at the commencement of this campaign, destroyed
much cattle, and the 78th Highlanders, who were by no means so well
equipped as the other corps, were a good deal distressed at first.
The movements of the army were slow, making long halts, and not
keeping in a straight direction till the beginning of August, when it
encamped about 8 miles south of Ahmednuggur, in which position it was
when negotiations were broken off and war declared with Dowlut Rao
Sindiah and the Rajah of Berar, Ragojee Bhoonslah.
On the 8th of August the advanced guard was reinforced by the
flank companies of the 74th and 78th Highlanders, and the city of
Ahmednuggur was attacked and carried by storm in three columns, of
which the advanced guard formed one, the other two being led by
battalion companies of the same regiments. “The fort of Ahmednuggur
is one of the strongest in India, built of stone and a strong Indian
cement called _chunam_. It is surrounded by a deep ditch, with large
circular bastions at short intervals, and was armed with guns in
casemated embrasures, and with loopholes for musketry. The escarp
was unusually lofty, but the casemates were too confined to admit
of their being effectively employed, and the glacis was so abrupt
that it offered good shelter to an enemy who could once succeed in
getting close to the walls. The Pettah was a large and regular Indian
town, surrounded by a wall of stone and mud 18 feet high, with small
bastions at every hundred yards, but with no rampart broad enough
for a man to stand upon. Here, both in the Pettah and the fort, the
walls were perceived to be lined by men, whose appointments glittered
in the sun. The Pettah was separated from the fort by a wide space,
in which Sindiah had a palace and many valuables, surrounded with
immense gardens, where the remains of aqueducts and many interesting
ruins of Moorish architecture show the once flourishing condition
of the Nizam’s capital in the 16th century.”[472] Having determined
on taking the Pettah by escalade, General Wellesley ordered forward
the stormers, who were led by the advanced guard. Unfortunately, on
account of the height and narrowness of the walls, and the difficulty
of obtaining footing, the men, having reached the top of the scaling
ladders, were, one after the other as they came up, either killed or
thrown down. At length, Captain Vesey, of the 1/3rd Native Infantry,
having secured a bastion, a party of his men leaped down within the
walls, and, opening a gate, admitted the remainder of the force; some
skirmishing took place in the streets, but the enemy was speedily
overcome, and though the fort continued to fire round shot, it was
with but little precision, and occasioned no damage.[473] The army
lost 140 men, the casualties of the 78th being Captains F. Mackenzie
Humberstone and Duncan Grant (a volunteer on this occasion), Lieut.
Anderson of the Grenadier Company, and 12 men killed; and Lieut.
Larkin of the Light Company, and 5 men wounded.
After the action the army encamped a long shot’s distance from the
fort, which was reconnoitred on the 9th, and a ravine having been
discovered, not 300 yards from the wall, it was occupied, and a
battery erected, which opened with four iron 12-pounders on the
morning of the 10th. During that night the battery was enlarged, and
two howitzers added to its armament, and the fire re-opened on the
11th, on the evening of which day the Killedar capitulated; and next
morning the garrison, to the number of 1400 men having marched out,
the grenadiers of the 78th and a battalion of Sepoys took possession.
The victorious troops proceeded to the plunder of Sindiah’s palace.
Its treasures can have been surpassed only by those of the Summer
Palace at Pekin. “There were found in it, besides many objects of
European manufacture and luxury, the richest stuffs of India--gold
and silver cloths, splendid armour, silks, satins, velvets, furs,
shawls, plate, cash. &c.”[474] Here, as afterwards, General Wellesley
set his face against all such demoralising practices, but it was only
after hanging a couple of Sepoys in the gateway, as a warning to the
rest, that order could be restored and the native troops restrained.
Along with the fort and city of Ahmednuggur, a province of the
same name became subject to British authority. This fortress,
long regarded as the key of the Deccan, besides covering his
communications with Poonah, afforded General Wellesley an invaluable
depôt from which to draw supplies; and from its position overawed
the surrounding population, and formed a bulwark of defence to the
western territories of the Nizam.[475]
The army remained for some days in the neighbourhood of Ahmednuggur,
and then marching down the Nimderrah Ghât, directed its route to
Toka, on the Godavery. On the 24th it crossed the river in boats. On
the 17th of September the army encamped at Goonjee, the junction of
the Godavery and Galatty, and thence moved to Golah Pangree on the
Doodna, which it reached on the 20th.
On the 24th of August the united armies of Sindiah and the Rajah of
Berar had entered the territories of the Nizam by the Adjunteh Ghât,
and were known to be occupying the country between that pass and
Jalnah. General Wellesley’s plan of operations now was, if possible,
to bring the enemy to a general action; but, if he failed in that
object, at least to drive them out of the Nizam’s country and secure
the passes. On the 19th of September he wrote to Colonel Stevenson,
directing that officer to march upon the Adjunteh Ghât, he himself
moving by Jafferabad upon those of Bhaudoola and Laukenwarra. On the
21st, having obtained intelligence that the enemy lay at Bokerdun,
he, after a personal interview with Colonel Stevenson at Budnapoor,
arranged that their forces should separate, marching on the 22nd, and
traversing two parallel roads about 12 miles apart. On the 22nd both
officers broke camp, the General proceeding by the eastern route,
round the hills between Budnapoor and Jalnah, and Colonel Stevenson
moving to the westward. On the 23rd General Wellesley arrived at
Naulniah, and found that, instead of being 12 or 14 miles distant
from the enemy’s camp, as he had calculated, he was within 6 miles of
it. General Wellesley found himself unable to make a reconnaissance
without employing his whole force, and to retire in the face of the
enemy’s numerous cavalry would have been a dangerous experiment;
but the hircarrahs having reported that the cavalry had already
moved off, and that the infantry were about to follow, the General
determined to attack at once, without waiting for Colonel Stevenson.
He, however, apprised Stevenson of his intention, and desired him to
move up without delay. On coming in sight of the enemy he was rudely
undeceived as to his intelligence, for, instead of the infantry
alone, the whole force of the allied Rajahs was drawn up on the
further bank of the river Kaitna, ready to receive him.
“The sight was enough to appal the stoutest heart: thirty thousand
horse, in one magnificent mass, crowded the right; a dense array of
infantry, powerfully supported by artillery, formed the centre and
left: the gunners were beside their pieces, and a hundred pieces
of cannon, in front of the line, stood ready to vomit forth death
upon the assailants. Wellington paused for a moment, impressed but
not daunted by the sight. His whole force, as Colonel Stevenson had
not come up, did not exceed 8000 men, of whom 1600 were cavalry; the
effective native British were not above 1500, and he had only 17
pieces of cannon. But feeling at once that retreat in presence of
so prodigious a force of cavalry was impossible, and that the most
audacious course was, in such circumstances, the most prudent, he
ordered an immediate attack.”[476]
Before receiving intelligence of the enemy, the ground had been
marked out for an encampment, and the cavalry had dismounted: General
Wellesley ordered them to remount, and proceeded with them to the
front. Of the infantry, the 1/2nd Native Infantry was ordered to
cover the baggage on the marked ground, and to be reinforced by the
rearguard as it came up. The 2/12th Native Infantry was ordered to
join the left, in order to equalise the two brigades, which were to
follow by the right, and the four brass light 12-pounders of the park
were sent to the head of the line.
These dispositions did not cause above ten minutes’ halt to the
column of infantry, but the cavalry, moving on with the General,
came first in sight of the enemy’s position from a rising ground
to the left of the road. This was within cannon-shot of the right
of their encampment, which lay along the further bank of the river
Kaitna, a stream of no magnitude, but with steep banks and a very
deep channel, so as not to be passable except at particular places,
chiefly near the villages. Sindiah’s irregular cavalry formed the
right; the troops of the Rajah of Berar, also irregulars, the centre;
and Sindiah’s regular infantry, the left. The latter was composed of
17 battalions, amounting to about 10,500 men, formed into 3 brigades,
to each of which a body of regular cavalry and a corps of marksmen,
called Allygoots, were attached. 102 pieces of their artillery were
afterwards accounted for, but they probably had a few more.[477] The
infantry were dressed, armed, and accoutred like British Sepoys;
they were very fine bodies of men, and though the English officers
had quitted them, they were in an admirable state of discipline, and
many French and other European officers held command among them.
Their guns were served by Gollundaze, exactly like those of the
Bengal service, which had been disbanded some little time previously,
and were probably the same men. It was soon found that they were
extremely well trained, and their fire was both as quick and as
well-directed as could be produced by the British artillery. What the
total number of the enemy was cannot be ascertained, or even guessed
at, with any degree of accuracy; but it is certainly calculated
very low at 30,000 men, including the light troops who were out
on a plundering excursion, but returned towards the close of the
action. The two Rajahs were in the field in person, attended by their
principal ministers, and, it being the day of the Dusserah feast,
the Hindoos, of which the army was chiefly composed, had religious
prejudices to make them fight with spirit and hope for victory.
The force of General Wellesley’s army in action was nearly 4700 men,
of whom about 1500 were Europeans (including artillery), with 26
field-pieces, of which only four 12 and eight 6-pounders were fired
during the action; the rest, being the guns of the cavalry and the
battalions of the second line, could not be used.
On General Wellesley’s approaching the enemy for the purpose of
reconnoitring, they commenced a cannonade, the first gun of which
was fired at twenty minutes past one o’clock P.M., and killed one
of his escort. The General, although he found himself in front of
their right, determined to attack their left, in order to turn it,
judging that the defeat of their infantry was most likely to prove
effectual, and accordingly ordered his own infantry column to move in
that direction. Meanwhile some of the staff looked out for a ford to
enable the troops to pass the Kaitna and execute this movement, and
found one, which the enemy had fortunately left undefended, scarcely
half a mile beyond their left flank, near the old fort of Peepulgaon,
where the ground, narrowing at the confluence of the Kaitna and Juah,
would prevent them from attacking with overwhelming numbers. The
whole of this march was performed considerably within range of their
cannon, and the fire increased so fast that by the time the head of
the column had reached Peepulgaon, it was tremendously heavy, and had
already destroyed numbers.
For some time the enemy did not discover Major-General Wellesley’s
design; but as soon as they became aware of it, they threw their
left up to Assaye, a village on the Juah, near the left of their
second line, which did not change its position. Their first line was
now formed across the ground between the Kaitna and the Juah, the
right resting upon the Kaitna, where the left had been, and the left
occupying the village of Assaye, which was garrisoned with infantry
and surrounded with cannon. They also brought up many guns from their
reserve and second line to their first.
The British being obliged to cross the ford in one column by
sections, were long exposed to the cannonade. After passing the
river, their first line was formed nearly parallel to that of the
enemy, at about 500 yards distance, having marched down the alignment
to its ground. The second line rather out-flanked the first to the
right, as did the third (composed of the cavalry) the second. The
left of the first line was opposite the right of the enemy during
the formation, and their artillery fired round-shot with great
precision and rapidity, the same shot often striking all three lines.
It was answered with great spirit by the first British line, but
the number of gun-bullocks killed soon hindered the advance of the
artillery, with the exception of a few guns which were dragged by the
men themselves. The British lines were formed from right to left as
follows:--
_First Line._
The picquets, four 12-pounders, the 1/8th and 1/10th Native
Infantry, and the 78th Highlanders.
_Second Line._
The 74th Highlanders and the 2/12th and 1/4th Native Infantry.
_Third Line._
The 4th Native Cavalry, the 19th Light Dragoons, and the 5th and 7th
Native Cavalry.
Orders were now given for each battalion to attach a company to the
guns, to assist and protect them during the advance. These orders,
though immediately afterwards countermanded, reached the 78th, and,
consequently, the 8th battalion company, under Lieutenant Cameron,
was attached to the guns.
Major-General Wellesley then named the picquets as the battalion of
direction, and ordered that the line should advance as quickly as
possible consistent with order, and charge with the bayonet without
firing a shot. At a quarter to three the word was given for the line
to advance, and was received by Europeans and Natives with a cheer.
Almost immediately, however, it was discovered that the picquets
were not moving forward as directed, and the first line received the
word to halt. This was a critical moment, for the troops had got to
the ridge of a small swell in the ground that had somewhat sheltered
them, particularly on the left; and the enemy, supposing them to
be staggered by the fire, redoubled their efforts, discharging
chain-shot and missiles of every kind. General Wellesley, dreading
the consequences of this check in damping the ardour of the troops,
rode up to one of the native corps of the first line, and, taking
of his hat, cheered them on in their own language, and repeated the
word “March!” Again the troops received the order with loud cheers,
and the three battalions of the first line, followed by the 1/4th,
advanced in quick time upon the enemy with the greatest coolness,
order, and determination.
The 78th, on coming within 150 yards of the enemy’s line, withdrew
its advanced centre sergeant, and the men were cautioned to be ready
to charge. Soon after the battalion opposed to them fired a volley,
and about the same time some European officers in the enemy’s service
were observed to mount their horses and ride off. The 78th instantly
ported arms, cheered, and redoubled its pace, and the enemy’s
infantry, deserted by its officers, broke and ran. The 78th pushed
on and fired, and coming to the charge, overtook and bayonetted a
few individuals. The gunners, however, held firm to their guns, many
being killed in the acts of loading, priming, or pointing; and none
quitted their posts until the bayonets were at their breasts. Almost
at the same moment the 1/10th Native Infantry closed with the enemy
in the most gallant style; but the smoke and dust (which, aided by a
high wind, was very great) prevented the troops from seeing further
to the right.
The 78th now halted for an instant to complete their files and
restore exact order, and then moved forward on the enemy’s second
line, making a complete wheel to the right, the pivot being the right
of the army, near the village of Assaye. The picquets having failed
to advance, the 74th pushed up, in doing which they were very much
cut up by grape, and were charged by the Mahratta cavalry, led by
Sindiah in person. They suffered dreadfully, as did also the picquets
and 2/12th; and they were only saved by a brilliant charge, headed
by Lieut.-Colonel Maxwell. This part of the British line, though it
broke the enemy’s first line, did not gain much ground; and the enemy
still continued in possession of several guns about the village of
Assaye, from which they flanked the British line when it arrived
opposite their second line.
[Illustration: A, the ford from Peepulgaon to Waroor; B, the rising
ground which protected the advance; C, four old mangoes; D, screen
of prickly pear, covering Assaye; E E E E, 30,000 of the enemy’s
cavalry.]
Several of the enemy also coming up from the bed of the river
and other ways, attacked and killed a good many of the British
artillerymen. A considerable number also who, after the fashion
of Eastern warfare, had thrown themselves on the ground as dead,
regained possession of the guns of their first line, which had been
taken and passed, and from them opened a fire of grape upon the
British rear. The guns of the 78th, with the escort under Lieutenant
Cameron, escaped, and joined the regiment as it halted opposite to
the enemy’s second line.
The British infantry was now in one line, the 78th on the left of
the whole; and as it had the longest sweep to make in the wheel,
it came up last. When the dust cleared a body of the enemy’s best
cavalry was seen a little in advance of the left flank, purposing
to turn it, on which the left wing of the 78th was thrown back at a
small angle, and preparations were made for opening the two guns,
which at that moment came up. It is impossible to say too much for
the behaviour of the infantry at this awful crisis. Deprived of the
assistance of their own artillery, having the enemy’s second line,
untouched and perfectly fresh, firing steadily upon them, flanked by
round-shot from the right, grape pouring upon their rear, and cavalry
threatening their left, not a word was heard or a shot fired; all
waited the orders of the General with the composure of a field-day,
amidst a scene of slaughter scarcely ever equalled. This, however,
was not of long duration; for the British cavalry came up and drove
off the body of horse which threatened the left, and which did not
wait to be charged, and General Wellesley ordered the principal part
of the line to attack the enemy in front, while the 78th and 7th
Native Cavalry moved to the rear and charged the guns which were
firing thence. The enemy’s second line immediately retired, one
brigade in perfect order--so much so, that it repulsed an attack of
the 19th Light Dragoons, at the head of which Colonel Maxwell was
killed.
The 78th had great difficulty in clearing the field towards the rear
and recovering the guns. The enemy strongly resisted, and three times
forced them to change their front and attack each party separately,
as none would give way until they were so attacked. Meanwhile, as the
regiment marched against the one, the remainder kept up a galling
fire of grape, till they were all driven off the field. The enemy’s
light troops, who had been out plundering, now appeared upon the
ground, and the Mysore horse were ordered to attack them; however,
they did not wait for this, but made off as fast as possible. About
half-past four the firing entirely ceased, and the enemy set fire to
his tumbrils, which blew up in succession, many of them some time
later. The corps which retired at first in such good order soon lost
it, and threw its guns into the river, four of which were afterwards
found, exclusive of ninety-eight taken on the field of battle.
Seven stand of colours were taken from the enemy. After plundering
their dead, their camp, and bazaar, they retreated along the Juah
for about ten miles and made a halt, but on moving again the flight
became general. Then casting away their material of every kind, they
descended the Adjunteh Ghât into Candeish, and made for the city of
Burhanpoor, when they were described as having no artillery, nor
any body of men that looked like a battalion, while the roads were
strewed with their wounded and their dying.
The loss of the British was most severe. No part of the Mysore or
Mahratta allies was actually engaged. Their infantry was with the
baggage, and their cavalry not being in uniform, the General was
apprehensive of mistakes should any part of them come into action.
Between one-half and one-third of the British actually in the field
were either killed or wounded. The 78th was fortunate in having but a
small proportion of the loss to bear. Lieutenant Douglas and 27 men
were killed, and 4 officers, 4 sergeants, and 73 men were wounded.
The officers wounded were Captain Alexander Mackenzie, Lieutenant
Kinloch, Lieutenant Larkin, and Ensign Bethune (Acting Adjutant).
Besides those mentioned, Colonel Adams received a contusion of the
collar-bone which knocked him off his horse; Lieutenant J. Fraser a
contusion of the leg; and all the other officers were more or less
touched in their persons or their clothes. The sergeant-major was
very badly wounded, and died a few days afterwards.
General Wellesley had two horses killed under him; and nearly all the
mounted officers lost horses, some as many as three.
The loss of the enemy must have been terrible. The bodies of 1200
were found on the field, and it was said that 3000 were wounded.
Owing to the part they played in the action, the cavalry were unable
to pursue, and the enemy suffered much less in their retreat than
they should otherwise have done. This fact, too, enabled many of
their wounded to creep into the jungle, whence very few returned; but
it is impossible to conjecture the total loss, and all computations
probably fall short of the actual amount. Jadoon Rao, Sindiah’s first
minister, and the chief instigator of the war, was severely wounded,
and died a few days afterwards; and Colonel Dorsan, the principal
French officer, was also killed.
Such was the battle of Assaye, one of the most decisive as well as
the most desperate ever fought in India.
Major-General Wellesley and the troops under his command received
the thanks of the Governor-general in Council for their important
services. His Majesty was pleased to order that the corps engaged
should bear upon their colours and appointments an elephant,
superscribed “Assaye,” in commemoration of the victory; and honorary
colours were granted to the 19th Light Dragoons, and the 74th
and 78th Highlanders, by the government of India in a general
order.[478] For some unknown reason the 78th ceased to use these
special colours after leaving India, the 74th being the only one of
the three regiments still possessing them.
After various independent movements, Colonel Stevenson, on the 29th
of November, formed a junction with General Wellesley at Parterly,
on which day the whole of the enemy’s force was discovered drawn up
on the plains of Argaum about six miles distant. Their line extended
five miles, having in its rear the gardens and enclosures of Argaum,
while in its front was the uncultivated plain, which was much cut
up by watercourses. The Berar cavalry occupied the left, and the
artillery and infantry the left centre. Sindiah’s force, which
occupied the right, consisted of one very heavy body of cavalry, with
a number of pindarries or light troops on its right again.
The enemy, though nearly as numerous as at Assaye, were neither so
well disciplined nor so well appointed, and they had besides only
thirty-eight pieces of cannon. The British army, on the other hand,
was more numerous than in the late engagement, having been reinforced
by Colonel Stevenson’s division. The British moved forward in one
column to the edge of the plain. A small village lay between the
head of the British columns and the line. The cavalry formed in
close column behind this village; and the right brigade formed line
in its front, the other corps following and forming in succession.
The moment the leading picquet passed the village, the enemy, who
was about 1200 yards distant, discharged 21 pieces of cannon in one
volley. The native picquets and two battalions, alarmed by this noisy
demonstration, which was attended with no injurious consequences,
recoiled and took refuge behind the village, leaving the picquets of
the 78th and the artillery alone in the field. By the exertions of
the officers these battalions were again brought up into line,--not,
however, till the 78th had joined and formed into line with the
picquets and artillery.
The army was drawn up in one line of fifteen battalions, with the
78th on the right, having the 74th on its immediate left, and the
94th on the left of the line, supported by the Mysore horse. The
cavalry formed a reserve or second line. In the advance, the 78th
directed its march against a battery of nine guns, which supported
the enemy’s left. In the approach, a body of 800 infantry darted from
behind the battery, and rushed forward with the apparent intention of
passing through the interval between the 74th and 78th. To close the
interval, and prevent the intended movement, the regiments obliqued
their march, and with ported arms moved forward to meet the enemy;
but they were prevented by a deep muddy ditch from coming into
collision with the bayonet. The enemy, however, drew up alongside the
ditch, and kept up the fire until his last man fell. Next morning
upwards of 500 dead bodies were found lying by the ditch. Religious
fanaticism had impelled these men to fight.
With the exception of an attack made by Sindiah’s cavalry on the left
of Colonel Stevenson’s division, in which they were repulsed by the
6th Native Infantry, no other attempt of any moment was made by the
enemy. After this attack the whole of the enemy’s line instantly gave
way, leaving all their artillery on the field. They were pursued by
the cavalry by moonlight till nine o’clock.
The loss of the British was trifling; no European officer was killed,
and only nine wounded, one of whom had his thigh broken. The number
of killed and wounded was small, and fell principally upon the
78th, which had eight men killed and about forty wounded; but no
officer among the number. In the orders thanking the army for its
exertions on this day, General Wellesley particularised the 74th and
78th:--“The 74th and 78th regiments had a particular opportunity of
distinguishing themselves, and have deserved and received my thanks.”
Colonel Harness being extremely ill, Lieut.-Colonel Adams of the
78th commanded the right brigade in the action; and Major Hercules
Scott being in command of the picquets as field-officer of the day,
the command of the 78th fell to Captain Fraser. In this action, as
at the battle of Assaye, a scarcity of officers caused the colours
of the 78th to be carried by sergeants; and it is noticeable that
not a shot penetrated the colours in either action, probably owing
to the high wind which prevailed and caused them to be carried
wrapped closely round the poles. The names of the sergeants who
carried the colours at Assaye were Sergeant Leavoch, paymaster’s
clerk, afterwards quarter-master; and Sergeant John Mackenzie, senior
sergeant of the regiment, and immediately afterwards quarter-master’s
sergeant. At Argaum, Sergeant Leavoch, and Sergeant Grant, regimental
clerk, afterwards an ensign, and now (1815, says the Record), a
lieutenant in the regiment.
“At the battle of Assaye,” General Stewart tells us, “the musicians
were ordered to attend to the wounded, and carry them to the surgeons
in the rear. One of the pipers, believing himself included in this
order, laid aside his instrument and assisted the wounded. For this
he was afterwards reproached by his comrades. Flutes and hautboys
they thought could be well spared; but for the piper, who should
always be in the heat of the battle, to go to the rear with the
_whistlers_ was a thing altogether unheard of. The unfortunate piper
was quite humbled. However, he soon had an opportunity of playing off
this stigma; for in the advance at Argaum, he played up with such
animation, and influenced the men to such a degree, that they could
hardly be restrained from rushing on to the charge too soon, and
breaking the line. Colonel Adams was indeed obliged to silence the
musician, who now in some manner regained his lost fame.”
The next, and, as it turned out, the last exploit of General
Wellesley’s army, was against the strong fort of Gawilghur, which
was taken by assault on the 13th of December. It, however, continued
in the field, marching and counter-marching, till the 20th of July,
1804, when the 78th reached Bombay.
The regiment remained in quarters at Bombay till May, 1805, when five
companies were ordered to Baroda in the Goojerat. The strength of the
regiment was kept up by recruits, chiefly from the Scotch militia,
and latterly by reinforcements from the second battalion, 800 strong,
added to the regiment in 1804. In July, 1805, a detachment of 100
recruits arrived from Scotland. The regiment removed to Goa in 1807,
whence it embarked for Madras in March, 1811.
“The numerical strength of this fine body of men was less to be
estimated than their character, personal appearance, efficiency,
and health. Upwards of 336 were volunteers from the Perthshire and
other Scotch militia regiments, and 400 were drafts from the second
battalion, which had been seasoned by a service of three years in the
Mediterranean. Such was the stature of many of the men that, after
the grenadier company was completed from the tallest men, the hundred
next in height were found too tall and beyond the usual size of the
light infantry. The harmony which so frequently subsisted between
Highland corps and the inhabitants of the countries where they have
been stationed, has been frequently observed. In Goa it appears to
have been the same as elsewhere. The Condè de Surzeela, Viceroy
of Portuguese India, on the departure of the regiment from under
his command, embraced that opportunity ‘to express his sentiments
of praise and admiration of the regular, orderly, and honourable
conduct of His Britannic Majesty’s 78th Highland regiment during the
four years they have been under his authority, equally and highly
creditable to the exemplary discipline of the corps, and to the skill
of the excellent commander; and his Excellency can never forget the
inviolable harmony and friendship which has always subsisted between
the subjects of the regent of Portugal and all classes of this
honourable corps.’”[479]
On the 14th of March, 1811, the regiment embarked, and sailed in
three transports for Madras. Very few men were left behind sick.
The strength embarked was 1027, of whom 835 were Highlanders, 184
Lowlanders, and 8 English and Irish.
The transports arrived at Madras on the 10th of April, but the
regiment was not landed, and sailed on the 30th with the last
division of troops detailed for the expedition under the command of
Lieut.-General Sir Samuel Auchmuty, destined for the capture of Java.
On the 5th of June the last division of the troops arrived at
Malacca, when the army was formed into four brigades as follows:--The
first or advanced brigade, under Colonel Gillespie, was composed of
the flank battalions (formed by the rifle and light companies of the
army), a wing of the 89th, a battalion of marines, of Bengal Light
Infantry, and of volunteers, three squadrons of the 22nd Dragoons,
and some Madras Horse Artillery. The left flank battalion was formed
by the rifle and light companies of the 78th, the light company of
the 69th, and a grenadier company of Bengal Native Infantry, and was
commanded by Major Fraser of the 78th. The second brigade, commanded
by Colonel Gibbs of the 59th, consisted of the 14th and 59th, and a
battalion of Bengal Native Infantry. The third brigade, commanded by
Colonel Adams of the 78th, was composed of the 69th and 78th, and a
battalion of Bengal Native Infantry. The 78th was commanded by Brevet
Lieut.-Colonel Campbell, and the light battalion by Major Forbes of
the 78th. At Goa, a company of marksmen had been formed in the 78th,
under the command of Captain T. Cameron, and at Madras they had
received a rifle equipment and clothing. The reserve, under Colonel
Wood, was composed entirely of Native Infantry. Attached to the army
were detachments of Bengal and Madras Artillery and Engineers; and
the whole force amounted to about 12,000 men, of whom about half were
Europeans.
Early in June the fleet sailed from Malacca, and on the 4th of August
came to anchor off the village of Chillingching, about twelve miles
to the eastward of Batavia, and the troops landed without opposition.
On the 7th the advance took up a position within two miles of
Batavia, and on the 8th the magistrates surrendered the city at
discretion.
It was understood that General Jumelle, with 3000 men, held the
cantonment of Weltevreeden, about three miles from the city; and that
about the same distance further on lay the strongly entrenched camp
of Cornelis, where the greater portion of the French force, about
10,000 men, were posted under command of General Jansen, the governor.
Before daybreak, on the morning of the 10th, the advance marched
against Weltevreeden, and the enemy was discovered strongly posted
in the woods and villages. His right was defended by the canal
called the Slokan; his left was exposed, but the approach in front
and flank was defended by a marsh and pepper plantations, and the
road rendered impassable by a strong abbatis of felled trees. The
enemy’s infantry, enforced by four field-pieces served with grape,
was drawn up behind this barrier, and commenced a destructive fire
upon the head of the column as it advanced. Captain Cameron, who
was in advance with his rifle company, was severely wounded, and a
number of his men killed or disabled while entangled in the abbatis.
Captain Forbes, with the aid of the light company, was then ordered
to charge the obstacle; but he met with such resistance, that, after
losing 15 out of 37 men, Colonel Gillespie directed him to retire and
cross the ditch to the enemy’s left. Lieutenant Munro was killed here
while in command of a party detailed to cover the British guns. An
order was now given to turn the enemy’s left, which after a little
delay succeeded,--“the grenadier company of the 78th, as in every
Eastern field of fame, heading the attack.”[480] The grenadiers, in
company with a detachment of the 89th, under Major Butler, carried
the enemy’s guns after a most obstinate resistance, the gunners being
cut down or bayoneted almost to a man. The general wrote--“The flank
companies of the 78th (commanded by Captains David Forbes and Thomas
Cameron) and the detachment of the 89th, particularly distinguished
themselves.” The main body of the force shortly after came up, and
the villages having been fired, the camp was occupied, and its war
material, consisting of 300 guns, and a vast quantity of stores,
taken possession of. The enemy’s loss was said to be very heavy, and
the Brigadier-General Alberti was dangerously wounded. The British
loss fell principally upon the 78th and 89th, the former having
33 men killed and wounded, besides the officers mentioned. By the
occupation of Weltevreeden, the army obtained a good communication
with Batavia and the fleet, a healthy situation, the command of
the country and supplies, and a base of operations against the main
position of Cornelis.
On the night of the 21st, when in company with the 69th, the 78th
relieved Colonel Gillespie’s brigade in the advance. Early on the
morning of the 22nd, three English batteries being nearly completed,
the enemy made a sortie from Cornelis, and obtained possession of
two of them, whence they were driven by a party of the 78th, which
happened, fortunately, to be in the trenches at the time, under
Major Lindsay and Captain Macleod. The battery on the right was
energetically defended by Lieutenant Hart and a company of the 78th,
who repulsed the enemy’s attack with considerable loss.
The camp of Cornelis was an oblong of 1600 by 900 yards. It was
strongly entrenched: the river Jacatra or Liwong flowed along its
west side, and the canal, called the Slokan, washed the east. Neither
was fordable, and the banks of the river were steep and covered with
jungle, while on the canal and beyond it powerful batteries were
raised. The north and south faces were defended by deep ditches,
which could be inundated at pleasure, and were strengthened with
palisades, fraises, and chevaux de frise. These faces between
the river and canal were further protected by seven formidable
redoubts, constructed by General Daendels, and numerous batteries
and entrenchments. A strong work also covered and protected the only
bridge which communicated with the position, and which was thrown
across the Slokan. The entire circumference of the works was about
five miles; they were mounted with 280 pieces of cannon, and were
garrisoned by over 10,000 men, of whom about 5000 were Europeans, and
the remainder disciplined native regiments, commanded by French and
Dutch officers.
Sir Samuel Auchmuty had broken ground on the 20th, at 600 yards
distance from the works; and on the 24th, though no practicable
breach had been made, the general being apprehensive of the danger
of delay, determined upon an assault. The command of the principal
attack was entrusted to Colonel Gillespie. The advance guard was
formed by the rifle company of the 14th, while the grenadiers of
the 78th led the column, to which the light and rifle companies also
belonged. Immediately after midnight of the 25th Colonel Gillespie
marched, but his advance was impeded by the darkness of the night and
the intricacy of the country, which was parcelled out into pepper
and betel gardens, and intersected with ravines, so that the troops
were frequently obliged to move in single file. Towards daylight it
was found that the rear division, under Colonel Gibbs, had strayed,
but as it was impossible to remain long concealed, and to retreat
would have been to abandon the enterprise, it was determined to
assault without them. With the earliest streak of dawn the column was
challenged, but the men, advancing with fixed bayonets at the double,
speedily annihilated the enemy’s picquets, and obtained possession of
the protecting redoubt No. 3. At the same time the grenadiers of the
78th rushed up on the bamboo bridge over the Slokan, mingling with
the fugitives, and thus prevented its destruction by them. Owing to
the darkness still prevailing, many of the men fell over the bridge
into the canal, and were with difficulty rescued; while everywhere
the carnage was terrific, the road being enfiladed by numerous pieces
of artillery. The left of the attack now stormed and carried a
large redoubt, No. 4, to the left of the bridge, which was strongly
palisaded, and mounted upwards of twenty 18-pounders, besides several
24 and 32-pounders. Colonel Gibbs also came up at this moment, and
his force was joined by a portion of the 78th, under Captain Macleod
and Lieut. Brodie, who carried the redoubt No. 1 to the right; but
scarcely had his advance entered when it blew up with a tremendous
explosion, by which many of both parties were killed. It was said
that a train had been fired by some of the enemy’s officers, but this
has never been proved. Lieut.-Colonel Macleod’s (69th) attack against
redoubt No. 2 was also completely successful, though the army had to
deplore the loss of that gallant officer in the moment of victory.
“Major Yule’s attack was equally spirited, but after routing the
enemy’s force at Campong Maylayo, and killing many of them, he found
the bridge on fire, and was unable to penetrate further.”[481] He
therefore had to content himself with firing across the river. The
two attacks now joined, and, under Colonel Gillespie, advanced to
attack a body of the enemy inforced by a regiment of cavalry, which
was stationed on a rising ground above the fort, and protected their
park of artillery. The fire was very heavy, and though the British
actually reached the mouths of the enemy’s guns, they were twice
driven back, but rallying each time, they made a final charge and
dislodged the enemy. Here Lieutenants Hart and Pennycuik of the 78th
were wounded, the former having his thigh broken in two places by
a grape-shot. The commander-in-chief now ordered a general attack
upon the north face, which was led by Colonel Adams’ brigade, and
“the heroic 78th, which, though long opposed, now burst in with loud
shouts in the front of the line, and successively carried the works
on either hand.”[482] The regiment, under Lieut.-Colonel Campbell,
advanced along the high road, crossed the ditch and palisade under a
very heavy fire of grape and musketry, and carried the enemy’s work
in that direction. Two companies, under Colonel Macpherson, proceeded
along the bank of the Slokan and took possession of the dam-dyke,
which kept back the water from the ditch, thus preventing the enemy
from cutting it, and leaving the ditch dry for the main body of the
regiment to cross. In this service “Captain Macpherson was wounded
in a personal rencontre with a French officer.”[483] The loss of the
78th in this part of the action was very heavy. Lieutenant-Colonel
Campbell had both his thighs shattered by a grape-shot, and died
two days afterwards, and Captain William Mackenzie and Lieutenant
Matheson were also wounded. The regiment was necessarily much broken
up in crossing the ditch and palisades, but soon re-formed, and
completed the rout of the enemy.
In the space of three hours from the commencement of the action, all
the enemy’s works were in the possession of the British.
The loss of the enemy in killed, during the attack and pursuit, was
nearly 2000. The wounded were estimated at about 3000, while between
5000 and 6000 prisoners were taken, mostly Europeans, including a
regiment of Voltigeurs lately arrived from France.
The main body of the 78th lost 1 field officer (Lieut.-Colonel
Campbell) and 18 rank and file killed, and 3 sergeants and 62 rank
and file wounded; its total of killed and wounded, including the
three companies with Colonel Gillespie’s attack, being 164.
A force, which had been sent by sea to Cheribon to intercept General
Jansen’s retreat into the eastern portion of the island, having
arrived two days after he had passed, Sir Samuel Auchmuty determined
to undertake the pursuit. Accordingly, on the 5th of September, he
embarked at Batavia with the 14th and 78th Regiments, the grenadiers
of the 3rd Volunteer Regiment, and some artillery and pioneers,
less than 1000 men in all, with six field-pieces. The headquarters,
grenadier, rifle, and one battalion company of the 78th sailed in
the “Mysore,” under Major Fraser, and the remaining seven companies,
under Major Lindsay, in the “Lowjee Family.” On the 12th the troops
commanded by Major Lindsay landed at Samarang, and occupied the town
without opposition, and learnt that a considerable body of the enemy,
principally cavalry, was strongly posted upon the hills of Serondole,
about 5 or 6 miles distant. On the 16th the whole force, under the
command of Colonel Gibbs, advanced against Serondole at an early
hour. Although the position of the enemy was most formidable, his
troops gave way on all hands.
On the morning of the 18th a flag of truce arrived from General
Jansen, accepting unconditionally any terms Sir Samuel Auchmuty might
suggest. These were that the governor should surrender himself and
his army prisoners of war, resign the sovereignty of Java and all
the Dutch and French possessions in the East Indies into the hands
of Great Britain, who should be left free with regard to the future
administration of the island, the guarantee of the public debt, and
the liquidation of paper money.
Thus the fertile island of Java and its rich dependencies, the last
colonial possession of France, was wrested from her by British
prowess.
The regiment remained in Java till September 1816, when it embarked
for Calcutta. The only other enterprise we need mention in which
the 78th was engaged while in Java was an expedition against the
rebellious Sultan of Djokjokarta, when a great amount of treasure
was captured, including two solid silver soup-tureens of antique
design and exquisite finish, which the regiment still possesses. We
must also mention the melancholy death, at Probolingo, on the 18th
of May, 1813, of Lieut.-Colonel Fraser and Captain Macpherson at
the hands of some fierce banditti, these officers being on a visit
to a friend at Probolingo, when the banditti approached the place.
Next day a detachment, consisting of 100 of the most active of the
grenadier, rifle, and light companies, under Major Forbes of the
78th, marched against the banditti. After marching 64 miles in 18
hours the detachment came up with the main body of the banditti, and
the commanding officers thought it advisable to make a halt, in order
that the men might obtain some water before proceeding to the attack.
The enemy seeing this, and mistaking the motive, advanced boldly and
rapidly, headed by their chiefs. When within about 100 yards they
halted for a moment, and again advanced to the charge at a run, in
a close compact body, at the same time setting up a most dreadful
yell. The men on this occasion showed a steadiness which could not
be surpassed, not a shot being fired until the enemy was within a
spear’s length of their line, when they gave their fire with such
effect that it immediately checked the advance, and forced the enemy
to retreat with terrible loss. Upwards of 150 lay dead on the spot;
one of their chiefs was killed, and two more, who were taken alive
that afternoon, suffered the merited punishment of their rebellion.
Only a few of the 78th were wounded. The detachment now moved on to
Probolingo House, which it was supposed the insurgents would defend,
but having lost their principal leaders they dispersed without making
any further stand. Their force was estimated to have amounted to
upwards of 2500 men. The same evening the bodies of Colonel Fraser
and Captain Macpherson were brought in and interred in the square of
Probolingo.
During the period of its residence in Java the men of the regiment
had suffered extremely from the climate. Of that splendid body of
men, which in 1811 had left Madras 1027 strong, about 400 only now
remained, and strange to say, it had been observed that the stoutest
and largest men fell the first victims to disease.
The headquarters, in the “Guildford,” sailed from Batavia roads on
the 18th of September, and arrived safely at Calcutta on the 29th of
October.
The “Frances Charlotte,” with the remaining six companies, under
Major Macpherson, had a fine passage up the Bay of Bengal, until the
night of the 5th of November, when the vessel struck upon a rock
about 12 miles distance off the island of Preparis. Fortunately the
weather was moderate, but the ship carrying full sail at the time,
struck with such violence that she remained fast, and in fifteen
minutes filled to her main-deck.
“Now was displayed one of those examples of firmness and self-command
which are so necessary in the character of a soldier. Although the
ship was in the last extremity, and momentarily expected to sink,
there was no tumult, no clamorous eagerness to get into the boats:
every man waited orders, and obeyed them when received. The ship
rapidly filling, and appearing to be lodged in the water, and to
be only prevented from sinking by the rock, all hope of saving her
was given up. Except the provisions which had been brought up the
preceding evening for the following day’s consumption, nothing was
saved. A few bags of rice and a few pieces of pork were thrown into
the boats, along with the women, children, and sick, and sent to
the island, which was so rocky, and the surf so heavy, that they
had great difficulty in landing; and it was not until the following
morning that the boats returned to the ship. In the meantime, a small
part of the rock on which the ship lay was found dry at low water,
and covered with little more than a foot of water at full tide. As
many as this rock could admit of (140 men) were removed on a small
raft, with ropes to fix themselves to the points of the rock, in
order to prevent their being washed into the sea by the waves at high
water. The highest part of the rock was about 150 yards from the
ship. It was not till the fourth day that the boats were able to
carry all in the ship to the island, while those on the rock remained
without sleep, and with very little food or water, till the third
day, when water being discovered on the island, a supply was brought
to them.
“During all this time the most perfect order and resignation
prevailed, both on the island and on the rock. Providentially the
weather continued favourable, or those on the rock must have been
swept into the sea. In the evening of the fourth day the ‘Prince
Blucher,’ Captain Weatherall, and the ‘Po,’ Captain Knox, appeared
in sight, and immediately bore down to the wreck. They had scarcely
taken the men from the rock, and begun to steer for the island, when
it came on to blow a furious gale. This forced them out to sea. Being
short of provisions, and the gale continuing with great violence, the
commanders were afraid that they could not get back to the island in
sufficient time to take the people on board[484] and reach a port
before the stock was expended, and therefore bore away for Calcutta,
where they arrived on the 23rd of November. Two fast-sailing vessels
were instantly despatched with provisions and clothes, and, on the
6th of December, made the Island of Preparis. The people there were
by that time nearly reduced to the last extremity. The allowance
of provisions (a glass-full of rice and two ounces of beef for two
days to each person) was expended, and they had now only to trust
to the shell-fish which they picked up at low water. These soon
became scarce, and they had neither lines to catch fish nor firearms
to kill the birds and monkeys, the only inhabitants of the island,
which is small and rocky, covered with low trees and brushwood.
In this deplorable state the men continued as obedient, and the
officers had the same authority, as on parade. Every privation was
borne in common. Every man that picked up a live shell-fish carried
it to the general stock, which was safe from the attempts of the
half-famished sufferers. Nor was any guard required. However, to
prevent any temptation, sentinels were placed over the small store.
But the precaution was unnecessary. No attempt was made to break
the regulations established, and no symptoms of dissatisfaction
were shown, except when they saw several ships passing them without
notice, and without paying any regard to their signals. These signals
were large fires, which might have attracted notice when seen on an
uninhabited island. Captain Weatherall required no signal. He met
with some boards and other symptoms of a wreck, which had floated to
sea out of sight of the island; and suspecting what had happened,
immediately steered towards it. To his humanity the safety of the
people on the rock may, under Providence, be ascribed; for, as the
violence of the gale was such as to dash the ship to pieces, leaving
no part visible in a few hours, the men must have been swept off the
rock at its commencement.
“Five men died from weakness; several were drowned in falling off the
kind of raft made to convey them from the ship to the rock; and some
were drowned by the surf in going on shore; in all, fourteen soldiers
and two Lascars were lost. Unfortunately, the gale that destroyed
the ship blew off the island, so that no part of the wreck floated
on shore. Had it been otherwise, some things might have been carried
back to the island.”[485]
Many men died subsequently, in consequence of their sufferings on
this occasion. The officers and men lost the whole of their baggage,
and upwards of £2000 of the funds of the regiment went down in the
transport.
On the 9th the surviving officers and men were relieved; and, after
a quick run to Calcutta, landed on the 12th of December. All were
now assembled in Fort William, with the exception of one company in
Java; and, having received orders to make preparations to embark for
Europe, the following General Order was issued by his Excellency the
Governor-General in Council:--
“FORT WILLIAM,
“SATURDAY, _22nd February 1817_.
“The embarkation of the 78th Regiment for Europe calls upon the
Governor-General in Council to bear testimony to the conduct of that
distinguished corps during its service in every part of India. It is
most gratifying to this Government to pay to the regiment a tribute
of unqualified applause; the zeal and gallantry so conspicuously
manifested by the corps at Assaye, and so uniformly maintained
throughout all its subsequent exertions in the field, not having
been more exemplary than its admirable regularity and discipline on
every other occasion. Such behaviour, while it must be reflected
on by themselves with conscious pride, cannot fail to procure for
the officers, non-commissioned officers, and soldiers of the 78th
Regiment, the high reward of their sovereign’s approbation.”
An equally complimentary order was issued by the Commander-in-Chief.
The regiment embarked for England on board the “Prince Blucher”
transport, Captain Weatherall, to whom in a measure they owed their
lives, and sailed from the Sandheads on the 1st of March 1817. On the
5th of July the regiment arrived at Portsmouth, and re-embarked in
the “Abeona” transport for Aberdeen. A few weeks later the 78th was
was ordered to Ireland.
In rebutting an unfounded report as to the disaffection of the
three Highland regiments, the 42nd, 78th, and 92nd, General Stewart
says:--“The honour of Highland soldiers has hitherto been well
supported, and Ross-shire has to boast that the 78th has all along
maintained the honourable character of their predecessors. All
those who value the character of a brave and virtuous race may look
with confidence to this corps, as one of the representatives of the
military and moral character of the peasantry of the mountains.
In this regiment, twenty-three have been promoted to the rank of
officers during the war. Merit thus rewarded will undoubtedly have
its due influence on those who succeed them in the ranks.”[486]
III.
1804-1816.
Letter of Service granted to Major-General Mackenzie-Fraser to
raise a 2nd Battalion--Inspected and passed by the Marquis of
Huntly--List of Officers--At Hythe under Sir John Moore--Ordered
to Sicily--Joseph Bonaparte proclaimed King of Naples--Sir John
Stuart invades Calabria--Battle of Maida--Cotrone Capitulates--The
Regiment returns to Sicily--The Egyptian Expedition--Landing at
Aboukir--Capture of Alexandria--Failure at Rosetta--Disastrous
affair of El Hamet--Colonel M’Leod killed--Regiment Returns
Home--Sickness--Drafts to India--370 Men in the Walcheren
Expedition--Death of General Mackenzie-Fraser--Operations against
Napoleon in 1814--The Regiment lands in Holland--Brilliant affair
of Merxem--Antwerp besieged--The Siege abandoned--Various changes
of Quarters--Napoleon returns from Elba--During the 100 Days,
the Regiment garrisons Nieuwpoort--Sickness--Ordered to Brussels
after Waterloo--Conduct of the Highlanders in the Netherlands--The
Regiment returns Home--Ordered to be reduced--Effectives join the
1st Battalion, and the Dépôt proceeds to Aberdeen.
On the 17th of April 1804, a letter of service was granted to
Major-General Alexander Mackenzie-Fraser, Colonel of the 78th
Highlanders, in which his Majesty was pleased to approve of a second
battalion being added to that regiment, with a strength of 1000 men.
General Mackenzie-Fraser had been connected with the regiment ever
since it was first raised in 1793, his brother-in-law, now Lord
Seaforth, having appointed him its first Major; and it was chiefly
owing to his unremitting zeal and attention at headquarters, in
personally superintending and teaching the recruits, that its
energy and discipline in the field became so early conspicuous. He
therefore, when called upon to organise a young battalion, threw his
whole soul into the task, and his vigorous mind rested not until he
had collected around him a body of men in every way worthy of their
predecessors.
“No officer could boast of circumstances more favourable to such an
undertaking. Beloved by every one that had the good fortune of his
acquaintance, he found no difficulty in selecting gentlemen possessed
of various local interests in furtherance of his plan.
“The quality of the men, their youth and vigour, in short, we may say
with confidence, the raw material was unexampled.”[487]
LIST OF OFFICERS.
_Colonel._
Major-General Alexander Mackenzie-Fraser of Castle Fraser,
Colonel of 1st battalion.
_Lieutenant-Colonel._
Patrick M’Leod, younger of Geanies, from 1st Battalion.
_Majors._
David Stewart of Garth (author of the Sketches), Colonel, half-pay.
James Macdonell of Glengarry, Colonel and Major, Coldstream Guards.
_Captains._
Alexander Wishart, from first battalion.
Duncan Macpherson.
James Macvean.
Charles William Maclean, from 42nd.
Duncan Macgregor, Major, half-pay.
William Anderson.
Robert Henry Dick, from 42nd, and afterwards Lieut.-Colonel 42nd.[488]
Colin Campbell Mackay of Bighouse, Major, half-pay.
George Mackay.
_Lieutenants._
William Balvaird, Major, Rifle Brigade.
Patrick Strachan.
James Macpherson, killed in Java, 1814.
William Mackenzie Dick, killed at El Hamet, 1807.
John Matheson, Captain, half-pay.
Cornwallis Bowen.
William Mackenzie, Captain, half-pay.
Malcolm Macgregor.
James Mackay, Captain, half-pay.
Thomas Hamilton.
Robert Nicholson.
Charles Grant, Captain, half-pay.
Horace St Paul, Lieut.-Colonel, half-pay.
George William Bowes.
William Matheson.
William Cameron, Captain, half-pay.
_Ensigns._
John Mackenzie Stewart.
John Munro, killed in Java, 1811.
Christopher Macrae, killed at El Hamet, 1807.
Roderick Macqueen.
Neil Campbell, Captain, half-pay.
John L. Strachan.
Alexander Cameron.
Alexander Gallie.
Robert Burnet, Captain, 14th.
_Paymaster._--James Ferguson.
_Adjutant._--William Mackenzie, Captain.
_Quarter-Master._--John Macpherson.
_Surgeon._--Thomas Draper, D.I.
_Assistant-Surgeon._
William Munro, Surgeon, half-pay.
On the 25th of February 1805 the regiment embarked at Fort George,
and landed at Dover on the 9th of March, whence it marched into
quarters at Hythe, then under the command of Major-General Sir John
Moore.[489]
On the 19th of the same month they were inspected by their Colonel,
Major-General Mackenzie-Fraser, who published an order expressive of
his high approval of the condition in which he found the regiment.
On the 23rd of the same month they were inspected by Major-General
Sir John Moore, who conveyed in an order his approval of their
appearance.
“As one of the objects I have in view is to point out such
characteristic traits of disposition, principle, and habits as may
be in any way interesting, I shall notice the following circumstance
which occurred while this regiment lay at Hythe. In the month of
June orders were issued for one field-officer and four subalterns to
join the first battalion in India. The day before the field-officer
fixed on for this purpose left the regiment, the soldiers held
conferences with each other in the barracks, and in the evening
several deputations were sent to him, entreating him, in the
most earnest manner, to make application either to be allowed to
remain with them or obtain permission for them to accompany him.
He returned his acknowledgments for their attachment and for their
spirited offer; but as duty required his presence in India, while
their services were at present confined to this country, they must
therefore separate for some time. The next evening, when he went from
the barracks to the town of Hythe, to take his seat in the coach
for London, two-thirds of the soldiers, and officers in the same
proportion, accompanied him, all of them complaining of being left
behind. They so crowded round the coach as to impede its progress for
a considerable length of time, till at last the guard was obliged
to desire the coachman to force his way through them. Upon this the
soldiers, who hung by the wheels, horses, harness, and coach-doors,
gave way, and allowed a passage. There was not a dry eye amongst the
younger part of them. Such a scene as this, happening to more than
600 men, and in the streets of a town, could not pass unnoticed, and
was quickly reported to General Moore, whose mind was always alive
to the advantages of mutual confidence and esteem between officers
and soldiers. The circumstance was quite suited to his chivalrous
mind. He laid the case before the Commander-in-Chief; and his Royal
Highness, with that high feeling which he has always shown when a
case has been properly represented, ordered that at present there
should be no separation, and that the field-officer should return to
the battalion in which he had so many friends ready to follow him to
the cannon’s mouth, and when brought in front of an enemy, either to
compel them to fly or perish in the field.”[490]
[Illustration: Major-General Alexander Mackenzie-Fraser.
From Painting in possession of C. J. Mackenzie, Esq. of Portmore.]
Having been ordered for foreign service, the regiment embarked
at Portsmouth on the 28th of September 1805; but, hearing that
the combined French and Spanish fleets had put to sea from Cadiz,
the transports ran into the Tagus, where they remained until
intelligence arrived of the total destruction of the enemies’
flotilla at Trafalgar. They then proceeded to Gibraltar, where they
disembarked the first battalion of the 42nd and the second battalion
of the 78th.
On the 2nd of May, 1806, the regiment embarked for Sicily, and landed
at Messina on the 25th. There it was inspected by Major-General Sir
John Stuart,[491] who, at the earnest solicitation of the spirited
Queen of Naples, had determined on an expedition to Calabria against
the French, Napoleon having annexed to his empire the kingdom of
Naples. On the 16th of June, the 78th marched and encamped in the
vicinity of Milazzo, under command of Brigadier-General Auckland.
On the 27th of June the regiment embarked at Milazzo, and, on the
1st of July, landed in the Bay of St Euphemia in Calabria without
opposition. The force at first numbered 4200, but, being further
augmented by the arrival of the 20th Regiment, the total was 4790
men, as opposed to 7000 of the enemy, with the addition of 300
cavalry. General Stuart, who expected a large accession of Calabrian
volunteers to his standard, remained at St Euphemia till the 3rd,
with the mortification of finding nothing but apathetic indifference
among the people, where he had been led to expect a chivalrous
loyalty and effectual support. On the evening of that day news was
brought to him that General Regnier lay near the village of Maida,
about ten miles distant, with a force of 4000 infantry and 300
cavalry, and that he was merely waiting for a reinforcement of 3000
men to attack the British and drive them back upon the sea. Stuart,
who had no further assistance to expect, immediately made up his
mind to attack the French before the arrival of their fresh troops,
which course would at least equalise numbers in the first instance,
and give him the chance of beating them in detail. Accordingly, he
marched the same night and halted within a short distance of the
French camp; and, renewing the march at daylight, he crossed the
River Amato, which covered the front of the enemy’s position, near
its mouth, and sent forward his skirmishers to the attack. However,
as he advanced further into the plain, the truth suddenly broke
upon him. Like Wellesley at Assaye, he had expected to encounter
merely one-half of his adversary’s force; like him, he found himself
deceived. The whole French army was before him.
Stuart was a man of action; his decision once formed, he proceeded
to act upon it. He would advance. To retreat would be certain ruin
to the expedition, as he should be forced to re-embark even if he
escaped defeat; the morale of his troops would be destroyed; and
Calabria would be left hopelessly in the hands of the French. He knew
that he had the veterans of Napoleon before him in a proportion of
nearly two to one; but he preferred to trust to a cool head, British
pluck, and British steel. The following was the disposition of his
force:--
The light brigade, Lieut.-Colonel James Kempt, was composed of the
light infantry companies of the 20th, 27th, 35th, 58th, and 81st
Regiments, of two companies of Corsican Rangers under Lieut.-Colonel
Hudson Lowe, and of 150 chosen men of the 35th Regiment under
Major George Robertson. The first brigade, Brigadier-General
Auckland, consisted of the 78th and 81st Regiments. The second,
Brigadier-General Lowrie Cole, was formed of the grenadier
companies of the 20th, 27th, 35th, 58th, and 81st, under the Hon.
Lieutenant-Colonel O’Calloghan, and the 27th Regiment. The reserve,
Colonel John Oswald, consisted of the 58th and Watteville Regiment.
Stewart, in his admirable _Sketches_, gives a most spirited and
circumstantial account of the battle; and as he himself fought on
the occasion, it has been thought better to give his narrative
entire rather than to collate from other sources, especially as the
regimental records are very destitute of information:--
“The army was drawn up, having in its rear the head of the bay, and
in its front a broad and extensive valley, level in the centre,
and bounded on both sides by high, and in some places precipitous,
hills, with woods covering their sides in many parts, and in others
with corn-fields up to a considerable height. This valley, which is
of unequal breadth, being in some places four miles and in others
not more than two, runs across the Calabrian peninsula, from St
Euphemia to Cortona on the Adriatic, intersected at intervals to
nearly one-half its breadth by high ridges, which run out at right
angles from the mountains, forming the lateral boundaries of the
plain.... On the summit of one of these ridges, at somewhat more than
four miles distant, the army of General Regnier was seen drawn up
in columns, apparently ready either to descend to the plains or to
wait the attack of the British. General Stuart had now to come to an
instant decision. Disappointed of the support of the Calabrese, of
whom not more than 1000 had joined, and these badly armed and worse
disciplined, and therefore of no use in the attack, and being also
informed that a reinforcement of 3000 men was expected by the enemy
on the following day, he had no alternative but an immediate advance
or a retreat, either to the ships or to some strong position.
“To retreat was little congenial to the spirit of the commander; and
accordingly, actuated by the same confidence in his little army which
had encouraged him to engage in the enterprise, he resolved upon
advancing, little aware that the expected addition to the enemy’s
force had already taken place. While General Stuart’s ignorance of
this fact confirmed his resolution to attempt the strong position
of the enemy, the consciousness of superior numbers gave additional
confidence to General Regnier, who, looking down upon his enemy from
his elevated position, could now count every file below; and who,
as it is said, called out to his troops to mark his confidence in
their invincible courage, and his contempt for the English, whose
presumption in landing with so small a force he was determined to
punish by driving them into the sea. Accordingly, giving orders to
march, he descended the hill in three lines, through narrow paths
in the woods, and formed on the plain below. His army consisted of
more than 7000 men, with 300 cavalry, and a considerable train of
field artillery. He drew up his troops in two parallel lines of
equal numbers, with artillery and cavalry on both flanks, and with
field-pieces placed in different parts of the line. To oppose this
force, General Stuart placed in the front line the light brigade
of Lieut.-Colonel Kempt on the right, the Highland regiment in the
centre, and the 81st on the left.
“At eight o’clock in the morning, the corps composing the first
line advanced, the enemy commencing his forward march (presenting a
parallel front) nearly at the same moment. The distance between the
armies was at the time nearly three miles, and the ground perfectly
level, intersected only by drains, to carry off the water in the
rainy season, but not so large as to intercept the advance of the
field-pieces. When the first brigade moved forward, the second halted
for a short time, and then proceeded, followed by the reserve. The
forward movement of the opposing lines lessened the intervening
distance in double ratio. The first brigade passed over several
corn-fields with parties of reapers, who eagerly pointed out the
advance of the enemy, then at a distance of less than a mile. On a
nearer approach they opened their field-pieces; and, contrary to the
usual practice of French artillery, with little effect, the greater
part of the shot passing over the first line and not reaching the
second.
“This was an interesting spectacle. Two armies in parallel lines,
in march towards each other, on a smooth and clear plain, and in
dead silence, only interrupted by the report of the enemy’s guns;
it was more like a chosen field fixed upon by a general officer
for exercise, or to exhibit a sham fight, than, as it proved, an
accidental encounter and a real battle. No two rival commanders could
ever wish for a finer field for a trial of the courage and firmness
of their respective combatants; and as there were some present who
recollected the contempt with which General Regnier, in his account
of the Egyptian expedition, had chosen to treat the British, there
was as much feeling, mixed up with the usual excitements, as,
perhaps, in any modern engagement, excepting that most important of
all modern battles, where Buonaparte for the first, and perhaps the
last time, met a British army in the field.
“To the young Highlanders, of whom nearly 600 were under age,
the officers, with very few exceptions, being equally young and
inexperienced, it was a critical moment. If we consider a formidable
line, which, from numbers, greatly outflanked our first line,
supported by an equally strong second line, the glancing of whose
bayonets was seen over the heads of the first, the advance of so
preponderating a force on the three regiments of the first brigade
(the second being considerably in the rear) was sufficiently trying,
particularly for the young Highlanders.... I have already noticed
that the enemy’s guns were not well served, and pointed too high;
not so the British. When our artillery opened, under the direction
of Major Lemoine and Captain Dougal Campbell, no practice could
be more perfect. Every shot told, and carried off a file of the
enemy’s line. When the shot struck the line, two or three files
on the right and left of the men thrown down gave way, leaving a
momentary opening before they recovered and closed up the vacancy.
The inexperienced young Highlanders, believing that all the vacant
spaces had been carried off, shouted with exultation at the evident
superiority. It is not often that in this manner two hostile lines,
in a reciprocally forward movement, at a slow but firm pace, can make
their observations while advancing, with a seeming determination to
conquer or perish on the spot. These criticisms were, however, to
be soon checked by the mutual forward movement on which they were
founded. The lines were fast closing, but with perfect regularity
and firmness. They were now within 300 yards’ distance, and a fire
having commenced between the sharp-shooters on the right, it was time
to prepare for an immediate shock. The enemy seemed to hesitate,
halted, and fired a volley. Our line also halted and returned the
salute; and when the men had reloaded, a second volley was thrown
in. The precision with which these two volleys were fired, and
their effect, were quite remarkable. When the clearing-off of the
smoke--there was hardly a breath of wind to dispel it--enabled us
to see the French line, the breaks and vacancies caused by the men
who had fallen by the fire appeared like a paling of which parts had
been thrown down or broken. On our side it was so different, that,
glancing along the rear of my regiment, I counted only 14 who had
fallen by the enemy’s fire. The smoke having cleared off so that the
enemy could be seen, the line advanced at full charge. The enemy,
with seeming resolution to stand the shock, kept perfectly steady,
till, apparently intimidated by the advance, equally rapid and firm,
of an enemy, too, who they were taught to believe would fly before
them, their hearts failed, and they faced to the right-about, and
fled with speed, but not in confusion. When they approached within
a short distance of their second line, they halted, fronted, and
opened a fire of musketry on our line, which did not follow up the
charge to any distance, but halted to allow the men to draw breath,
and to close up any small breaks in the line. They were soon ready,
however, to advance again. A constant running fire was now kept up on
the march, the enemy continuing the same, but retiring slowly as they
fired, until they threw their first line on their second. They then
seemed determined to make a resolute stand, thus giving our line the
advantage of sooner closing upon them; but they would not stand the
shock; they gave way in greater confusion than in the first instance.
They had now lost a considerable number of men.
“At this period the enemy’s cavalry attempted to charge, but either
from the horses not being properly broke, or rather from the sharp
running fire kept up in their faces, the dragoons could not, with all
their exertions, bring them to the charge. At last, finding their
efforts unavailing, they galloped round the flanks of their line to
the rear, turned their horses loose, and fought on foot.
“Both lines of the enemy were now completely intermixed, and Regnier,
who was seen riding about, and from his violent gesticulations
seemingly in great agitation, seeing himself completely foiled in his
attack on the front, and being driven back more than a mile, made
an attempt to turn the left flank. For this purpose he brought some
battalions by an oblique movement to the British left, and gained so
much on that flank that the second line (the grenadier battalions
and the 27th Regiment, which now came up under General Cole) could
not form the line in continuation. Throwing back their left, they
therefore formed an angle of about 60 degrees to the front line, and
in this position opened a most admirably directed and destructive
fire, which quickly drove back the enemy with great loss. While
in this angular formation, the fire was incessantly and admirably
sustained, till a circumstance occurred in the centre which gave the
enemy a momentary advantage, but from which they afterwards suffered
severely.
“On the side of the French there was a Swiss Regiment, commanded by
an officer of the family of Watteville, a family which had also a
regiment in our service, and in the field that day. The Watteville
Regiment in the French service was dressed in a kind of light
claret-coloured uniform, something like scarlet when much worn, and
with hats so much resembling those of the band of our Watteville’s,
that when this corps was seen advancing from their second line, the
Highlanders, in their inexperience, believed they were our own, who
had in some manner got to the front; and a word passed quickly to
cease firing. The fire had accordingly slackened, before the voice
of the mounted officers, whose elevated position enabled them to
distinguish more clearly, could be heard, and the enemy, believing
this relaxation to proceed from a different cause, advanced with
additional boldness. This brought them so close that when the men
were undeceived and recommenced firing, it was with such effect that,
in ten minutes, the front was cleared, and the enemy driven back
with great precipitation. Indeed, the precision with which the men
took their aim during the whole action was admirable, and clearly
established the perfect self-possession and coolness of their minds.
“Unwilling to break the continuity of the narrative of the
proceedings on the centre and the left, where the action was
now nearly finished, I have delayed noticing the movements of
Lieut.-Colonel Kempt’s light brigade. This corps had for some time
been exercised in a uniform manner, under the training of that
officer, and they now even exceeded the high expectations formed of
them and their spirited commander. The party of the Corsican Rangers
attached to the light infantry were on the right. When the line
advanced within reach of musketry, they were sent out on the flank
and in front to skirmish, but on the first fire from the enemy’s
sharpshooters, they retreated in great haste. This, in some cases,
would have been an inauspicious, if not a fatal commencement to a
battle, when so much was to be done, and so much superior a force to
be opposed. But here this repulse did not extend beyond those who
gave way to the panic, and the light company of the 20th Regiment,
who had the right of the line, rushed forward, and in an instant
drove off the party which had advanced on the Corsicans, but with
the loss of Captain Maclean, the only officer killed on that day. In
a few minutes after this the two hostile lines came within charge
distance; and the left of the enemy pushing forward, both lines had
nearly met, when at this momentous crisis the enemy became appalled,
broke, and endeavoured to fly, but it was too late;--they were
overtaken with most dreadful slaughter.
“I now return to the centre and left, which continued hotly engaged,
always vigorously pushing the enemy, who still endeavoured to gain
upon the flank. But in this he was frustrated by the continued
advance of the British, who preserved the same angular formation, the
first line moving directly on its original front, and the second in
an oblique direction, with its right touching the left of the first.
“The fire now slackened, the enemy having lost much ground, being
repulsed in every attempt, and having sustained an unusual, and,
indeed, altogether an extraordinary loss of men. But General Regnier,
despairing of success against Colonel Kempt’s light corps on the
right, and still pushed by the troops in the centre and left,
prepared to make a desperate push in order to take our line in flank
on the left. At this moment the 20th Regiment marched up, and formed
on the left, nearly at right angles to General Cole’s brigade.
This regiment had that morning disembarked in the bay from Sicily
(the scarcity of transports preventing their earlier arrival), and
Lieut.-Colonel Ross having landed with great promptitude the moment
he heard the firing, moved forward with such celerity, that he
reached the left of the line as the enemy were pushing round to turn
the flank. Colonel Ross formed his regiment with his right supported
by the left of the 27th, and opposed a full front to the enemy. This
reinforcement seemed to destroy all further hopes of the enemy. So
feeble was this last attempt, that when Colonel Ross ordered out 80
men to act as sharpshooters in his front, they could not face even
the small detachment.
“The battle was now over. The confidence which had animated the
enemy during the greater part of the action appeared to have at last
totally forsaken them; they gave way at all points in the greatest
confusion, numbers, to assist their speed, throwing away their arms,
accoutrements, and every encumbrance....
“The disadvantage so frequently experienced in the transmarine
expeditions of England, occasioned by the want of ships for the
conveyance of a sufficient number of troops, was now severely felt;
for though the field was most favourable for the operations of
cavalry, that arm was, on the present occasion, totally wanting. As
soon as the ships had landed the infantry at St. Euphemia, they were
ordered back for the cavalry, who arrived the day after the battle.
Few victories, however, have been more complete, and as under equal
advantages of ground, of discipline in the troops, and ability in the
commanders, a hard fought battle is the most honourable, if gained
with little loss to the victors, and with great destruction to the
vanquished, so that engagement must be particularly so, in which a
greatly superior force is totally routed with a loss in killed of
more than 30 to 1: that is, on the present occasion with a loss of
1300 killed of the French to 41 killed of the British.
“The disparity of numbers being so great, the proofs of courage and
other military qualities, on the part of the victors, are conclusive.
Equally decisive were the advantages on the side of the victors in
regard to the subsequent operations of the campaign; for while the
English army was, on the following morning, but little diminished,
and quite prepared to meet a fresh opponent, if such could have been
brought against it, the enemy were so dispirited that on no after
occasion did they attempt to make a stand, which indeed their reduced
numbers rendered impossible. Their loss was 1300 killed and 1100
wounded, left on the field, besides the slightly wounded who retired
to the rear. Upwards of 200 of the latter were taken afterwards in
the hospital at Cotrone, on the opposite coast of the Adriatic.
“The loss of the Highlanders was 7 rank and file killed;
Lieut.-Colonel Patrick M’Leod, Major David Stewart, Captains Duncan
Macpherson and Duncan Macgregor, Lieutenant James Mackay, Ensigns
Colin Mackenzie and Peter Macgregor, 4 sergeants, 1 drummer, and 69
rank and file wounded.”
The British minister at the Sicilian court thus alluded to the battle
in his despatch:--“There is not to be found in the annals of military
transactions an enterprise prepared with more deliberate reflection
or executed with greater decision, promptitude, and success, than the
late invasion of Calabria by Sir John Stuart. I trust, therefore, you
will not think me presumptuous for venturing to add my testimony of
the high sense entertained by this court of the merits of the British
General and of his gallant army, who, on the fertile plains of Maida,
have added new trophies to those which the same troops had formerly
earned, from the same enemy, on the sandy regions of Egypt.”
The King of the Two Sicilies created Sir John Stuart, Count of Maida.
In England he received the thanks of Parliament, a pension of £1000
per annum, the Order of the Bath, a sword of honour, and the freedom
of the city of London.
In commemoration of this victory a gold medal was struck, and
conferred upon all the superior officers who were present.
The troops were re-embarked on the 2nd of August, and on the
night of the 9th the regiment made Messina harbour, and having
been disembarked, was ordered to take over quarters in the town
of Taormina, where it became subjected to the consequences of
its fatigues and privations during the late campaign, frequently
suffering from ill-health to the extent of from twenty to thirty men
per month. On the 13th of October, however, it was ordered round to
Syracuse, where it arrived on the 17th, and remained during the rest
of its stay in Sicily, until it was ordered to embark and join the
Egyptian expedition.
Early in 1807 an armament was fitted out in Sicily for the purpose of
occupying Alexandria, Rosetta, and the adjoining coast of Egypt. The
force on this occasion consisted of a detachment of artillery, the
20th Light Dragoons, the 31st, 35th, 78th, and De Rolle’s regiment,
and the corps of Chasseurs Britanniques, all under the command of
Major-General Mackenzie-Fraser. The expedition sailed on the 6th
of March, but, encountering bad weather, the “Apollo” frigate and
nineteen transports were separated from the fleet. The remainder,
with the commodore, anchored on the 16th off the Arab’s Tower to the
west of Alexandria. General Fraser, in consequence of the absence of
so large a proportion of his force, hesitated about landing; but,
being pressed by Major Misset, the British resident, who informed him
that the inhabitants were favourably disposed, and that there were
not more than 500 men in garrison, he disembarked his troops on the
17th and 18th. On the morning of the 19th took up a position on the
same ground that the British army occupied in March 1801. The town,
on being summoned, surrendered the next day, and in the evening the
other transports anchored in Aboukir bay. Vice-Admiral Duckworth,
with a fleet from the Dardanelles, arrived in the bay on the 22nd.
On the 27th of March a detachment, under Major-General Wauchope
and Brigadier-General Meade, took possession, without opposition,
of the forts and heights of Abûmandûr, a little above Rosetta.
The capture of this place was the next object. General Wauchope,
unconscious of danger, marched into the town at the head of the 31st
Regiment. Not a human being was to be seen in the streets, nor was
a sound to be heard. The troops wended their way through the narrow
and deserted streets towards an open space or market-place in the
centre of the town; but they had not proceeded more than half-way
when the portentous silence was broken by showers of musketry from
every house, from the first floor to the roof. Cooped up in these
narrow lanes, the troops were unable to return the fire with any
effect, nor, amidst the smoke in which they were enveloped, could
they see their assailants, and could only guess their position from
the flashes of their guns. They had, therefore, no alternative but
to retire as speedily as possible; but, before they had extricated
themselves, General Wauchope was killed, and nearly 300 officers and
soldiers were killed and wounded. General Meade was among the wounded.
After this repulse the troops returned to Alexandria; but General
Fraser, resolved upon the capture of Rosetta, sent back a second
detachment, consisting of the 35th, 78th, and De Rolle’s regiment,
under the command of Brigadier-General the Hon. William Stewart
and Colonel Oswald. This detachment, after some skirmishing, took
possession of Abûmandûr on the 7th of April, and on the following day
Rosetta was summoned to surrender, but without effect. Batteries were
therefore speedily erected, and a position was taken up between the
Nile and the gate of Alexandria; but, from the paucity of the troops,
it was found impossible to invest the town on all sides, or prevent a
free communication across the Nile to the Delta. The batteries opened
their fire; but with no other effect than damaging some of the houses.
The enemy having erected some batteries on the Delta for the purpose
of taking the British batteries in flank, Major James Macdonell of
the 78th, with 250 men, under Lieutenant John Robertson, and 40
seamen from the Tigre, were detached on the 16th across the river,
opposite to Abûmandûr, to destroy these batteries. To conceal his
movements, Major Macdonell made a considerable circuit, and coming
upon the rear of the batteries at sunrise, attacked the enemy, and
driving him from the batteries, turned the guns upon the town. But
as the enemy soon collected in considerable force, he destroyed the
batteries, and embarking the guns, recrossed the river with only four
men wounded.
General Stewart had been daily looking for a reinforcement of
Mamelukes from Upper Egypt; but he was disappointed in this
expectation. While a detachment of De Rolle’s, under Major Vogelsang
of that regiment, occupied El Hamet, another detachment, consisting
of five companies of the Highlanders, two of the 35th Regiment, and
a few cavalry and artillery under Lieut.-Colonel Macleod, was sent
on the 20th to occupy a broad dyke or embankment, which, with a dry
canal, runs between the Nile and the Lake Etko, a distance of about
two miles. On reaching his destination, Colonel Macleod stationed his
men, amounting to 720, in three divisions, with an equal number of
dragoons and artillery between each. One of these he disposed on the
banks of the Nile, another in the centre, and the third upon the dry
canal.
Meanwhile the enemy was meditating an attack on the position, and
on the morning of the 21st, while numerous detached bodies of their
cavalry began to assemble round the British posts, a flotilla of
about 70 djerms or large boats full of troops was observed slowly
descending the Nile. With the intention of concentrating his force,
and of retreating if necessary to the camp at Rosetta, Colonel
Macleod proceeded to the post on the right, occupied by a company of
the 35th and the Highland grenadiers. He had not, however, sufficient
time to accomplish this object, as the enemy left their boats with
great rapidity; and while they advanced on the left and centre
posts, their cavalry, with a body of Albanian infantry, surrounded
the right of the position, and attacked it furiously at all points.
Colonel Macleod formed his men into a square, which, for a long
time, resisted every effort of the enemy. Had this handful of men
been attacked in one or two points only, they might have charged the
enemy; but they were so completely surrounded that they could not
venture to charge to any front of the square, as they would have
been assailed in the rear the moment they faced round. At every
successive charge made by the cavalry, who attempted, at the point of
the bayonets, to cut down the troops, the square was lessened, the
soldiers closing in upon the vacancies as their comrades fell. These
attacks, though irregular, were bold, and the dexterity with which
the assailants handled their swords proved fatal to the British.
This unequal contest continued till Colonel Macleod and all the
officers and men were killed, with the exception of Captain Colin
Mackay of the 78th and eleven Highlanders, and as many more of the
35th.[492] With this small band, Captain Mackay, who was severely
wounded, determined to make a desperate push to join the centre, and
several succeeded in the attempt; but the rest were either killed or
wounded. Captain Mackay received two wounds, and was about reaching
the post when an Arab horseman cut at his neck with such force that
his head would have been severed from his body, had not the blow been
in some measure neutralised by the cape of his coat and a stuffed
neckcloth. The sabre, however, cut to the bone, and the captain fell
flat on the ground, when he was taken up by Sergeant (afterwards
Lieutenant) Waters, who alone escaped unhurt, and carried by him to
the post.
During their contest with the right, the enemy made little exertions
against the other posts; but when, by the destruction of the first,
they had gained an accession of disposable force, they made a warm
onset on the centre. An attempt was at first made to oppose them;
but the commanding officer soon saw that resistance was hopeless,
and desirous of saving the lives of his men, he hung out a white
handkerchief as a signal of surrender. The firing accordingly ceased,
and the left, following the example of the centre, also surrendered.
A general scramble of a most extraordinary kind now ensued amongst
the Turks for prisoners, who, according to their custom, became
the private property of the captors. In this _melée_ the British
soldiers were pulled about with little ceremony, till the more active
amongst the Turkish soldiery had secured their prey, after which
they were marched a little distance up the river, where the captors
were paid seven dollars for every prisoner they had taken. Some of
the horsemen, less intent upon prize-money than their companions,
amused themselves by galloping about, each with the head of a British
soldier stuck upon the point of his lance.
When General Stewart was informed of the critical situation of
Colonel Macleod’s detachment, he marched towards Etko, expecting
that it would retreat in that direction; but not falling in with
it he proceeded to El Hamet, where, on his arrival, he learned
its unfortunate fall. With a force so much reduced by the recent
disaster, and in the face of an enemy emboldened by success and daily
increasing in numbers, it was vain to think of reducing Rosetta,
and therefore General Stewart determined to return to Alexandria.
He accordingly commenced his retreat, followed by the enemy, who
sallied out from Rosetta; but although the sandy plain over which
he marched was peculiarly favourable to their cavalry, they were
kept in effectual check by the 35th and the 78th. No further hostile
operations were attempted; and the prisoners, who had been sent to
Cairo, having been released by capitulation, the whole army embarked
for Sicily on the 22nd of September.
The loss of the 78th at El Hamet was 159 men, with Lieut.-Colonel
Patrick Macleod, younger of Geanies, Lieutenants William Mackenzie
Dick, Christopher Macrae, and Archibald Christie, killed. The
officers taken prisoners were Captain Colin Campbell Mackay
(severely wounded), Lieutenants John Matheson, Malcolm Macgregor,
Alexander Gallie, P. Ryrie and Joseph Gregory (wounded), with
Assistant-Surgeon Alexander Leslie.
“The death of Lieut.-Colonel Macleod was sincerely regretted by the
battalion which he had hitherto commanded since its formation, and
confirmed by his own example. He ever laboured to render the relative
duties of officers and men merely habitual; his chief object was to
establish a high character to his corps, and those common interests
by which he found means to unite every individual. The regiment still
embraces his memory, which, combined with every pleasing retrospect
to our little history, shall long be cherished amongst us with
feelings of fraternal attachment and sincere respect.”[493]
[Illustration: Colonel Patrick Macleod of Geanies.
From the original Painting by Raeburn, in possession of Colin
Mackenzie, Esq. of Portmore.]
After returning to Sicily, the 78th joined an expedition under Sir
John Moore, intended for Lisbon; but the regiment was withdrawn, and
ordered to England, where it landed, and was marched to Canterbury in
the spring of 1808.
About this time several changes took place amongst the field-officers
of the regiment. Lieutenant-Colonel Hercules Scott of the 1st
battalion was removed to the 103d Regiment, and was succeeded by
Major John Macleod from the 56th. Major David Stewart was promoted
to the lieutenant-colonelcy of the Royal West India Rangers, and was
succeeded by Major Robert Hamilton from the 79th Highlanders.
Shortly after the return of the regiment to England, it obtained a
considerable accession of recruits raised from several Scotch militia
regiments, chiefly from that of Perthshire, by Major David Stewart,
who, in consequence of a wound received at Maida, had been obliged
to return to Scotland. A detachment of 400 men, including 350 of the
newly-raised men (of whom 280 were six feet in height and upwards,
and of a proportionate strength of limb and person), was drafted to
reinforce the second battalion in India. The remainder of the second
battalion was then removed from Little Hampton, in Sussex, where they
had been for a short time quartered, to the Isle of Wight, where
they remained till August 1809, when a detachment of 370 men, with
officers and non-commissioned officers, was sent on the unfortunate
expedition to Walcheren, being incorporated with a battalion
commanded by the Honourable Lieutenant-Colonel Cochrane. The men
suffered greatly from fever and ague, which affected the rest of the
troops, and were so emaciated that they did not recover their usual
strength till the following year. Another draft of all the men fit
for service in India was made in 1810, and joined the first battalion
at Goa on the eve of the departure of the expedition against Batavia
in 1811.
Lieut.-General Mackenzie-Fraser had had the command of a division
in the Walcheren expedition, but the fever spared neither rank nor
age, and the gallant and veteran colonel of the Ross-shire Buffs
was struck down, and expired, to the inexpressible grief of the
regiment, with which he had been connected since it was first raised.
“’Twas now that we were doomed to sustain a loss, which was keenly
felt by every rank, in the death of Lieut.-General Mackenzie-Fraser,
adored in our first battalion, to whom his virtues were more
particularly known; the same manifest qualities could not fail to
have endeared him to every member of the second, and to draw from it
a genuine tribute of heart-felt regret, whilst it mingles with the
public voice its filial homage to the memory of such uncommon worth.
Individually we lament the departure of a father and a friend--as
a regiment we would weep over the ashes of the most beloved of
colonels! Although the undeviating advocate of discipline and good
order, never did the star of rank impose a humiliating deference
upon those whose affection and esteem he never failed to secure by
his boundless benevolence and gentle manners. To indulge in this
heart-felt eulogy is not peculiarly our province--his country has
already weighed his value--and in its acknowledgments he has amply
received what was ever the proudest meed of his soul.”[494]
Lieut.-General Sir James Craig succeeded to the command of the
regiment on the 15th of September 1809, and on his death, about
eighteen months afterwards, the colonelcy was conferred on Sir Samuel
Auchmuty.
On the 10th of January, the same day that it landed, the 78th marched
to Oudenbosch, the head-quarters of Sir Thomas Graham,[495] and his
force of 8000 men, and the following day proceeded to Rosendaal, and
thence to Calmpthout. General Bülow had established his headquarters
at Breda, and the object of the allied commanders was the investiture
and reduction of Antwerp, and the destruction of the docks and
shipping. On the 12th Colonel Macleod was ordered to march, so as
to come up with the division of Major-General Kenneth Mackenzie,
then moving upon Capelle, and arrived just before dark, when,
notwithstanding a most fatiguing day’s march, it was found that only
three men had fallen out. On the 13th the division was under arms
an hour before daylight, and on the arrival of Sir Thomas Graham,
Colonel John Macleod was appointed to the command of a brigade,
consisting of the 25th (2nd battalion), 33rd, 56th, and 78th, when
the command of the latter regiment devolved on Lieut.-Colonel
Lindsay. The divisions of Majors-General Kenneth Mackenzie and Cooke,
with their guns, were put in motion about 8 o’clock, on the road to
Eeckeren, with the intention of feeling the environs of Antwerp, and
reconnoitring the position of the enemy’s fleet, in conjunction with
the advance of General Bülow’s corps. It was deemed necessary for
this purpose to dispossess the enemy of the village of Merxem, within
a few hundred yards of the outworks, and this service was confided by
Major-General Mackenzie to Colonel Macleod.
The 78th, previously the left centre battalion of the brigade,
was now brought to the front, by the special order of Sir Thomas
Graham; and its light company, together with that of the 95th (rifle
regiment), commenced skirmishing with the enemy among the hedges
and thick underwood in advance, and to the left of the road. The
regiment then moved forward in oblique échelon through the fields
on the right, and formed line on the leading division. In advancing
it became exposed to the fire of the enemy’s sharp-shooters, who
were firing from behind the hedges in front, the light companies of
the 78th and 95th, having uncovered to the left when the line moved
forward. It, however, wisely reserved its fire, as it would have
had but little effect from the formation of the ground, which was
completely intersected with hedges and frozen ditches; but a full
view of the enemy was shortly after obtained in a small field close
to the village. They appeared to be numerous, but retired before the
fire of the 78th, which now opened and appeared to gall them very
much. Colonel Macleod, seeing the necessity of an immediate assault,
ordered up the Highlanders, who, without a moment’s hesitation,
rushed forward at the charge, and falling upon the enemy, drove
them through and beyond the village. The light company had crossed
the Breda Chaussée (which intersected the advance of the battalion,
and forms the principle street of the village), and making a detour
round that part of the village beyond it, swept everything before
it, and came up on the flank of the battalion, which had arrived
on the Antwerp side. “Every appearance at the time, and subsequent
accounts from sources likely to be correct, give reason to believe
that there were upwards of 3000 men (the French themselves admit of 4
battalions), put to the most shameful flight by the 78th, not quite
300 men, and about 40 riflemen; and it may be assumed that the panic
struck that day into the garrison of Antwerp prevented any subsequent
sortie from the garrison till the day it was given up.”
In their determined and steady onslaught, the 78th was exposed on
both flanks to the fire of the enemy who were posted in houses
commanding the entrance to the village, and had the regiment
hesitated in its movements, their loss must have been very severe;
but the rapidity with which they carried out their orders ensured
success with a comparatively small loss. The enemy left a large
number of killed and wounded in the street, and the regiment took
25 prisoners. Among the dead was found the body of the French
Général-de-division, Avy, said to have been an excellent officer. The
loss of the regiment in killed was Ensign James Ormsby, who carried
the regimental colour, with nine rank and file left on the field;
Lieutenant William Mackenzie, who was mortally wounded through the
body, and died next morning upon the waggons, going to Calmpthout.
Colonel Macleod was very severely wounded in the arm; and Captain
Sime and Lieutenants Bath and Chisholm were also severely wounded.
Lieutenant Mackenzie was extremely regretted by his brother officers,
as he was a young man of a clear and strong mind, and a most
promising officer.
His Excellency Sir Thomas Graham, in a general order of January
13th, spoke of the conduct of the 78th and other regiments engaged
in the highest terms. “No veteran troops,” he said, “ever behaved
better than these men, who met the enemy the first time, and whose
discipline and gallantry reflect great credit on themselves and their
officers.”
This was the only enterprise in which the Highlanders were engaged in
the Netherlands. Their duties, until the return of the battalion to
Scotland in 1816, were confined to the ordinary details of garrison
duty at Brussels, Nieuwpoort, and other places.
In the month of March 1815, when in daily expectation of returning to
England, accounts were received of the change of affairs in France.
Napoleon had returned from Elba, the Bourbons had fled, and the
hundred days had commenced. Orders were therefore issued immediately
for the army to be in readiness to take the field.
Nieuwpoort, a garrison town, nine miles from Ostend, and regarded
as a frontier fortress, had been suffered to fall into a state of
dilapidation when in the hands of the French, and since it had come
into the possession of the government of the Netherlands, they had
done nothing towards placing it in an efficient state for defence.
A company of German artillery, with some guns and stores, was sent
there on the 19th of March, and the 2nd battalion of the 78th,
mustering about 250 effective men, followed on the 22nd, when the
garrison was placed under the command of Colonel Macleod. Little
respite from duty or labour was to be expected until the place was
put out of all danger of being taken by a coup-de-main. On the 24th
the garrison was augmented by a Hanoverian battalion, of between 500
and 600 men, and the works progressed so quickly, that they were
completed and inspected by His Grace the Duke of Wellington on the
17th of April. At this time the battalion was the least effective
British regiment in the Netherlands in point of numbers, and when the
army commenced its operations, it was so much further reduced by the
unhealthiness of its station, as to have 70, 80, and finally 100 men
totally disabled by ague. It was therefore, unhappily, condemned to
the daily routine of garrison duty and labour, and did not share in
that glorious campaign which culminated in the victory of Waterloo.
After repeated representations to the authorities of the extreme
unhealthiness of their quarters, and the alarming increase of the
numbers on the sick list, the matter happened to come to the ears of
the commander of the forces, when His Grace ordered the immediate
removal of the 78th to Brussels. Here it remained for more than
three months. During its former stay it had greatly ingratiated
itself with the inhabitants, and on the present occasion, as soon
as the rumour of its departure was circulated among them, they did
all they could to have the order rescinded. Failing this, the Mayor
of the city was called upon to make, in their name, the following
declaration:--
“As Mayor of Brussels, I have pleasure in declaring that the Scotch
Highlanders, who were garrisoned in the city during the years 1814
and 1815, called forth the attachment and esteem of all by the
mildness and suavity of their manners and excellent conduct, insomuch
that a representation was made to me by the inhabitants, requesting
me to endeavour to detain the 78th regiment of Scotchmen in the town,
and to prevent their being replaced by other troops.”
Brussels was the last quarters of the battalion before its return
home, but the same spirit as that breathed in the above testimony
had been apparent in every part of the country. In no town was the
regiment stationed where the inhabitants did not hail its advent with
pleasure, and witness its departure with regret.
“This battalion was no more employed except on garrison duties, in
the course of which the men conducted themselves so as to secure the
esteem of the people of Flanders; as their countrymen of the Black
Watch had done seventy years before. It is interesting to observe, at
such distant periods, the similarity of character on the one hand,
and of feelings of respect on the other. In examining the notices of
what passed in 1744 and 1745, we find that an inhabitant of Flanders
was happy to have a Highlander quartered in his house, as he was
not only kind and peaceable in his own demeanour, but protected his
host from the depredations and rudeness of others. We find also that
in Germany, in 1761 and 1762, in regard to Keith’s Highlanders,
much was said of ‘the kindness of their dispositions in everything,
for the boors were much better treated by those _savages_, than by
the polished French and English.’ When such accounts are read and
compared with those of what passed in 1814 and 1815, in which it
is stated that ‘they were kind as well as brave’--‘enfans de la
famille’--‘Lions in the field, and lambs in the house;’--when these
accounts of remote and recent periods are compared, they display a
steadiness of principle not proceeding from accidental occurrences,
but the result of natural dispositions originally humane and
honourable.
“It is only justice to mention, that it was the conduct of this
battalion, for eighteen months previous to June 1815, that laid the
foundation of that favourable impression in the Netherlands, which
was confirmed by the 42nd, and the other Highland regiments who
had arrived only just previous to the battle of Waterloo, so that
little could have been known to the Flemish of what their conduct
in quarters might prove. Enough was known, however, to cause a
competition among the inhabitants who should receive them into their
houses.”[496]
On the 24th of December, orders had been received to reduce the
regiment by four companies, and the supernumerary officers had
proceeded home.
The six remaining companies marched from Brussels, on the 5th of
February, 1816, to Ostend, where they embarked for England, three
companies sailing on the 10th, and three on the 11th. The right wing
landed at Ramsgate on the 12th, and was ordered to march immediately
to Deal Barracks. The left wing arrived at Ramsgate on the 16th, and
was forwarded to Canterbury, where it was joined by the right wing
next day.
Major-General Sir George Cooke, K.C.B., having been ordered to
inspect the regiment, and report upon the number of men fit for
service in India, and those to be discharged or placed in veteran
battalions, found 20 sergeants, 9 drummers, and 253 rank and file fit
for Indian service; and this being reported to the Horse Guards, the
men were ordered to be held in readiness for embarkation, to join the
1st battalion.
An order for reducing the 2nd battalion was received from the Horse
Guards, and carried into effect on the 29th of February 1816, the
effective non-commissioned officers and men being transferred to the
1st battalion.
The colours of the regiment were presented to Colonel Macleod by Sir
Samuel Auchmuty, the colonel of the regiment, to be by him preserved
as “a pledge of the mutual attachment which subsisted between himself
and the battalion.”
To the records of the 2nd battalion Colonel Macleod appended the
following remarks:--
“Colonel Macleod, in reading over the history of the 2nd battalion of
the 78th Regiment, and considering its progress and termination under
such happy circumstances, would do violence to his own feelings did
he not subjoin his testimony to the interesting narrative in which
he bore his share for nine years of the period. Were he capable of
doing justice to his sentiments on a review of the proceedings of
that period of his services in the battalion, those results from the
grateful and best feelings of his heart must render the expression of
them impracticable.
“To record the merits of all the officers that served under him
would be unavailing, but he will sum up with an assertion, that no
commanding officer in His Majesty’s service has the pride to boast of
never having for nine years found it necessary to place an officer
under arrest; that no regulation for the discipline of the army had
ever been violated, and that in every instance the rules of good
breeding regulated the discharge of the duties of the officer and
the gentleman; he never witnessed a dispute at the mess-table, nor
ever heard of a quarrel from it: with what pleasure must he ever meet
those who contributed so much to his personal comforts as a friend,
and pride as an officer.
“To the conduct of the non-commissioned officers and men his
exultation is equally due in their degree; their order and discipline
on every occasion attracted the notice and approbation of general
officers and inhabitants in quarters, and their marked admiration in
the field. For their individual and collective attachment to him, he
must ever consider them the dutiful children of a fond parent....
“As a lasting testimony of his approbation, and thanks to
Lieut.-Colonel Lindsay, Major Macpherson, Major Colin Mackay, Lieut.
and Adjutant Smith, Lieut. Chisholm, Quartermaster Gunn, and Surgeon
Munro, the field officers and staff who so ably assisted him in the
more immediate discharge of his duties at the concluding services of
the battalion, he desires that their names, as well as that of every
officer composing the battalion, may be inserted in this conclusion
of the narrative. He will retain a copy of it to remind him of those
who have been his faithful friends, his valuable associates, and
sharers in his everlasting esteem.”
The reduction having been carried into effect, and the claims of the
men to be discharged settled, the dépôt proceeded to Aberdeen, where
it remained quartered till July 1817, when it was joined by the 1st
battalion newly returned from India, and the two battalions of the
78th were once more consolidated.
On the 13th of July 1817, the 1st battalion landed at Aberdeen, and
marched into barracks occupied by the dépôt of the 2nd battalion,
with which it was immediately amalgamated, and the regiment has
since remained as a single battalion. The regiment, now consisting
of 638 rank and file, maintained its headquarters at Aberdeen, with
detachments at Perth, and Forts George, William, and Augustus.[497]
Having received a route for Ireland, the headquarters marched from
Aberdeen on the 31st of October, embarked at Port Patrick on the
22nd of November, and a few hours later landed at Donaghadee. Thence
the regiment proceeded to Belfast, and having there received orders
for Mullingar, it marched thither, and arrived at its destination
on the 3rd of December; headquarters and four companies remained at
Mullingar, and the remaining five (the 5th company being still in
India), under Lieut.-Colonel Lindsay, proceeded to Tullamore, two
small detachments being sent to Ballymahon and Longford.
We need not follow the movements of the 78th during its stay in
Ireland for nearly nine years, during which time it was broken
up into numerous detachments, stationed at various small towns
throughout the country, for the purpose of keeping in check the many
disturbers of the peace with whom the country was at this period
infested. Wherever the regiment was stationed while in Ireland
at this time, it invariably won the good-will and respect of the
magistrates and people. When about to leave Mullingar, in June 1819,
an extremely flattering series of resolutions was sent to Colonel
Macleod by a meeting of magistrates and gentlemen held at Trim.
In October 1818 the Highland Society of London presented to the
regiment twenty-five copies of the Poems of Ossian in Gaelic, “to be
disposed of by the commanding officer of the regiment in such manner
as he may judge most expedient, and as best calculated to promote the
views of the Society.” At the same time the secretary of the Highland
Society conveyed the high respect which the Society entertained “for
that national and distinguished corps and the wish on their part that
it may long continue to cherish, as it now does, the noble sentiments
of the patriotic Ossian.” We need scarcely say that these sentiments
were warmly reciprocated by Colonel Macleod, who then commanded the
78th. About a year after this, in September 1819, Colonel Macleod
was promoted to the rank of major-general, and was succeeded in the
command of the regiment by Lieutenant-Colonel Lindsay, who, on the
reduction of the establishment of the regiment in September 1818, had
been placed on half-pay.
The regiment was reviewed by the Right Honourable Sir David Baird,
Commander of the Forces,[498] on the 24th of July, when its
appearance and steadiness called forth his highest approbation.
On the 11th of August 1822, Lieutenant-General Sir Samuel Auchmuty,
G.C.B., colonel of the regiment, died in Dublin, having been, a short
time previously, appointed to the command of the forces in Ireland.
He was succeeded in the regiment by Major-General Sir Edward Barnes,
K.C.B.
When the regiment left Kilkenny for Dublin, in August 1824, a
letter was received from the grand jury of the county Kilkenny,
expressive of their high sense of the good conduct of the regiment
during its stay of two years and a half in that county, and of their
satisfaction at the unanimity which had at all times prevailed
between them and the inhabitants. The regiment would have changed
its station the preceding year, but was allowed to remain at the
particular request of the gentlemen of the county. Lieut.-Colonel
Lindsay was appointed a magistrate of the counties of Kilkenny and
Carlow, and Captain Lardy a magistrate of Carlow.
On the 13th of January 1826, the regiment moved from Fermoy to Cork.
Orders were received on the 26th of January for the regiment to hold
itself in readiness to embark for Ceylon, in consequence of which
four service companies and six dépôt companies were immediately
formed. On the 7th of March new arms were issued to the six service
companies, and a selection of the old ones made for the dépôt. The
old arms had been in possession more than nine years, but not having
been originally good, were considered unfit to be taken to a foreign
station. Some of the arms issued as new had been previously for a
short time in the possession of the 42nd Highlanders.
The service companies of the regiment embarked at the Cove of Cork on
board three ships, which sailed together on the morning of the 23rd
of April, and arrived at Colombo on the 9th, the 17th, and the 28th
of August respectively, after a favourable passage.
The regiment remained in garrison at Colombo, from its disembarkation
until the 2nd of October 1828, when the first division marched for
Kandy.
“It was a great satisfaction to the officers of the regiment, to
receive from the officers of the civil service their testimony to the
good conduct of the men, that during nearly three years’ residence in
Kandy no complaint had ever been made of ill treatment or injustice
by them to any of the natives.”
On the 2nd of August 1831, the regiment received routes for
four companies to Trincomalee, and to Galle. The companies for
Trincomalee, with the headquarters, disembarked at their destination
on the 22nd of August.
A year after its arrival the station was attacked by cholera in its
most malignant form, and the regiment suffered severely.
The crisis of the disease, both in the fort and in the hulk, was from
the night of the 22nd to that of the 24th; in these 48 hours 25 men
died. The cases after that became gradually fewer and less virulent,
and, by the 2nd of November, the disease may be said to have entirely
left the fort, though it continued to rage among the natives outside
for a month or six weeks longer. Altogether, in the 78th, there were
attacked 132 men, 10 women, and 3 children, and of these there died
56 men, 2 women, and 1 child.
The regiment, after this lamentable visitation, became tolerably
healthy, and continued so during the remainder of its stay at
Trincomalee; it returned to Colombo in October and November 1834, and
remained there until September 1835, when it was ordered to Kandy.
Colonel Lindsay having embarked on leave of absence to England on the
11th of April 1836, the command of the regiment devolved on Major
Douglas, who eventually succeeded to the lieutenant-colonelcy, on
Colonel Lindsay selling out in April 1837.
The regiment remained in Kandy, detaching a company to Nuwera Ellia,
until the orders were received for its return to England on the 28th
of March 1837; and on the 1st and 3rd of August it marched in two
divisions to Colombo. At the different inspections, Sir John Wilson,
the Major-General commanding, expressed his satisfaction with the
general appearance and conduct of the regiment, and previous to the
embarkation on its return to England, he issued an order conveying
the high opinion he had formed of officers and men during their
service in Ceylon.
Two companies had embarked on board the “Numa” transport on the
15th of May, and on the 2nd of September following the headquarters
embarked on board the “Barossa” transport, and sailed next day.
The deaths which took place during the service of the regiment
in Ceylon were--Captains Macleod and Lardy, Paymaster Chisholm,
and Assistant-Surgeon Duncan, with 295 men. Detachments had been
received at various periods, but of the original number embarked
from England, 1 field officer, 2 captains, 1 subaltern, 2 regimental
staff, 3 sergeants, 4 drummers, and 208 rank and file returned. The
total strength of the regiment on embarkation for England was--1
lieutenant-colonel, 5 captains, 9 subalterns, 3 regimental staff, 30
sergeants, 10 drummers, and 363 rank and file.
The headquarters landed at Limerick on the 9th of February 1838.
The division in the “Numa” transport had previously landed at the
same place in November 1837, both vessels having been driven into
the Shannon by stress of weather and shortness of provisions. In
the headquarters’ ship, owing to its being later in the season, the
officers and men suffered more severely from the intense cold and wet.
The detachment in the “Numa” transport, after landing, had joined
the dépôt at Cork, and the headquarters, after remaining three weeks
in Limerick to recover from the general debility occasioned by their
late sufferings, marched to Buttevant, where the service and dépôt
companies were reunited.
The regiment brought home a young elephant (an elephant being the
regimental badge), which had been presented to the officers in Kandy
by Major Firebrace of the 58th, and which had been trained to march
at the head of the band.
Orders having been given to permit volunteers to be transferred to
the 71st, 85th, and 93rd Regiments, to complete these corps previous
to their embarking for America, 23 men volunteered to the 71st, and
38 to the 85th; 28 men were discharged as unfit for further service,
thus leaving the regiment 183 below its establishment.
The regiment having been ordered to Glasgow, embarked in steamers at
Cork, and landed in two divisions on the 8th of June 1838. In Glasgow
it remained until August 1839, when it was ordered to Edinburgh. The
establishment had been completed in June, and in August the order for
augmenting regiments to 800 rank and file was promulgated, when the
regiment recommenced recruiting, and finally completed its number in
January 1840.
On the 17th of July the regiment embarked at Glasgow for Liverpool,
where it arrived on the 22nd. Headquarters were at Burnley, and
detachments were sent out to various places.
The regiment remained thus detached, in consequence of disturbances
which had taken place in the manufacturing towns of Lancashire,
until the 23rd of June 1841, when it was moved to Manchester. This
was the first time the regiment had been together since its return
from Ceylon. It left Manchester for Dublin on the 19th of November,
and on the 1st of April 1842, it re-embarked for Liverpool, and
proceeded by train to Canterbury, where it arrived on the 8th, having
been ordered to hold itself in readiness for India. Volunteers were
received from the 72nd, 79th, 92nd, and 93rd Highlanders, and from
the 55th Regiment. The embarkation, on board six ships, was very
hurried, owing to the disastrous news received from India.
The elephant, which had been brought from Ceylon, was presented to
the Zoological Society of Edinburgh, previous to the regiment leaving
Dublin.
The 78th sailed from Gravesend about the end of May, in various
ships, and had arrived in Bombay by the 30th of July, with the
exception of the “Lord Lynedoch,” which did not arrive until a month
after. The regiment landed at Panwel, _en route_ for Poonah, marching
by the same road that it took in 1803, when proceeding to reinstate
the Peishwah on his musnud.
The regiment was quartered in Poonah until the 7th of April 1843,
when it was ordered to Sindh. The right wing marched on the 7th.
Lieutenant-Colonel Douglas being ordered on special duty to Sindh,
the command of the regiment was taken over by Major Forbes. After
several contradictory orders, a final order was received at
Khandallah, to leave the families and heavy baggage, and embark
immediately at Panwel for Kurrâchee. There the headquarters and five
companies landed on the 20th of May. The left wing having joined
from Bombay after the rains, the regiment marched for Sukhur in two
divisions. There was no beaten track, and native guides were procured
to lead the column, but even these frequently went astray. The march
was sometimes through dreary wastes of heavy sand, dotted with the
cactus and other bushes, and at other times through the dry bed of
a river. Frequently, when the regiment halted, there was no sign of
water to be seen, but by digging a few feet down, in certain spots,
the water would suddenly well up, and in a short time form a little
pond. The water would subside again after some hours, but men, camp
followers, and cattle, received their supply, and the skins and other
vessels would meanwhile be filled. The regiment marched into Sukhur
apparently in excellent health, but disease must have been contracted
on the way up, when passing through swampy tracts where the heat of
the sun had engendered malaria.
“The excitement of the march kept the scourge from showing itself,
but no sooner had the men settled in their barracks than a most
virulent fever broke out, which continued, without cessation,
throughout the stay of the regiment. Some lingered for weeks, some
for days. It was not unfrequent to hear of the death of a man to whom
one had spoken but half an hour previously. The hospital, a large
one, was of course filled at once; some of the barrack-rooms were
converted into wards, and at one time there were upwards of 800 men
under treatment. Some hundreds of the less dangerously affected were
marched about, a few paces, morning and evening, in hopes that by
their being called ‘convalescent,’ the mind might act beneficially
on the body, but as death called them away the group became less and
less.
“Day after day we attended at the hospital for, in fact, funeral
parade; for four or five, and then eight or nine, men died daily;
you did not ask who had died, but how many. Firing parties were
discontinued, not only that the sad volleys might not disturb the
dying, but because there were no men for the duty. In the graveyard
at Sukhur lie the bodies of hundreds of the regiment--officers, men,
women, and children. Major-General Simpson, Sir Charles Napier’s
lieutenant (who afterwards commanded our armies in the Crimea), was
at Sukhur at the time, and on his return to Hyderabad, caused to be
erected there at his own expense a monument to the memory of all
those who died, which feeling and tender act filled our hearts with
the warmest gratitude. It was the spontaneous effusion of a truly
noble mind. The remains of the regiment also erected a monument in St
Giles’ Cathedral, Edinburgh, to the memory of their comrades who died
in Sindh.
“The regiment lost, between the 1st of September 1844 and 30th of
April 1845, 3 officers, 532 men, 68 women, 134 children--total, 737
souls.
“The medical men attributed the sickness in a great degree to the
improper time at which the regiment was moved, and the malaria
engendered by the heat of the sun on the swampy plains which had
been overflowed by the Indus. The deaths continued very frequent all
the time we remained, and at last, on the 21st and 25th of December
1844, we embarked, or rather the men crawled, on board common
country boats, which conveyed us to Hyderabad. These boats were very
imperfectly chuppered, _i.e._, straw, reed, or matting roofed. The
sun struck through the thatching by day, and the very heavy dews
penetrated it by night, when it was extremely cold. When we moored
in the evening we used to bury our dead, and I sewed up many of the
poor fellows in their blankets and rugs, the only substitutes for a
coffin we had. We dug the graves deep, and with the bodies buried the
boxes and everything else that had belonged to them. We put layers
of thorns inside, round, and on the top of the graves, in hopes of
preserving the remains of our poor comrades from the attacks of
the troops of jackals swarming in the neighbourhood. There were no
stones to be had, so thorns and bushes well beaten down were all the
protection we could give. We were much pleased on learning afterwards
that in many cases our efforts had been successful, and that the
wild people who live near the river had respected the graves of the
white men. The two divisions of the regiment buried between Sukhur
and Hyderabad, nearly 100 men, besides women and children. After
its arrival the mortality still continued very great, and it was
not until the warm weather set in that the sickness began to abate.
The miserable remains of as fine a regiment as ever was seen, left
Hyderabad in two parties, on the 24th of February and 4th of March
1845, respectively, for the mouth of the river, whence they went
by steamer to Bombay. Some of the officers of the regiment, myself
among the number, were detained in Sindh on court-martial duty; when
relieved some went to Bombay _via_ Kurrâchee, and at the latter
place heard reports to the effect that the mortality in the regiment
was to be attributed to intemperance. Indignation at this cruel and
false charge, which was reported to Major Twopeny, caused him to
write to Sir Charles Napier’s military secretary. Had not some of
the officers of the regiment passed through Kurrâchee, these reports
might have been believed, for every exertion was made at the time to
persuade the public that climate had nothing to do with the disease.
There was not a murmur heard in the regiment all the time of the
plague, but the survivors were determined to relieve the memory of
their dead from such a charge, and prove that the will of God, and
not alcohol, had caused the mortality. The canteen returns showed how
little liquor had been consumed, and the officers, who daily visited
the hospital and the barracks, not only in the common course of duty,
but to tend, comfort, and read to the men, could not fail to have
observed any irregularity, had any existed. The poor dying men were
not thinking of intoxicating liquors, but met death with the utmost
firmness and resignation. It was an accursed charge, and cannot
be too highly censured. When relieved from duty, the officers who
had been detained joined the wreck of the regiment at Fort George,
Bombay. Invaliding committees sat, and most of the survivors were
sent home, so that but a very small remnant of that once splendid
corps slowly took its way to Poonah, which, two years before, it
had left full of health, strength, and hope. There the regiment got
100 volunteers from the 2nd Queen’s, then going home, and between
recruiting and volunteering, by December 1845, 700 had joined. These
were afterwards always known as ‘The 700.’”[499]
At Bombay 105 non-commissioned officers and men were invalided, and
the regiment in one division, amounting in number to 313 (being
reduced by sickness to less than one-third its strength), proceeded
to Poonah on the 4th of April 1845, but did not arrive there until
the 18th, being unable to march more than six or seven miles a day.
“FORT-WILLIAM, _15th August 1845_.
“_To the Secretary to Government_,
“_Military Department, Bombay_.
“Sir,--I am directed to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, No.
3167, of the 14th ultimo, and in reply, to express to you, for the
information of the Government of Bombay, the satisfaction with which
the Governor-General in Council has perused the correspondence to
which it gave cover, so clearly proving, as it does, to be utterly
unfounded, the report that intemperance had occasioned the sickness
by which Her Majesty’s 78th Highlanders was prostrated in Sinde, and
which, unhappily, proved so fatal to that fine corps.--I am, Sir,
your most obedient servant,
(Signed) “J. STUART, _Lieut.-Col._
“_Secretary to Government of India_,
“_Military Department_.”
The 78th left Goraporee lines, Poonah, on the 18th of December 1845,
for Khirkee, six miles distant. The regiment returned to Poonah on
the 14th of February 1846, and marched for Belgaum, under command of
Lieutenant-Colonel Douglas, who died of fever at Hyderabad on the 1st
of October 1849, while on staff employ, and was succeeded by Major
Walter Hamilton.
After being stationed at Khirkee and Belgaum for some time, the
regiment left Belgaum for Bombay and Aden, on the 6th and 7th of
November 1849. The left wing, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel
W. Hamilton, arrived at Aden on the 25th, and the right wing, under
the command of Major H. Stisted, proceeded to Colabba, Bombay, where
it arrived on the 16th of the same month. An exchange of wings took
place in October 1850, the headquarters still remaining at Aden.
During the year 1851 the Arab tribes round Aden committed several
outrages, in one of which, near Labaj, in the month of March,
Lieutenant Macpherson of the 78th was very dangerously wounded,
having been stabbed in no fewer than seven places. About a fortnight
after this affair, as Lieutenant Delisser of the regiment was riding
to Steamer Point (about five miles distant from the barracks), at
eight o’clock A.M., he was attacked by an Arab, armed with a crease
or dagger, and wounded severely in the arm and slightly in the
stomach. Lieutenant Delisser got off his horse, and, seizing the
Arab, wrested the crease from his hand, and with one blow nearly
severed his head from his body. The corpse was afterwards hung in
chains at the entrance to the fortifications from the interior.
The regiment being ordered to Poonah, the left wing, consisting of
the light and Nos. 5, 6, and 7 companies, under command of Major
Colin Campbell M’Intyre, left Bombay for that station on the 10th
of February 1853, and arrived on the 18th of the same month. The
right wing left Aden for Poonah in three detachments in January and
February; and thus, after a separation of upwards of three years, the
regiment was once more united at Poonah on the 5th of March 1853.
In the month of May 1854 new accoutrements and colours were furnished
to the regiment by the estate of the late General Paul Anderson.
The alteration in the new accoutrements consisted in a waist and
cross-belt, instead of double cross-belts.
The clothing of the whole army having been altered in the year 1856,
the regiment was supplied with the Highland jacket.
IV.
1857.
War declared with Persia--Expedition despatched--Gen. Stalker
takes Resheer and Busheer--A second division despatched, of
which the 78th forms part, and the whole placed under command of
Sir James Outram--Expedition to Boorasjoon and destruction of
the enemy’s stores--Night attack and battle of KOOSHAB--General
Havelock joins the second division--Naval and military expedition
up the Euphrates--Mohammrah bombarded and taken--Flight of the
Shah-zada, Prince Khander Meerza, and his army--The Persian camps
occupied--Expedition to Ahwaz, on the Karoon--The Shah-zada and his
troops fly from 300 men to Shuster--Total destruction of the Persian
dépôts of provisions at Ahwaz--Return of the expedition--Peace
signed--Havelock’s opinion of the 78th--The 78th sail from Persia,
and arrive safely at Calcutta.
The Governor-General of India having declared war against Persia on
the 1st of November 1856, an expedition was despatched the same month
from Bombay to the Persian Gulf. The force consisted of one division
only, comprising two infantry brigades, with cavalry, artillery, and
engineers, the whole under the command of Major-General Stalker. Its
strength was 5670 fighting men, of whom 2270 were Europeans, with
3750 followers, 1150 horses, and 430 bullocks, and its equipment
and embarkation were completed in an incredibly short space of
time, chiefly owing to the manly exertions of Lord Elphinstone, the
Governor of Bombay. On the 6th of December a sufficiently large
portion of the fleet arrived off Busheer to commence operations,
and on the 7th a landing was effected at Ras Hallila, about twelve
or thirteen miles below Busheer. On the 9th the expedition advanced
against Resheer, which, after some resistance, was taken. Next day
General Stalker formed his line of attack against Busheer, but after
a bombardment of four hours, the Governor surrendered, and the
garrison, to the number of about 2000 men, laid down their arms, and
being conducted into the country, were set at liberty. Sixty-five
pieces of artillery were found in the town, which now became the
head-quarters of the army, an entrenched camp being formed, with a
ditch 3 feet deep and 6 feet wide, and a parapet, about a mile beyond
the walls.
This expedition was subsequently reinforced by a second division,
of which the 78th Highlanders formed part. Early on the morning of
the 7th of January 1857 the left wing, consisting of 12 officers and
388 men, commenced its march under the command of Major M’Intyre,
and the head-quarters, consisting of 16 officers and 421 men, under
the command of Colonel Stisted, started on the morning of the 8th.
A dépôt, consisting of 1 officer and 89 men, was left at Poonah
in charge of Lieutenant Gilmore. After staying a short time at
Khandallah, the regiment arrived at Bombay on the 19th, and embarked
in three ships, which sailed the same day. Headquarters arrived off
Busheer on July 1st, and disembarked immediately in light marching
order, with no baggage except bedding, consisting of a settzingee,
or cotton padded rug, and a pair of blankets. The left wing having
arrived on the previous day, had already landed in the same order,
and marched into the entrenched camp, where the whole regiment was
assembled, occupying an outwork near the lines of the 64th Regiment,
in which tents had been pitched for officers and men. Owing, however,
to the insufficient supply of these, 30 men, or 2 officers and
their servants, had to find accommodation in a zowtee tent, 10
feet by 8. Both officers and men were received in camp with great
hospitality, the men of the different companies of the 64th and 2d
Bombay Europeans sending their rations of spirits and porter to the
corresponding companies of the 78th.
It had come to the notice of Sir James Outram that the Persian
Government were making vast preparations for the recovery of Busheer,
and that Sooja-ool-Moolk, the Persian commander, and reputed to be
the best general in the Persian army, had assembled a formidable
force at the town of Boorasjoon, 46 miles from Busheer, where he had
formed an entrenched camp. This force consisted of a total of 8450
cavalry and infantry.
The Persian force was well supplied with food and ammunition, and it
had been intended that it should form the nucleus of a very large
army assembling for the recovery of Busheer.
At six o’clock in the evening of the 3d of February the following
force was drawn up, in two lines of contiguous columns at
quarter-distance, outside the entrenched camp:--
Cavalry--3d Bombay Light Cavalry, 243; Poona Horse, 176. Infantry
(Europeans)--H.M. 64th regiment, 780; H.M. 78th Highlanders,
739; 2d Bombay European Light Infantry, 693. Infantry, &c.
(Natives)--Sappers, 118; 4th Bombay Rifle Regiment, 523; 20th
Regiment Bombay N.I., 442; 26th Regiment Bombay N.I., 479; Beloochee
Battalion, 460. Guns--3d Troop Horse Artillery, 6; 3d Light Field
Battery, 6; 5th Light Field Battery, 6. Total sabres, 419; Europeans,
2212; Natives, 2022. Total men, 4653; guns, 18.
The force was not provided with tents or extra clothing of any kind;
but every man carried his great coat, blanket, and two days’ cooked
provisions.
After a march of 46 miles in forty-one hours, during which the troops
were exposed to the worst of weather--cold winds, deluging storms of
rain and thunder, and clouds of driving sand, the greater part of
the march lying through a reedy swamp--the force reached the enemy’s
entrenched position near the town of Boorasjoon, on the morning of
the 5th, but was only in time to find the enemy abandoning it. A
smart brush, however, took place between their rearguard and the
British cavalry, in which an officer and two or three troopers
received some slight wounds. By two o’clock the force was in
possession of the enemy’s entrenched camp, and great quantities of
ammunition of all kinds, together with grain and camp equipage, were
captured, the enemy having gone off in a most hurried and disorderly
manner.
“The 6th and 7th of February were passed in the enemy’s position,
destroying stores and searching for buried guns, which were
afterwards ascertained to have been thrown down wells; their
carriages and wheels, being found by us, were burned. Some treasure
was also discovered, and many horses and carriage cattle secured.
During this time no annoyance was experienced from the enemy, though
an alarm on the night of the 6th caused the whole of the troops to
stand to arms. From information received afterwards, and their own
despatch, this alarm was not altogether a groundless one, as they
fell up to our outposts; but finding the troops under arms, and it
being a bright moonlight night, they attempted nothing. Many jokes
were, however, current in camp next day on the events of the night,
the picket of one regiment having taken a _door_ prisoner, which was
leaning against a bush in a most suspicious manner; and those of two
other gallant corps skirmished up to, and were very nearly having a
battle of their own with a patrol of the Poonah Horse. However, all
passed off without accident.
“Many spies were doubtless in our camp during the entire period
of our stay, and the enemy were well informed of every movement;
regardless of which, however, intercourse between the villagers and
camp was encouraged, and such strict precautions enforced that they
should not be pillaged or ill-treated, that they were civil if not
friendly, and at any rate gave no trouble.”[500]
The troops had been somewhat exhausted by their march of 46 miles
through rain, mud, morass, and sand in forty-one hours; but being
now recruited by their two days’ rest, and Sir James Outram having
heard that the enemy had succeeded in getting his guns through the
difficult pass of Maak, considered it better to rest content with the
moral effect produced by the capture and destruction of their stores,
and accordingly ordered a return to Busheer.
“At eight o’clock on the evening of the 7th,” Captain Hunt says, “the
return march to Busheer was commenced, the column taking with it as
much of the captured stores as carriage was procurable for, and the
military Governor of Boorasjoon as a prisoner--this personage proving
a double traitor. The General’s intention that the return march
should be a leisurely one had been so widely made known through the
force, that the stirring events then so shortly to occur were little
indeed expected by any one.... Shortly after midnight a sharp rattle
of musketry in the rear, and the opening of two horse artillery guns,
put every one on the _qui vive_, and that an attack in force upon the
rearguard was taking place became apparent to all. The column at once
halted, and then moved back to extricate the baggage and protecting
troops. These, however, were so ably handled by Colonel Honnor (who
was in command) as to need little assistance, save for the increasing
numbers of the assailants.
“In about half an hour after the first shot was fired, not the
rearguard only, but the entire force, was enveloped in a skirmishing
fire. Horsemen galloped round on all sides, yelling and screaming
like fiends, and with trumpets and bugles making as much noise as
possible. One of their buglers had the audacity to go close to a
skirmishing company of the Highlanders, and sound first the ‘Cease
fire,’ and afterwards, ‘Incline to the left,’ escaping in the dark.
Several English officers having, but a few years since, been employed
in organising the Persian troops, accounted for the knowledge of
our bugle-calls, now artfully used to create confusion. The silence
and steadiness of the men were most admirable, and the manœuvring
of regiments that followed, in taking up position for the remaining
hours of darkness, was as steady as an ordinary parade, and this
during a midnight attack, with an enemy’s fire flashing in every
direction, and cavalry surrounding, ready to take advantage of
the slightest momentary confusion. Pride may well be felt in the
steadiness of any troops under such circumstances; and how much more
so when, as on the present occasion, two-thirds had never before been
under an enemy’s fire. The horsemen of the enemy were at first very
bold, dashing close up to the line, and on one occasion especially
to the front of the 78th Highlanders; but finding that they could
occasion no disorder, and having been in one or two instances roughly
handled by the cavalry and horse artillery, this desultory system of
attack gradually ceased, and the arrangement of the troops for the
remainder of the night was effected under nothing more serious than
a distant skirmishing fire. The formation adopted was an oblong, a
brigade protecting each flank, and a demi-brigade the front and rear,
field battery guns at intervals, and a thick line of skirmishers
connecting and covering all; the horse artillery and cavalry on the
flank of the face fronting the original line of march, the front and
flanks of the oblong facing outwards; the baggage and followers being
in the centre. When thus formed the troops lay down, waiting for
daylight in perfect silence, and showing no fire or light of any kind.
“Scarcely was the formation completed when the enemy opened five
heavy guns, and round shot were momentarily plunging through and over
our position, the range of which they had obtained very accurately.
Our batteries replied; and this cannonade continued, with occasional
intervals, until near daylight, causing but few casualties,
considering the duration of the fire.”
It appears that, in abandoning their position at Boorasjoon,
Sooja-ool-Moolk (reputed to be the best officer in the Persian army),
with his force, had taken the direct road to Shiraz by the Maak Pass,
and the Elkanee, with his horse, had retired to the one leading to
the Haft Moola, and that they had planned a night attack on the
British camp on the night that the troops marched. The explosion of
the magazine at Boorasjoon gave the Persians the first intimation of
the departure of the British force, when they hastened after it, in
the expectation of being able to attack it on the line of march, and
possibly create confusion and panic in the dark.
At daybreak on the 8th of February the Persian force, amounting
to over 6000 infantry and 2000 horse, besides several guns, was
discovered on the left rear of the British (north-east of the line of
march) in order of battle. The Persians were drawn up in line, their
right resting on the walled village of Kooshab and a date grove,
and their left on a hamlet with a round fortalice tower. Two rising
mounds were in front of their centre, which served as redoubts,
behind which they placed their guns; and they had deep nullahs on
their right front and flank, thickly lined with skirmishers. Their
cavalry, in considerable bodies, were on both flanks, commanded by
the hereditary chief of the tribes in person. The whole army was
commanded by Sooja-ool-Moolk.
The British artillery and cavalry at once moved rapidly to the
attack, supported by two lines of infantry, a third line protecting
the baggage. The first line was composed of the 78th Highlanders
under Major M’Intyre, a party of Sappers on the right, the 26th
Regiment Native Infantry, the 2nd European Light Infantry, and the
4th Regiment Bombay Rifles on the left of all. The second line had
H.M.’s 64th Regiment on its right, then the 20th Regiment Native
Infantry, and the Belooch Battalion on its left. The light companies
of battalions faced the enemy’s skirmishers in the nullahs, and
covered both flanks and rear of their own army. A detachment of
the 3d Cavalry assisted in this duty, and as the enemy showed some
bodies of horse, threatening a dash on the baggage or wounded men,
these were of considerable service. They had also in their charge the
Governor of Boorasjoon, who, endeavouring to attract attention by
placing his black Persian cap on a stick, and waving it as a signal
to his countrymen, was immediately, and very properly, knocked off
his horse, and forced to remain on his knees until the fortune of the
day was decided.
“The lines advanced directly the regiments had deployed, and so
rapidly and steadily did the leading one move over the crest of a
rising ground (for which the enemy’s guns were laid) that it suffered
but little, the Highlanders not having a single casualty, and the
26th Native Infantry, their companion regiment in brigade, losing
only one man killed, and having but four or five wounded. The 1st
Brigade, 1st Division, fared worse, as the shot, passing over the
regiments then in their front, struck the ranks, and occasioned the
greatest loss of the day. The 2nd Brigade, 1st Division, suffered
equally, but had more killed among their casualties especially in the
2nd European Light Infantry.
“During this time the cannonade had been continuous; but as the
Persian fire in some degree slackened, our artillery advanced to
closer action, making most beautiful practice, and almost silencing
the opposing batteries. Some bodies of horse soon presented an
opportunity for a charge, and the squadrons of the 3rd Cavalry and
Tapp’s Irregulars, who had hitherto been on the right front, dashed
at them, accompanied by Blake’s Horse Artillery, and made a most
sweeping and brilliant charge, sabring gunners, and fairly driving
the enemy’s horse off the field. The infantry lines were still
advancing rapidly, and in beautifully steady order, to sustain this
attack, and were just getting into close action when the enemy lost
heart, and his entire line at once broke and fled precipitately.
“More than 700 of their dead were left upon the field, with many
horses; how many were slain in the pursuit, or died of their
wounds, it was of course impossible to ascertain. No great number
of prisoners (said to be about 100) fell into our hands; their own
cowardly treachery in many instances, after having received quarter,
enraged the men, and occasioned a free use of the bayonet. One or two
men of consequence were, however, among those taken. These brilliant
results were secured on our part with a loss of only 1 officer and 18
men killed, and 4 officers and 60 men wounded. Among the unfortunate
camp-followers, however, crowded together during the preceding night
attack, several were killed and wounded, and many not accounted
for.”[501]
The troops bivouacked for the day in the battlefield, and at night
accomplished a march of twenty miles (by another route) over a
country rendered almost impassable by the heavy rains which fell
incessantly. Through sticky mud, half clay and sand, the column
marched the whole night after the action. The guide misled the force,
and at four o’clock in the morning of the 9th a halt was called to
wait for daylight. In the midst of pelting rain, sunk knee-deep in
mud, and exposed to a biting north-easterly wind, two hours were
passed, without a tree even in sight, and the swamp around looking in
the hazy light like a vast lake. Yet men and officers alike stretched
themselves in the mire, endeavouring to snatch some sort of rest
after their exhausting labours. The foot of Chah Gudack was at length
reached by ten in the morning, whence, after a rest of six hours, the
march was continued through deep swamps to Busheer, which was reached
before midnight; the force having thus performed another most arduous
march of forty-four miles, under incessant rain, besides fighting
and defeating the enemy during its progress, within the short space
of fifty hours. Though the men were tired and fagged, they were in
excellent spirits.
In Sir James Outram’s despatch to General Sir H. Somerset the name of
Brigadier Stisted (78th) was particularly mentioned.
This wet march from Boorasjoon having completely destroyed the shoes
of the men, Sir James Outram generously took upon himself to order
that each man of the force should be supplied with a new pair free of
expense, the cost of which was subsequently defrayed by Government.
The marching hose of the 78th were all spoiled and rendered useless,
and in many cases could only be taken off by being cut to pieces.
A long gray stocking, procurable from the Government stores, was
substituted, and continued to be worn until the adoption of the white
spats in the following year.
On the return of the expedition it was the intention of General
Outram immediately to proceed against the Fort of Mohammrah, situated
at the junction of the Shut-el-Arab (the Euphrates) and the Karoon,
but owing to the non-arrival of the requisite reinforcements from
India, occasioned by tempestuous weather in the Gulf of Persia, and
other causes, Sir James was unable to leave Busheer until the 18th of
March. In the meantime the troops were busily employed in erecting
five formidable redoubts, four in front and one in rear of the
entrenched camp. While lying before Busheer the light company of the
78th was supplied with Enfield rifles.
Brigadier-General Havelock[502] having arrived in February, took
command of the Indian division, and Brigadier Walker Hamilton, of the
78th Highlanders, arriving from Kurrâchee, where he had been for some
months commanding the brigade, assumed command of the 1st Brigade,
2nd Division, which had hitherto been commanded by Colonel Stisted of
the 78th; the latter officer now resumed the command of the regiment.
[Illustration: Major-General Sir Henry Havelock, K.C.B.]
In the beginning of March the embarkation of the troops destined for
the bombardment of Mohammrah commenced, and continued at intervals
as the weather permitted, until the departure of General Outram on
the 18th. The place of rendezvous for the expedition was about
sixteen miles from the mouth of the Euphrates, opposite the village
of Mohammrah. On the 16th of March the “Kingston” sailed from Busheer
with 6 officers and 159 non-commissioned officers and rank and file,
being No. 8 and the light company of the 78th, under Captain Hunt.
These were followed on the 12th by headquarters, consisting of 9
officers and 228 men, under command of Colonel Stisted, accompanied
by Brigadier-General Havelock; also by 6 officers and 231 men under
Major M’Intyre. A few days previous to the attack on Mohammrah, Nos.
1, 2, and 3 companies, under Major Haliburton, joined the rest of the
regiment.
All the ships comprising the expedition were assembled at the
appointed rendezvous by the 21st of March, and the next two days were
occupied in the arrangement of details for the attack.
For some months past the Persians had been strengthening their
position at Mohammrah; batteries of great strength had been erected,
consisting of solid earth, 20 feet thick and 18 feet high, with
casemated embrasures on the northern and southern points of the banks
of the Karoon and Shut-el-Arab, at the junction of the two rivers.
These, with other earthworks, armed with heavy ordnance, completely
commanded the passage of the latter river, and were so judiciously
placed and so skilfully formed as to sweep the whole stream to the
extent of the range of the guns down the river and across to the
opposite shore. Indeed, everything that science could suggest and
labour accomplish in the time appeared to have been done by the
enemy, to prevent any vessel from passing up the river above their
position. The banks, for many miles, were overgrown with dense date
groves, affording a perfect cover for riflemen; and the opposite
shore, being neutral (Turkish) territory, was not available for the
erection of counter batteries.
The plan of action resolved upon was to attack the enemy’s batteries
with the armed steamers and sloops of war, and when the fire
was nearly silenced, to pass up rapidly with the troops in small
steamers towing boats, land the force above the northern forts, and
immediately advance upon and attack the entrenched camp.
The Persian army, numbering 13,000 men of all arms, with 30 guns, was
commanded by the Shah-zada, Prince Khanler Meerza, in person. The
strength of the British force was 4886 of all arms, together with
five steamers of the Indian navy, and two sloops of war, the entire
command of the expedition being committed to Commodore Young of that
service; the 78th Highlanders numbered 830.
On the morning of the 24th of March the fleet of ships of war and
transports got under weigh, and made up the river to within three
miles of the southern battery, opposite the village of Harteh, where
they anchored.
By nine o’clock on the morning of the 26th the fire of the heavy
batteries was so reduced by the fire from a mortar raft, followed up
by that from the vessels of war, that the rendezvous flag was hoisted
by the “Feroze” as a signal for the advance of the troops in the
small steamers and boats. This was accomplished in admirable order,
although at the time the fire from the batteries was far from being
silenced. The leading steamer was the “Berenice,” carrying on her
deck the whole of the 78th Highlanders and about 200 Sappers.
Passing under the shelter of the ships of war, the troopships were
brought to the banks above the forts, the water being sufficiently
deep for them to lie close alongside the bank, and skirmishers were
at once thrown out to cover the disembarkation of the force. In the
meantime, the artillery fire from the Persian forts gradually ceased,
and musketry was opened from them and from breastworks in their
vicinity, and maintained with spirit for some time, when storming
parties were landed, that drove out the defenders and took possession
of their works and guns.
By half-past one o’clock the troops were landed and formed, and
advanced without delay in contiguous columns at quarter-distance,
through the date groves and across the plain, upon the entrenched
camp of the enemy, who, without waiting for the approach of the
British, fled precipitately after exploding their largest magazine,
leaving behind them tents and baggage and stores, with several
magazines of ammunition and 16 guns. Their loss was estimated at
about 200 killed.
For the next few days, while the tents and the baggage were being
disembarked, the army bivouacked under the date trees on the
river-bank by day, and removed to the sandy plain by night, to avoid
the unhealthy miasma.
It having been ascertained that the enemy had retreated to the town
of Ahwaz, about 100 miles distant up the river Karoon, where they had
large magazines and supplies, Sir James Outram determined to despatch
an armed flotilla to that place to effect a reconnaissance.
The expedition was placed under the command of Captain Rennie of the
Indian navy, and consisted of three small armed steamers, towing
three gunboats and three cutters, and carrying on board No. 5 and
the light company of the 78th, with Captain M’Andrew, Lieutenants
Cassidy, Finlay, and Barker, and the grenadiers of the 64th Regiment;
in all 300 men, under command of Captain Hunt of the 78th. This force
came in sight of Ahwaz on the morning of the 1st of April. The whole
Persian army was here observed posted in a strong position on the
right bank of the Karoon. It having been ascertained from some Arabs
that the town itself, on the left bank, was nearly deserted, it was
determined to land the party, advance upon Ahwaz, and, if possible,
destroy the dépôt of guns and ammunition.
At eleven in the morning the little band of 300 landed and advanced
at once in three columns, covered by skirmishers, the whole party
being extended in such a way that it appeared like a large body of
men. The left column consisted of the light company of the 78th, with
its skirmishers and supports, both in one rank, the remainder of the
company marching in columns of threes in single ranks, with three
paces distance between each man. The grenadier company of the 64th
and No. 5 company of the 78th formed the right and centre columns in
the same order. The gun-boats were sent off in advance up the river,
and taking up a position within shell-range of the enemy’s ridges,
opened fire upon them.
The troops thus marched in a mimic brigade, advanced under cover of
the gunboats’ fire, and within an hour and a half Ahwaz was in their
possession, and the Persian army, consisting of 6000 infantry, 5
guns, and a cloud of Bukhtyuri horsemen, numbering upwards of 2000,
was in full retreat upon Dizful, leaving behind it 1 gun, 154 stand
of new arms, a great number of mules and sheep, and an enormous
quantity of grain.
Having remained at Ahwaz for two days, the plucky little force
returned to Mohammrah, which it reached on the 5th of April, and
where it received the hearty thanks of the General for the signal
service which it had rendered.[503]
On the very same day news was received that peace with Persia had
been concluded at Paris on the 4th of March; but the British forces
were to remain encamped at Mohammrah until the ratification of the
treaty.
On the 15th of April the regiment was inspected by Brigadier-General
Havelock, C.B., who expressed his extreme satisfaction at the highly
efficient state in every respect in which he found it.[504]
At length, on the 9th of May, a field force order was issued,
directing the Indian division to be broken up, and the several
regiments composing it to be sent to their respective destinations.
In this order Sir James Outram bade the troops farewell, and
expressed in the very highest terms his admiration of their conduct
in every respect.
Thus ended the Persian campaign, during which the 78th had the good
fortune to mature its campaigning qualities under the auspices of
Outram and Havelock, names which were shortly destined to render its
own illustrious.
A medal was sanctioned to be worn by the troops engaged in the
Persian campaign.
In the regiment, Colonel Stisted, who for a time acted as brigadier,
and afterwards commanded the regiment, was made a Companion of the
Bath; and Captains Drummond, Hay, and Bouverie, who acted as majors
of brigade at Busheer and Mohammrah, respectively, received brevet
majorities. The regiment received orders to place the words “Persia”
and “Kooshab” upon its colours and appointments.
On the 10th of May 1857, the 78th sailed from Mohammrah _en route_
for Bombay. Touching only at the port of Muscat, the vessels all
arrived safe in Bombay harbour on the 22nd and 23rd, and there
received the astounding intelligence that the entire Bengal army
had mutinied, seized Delhi, and in many cases massacred all the
Europeans. The 78th was ordered to proceed immediately to Calcutta,
along with the 64th, its old comrades, who had also just arrived from
Persia. Colonel Walter Hamilton, having arrived from Persia, took
command of the regiment, which, numbering 28 officers and 828 men,
was transferred to four ships, which arrived at Calcutta on the 9th
and 10th of June.
V.
1857-1859.
The Indian Mutiny[505]--Barrackpoor--Benares--Allahabad--Havelock’s
force--March to Cawnpoor and Lucknow--Futtehpoor--Aong--Pandoo
Nuddee--Nana Sahib’s iniquities--The taking of Cawnpoor--Havelock’s
opinion of the 78th--His stirring Order--March to Lucknow--Onao
--Buseerutgunge--Havelock retires to Munghowar--Reinforced
--Commences second march--Buseerutgunge again--Bourbeake Chowkey
--Bithoor--Force returns to Cawnpoor--Cholera--Sir James Outram
and reinforcements arrive--Sir James resigns command of the army
of relief to Havelock--Third march to Lucknow--Munghowar--Lucknow
reached--The enemy encountered and repulsed--The Alum Bagh
occupied--Position of the garrison--Advance from the Alum Bagh
--Char Bagh--The road to the Residency--The 78th the rear-guard
--Its fierce encounter with the enemy--Fights its way to the
main body at the Furrah Buksh--The desperate advance led by
the 78th--The Residency reached--“Martin’s House”--Dangerous
position of Surgeons Jee and Home and their wounded men--The guns
brought in--The Victoria Cross--Sorties upon the enemy--Arrangements
for holding out until relief comes--Position of the 78th--Arrival
of Sir Colin Campbell--Preparations for a junction--The relief
effected--Evacuation of the Residency--The 78th selected to cover
the retreat--Rewards--The occupation of the Alum Bagh under Colonel
M’Intyre--Sir James Outram occupies the Alum Bagh--Engagement
with the enemy--Sir James Outram’s opinion of the 78th--Capture
of the city of Lucknow--The three field forces--The 78th occupy
Bareilly--Ordered to England--Fêted at Bombay--Arrival at home.
On the 10th of June 1857 the 78th Highlanders proceeded to Chinsurah,
where arrangements were made for their immediate transit to Benares.
The grenadiers and No. 1 company started on the 11th and 12th. On
the night of the 13th, at 11 P.M., an order was received by express
from Calcutta for the 78th to march immediately to Barrackpoor, and
if possible reach that place by daybreak. The regiment marched to
Barrackpoor, and after assisting in disarming the native troops,
it returned to Chinsurah on the 16th, and the daily departure of
detachments to Benares was resumed.
After a short halt at Benares the detachments proceeded to
Allahabad, at which place a moveable column was being formed under
Brigadier-General Havelock to advance against the mutineers. On
arrival at that place it was found that the whole of the country
between it and Delhi was in the hands of the insurgents; that
Cawnpoor and Lucknow were in a state of siege; and a rumour, which
eventually proved to be too true, stated that the British garrison of
the former place had been induced to surrender, and had been basely
massacred.[506]
On the 7th of July General Havelock advanced from Allahabad with a
small force of about 1000 British and a few Sikhs, with six guns,
to endeavour to retake Cawnpoor and rescue Lucknow. His force
consisted of a light field battery, a portion of the 1st Madras
Fusiliers, the 64th Regiment, and 78th Highlanders; of the latter
were the grenadiers, Nos. 3, 6, and the light companies, numbering
305 men, besides 13 officers, under Colonel Walter Hamilton. The heat
was intense, and the monsoon having just set in, the rain fell in
torrents, rendering the entire country one large morass.
Major Renaud had been sent on with a small force as an advanced
guard, and on the 10th General Havelock set out after him, coming
up with him at moonlight, after a hard and long march. The united
forces continued their march to Khaga, five miles from Futtehpoor,
where Havelock commenced to encamp. His force now amounted to about
1400 Europeans and 400 natives, with 8 guns. While the camp was being
pitched, the enemy, numbering about 3500, with 12 guns, was observed
in the distance bearing down upon a reconnoitering party which had
been sent to the front under Colonel Tytler.
Futtehpoor constituted a strong position, and the enemy had
already occupied the many advantageous positions, both natural
and artificial. Among the rebel force was the 56th Bengal Native
Infantry, the regiment which Havelock led on at Maharajpoor.
After the General had disposed his troops the action was soon
decided. Captain Maude, pushing on his guns to point-blank range,
electrified the enemy with his fire. The Madras Fusiliers gained
possession of a hillock on the right, and struggled on through the
inundation; the 78th, in extension, wading knee-deep in mud and
water, kept up communication with the centre; the 64th gave strength
to the centre and left; while on the left the 84th and Sikhs of
Ferozepoor pressed back the enemy’s right.
As the British force pressed forward, the rebel guns continued to
fall into its hands; the rebels were driven by the skirmishers and
columns from every point, one after the other, of which they held
possession, into, through, and beyond the town, and were very soon
put to a final flight. General Havelock then taking up his position
in triumph, halted his weary men to breakfast, having marched 24
miles, and beaten the enemy so completely that all their ammunition,
baggage, and guns (11 in number) fell into his hands. The loss on
the British side was merely nominal; but the moral effect on the
mutineers of this their first reverse was immense.
[Illustration: The Suttee Chowra Ghât, or Landing-Place. Scene of the
Second Massacre, 27th June 1857.]
During the action the heat was excessive, and 12 men died from
exposure to the sun and fatigue. Next day General Havelock issued
a Field-force Order, highly and justly complimenting the force for
its conduct, which he attributed to the fire of British artillery,
to English rifles in British hands, to British pluck, “and to the
blessing of Almighty God on a most righteous cause.”
On the 14th the moveable column recommenced its march, and after
dislodging the rebels from a strong position at Aong, pushed on for
Pandoo Nuddee, at the bridge of which place the enemy had prepared
another strong position. Here, also, by the promptitude and admirable
tactics of General Havelock, the rebels were completely routed; both
on this occasion and at Aong they left behind them a number of heavy
guns and a quantity of ammunition. It was on hearing the intelligence
of the defeat of his troops at the Pandoo Nuddee that Nana Sahib put
the finishing stroke to the atrocious conduct which has rendered his
name an abhorrence to the whole civilized world, and which turned
this warfare on the part of the English into “a most righteous cause”
indeed. On the 15th of July this diabolical wretch filled up the
measure of his iniquities; for it was on hearing that the bridge over
the Pandoo Nuddee had been forced and his army driven back, that he
ordered the immediate massacre of all the English women and children
still in his possession.
Between four in the afternoon of the 15th, and nine in the morning of
the 16th of July, 206 persons, mostly women and children of gentle
birth, comprising the survivors of the massacre of 27th June and
the captured fugitives from Futteghur,--who had been confined for a
fortnight in a small building which has since been known in India as
the Beebeegur, or House of the Ladies, in England as the House of
the Massacre,--were butchered with the most barbarous atrocity, and
their bodies thrown into a dry well, situated behind some trees which
grew hard by. Our illustration, taken from a photograph, shows the
Mausoleum erected over the well, and part of the garden which covers
the site of the House of Massacre. Just within the doorway, at top of
the flight of steps, may be seen the carved pediment which closes the
mouth of the well. Around this pediment are carved the words:--
Sacred to the perpetual memory of a great
Company of Christian people, chiefly women
and children. XVI. day of July MDCCCLVII.
On the pediment has been erected, since our view was taken, an
emblematical figure of an angel in front of a tall cross, carved in
marble by Baron Marochetti.
At daybreak, on the 16th, Havelock’s column again moved on, the
troops being strongly in hope of being able to save the wives and
children of the murdered garrison of Cawnpoor, being ignorant of
their brutal massacre. After a march of 16 miles the army halted in a
mango grove at the village of Maharajpoor, to take refreshment and a
slight rest in the shade from the powerful sun, before engaging the
Nana, who was strongly posted about two miles off.
[Illustration: Action near Cawnpoor, on the Afternoon of the 16th of
July 1857.]
The camp and baggage being left here under proper escort, the column
again moved at 2 o’clock P.M. The Fusiliers led, followed by two
guns; then came the 78th Highlanders, in rear of whom was the central
battery under Captain Maude; the 64th and 84th had two guns more in
the rear, and the regiment of Ferozepoor closed the column.
Nana Sahib had taken up a strong position at the village of Aherwa,
where the grand trunk road joined that which led to Cawnpoor. His
entrenchments had cut and rendered impassable both roads, and his
heavy guns, seven in number, were disposed along his position,
which consisted of a series of villages. Behind these the infantry,
consisting of mutinous troops and his own armed followers, numbering
in all about 5000, was disposed for defence.
General Havelock resolved to take the position by a flank movement.
Accordingly, after a short advance along the road, the column moved
off to the right, and circled round the enemy’s left. As soon as the
Nana perceived Havelock’s intention, he pushed forward on his left
a large body of horse, and opened upon the British column a fire of
shot and shell from all his guns.
Havelock’s troops continued their progress until the enemy’s left
was entirely turned, and then forming line, the British guns opened
fire upon the rebels’ batteries, while the infantry advanced in
direct échelon of regiments from the right, covered by a wing of the
Fusiliers as skirmishers. “The opportunity had now arrived,” wrote
General Havelock in his despatch, “for which I have long anxiously
waited, of developing the prowess of the 78th Highlanders. Three
guns of the enemy were strongly posted behind a lofty hamlet, well
entrenched. I directed this regiment to advance, and never have I
witnessed conduct more admirable. They were led by Colonel Hamilton,
and followed him with surpassing steadiness and gallantry under a
heavy fire. As they approached the village they cheered and charged
with the bayonet, the pipers sounding the pibroch. Need I add, that
the enemy fled, the village was taken, and the guns captured.” Until
within a few hundred yards of the guns the line advanced in perfect
order and quietness, with sloped arms. Here for a few moments they
lay down to allow the fierce iron storm to pass over. At the word
from the General, “Rise up, advance,” they sprang to their feet, and
with a cheer rushed upon the battery. General Havelock followed close
in behind, and when the regiment was halted in rear of the village,
exclaimed, “Well done, 78th, you shall be my own regiment! Another
charge like that will win the day.”
Having halted here for a few minutes to take breath, the regiment
pushed on at the double march to a hamlet about 500 yards distant
still held by the enemy, who were quickly dislodged from it.
Meanwhile, the 64th and 84th regiments advanced on the left, and
captured two guns strongly posted on the enemy’s original right.
Nana Sahib having withdrawn his forces in the direction of Cawnpoor,
and taken up a new position in rear of his first, the British
infantry now changed line to the front and rear, while the guns were
brought up. This was a work of great difficulty, the ground being
very heavy and the bullocks worn out with fatigue. About this time
the Nana sent some of his numerous cavalry to the British flanks and
rear, which did some execution before they were repulsed. The rebel
infantry appeared to be in full retreat when a reserve 24-pounder
was opened on the Cawnpoor road which caused considerable loss to
the British force; and under cover of its fire, at the same time two
large bodies of cavalry riding insolently over the plain, and the
rebel infantry once more rallied. “The beating of their drums and
numerous mounted officers in front announced the definitive struggle
of the Nana for his usurped dominion.”
But the final crisis approached. The artillery cattle being tired out
could not bring up the guns to the assistance of the British, and the
Madras Fusiliers, 64th, 78th, and 84th formed in line were exposed to
a heavy fire from the 24-pounder on the road, and from the musketry
of the rebel skirmishers. Colonel Hamilton about this time had his
horse shot under him by a musket ball. The General now called upon
the infantry, who were lying down in line, to rise and make another
steady advance. “It was irresistible,” he wrote, “the enemy sent
round shot into our ranks until we were within 300 yards, and then
poured in grape with great precision.” The gun was more immediately
in front of the 64th, which regiment suffered severely by its fire;
but the line advancing steadily upon the gun, at length charged with
a cheer and captured it.
The enemy now lost all heart, and after a hurried fire of musketry
gave way in total rout. Four of the British guns coming up by the
road completed the discomfiture by a heavy cannonade; and as it grew
dark the roofless artillery barracks were dimly descried in advance,
and it was evident that Cawnpoor was once more in possession of the
British.
The entire loss from the action of the day was about 100 killed and
wounded--that of the 78th being 3 killed and 16 wounded. Many men
also died from the effects of the sun and extreme fatigue, the 78th
alone losing 5 men from this cause.
[Illustration: Sketch-Map to illustrate Brigadier-General Havelock’s
Military Operations during July and August 1857.
The numbers on the route are miles.]
An incident occurred about this time which is worth recording. By
some mistake a bugler sounded the “officers’ call” in rear of the
78th. The officers of the regiment immediately assembled near the
general--who was standing close by--imagining that he wished to see
them. On finding out the mistake, General Havelock addressed them as
follows:--“Gentlemen, I am glad of having this opportunity of saying
a few words to you which you may repeat to your men. I am now upwards
of sixty years old; I have been forty years in the service: I have
been engaged in action about seven-and-twenty times; but in the whole
of my career I have never seen any regiment behave better, nay more,
I have never seen any one behave so well, as the 78th Highlanders
this day. I am proud of you, and if ever I have the good luck to be
made a major-general, the first thing I shall do, will be to go to
the Duke of Cambridge and request that when my turn arrives for the
colonelcy of a regiment, I may have the 78th Highlanders. And this,
gentlemen, you hear from a man who is not in the habit of saying more
than he means. I am not a Highlander, but I wish I was one.”
The wounded were now gathered together and cared for, and the tired
troops lay down for the night, when a crash that shook the earth
woke them; Nana Sahib had blown up the great Cawnpoor magazine and
abandoned the place.
The next morning a few troops were sent into the town, which was
found to be entirely evacuated. The sight presented by the house of
murder, and the well into which were thrown the mangled bodies of
upwards of 200 women and children as yet scarcely cold, can never be
effaced from the memories of those who witnessed it, and who, though
fresh from the horrors of the battle-field, shuddered and wept at the
revolting scene.
[Illustration: Mausoleum over the Well at Cawnpoor.]
On the morning of the 17th, the force was joined by the camp and
baggage, and encamped on the Cawnpoor parade-ground (where the 78th
was last encamped in the year 1799), and on the 18th moved round
to the western side of Cawnpoor, where General Havelock issued a
stirring general order, his words burning with horror and righteous
indignation at what had taken place at Cawnpoor. “Your comrades at
Lucknow are in peril,” the order said, “Agra is besieged, Delhi still
the focus of mutiny and rebellion.... Highlanders! it was my earnest
desire to afford you the opportunity of showing how your predecessors
conquered at Maida. You have not degenerated. Assaye was not won by a
more silent, compact, and resolute charge than was the village near
Jansenvoor on the 16th instant.”
On the 20th of July, Brigadier General Neill arrived from Allahabad
with 270 men. Thus reinforced, Havelock began to cross the Ganges;
and on the 25th, with his band of 1500, commenced his first march to
relieve Lucknow, leaving General Neill to command at Cawnpoor. Though
the season was that of the monsoon, and the country in a deluge,
the troops took the field without tentage of any kind, getting such
shelter as could be afforded by the deserted and ruined hamlets.
The strength of the 78th was 16 officers and 293 men, being the
grenadiers, Nos. 3, 6, and light companies.
On the 26th, the force moved forward a few miles and took up its
quarters at the village of Mungulwar, about six miles from Cawnpoor.
On the morning of the 29th, it advanced to meet the rebels, who
were stationed in great strength at the town of Oonao, and a small
village close in front of it. The houses were surrounded by walled
enclosures, every wall being loopholed, and a deep swamp protected
the enemy’s right.
The 78th and the 1st Madras Fusiliers, with two guns, began
the attack. They drove the enemy from the gardens; but when
they approached the village, where every house was loopholed, a
destructive fire was opened upon them. From one house in particular
the line suffered a heavy musketry fire; Lieutenant Bogle with part
of No. 3 company was ordered to attack it. He gallantly led on the
men through a narrow and strongly defended doorway (the only means of
ingress), into a court filled with armed fanatics, but immediately
on entering he fell severely wounded, together with nearly all who
had entered with him. The defenders were ultimately overcome by
shells thrown into the house by the artillery. After an obstinate
resistance, the mutineers were driven beyond the town, where they
rallied, but were soon put to flight, and their guns taken.
After a halt of three hours the column moved on, and in the afternoon
came in sight of Buseerutgunge, where the rebels again made a stand.
This town was walled, surrounded by deep ditches, and had been
strengthened by earthworks. The gate in front was defended by a round
tower, mounting four heavy guns. Behind the town was a wide nullah
full of water, crossed by a narrow causeway and bridge.
The troops immediately deployed, the 64th being ordered to turn the
town on the left, and penetrate between the bridge and the enemy.
The 78th and the Fusiliers advancing on the front face, carried the
earthworks and drove out the enemy, capturing their guns. It was now
6 P.M., and too dark, without cavalry, to pursue the enemy through
the swamps beyond the causeway, over which the rebels succeeded in
escaping.
These two actions had cost the little force 12 killed and 76 wounded,
and cholera had, moreover, broken out. To send the sick and wounded,
numbering nearly 300, back to Cawnpoor would have required an escort
which could not be spared, and Lucknow was still 36 miles away.
Without reinforcements General Havelock found the relief impossible,
he therefore fell back to Mungulwar, which he reached on the morning
of the 31st. Here he remained entrenched awaiting reinforcements from
Cawnpoor, whither all the sick and wounded were sent.
Brigadier-General Neill having thrown up a strong entrenchment at
Cawnpoor, sent over all the men whom he could spare to Havelock, who,
with his force thus again increased to about 1400 men, commenced
on the 4th of August his second march to relieve Lucknow. The enemy
were found on the following day occupying their old position at
Buseerutgunge. They were driven from the town in confusion and with
severe loss, by Maude’s battery, the 78th, and the Sikhs, and also
from a position which they had taken up across the nullah. Their loss
was supposed to be about 300, that of the British being 2 killed and
23 wounded; Colonel Hamilton’s charger was killed under him.
The British force being again diminished by sickness and the sword,
General Havelock was compelled to retire upon his old position at
Mungulwar. It was the only course he could pursue, as to advance
to Lucknow with the small force at his command was to court
annihilation, and as a consequence the certain destruction of the
British garrison at Lucknow. Preparations were therefore made to
recross the river to Cawnpoor, which was now threatened on all sides
by the Dinapoor mutineers, the Gwalior contingent, and Nana Sahib at
Bithoor. Perceiving Havelock’s intention a large force of the enemy
assembled at Oonao, with the design of attacking the British position
at Mungulwar, or of annoying the force during its passage of the
Ganges. To obviate this the general moved out to meet the mutineers
in the morning of the 11th of August, after sending his force, now
reduced to about 1000 men, and all his baggage and stores across the
river. On Havelock’s force reaching Oonao, the enemy’s advanced posts
fell back, and it bivouacked during the night near the town.
On advancing the next day (July 29th) the enemy were descried
drawn up at the village of Boorbeek Chowkey, about a mile from
Buseerutgunge. Their centre rested on the village, and their guns
were conveniently placed behind a series of high mounds, forming
strong natural defences, which they had scarped and otherwise
artificially improved. The British troops deployed, and, covered
by artillery fire and skirmishers, advanced in direct échelon of
battalions from the right, receiving, as they came within range of
the enemy’s batteries, a deadly fire of shell, grape, and round
shot, which was aimed with greater precision than had hitherto been
manifested by their artillerymen anywhere. The British guns on the
right having sufficiently advanced to get a flanking fire on the
enemy’s line, the 78th charged a battery of three guns on the enemy’s
left, captured two of the guns, and turning them on the retreating
hosts, pounded them with their own shell and grape, putting them
completely to rout. At the same time the Madras Fusiliers repulsed a
strong demonstration made by the enemy’s cavalry on the right. The
loss of the British in the action was 140 killed and wounded.
Having rested for two hours on the field, the column slowly retired
to Mungulwar, and on the following morning, August 13th, recrossed
the Ganges to Cawnpoor, having been in the field, in an Indian
monsoon, without tents, for twenty-three days, during which it had
four times met and defeated the enemy.
In these four engagements the 78th lost 6 men killed and 2 officers,
Lieutenant and Adjutant Macpherson and Lieutenant Bogle, and 6 men
wounded. To Lieutenant Crowe of the 78th the Victoria Cross was
subsequently awarded, as having been the first man to enter the
battery at Boorbeek Chowkey, where the two guns were captured.
The regiment was joined at Cawnpoor by Colonel Stisted, Captain
Archer, and No. 4 Company.
Early on the morning of the 16th of August the movable column marched
against Bithoor, the residence of Nana Sahib, about 14 miles from
Cawnpoor. About noon the column came in sight of the enemy, numbering
in all, infantry and cavalry, about 4000, strongly posted. General
Havelock called it “one of the strongest positions in India.” The
plain in front of the enemy’s position was covered with thick
sugar-cane plantations, which reached high above the heads of the
men, and their batteries were defended by thick ramparts flanked by
entrenched quadrangles. The whole position was again flanked by other
villages and comprehended the town of Bithoor.
The enemy having opened upon the advancing British force a continued
shower of shot and shell, and as the British guns made no impression
upon them, it was resolved to have recourse to the bayonet, and a
simultaneous advance of the line was ordered. While the Fusiliers
moved upon the flanking villages, the 78th advanced upon the
batteries, alternately lying down and moving on, as the volleys of
grape issued from the enemy’s guns. The rebels awaited the approach
of the advancing men until the foremost entered the works, when they
fled in confusion. The British troops pursued the enemy into and
through the town, but being completely knocked up by exposure to the
fierce sun, and by the great fatigue they had undergone, could follow
the retreating rebels no further, and bivouacked on the ground they
had won.
The 78th had in this affair only Captain Mackenzie and 10 men
wounded, though several men died of cholera, which had again broken
out.
The next morning the force returned to Cawnpoor, and took up a
position on the plain of Subada, where General Havelock issued a
commendatory and stirring note, in which he told the small force that
it “would be acknowledged to have been the prop and stay of British
India in the time of her severest trial.”
During the next month the force rested at Cawnpoor, while
reinforcements gradually arrived. Immediately on crossing the Ganges
cholera broke out, and carried off a great number of the little
band. The headquarters of the 78th lost from this cause alone 1
officer, Captain Campbell, and 43 men. The strength of the regiment
was still further reduced by the departure of 1 officer and 56 men,
sick and wounded, to Allahabad. At the end of the month, however, the
five companies that had been left behind, and the detachment that
came from Chinsurah by the steamer route, joined headquarters from
Allahabad.
In the middle of September the regiment was supplied with Enfield
rifles, but there was little time left for giving the men any
instruction in the use of that weapon.
The force despatched from England to assist in the Chinese war (the
23rd, 82nd, 90th, and 93rd Regiments) had been stopped at Singapore
and brought to Calcutta. The 37th Regiment also arrived from Ceylon,
and the 5th from Mauritius. Of these regiments, the 5th and 90th were
immediately on arrival sent up the country, and reached Cawnpoor in
the beginning of September. Sir James Outram also arrived at this
time, having been appointed to the military command of the Cawnpoor
and Dinapoor divisions.
A bridge of boats was thrown across the Ganges, and every preparation
made for another attempt to relieve Lucknow, the garrison of which
was still successfully and heroically holding out. On the 16th of
September, Sir James Outram issued a division order, in which he
generously resigned to Major-General Havelock the honour of leading
on the force intended to make a second attempt to relieve Lucknow.
This Sir James did “in gratitude for, and in admiration of the
brilliant deeds in arms achieved by General Havelock and his gallant
troops.” Sir James was to accompany the force as a volunteer, and on
the relief of Lucknow would resume his position at the head of the
forces.
The army of relief was divided into two brigades of infantry and
one of artillery, as follows:--First brigade of infantry, under
Brigadier-General Neill, consisted of the 5th Fusiliers, 84th
Regiment, 1st Madras Fusiliers, and 100 men of the 64th Regiment.
Second brigade of infantry, under Colonel Walter Hamilton of the
78th, consisted of the 78th Highlanders under Colonel Stisted, 90th
light infantry, and the Sikh regiment of Ferozepoor. The Artillery
brigade, under Major Cooper, B.A., consisted of the batteries of
Captain Maude, Captain Olphert, and Brevet-Major Eyre. The volunteer
cavalry, a few irregulars, under Captain Barrow, and a small body
of Engineers, accompanied the forces. The entire force was under
the command of Brigadier-General Havelock, accompanied, as we have
stated, by Major-General Outram as a volunteer.
The entrenchment at Cawnpoor having been completed was garrisoned by
the 64th regiment under Colonel Wilson.
On the 18th of September an advance party, consisting of No. 8 and
the Light Company of the 78th, the Sikh regiment, and four guns
under Major McIntyre of the 78th, was pushed across the river to
form a _tête-de-pont_ to enable the bridge to be completed on the
enemy’s side of the river. The men were exposed during the day to a
skirmishing fire from the enemy, who also opened a few guns upon
them from a distance, but with little effect. During the day these
companies were relieved by Nos. 6 and 7 of the 78th, and Major
Haliburton took command of the advanced party. Before daybreak on the
19th, this party, which was stationed all night on a dry sandbank
in the middle of the Ganges, pushed quietly across the intervening
islands to the mainland, in order to cover the advance of the force,
which crossed with little opposition, the rebel army, after a slight
show of resistance, retiring on their entrenched position about three
miles off, towards Mungulwar.
The strength of the force amounted to about 3000, that of the
78th being 26 officers and 523 men; Colonel Walter Hamilton being
Brigadier, Colonel Stisted commanded the regiment.
On the morning of September 21st, the advance on Lucknow commenced,
and the enemy’s position was soon reached near Mungulwar, which for
some weeks they had been busily employed in fortifying. The position,
however, was soon carried, the enemy rapidly pursued, and many of
them cut up by the British cavalry; four guns and a colour were
captured. The British loss was merely nominal.
Rain now commenced to pour in monsoon torrents, and hardly ceased
for three days. Through it the force pushed in column of route over
the well-known scenes of their former struggles, by Buseerutgunge
and the village of Bunnee, when, about 2 o’clock in the afternoon
of the 23rd, the enemy were descried in a strong position in the
neighbourhood of Lucknow. The head of the column at first suffered
from the fire of the enemy’s guns as it was compelled to pass along
the trunk road between morasses; but these passed, the force quickly
deployed into line, and the 2nd brigade advancing through a sheet
of water drove back the right of the mutinous army, while the 1st
Brigade attacked it in front. Victory soon declared for the British
force, which captured five guns. The enemy’s cavalry, however, 1500
strong, creeping through lofty cultivation, made a sudden irruption
on the baggage in the rear of the relieving force, inflicting some
loss on the detachment of the 90th that was guarding it. In this
engagement the 78th lost 1 man killed and 6 wounded.
The British passed the night of the 23rd on the ground they had
won, exposed, however, to a cannonade from the enemy’s guns. On the
morning of the 24th, their fire inflicted such loss on the British
force, especially the 78th, which had 4 men killed and 11 wounded by
it, that the General, having determined to halt this day to obtain
rest previous to the attack on the city, found it necessary to retire
the left brigade out of reach of the guns.
The 24th was spent in removing all the baggage and tents,
camp-followers, sick and wounded, into the Alum Bagh, which, on the
advance being made next day, was left in charge of Major M’Intyre of
the 78th, with a detachment of 280 Europeans, some Sikhs, and 4 guns.
Of these, Major M’Intyre, Lieutenant Walsh, and 71 non-commissioned
officers and men, besides 34 sick and wounded, belonged to the 78th.
A short description of the desperate position of those whom Havelock
hoped to rescue may not be out of place here.
In the month of June (1857), most of the native regiments at Lucknow,
as elsewhere, having broken out into open mutiny, the Residency and
a strong fort in the city called Muchee Bhorwan, were put in a state
of defence for the protection of the Europeans. On the 30th of June,
the garrison, consisting of 300 of H.M.’s 32nd Regiment, and a few
Native infantry, cavalry, and artillery, marched out to Chinhut to
meet a rebel army which was marching upon Lucknow; but the native
gunners proved traitors, overturned the guns, cut the traces, and
then deserted to the enemy. The remainder of the force thus exposed
to a vastly superior fire, and completely outflanked, was compelled
to make a disastrous retreat, with the loss of 3 guns and a great
number killed and wounded.
The force being thus diminished the Muchee Bhorwan had to be
evacuated. On the night of the 1st of July it was blown up, and the
troops marched into the Residency, the investment of which the enemy
now completed; and for three months the brave garrison had to undergo
a siege regarding which the Governor-General of India justly writes,
“There does not stand in the annals of war an achievement more truly
heroic than the defence of the Residency of Lucknow.”
This brave handful had heard through spies of the frightful tragedy
of Cawnpoor; the dangers multiplied; the provisions were failing;
more than 300 of the men had been killed, and many more had succumbed
to disease, when the joyful sound of the British guns at the Alum
Bagh, on the 23d of September, announced to them that relief was at
hand.
And now came the rescue. On the morning of the 25th of September,
General Havelock’s force advanced from the Alum Bagh.
The enemy had taken up an exceedingly strong position at the village
of Char Bagh, on the city side of the canal, the bridge over which
was defended by several guns in position; they also occupied in force
numerous gardens and walled enclosures on one side of the canal, from
which they poured a most destructive musketry fire on the advancing
troops.
The 1st brigade led, accompanied by Captain Maude’s battery, and
after a desperate resistance, in which one-third of the British
artillerymen fell, they succeeded in storming the bridge of Char Bagh
and capturing the guns, supported by the 2nd brigade, which now moved
to the front, and occupying the houses on both sides of the street,
bayoneted the defenders, throwing the slain in heaps on the roadside.
From this point the direct road to the Residency through the city
was something less than two miles; but it was known to have been cut
by trenches and crossed by barricades at short intervals, all the
houses, moreover, being loopholed. Progress in this direction was
impossible; so, the 78th Highlanders being left to hold the position
until the entire force, with ammunition, stores, &c., had passed,
the united column pushed on, detouring to the right along a narrow
road which skirted the left bank of the canal. The advance was not
seriously impeded until the force came opposite the Kaiser Bagh,
or King’s Palace, where two guns and a body of mercenary troops
were entrenched, who opened a heavy fire of grape and musketry. The
artillery with the column had to pass a bridge exposed to this fire,
but they were then shrouded by the buildings adjacent to the palace
of the Furrah Buksh.
[Illustration: Plan illustrative of the Operations for the Relief of
Lucknow in September and November 1857.]
In the meantime the 78th was engaged in a hot conflict. As soon
as the enemy perceived the deviation made by the main body, and
that only a small force was left at the bridge of the Char Bagh,
they returned in countless numbers to annoy the Highlanders. Two
companies, Nos. 7 and 8, under Captains Hay and Hastings, were sent
to occupy the more advanced buildings of the village; four companies
were sent out as skirmishers in the surrounding gardens; and the
remainder, in reserve, were posted in the buildings near the bridge.
The lane out of which the force had marched was very narrow and much
cut up by the passage of the heavy guns, so that it was a work of
great difficulty to convey the line of commissariat carts and cattle
along it, and in a few hours the 78th was separated from the main
body by a distance of some miles. The enemy now brought down two
guns to within 500 yards of the position of the 78th, and opened a
very destructive fire of shot and shell upon the advanced companies,
while the whole regiment was exposed to a heavy musketry fire. This
becoming insupportable, it was determined to capture the guns at the
point of the bayonet. The two advanced companies, under Captains
Hay and Hastings, and Lieutenants Webster and Swanson, formed upon
the road, and by a gallant charge up the street captured the first
gun, which, being sent to the rear was hurled into the canal. In the
meantime the skirmishing companies had been called in, and they,
together with the reserve, advanced to the support of Nos. 7 and
8. The united regiment now pushed on towards the second gun, which
was still annoying it from a more retired position. A second charge
resulted in its capture, but as there was some difficulty in bringing
it away, and it being necessary to retire immediately on the bridge
to keep open the communications, which were being threatened by the
hosts who surrounded the regiment, the gun was spiked, and the 78th
fell back upon the bridge, carrying with them numbers of wounded, and
leaving many dead on the road. In the charge Lieutenant Swanson was
severely wounded.
The entire line of carts, &c., having now passed, the regiment
evacuated the position and bridge of the Char Bagh, and forming the
rear-guard of the force, proceeded along the narrow lane taken by
the column on the left bank of the canal. The rebels immediately
seized the bridge, crossed it, and lined the right bank of the canal,
where they were protected by a wall, from behind which they poured a
galling musketry fire, and placing a gun upon the bridge, enfiladed
the road along which the route of the 78th lay; thus the regiment was
almost completely surrounded, and had to stand and protect its rear
at every step. Captain Hastings was severely wounded, while making a
brave stand with No. 8 company against the advancing mass of rebels;
Captain Lockhart and a large number of men were also wounded here.
A report having been sent to the general that the 78th was hard
pressed, the volunteer cavalry and a company of the 90th Regiment
were sent back to its assistance; the lane, however, was too narrow
for cavalry to work in, and they suffered severely. At length a point
was reached, near Major Banks’s house, where four roads meet; the
78th had no guide, the main body was far out of sight, and all that
could be ascertained regarding the locality was that the turning to
the left, which evidently led into the city, was the direct road to
the Residency. The force therefore followed that route, which led
through a street of fine houses loopholed and occupied by the rebels;
to the gate of the Kaiser Bagh, or King’s Palace, where it came in
reverse upon the battery which was firing upon the main body near the
Motee Mahul. After spiking the guns, the force pushed on under the
walls of the Kaiser Bagh, and after being exposed to another shower
of musketry from its entire length, the little column, consisting of
the 78th and cavalry, about four o’clock in the afternoon, joined the
main body near the entrance to the Furrah Buksh, where for a short
time it obtained rest.
From this point the Residency was about half a mile distant, and as
darkness was coming on, it was deemed most important to reach the
Residency that night.
The 78th Highlanders and the regiment of Ferozepore were now directed
to advance. “This column,” wrote General Havelock in his despatch,
“pushed on with a desperate gallantry, led by Sir James Outram and
myself and staff, through streets of flat-roofed, loopholed houses,
from which a perpetual fire was kept up, and overcoming every
obstacle, established itself within the enclosure of the Residency.
The joy of the garrison may be more easily conceived than described.
But it was not till the next evening that the whole of my troops,
guns, tumbrils, and sick and wounded, continually exposed to the
attacks of the enemy, could be brought step by step within the
_enceinte_ and the adjacent palace of the Furrah Buksh. To form an
adequate idea of the obstacles overcome, reference must be made
to the events that are known to have occurred at Buenos Ayres and
Saragossa.”
Lieutenant Kirby was mortally wounded in this advance, while
gallantly waving the Queen’s colour which he had carried
throughout the action. On his fall, Sergeant Reid of the grenadier
company seized the colour and carried it for some distance, when
assistant-surgeon M’Master took it from him, and carried it up to
near the Residency gate, where he handed it over to Colour-sergeant
Christie, by whom it was brought into the Residency. The regimental
colour was carried throughout the day by Ensign Tweedie, 4th Bengal
Native Infantry, who was attached to the regiment. Lieutenant
Webster was killed within 200 yards of the gate; Lieutenant Crowe
and Lieutenant and Adjutant Macpherson were wounded, and 2 officers
attached to the regiment--Lieutenant Joly of the 32nd Regiment, and
Lieutenant Grant of the Bengal army--were also wounded, the former
mortally.
Early the next morning a party was sent out under Captain R. Bogle,
of the 78th, to assist in bringing in the wounded, who had been left
with the 90th Regiment and heavy guns in the Motee Mahul. While
performing this duty Captain Bogle received a severe wound, of which
he died two months afterwards.
A request for reinforcements having been sent by Major Haliburton
of the 78th, who now commanded the troops at the Motee Mahul (his
two seniors having fallen), the 5th regiment and part of the Sikhs
were sent to assist him. In the forenoon another party was sent,
consisting of 50 men of the 78th, under Captain Lockhart and
Lieutenant Barker, who occupied the house called “Martin’s House,”
on the bank of the Goomtee, which secured the communication between
the palaces and the Motee Mahul. Here they were exposed during the
whole day to a hot cannonade, until towards evening the house was a
complete ruin.
In the meantime the wounded men were conveyed from the Motee Mahul
under charge of their medical officers, Surgeons Jee of the 78th,
and Home of the 90th, who had gallantly remained with them under the
heavy fire to which they had been exposed for many hours. Some of
them, with the former officer, reached the Residency in safety, but
those under charge of Surgeon Home were misled by a civilian, who
had kindly volunteered to show the way. The enemy surrounded them;
the doolie bearers fled, and the small escort, with a few wounded
officers and men, took refuge in a neighbouring house, where during
the whole day and night they were closely besieged by a large body of
rebels, numbering from 500 to 1000, against whom the escort defended
themselves and their wounded comrades in a most heroic manner. Those
of the wounded, however, who were unable to leave their doolie, fell
into the hands of the enemy, and were put to death with horrible
tortures, some of them being burned alive. Lieutenant Swanson was
one of the wounded of the 78th who were saved, but not until he had
received two fresh wounds, one of which proved mortal. Privates
James Halliwell, Richard Baker, and William Peddington of the 78th,
were among those few gallant men who fought against such unequal
odds. The first-named was rewarded with the Victoria Cross, as were
also Surgeon Home of the 90th and two men of other regiments. The
party was most fortunately saved from this perilous situation on the
following morning, as will appear in the sequel.
After the wounded and commissariat stores had left the Motee Mahul
by the river bank, it was found impossible to take the heavy guns by
that way, and the only practicable route for them being the high road
which ran through the enemy’s position to the Furrah Buksh palace, it
was resolved to attempt to bring them in by that route under cover of
the night. The remainder of the 78th, under Colonel Stisted, was sent
out from the Residency about sunset on the 26th to assist in this
operation, together with two guns under Captain Olpherts, and some
irregular cavalry. The 5th, and part of the Sikh Regiment had already
been sent there in the early part of the day.
At three o’clock on the morning of the 27th the column was formed
in perfect silence, the 78th leading, and the remainder following,
with heavy guns and ammunition in the centre; the Sikhs covered each
flank. Thus formed, the whole force proceeded undiscovered up to the
enemy’s posts. The leading division had nearly reached the palace
when the alarm was given by the enemy’s sentries, bugles sounded the
“assembly,” and confusion reigned in the rebel camp. The British
soldiers now raised a cheer, and rushed on the opposing force into
their own line of works, losing only 1 officer and 2 men killed, and
1 officer and 9 men wounded--2 of the latter belonging to the 78th.
The route of this little force fortunately lay through the square
where, as above mentioned, a few men were heroically defending their
wounded comrades in a most critical situation, and they were thus
saved at a most opportune moment.
The relief of the Lucknow garrison having been thus gloriously
accomplished, Sir James Outram resumed his position as the commander
of the troops, and in an Order (dated the 26th of September 1857)
he bears just and high testimony to the bravery and heroism of the
troops and their leader, who thus accomplished a feat unsurpassed in
history. Among the regiments specially mentioned in the Order is “the
78th Highlanders, who led the advance on the Residency, headed by
their brave commander, Colonel Stisted.”
In effecting the relief the army lost 535 in killed, wounded, and
missing. The loss fell heaviest on the 78th, which throughout the
day was exposed to more fighting than the rest of the force. This
regiment alone lost 122 killed and wounded; 2 officers and 39 men
being killed, and 8 officers and 73 men wounded, out of 18 officers
and 428 men who left the Alum Bagh on the 25th. Besides the officers
already named, Lieutenant Crowe was wounded.
The Victoria Cross was subsequently awarded to Lieutenant and
Adjutant Macpherson, for “distinguished conduct in setting an example
of heroic gallantry to the men of the regiment at the period of the
action in which they captured two brass 9-pounders at the point of
the bayonet.”
The Victoria Cross was also conferred upon the regiment as a body,
which was required to nominate one individual to wear it as its
representative. On a vote being taken, it was almost unanimously
agreed that it should be given to Assistant-Surgeon M’Master, upon
whom accordingly it was conferred, “for the intrepidity with which
he exposed himself to the fire of the enemy in bringing in and
attending to the wounded on the 25th of September at Lucknow.”
In addition to these, a Victoria Cross was conferred upon
Colour-sergeant Stewart Macpherson and Private Henry Ward of the
light company.
On the 26th the enemy were cleared away from the rear of the
position, and on the 27th the palace, extending along the line of the
river from the Residency to near the Kaiser Bagh, was also cleared
and taken possession of for the accommodation of the troops.
At daylight on the 29th three columns, aggregating 700 men, attacked
the enemy’s works at three different points, destroyed the guns, and
blew up the houses which afforded positions to the enemy for musketry
fire. One of the columns was composed of 20 men of the 32nd Regiment,
140 men of the 78th (under Captains Lockhart and Hay, and Lieutenants
Cassidy and Barker), and the 1st Madras Fusiliers.
The column fell in and filed out of the breach in the Sikh Square at
daybreak, the advance consisting of the 32nd and the 78th, the Madras
Fusiliers being in reserve. They formed silently under cover of some
broken ground, and made a sudden dash upon the first gun, which
was taken by the 32nd with a cheer, and burst by an artilleryman.
The 78th, led by Captain Lockhart, who was slightly wounded, then
charged a gun up a street leading to the right; the covering party
of the first gun and a considerable body of the enemy rallied round
this gun, which was twice fired as the regiment advanced up the
lane. Sergeant James Young, of the 78th, the first man at the gun,
bayonetted one of the enemy’s gunners while reloading for the third
discharge, and was severely wounded by a sword-cut. The rest of the
gunners were shot or cut down, and some who had taken refuge in an
adjoining house were destroyed by means of hand-grenades thrown
in by the windows. Proceeding further, the regiment captured a
small gun and some wall-pieces, which were brought in, the large
gun being blown up. The position was retained while the engineers
made preparations for blowing up the houses which it was deemed
advisable to destroy; these being ready, the columns retired into the
entrenchment, and the explosions took place. The loss of the 78th on
this day was 1 man killed, and 1 officer and 8 men wounded.
Brigadier-General Neill having been killed on the 25th of September
1857, Colonel Stisted was appointed brigadier of the 1st brigade, and
Major Haliburton assumed command of the regiment.
After the heavy loss sustained by the relieving force in pushing its
way through the enemy, it was clearly impossible to carry off the
sick, wounded, women, and children (amounting to not fewer than 1500)
through five miles of disputed suburb; the want of carriage alone
rendering it an impossibility. It was therefore necessary for the now
considerably increased garrison to maintain itself in its present
position on reduced rations until reinforcements should advance to
its relief. Brigadier Inglis retained command of the old Lucknow
garrison, reinforced by the volunteer cavalry, Madras Fusiliers, and
a detachment of the 78th; while General Havelock commanded the field
force that occupied the palaces and outposts.
One of the enemy’s batteries, known as Phillip’s Battery, still
remained in a strong position close to the Residency, and continued
to annoy the garrison by its fire; its capture, therefore, became
necessary, and a force, consisting in all of 568 men, of which the
78th formed a part, was placed at the disposal of Colonel Napier,
of the Bengal Engineers, on the 1st of October. On the afternoon of
that day the column formed on the road leading to the Pyne Bagh, and
advancing to some houses near the Jail, drove the enemy away from
them and from a barricade, under a sharp musketry fire. The column
having to work its way through strongly barricaded houses, it was
late before a point was reached from which the enemy’s position could
be commanded. This having been obtained, and it being found, on
reconnoitring, that the battery was in a high position, scarped, and
quite inaccessible without ladders, it was determined to defer the
assault till daylight. The position gained having been duly secured
and loopholed, the men occupied the buildings for the night, and were
subjected to a heavy fire from the battery.
On the morning of the 2nd the troops advanced, covered by a fire
of artillery from the Residency entrenchment. A severe fire was
opened from a barricade which flanked the battery on the right; but
this being turned, the troops advanced and drove the enemy from
the battery, capturing the guns, which had been withdrawn to some
distance, and driving off the enemy, who defended them with musketry
and grape. The guns having been destroyed, and Phillip’s house blown
up, the troops withdrew to their position of the previous night, the
78th having lost 1 man killed and 3 wounded.
The command of this sallying party now fell to Major Haliburton of
the 78th, who, under instructions from the general, commenced on
the 3rd of October to work from house to house with crowbar and
pickaxe, with a view to the possibility of adapting the Cawnpoor
road as the line of communication with the Alum Bagh. On the 4th,
Major Haliburton was mortally wounded and his successor disabled. On
the 6th the proceedings were relinquished, and the troops gradually
withdrew to the post at the junction of the Cawnpoor road and Main
Street, which was occupied by the 78th Highlanders, and retained by
that regiment as a permanent outpost during the two months’ blockade
which ensued.
The regiment being greatly reduced, both in officers and men, the ten
companies were told off into four divisions, each under the command
of an officer--Captain Hay, Lieutenants Cassidy, Finlay, and Barker.
The position was divided into three different posts, each defended
by one of these divisions, the fourth being in reserve. By this
arrangement, each man was on guard for three days and nights out of
four, and on the fourth day was generally employed on a working party
in erecting the defences.
Everything was now done by the garrison to strengthen its position;
barricades were erected at all available points, the defences of the
Residency were improved, and all the palaces and buildings occupied
by the field force were put into a state of defence. One of the
greatest dangers that the besieged had to apprehend was from the
enemy’s mines, which threatened the position of the British from
every possible quarter, thus requiring the garrison to be continually
on the alert, and to be constantly employed in countermining. In
this the garrison was very successful, the underground attempts of
the besiegers being outwitted on almost every hand, and many of their
mines frequently destroyed. The outpost of the 78th, under Captain
Lockhart (who on the death of Major Haliburton took command of the
regiment, and held it during the rest of the siege), was vigorously
assailed by these means by the enemy; but they were completely
outwitted by some of the soldiers of the 78th (who volunteered for
this work, for which they received extra pay at the rate of 10s. per
diem), directed by Lieutenant Hutchinson, of the Bengal Engineers,
and Lieutenant Tulloch, Acting Engineer.
The enemy kept so persistently sinking shafts and driving galleries
towards the position occupied by the 78th, that in order to
countermine them five shafts were sunk at several angles of the
position, from each of which numerous galleries were driven, of a
total length of 600 feet. Indeed, in regard to the mining operations
in connection with the siege of Lucknow, Sir James Outram wrote, “I
am aware of no parallel to our series of mines in modern war; 21
shafts, aggregating 200 feet in depth, and 3291 feet of gallery, have
been erected. The enemy advanced 20 mines against the palace and
outposts.”
The post of the 78th was all this time exposed by day and night to
a ceaseless fire of shot, shell, and musketry, and scarcely a day
passed in which some casualty did not occur. The outer walls of
the houses forming the post were reduced to ruins by round shot,
and sharp-shooters occupied the houses around to within 50 yards,
watching for their prey. All the other regiments were similarly
situated during the two months’ blockade.
The rations had now for some time been reduced to one-half, and the
troops, having left everything behind them at the Alum Bagh, had
nothing to wear but the clothes they wore on entering. At length,
however, tidings of relief arrived.
Sir Colin Campbell arrived at the Alum Bagh on the 12th of November
with about 700 cavalry, 2700 infantry, and some artillery (being
chiefly troops which had been engaged in the siege of Delhi), after
having a smart skirmish at Buntera, where Captain Mackenzie of the
78th was a second time wounded; that officer, with Lieutenant-Colonel
Hamilton, Captain Archer, and several men of the 78th, having
accompanied the relieving force. Changing the garrison of the Alum
Bagh, where the 75th Regiment was left, Sir Colin Campbell formed
a battalion of detachments of the 7th Fusiliers, the 64th and 78th
Regiments, numbering in all about 400 men, of whom 118 belonged to
the 78th, with Lieutenant-Colonel M’Intyre, Captain Archer, and
Lieutenant Walsh, the battalion being commanded by Lieut.-Colonel
Henry Hamilton of the 78th.
The commander-in-chief being further joined by a reinforcement of
about 700 men (of the 23rd Fusiliers and 82nd Regiment), advanced
from the Alum Bagh in the direction of Dilkhoosha Park, and after
a running fight of about two hours, the enemy were driven through
the park of the Martinière beyond the canal. The Dilkhoosha and
Martinière were both occupied, and all baggage being left at the
former place in charge of the regiment, the advance on Secundur Bagh
commenced early on the 16th. This place, as well as the Shah Nujeef,
was taken in the most gallant manner, the 93rd Highlanders forming
part of the attacking force.
In the meantime Havelock’s force had been employed in digging
trenches and erecting batteries in a large garden held by the 90th
Regiment; these were concealed by a lofty wall, under which several
mines were driven for the purpose of blowing it down when the moment
for action should arrive. It was determined by the general, that as
soon as the commander-in-chief should reach Secundur Bagh, this wall
should be blown in by the miners, and that the batteries should open
on the insurgent defences in front, when the troops were to storm the
three buildings known as the Hera Khanah, or Deer House, the Steam
Engine House, and the King’s Stables.
On the morning of the 16th, all the troops that could be spared from
the defences were formed in the square of the Chuttur Munzil; at 11
A.M. the mines under the wall were sprung, and the batteries opened
an overwhelming fire, which lasted for three hours, on the buildings
beyond. When the breaches were declared practicable, the troops were
brought up to the front through the trenches, and lay down before the
batteries until the firing should cease, and the signal be given to
advance. The storming parties were five in number, with nearly 800
men in all, each accompanied by an engineer officer and a working
party. A reserve of 200 men, part of whom belonged to the 78th, under
Major Hay of that regiment, remained in the palace square. The 78th
storming party, 150 strong, was commanded by Captain Lockhart, and
the working party by Lieutenant Barker, accompanied by an engineer
officer.
The guns having ceased firing at half-past three in the afternoon,
the bugle sounded the advance. “It is impossible,” wrote General
Havelock, “to describe the enthusiasm with which the signal was
received by the troops. Pent up, inactive, for upwards of six weeks,
and subjected to constant attacks, they felt that the hour of
retribution and glorious exertion had returned. Their cheers echoed
through the courts of the palace, responsive to the bugle sound, and
on they rushed to assured victory. The enemy could nowhere withstand
them. In a few minutes the whole of their buildings were in our
possession.”
Guns were mounted on the newly-occupied post, and the force retired
to its quarters. On the following day the newly-erected batteries
opened fire upon the Tara Kotee (or Observatory) and the Mess House,
while Sir Colin Campbell’s artillery battered them from the opposite
direction. In the afternoon these and the intermediate buildings
were occupied by the relieving force, and the relief of the besieged
garrison was accomplished.
All arrangements having been made for the silent and orderly
evacuation of the Residency and palaces hitherto occupied by General
Havelock’s troops, the retreat commenced at midnight on the 22nd,
and was carried out most successfully in perfect silence, the 78th
Highlanders forming the rear-guard. When the 78th reached the last
palace square, Sir James Outram, who was riding with it, halted the
regiment for a few moments, and in a low but clear voice addressed to
them a few words, saying that he had selected the 78th for the honour
of covering the retirement of the force, as they had had the post
of honour, in advance, on entering to relieve the garrison, and none
were more worthy of the post of honour in leaving it. The evacuation
was so successfully accomplished, and the enemy were so completely
deceived by the movements of the British force, that they did not
attempt to follow, but, on the contrary, kept firing on the old
position many hours after its evacuation.
The entire force reached the Dilkhoosha Park at four o’clock on the
morning of the 23rd. Here the army sustained a great loss by the
death of the brave and noble-minded Sir Henry Havelock, K.C.B., who
died of dysentery brought on by the severe privations of the campaign.
Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton’s battalion of detachments was broken up,
and that part of it belonging to the 78th joined the headquarters of
the regiment, that officer assuming the command. For their services
in Sir Colin Campbell’s force, Lieutenants-Colonel H. Hamilton and
M’Intyre received the thanks of the Governor-General, and were
afterwards created Companions of the Bath.
Between the 26th of September and the 22nd of November, the 78th lost
in the defence of Lucknow 9 men killed, and 5 officers and 42 men
wounded; the names of the officers were, Major Haliburton, Captain
Bogle, Assistant-Surgeon M’Master, Captain Lockhart, Lieutenant
Swanson, and Lieutenant Barker. The two first mentioned and
Lieutenant Swanson, besides 27 men, died of their wounds during these
two months.
As might be expected, Sir James Outram in his despatches spoke in
the very highest terms of the conduct of the troops during this
trying period, and the Governor-General in Council offered his hearty
thanks to Brigadiers Hamilton and Stisted, and Captains Bouverie
and Lockhart of the 78th, for their efficient co-operation. General
Havelock’s force was rewarded by a donation of twelve months’ batta,
which reward was also conferred on the original garrison of Lucknow.
Colonel Walter Hamilton and Surgeon Jee of the 78th were made C.B.’s,
the former receiving the distinguished service pension of L.100 per
annum, and the latter the Victoria Cross; Captain Lockhart was made
a Brevet-Major.
Mention should be made of the occupation and defence of the post at
the Alum Bagh under Lieutenant-Colonel M’Intyre of the 78th, from the
25th of September until the arrival of Sir Colin Campbell’s force.
That officer, it may be remembered, was appointed to the command of
the Alum Bagh, with detachments of regiments of about 200 Europeans,
with some Sikhs, and foreigners. In it were placed the sick and
wounded of the force, amounting to 128 (of whom 64 were wounded), the
baggage, commissariat and ordnance stores. The native followers left
them amounted to nearly 5000, and there was an enormous number of
cattle of various descriptions. Though closely besieged by the enemy,
and suffering greatly at first from scarcity of provisions, the small
force held gallantly out until relieved, with a loss of only one
European killed and two wounded during the 49 days’ siege. For this
service Lieutenant-Colonel M’Intyre received the special thanks of
the Government.
On the afternoon of the 25th of November the whole force under Sir
Colin Campbell encamped in the plain to the south of the Alum Bagh.
On the 27th, the commander-in-chief moved off with General Grant’s
division in the direction of Cawnpoor, which was threatened by
the Gwalior contingent, leaving Sir James Outram’s division, now
numbering 4000 men of all arms, to retain a defensive position at
the Alum Bagh, with a view of keeping in check the masses of Lucknow
rebels. Sir James took up a strong position, fortifications being
erected at every possible point, and the force at his command being
disposed in the most advantageous manner. The circuit of the entire
position was nearly ten miles, and here the force remained for the
next three months (December, January, and February), while Sir Colin
Campbell, after retaking Cawnpoor, was engaged in recovering the
Doab, and making preparations for a final assault upon the city of
Lucknow. The numbers of the enemy daily increased in front of Sir
James Outram’s position, until they amounted to little less than
100,000. The unceasing activity of the enemy kept Outram’s force
continually on the alert.
Towards the end of December, Sir James learned that the enemy
contemplated surrounding his position and cutting off supplies, and
with that object had despatched to Guilee a force which took up a
position between that village and Budroop, which places are about a
mile distant from each other, and were about three miles to the right
front of the British position. This force, on the evening of December
21st, amounted to about 4000 infantry, 400 cavalry, and 4 field guns.
Sir James moved out at 5 o’clock on the morning of the 22nd, with a
force composed of 6 guns, 190 cavalry, 1227 infantry under Colonel
Stisted of the 78th, including 156 of the 78th under Captain
Lockhart. Notwithstanding the very unequal odds, the enemy were
completely and brilliantly repulsed on all hands, 4 guns, and 12
waggons filled with ammunition being captured. In his Division Order
of the next day Sir James Outram said, “The right column, under
command of Lieutenant-Colonel Purnell, 90th Regiment, consisting of
detachments of the 78th and 90th Regiments and Sikhs, excited his
admiration by the gallant way in which, with a cheer, they dashed at
a strong position held by the enemy, and from which they were met
by a heavy fire, regardless of the overwhelming numbers, and 6 guns
reported to be posted there. The suddenness of the attack, and the
spirited way in which it was executed, resulted in the immediate
flight of the enemy, with hardly a casualty on our side.” In the
same order. Sir James thanked Lieutenant-Colonel H. Hamilton for the
manner in which he commanded the reserve, and Brigadiers Hamilton
(78th) and Eyre, who had charge of the camp, for the way in which
they kept the enemy in check.
After this successful repulse the enemy did not again attempt to
surround the position, but continued day after day to make attacks
upon it from their position in front. Want of space forbids us to
give details of these attacks, every one of which, notwithstanding
the overwhelming numbers of the rebels, was most brilliantly repulsed
with but little loss to the British.
“Thus was this position before Lucknow held for three months by Sir
James Outram’s division, his troops being continually called on to
repel threatened attacks, and frequently employed in defending the
numerous picquets and outposts, all of which were exposed to the fire
of the enemy’s batteries.”
The casualties of the 78th during this defence were only 8 men
wounded.
On the 26th of January 1858, the 2nd brigade was paraded to witness
the presentation of six good-conduct medals to men of the 78th
Highlanders, on which occasion Sir James Outram addressed the
regiment in terms in which, probably, no other regiment in the
British army was ever addressed. Indeed, the Ross-shire Buffs may
well be proud of the high opinion formed of them by Generals Havelock
and Outram, neither of whom were given to speaking anything but the
severe truth. So extremely complimentary were the terms in which Sir
James Outram addressed the 78th, that he thought it advisable to
record the substance of his address in writing, lest the 78th should
attribute anything to the excitement of the moment. In a letter
addressed to Brigadier Hamilton he wrote,--“What I did say is what
_I really feel_, and what I am sure must be the sentiment of every
Englishman who knows what the 78th have done during the past year,
and I had fully weighed what I should say before I went to parade.”
We must give a few extracts from the address as Sir James wrote it:--
“Your exemplary conduct, 78th, in every respect, throughout the past
eventful year, I can truly say, and _I do most emphatically declare_,
has never been surpassed by any troops of any nation, in any age,
whether for indomitable valour in the field or steady discipline
in the camp, under an amount of fighting, hardship, and privation
such as British troops have seldom, if ever, heretofore been exposed
to. The cheerfulness with which you have gone through all this has
excited my admiration as much as the undaunted pluck with which you
always close with the enemy whenever you can get at him, no matter
what his odds against you, or what the advantage of his position....
I am sure that you, 78th, who will have borne the brunt of the war so
gloriously from first to last, when you return to old England, will
be hailed and rewarded by your grateful and admiring countrymen as
the band of heroes, as which you so well deserve to be regarded.”
In the meantime Sir Colin Campbell having relieved Cawnpoor and
retaken the Doab, and having received large reinforcements from
England, had assembled a large army for the capture of the city of
Lucknow. This army was composed of an artillery division, an engineer
brigade, a cavalry division, and four infantry divisions. The 78th
Highlanders, consisting of 18 officers and 501 men, under Colonel
Stisted, formed with the 90th Light Infantry, and the regiment of
Ferozepore, the 2nd Brigade, under Brigadier Wanklin of the 84th
Regiment, of the 1st Division under Major-General Sir James Outram,
G.C.B. In the 2nd Division were the 42nd and 93rd Highlanders, and in
the 3rd Division, the 79th Highlanders. The whole army amounted to
1957 artillery, 2002 engineers, 4156 cavalry, and 17,549 infantry,
or a grand total of 25,664 effective men, to which was added during
the course of the siege the Ghoorka army, under the Maharajah Jung
Bahadoor, numbering about 9000 men and 24 guns.
We need not enter into the details of the siege of Lucknow,
especially as the 78th was not engaged in the aggressive operations,
particulars of which will be found in our histories of the 42nd,
79th, and 93rd. After nineteen days’ incessant fighting, the city
was taken complete possession of by the British, and the enemy put
to utter rout. During the siege operations the 78th was in position
at the Alum Bagh, where the regiment sustained little more than the
usual annoyance from the enemy, until the 16th, when the front and
left of the position were threatened by large forces of the enemy’s
infantry and cavalry. Brigadier Wanklin had hardly time to dispose
his troops in the best positions for supporting the outposts, when a
determined advance of the enemy’s line took place, their cavalry in
myriads making a most brilliant charge on the front left picquets. A
heavy fire from these, however, aided by that of the field artillery,
who were detached to the left, caused them to turn and flee
precipitately.
The 78th being thus not actively engaged during the siege, sustained
a loss of only 1 officer, Captain Macpherson, and 2 men wounded.
The officers of the regiment honourably mentioned in the despatches
were Colonel Stisted, C.B., Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel H.
Hamilton, C.B., Brevet-Major Bouverie, on whom the brevet rank of
Lieutenant-Colonel was conferred, Captain Macpherson, on whom the
brevet rank of Major was conferred, and Lieutenant Barker. The brevet
rank of Major was also conferred on Captain Mackenzie.
On the 29th of March 1858 the divisions of the army were broken
up, and three new forces of all arms combined were formed as
follows:--the Azimgurh Field Force under General Lugard, the Lucknow
Field Force under General Sir Hope Grant, and the Rohilcund Field
Force under Brigadier-General Walpole.
After going to Cawnpoor the 78th joined, on the 26th of April, the
Rohilcund Field Force, among the regiments composing which were
the 42nd, 79th, and 93rd Highlanders. On the same day Sir Colin
Campbell arrived and took the command, moving on the following day to
Bareilly, the enemy everywhere retiring before the advancing forces.
Early on the morning of the 5th of May a movement was made upon
Bareilly from Furreedpoor; but into the details of the hot work that
took place here we need not enter: they will be found elsewhere. On
the forenoon of the 7th, the 78th was sent to protect the heavy guns
which were detached to the front for the purpose of shelling some
large buildings intervening between the British force and the town,
and which were supposed to be undermined.
On the morning of the 7th the town of Bareilly was finally reduced,
and the Mussulman portion of it, where there were still detached
parties of Ghazees remaining with the intention of selling their
lives as dearly as possible, was cleared. In these affairs the 78th
lost only 1 man killed and 1 officer, Lieutenant Walsh, and 1 man
wounded.
The 42nd, 78th, and 93rd Highlanders were now left to garrison
Bareilly, where the 78th remained till February 20th, 1859, having
in the meantime received orders to prepare for embarkation to
England; previous to which 176 of the men volunteered to join other
corps remaining in India. Before leaving Bareilly, an order highly
complimentary to the corps was issued by Brigadier-General (now Sir
Robert) Walpole, K.C.B. We regret that space does not permit us to
reproduce the order here, and for a similar reason we must pass
over with as great brevity as possible the remaining history of the
regiment; we have devoted considerable space to its periods of active
service.
The regiment left Bareilly on the 20th of February, and on the 4th
of March reached Agra, where a farewell order was received from the
commander-in-chief to the regiment leaving India, in which he, as was
to be expected, spoke in high terms of the 78th. The whole of the
regiment was collected at Mhow on the 30th of March 1859, and here a
banquet was given by the inhabitants of the station to the officers
of the 64th and 78th, to welcome back to the Presidency of Bombay
these two regiments which had been so distinguished in the late
struggle.
On the 26th of March another complimentary order was received from
Sir Henry Somerset, commander-in-chief of the Bombay army.
Finally, on the 28th of April, the whole regiment, which had been
travelling in detachments, assembled at Bombay, and in honour of its
arrival Commodore Wellesley, commander-in-chief of the Indian navy,
ordered all H.M.’s ships to be dressed “rainbow-fashion.”
On the evening of this day a grand entertainment was given to the
78th by the European inhabitants of Bombay, in the form of a banquet,
to which were invited the non-commissioned officers, privates,
women, and children of the regiment. A magnificent suite of tents
was pitched on the glacis of the fort, and many days had been spent
in preparing illuminations, transparencies, and other decorations,
to add lustre to the scene. At half-past 7 o’clock P.M. the regiment
entered the triumphal arch which led to the tents, where the men
were received with the utmost enthusiasm by their hosts, who from
the highest in rank to the lowest had assembled to do them honour.
After a magnificent and tasteful banquet, speeches followed, in which
the men of the ROSS-SHIRE BUFFS were addressed in a style sufficient
to turn the heads of men of less solid calibre. The entertainment
was described in a local paper as “one of the most successful
demonstrations ever witnessed in Western India.”
The depôt had a few days previous to this arrived from Poonah, and
joined the regiment after a separation of two years and four months.
Finally, the regiment embarked on the morning of the 18th in two
ships, under the distinguished honour of a royal salute from the
battery. The two ships arrived at Gravesend about the middle of
September, and the regiment having been transhipped, proceeded to
Fort-George, where it once more rested from its hard labours, after
an absence of seventeen years from home. The strength of the regiment
on leaving India was 21 officers, 44 sergeants, 30 corporals, 11
drummers, 424 privates, 30 women, and 67 children; 59 men only being
left of those who came out with the regiment in 1842.
We may mention here, that during this year an alteration was made in
the clothing of the pipers, the colour of whose uniform was changed
from buff to a dark green.
VI.
1859-1874.
Reception of the regiment in the Northern Counties--Banquet at
Brahan Castle--Regiment fêted at Nairn and Inverness--Medals for
Persia--Removed to Edinburgh--Officers and men fêted at Edinburgh
and Hamilton--Abolition of Grenadiers and Light Companies--Medals
for the Indian Mutiny--Removed to Aldershot--thence to Shorncliffe
--thence to Dover--The Duke of Cambridge’s opinion of the 78th
--Additional year’s service granted to Indian men--Inauguration
of the Monument on the Castle Hill, Edinburgh--Presentation of Plate
and Pipe-major’s Flag by the Countess of Ross and Cromarty--Lucknow
Prize-money--Gibraltar--Retirement of Colonel M’Intyre--Retirement
of Colonel Lockhart--His farewell Address--Canada--Presentation
of Colours--Nova Scotia--Internal changes--Lieutenant-General Sir
C. H. Doyle’s opinion of the 78th--Home--Belfast--Aids the civil
power--Fort-George--Aldershot.
As we have devoted so much space to a narrative of the active service
of this distinguished regiment, we shall be compelled to recount
with brevity its remaining history; this, however, is the less
to be regretted, as, like most regiments during a time of peace,
the history of the Ross-shire Buffs since the Indian mutiny is
comparatively uneventful.
On the 1st of June 1859 Colonel Walter Hamilton was appointed to
be Inspecting Field Officer of a recruiting district, by which the
command of the regiment fell to Colonel Stisted, who, on the 30th
of the following September, exchanged to the 93rd Highlanders with
Colonel J. A. Ewart, C.B., aide-de-camp to the Queen.
The regiment being once more assembled on the borders of Ross-shire
(the county from which it received its name), after an absence of
twenty years, was received on all sides with a most hearty and
spontaneous and certainly thoroughly well-deserved welcome. The
northern counties vied with each other in showing civility to the
regiment by giving banquets to the men and balls to the officers.
Into the details of these fêtes we cannot of course enter. One of
the most characteristic of these entertainments was a banquet given
at Brahan Castle, by the Honourable Mrs Stewart Mackenzie, daughter
of the Earl of Seaforth who raised the regiment, when a large family
gathering of the Mackenzies of Seaforth assembled to do honour to the
corps raised by their ancestors, on its return from the Indian wars.
The regiment as a body was fêted by the inhabitants of the town and
county of Nairn, and by the noblemen and gentlemen of the northern
countries and burgh of Inverness at the latter town. The freedom of
the burgh of Nairn was also conferred on Lieutenant-Colonel M’Intyre,
and in both cases addresses were presented to the regiment, showing
a high and well-deserved appreciation of the noble work done by the
“Saviours of India.” On entering Inverness, Colonel M’Intyre halted
the regiment in front of the house of General John Mackenzie, the
oldest officer then in the British army, and who originally raised
the light company of the 78th Highlanders. The men gave three cheers
for the gallant veteran before proceeding along the streets appointed
for the procession to the banqueting hall.
In the month of November a large meeting was held at Dingwall, for
the purpose of considering the propriety of presenting some lasting
testimonial from all classes in the county of Ross to the Ross-shire
Buffs. The result of the meeting will appear in the sequel.
Shortly after this, Nos. 11 and 12 companies were formed into a
dépôt, numbering 4 officers and 96 men, who, under Captain M’Andrew,
proceeded to Aberdeen to join the 23rd dépôt battalion at that place.
The medals for the Persian campaign were received in February 1860,
and on the 18th of that month were issued to the regiment. Out of the
36 officers and 866 men who served in Persia in the early part of the
year 1857, only 15 officers and 445 men at this time remained on the
strength of the regiment.
The 78th left Fort-George in two detachments, on the 21st and 24th of
February, for Edinburgh, where its reception was most enthusiastic.
The streets were rendered almost impassable by the people that
thronged in thousands to witness the arrival of the famous 78th.
In Edinburgh, as when at Fort-George, the people showed their
appreciation of the services of the regiment by fêting officers and
men. On the 23rd of March the officers were entertained at banquet
given by the Royal Company of Archers, Queen’s Body-Guard for
Scotland; and on the 21st of April a grand banquet was given to the
officers and men by the citizens of Edinburgh, in the Corn Exchange.
The 78th remained in Edinburgh till April 1861, furnishing
detachments to Greenlaw and Hamilton. The detachment stationed at
the latter place was duly banqueted, and the freedom of the borough
conferred upon Lieutenant-Colonel M’Intyre, C.B.
While in Edinburgh, in accordance with a circular from the
Horse-Guards, dated May 30th, 1860, directing that all distinction
between flank and battalion companies be abolished, the grenadiers
and light companies ceased to exist, as such; the green heckles,
grenades, and bugles being done away with, together with all
distinction as to the size of the men, &c. This step, though no doubt
conducive to the greater efficiency of the service, was not a little
grievous to old officers, who as a rule took considerable pride in
the stalwart men of the grenadier companies.
On the 2nd of June, General Sir William Chalmers, K.C.B., died
at Dundee, and was succeeded in the colonelcy of the regiment by
Lieutenant-General Roderick M’Neil, formerly an officer of the 78th
Highlanders.
On the 9th of August the medals granted for the suppression of the
Indian mutiny were presented to the regiment by Lady Havelock (widow
of the late Sir Henry Havelock), who happened to be in Edinburgh at
the time. Out of about 900 of all ranks, who commenced the Indian
campaign with the 78th in May 1857, only 350 remained at this time in
the strength of the service companies, a few also being at the depôt
at Aberdeen.
The 78th left Edinburgh for Aldershot in detachments between April
27th and May 8th, 1861, remaining in huts till the end of August,
when it removed into the permanent barracks. After staying a year
at Aldershot it was removed on the 15th of May 1862 to Shorncliffe,
where it spent about another year, removing to Dover on the 26th of
May 1863. Here it was quartered on the Western Heights, furnishing
detachments regularly to the Castle Hill Fort, to be employed as
engineer working parties. After staying in Dover until August 1864,
the 78th embarked on the 5th of that month, under command of Colonel
J. A. Ewart, C.B., for Ireland, disembarking at Kingstown on the 8th,
and proceeding to Dublin. Here the regiment remained for another
year, when it received the route for Gibraltar. During this period
there is little to record in connection with the peaceful career of
the 78th.
Since the return of the regiment from India, it had, of course, been
regularly inspected, the inspecting officers, as was naturally to be
expected, having nothing but praise to bestow upon its appearance,
discipline, and interior economy. Shortly after the arrival of the
78th at Aldershot, it was inspected by H.R.H. the Duke of Cambridge,
who spoke of it in terms of the highest praise; “it was a noble
regiment and admirably drilled,” the Duke said.
On the 19th of November 1861, an authority was received for an
additional year’s service to be granted to those officers and
soldiers of the 78th Highlanders who formed part of the column that
entered Lucknow under Sir Henry Havelock; and on the 6th of March, in
the same year, a similar reward was granted to those who were left by
Sir Henry Havelock in defence of the Alum Bagh post on the 25th of
September 1857.
[Illustration: Monument on the Castle-Hill, Edinburgh.
SACRED TO THE MEMORY OF THE OFFICERS, NON-COMMISSIONED OFFICERS, AND
PRIVATE SOLDIERS OF THE LXXVIII REGIMENT WHO FELL IN THE SUPPRESSION
OF THE MUTINY OF THE NATIVE ARMY OF INDIA IN THE YEARS MDCCCLVII AND
MDCCCLVIII, THIS MEMORIAL IS ERECTED AS A TRIBUTE OF RESPECT BY THEIR
SURVIVING BROTHER OFFICERS AND COMRADES, AND BY MANY OFFICERS WHO
FORMERLY BELONGED TO THE REGIMENT.--ANNO DOMINI MDCCCLXI.]
On the 15th of April 1862, a monument to the memory of the officers,
non-commissioned officers, and privates of the 78th Highlanders, who
fell in India during the suppression of the mutiny in 1857-58, and
which had been erected on the Castle Esplanade at Edinburgh by the
officers and men of the regiment, and others who had formerly served
in the Ross-shire Buffs, was publicly inaugurated by Major-General
Walker, C.B., commanding the troops in Scotland, in presence of
the Scots Greys, the 26th Cameronians, and the Royal Artillery.
The monument is in the form of a handsome and tasteful large Runic
cross, an illustration of which we are glad to be able to give on the
preceding page.
We mentioned above that a meeting had been held at Dingwall, to
consider the propriety of presenting some testimonial to the
Ross-shire Buffs from the county which gives the regiment its
distinctive name. The outcome of the meeting was that, while
the regiment was at Shorncliffe, on the 26th of June 1862, two
magnificent pieces of plate, subscribed for by the inhabitants of
the counties of Ross and Cromarty, were presented to the 78th by a
deputation consisting of Keith Stewart Mackenzie (a descendant of
Kenneth, Earl of Seaforth, who raised and equipped the regiment),
Macleod of Cadbol, Major F. Fraser, and Lord Ashburton. The plate
consists of a Centre Piece for the officers’ mess, and a cup for the
sergeants’ mess, and bears the following inscription:--
Presented by the Counties of Ross and Cromarty to the 78th
Highlanders or Ross-shire Buffs, in admiration of the gallantry
of the regiment and of its uniform devotion to the service of the
country.--1859.
A very handsome flag for the pipe-major was also presented by Keith
Stewart Mackenzie of Seaforth to the regiment, which has six pipers.
While at Dover, on the 17th of October 1863, the first issue of the
Lucknow prize-money was made, a private’s share amounting to £1,
14s.; that of the various other ranks, from a corporal upwards,
increasing in regular proportion, up to the Lieutenant-Colonel, who
received 17 shares, amounting to £28, 18s.
On the 22nd of this month died the colonel of the 78th, General
Roderick Macneil (of Barra), to whom succeeded Lieutenant-General
Sir Patrick Grant, G.C.B.[507] In October of the following year,
Lieutenant-Colonel Ewart, who had had command of the regiment for
five years, retired on half-pay, and was succeeded by Major and
Brevet-Colonel Colin Campbell M’Intyre, C.B.
It may be interesting to note here, that in compliance with a
circular memorandum, dated Horse-Guards, 10th June 1865, the
companies of the regiment, from July 17th, were designated by letters
from A to M (excluding J), for all purposes of interior economy,
instead of by numbers as hitherto.
The 78th had been at home for nearly six years, when on the 2nd
of August 1865, it embarked at Kingstown for Gibraltar, the whole
strength of the regiment at the time being 33 officers, 713 men, 74
women, and 95 children. Asiatic cholera was prevalent at Gibraltar
at the time of the regiment’s arrival, and it therefore encamped on
Windmill Hill until the 18th of October. The loss of the regiment
from cholera was only 5 men, 1 woman, and 1 child.
During the two years that the 78th remained at Gibraltar, in
performance of the tedious routine duties incident to that
station, the only event worthy of record here is the retirement
on full pay, in October 1866, of Colonel M’Intyre, who had been
so long connected with the regiment, and who, as we have seen,
performed such distinguished service in India. He was succeeded by
Lieutenant-Colonel Lockhart, C.B., who, in assuming the command of
the regiment, paid, in a regimental order, a high and just compliment
to his predecessor.
On the 6th of July 1867 the 78th embarked at Gibraltar for Canada.
Previous to embarkation the regiment paraded on the Alameda, where
his Excellency Lieutenant-General Sir Richard Airey, G.C.B., Governor
of Gibraltar, bade the 78th “good-bye” in a short address highly
complimentary to the regiment, and especially to Colonel Lockhart,
who also, before his old regiment sailed, had to say farewell to it.
Colonel Lockhart, after being connected with the 78th for thirty
years, was about to retire on full pay, and therefore on the morning
of the 8th, before the vessel quitted the bay, he handed over the
command of the regiment to Major Mackenzie; and on the evening
of that day his farewell regimental order was issued, in which he
exhibited the deepest feeling at having to bid farewell to his dear
old regiment, as well as intense anxiety for the highest welfare of
the men. The address is, indeed, very impressive, and we are sorry
that space does not permit us to quote it here. “If any 78th man
meets me in Scotland,” the colonel said, “where, by God’s permission,
I hope to spend many happy days, I shall expect he will not pass me
by; I shall not him.”
[Illustration: Centre Piece of Plate for the Officers’ Mess.]
After being transhipped at Quebec on board a river steamer, the
regiment landed at Montreal on the 23rd of July. The regular routine
of garrison duty at Montreal was relieved by a course of musketry
instruction at Chambly, and by a sojourn in camp at Point Levis,
on the fortification of which place the regiment was for some time
engaged.
The only notable incident that happened during the stay of the
regiment in Canada was the presentation to it of new colours, the
old ones being sadly tattered and riddled, and stained with the
life-blood of many a gallant officer. The new colours were presented
to the regiment by Lady Windham, in the Champ de Mars, on the 30th
of May 1868, amid a concourse of nearly ten thousand spectators.
After the usual ceremony with regard to the old colours, and a
prayer for God’s blessing on the new by the Rev. Joshua Fraser,
Lady Windham, in a few neat, brief, and forcible words, presented
the new colours to Ensigns Waugh and Fordyce. Lieutenant-General
C. A. Windham, the commander-in-chief, also addressed the regiment
in highly complimentary terms. “Though he had not a drop of Scotch
blood in his veins,” he said, “he had exceedingly strong Scottish
sympathies. It was under Scotchmen that he got his first military
start in life, and under succeeding Scotchmen he had made his earlier
way in the service.... The 78th Highlanders had always conducted
themselves bravely and with unsullied loyalty.” At the déjeuner
which followed, General Windham said that in the whole course of his
service he had never seen a regiment which pulled together so well
as the 78th, and among whom there were so few differences. All the
toasts were, of course, drunk with Highland honours, and all went
off most harmoniously down to the toast of the “Ladies,” to which
Lieutenant Colin Mackenzie had the honour to reply, advising his
young brothers in arms to lose no time in coming under the sway of
the “dashing white sergeant.”
The old colours of the Ross-shire Buffs were sent to Dingwall, in
Ross-shire, there to be deposited in the County Buildings or the
Parish Church.
On the 8th of May 1869 the regiment left Montreal; and, after being
transhipped at Quebec, proceeded to Halifax, Nova Scotia, where
it arrived on the 14th of May. Previous to the regiment’s leaving
Montreal, a very warm and affectionate address was presented to it by
the St Andrew’s Society.
The regiment remained in Nova Scotia till November 1871, furnishing
detachments regularly to St John’s, New Brunswick. On several
occasions since its return from India, the strength of the regiment
had been reduced; and while at Halifax, on the 21st of April 1870,
a general order was received, notifying a further reduction, and
the division of the regiment into two depôts and eight service
companies, consisting in all of 34 officers, 49 sergeants,
21 drummers, 6 pipers, and 600 rank and file. This involved a
redistribution of the men of some of the companies; and, moreover,
depôt battalions having been broken up on the 1st of April, the
depôt companies of the 78th Highlanders were attached to the 93rd
Highlanders.
Lieutenant-General Sir Charles Hastings Doyle, K.C.M.G., commanding
the forces in British North America, inspected the regiment on the
11th of October 1870, a day or two after which the following very
gratifying letter was received by Lieutenant-Colonel Mackenzie,
C.B., from Brigade-Major Wilsome Black:--“The general desires me to
say that he is not in the habit of making flourishing speeches at
half-yearly inspections of Queen’s troops (although he does so to
militia and volunteers), because her Majesty expects that all corps
shall be in perfect order. When they are not, they are sure to hear
from him, and a report made accordingly to the Horse Guards; but
when nothing is said, a commanding officer will naturally take for
granted that his regiment is in good order. The general, however,
cannot refrain from saying to you, and begs you will communicate to
the officers and men of the regiment under your command, that he was
perfectly satisfied with everything that came under his observation
at his inspection of your regiment on Tuesday last.”
In compliance with orders received, the 78th, under the command of
Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander Mackenzie, C.B., embarked on board
H.M.’s troop-ship “Orontes,” on the 25th of November 1871, and
arrived at Queenstown, Ireland, on the 17th of December, where the
regiment was transhipped and conveyed to Belfast, arriving in Belfast
Lough on the 20th, and disembarking next day.
The strength of the regiment on its arrival in the United Kingdom was
32 officers and 472 non-commissioned officers and men, which on the
22nd of December was augmented by the arrival of the depôt battalion
from Edinburgh, consisting of 2 officers and 45 non-commissioned
officers and men. Shortly afterwards the strength of the regiment
was augmented to 33 officers and 592 non-commissioned officers and
privates; and in accordance with the Royal Warrant, dated October
30th, 1871, all the ensigns of the regiment were raised to the rank
of lieutenant, the rank of ensign having been abolished in the army.
During its stay at Belfast the 78th regularly furnished detachments
to Londonderry; and on several occasions it had the very unpleasant
and delicate duty to perform of aiding the civil power in the
suppression of riots caused by the rancour existing between Orangemen
and Roman Catholics in the North of Ireland. This trying duty the
regiment performed on both occasions to the entire satisfaction of
the Irish authorities as well as of the War Office authorities,
receiving from both quarters high and well-deserved praise for its
prudent conduct, which was the means of preventing greatly the
destruction of life and property.
Under the new system of localisation of regiments, it was notified
in a Horse Guards General Order, that the 71st Highland Light
Infantry and the 78th Highlanders would form the line portion of the
55th infantry sub-district, and be associated for the purposes of
enlistment and service. The counties included in this sub-district
are Orkney and Shetland, Sutherland, Caithness, Ross and Cromarty,
Inverness, Nairn, and Elgin, and the station assigned to the brigade
depôt is Fort George. In accordance with this scheme, Major Feilden,
with a small detachment, proceeded to Fort-George on the 9th of
April, to form part of the brigade depôt.
The 78th embarked at Belfast on the 3rd of May 1873, under command
of Colonel Mackenzie, C.B. The streets were densely crowded, and
the people gave vent to their good feeling by cheering repeatedly
as the regiment marched from the barracks to the quay. The regiment
was transferred to the “Himalaya,” which sailed on the 4th round the
west and north coast of Scotland, and anchored in Cromarty Bay on
the evening of the 7th, headquarters and six companies disembarking
opposite Fort George next day. Two companies remained on board and
proceeded to Aberdeen, there to be stationed. A detachment of the
companies at Aberdeen proceeded to Ballater on the 15th of May, as
a guard of honour to her Majesty the Queen, and again on the 14th of
August.
The regiment was inspected by Major-General Sir John Douglas, K.C.B.,
on the 19th of May, the report of the inspection being considered by
H.R.H. the Field-Marshal Commanding-in-Chief as most satisfactory.
The 78th remained at Fort George for only one year, embarking on
the 11th of May 1874, under command of Colonel Mackenzie, C.B., for
conveyance to Portsmouth, _en route_ to Aldershot. The regiment
disembarked at Portsmouth on the 15th of May, and proceeded by
special train to Farnborough, marching thence to Aldershot. A period
of exactly twelve years had elapsed since the 78th was last at this
camp.
On the 19th of May the 78th was brigaded with the 42nd, 79th, and
93rd Highlanders, at a review which took place in the presence of
the Czar of Russia; and it is worthy of note that these four kilted
regiments are those that represented Scotland at the siege and fall
of Lucknow. It is also a curious coincidence that Colonels Macleod,
Mackenzie, M’Bean, and Miller all served with the regiments they led
on this occasion before the Czar.
Major-General William Parke, C.B., commanding the 1st brigade,
inspected the regiment on the 21st of May, and expressed himself
highly pleased with the appearance and drill of the Ross-shire Buffs.
At the time we write, the establishment of this most distinguished
regiment consists of 27 officers, 64 non-commissioned officers,
drummers, and pipers, 40 corporals, and 480 privates,--the total of
all ranks thus being 611.
We have the gratification of being able to present our readers
with two authentic portraits on steel of two of the most eminent
colonels of the Ross-shire Buffs. That of the first colonel, Francis
Humberstone Mackenzie, Lord Seaforth, is from the original painting
in the possession of Colonel Mackenzie-Fraser, of Castle-Fraser; and
that of Sir Patrick Grant, G.C.B., G.C.M.G., is from a photograph by
Bassano, kindly sent to us by Sir Patrick himself.
SUCCESSION LIST OF COLONELS AND FIELD OFFICERS OF THE 78th
HIGHLANDERS.
COLONELS
+-------------------------+-------------------+---------------------------+
| NAMES. | Date of | Remarks. |
| | Appointment. | |
+-------------------------+-------------------+---------------------------+
|Francis Humberstone |March 7, 1793 |Resigned command of the |
| Mackenzie, afterwards | | regiment, retaining his |
| Lord Seaforth | | rank. Died, 11th January |
| | | 1815. |
|Alex. Mackenzie of |May 3, 1796 |Died a Lieutenant-General, |
| Belmaduthy, took the | | September 1809, from |
| name of Fraser of | | fever contracted in the |
| Castle Fraser | | Walcheren expedition. |
|Sir James Henry Craig, |September 15, 1809 |Died, 1812. |
| K.C.B. | | |
|Sir Samuel Auchmuty, |January 13, 1812 |Died, 1822. |
| G.C.B. | | |
|Sir Edward Barnes, G.C.B.|August 25, 1822 |Appointed to 31st Foot, |
| | | 10th October 1834. |
|Sir L. Smith, Bart., |October 10, 1834 |Appointed to the 40th Foot,|
| K.C.B., G.C.H. | | 9th February 1837. |
|Paul Anderson, C.B., K.C.|February 9, 1837 |Died, 28th December 1851. |
|Sir Neil Douglas, K.C.B.,|December 28, 1851 |From Colonel 72nd. Died, |
| K.C.H. | | 30th Sept. 1853. |
|Sir W. Chalmers, C.B., |September 30, 1853 |Died, 2d June 1860. |
| K.C.H. | | |
|Roderick Macneil |June 3, 1860 |Died, 22d October 1863. |
|Sir Patrick Grant, |October 23, 1863 |Governor of Chelsea |
| G.C.B., G.C.M.G. | | Hospital (1874). |
| |
| LIEUTENANT-COLONELS. |
| |
|Alex. Mackenzie of |July 24, 1793 |Promoted Colonel-Commandant|
| Belmaduthy | | 27th Feb. 1796. |
|Alex. Mackenzie of |February 10, 1794 |2nd Battalion of 1794. To |
| Fairburn | | 36th Regiment, 1797. |
|John Randoll Mackenzie of|February 27, 1796 |A Col. in the army in 1794;|
| Suddie | | he became a Major-General,|
| | | and was killed at |
| | | Talavera, 1809. |
|Alexander Malcolm | 1795 |Died, 1798. |
|John Mackenzie, Gairloch | 1795 |Placed on Half-pay, |
| | | 1799.[508] |
|John Mackenzie, junior | 1795 |Placed on Half-pay, 1795. |
|Hay Macdowall |May 22, 1797 |Col. in the army in 1795, |
| | | Major-General in 1798, |
| | | and was promoted to 40th |
| | | Regiment, 1802. Lost on |
| | | passage from India, 1809.|
|Alexander Adams |April 7, 1802 |Promoted Major-General, |
| | | 1814. |
|Patrick Macleod, Geanies |April 17, 1804 |2nd Bat. 1804; Killed at |
| | | El-Hamet, 21st Ap. 1807. |
|Hercules Scott, Benholm |July 23, 1807 |To 103rd, 1808. Killed in |
| | | Canada, 1814. |
|John Macleod, C.B. |May 12, 1808 |2nd Battalion of 1804. |
| | | Major-General, 1819. |
|James Macdonell, |September 7, 1809 |Exchanged to Coldstream |
| Glengarry | | Guards, 1810. |
|Sir Edward Michael Ryan, |February 21, 1811 |Died in 1812. |
|James Fraser |May 1, 1812 |Killed at Probolingo in |
| | | Java, 1813. |
|Martin Lindsay, C.B. |November 25, 1813 |Succeeded Colonel John |
| | | Macleod in command, 12th |
| | | Aug. 1819, and retired |
| | | 27th April 1837. |
|David Forbes |July 28, 1814 |Reduced on Half-pay, 1816. |
|Henry N. Douglas |April 28, 1837 |Died, 1st October 1849. |
|Martin G. T. Lindsay |April 8, 1842 |Exchanged, 15th April 1842.|
|Roderick Macneil |April 15, 1842 |Colonel in the army June |
| | | 17, 1828, and was |
| | | promoted Major-General, |
| | | 9th November 1846. |
|Jonathan Forbes |November 9, 1846 |Retired, 10th December |
| | | 1847. |
|E. Twopeny |December 10, 1847 |Exchanged to 10th Foot. |
|Walter Hamilton, C.B. |October 2, 1849 |Appointed Inspecting Field |
| | | Officer, 1st June 1859. |
|Henry W. Stisted, C.B. |April 19, 1850 |Exchanged to 93d |
| | | Highlanders, 30th Sept. |
| | | 1859. |
|John Alexander Ewart, |September 30, 1859 |Retired on Half-pay, 28th |
| C.B. | | October 1864. |
|Colin Campbell M’Intyre, |October 28, 1864 |Retired on Full-pay, 2d |
| C.B. | | October 1866. |
|Græme A. Lockhart, C.B. |October 2, 1866 |Retired on Full-pay, 13th |
| | | July 1867. |
|Alexander Mackenzie, C.B.|July 13, 1867 | |
| |
| MAJORS. |
| |
|Alex. Mackenzie, |March 8, 1793 |Promoted Colonel- |
| Belmaduthy | | Commandant, 27th Feb. |
| | | 1796. |
|George, Earl of Errol |July 24, 1793 |To 1st Regiment Foot |
| | | Guards, 1794. Died, 1799.|
|Alex. Mackenzie of |July 24, 1793 |To command of 2nd |
| Fairburn | | Battalion, 10th Feb. 1794.|
|John Randoll Mackenzie of|February 10, 1794 |Promoted, 1794. |
| Suddie | | |
|Michael Monypenny |October 28, 1794 |Promoted to 73rd Regiment, |
| | | 1798. Died, 1808. |
|Alexander Malcolm |May 2, 1794 |Promoted, 1795. |
|John Mackenzie, Gairloch |May 3, 1794 |Promoted, 1795. |
|John Mackenzie, junior | 1794 |Promoted, 1795. |
|Alexander Grant | 1795 |Retired, 1798. Died, 1807. |
|William Montgomery | 1795 |Promoted to 64th Regiment. |
| | | Died 1800. |
|Alexander Adams |August 30, 1798 |Promoted, 1802. |
|Hercules Scott, Benholm |May 9, 1800 |Promoted, 1807. |
|Patrick Macleod, Geanies |November 18, 1802 |To command of 2nd |
| | | Battalion, 17th April |
| | | 1804. |
|David Stewart, Garth |April 17, 1804 |Promoted to Royal West |
| | | Indian Rangers, 1808. |
| | | Author of the _Sketches_.|
|James Macdonell, |April 17, 1804 |Promoted, 1809. |
| Glengarry | | |
|William Campbell |December 13, 1804 |Killed at taking Fort |
| | | Cornelis, in Java, 1810. |
|James Fraser |July 23, 1807 |Promoted, 1813. |
|Robert Hamilton |April 21, 1808 |Retired, 1810. |
|Martin Lindsay |January 4, 1810 |Promoted, 1813. |
|David Forbes |August 29, 1811 |Promoted, 1814. |
|Duncan Macpherson |November 7, 1811 |Major of the regiment in |
| | | 1820. |
|James Macbean |December 14, 1811 |Major of the regiment in |
| | | 1820. |
|Duncan Macgregor |November 25, 1813 |Reduced on Half-pay in |
| | | 1816. |
|Colin Campbell Mackay, |August 11, 1814 |Reduced on Half-pay in |
| Bighouse | | 1816. |
|Joseph Bethune |June 14, 1821 | |
|C. G. Falconer |June 26, 1823 | |
|Henry N. Douglas |October 22, 1825 |Promoted, 28th April 1837. |
|James Mill |April 8, 1826 | |
|Benjamin Adams |May 7, 1829 |Retired, 17th May 1838. |
|Martin G. T. Lindsay |April 28, 1837 |Promoted, 8th April 1842. |
|Jonathan Forbes |May 18, 1838 |Promoted, 9th November |
| | | 1846. |
|E. Twopeny |April 8, 1842 |Promoted, 10th December |
| | | 1847. |
|R. J. P. Vassall |November 9, 1846 |Exchanged to Half-pay. |
|Walter Hamilton |December 10, 1847 |Promoted, 2d October 1849. |
|J. Burns |May 23, 1848 |Exchanged to 2nd Foot. |
|Henry W. Stisted |May 26, 1848 |Promoted, 19th April 1850. |
|T. J. Taylor |October 2, 1849 |Died, 18th June 1850. |
|Henry Hamilton, C.B. |April 19, 1850 |Appointed to the Staff, 1st|
| | | July 1862. |
|Colin Campbell M’Intyre, |June 19, 1850 |Promoted, 28th October |
| C.B. | | 1864. |
|Græme A. Lockhart, C.B. |July 1, 1862 |Promoted, 2d October 1866. |
|Alexander Mackenzie |October 28, 1864 |Promoted, 13th July 1867. |
|Oswald B. Feilden |October 2, 1866 | |
|Augustus E. Warren |July 13, 1867 | |
| |
| ADJUTANTS. |
| |
|James Fraser |March 8, 1793 |Retired, 1794. |
|James Hanson |February 10, 1794 |2nd Battalion of 1794. |
| | | Became Adjutant of the |
| | | consolidated Battalion in|
| | | 1796. Retired. |
|Donald Fraser |October 1, 1794 | |
|Alexander Wishart |October 20, 1797 |Promoted. |
|John Hay |December 30, 1800 |Died in India, 1803. |
|Joseph Bethune |June 25, 1803 |Promoted. |
|William Mackenzie |April 17, 1804 |2nd Battalion of 1804. |
| | | Promoted. |
|Thomas Hamilton |September 26, 1805 |Deceased. |
|John Cooper |October 15, 1807 |Adjutant of the regiment |
| | | till succeeded by Bull. |
|James Fraser |June 15, 1810 | |
|William Smith |June 24, 1813 |Adjutant of the 2nd |
| | | Battalion when reduced. |
|J. E. N. Bull |May 4, 1826 |Promoted, 19th October |
| | | 1838. |
|S. M. Edington |October 19, 1838 |Resigned, 31st August 1839.|
|C. Pattison |August 31, 1839 |Promoted in Newfoundland |
| | | Companies. |
|Hamilton Douglas Gordon |June 16, 1848 |Promoted, 10th October |
| | | 1850. |
|Laurence Pleydell |October 10, 1850 |Promoted, 22nd December |
| Bouverie | | 1854. |
|Herbert T. Macpherson, |December 22, 1854 |Promoted, 6th October 1857.|
| V.C. | | |
|Andrew C. Bogle, V.C. |October 6, 1857 |Promoted, 5th November |
| | | 1858. |
|G. D. Barker |November 5, 1858 |Promoted, 2nd April 1861. |
|Thomas Mackenzie |April 2, 1861 |Resigned, 16th May 1862. |
|Richard P. Butler |May 16, 1862 |Retired, 21st November |
| | | 1865. |
|George E. Lecky |November 21, 1865 |Resigned, 27th February |
| | | 1867. |
|Robert Lockhart Dalglish |February 27, 1867 |Retired, 20th July 1867. |
|E. P. Stewart |July 20, 1867 |Promoted, 7th July 1869. |
|C. E. Croker-King |July 7, 1869 |Promoted, 17th July 1872. |
|Arthur Dingwall Fordyce |August 21, 1872 | |
| |
| PAYMASTERS. |
| |
|Alexander Bannerman |February 25, 1804 | |
|James Ferguson |March 21, 1805 |2nd Battalion of 1804. |
| | | Deceased. |
|John Chisholm |December 11, 1817 |Retired. Succeeded by |
| | | Paymaster Taylor. |
|M. G. Taylor |August 26, 1836 |Exchanged to 45th Foot. |
|E. Evans |July 7, 1846 |Retired, 22nd April 1853. |
|Joseph Webster |April 22, 1853 |Retired, 1st April 1864. |
|Charles Skrine |April 1, 1864 | |
| |
| QUARTER-MASTERS. |
| |
|Archibald Macdougal |March 8, 1793 |Retired. |
|Alexander Wishart |February 10, 1794 |2nd Battalion of 1794. |
| | | Establishment reduced. |
|Duncan Macrae |January 23, 1801 |To 76th Foot as Ensign. |
|John Leavoch |February 11, 1804 |Promoted from Paymaster’s |
| | | Clerk. He carried the |
| | | Queen’s colour at Assaye |
| | | and Argaum. |
|John Macpherson |April 17, 1804 |2nd Battalion of 1804. |
| | | Retired. |
|Alexander Waters |June 30, 1808 | |
|William Smith |April 19, 1810 | |
|William Gunn |August 6, 1812 |Paymaster in Cape Mounted |
| | | Rifles, May 31, 1839. |
|Joseph Webster |May 31, 1839 |Promoted Paymaster, 22nd |
| | | April 1853. |
|Patrick Carroll |April 22, 1853 |Retired on Full-pay, 12th |
| | | September 1856. |
|Charles Skrine |September 12, 1856 |Promoted Paymaster, 1st |
| | | April 1864. |
|Alexander Weir |April 26, 1864 | |
| |
| SURGEONS. |
| |
|Thomas Baillie |March 8, 1793 |Died in India, 1802. |
|William Kennedy | 1794 |2nd Battalion of 1794. |
|John Macandie |November 17, 1802 | |
|Thomas Draper |April 17, 1804 |2nd Battalion of 1804. |
| | | Promoted Deputy |
| | | Inspector-General. |
|Neil Currie |September 1, 1808 | |
|William Munro |June 3, 1813 |To Half-pay. |
|John M’Roberts, M.D. |November 13, 1817 | |
|Robert Henry Bolton, M.D.|October 30, 1823 | |
|Duncan Henderson |March 23, 1826 |Exchanged to 14th Foot. |
|John M’Andrew |February 15, 1833 |Appointed to 40th Foot. |
|James Burt |July 29, 1836 |Appointed to 16th Dragoons.|
|Archibald Alexander |October 3, 1845 |Exchanged to 50th Foot. |
|Arthur C. Webster |March 23, 1849 |Transferred to 10th |
| | | Hussars. |
|Joseph Jee, V.C. & C.B. |June 23, 1854 |Exchanged to 1st Dragoons, |
| | | 20th Sept. 1864. |
|L. C. Stewart |September 20, 1864 |Promoted, 17th March 1867. |
|J. Meane |March 8, 1867 |Appointed to the Staff, 6th|
| | | March 1869. |
|V. M. M’Master, V.C. |March 6, 1869 |Died, 22nd January 1872. |
|A. W. Beveridge, M.D. |February 17, 1872 | |
+-------------------------+-------------------+---------------------------+
ASSISTANT-SURGEONS.--John Macandie (1795), Alex. Young (1795), John
Bowen (1803), Wm. Munro (1805), Alex. Leslie (1805), Walter Irwin
(1810), John Hughes (1811), Wm. Macleod (1814), George Maclean
(1814), Duncan Henderson, M.D. (1817), Alex Duncan (1826), James
Thomson (1826), Arthur Wood, M.D. (1826), James Young (1826), Wm.
Robertson (1832), W. H. Allman (1842), John Innes (1842), G. Archer,
M.D. (1839), J. Mitchell, M.D. (1843), D. R. M’Kinnon (1844), W.
Bowie, M.D. (1844), J. Leitch, M.D. (1846), J. M’Nab, M.D. (1847),
A. S. Willocks (1852), E. K. O’Neill (1854), V. M. M’Master (1855),
S. S. Skipton, M.D. (1857), A. W. Beveridge, M.D. (1857), P. Kilgour
(1866), N. Wade (1867), W. Johnston, M.D. (1872).
DRESS OF THE 78TH HIGHLANDERS,
THE FULL HIGHLAND COSTUME.
_Officers._--Kilt and belted plaid of Mackenzie tartan; scarlet
Highland doublet, trimmed with gold lace according to rank, buff
facings (patrol jacket and trews for fatigue dress); bonnet of black
ostrich plumes, with white vulture hackle; Menzies tartan hose,
red garter knots, and white spatterdashes (shoes and gold buckles,
and Mackenzie tartan hose and green garter knots for ball dress);
sporran of white goat’s hair, with eight gold tassels (two long
black tassels undress); buff leather shoulder-belt, with gilt breast
plate; red morocco dirk belt, embroidered with gold thistles; dirk
and skean-dhu, mounted in cairngorm and silver gilt; the claymore,
with steel scabbard; round silver-gilt shoulder brooch, surmounted
by a crown. The field officers wear trews, shoulder plaid, and
waist belt. The Cabar Feidh on all appointments, with the Elephant,
superscribed “Assaye.”
_Mess Dress._--Scarlet shell jacket, with buff rolling collar and
facings, and gold shoulder-knots; Mackenzie tartan vest, with
cairngorm buttons.
_Sergeants._--Same as privates, with the exception of finer cloth
and tartan. Staff sergeants wear the buff cross-belt and claymore,
and shoulder plaid with brooch.
_Privates._--Kilt and fly of Mackenzie tartan; scarlet Highland
doublet, buff facings (buff jacket and trews for fatigue dress);
bonnet of black ostrich plumes, with white hackle; sporran of white
goat’s hair, with two long black tassels; Menzies tartan hose, red
garter knots, and white spatterdashes; the Cabar Feidh and the
Elephant on the appointments.
_Band._--Same as privates, with the exception of red hackles, grey
sporrans, buff waist-belts and dirks, and shoulder plaids and brooch.
_Pipers._--Same as privates, with the exception of green doublets,
green hackles, Mackenzie tartan hose, green garter knots, grey
sporrans, black shoulder and dirk belts, claymore, dirk, and
skean-dhu, and shoulder plaids with round brooch.
FOOTNOTES:
[465] For this history of the 78th Highlanders up to the beginning of
the Persian War, we are entirely indebted to Captain Colin Mackenzie,
formerly an officer of the regiment, who is himself preparing a
detailed history of the 78th.
[466] See page 238, vol. ii.
[467] Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[468] The corporals were included in this number, which should
therefore have appeared as “rank and file” instead of “private
men.”--C.M.
[469] Private papers of the late Lord Seaforth.
[470] Extract from letter of service.
[471] “During six years’ residence in different cantonments in
Bengal no material event occurred. The corps sustained throughout a
character every way exemplary. The commanding officer’s system of
discipline, and his substitution of censure for punishment, attracted
much attention. The temperate habits of the soldiers, and Colonel
Mackenzie’s mode of punishment, by a threat to inform his parents of
the misconduct of a delinquent, or to send a bad character of him to
his native country, attracted the notice of all India. Their sobriety
was such that it was necessary to restrict them from selling or
giving away the usual allowance of liquor to other soldiers.
“There were in this battalion nearly 300 men from Lord Seaforth’s
estate in the Lewis. Several years elapsed before any of these men
were charged with a crime deserving severe punishment. In 1799 a
man was tried and punished. This so shocked his comrades that he
was put out of their society as a degraded man, who brought shame
on his kindred. The unfortunate outcast felt his own degradation so
much that he became unhappy and desperate; and Colonel Mackenzie,
to save him from destruction, applied and got him sent to England,
where his disgrace would be unknown and unnoticed. It happened as
Colonel Mackenzie had expected, for he quite recovered his character.
By the humane consideration of his commander, a man was thus saved
from that ruin which a repetition of severity would have rendered
inevitable.”--Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[472] Cust’s _Wars_.
[473] “A Mahratta chief, residing in the British camp, gave the
following account of the action in a letter to his friends at
Poonah:--‘The English are a strange people, and their General a
wonderful man. They came here in the morning, looked at the Pettah
wall, walked over it, killed all the garrison, and then turned in to
breakfast. Who can resist such men as these?’”--Cust’s _Wars_.
[474] Cust’s _Wars_.
[475] “It may not be known to the public, and perhaps not to the
78th Regiment itself, that the handsome black granite slab inserted
in the Pettah wall of Ahmednuggur, bearing an inscription that
on this spot fell, at the storming of the fort, Captain Thomas
Mackenzie-Humberstone (son of Colonel Mackenzie-Humberstone, who was
killed at the close of the Mahratta War, 1783), also to the memory of
Captain Grant, Lieutenant Anderson, the non-commissioned officers,
and privates of that Regiment who fell on that occasion, was placed
here as a memorial by the Honourable Mrs Stewart-Mackenzie (then
Lady Hood), eldest daughter of Lord Seaforth (brother of Colonel
Humberstone), when she visited this spot on her way from Poonah to
Hyderabad, in March 1813.”--_Memorandum found among the papers of the
late Colonel C. Mackenzie-Fraser of Castle Fraser._
[476] Alison’s _History of Europe_.
[477] “It is now said that they had in their camp 128
guns.”--_General Wellesley to Major Shaw, 28th September 1803._
[478] See History of the 74th, vol. ii. p. 575.
[479] Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[480] Alison’s _History of Europe_.
[481] Sir Samuel Auchmuty’s Despatch.
[482] Alison’s _History of Europe_.
[483] Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[484] “On the 10th, the ‘Prince Blucher,’ Captain Weatherall, came in
sight, and took on board Major Macpherson, Lieutenants Mackenzie and
M’Crummin, with a considerable number of men and _all the women and
children_. He would have taken the whole, but was driven off during
the night by a severe gale, and obliged to proceed to Calcutta,
leaving Captain M’Queen, Lieutenants M’Rae, Macleod, Brodie,
Macqueen, and Smith, and 109 non-commissioned officers and privates
on the island, which is barren and uninhabited.”--_Regimental Record._
[485] Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[486] Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[487] Records of 2nd Battalion.
[488] His portrait will be found on page 396, vol. ii.
[489] Before launching out into its history, it may be as well to
state that the uniform of this battalion was formed on the exact
model of the original dress of the first battalion, viz., a Highland
jacket, neck and cuffs of light buff, edging and frogs trimmed with a
narrow stripe of green, the button bearing the number of the regiment
beneath a crown, the breastplate engraved with a G. R. circumscribed
with the regimental motto, “Cuidich ’n Righ” (“Aids of the King”);
and in all other respects the full Highland uniform as established by
his Majesty’s regulations.
[490] Stewart’s _Sketches_. In relating the above interesting
anecdote, it is generally understood that Stewart alludes to an
incident in his own career.
[491] It is said that Sir John Stuart was greatly disappointed to
find the second battalion of the 78th a “corps of boys,” he having
expected the 42nd to be sent to his command, and calculated on their
assistance in his projected descent on Calabria. However, this
disappointment was of but short duration, as his order of the 6th of
July, after the battle of Maida, will testify.
[492] “Sergeant John Macrae, a young man, about twenty-two years
of age, but of good size and strength of arm, showed that the
broadsword, in a firm hand, is as good a weapon in close fighting
as the bayonet. If the first push of the bayonet misses its aim,
or happens to be parried, it is not easy to recover the weapon and
repeat the thrust, when the enemy is bold enough to stand firm; but
it is not so with the sword, which may be readily withdrawn from its
blow, wielded with celerity, and directed to any part of the body,
particularly to the head and arms, whilst its motions defend the
person using it. Macrae killed six men, cutting them down with his
broadsword (of the kind usually worn by sergeants of Highland corps),
when at last he made a dash out of the ranks on a Turk, whom he cut
down; but as he was returning to the square he was killed by a blow
from behind, his head being nearly split in two by the stroke of a
sabre. Lieutenant Christopher Macrae, whom I have already mentioned
as having brought eighteen men of his own name to the regiment
as part of his quota of recruits, for an ensigncy, was killed in
this affair, with six of his followers and namesakes, besides the
sergeant. On the passage to Lisbon in October 1805, the same sergeant
came to me one evening crying like a child, and complaining that
the ship’s cook had called him English names, which he did not
understand, and thrown some fat in his face. Thus a lad who, in 1805,
was so soft and so childish, displayed in 1807 a courage and vigour
worthy a hero of Ossian.”--Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[493] _Records, 2d Battalion._ He was succeeded in the command by
Lieut.-Colonel John Macleod.
[494] _Records, 2d Battalion._
[495] The victor of Barossa, afterwards Lord Lynedoch.
[496] Stewart’s _Sketches_.
[497] At these stations the regiment was inspected, and most
favourably reported upon, by Major-General Hope.
[498] His portrait will be found on page 482, vol. ii.
[499] Journal of Captain Keogh, late 78th Highlanders.
[500] Captain Hunt’s (78th Highlanders) _Persian Campaign_.
[501] Captain Hunt’s _Persian Campaign_.
[502] This portrait is copied, by the permission of John Clark
Marshman, Esq., and the Messrs Longman, from that in Marshman’s
_Memoirs of Major-General Sir Henry Havelock, K.C.B._
[503] Captain Hunt, 78th Highlanders, “Persian Campaign.” We
may remark that Captain Hunt’s conduct of the Ahwaz force was
very highly praised. Sir James Outram says in his despatch to
Sir Henry Somerset, “Great praise is also due to Captain Hunt,
78th Highlanders, who so successfully carried out the military
operations,” and Sir Henry acknowledges this by alluding to Captain
Hunt, “whose excellent disposition of his small force I have remarked
with much satisfaction.” Captain Hunt also received the thanks
of the Governor-General in Council. This very promising officer
unfortunately fell a victim to cholera during the Mutiny, and thus,
at an early age, terminated a career which must have done honour to
himself and reflected credit upon his regiment.--C. M.
[504] “Of the 78th Highlanders Havelock had formed a very high
estimate, and in his confidential report of that corps, made before
leaving Persia, a copy of which was found among his papers, he had
said:--‘There is a fine spirit in the ranks of this regiment. I am
given to understand that it behaved remarkably well in the affair
at Kooshab, near Busheer, which took place before I reached the
army; and during the naval action on the Euphrates, and its landing
here, its steadiness, zeal, and activity, under my own observation,
were conspicuous. The men have been subjected in this service to a
good deal of exposure, to extremes of climate, and have had heavy
work to execute with their entrenching tools, in constructing
redoubts and making roads. They have been, while I have had the
opportunity of watching them, most cheerful; and have never seemed
to regret or complain of anything but that they had no further
chance of meeting the enemy. I am convinced the regiment would be
second to none in the service if its high military qualities were
drawn forth. It is proud of its colours, its tartan, and its former
achievements.’”--Marshman’s _Memoirs of Havelock_.
[505] This account of the part taken by the regiment in the
suppression of the Indian mutiny is compiled mainly from the
admirable narrative contained in the Regimental Record Book.
[506] The garrison at Cawnpoor, under the command of Sir Hugh
Wheeler, was induced to surrender, after a most heroic defence of
three weeks, on promise of a safe conduct to Allahabad, and on
condition that the force should march out under arms, with 60 rounds
of ammunition to every man; that carriages should be provided for
the conveyance of the wounded, the women, and the children; and
that boats, victualled with a sufficiency of flour, should be in
readiness, at the Suttee Chowra Ghât, or landing-place (on the
Ganges), which lay about a mile from the British entrenchment. On the
morning of the 27th of June 1857 the garrison, numbering, with women
and children, nearly 800, was marched down to the landing-place; but
before the embarkation was completed, a fire of grape and musketry
was opened upon the boats, and a fearful massacre took place. Only
125 women and children were spared from that day’s massacre, and
reserved for the more awful butchery of the 15th of July. Upwards of
a hundred persons got away in a boat, but only four made good their
escape, as within three days the boat was captured by the mutineers
and taken back to Cawnpoor, where the sixty male occupants were shot,
the women and children being put into custody with the 125 already
mentioned.
Our illustration is from a photograph, and shows the Fisherman’s
Temple. For full details of the Cawnpoor massacres, we may refer our
readers to the volume entitled _Cawnpore_, by G. O. Trevelyan.
[507] See portrait on the steel plate of the Colonels of the 78th and
79th Regiments.
[508] “A General, and, at the time of his death, the oldest officer
in the British army. He served with high distinction and without
cessation from 1779 to 1814. He became a General (_full_) in 1837. So
marked was his daring and personal valour, that he was known among
his companions in arms as ‘Fighting Jack.’ General Mackenzie married
Lilias, youngest daughter of Alexander Chisholm of Chisholm, and
died 14th June 1860, aged 96.”--Burke’s _Peerage and Baronetage_.
When the 78th Highlanders were received in Inverness with the
utmost enthusiasm, on their return from the Indian Mutiny, General
Mackenzie, verging on 100 years, appeared on his balcony to bid them
welcome, and was warmly cheered by the successors of those he had so
often led to victory.--C. M.
THE 79TH QUEEN’S OWN CAMERON HIGHLANDERS.
I.
1793-1853.
The Clan Cameron--Raising of the Regiment--Flanders--West Indies
--Holland--Ferrol and Cadiz--Egypt--Ireland--A 2nd battalion--Proposed
abolition of the kilt--Denmark--Sweden--Portugal--Corunna--Spain--The
Peninsular War--Busaco--Foz d’Arouce--Fuentes d’Onor--Death of Colonel
Philip Cameron--Lord Wellington’s opinion of the 79th--Salamanca
--Siege of Burgos--Vittoria--Pyrenees--Nivelle--Nive--Orthes--Toulouse
--Home--Quatre Bras--Waterloo--France--Home--Chichester--Portsmouth
--Jersey--Ireland--Canada--New Colours--Scotland--England--Gibraltar
--“Bailie Nicol Jarvie”--Canada--Scotland--Chobham--Portsmouth.
[Illustration:
EGMONT-OP-ZEE.
EGYPT (WITH SPHINX).
FUENTES D’ONOR.
SALAMANCA.
PYRENEES.
NIVELLE.
NIVE.
TOULOUSE.
PENINSULA.
WATERLOO.
ALMA.
SEBASTOPOL.
LUCKNOW.]
The Camerons are well known as one of the bravest and most chivalrous
of the Highland clans. They held out to the very last as steadfast
adherents to the cause of the Stuarts, and the names of Ewen Cameron,
Donald the “gentle Lochiel,” and the unfortunate Dr Cameron, must
be associated in the minds of all Scotchmen with everything that
is brave, and chivalrous, and generous, and unyieldingly loyal.
The clan itself was at one time one of the most powerful in the
Highlands; and the regiment which is now known by the clan name
has most faithfully upheld the credit of the clan for bravery and
loyalty; it has proved a practical comment on the old song, “A
Cameron never can yield.”
This regiment was raised by Alan Cameron of Erracht, to whom letters
of service were granted on the 17th of August 1793. No bounty was
allowed by Government, as was the case with other regiments raised
in this manner, the men being recruited solely at the expense of the
officers. The regiment was inspected at Stirling in January 1794, and
at the end of the same month its strength was raised to 1000 men,
Alan Cameron being appointed Lieutenant-Colonel Commandant.[509] The
79th was at first designated the “Cameronian Volunteers,” but this
designation was subsequently changed to “Cameron Highlanders.”
The following is the original list of the officers of the 79th:--
_Major-Commandant_--Alan Cameron.
_Major_--George Rowley.
_Captains._
Neil Campbell
Patrick M’Dowall.
Donald Cameron.
George Carnegie.
_Captain-Lieutenant and Captain_--Archibald Maclean.
_Lieutenants._
Archibald Maclean.
Alexander Macdonell.
Duncan Stewart.
John Urquhart.
Colin Maclean.
Joseph Dewer.
Charles MacVicar.
_Ensigns._
Neil Campbell.
Gordon Cameron.
Archibald Macdonell.
Archibald Campbell.
Donald Maclean.
Archibald Cameron.
Alexander Grant.
William Graham.
_Chaplain_--Thomas Thompson.
_Adjutant_--Archibald Maclean.
_Quartermaster_--Duncan Stewart,
_Surgeon_--John Maclean.
After spending a short time in Ireland and the south of England, the
79th embarked in August 1794 for Flanders. During the following few
months it shared in all the disasters of the unfortunate campaign in
that country, losing 200 men from privation and the severity of the
climate.[510]
Shortly afterwards the regiment returned to England, and landed in
the Isle of Wight, in April 1795. Its strength was ordered to be
completed to 1000 men, preparatory to its embarkation for India.
While Colonel Cameron was making every exertion to fulfil this
order, he received an intimation that directions had been given
to draft the Cameron Highlanders into four other regiments. This
impolitic order naturally roused the indignation of the colonel,
who in an interview[511] with the commander-in-chief deprecated in
the strongest terms any such unfeeling and unwise proceeding. His
representations were successful, and the destination of the regiment
was changed to the West Indies, for which it embarked in the summer
of 1795. The 79th remained in Martinique till July 1797, but suffered
so much from the climate that an offer was made to such of the men
as were fit for duty to volunteer into other corps, the consequence
being that upwards of 200 entered the 42nd, while about a dozen
joined four other regiments. The officers, with the remainder of
the regiment, returned home, landing at Gravesend in August, and
taking up their quarters in Chatham barracks. Orders were issued
to fill up the ranks of the 79th, and by the exertions of Colonel
Cameron and his officers a fresh body of 780 men was raised, who
assembled at Stirling in June 1798. In the following year it was
ordered to form part of the expedition to the Helder, landing at
Helder Point, in North Holland, in August, when it was brigaded with
the 2nd battalion Royals, the 25th, 49th, and 92nd Regiments, under
the command of Major-General Moore. After various movements, the
fourth division, under the command of Sir Ralph Abercromby, came
up, on the 2nd of October, with the enemy, strongly posted near the
village of Egmont-op-Zee. Notwithstanding the unfavourable nature of
the ground, consisting of loose sand-hills, General Moore’s brigade
made such a vigorous attack with the bayonet, that the enemy were
quickly driven from their position, and pursued over the sand-hills
till night prevented further operations. In this enterprise, Captain
James Campbell, Lieutenant Stair Rose, and 13 rank and file, were
killed; and Colonel Cameron, Lieutenants Colin Macdonald, Donald
Macniel, 4 sergeants, and 54 rank and file wounded. The regiment was
specially complimented for its conduct both by the commander-in-chief
and by General Moore; the former declaring that nothing could do the
regiment more credit than its conduct that day. It embarked in the
end of October, and landed in England on the 1st of November.
In August 1800 the 79th embarked at Southampton as part of the
expedition fitted out to destroy the Spanish shipping in the harbours
of Ferrol and Cadiz. It arrived before Ferrol on the 25th, and
shortly afterwards the brigade of which the regiment formed part,
forced the enemy from their position and took possession of the
heights of Brion and Balon, which completely commanded the town and
harbour of Ferrol. Lieutenant-General Sir James Pulteney, however,
did not see meet to follow out the advantage thus gained, and
abandoned the enterprise. In this “insignificant service,” as Captain
Jameson calls it, the 79th had only Captain Fraser, 2 sergeants, and
2 rank and file wounded.
On the 6th of October the expedition landed before Cadiz, but on
account of the very unfavourable state of the weather, the enterprise
was abandoned.
In 1801 the Cameron Highlanders took part in the famous operations
in Egypt, under Sir Ralph Abercromby; but as minute details of this
campaign are given in the histories of the 42nd and 92nd Regiments,
it will be unnecessary to repeat the story here. The 79th was
brigaded with the 2nd and 50th Regiments, and took an active part in
the action of March 13th, in which it had 5 rank and file killed, and
Lieutenant-Colonel Patrick M’Dowall, Lieutenants George Sutherland
and John Stewart, Volunteer Alexander Cameron, 2 sergeants, and 56
rank and file wounded.
In the general engagement of March 21st, in which the brave
Abercromby got his death-wound, the light companies of the 79th and
the other regiments of its brigade kept the enemy’s riflemen in
check in front, while the fight was raging hotly on the right. The
regiment lost one sergeant killed, and Lieutenant Patrick Ross, 2
sergeants, and 18 rank and file wounded.
While proceeding towards Cairo with Major-General Craddock’s
brigade (to which the Cameron Highlanders had been transferred)
and a division of Turks, they had a brush on the 9th of May with a
French force, in which the 79th had Captain M’Dowall and one private
wounded. At Cairo the regiment had the honour of being selected to
take possession of the advanced gate, the “Gate of the Pyramids,”
surrendered to the British in terms of a convention with the French.
For its distinguished services during the Egyptian campaign, the
Cameron Highlanders, besides receiving the thanks of the king and
parliament, was one of the regiments which received the honour of
bearing the figure of a Sphinx, with the word “Egypt,” on its colours
and appointments.
After staying a short time at Minorca, the regiment returned to
Scotland in August 1802, whence, after filling up its thinned ranks,
it was removed to Ireland in the beginning of 1803. In 1804 a second
battalion was raised, but was never employed on active service,
being used only to fill up vacancies as they occurred in the first
battalion, until 1815, when it was reduced at Dundee.
In 1804 the question of abolishing the kilt seems to have been under
the consideration of the military authorities, and a correspondence
on the subject took place between the Horse-Guards and Colonel
Cameron, which deserves to be reproduced for the sake of the Highland
Colonel’s intensely characteristic reply. In a letter dated “Horse
Guards, 13th October 1804,” Colonel Cameron was requested to state
his “_private_ opinion as to the expediency of abolishing the
kilt in Highland regiments, and substituting in lieu thereof the
tartan trews.” To this Colonel Cameron replied in four sentences as
follows:--
“GLASGOW, _27th October 1804_.
“SIR,--On my return hither some days ago from Stirling, I received
your letter of the 13th inst. (by General Calvert’s orders)
respecting the propriety of an alteration in the mode of clothing
Highland regiments, in reply to which I beg to state, freely and
fully, my sentiments upon _that_ subject, without a particle
of prejudice in either way, but merely founded upon _facts_ as
applicable to these corps--at least as far as I am _capable_, from
thirty years’ experience, twenty years of which I have been upon
_actual_ service in all _climates_, with the description of men in
question, which, independent of being myself a Highlander, and well
knowing all the convenience and inconvenience of our native garb in
the field and otherwise, and perhaps, also, aware of the probable
source and clashing motives from which the suggestion now under
consideration originally _arose_. I have to observe progressively,
that in the course of the late war several gentlemen proposed to
raise Highland regiments, some for general service, but chiefly
for home defence; but most of these corps were called from all
quarters, and thereby adulterated with every description of men,
that rendered them anything but real Highlanders, or even Scotchmen
(which is not strictly synonymous), and the colonels themselves being
generally unacquainted with the language and habits of Highlanders,
while prejudiced in favour of, and accustomed to wear breeches,
consequently _averse_ to that free congenial circulation of pure
wholesome air (as an exhilarating native bracer) which has hitherto
so peculiarly befitted the Highlander for _activity_, and all the
other necessary qualities of a soldier, whether for hardship upon
scanty fare, _readiness in accoutring_, or making _forced marches,
&c._, besides the exclusive advantage, when halted, of drenching his
kilt, &c., in the _next brook_, as well as washing his limbs, and
drying _both_, as it were, by constant _fanning_, without injury to
either, but, on the contrary, feeling clean and comfortable, while
the buffoon tartan pantaloon, &c., with all its fringed frippery (as
some mongrel Highlanders would have it) sticking wet and dirty to the
skin, is not very easily pulled off, and _less so_ to get on again in
case of alarm or any other hurry, and all this time absorbing both
wet and dirt, followed up by rheumatism and fevers, which ultimately
make great havoc in hot and cold climates; while it consists with
knowledge, that the Highlander in his native garb always appeared
more cleanly, and maintained better health in both climates than
those who wore even the thick cloth pantaloon. Independent of these
circumstances, I feel no hesitation in saying, that the proposed
alteration must have proceeded from a whimsical idea, more than from
the real comfort of the Highland soldier, and a wish to lay aside
that national martial garb, the very sight of which has, upon many
occasions, struck the enemy with terror and confusion,--and now
metamorphose the Highlander from his real characteristic appearance
and comfort in an odious incompatible dress, to which it will, in
my opinion, be difficult to reconcile him, as a poignant grievance
to, and a galling reflection upon, Highland corps, &c., as levelling
that martial distinction by which they have been hitherto _noticed
and respected_,--and from my own experience I feel well founded in
saying, that if anything was wanted to aid the rack-renting Highland
landlords in destroying that source, which has hitherto proved so
fruitful for keeping up Highland corps, it will be that of abolishing
their native garb, which His Royal Highness the Commander-in-chief
and the Adjutant-General may rest assured will prove a complete
death-warrant to the recruiting service in that respect. But I
sincerely hope His Royal Highness will never acquiesce in so painful
and degrading an idea (come from whatever quarter it may) as to strip
us of our native garb (admitted hitherto our regimental uniform)
and _stuff_ us into a harlequin tartan pantaloon, which, composed
of the usual quality that continues, as at present worn, useful and
becoming for twelve months, will not endure six weeks fair wear as a
pantaloon, and when patched makes a horrible appearance--besides that
the necessary quantity to serve decently throughout the year would
become extremely expensive, but, above all, take away completely the
appearance and conceit of a Highland soldier, in which case I would
rather see him _stuffed_ in breeches, and abolish the distinction at
once.--I have the honour to be, &c.
(Signed) “ALAN CAMERON,
“_Colonel 79th or Cameron Highlanders_.
“To Henry Thorpe, Esq.”
The regiment remained in Ireland till November 1805, when it was
removed to England, where it did duty at various places till July
1807. In that month the 79th formed part of the expedition against
Denmark, where it remained till the following November, the only
casualties being four men wounded, during the bombardment of
Copenhagen.
After a fruitless expedition to Sweden in May 1808, under Lt.-General
Sir John Moore, the regiment was ordered, with other reinforcements,
to proceed to Portugal, where it landed August 26th, 1808, and
immediately joined the army encamped near Lisbon. After the
convention of Cintra, the 79th, as part of Major-General Fane’s
brigade, joined the army under Sir John Moore, whose object was to
drive the French out of Spain. Moore, being joined by the division
under Sir David Baird, at Mayorga, had proceeded as far as Sahagun,
when he deemed it advisable to commence the ever memorable retreat to
Corunna, details of which have already been given. At Corunna, on the
16th of January 1809, the 79th had no chance of distinguishing itself
in action, its duty being, as part of Lt.-General Fraser’s division,
to hold the heights immediately in front of the gates of Corunna;
but “they also serve who only stand and wait.” The embarkation was
effected in safety, and on the army arriving in England in February,
the 79th marched to Weeley Barracks, in Essex, about 10 miles from
Chelmsford, where many of the men were shortly afterwards attacked
with fever, though not a man died.[512]
While in Portugal, Colonel Cameron, who had been appointed
commandant of Lisbon with the rank of Brigadier-General, retired
from the personal command of the regiment, after leading it in every
engagement and sharing all its privations for fifteen years; “his
almost paternal anxiety,” as Captain Jameson says, “for his native
Highlanders had never permitted him to be absent from their head.”
He was succeeded in the command of the regiment by his eldest son,
Lt.-Colonel Philip Cameron.
After taking part in the siege of Flushing, in August 1809, the
regiment returned to England, and again took up its quarters in
Weeley Barracks, where it was attacked with fever, which carried off
a number of men, and prostrated many more, upwards of 40 having to be
left behind when the regiment embarked for Portugal in January 1810,
to join the army acting under Sir Arthur Wellesley.
Meanwhile a number of men of the 79th, who had been left behind in
Portugal on the retreat to Corunna, had, along with several officers
and men belonging to other regiments, been formed into a corps
designated the 1st battalion of detachments. The detachment of the
79th consisted of 5 officers, 4 sergeants, and 45 rank and file; and
out of this small number who were engaged at Talavera de la Reyna
on July 27th and 28th, 1809, 14 rank and file were killed, and one
sergeant and 27 rank and file wounded.
Shortly after landing at Lisbon, the regiment was ordered to proceed
to Spain to assist in the defence of Cadiz, where it remained till
the middle of August 1810, having had Lts. Patrick M’Crummen, Donald
Cameron, and 25 rank and file wounded in performing a small service
against the enemy. After its return to Lisbon, the 79th was equipped
for the field, and joined the army under Lord Wellington at Busaco on
the 25th of September. The 79th was here brigaded with the 7th and
61st Regiments, under the command of Major-General Alan Cameron.
The regiment had not long to wait before taking part in the active
operations carried on against the French by England’s great general.
Wellington had taken up a strong position along the Sierra de Busaco,
to prevent the further advance of Marshal Massena; and the division
of which the 79th formed part was posted at the extreme right of the
British line. At daybreak on the 27th of Sept. the French columns,
preceded by a swarm of skirmishers, who had nearly surrounded and
cut off the picket of the 79th, advanced against the British right,
when Captain Neil Douglas gallantly volunteered his company to its
support, and opening fire from a favourable position, checked the
enemy’s advance, and enabled the picket to retire in good order. As
the enemy’s attack was changed to the centre and left, the 79th had
no other opportunity that day of distinguishing itself in action.
It, however, lost Captain Alexander Cameron[513] and 7 rank and file
killed, Captain Neil Douglas, and 41 rank and file wounded.
After this battle, Wellington deemed it prudent to retire within the
strong lines of Torres Vedras, whither he was followed by Massena,
who remained there till the 14th of November, when he suddenly broke
up his camp and retired upon Santarem, followed by Wellington. The
French again commenced their retreat in the beginning of March
1811, closely pursued by the British army. During the pursuit
several small skirmishes took place, and in a sharp contest at Foz
d’Arouce, the light company of the 79th had 2 men killed, and 7
wounded. In this affair, Lt. Kenneth Cameron of the 79th captured the
Lieutenant-Colonel of the 39th French infantry.
On the 2nd of May, Massena, desirous of relieving Almeida, which
Wellington had invested, took up a position in front of Dos Casas and
Fuentes d’Onor. “The English position,” says Jameson, “was a line
whose left extended beyond the brook of Onoro, resting on a hill
supported by Fort Conception; the right, which was more accessible,
was at Nave d’Aver, and the centre at Villa Formosa.”
On the 3rd of May, Massena commenced his attack upon the English
position, his strongest efforts being directed against the village
of Fuentes d’Onor, which he seemed determined to get possession of.
The defence of the position was entrusted to the 79th, along with the
71st Highlanders, with the 24th regiment and several light companies
in support, the whole commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Philip Cameron
of the 79th. During the whole of the day the enemy in superior
numbers made several desperate attempts to take the village, and
indeed did manage to get temporary possession of several parts, “but
after a succession of most bloody hand to hand encounters, he was
completely driven from it at nightfall, when darkness put an end to
the conflict.”[514]
Early on the morning of the 5th of May, Massena, who in the meantime
had been making dispositions for a renewal of the contest, again
directed his strongest efforts against the position held by the 79th
and its comrades. By the force of overwhelming numbers the French
did succeed in carrying the lower portion of the village, at the
same time surrounding and taking prisoners two companies of the
79th, which had got separated from the main body. Meantime, in the
upper portion of the village a fierce and deadly contest was being
waged between the French Grenadiers and the Highlanders, the latter,
according to Captain Jameson, in numerous instances using their
muskets as clubs instead of acting with the bayonet, so close and
deadly was the strife maintained. “About this period of the action,
a French soldier was observed to slip aside into a doorway and take
deliberate aim at Colonel Cameron, who fell from his horse mortally
wounded. A cry of grief, intermingled with shouts for revenge, arose
from the rearmost Highlanders, who witnessed the fall of their
commanding officer, and was rapidly communicated to those in front.
As Colonel Cameron was being conveyed to the rear by his sorrowing
clansmen, the 88th regiment, detached to reinforce the troops at this
point, arrived in double-quick time; the men were now at the highest
pitch of excitement, and a charge being ordered by Brigadier-General
Mackinnon, the enemy was driven out of the village with great
slaughter. The post was maintained until the evening, when the battle
terminated, and the Highlanders being withdrawn, were replaced by a
brigade of the light division.”[515]
In these fierce contests, besides Lt.-Colonel Cameron, who died of
his wound, the 79th had Captain William Imlach, one sergeant, and 30
rank and file killed; Captains Malcolm Fraser and Sinclair Davidson,
Lts. James Sinclair, John Calder, Archibald Fraser, Alexander
Cameron, John Webb, and Fulton Robertson, Ensigns Charles Brown and
Duncan Cameron, 6 sergeants, and 138 rank and file wounded, besides
about 100 missing, many of whom were afterwards reported as killed.
The grief for the loss of Colonel Cameron, son of Major-General
Alan Cameron, former and first colonel of the 79th, was deep and
wide-spread. Wellington, with all his staff and a large number of
general officers, notwithstanding the critical state of matters,
attended his funeral, which was conducted with military honours.
Sir Walter Scott, in his “Vision of Don Roderick,” thus alludes to
Colonel Cameron’s death:--
“And what avails thee that, for Cameron slain,
Wild from his plaided ranks the yell was given?
Vengeance and grief gave mountain-rage the rein,
And, at the bloody spear-point headlong driven,
The despot’s giant guards fled like the rack of heaven.”[516]
Wellington,--and many other officers of high rank,--sent a special
letter of condolence to the colonel’s father, Major-General Cameron,
in which he speaks of his son in terms of the highest praise. “I
cannot conceive,” he says, “a string of circumstances more honourable
and glorious than these in which he lost his life in the cause of his
country.”
Cameron was succeeded in the command of the regiment by Major
Alexander Petrie, who, besides receiving a gold medal, had the brevet
rank of Lt.-Colonel conferred on him; and the senior captain, Andrew
Brown, was promoted to the brevet rank of Major.
How highly Lord Wellington esteemed the services performed by the
79th on these two bloody days, will be seen from the following
letter:--
“VILLA FORMOSA, _8th May, 1811_.
“SIR,--I am directed by Lord Wellington to acquaint you that he will
have great pleasure in submitting to the Commander-in-Chief for a
commission the name of any non-commissioned officer of the 79th
regiment whom you may recommend, as his lordship is anxious to mark
the sense of the conduct of the 79th during the late engagement with
the enemy.
“I have the honour to be, &c.,
(Signed) “FITZROY SOMERSET.
“Major Petrie, Commanding
“79th Highlanders,” &c.
Sergeant Donald M’Intosh was selected for this distinguished honour,
and, on the 4th of June 1811, was appointed ensign in the 88th
Regiment.
The 79th did not take part in any other engagement till the 22nd
of July 1812, when it was present as part of the reserve division
under Major-General Campbell at the great victory of Salamanca.
Its services, however, were not brought into requisition till the
close of the day, and its casualties were only two men wounded.
Still it was deemed worthy of having the honour of bearing the word
“Salamanca” on its colours and appointments, and a gold medal was
conferred upon the commanding officer, Lt.-Colonel Robert Fulton, who
had joined the regiment at Vellajes in September 1811, with a draft
of 5 sergeants, and 231 rank and file from the 2nd battalion.
In the interval between Fuentes d’Onor and Salamanca the 79th was
moved about to various places, and twice was severely attacked with
epidemic sickness.
After the battle of Salamanca, the 79th, along with the rest of the
allied army, entered Madrid about the middle of August, where it
remained till the end of that month.
On the 1st of September the 79th, along with the rest of the army,
left Madrid under Lord Wellington, to lay siege to Burgos, before
which it arrived on the 18th; and on the morning of the 19th, the
light battalion, formed by the several light companies of the 24th,
42nd, 58th, 60th, and 79th regiments, commanded by Major the Hon. E.
C. Cocks of the 79th, was selected for the purpose of driving the
enemy from their defences on the heights of St Michael’s, consisting
of a horn-work and flèches commanding the approach to the castle on
the right.
“The attack was made by a simultaneous movement on the two advanced
flèches, which were carried in the most gallant manner by the light
companies of the 42nd and 79th; but a small post, close to and on
the left of the horn-work, was still occupied by the enemy, from
which he opened a fire upon the attacking party. Lieut. Hugh Grant,
with a detachment of the 79th light company, was sent forward to
dislodge him, but finding himself opposed to continually increasing
numbers, he found it impossible to advance; but being equally
resolved not to retire, he drew up his small party under cover of
an embankment, and, possessing himself of the musket of a wounded
soldier, he fired together with his men and gallantly maintained
himself. The remainder of the company now coming up, the enemy
was driven within the works; but this brave young officer was
unfortunately mortally wounded, and died a few days afterwards,
sincerely and deeply regretted.
“The two light companies maintained the position until nightfall,
when the light battalion was assembled at this point, and orders
were issued to storm the horn-work at 11 P.M. A detachment of the
42nd and a Portuguese regiment were directed to enter the ditch
on the left of the work, and to attempt the escalade of both
demi-bastions, the fire from which was to be kept in check by a
direct attack in front by the remainder of the 42nd. The light
battalion was to advance along the slope of the hill, parallel to
the left flank of the work, which it was to endeavour to enter by
its gorge. The attack by the 42nd was to be the signal for the
advance of the light battalion, the command of the whole being
entrusted to Major-General Sir Denis Pack.[517]
“In execution of these arrangements, the troops at the appointed
hour proceeded to the assault. The light companies, on arriving
at the gorge of the work, were received with a brisk fire of
musketry through the opening in the palisades, causing severe loss;
they, however, continued to advance, and, without waiting for the
application of the felling-axes and ladders, with which they were
provided, the foremost in the attack were actually lifted over the
palisades on each other’s shoulders. In this manner, the first man
who entered the work was Sergeant John Mackenzie of the 79th; Major
Cocks, the brave leader of the storming party, next followed, and
several others in succession.
“In this manner, and by means of the scaling-ladders, the light
battalion was, in a few minutes, formed within the work; and a
guard, consisting of Sergeant Donald Mackenzie and twelve men of
the 79th, having been placed at the gate leading to the castle, a
charge was made on the garrison, which, numbering between 400 and
500 men, having by this time formed itself into a solid mass, defied
every attempt to compel a surrender; in this manner the French
troops rushed towards the gate, where, meeting with the small guard
of the 79th, they were enabled, from their overwhelming numbers to
overcome every opposition, and to effect their escape to the castle.
“Sergeant Mackenzie, who was severely wounded in this affair,[518]
and his small party behaved with the greatest bravery in their
endeavours to prevent the escape of the French garrison; and bugler
Charles Bogle of the 79th, a man of colour, was afterwards found
dead at the gate, near a French soldier, the sword of the former and
bayonet of the latter through each other’s bodies.
“The front attack had in the meantime completely failed, and a
severe loss was sustained.”[519]
The enemy having opened a destructive fire from the castle on the
horn-work, the light battalion was withdrawn to the ditch of the
curtain; and strong parties were employed during the night in forming
a parapet in the gorge.
Afterwards a series of assaults was made against the castle, with but
little success. In one of these Major Andrew Lawrie of the 79th was
killed while entering a ditch, and encouraging on the party he led
by escalade; and the Hon. Major Cocks met with a similar fate while
rallying his picket during a night sortie of the French. The death
of this officer was very much regretted by Wellington, who in his
despatch of October 11, 1812, said he considered “his loss as one of
the greatest importance to this army and to His Majesty’s service.”
The army continued before Burgos till Oct. 21, when, being threatened
by the advance of strong reinforcements of the enemy, it was deemed
advisable to retreat towards the frontiers of Portugal.
At the siege of Burgos, besides the two officers just mentioned, the
79th had one sergeant and 27 rank and file killed; Captain William
Marshall, Lt. Hugh Grant, Kewan J. Leslie, and Angus Macdonald, 5
sergeants, 1 drummer, and 79 rank and file wounded.
The regiment, with the rest of the army, remained in cantonments till
the middle of May 1813; and in February of that year Lt.-Colonel
Fulton retired from the command of the regiment, which was assumed by
Lt.-Colonel Neil Douglas,[520] from the 2nd battalion.
Breaking up from winter-quarters about the middle of May, the army
advanced against the enemy, who occupied various strong positions on
the north of the Douro, which, however, were precipitately evacuated
during the advance of the British army. The enemy retired towards the
north-east, in the direction of Burgos, which the British found had
been completely destroyed by the French. In the action at Vittoria,
in which the enemy was completely routed on the 21st of June, the
79th had not a chance of distinguishing itself in action, as it
formed part of Major-General Pakenham’s division, whose duty it was
to cover the march of the magazines and stores at Medina de Pomar.
At the battle of the “Pyrenees,” on the 28th of July, the 6th
division, to which the 79th belonged, was assigned a position across
the valley of the Lanz, which it had scarcely assumed when it was
attacked by a superior French force, which it gallantly repulsed
with severe loss; a similar result occurred at all points, nearly
every regiment charging with the bayonet. The loss of the 79th was
1 sergeant and 16 rank and file killed; Lieutenant J. Kynock, 2
sergeants, and 38 rank and file wounded. Lt.-Colonel Neil Douglas
had a horse shot under him, and in consequence of his services he
was awarded a gold medal; and Major Andrew Brown was promoted to the
brevet rank of Lt.-Colonel for his gallantry.
Along with the rest of the army, the 79th followed the enemy towards
the French frontier, the next action in which it took part being
that of Nivelle, November 19, 1813, fully described elsewhere.
Here the steadiness of its line in advancing up a hill to meet the
enemy excited the admiration of Sir Rowland Hill, and although its
casualties were few, the part it took in the action gained for the
regiment the distinction of inscribing “Nivelle” on its colours and
appointments. Its loss was 1 man killed, and Ensign John Thomson and
5 men wounded.
Continuing to advance with its division, the 79th shared, on the 10th
of December, in the successful attack on the enemy’s entrenchments on
the banks of the Nive, when it had 5 men killed, and Lt. Alexander
Robertson, 2 sergeants, and 24 rank and file wounded.[521]
The enemy having retired to the Gave d’Oléron, and the severity
of the weather preventing further operations, the 79th went into
quarters at St Pierre d’Yurbe, and while here, in Feb. 1814, it
marched over to the seaport town of St Jean de Luz to get a new
supply of clothing, of which it stood very much in need.
In the battle of Orthes, on February 25th, the 79th had no
opportunity of taking part, but took an active share, and suffered
severely, in the final engagement at Toulouse.
Early on the morning of the 10th, the 6th division, of which the
79th, under the command of Sir Henry Clinton, formed part, along
with the 42nd and 91st regiments, constituting the Highland Brigade
of Sir Denis Pack, crossed the Garonne and the Ers at Croix d’Orade,
following the 4th division, and halted near the northern extremity of
the height (between and running parallel with the canal of Languedoc,
and the river Ers) on which the enemy was posted, strongly fortified
by entrenchments and redoubts. Arrangements were here made for a
combined attack, the 6th division, continuing its march along the
left bank of the Ers, filed by threes in double-quick time, close
under the enemy’s guns, from which a heavy cannonade of round and
grape-shot was opened, occasioning considerable loss. “The Highland
Brigade of Sir Denis Pack,” Captain Jameson says, “halted about
midway to the position, formed line to the right, and proceeded
to ascend the hill. The light companies were now ordered out, and
directed to conform to the movements of the brigade, General Pack
having mingled with the former, and cheering them on.” The grenadier
company of the 79th was brought up as a reinforcement to the light
troops; and after a vigorous resistance, the enemy was driven to
a considerable distance down the opposite slope of the ridge. The
pursuit was then discontinued, and a slackened and desultory fire of
advanced posts succeeded.
The brigade had, in the meantime, formed on the Balma road across the
height, the light companies were recalled, and final arrangements
completed for an attack on the two centre redoubts of the enemy’s
position, designated respectively La Colombette and Le Tour des
Augustins. The attack of the former or most advanced redoubt was
assigned to the 42nd, and the latter to the 79th, the 91st and 12th
Portuguese being in reserve. Both these redoubts were carried at a
run, in the most gallant style, in the face of a terrific fire of
round shot, grape, and musketry, by which a very severe loss was
sustained. About 100 men of the 79th, headed by several officers,
now left the captured work to encounter the enemy on the ridge of
the plateau; but, suddenly perceiving a discharge of musketry in
the redoubt captured by the 42nd in their rear, and also seeing it
again in possession of the enemy, they immediately fell back on the
Redoubt des Augustins. The Colombette had been suddenly attacked
and entered by a fresh and numerous column of the enemy, when the
42nd was compelled to give way and, continuing to retire by a narrow
and deep road leading through the redoubt occupied by the 79th
(closely pursued by an overwhelming force of the enemy), the alarm
communicated itself from one regiment to the other, and both, for a
moment, quitted the works.[522]
At this critical juncture, Lt.-Colonel Douglas having succeeded
in rallying the 79th, the regiment again advanced, and in a few
minutes succeeded in retaking, not only its own former position,
but also the redoubt from which the 42nd had been driven. For this
service, Lt.-Colonel Douglas received on the field the thanks of
Generals Clinton and Pack, commanding the division and brigade; and
the regiments in reserve having by this time come up, the brigade
was moved to the right, for the purpose of carrying, in conjunction
with the Spaniards, the two remaining redoubts on the left of the
position. While, however, the necessary preparations were making for
this attack, the enemy was observed to be in the act of abandoning
them, thus leaving the British army in complete possession of the
plateau and its works. The 79th occupied the Redoubt Colombette
during the night of the 10th of April 1814.[523]
The importance of the positions captured by the 42nd and the 79th
was so great, and the behaviour of these regiments so intrepid and
gallant, that they won special commendation from Wellington, being
two of the four regiments particularly mentioned in his despatch of
the 12th of April 1814.
The 79th lost Captains Patrick Purves and John Cameron, Lt. Duncan
Cameron, and 16 rank and file killed; the wounded were Captains
Thomas Mylne, Peter Innes, James Campbell, and William Marshall;
Lts. William M’Barnet, Donald Cameron, James Fraser, Ewen Cameron
(1st), John Kynock, Ewen Cameron (2nd), Duncan Macpherson, Charles
M’Arthur, and Allan Macdonald; Ensign Allan Maclean, Adjutant and
Lt. Kenneth Cameron, 12 sergeants, 2 drummers, and 182 rank and
file. Of those wounded, Lts. M’Barnet, Ewen Cameron (2nd), and 23
men died of their wounds. Of the 494 officers and men of the 79th
who went into action at Toulouse, only 263 came out unwounded.
Lt.-Colonel Neil Douglas received the decoration of a gold cross
for this action, in substitution of all his former distinctions;
Major Duncan Cameron received the brevet rank of Lt.-Colonel in the
army; and the 79th was permitted by royal authority to bear on its
colours and appointments the word TOULOUSE, in addition to its other
inscriptions. As a proof, likewise, of the distinction earned by it
during the successive campaigns in the Peninsula, it was subsequently
authorised to have the word PENINSULA inscribed on its colours and
appointments.
Napoleon Buonaparte’s abdication having put an end to further
hostilities, the regiment, after remaining a few weeks in the south
of France, embarked in July 1814, arriving at Cork on the 26th,
and taking up its quarters in the barracks there. While here, in
December, its ranks were filled up by a large draft from the 2nd
battalion, and in the beginning of Feb. 1815, it set sail, along with
several other regiments, for North America, but was driven back by
contrary winds; the same happened to the expedition when attempting
to sail again on the 1st of March. On the 3rd, the expedition was
countermanded; and on the 17th the 79th sailed for the north of
Ireland, to take up its quarters at Belfast, where it remained till
May, when, with all the other available forces of Britain, it was
called upon to take part in that final and fierce struggle with the
great disturber of the peace of Europe, and assist in putting an end
to his bloody machinations against the peace of civilised nations.
The 79th, having joined Wellington’s army at Brussels, was brigaded
with the 28th, 32nd, and 95th Regiments, under the command of
Major-General Sir James Kempt, the three regiments forming the first
brigade of the fifth, or Sir Thomas Picton’s division, the Royal
Scots, 42nd, 44th, and 92nd regiments forming the other brigade under
Major-General Pack.
The events from the night of the 15th to the 18th of June 1815 are so
well known, and so many details are given in connection with the 42nd
and 92nd Regiments, that it will be sufficient here to indicate the
part taken in them by the 79th. The alarm having been rapidly spread
of the approach of the French on the night of the 15th--the night of
the famous ball well known to all readers of Byron,--preparations
were immediately made for marching out, and by four o’clock on the
morning of the 16th, the regiment, with its division, provisioned for
three days, was on the road to Charleroi. In the passage of _Childe
Harold_ where Byron’s famous description of the episode preceding
Quatre Bras occurs, the poet thus refers to the Cameron Highlanders:--
“And wild and high the ‘Cameron’s Gathering’ rose,
The war-note of Lochiel, which Albyn’s hills
Have heard, and heard, too, have her Saxon foes:--
How in the noon of night that pibroch thrills
Savage and shrill! But with the breath which fills
Their mountain-pipe, so fill the mountaineers
With the fierce native daring which instils
The stirring memory of a thousand years,
And Evan’s,[524] Donald’s fame rings in each clansman’s ears!”
The division halted near the village of Waterloo to cook its
provisions; but before this could be accomplished it was ordered
forward towards Quatre Bras, where it halted on the road, at the
distance of about half a mile from the enemy, from whom the column
was separated by a rising ground. After the two brigade companies had
halted for a very short time on this road the division broke off to
the left, lining the Namur Road, the banks of which were from ten
to fifteen feet high on each side. The Cameron Highlanders formed
the extreme left of the British army, and the 92nd the right of the
division, being posted immediately in front of Quatre Bras.
Scarcely had this position been taken up, when the enemy advanced in
great force, sending out “a cloud of sharpshooters,” who were met by
the light companies of the first brigade, along with the 8th company
and marksmen of the 79th. These maintained their ground bravely,
despite the fearful execution done upon them by the overwhelming
numbers of the enemy’s sharpshooters, who picked out the officers
especially, and the artillerymen serving the only two guns yet
brought into action. At about four o’clock in the afternoon, the
Cameron Highlanders had the honour of being ordered forward to
cover the guns and drive the enemy from his advanced position, and
gallantly did the regiment perform the service.
“The regiment,” says Captain Jameson,[525] “cleared the bank in its
front, fired a volley, and, charging with the bayonet, drove the
French advanced troops with great precipitation and in disorder to a
hedge about a hundred yards in their rear, where they attempted to
re-form, but were followed up with such alacrity that they again gave
way, pursued to another hedge about the same distance, from which
they were a second time driven in confusion upon their main column,
which was formed in great strength upon the opposite rising ground.
The regiment, now joined by its detached companies, commenced firing
volleys upon the enemy from behind the last-mentioned hedge, and in
the course of fifteen minutes expended nearly all its ammunition.
Whilst in this exposed situation, it was ordered to retire, which
it accomplished without confusion, although it had a broad ditch to
leap, and the first hedge to repass, when it formed line about fifty
yards in front of its original position. Being here much exposed
to the fire of the enemy’s guns, it was ordered to lie down, and
it continued thus for nearly an hour, when it was again directed
to resume its first position on the road, and form in column as
circumstances might require. Being afterwards repeatedly threatened
by cavalry, it formed and moved forward in square, but without being
attacked.”
Meantime all the other regiments of the division were engaged;
indeed, each battalion of the British army had to sustain, in several
instances separately and independently, the whole weight of the
superior French masses which bore down upon it. The enemy, however,
notwithstanding the many advantages he had, seems to have failed in
almost every attack, and the contest for that day ended about dusk
decidedly in favour of the British.
The loss of the 79th was Captain John Sinclair, Lt. and Adjutant
John Kynock, and 28 rank and file killed; Lt.-Colonel Neil Douglas,
Brevet Lt.-Colonels Andrew Brown and Duncan Cameron; Captains Thomas
Mylne, Neil Campbell, William Marshall, Malcolm Fraser, William
Bruce, and Robert Mackay; Lieuts. Thomas Brown, William Maddock,
William Leaper, James Fraser, Donald MacPhee, and William A. Riach;
Ensign James Robertson, Volunteer Alexander Cameron, 10 sergeants,
and 248 rank and file wounded. All the field officers, according to
Captain Jameson, in addition to severe wounds, had their horses shot
under them.
At dusk on the 17th the division took up its position among some
corn-fields near the farm La Haye Sainte, under cover of a rising
ground, the ridge opposite to which was lined by the enemy’s columns.
The 28th and 79th formed the centre of Picton’s division, the left
of the division extending towards Ohain, its right resting on the
Brussels road.
About half-past ten on the morning of the 18th of June, the French
began to move forward to the attack, under cover of a tremendous
cannonade, spiritedly answered by the British artillery, posted in
advance of a road which ran along the crest of the rising ground
in front of the division, and on each side of which was a hedge.
Kempt’s brigade, deploying into line, advanced to this road, the
light companies and the rifles descending into the valley, and
maintaining a severe contest against overwhelming numbers. Meantime
a heavy column of the enemy’s infantry, advancing towards the right
of the division, was warmly received by the 28th; and the 32nd and
79th, following up the advantage, each attacking the column opposed
to it, a close and obstinate engagement followed, “shedding lasting
honour on Kempt’s brigade,” till at length the enemy gave way in the
greatest confusion. It was during this contest that General Picton
was killed and General Kempt severely wounded; but although unable,
from the severity of the wound, to sit on horseback, the latter would
not allow himself to be carried off the field. The column of the
enemy thus routed was shortly afterwards surrounded and taken captive
by Ponsonby’s brigade of cavalry.
Shortly after this the first brigade, being threatened by a body
of the enemy’s cavalry, formed into squares, and soon afterwards
returned to its former position on the road,[526] lining the hedge
nearest the enemy, where it was exposed to a galling and destructive
fire, both from the guns and sharpshooters, against whom the light
companies of Kempt’s brigade and the division rifles were several
times sent.
After falling back for a supply of ammunition, the first brigade
again moved forward, and a general charge having been made along the
whole line about seven o’clock, the enemy gave way in all directions,
pursued by the Prussians and the English cavalry. The fifth division
rested for the night near the farm of _La Belle Alliance_.
The loss of the 79th was Captain John Cameron, Lts. Duncan
Macpherson, Donald Cameron, and Ewen Kennedy, 2 sergeants, and
27 rank and file killed; Captains James Campbell, senior, Neil
Campbell; Lts. Alexander Cameron, Ewen Cameron, Alexander Forbes,
Charles Macarthur, and John Powling; Ensigns A. J. Crawford and
J. Nash, 7 sergeants, 4 drummers, and 121 rank and file wounded.
Captain Neil Campbell, Lts. Donald Cameron, John Powling, and 48
men died soon afterwards. The total number of officers and men who
entered the engagement on the 16th was 776, and out of that only 297
came out on the 18th unwounded; the loss of the 79th exceeded by one
that of any other regiment in the army, except the 3rd battalion of
the 1st Foot Guards, which was almost annihilated.
Wellington, in his despatch of the 19th, mentions the regiment
in terms of high praise; and, as in the case of Toulouse, it was
one of the only four British regiments--the 28th, 42nd, 79th, and
92nd--specially mentioned in the despatch. The distinction of a
Companionship of the Bath was conferred upon Lt.-Colonel Neil
Douglas, and upon Brevet Lt.-Colonels Andrew Brown and Duncan
Cameron; Capt. Thomas Mylne was promoted by brevet to be major
in the army; and Lt. Alexander Cameron, upon whom, from the great
loss sustained in superior officers, the command of the regiment
ultimately devolved, was promoted to the brevet rank of major for his
distinguished conduct. Each surviving officer and soldier received
the decoration of the “Waterloo” silver medal, and was allowed to
reckon two additional years’ service.
The regiment, along with the rest of the army, proceeded on the
19th in pursuit of the enemy, arriving on July 8th at Paris, near
which it was encamped till the beginning of December. While here,
on the 17th of August, at the special request of the Emperor of
Russia, Sergeant Thomas Campbell of the grenadiers, a man of gigantic
stature, with Private John Fraser and Piper Kenneth Mackay, all of
the 79th, accompanied by a like number of each rank from the 42nd
and 92nd Highlanders, proceeded to the Palais Elysée in Paris, to
gratify the Emperor’s desire of examining the dress and equipments
of the Highland regiments. Sergeant Campbell especially was most
minutely inspected by the Emperor, who, says Campbell, “examined my
hose, gaiters, legs, and pinched my skin, thinking I wore something
under my kilt, and had the curiosity to lift my kilt to my navel, so
that he might not be deceived.” After asking Campbell many questions,
the Emperor “requested Lord Cathcart to order me to put John Fraser
through the ‘manual and platoon’ exercise, at which performance he
was highly pleased. He then requested the pipers to play up, and Lord
Cathcart desired them to play the Highland tune ‘_Cògaidh nà Sith_’
(‘war or peace’), which he explained to the Emperor, who seemed
highly delighted with the music. After the Emperor had done with me,
the veteran Count Plutoff came up to me, and, taking me by the hand,
told me in broken English that I was a good and brave soldier, and
all my countrymen were. He then pressed my hand to his breast, and
gave me his to press to mine.”
In the beginning of December 1815, the 79th, as part of the Army of
Occupation, went into cantonments in Pas de Calais, where it remained
till the end of October 1818, when it embarked for England, taking up
its quarters at Chichester on the 8th of November.
After moving from Chichester to Portsmouth, and Portsmouth to Jersey,
the regiment, in May 1820, embarked at Plymouth for Ireland, where it
took part in the critical and not very agreeable duty necessitated by
the disturbed state of the country, details of which will be found in
our account of the 42nd Royal Highlanders, who were in Ireland at the
same time.
On quitting Jersey, the “States of the Island” transmitted to the
commanding officer of the 79th an address, praising the regiment in
the highest terms for its exemplary conduct while stationed in the
island.
The 79th remained in Ireland till August 1825, being quartered
successively at Fermoy, Limerick, Templemore, Naas, Dublin, and
Kilkenny, furnishing detachments at each of these places to the
district and towns in the neighbourhood. The regiment seems to have
discharged its unpleasant duties as delicately and satisfactorily as
did the 42nd Highlanders, and to have merited the esteem and respect
of the people among whom it was stationed. On leaving Limerick, where
it was quartered for nearly two years, the magistrates and council
presented an address to the commanding officer, Lt.-Colonel Douglas,
in which they say,--
“The mild manners and military deportment of the officers, as well
as the excellent discipline and moral order of the brave men whom
you so well command, are happily evinced in the general order which
their uniform good conduct has excited in this city; and we beg of
you to convey to them the expression of our highest approbation.”
In April 1825, the regiment was augmented from eight to ten
companies, of 740 rank and file, and in August, the six service
companies embarked at Cork for Canada, under the command of Colonel
Sir Neil Douglas, arriving at Quebec in the month of October, where
they remained till June 1828. During this time, with the exception
of a few months in Glasgow, the dépôt companies were stationed at
various places in Ireland.
On the 24th of March 1828, Lt.-General Sir R. C. Ferguson,
G.C.B.,[527] was appointed colonel of the regiment, in succession
to Lt.-General Sir Alan Cameron, K.C.B., who had died at Fulham,
Middlesex, on the 9th, after being connected with the regiment for
about thirty-five years.
On the 18th of June 1828, the anniversary of Waterloo, the 79th,
which in that month had removed to Montreal, was presented with new
colours, the gift of its new Colonel, Lt.-General Ferguson. The
presentation, which was performed by Lady Douglas, took place on the
Champs de Mars, in presence of a very numerous assemblage of the
élite of the inhabitants of Montreal.
The regiment returned to Quebec in 1833, where it remained till its
embarkation for England in 1836. In the October of that year, the
service companies were joined at Glasgow by the dépôt companies,
which had in the meantime been moving about from place to place in
Ireland, England, and Scotland, being stationed for most of the time
at various towns in the last mentioned country.
In September 1833, by the retirement of Sir Neil Douglas on half-pay,
Brevet Lt.-Colonel Duncan Macdougal succeeded to the command of
the regiment; and on the latter’s retirement in March 1835, he was
succeeded by Major Robert Ferguson.
The regiment remained in Glasgow till June 1837, removing thence
to Edinburgh, where it was stationed till the following June, when
it proceeded to Dublin. On account of the disturbed state of the
manufacturing districts in the north of England in 1839, the regiment
was ordered to proceed thither, being quartered at various places.
Here it remained till about the end of 1840, when it was again
ordered on foreign service, embarking at Deptford for Gibraltar,
where it arrived in January 1841, and where it remained performing
garrison duty till June 1848.
In April 1841, on the death of Sir R. C. Ferguson, Major-General
the Honourable John Ramsay was appointed Colonel of the 79th, and
was succeeded, on his death in July 1842, by Lt.-General Sir James
Macdonell, G.C.B., whose portrait will be found on the plate of
Colonels of the 78th and 79th Regiments. Meantime, on the retirement,
in June 1841, of Lt.-Colonel Robert Ferguson, Major Andrew Brown
succeeded to the command of the regiment, but exchanged in October
following with Colonel John Carter, K.H., from the 1st Royals, who
retired in June 1842, and was succeeded by Major the Hon. Lauderdale
Maule.
“The monotony of a regiment’s life at Gibraltar is well known to
every corps that has had to perform garrison duty on the Rock. This
monotony falls much more heavily on the men than on the officers of
a regiment; the former, although they may leave the garrison gate
under certain restrictions, cannot pass the lines which separate the
neutral ground from Spanish territory.
“A few of the more gifted, therefore, of the 79th, during its seven
years’ sojourn at Gibraltar, tried from time to time to enliven
the community by such means as were at their command, which were
slender enough, but went a long way when properly utilised and
duly encouraged. Among these, the most popular, perhaps, was the
performance of private theatricals by a small company selected
from more or less qualified volunteers; and in truth the way in
which they contrived to put small pieces of a broad farcical nature
on their improvised stage, did no small credit to their natural
histrionic abilities. These performances at first took place in the
schoolroom, or such other well-sized apartments as could be made
available, and “the house” was at all times crammed with a most
appreciative audience, comprising all ranks, and representing every
corps in the garrison.[528]
“At a later period the amateurs of the 79th having discovered
their strength, and the real merits of one or two stars (of whom
more presently), engaged the town theatre, and gave one or two
performances of the national drama ‘Rob Roy,’ in a manner which
would not have disgraced the boards of many a provincial theatre at
home. The one ‘bright particular star’ of the company undoubtedly
was a bandsman of the regiment, named C----. His rôle was broad
comedy, and the Liston-like gravity of his immovable features gave
irresistible point to the humour of such parts as he was accustomed
to fill. But the one special character with which he became
identified in his limited circle, nearly as completely as the late
Mr Mackay was with the Edinburgh public, was ‘Bailie Nicol Jarvie.’
Dignity of position, bluntness of perception, dyspepsia itself,
were not proof against his quaint delineation of this well-known
character.
“In 1849 or ’50 the dramatic corps had been playing ‘Rob Roy’
with much acceptance in an improvised theatre at Quebec, being a
large room used for public meetings and so forth in the principal
hotel there. The city is, or was, full of Scotchmen, most of them
enthusiastically national, and the performances had been a great
success. Unfortunately certain festivities, which were scarcely
included in the programme submitted to the commanding officer,
followed in connection with these entertainments, and poor C----,
among others, was not entirely proof against their seductions. The
members of the dramatic corps showed symptoms of falling into habits
which could not but be detrimental both to their own welfare and the
discipline of the regiment; and the performances after a while had
to be stopped.
“Shortly after this, one fine morning, as the commanding officer,
accompanied by the adjutant and one or two other officers, was
crossing the barrack square on his way from the orderly-room, the
party encountered the unfortunate quondam Thespian in a state of
considerable elevation, between two men of the guard, who were
conveying him to durance vile. As his dim eye fell on the form
of the commanding officer, a gleam of tipsy humour for a moment
lighted up his somewhat grotesque lineaments; John Barleycorn had,
for the time, extinguished all terrors of the august presence. ‘Hang
a bailie!’ hiccuped poor C---- as he passed the group, who were
carefully ignoring his vicinity: ‘Hang a bailie! ma conscience!’ It
is scarcely necessary to say that, when brought up for judgment some
four-and-twenty hours afterwards, the unfortunate magistrate was
dealt with as lightly as the code of military discipline permitted.
C---- was discharged soon afterwards, having served his time; and
his subsequent career was never, we believe, traced by his former
comrades of the 79th.”
On leaving Gibraltar, in June 1848, the regiment proceeded to Canada,
but before embarking, the officers and men erected by voluntary
subscription a handsome marble tablet, in the Wesleyan Chapel at
Gibraltar (where divine service was held for the Presbyterian
soldiers of the garrison), to the memory of those non-commissioned
officers and soldiers who died during their period of service on the
Rock. The regiment arrived at Quebec on the 27th of July 1848, and
remained in Canada till August 1851, when it embarked for England,
arriving in Leith Roads at the end of the month. On disembarking the
headquarters proceeded to Stirling Castle and formed a junction with
the dépôt, while three companies were detached to Perth and three to
Dundee.
Previous to embarking for England, a highly complimentary letter was
addressed to Lieutenant-Colonel the Honourable Lauderdale Maule, by
the magistrates and council of Quebec. “It is,” says this letter,
“with great pleasure that the magistrates bear testimony to the
excellent conduct of the men of your regiment during their sojourn
in Quebec, where they will be long and favourably remembered.” Here
also did the officers and men of the 79th erect, in the Scotch
Presbyterian Church of St Andrew’s, a handsome marble tablet to the
memory of the non-commissioned officers and soldiers who died during
the period of service in Canada.
In February 1849, Major-General James Hay, C.B., was appointed
Colonel in succession to Lt.-General Sir James Macdonell, appointed
to the Colonelcy of the 71st Regiment; and in December 1852, Major
Edmund James Elliot succeeded to the command of the regiment as
Lt.-Colonel by the retirement of the Hon. Lauderdale Maule on
half-pay.
In February 1852 the regiment removed to Edinburgh Castle, where it
remained till April 1853, and after spending some time at Bury,
Preston, and Weedon, it joined the encampment at Chobham in July,
where it was brigaded with the 19th and 97th regiments, under the
command of Colonel Lockyer, K.H. Here the regiment remained till
the 20th of August, when the encampment was broken up, and the 79th
proceeded to Portsmouth.
II.
1853-1874.
War with Russia--New Colours--the 79th parts with some of its
best men to the 93rd--ordered to the Crimea--the Highland Brigade
--The Alma--Sebastopol--Balaklava--Valley of Death--Kertch
--Yenikali--Sir Colin Campbell--Dr Mackenzie--Home--Madras
--Allahabad--Lucknow--Boodaoon--End of the Indian Mutiny
--Meeanmeer--Peshawur--Rawul Pindee--Earl of Mayo--Jubbulpoor--the
93rd Highlanders--Nagpoor--Kamptee--Bombay--Home--Isle of Wight--the
Queen’s attentions and honours--Colonel Hodgson--Colonel Miller
--Ashantee--Coomassie.
The Cameron Highlanders had had a long rest from active service since
those two glorious days at Quatre Bras and Waterloo, in the events
of which it bore such a prominent and gallant part and lost so many
of its braves; now once again the declaration of war with Russia, on
the 1st of March 1854, was to afford its untried men a chance to show
what stuff they were made of. The 79th was destined to form part of
that famous “Highland Brigade,” which, under Sir Colin Campbell, did
its duty so gallantly with the allied army in the Crimea.
Previous to its embarkation for the East, Lt. General W. H. Sewell,
C.B., was in March appointed colonel in succession to the deceased
Lt.-General James Hay; and on April 21st, new colours were, without
ceremony, committed to its keeping by Lt.-Col. Edmund James Elliot.
The 79th embarked for active service under rather disheartening
circumstances. Only a few weeks before, while it remained uncertain
whether it would form part of the expedition, the regiment had been
called upon to furnish volunteers to the 93rd regiment, which had
received its orders, and was short of its complement. That strange
feeling of restlessness which at all times characterises soldiers,
added to the natural and praiseworthy wish to be where hot work was
expected, had its result in depriving the 79th of some of its best
soldiers. Many of the finest flank-company men took the opportunity
of changing their tartan, and the officers of the grenadiers and
light company were to be seen one fine morning, like Achilles,
“arming, weeping, cursing,” to attend the parade which was to see
their “best and bravest” handed over to a rival corps. Then speedily
came similar orders for the 79th, and volunteers for _it_ were
hastily summoned. In obedience to the above natural laws forth they
came as fast as they were wanted, but not exactly the sort of men to
replace those who had gone. However, they did their duty well and
bravely throughout the hard days that were in store for them, and it
would be wronging them deeply to say a slighting word.
The regiment embarked at Portsmouth in H.M. ship “Simoom” on the 4th
of May, and arrived at Scutari on the 20th. Here it was encamped on
the plain of Scutari, and was brigaded with the 93rd regiment, the
two being joined on June 7th by the 42nd Royal Highlanders; the three
regiments, as we have indicated, forming the Highland Brigade under
Brigadier General Sir Colin Campbell, and along with the brigade
of Guards the 1st division of our army in the East. The regiment
remained at Scutari till June 13th, when along with the other
regiments of the division it was removed to Varna, where it encamped
on the plain overlooking Lake Devnos, about a mile south of the town.
While stationed here, it had the misfortune to lose its two senior
field-officers, Lt.-Col. E. J. Elliot, and Brevet Lt.-Col. James
Ferguson, from fever. About the same time also died Colonel the Hon.
L. Maule, who for many years commanded the regiment, and who was now
Assistant Adjutant-General to the second division.
Lt.-Col. Elliot was on August 13th succeeded by Major John Douglas.
The regiment remained in the district about Varna till the end of
August, the strength of many of the men being very much reduced by
fever.
On the 29th of August the 79th embarked at Varna, and along with
the rest of the allied army arrived at Kalamita Bay on Sept. 14th,
disembarking on the same day. Along with the other regiments of its
division it marched four miles inland, and bivouacked for the night
near Lake Tuzla.
On the 19th, the army was put in motion along the coast towards
Sebastopol. For details as to the order of march and incidents by
the way, including the slight skirmish near the Bulganak River, we
must refer the reader to our account of the 42nd. This regiment,
along with the rest of the army, bivouacked near the Bulganak on the
night of the 19th, and on the morning of the 20th advanced towards
the River Alma, on the heights forming the left bank of which the
Russians had taken up what they thought an impregnable position, and
were awaiting the arrival of the invading army, never doubting but
that, ere night, it should be utterly routed, if not extinguished.
[Illustration: Major-General Sir John Douglas, K.C.B.
From a photograph.]
About half-past one o’clock the action commenced by the Russians
opening fire from the redoubt on the left upon the French, who were
attempting to assail their position in that direction. The British
forces then formed in line, and proceeded to cross the river about
the village of Burliuk. The light and second divisions led the way
preceded by the skirmishers of the Rifle Brigade, who advanced
through the vineyards beyond the village, and spreading themselves
along the margin of the river, engaged the Russian riflemen on the
opposite bank.
The first division, which formed the left of the allied army,
advancing in support, traversed the vineyard and crossed the river,
protected by its overhanging banks. On reaching the slope of the
hill, the three Highland regiments formed line in échelon, and, “with
the precision of a field-day advanced to the attack, the 42nd Royal
Highlanders on the right, and the 79th Cameron Highlanders on the
left, the extreme left of the allied army.”[529]
From its position, the 79th was the last of the Highland regiments to
mount the slope on the Russian side of the river, and its appearance
on the crest of the slope was opportune; it came in time to relieve
the mind of Sir Colin, who trembled for the left flank of the 93rd,
down upon which was bearing a heavy column of the enemy--the left
Sousdal column. “Above the crest or swell of the ground,” Kinglake
tells, “on the left rear of the 93rd, yet another array of the tall
bending plumes began to rise up in a long ceaseless line, stretching
far into the east, and presently, with all the grace and beauty that
marks a Highland regiment when it springs up the side of a hill,
the 79th came bounding forward. Without a halt, or with only the
halt that was needed for dressing the ranks, it sprang at the flank
of the right Sousdal column, and caught it in its sin--caught it
daring to march across the front of a battalion advancing in line.
Wrapped in the fire thus poured upon its flank, the hapless column
could not march, could not live. It broke, and began to fall back in
great confusion; and the left Sousdal column being almost at the same
time overthrown by the 93rd, and the two columns which had engaged
the Black Watch being now in full retreat, the spurs of the hill and
the winding dale beyond became thronged with the enemy’s disordered
masses.”[530]
The three Highland regiments were now once more abreast, and as
Kinglake eloquently puts it, the men “could not but see that this,
the revoir of the Highlanders, had chanced in a moment of glory. A
cheer burst from the reunited Highlanders, and the hillsides were
made to resound with that joyous, assuring cry, which is the natural
utterance of a northern people so long as it is warlike and free.”
There were still a few battalions of the enemy, about 3000 men, on
the rise of a hill separated from the Highland regiments by a hollow;
on these the Highland Brigade opened fire, and the Ouglitz column, as
it was called, was forced to turn.
The loss in the battle of the Alma of the Cameron Highlanders, who,
although they performed most important and trying service, had no
chance of being in the thick of the fray, was 2 men killed and 7
wounded.
On account of the conduct of the regiment, a Companionship of the
Bath was conferred upon Lt.-Col. John Douglas, and Captain Andrew
Hunt was promoted by brevet to be major in the army.[531]
After clearing the Russians out of the way the allied army marched
onwards, and on the 26th took up its position before Sebastopol,
Balaklava being taken possession of as a base of operations. On
the 1st of October the first division encamped on the right of the
light division to assist in the duties of the siege; and the 79th
afterwards furnished a number of volunteers, to act as sharpshooters
in picking off the enemy’s gunners and engage his riflemen. On the
8th of October, Sir Colin Campbell was appointed to the command of
the troops and position of Balaklava, and was succeeded in command
of the Highland Brigade by Colonel Sir D. A. Cameron, K.C.B., of the
42nd,--whose portrait we have given on the steel-plate of colonels of
that regiment.
After the battle of Balaklava, on October 25th, the 79th along with
the 42nd, was moved to a new position on the heights of the north
side of the valley of Balaklava, where it continued till May 1855.
“Although the Highland Brigade,” says Captain Jameson,[532] “was
thus at an early period of the campaign unavoidably withdrawn from
the siege operations before Sebastopol, it had all-important duties
to perform besides those inseparable from the unremitting vigilance
imperatively called for in the defence of the base of operations
of the army; for in the months of December 1854, and January and
February 1855, all the available duty men of the Highland brigade
were usually employed at daylight every morning in the severe fatigue
of conveying to the army before Sebastopol round shot, shell, and
provisions, the load assigned to each man being generally a 32 lb.
shot, carried in a sack, or 56 lbs. of biscuit. The preparation of
gabions and fascines for the work of the siege, numerous public
fatigue duties in the harbour of Balaklava and elsewhere, as well as
the labour required for strengthening the entrenchments, likewise
devolved upon the brigade.”
During the first four months of 1855, low fever and dysentery
prevailed in the regiment to such an extent that it was found
necessary to put the 79th under canvass in a position about 300 yards
higher up the slope, exposed to the sea breezes from the south-west.
Very soon after this move the health of the regiment underwent much
improvement.
In connection with what we have just stated, we shall introduce here
a striking and intensely pathetic reminiscence of the campaign,
which has been furnished us by Lt.-Col. Clephane. It shows how these
comparatively raw soldiers of the Cameron Highlanders displayed a
gallant devotion to their duty under the most trying circumstances
which would have reflected credit upon veterans of a dozen campaigns.
“Shortly after the opening of the bombardment of Sebastopol, the
79th Highlanders furnished a party for trench duty, consisting of
about 150 men, under command of a field officer, and accompanied by
a similar number detailed from the brigade of Guards. They marched
for the post of duty shortly before daybreak, taking the well-known
route through the ‘Valley of Death,’ as it was called. At that time
a foe more dreaded than the Russians had persistently dogged the
footsteps of the army, never attacking in force, but picking out
a victim here and there, with such unerring certainty that to be
sensible of his approach was to feel doomed. The glimmering light
was at first insufficient for making out aught more than the dark
body of men that moved silently along the above gloomy locality in
column of march four deep; but as the sun approached nearer the
horizon, and the eye became accustomed to the glimmer, it was seen
that one man was suffering under pain of no ordinary nature, and
was far from being fit to go on duty that morning. Indeed, on being
closely inspected, it became evident that the destroyer had set
his seal on the unfortunate fellow’s brow, and how he had mustered
the determination to equip himself and march out with the rest was
almost inconceivable. Upon being questioned, however, he persisted
that there was not much the matter, though he owned to spasms in
his inside and cramps in his legs, and he steadily refused to
return to camp without positive orders to that effect, maintaining
that he would be better as soon as he could get time to ‘lie down
a bit.’ All this time the colour of the poor fellow’s face was
positively and intensely blue, and the damps of death were standing
unmistakeably on his forehead. He staggered as he walked, groaning
with clenched teeth, but keeping step, and shifting his rifle with
the rest in obedience to each word of command. He ought probably
to have been at once despatched to the rear, but the party was now
close to the scene of action (Gordon’s battery), the firing would
immediately commence, and somehow he was for the moment forgotten.
The men took their places lining the breastwork, the troops whom
they relieved marched off, and the firing began, and was kept up
with great fury on both sides. All at once a figure staggered out
from the hollow beneath the earthen rampart where the men were
lying, and fell groaning upon the earth a few paces to the rear. It
was the unfortunate man whose case we have just noticed. He was now
in the last extremity, and there was not the ghost of a chance for
him in this world; but three or four of his comrades instantly left
their place of comparative safety, and surrounded him with a view of
doing what they could to alleviate his sufferings. It was not much;
they raised him up and rubbed his legs, which were knotted with
cramps, and brandy from an officer’s flask was administered without
stint. All in vain, of course; but, curiously enough, even then the
dying man did not lose heart, or show any weakness under sufferings
which must have been frightful. He was grateful to the men who were
busy rubbing his agonised limbs, and expressed satisfaction with
their efforts, after a fashion that had even some show of piteous
humour about it. ‘Aye,’ groaned he, as they came upon a knot of
sinews as large as a pigeon’s egg, ‘that’s the _vaygabone_!’ It
became evident now that the best thing that could be done would be
to get him home to camp, so that he might at least die beyond the
reach of shot and shell. The open ground to the rear of the battery
was swept by a perfect storm of these missles; but volunteers at
once came forward, and placed upon one of the bloodstained litters
the dying man, who, now nearly insensible, was carried back to
his tent. This was effected without casualty to the bearers, who
forthwith returned to their post, leaving their unfortunate comrade
at the point of breathing his last.”
Such were the men who upheld the honour of the Scottish name in those
days, and such, alas! were those who furnished a royal banquet to the
destroyer, Death, throughout that melancholy campaign.
The 79th, in the end of May and beginning of June, formed part of
the expedition to Kertch, described in the history of the 42nd. This
expedition came quite as a little pleasant pic-nic to those regiments
who were lucky enough to be told off as part of the force, and the
79th, along with the other regiments of the Highland brigade, had the
good fortune to be so. Yenikali had been very hastily evacuated, all
its guns being left in perfect order, and signs everywhere of little
domestic establishments broken up in what must have been excessive
dismay--expensive articles of furniture, ladies’ dresses, little
articles of the same sort appertaining to children, all left standing
as the owners had left them, fleeing, as they imagined, for their
lives. Truth to tell, they would not have been far wrong, but for the
presence of the British.[533]
On its return in the middle of June, the Highland brigade took up
its old position beside the Guards before Sebastopol, the command of
the re-united division being assumed by Sir Colin Campbell. After
this the division was regularly employed in the siege operations, it
having been drawn up in reserve during the unsuccessful attack on
the Malakoff and Redan on the 18th of June.
In August, on account of the formation of an additional division to
the army, the old Highland Brigade was separated from the Guards, and
joined to the 1st and 2nd battalion Royals, and the 72nd Highlanders,
these now forming the Highland division under Sir Colin Campbell.
On the 8th of September, the 79th, along with the other regiments
of the brigade, was marched down to the front to take part in the
contemplated assault upon the enemy’s fortifications. About four in
the afternoon, the 79th, under command of Lt.-Col. C. H. Taylor,
reached the fifth or most advanced parallel, in front of the great
Redan, the 72nd being in line on its left. Before this, however,
the Redan had been attacked by the right and second divisions, who,
“after exhibiting a devotion and courage yet to be surpassed,” were
compelled to retire with severe loss; the French attack on the
Malakoff had at the same time been successful.
The brigade continued to occupy its advanced position during the
remainder of the day exposed to a heavy fire, it being appointed
to make another assault on the Redan next morning. Such a deadly
enterprise, however, fortunately proved unnecessary, as early next
morning it was ascertained that the enemy, after having blown up
their magazines and other works, were in full retreat across the
harbour by the bridge of boats. The only duty devolving upon the 79th
was to send two companies to take possession of the Redan and its
works.
The loss of the regiment on the day of the assault, and in the
various operations during the siege, was 17 rank and file killed, Lt.
D. H. M’Barnet, Assistant-Surgeon Edward Louis Lundy, 3 sergeants, 1
drummer, and 39 rank and file wounded. While recording the losses of
the regiment, honourable mention ought to be made of Dr Richard James
Mackenzie, who gave up a lucrative practice in Edinburgh in order to
join the British army in the east. He was appointed to the 79th while
the regiment was stationed at Varna, and until his death on September
25th 1854, shortly after “Alma,” he rendered to the regiment and
the army generally services of the highest importance. He followed
the army on foot, undergoing much fatigue and many privations,
which, with the arduous labours he took upon himself after the
battle, no doubt hastened his much lamented death. After the battle
of the Alma, it is said, he performed no fewer than twenty-seven
capital operations with his own hand. “So highly were his services
appreciated by the 79th, that, after the battle of the Alma, on his
coming up to the regiment from attendance on the wounded, several
of the men called out, ‘Three cheers for Dr Mackenzie!’ which was
promptly and warmly responded to.”
The regiment, after the notification of peace, erected to his memory
a neat tombstone, with an appropriate inscription, fenced in by a
stone wall, on the heights of Belbek, near his resting-place.
His heroic and humane deeds on the battle-field of the Alma were
thoroughly appreciated by the 79th, and have been recorded by others.
We may, however, faintly gather something of them from his letter
to his brother Kenneth--the last he ever wrote. It was written on
the day after the battle. In this letter he says: “We” (Dr Scott and
himself) “were shaking hands with all our friends, when, to my no
small surprise and gratification, as you may believe, a voice shouted
out from the column as they stood in the ranks--‘_Three cheers for
Mr Mackenzie_,’ and though I say it who shouldn’t, I never heard
three better cheers. You will _laugh_, my dear fellow, when you read
this, but I can tell you I could scarcely refrain from doing t’other
thing. All I could do was to wave my Glengarry in thanks.” As to Dr
Mackenzie’s coolness under fire, the quartermaster of the 79th wrote:
“During the height of the action I was in conversation with him when
a round shot struck the ground, and rebounding over our regiment,
flew over our heads and killed an artillery horse a few yards in our
rear.” Mackenzie quietly remarked, “That is a narrow escape.”
The regiment continued in the Crimea till June 1856, on the 15th of
which month it embarked at Balaklava, and disembarked at Portsmouth
on the 5th of July, proceeding immediately by rail to the camp at
Aldershot.[534]
[Illustration: Dr Richard James Mackenzie, M.D., F.R.C.S. From
photograph in 1854, in possession of Kenneth Mackenzie, Esq.]
After being stationed for a short time at Shorncliffe, and for some
months at Canterbury, and having been present at the distribution of
the Victoria Cross by Her Majesty in Hyde Park on June 26th 1857, the
79th proceeded to Dublin, where it landed on the 28th. Here, however,
it remained but a short time, as on account of the Sepoy revolt
in India, it was again ordered to prepare for active service. The
regiment was rapidly completed to 1000 rank and file, and set sail in
the beginning of August, arriving at Madras Roads early in November,
when it received orders to proceed to Calcutta, where it disembarked
on the 28th of November and occupied Fort-William. After remaining
there for a few days, the 79th, on Dec. 2nd, proceeded by rail to
Raneegunge, under the command of Lt.-Colonel John Douglas. Towards
the end of the month the regiment left Raneegunge for Allahabad,
where it halted till the 5th of Jan. 1858, a day memorable in the
history of the 79th for its having marched upwards of 48 miles, and
gained its first victory in the East, viz., that of Secundragunge, in
which happily it had no casualties.
The regiment left Allahabad for Lucknow on the 18th of Jan., and on
the 28th of Feb. it joined the force under Sir Colin Campbell at Camp
Bunterah. The regiment was then commanded by Lt.-Colonel Taylor,
Lt.-Colonel Douglas having been appointed to the command of the 5th
Infantry Brigade. After passing the Goomtee, the 79th joined the
force under Sir James Outram, and was brigaded with the 1st battalion
of the 23rd Fusiliers and the 1st Bengal Fusiliers, under the command
of Brigadier General Douglas. The regiment was present, and performed
its part bravely during the siege and capture of Lucknow, from the
2nd to the 16th of March 1858, its loss being 7 non-commissioned
officers and privates killed, and 2 officers, Brevet-Major Miller
and Ensign Haine, and 21 non-commissioned officers and privates
wounded.[535]
After the capture of Lucknow the 79th joined the division under the
command of Major-General Walpole, in the advance towards Allahgunge,
Shahjehanpoor, and Bareilly. Its next engagement was the action of
Boodaoon, where the regiment had only 1 man wounded, who afterwards
died of his wounds. On the 22nd of April the 79th was present at the
action of Allahgunge, where it had no casualties. On the 27th, Sir
Colin Campbell assumed command of the force and marched on Bareilly,
the 79th, along with the 42nd and 93rd, forming the Highland brigade.
On the 5th of May the 79th was formed in line of battle before
Bareilly, when it helped to gain another glorious victory, with a
loss of only 2 men killed and 2 wounded. The regiment received the
special thanks of Sir Colin Campbell.
The 79th next made a forced march to the relief of Shahjehanpoor,
under the command of Brigadier-General John Jones, and on the 21st of
May was again under fire at the attack of that place. Thence it went
to Mohoomdee, in the attack on which it took part on the 24th and
25th; here it had 2 men wounded, and, according to the Record-Book,
upwards of 100 men suffered from sunstroke.
After this last action the regiment once more found itself in
quarters at Futtehgurh and Cawnpoor, one wing being detached to
Allahabad; this, however, was only for a short time, as on the 21st
of October an order was received for the 79th to join the brigade in
Oudh, under Brigadier-General Wetherall, C.B. On the 3rd of November
the 79th was present at the storm and capture of Rampoor Kosilab,
the regiment losing only 2 men killed, and 1 sergeant and 6 privates
wounded. For its conduct on this occasion the 79th was complimented
in General Orders by His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief.
Brig.-Gen. Wetherall having left the force, was succeeded in command
by Sir Hope Grant, K.C.B., who appointed Lt.-Col. Taylor, 79th, to
command the brigade, Major Butt succeeding the latter in command of
the 79th.
The 79th proceeded by forced marches to Fyzabad to commence the
trans-Ghogra operations, and was present at the action of the passage
of the Ghogra on the 25th of November, the skirmish at Muchligan on
the 6th of Dec., and the skirmish at Bundwa Kotee on the 3rd of Jan.
1859. After the last-mentioned engagement the 79th received orders to
proceed to Meean Meer in the Punjab, under the command of Lt.-Col.
Taylor.
Thus ended the Indian Mutiny, during which the casualties to the 79th
Highlanders amounted to 2 officers wounded, and 158[536] of all ranks
killed. For its gallant conduct during the Indian campaign the 79th
received the thanks of both Houses of Parliament, and was authorised
to bear on its colours the inscription “Capture of Lucknow.” Lt.-Col.
Douglas was appointed a K.C.B., and Lt.-Col. Taylor a C.B.
The regiment arrived at Meean Meer on the 8th of April 1859, and on
the 15th the command passed into the hands of Lt.-Col. Butt, Colonel
Taylor having proceeded to Europe on leave. Lt.-Col. Butt continued
in command till the 2nd of April 1860, when he was appointed Chief
Inspector of Musketry for Bengal, and was succeeded in command of the
regiment by Lt.-Col. Hodgson. On the 16th of March, Lt.-Col. Douglas
had retired on half-pay, and Lt.-Col. Taylor did the same on the 10th
of May following.
The 79th remained in India till Sept. 1871. On the 5th of Nov. 1860,
the right wing, consisting of 287 of all ranks, proceeded to Amritzir
under the command of Major M’Barnet. Headquarters left Meean Meer on
the 19th of Jan. 1861 for Ferozepoor, where it was joined by the wing
from Amritzir in April.
The 79th left Ferozepoor in Feb. 1862 for Nowshera, where it remained
till the following November, on the 23rd of which the regiment
proceeded to Peshawur, on the frontiers of Afghanistan. In the
previous March the regiment lost by death its colonel, General W. A.
Sewell, who was succeeded by General the Honourable Hugh Arbuthnott,
C.B.
During the stay of the regiment in Peshawur it lost two of its
officers. A frontier war having broken out, Lts. Dougal and Jones
volunteered their services, and were permitted to proceed with
the expedition against the Sitana fanatics, under the command of
Brigadier-General Sir M. Chamberlain, K.C.B.; the former was killed
when on picquet duty on the 6th of Nov. 1863, and the latter in
action on the 18th of the same month.
The 79th remained in Peshawur till Jan. 1864, when it removed to
Rawul Pindee, where it remained till 1866. During its stay it
furnished a volunteer working party on the Murree and Abbattabad
road, and also during 1864 a detachment of 300 of all ranks, under
the command of Captain C. Gordon, to the Camp Durrgaw Gully.
In October 1864 the 79th lost by exchange its senior Lt.-Colonel,
Colonel Butt having exchanged with Colonel Best of H.M.’s 86th
Regiment. By this exchange Lt.-Colonel Hodgson became senior
Lt.-Colonel.
For some time after its arrival at Rawul Pindee the regiment
continued to suffer from Peshawur fever, a considerable number of men
having had to be invalided to England. On the 8th of May 1865 the
headquarters and 650 of all ranks proceeded as a working party to the
Murree Hills, where the regiment remained till October, much to the
benefit of the men’s health, as in a fortnight after its arrival all
traces of Peshawur fever had disappeared. A similar working party,
but not so large, was sent to the Murree Hills at the same time in
the following year.
On the 10th of July of this year (1865) Lt.-Colonel Hodgson received
his promotion by brevet to full Colonel in the army.
On the 1st of November 1866, the headquarters and left wing marched
from Rawul Pindee for Roorkee, and the right wing under command of
Major Maitland for Delhi, the former reaching Roorkee on the 15th
and the latter Delhi on Dec. 27th. During the regiment’s stay at
these places the two wings exchanged and re-exchanged quarters, both
suffering considerably from fever during the spring of 1867. Both
wings in the end of March proceeded to Umballah, to take part in the
ceremonial attending the meeting between Earl Mayo, Governor-General
of India, and Shere Ali Khan, the Ameer of Cabul; the Cameron
Highlanders had been appointed part of His Excellency’s personal
escort.
On Dec. 7th the headquarters, under the command of Colonel W. C.
Hodgson, left Roorkee _en route_ to Kamptee, and on the 15th it
was joined by the right wing from Delhi, at Camp Jubbulpoor. Here
the regiment remained until the 24th, when it commenced to move by
companies towards Kamptee, at which station the headquarters arrived
on the 1st of January 1870. Shortly before leaving Roorkee a highly
complimentary farewell letter was sent to Colonel Hodgson from
Major-General Colin Troup, C.B., commanding the Meerut Division.
During January 1870 the 93d Sutherland Highlanders passed through
Kamptee _en route_ for home, when a very pleasing exchange of
civilities took place between that distinguished regiment and their
old comrades of the 79th. At a mess meeting held at Nagpoor on
the 30th by the officers of the 93d, it was proposed and carried
unanimously that a letter be written to the officers of the 79th,
proposing that, in consideration of the friendship and cordiality
which had so long existed between the two regiments, the officers
of the two corps be perpetual honorary members of their respective
messes. The compliment was, of course, willingly returned by the
79th, and the officers of the 93rd Highlanders were constituted
thenceforth perpetual honorary members of the 79th mess.
The regiment remained at Kamptee for nearly two years, furnishing a
detachment to the fort at Nagpoor. A very sad event occurred in the
regiment during its stay at Kamptee: on Aug. 28th, 1871, Captain
Donald Macdonald when at great gun drill at the artillery barracks,
dropped down on parade, died instantaneously, and was buried the same
evening. Captain Macdonald was by birth and habit a Highlander, and
was most warmly attached to his regiment, in which he had served for
seventeen years. Great regret was felt by all ranks in the regiment
on account of his premature and unexpected death. He was only 34
years of age, and a monument was erected by his brother officers over
his grave at Kamptee.
On the 2nd of August 1871 Colonel Best was appointed to the command
of the Nagpoor field force, with the rank of brigadier-general.
In the same month the 79th received orders to be in readiness to
proceed to England, and the non-commissioned officers and men were
permitted to volunteer into regiments remaining in India. About
177 of all ranks availed themselves of this offer, a considerable
number of whom were married men. The regiment left Kamptee in
two detachments on Sept. 22nd and 23rd, and proceeded by Nagpoor
and Deolallee to Bombay, where it embarked on board H.M.’s India
troop-ship “Jumna” on the 29th and 30th. The “Jumna” sailed for
England on the 1st of October, and after a prosperous voyage by way
of the Suez Canal arrived at Spithead on the evening of the 6th of
November. Next day the regiment was transferred to three ships, and
conveyed to West Cowes, Isle of Wight, where it disembarked the same
evening, and marched to the Albany Barracks, Parkhurst.
During the fourteen years that the 79th was stationed in India it
was inspected by many distinguished general officers, including Sir
Colin Campbell (Lord Clyde), Sir William Mansfield (Lord Sandhurst),
Sir Hugh Rose, (Lord Strathnairn), Sir Hope Grant, &c., all of whom
expressed themselves highly satisfied with the appearance, conduct,
and discipline of the regiment.
During its sojourn in the Isle of Wight the 79th was highly honoured
on more than one occasion by the very particular notice of Her
Majesty Queen Victoria. In Feb. 1872, Her Majesty being at Osborne,
was pleased to express her desire to see the 79th Highlanders in
marching order. The regiment accordingly paraded at 10 o’clock on
the morning of the 16th, and proceeded towards Osborne. When the
79th was within a short distance of the approach to the house, Her
Majesty, with several members of the Royal Family, appeared at an
angle of the road, and watched the marching past of the regiment with
great interest. The regiment, after making a detour towards East
Cowes, was returning to Parkhurst by way of Newport, when Her Majesty
re-appeared, paying particular attention to the dress and appearance
of the men as they marched past her for the second time.
This was the last occasion on which Colonel Hodgson was destined
to command the 79th. On the 1st of March the regiment sustained an
irreparable loss in his death, which took place, after a very short
illness. Colonel Hodgson was 49 years of age, had served in the
79th for 32 years, and commanded it for 12, and by his invariable
kindness and urbanity had endeared himself to all ranks. His sad and
unexpected death spread a deep gloom over the whole regiment. Colonel
Maitland, in announcing Colonel Hodgson’s death in regimental orders
said,--
“The officers have to lament the loss of one who was always to them
a kind and considerate commanding officer; and the non-commissioned
officers and men have been deprived of a true friend, who was ever
zealous in guarding their interests and promoting their welfare.”
Colonel Hodgson was buried in Carisbrooke Cemetery, and over his
grave a handsome monument of Aberdeen granite has been erected by his
brother officers and friends.
By Colonel Hodgson’s death Colonel Maitland succeeded to the command
of the regiment; he, however, retired on half-pay on the 19th of
October following, and Lt.-Colonel Miller was selected to succeed him.
On the 17th of Sept, the 79th had the honour of being reviewed by the
late ex-Emperor of the French, Napoleon III., and his son, the Prince
Imperial, who lunched with the officers. The Emperor made a minute
inspection of the men, and watched the various manœuvres with evident
interest, expressing at the conclusion his admiration of the splendid
appearance and physique of the men, the high state of discipline
of the corps, and the magnificent manner in which the drill was
performed.
During Her Majesty’s stay at Osborne the 79th always furnished a
guard of honour at East Cowes at each of her visits. On the 17th of
April 1873 Her Majesty bestowed one of the highest honours in her
power on the regiment, when on that day she attended at Parkhurst
Barracks to present it with new colours. The presentation took
place in the drill-field, and was witnessed by a large number of
spectators, who were favoured with a bright sky.
At 11 o’clock A.M. the 79th marched into the field under command of
Colonel Miller. The ground was kept by the 102nd Fusiliers, the same
regiment also furnishing a guard of honour to Her Majesty. General
Viscount Templetown, K.C.B., commanding the district, was present,
and also Sir John Douglas, K.C.B., commanding in North Britain, with
his A.D.C., Lieutenant Boswell Gordon, of the 79th. The Mayor and
Corporation of Newport attended officially, wearing their robes of
office. At a quarter to 12 o’clock Her Majesty arrived, attended
by their Royal Highnesses Prince Leopold and Princess Beatrice,
the Countess of Errol and other ladies, besides the Equerries in
Waiting. The royal party having driven along the line, the band and
pipers playing, the usual order of presentation was proceeded with.
[Illustration: Lieutenant-Colonel W. C. Hodgson.]
The old colours were in front of the left of the line, in charge of
a colour party and double sentries. The new colours, cased, were in
the rear of the centre, in charge of the two senior colour-sergeants,
Taylor and Mackie. The old colours having been trooped, these
honoured and cherished standards, around which the Cameron
Highlanders had so often victoriously rallied, were borne to the
rear by Lts. Annesley and Money to the strains of “Auld Lang Syne.”
The regiment was then formed into three sides of a square, the drums
were piled in the centre, the new colours were brought from the rear,
and having been uncased by the Majors, were placed against the pile.
After this a most impressive consecration prayer was offered up by
the Rev. Charles Morrison, formerly Presbyterian chaplain to the 79th
in India, who had come from Aberdeen expressly to perform this duty.
When this was concluded, Major Cumming handed the Queen’s colour and
Major Percival the regimental colour to Her Majesty, who presented
the former to Lt. Campbell and the latter to Lt. Methven, at the same
time addressing them thus:--“It gives me great pleasure to present
these new colours to you. In thus entrusting you with this honourable
charge, I have the fullest confidence that you will, with the true
loyalty and well-known devotion of Highlanders, preserve the honour
and reputation of your regiment, which have been so brilliantly
earned and so nobly maintained by the 79th Cameron Highlanders.”
Colonel Miller then replied as follows:--
“I beg permission, in the name of all ranks of the 79th Cameron
Highlanders, to present our loyal and most grateful acknowledgments
of the very high honour it has pleased your Majesty this day to
confer on the regiment. The incident will ever remain fresh in the
memories of all on parade, and of those also who are unable to have
the honour of being present on this occasion, and of others who have
formerly served with the 79th; and I beg to assure your Majesty
that, wherever the course of events may require these colours to be
borne, the remembrance that they were received from the hands of our
Most Gracious Queen, will render them doubly precious, and that in
future years, as at present, the circumstance of this presentation
will be regarded as one of the proudest episodes in the records of
the Cameron Highlanders.”
After Colonel Miller’s address the regiment re-formed line, and the
colours were received with a general salute, after which they were
marched to their place in the line in slow time, the band playing
“God save the Queen.” The ranks having been closed, the regiment
broke into column, and marched past Her Majesty in quick and double
time. Line was then re-formed, and Lt.-Gen. Viscount Templetown,
K.C.B., called for three cheers for Her Majesty, a request which was
responded to by the regiment in true Highland style. The ranks having
been opened, the line advanced in review order, and gave a royal
salute, after which the royal carriage withdrew.
After the parade was dismissed, the old colours, carried by Lts.
Annesley and Money, escorted by all the sergeants, were played round
the barracks, and afterwards taken to the officers’ mess. On the 30th
of the month the officers gave a splendid ball at the Town-hall,
Ryde, at which about 500 guests were present, the new colours being
placed in the centre of the ball-room, guarded on each side by a
Highlander in full uniform. To mark the occasion also, Colonel Miller
remitted all punishments awarded to the men, and the sergeants
entertained their friends at a luncheon and a dance in the drill
field.
At the unanimous request of the officers, Colonel Miller offered the
old colours to Her Majesty, and she having been graciously pleased
to accept them, they were taken to Osborne on the 22nd of April. At
12 o’clock noon of that day the regiment paraded in review order
and formed a line along the barracks for the colours to pass, each
man presenting arms as they passed him, the band playing “Auld Lang
Syne.” The colours were then taken by train from Newport to Cowes.
At Osborne the East Cowes guard of honour, under command of Captain
Allen, with Lts. Bucknell and Smith, was drawn up at each side of
the hall door. The old colours, carried by Lts. Annesley and Money,
escorted by Quarter-master-Sergeant Knight, Colour-Sergeant Clark,
two other sergeants, and four privates, preceded by the pipers, were
marched to the door by Colonel Miller, the guard of honour presenting
arms. The officers then advanced, and, kneeling, placed the colours
at Her Majesty’s feet, when Colonel Miller read a statement, giving
a history of the old colours from the time of their presentation at
Portsmouth, in the month of April 1854, by Mrs Elliot (the wife of
the officer at that time colonel of the regiment), a few days before
the regiment embarked for the Crimea.
Colonel Miller then said,--
“It having graciously pleased your Majesty to accept these colours
from the Cameron Highlanders, I beg permission to express the
gratification which all ranks of the 79th feel in consequence, and
to convey most respectfully our highest appreciation of this kind
act of condescension on the part of your Majesty.”
The Queen replied,--
“I accept these colours with much pleasure, and shall ever value
them in remembrance of the gallant services of the 79th Cameron
Highlanders. I will take them to Scotland, and place them in my dear
Highland home at Balmoral.”
The guard then presented arms, and the colour party withdrew.
Her Majesty afterwards addressed a few words to each of the
colour-sergeants.
On the 24th of April, Colonel Miller received orders for the troops
of the Parkhurst garrison to march towards Osborne on the following
day, for Her Majesty’s inspection, and the troops accordingly paraded
at 10 o’clock A.M. in review order. On arriving near Osborne the
brigade was drawn up in line on the road, the 79th on the right, and
the 102nd on the left. Her Majesty was received with a royal salute,
and having driven down the line, the royal carriage took up its
position at the crossroads, and the regiments passed in fours; the
royal carriage then drove round by a bye-road, and the regiment again
passed in fours, after which the troops returned to Parkhurst.
We may state here that on the day on which Her Majesty presented
the new colours to the regiment, Colonel Ponsonby, by Her Majesty’s
desire, wrote to the Field-Marshal Commanding in Chief that “Her
Majesty was extremely pleased with the appearance of the men and
with the manner in which they moved,” and hoped that His Royal
Highness might think it right to communicate the Queen’s opinion to
Lt.-Colonel Miller. The letter was sent to Colonel Miller.
The Queen still further showed her regard for the 79th by presenting
to the regiment four copies of her book, “Leaves from our Journal in
the Highlands,”--one to Colonel Miller, one for the officers, one for
the non-commissioned officers, and one for the privates.
To crown all these signal marks of Her Majesty’s attachment to the
Cameron Highlanders, she was graciously pleased to let them bear her
own name as part of the style and title of the regiment, as will be
seen by the following letter, dated--
“_Horseguards, 10th July 1873._
“SIR,--By direction of the Field-Marshal Commanding in Chief, I
have the honour to acquaint you that Her Majesty has been pleased
to command that the 79th Regiment be in future styled “the 79th
Queen’s Own Cameron Highlanders,” that the facings be accordingly
changed from green to blue, and that the regiment be also permitted
to bear in the centre of the second colour, as a regimental badge,
_the Thistle ensigned with the Imperial Crown_, being the badge of
Scotland as sanctioned by Queen Anne in 1707, after the confirmation
of the Act of Union of the kingdoms.--I have, &c. &c.
(Signed) “J. W. ARMSTRONG,
“_Deputy Adjutant-General_.
“Lieutenant-Colonel Miller,
“Commanding 79th Regiment.”
In acknowledgment of this gracious mark of Her Majesty’s regard,
Colonel Miller despatched a letter to Major-General Ponsonby, at
Osborne, on the 12th of July, in which he requests that officer
“To convey to the Queen, in the name of all ranks of the 79th, our
most respectful and grateful acknowledgments for so distinguished
a mark of royal condescension, and I beg that you will assure
Her Majesty of the gratification felt throughout the regiment in
consequence of the above announcement.”
Finally, on the 13th of August Colonel Miller received a notification
that Her Majesty had expressed a wish that the regiment should be
drawn up at East Cowes to form a guard of honour on her departure
from the island on the following day. The regiment accordingly
marched to East Cowes on the following afternoon, and presented arms
as Her Majesty embarked on her way to Balmoral.
On 18th of September of the same year the 79th left Parkhurst
for Aldershot, where it arrived on the same afternoon, and was
quartered in A and B lines, South Camp, being attached to the 1st or
Major-General Parkes’ brigade.
The Black Watch has received great and well-merited praise for its
conduct during the Ashantee War, in the march from the Gold Coast to
Coomassie. It ought, however, to be borne in mind that a fair share
of the glory which the 42nd gained on that dangerous coast, under the
able command of Major-General Sir Garnet J. Wolseley, really belongs
to the Cameron Highlanders. When the 42nd, at the end of December
1873, was ordered to embark for the Gold Coast, 135 volunteers were
asked for from the 79th, to make up its strength, when there at once
stepped out 170 fine fellows, most of them over ten years’ service,
from whom the requisite number was taken. Lieutenants E. C. Annesley
and James M’Callum accompanied these volunteers. Although they wore
the badge and uniform of the glorious Black Watch, as much credit is
due to the 79th on account of their conduct as if they had fought
under the name of the famous Cameron Highlanders, in which regiment
they received all that training without which personal bravery is of
little avail.
[Illustration:
Monument in the Dean Cemetery, Edinburgh, erected in 1857.
The monument is of sandstone, but the inscription is cut in a block
of granite inserted below the shaft.
In Memory of
Colonel the Honourable Lauderdale Maule;
Lieut.-Colonel E. J. Elliot, Lieut.-Colonel James Ferguson;
Captain Adam Maitland;
Lieutenant F. A. Grant, Lieutenant F. J. Harrison;
and
Dr R. J. Mackenzie.
also
369 Non-Commissioned Officers and Men of the 79th Highlanders,
who died in Bulgaria and the Crimea, or fell in action during
the Campaign of 1854-55.]
Lieut. Colonel Clephane, who for many years was connected with the
Cameron Highlanders, has been good enough to furnish us with a
number of anecdotes illustrative of the inner life of the regiment
and of the characteristics of the men in his time. Some of these we
have already given in their chronological place in the text, and we
propose to conclude our narrative with one or two others, regretting
that space does not permit our making use of all the material Colonel
Clephane has been so obliging as to put into our hands.
It may probably be affirmed, as a rule, that there exists in the
regiments of the British army an amount of harmony and cordial
reciprocation of interest in individual concerns, which cannot be
looked for in other professional bodies. From the nature of the
circumstances under which soldiers spend the best years of their
lives, thrown almost entirely together, sometimes exclusively so,
and moving, as fate and the War Office may determine, from one
point to another of Her Majesty’s dominions on their country’s
concerns, it naturally arises that an amount of familiar knowledge
of each other’s characteristics is arrived at which in the world at
large is rarely attainable. We should state that the period of the
following reminiscences is comprehended between the year 1835 and the
suppression of the Indian mutiny.
In the 79th Highlanders the harmony that existed among the officers,
and the completeness of the chain of fellow-feeling which bound
together all ranks from highest to lowest, was very remarkable. It
used to be said among the officers themselves that, no matter how
often petty bickerings might arise in the fraternity, anything like a
serious quarrel was impossible; and this from the very reason that it
_was a fraternity_, in the best and fullest sense of the word.
And now a temptation arises to notice one or two of those individual
members of the regiment whose demeanour and eccentricities of
expression furnished a daily supply of amusement:--There was a
non-commissioned officer, occupying the position of drill-sergeant
about five-and-thirty or forty years ago, whose contributions in this
way were much appreciated. “I think I see him now,” writes Colonel
Clephane, “sternly surveying with one grey eye, the other being
firmly closed for the time being, some unlucky batch of recruits
which had unfavourably attracted his attention; his smooth-shaven
lip and chin, a brown curl brought forward over each cheek-bone,
and the whole surmounted by the high white-banded sergeant’s forage
cap of that day set at the regulation military angle over the right
ear. He was a Waterloo man, and must have been verging on middle age
at the time of which I write, but there was no sign of any falling
off in the attributes of youth, if we except the slight rotundity
beneath the waistbelt.” No one could be more punctiliously respectful
to his superior officers than the sergeant, but when he had young
gentlemen newly joined under his charge at recruit drill, he would
display an assumption of authority as occasion offered which was
sometimes ludicrous enough. On one of these occasions, when a squad
of recruits, comprising two newly-fledged ensigns, was at drill in
the barrack square, the sound of voices (a heinous offence as we
all know) was heard in the ranks. The sergeant stopped opposite the
offending squad. There was “silence deep as death”--“Ah--m--m!”
said he, clearing his throat after a well-known fashion of his, and
tapping the ground with the end of his cane--“Ah--m--m! if I hear any
man talkin’ in the ranks, I’ll put him in the guard ’ouse” (here he
looked with stern significance at each of the officers in turn)--“_I
don’t care who he is!_” Having thus, as he thought, impressed all
present with a due sense of the respect due to his great place, he
gave a parting “Ah--m--m!” tapped the ground once or twice more,
keeping his eye firmly fixed to the last on the more suspected of the
two ensigns, and moved stiffly off to the next batch of recruits.
No one ever dreamed of being offended with old “Squid,” as he was
called, after his pronunciation of the word squad, and those who had,
as he expressed it, “passed through his hands” would never consider
themselves as unduly unbending in holding serious or mirthful
colloquy with their veteran preceptor. Thus, on another occasion of
considerably later date than the above, some slight practical joking
had been going on at the officers’ mess, a practice which would have
been dangerous but for the real cordiality which existed among its
members, and a group of these conversed gleefully on the subject next
morning after the dismissal of parade. The peculiar form assumed by
their jocularity had been that of placing half a newspaper or so
upon the boot of a slumbering comrade, and setting it on fire, as a
gentle hint that slumber at the mess-table was objectionable. One
officer was inclined to deprecate the practice. “If he had not awoke
at once,” said he, “he might have found it no joke.” “Ah--m--m!”
uttered the well-known voice close behind the group, where the
sergeant, now dépôt sergeant-major, had, unnoticed, been a listener
to the colloquy, “I always grease the paper.” This was literally
throwing a new light on the subject, and was the worthy man’s method
of testifying contempt for all undue squeamishness on occasions of
broken etiquette.
One or two subordinates in the same department were not without their
own distinguishing characteristics. Colonel Clephane writes--“I
remember one of our drill corporals, whose crude ideas of humour
were not unamusing when all were in the vein, which we generally
were in those days. He was quite a young man, and his sallies
came, as it were, in spite of himself, and with a certain grimness
of delivery which was meant to obviate any tendency therein to
relaxation of discipline. I can relate a slight episode connected
with this personage, showing how the memory of small things lingers
in the hearts of such men in a way we would little expect from the
multifarious nature of their occupations, and the constant change to
them of scenes and features. A young officer was being drilled by a
lance-corporal after the usual recruit fashion, and being a tall slip
of a youth he was placed on the flank of his squad. They were being
marched to a flank in what was called Indian or single file, the said
officer being in front as right hand man. When the word ‘halt’ was
given by the instructor from a great distance off--a favourite plan
of his, as testing the power of his word of command--the officer
did not hear it, and, while the rest of the squad came to a stand
still, he went marching on. He was aroused from a partial reverie by
the sound of the well-known broad accent close at his ear, ‘Hae ye
far to gang the nicht?’ and, wheeling about in some discomforture,
had to rejoin the squad amid the unconcealed mirth of its members.
Well, nearly thirty years afterwards, when probably not one of them,
officer, corporal, or recruits, continued to wear the uniform of
the regiment, the former, in passing through one of the streets
of Edinburgh, came upon his old instructor in the uniform of a
conducting sergeant (one whose duty it was to accompany recruits from
their place of enlistment to the head-quarters of their regiments).
There was an immediate cordial recognition, and, after a few
inquiries and reminiscences on both sides, the quondam officer said
jestingly, ‘You must acknowledge I was the best recruit you had in
those days.’ The sergeant hesitated, smiled grimly, and then replied,
‘Yes, you were a good enough recruit; but you were a bad richt hand
man!’”
The sequel of the poor sergeant’s career furnishes an apt
illustration of the cordiality of feeling wherewith his officer is
almost invariably regarded by the fairly dealt with and courteously
treated British soldier. A few years subsequent to the period of the
above episode, Colonel Clephane received a visit at his house, quite
unexpectedly, from his old instructor. The latter had been forced
by this time, through failure of health, to retire from the active
duties of his profession, and it was, indeed, evident at once, from
his haggard lineaments and the irrepressible wearing cough, which
from time to time shook his frame, that he had “received the route”
for a better world. He had no request to make, craved no assistance,
and could with difficulty be persuaded to accept some refreshment.
The conversation flowed in the usual channel of reminiscences, in
the course of which the officer learned that matters which he had
imagined quite private, at least to his own circle, were no secret to
the rank and file. The sergeant also adverted to an offer which had
been made to him, on his retirement from the 79th, of an appointment
in the police force. “A policeman!” said he, describing his interview
with the patron who proposed the scheme; “for Godsake, afore ye mak a
policeman o’ me, just tie a stane round my neck and fling me into the
sea!” After some time, he got up to retire, and was followed to the
door by his quondam pupil, who, himself almost a cripple, was much
affected by the still more distressing infirmity of his old comrade.
The officer, after shaking hands, expressed a hope, by way of saying
something cheering at parting, that he should yet see the veteran
restored to comparative health. The latter made no reply, but after
taking a step on his way, turned round, and said, in a tone which the
other has not forgotten, “I’ve seen _you_ once again any way” and so
they parted, never to meet again in this world.
These are small matters, but they furnish traits of a class, the free
expenditure of whose blood has made Great Britain what she is.
There is in all regiments a class which, very far remote as it is
from the possession of the higher, or, at all events, the more
dignified range of attributes, yet, as a curious study, is not
undeserving of a few notes. It is pretty well known that each
officer of a regiment has attached to his special service a man
selected from the ranks, and in most cases from the company to
which he himself belongs. Now, it is not to be supposed that the
captain of a company will sanction the employment in this way of
his smartest men, nor, indeed, would the commanding officer be
likely to ratify the appointment if he did; still, I have seen
smart young fellows occasionally filling the position of officer’s
servant, though they rarely continued long in it, but reverted,
as a rule, sooner or later, to their places in the ranks, under
the influence of a soldier’s proper ambition, which pointed to the
acquisition of at least a non-commission officer’s stripes; not to
speak of the difference between Her Majesty’s livery and that of
any intermediate master, however much in his own person deserving
of respect. The young ensign, however, in joining will rarely find
himself accommodated with a servant of this class. He will have
presented to him, in that capacity, some steady (we had almost
said “sober,” but that we should have been compelled forthwith to
retract), grave, and experienced old stager, much, probably, the
worse of wear from the lapse of time and from subsidiary influences,
and serving out his time for a pension (I speak of days when such
things were), after such fashion as military regulations and an
indulgent captain permitted. This sort of man was generally held
available for the newly joined ensign, upon much the same principle
as that which places the new dragoon recruit on the back of some
stiff-jointed steed of supernatural sagacity and vast experience of
a recruit’s weak points in the way of security of seat, which last,
however, he only puts to use when he sees a way of doing so with
benefit to his position, unaccompanied with danger to his hide; in
other words, while regarding with much indifference the feelings of
the shaky individual who bestrides him, he has a salutary dread of
the observant rough-rider. A soldier servant of the above class will
devote himself to making what he can, within the limits of strict
integrity, out of a juvenile master; but woe betide the adventurous
wight whom he detects poaching on his preserve! On the whole,
therefore, the ensign is not badly off, for the veteran is, after
all, really honest, and money to almost any amount may be trusted to
his supervision; as for tobacco and spirits, he looks upon them, I am
afraid, as contraband of war, a fair and legitimate forfeit if left
within the scope of his privateering ingenuity.
Many years ago, while the 79th Highlanders formed the garrison of
Edinburgh Castle, Her Majesty the Queen, who had very lately ascended
the throne of Great Britain, paid a visit to the metropolis of her
Scottish dominions, and a guard of honour from the above regiment was
despatched down to Holyrood to keep watch and ward over the royal
person. It was late in the season, or early, I forget which, Colonel
Clephane writes, and when the shades of evening closed round, the
officers of the guard were sensible, in their large, gloomy chamber,
of a chilly feeling which the regulated allowance of coals failed to
counteract. In other words, the fuel ran short, and they were cold,
so it was resolved to despatch one of their servants, a type of the
class just alluded to, for a fresh supply. Half-a-crown was handed to
him for this purpose--a sum which represented the value of more than
a couple of hundredweights in those days,--and Donald was instructed
to procure a scuttlefull, and bring back the change. Time went on,
the few embers in the old grate waxed dimmer and dimmer, and no
Donald made his appearance. At last, when the temper of the expectant
officers had reached boiling point, increasing in an inverse ratio
to their bodily caloric, the door opened, and Donald gravely entered
the apartment. The chamber was vast and the light was dim, and the
uncertain gait of the approaching domestic was at first unnoticed.
Calmly disregarding a howl of indignant remonstrance on the score
of his dilatory proceedings, the latter silently approached the end
of the room where the two officers were cowering over the dying
embers. It was now seen that he carried in one hand a piece of coal,
or some substance like it, about the size of a six-pounder shot.
“Where have you been, confound you! and why have you not brought
the coals?” roared his master. Donald halted, steadied himself, and
glanced solemnly, first at the “thing” which he carefully bore in
his palm, then at the speaker’s angry lineaments, and in strangely
husky accents thus delivered himself:--“Not another--hic--bit of coal
in Edinburgh; coalsh--hic--’sh very dear just now, Mr Johnstone!”
The delinquent’s master was nearly beside himself with fury when he
saw how the matter stood, but he could not for the life of him help,
after a moment or two, joining in the merriment which shook the very
frame of his comrade. Donald, in the meantime, stood regarding both
with an air of tipsy gravity, and was apparently quite bewildered
when ordered to retire with a view to being placed in durance vile.
This incident naturally ended the connection between him and his
aggrieved master. It is but fair to state that the hero of the above
little anecdote, though I have called him “Donald,” was a Lowlander.
SUCCESSION LIST OF COLONELS AND LIEUTENANT-COLONELS OF THE 79TH, THE
QUEEN’S OWN CAMERON HIGHLANDERS.
COLONELS.
+-----------------------+-------------------+---------------------------+
| Names. | Date of | Remarks. |
| | Appointment. | |
+-----------------------+-------------------+---------------------------+
|Major Alan Cameron |August 17, 1793 |Died Lieut.-General, March |
| | | 9, 1828. |
|Lieut.-General R. C. |March 24, 1828 |Died, April 10, 1841. |
| Ferguson, G.C.B. | | |
|Major-General the Hon. |April 27, 1841 |Died, June 28, 1842. |
| J. Ramsay | | |
|Lt.-General Sir James |July 14, 1842 |To 71st Foot, February 8, |
| Macdonell, K.C.B. | | 1849. |
|Major-General James |February 8, 1849 |Died, February 25, 1854. |
| Hay, C.B. | | |
|Lieut.-General W. H. |March 24, 1854 |Died, 1862. |
| Sewell, C.B. | | |
|Hugh Arbuthnot, C.B. |March 14, 1862 |Vice Sewell, deceased. |
|J. F. Glencairn |July 12, 1868 |Vice Arbuthnot, deceased. |
| Campbell | | |
|Henry Cooper, C.B. |August 21, 1870 |Vice Campbell, deceased. |
| |
| LIEUTENANT-COLONELS. |
| Bat. |
| 1. Alan Cameron, |Lt.-Col. |Major-General, July 25, |
| Major-Com | Feb. 19, 1794 | 1810. |
| 1. The Hon. A. C. |May 2, 1794 |Promoted to colonel of a |
| Johnstone | | regiment, Jan. 26, 1797. |
| 1. William Ashton |September 18, 1794 |Died, September 1796. |
| 1. Patrick Macdowall |November 1, 1796 |Died of wounds, August |
| | | 1801. |
| 1. William Eden |August 15, 1798 |To 84th Foot, December 11, |
| | | 1806. |
| 1. Archibald Maclean |September 3, 1801 |Retired, May 28, 1807. |
| 2. Philip Cameron |April 19, 1804 |To 1st Battalion, December |
| | | 11, 1806. |
| 2. John Murray |December 11, 1806 |To 1st Battalion, May 28, |
| | | 1807. |
| 1. Philip Cameron |December 11, 1806 |From 2nd Battalion. Died of|
| | | wounds, May 13, 1811. |
| 1. John Murray |May 28, 1807 |To Malta Regiment, February|
| | | 23, 1808. |
| 2. Robert Fulton |May 28, 1807 |To 1st Battalion, May 13, |
| | | 1811. |
| 1. Robert Fulton |May 13, 1811 |Retired, December 3, 1812. |
| 2. Wm. M. Harvey |May 30, 1811 |To 1st Battalion, December |
| | | 3, 1812. |
| 1. Wm. M. Harvey |December 3, 1812 |Died at sea, June 10, 1813.|
| 2. Neil Douglas |December 3, 1812 |To 1st Battalion, February |
| | | 20, 1813. |
| 1. Neil Douglas |February 20, 1813 |To Half-pay, August 16, |
| | | 1833. |
| 2. Nathaniel Cameron |June 24, 1813 |Reduced with 2nd Battalion,|
| | | Dec 25, 1815. |
| | | |
| _Only one Battalion in Regiment._ |
| | | |
| 1. Duncan Macdougal |September 6, 1833 |Retired, March 13, 1835. |
| 1. Robert Ferguson |March 13, 1835 |Retired, June 8, 1841. |
| 1. Andrew Brown |June 8, 1841 |To 1st Battalion Royals, |
| | | October 29, 1841. |
| 1. John Carter, K.H. |October 29, 1841 |Retired June 14, 1842. |
| 1. The Hon. Lauderdale|June 14, 1842 |To Half-pay unattached, |
| Maule | | December 24, 1852. |
| 1. Edmund James Elliot|December 24, 1852 |Died, August 12, 1854. |
| 1. John Douglas, |August 13, 1854 | |
| K.C.B. | | |
| 1. R. C. H. Taylor, |December 12, 1854 |To Depôt Battalion, October|
| C.B. | | 1, 1856. |
| 1. R. C. H. Taylor, |August 1, 1857 | |
| C.B. | | |
| 1. T. B. Butt |April 15, 1859 |Chief Inspector of |
| | | Musketry, Bengal, 1860. |
| | | Exchanged to 86th |
| | | Regiment, Sept. 13, 1864.|
| 1. W. C. Hodgson |July 10, 1860 |Died at Parkhurst, Isle of |
| | | Wight, March 1, 1872. |
| 1. R. M. Best |September 13, 1864 |Brigadier-General, India, |
| | | May 24, 1870. Exchanged |
| | | from 86th Regiment, Sept.|
| | | 13, 1864. |
| 1. K. R. Maitland |March 2, 1872 |To Half-pay, October 19, |
| | | 1872. |
| 1. G. M. Miller |October 19, 1872 | |
+-----------------------+-------------------+---------------------------+
FOOTNOTES:
[509] No portrait of this indomitable Colonel exists, or it should
have been given as a steel engraving.
[510] Captain Robert Jameson’s _Historical Record of the 79th_. To
this record, as well as to the original manuscript record of the
regiment, we are indebted for many of the following details.
[511] “At this interview, Colonel Cameron plainly told the Duke, ‘to
draft the 79th is more than you or your Royal father dare do.’ The
Duke then said, ‘The King my father will certainly send the regiment
to the West Indies.’ Colonel Cameron, losing temper, replied, ‘You
may tell the King your father from me, that he may send us to h--l
if he likes, and I’ll go at the head of them, but _he daurna draft
us_,’--a line of argument which, it is unnecessary to add, proved
to the Royal Duke perfectly irresistible.”--Jameson’s _Historical
Record_.
[512] “In 1809, the 79th accomplished what no other regiment did. In
January of that year they were in Spain at the Battle of Corunna, and
returned to England in February, when 700 men and several officers
suffered from a dangerous typhus fever, yet not a man died. In July
they embarked 1002 bayonets for Walcheren, were engaged during the
whole siege of Flushing in the trenches, yet had not a man wounded,
and, whilst there, lost only one individual in fever--Paymaster
Baldock, the least expected of any one. During the three months after
their return to England, only ten men died, and in December of that
same year again, embarked for the peninsula. 1032 strong.”--Note by
Dr A. Anderson, Regimental surgeon, p. 44 of H. S. Smith’s _List of
the Officers of the 79th_.
[513] “This gallant officer commanded the picket of the 79th, and
could not be induced to withdraw. He was last seen by Captain
(afterwards the late Lieut.-General Sir Neil) Douglas, fighting
hand to hand with several French soldiers, to whom he refused to
deliver up his sword. His body was found pierced with seven bayonet
wounds.”--Jameson’s _Records_, p. 24.
[514] Jameson’s _Record_.
[515] Jameson’s _Record_, p. 27.
[516] In a note to this poem, Scott says that the 71st and 79th, on
seeing Cameron fall, raised a dreadful shriek of grief and rage;
“they charged with irresistible fury the finest body of French
grenadiers ever seen, being a part of Bonaparte’s selected guard.
The officer who led the French, a man remarkable for stature and
symmetry, was killed on the spot. The Frenchman who stepped out of
the ranks to take aim at Colonel Cameron was also bayoneted, pierced
with a thousand wounds, and almost torn to pieces by the furious
Highlanders, who, under the command of Colonel Cadogan, bore the
enemy out of the contested ground at the point of the bayonet.”
[517] His portrait is on p. 504, vol. ii.
[518] “Sergeant Mackenzie had previously applied to Major Cocks for
the use of his dress sabre, which the major readily granted, and used
to relate with great satisfaction that the sergeant returned it to
him in a state which indicated that he had used it with effect.”
[519] Captain Jameson’s _Record_.
[520] His portrait will be found on the steel-plate of Colonels of
the 71st and 72nd Regiments.
[521] As the part taken by the 79th in the Peninsular battles has
been described at some length in connection with the 42nd and other
regiments, it is unnecessary to repeat the details here.
[522] Whilst the enemy thus gained a temporary possession of the
redoubts, Lieutenant Ford and seven men of the 79th, who were in a
detached portion of the work, separated from its front face by a deep
road, had their retreat cut off by a whole French regiment advancing
along this road in their rear, when one of the men, with great
presence of mind, called out “sit down,” which hint was immediately
acted on, with the effect of saving the party from being made
prisoners, as the enemy supposed them to be wounded, _and a French
officer shrugged his shoulders in token of inability to render them
any assistance_!
[523] Jameson’s _Historical Record_, p. 43.
[524] “Evan” and “Donald” are Sir Evan or Ewen Cameron, and Donald,
the “Gentle Lochiel.” Their portraits are on pages 296 and 519, vol.
i.
[525] _Historical Record_, p. 51.
[526] “During the formation, Piper Kenneth Mackay of the 79th, a
brave Highlander, stepped outside of the bayonets and continued to
play round the outside of the square, the popular air of ‘_Cògaidh nà
Sith_’ with much inspiriting effect.”--Jameson’s _Historical Record_.
[527] See his portrait on the steel-plate of Colonels of the 78th and
79th regiments.
[528] For these and other personal anecdotes relating to the history
of the 79th during the last forty years, we are indebted to the
kindness of Lt.-Colonel Clephane.
[529] “The magnificent mile of line,” says Captain Jameson,
“displayed by the Guards and Highlanders, the prominent bear-skin,
the undulating waves of the clan-tartans, the stalwart frames, steady
and confident bearing of these young and eager soldiers advancing
under fire, can never be forgotten by those who witnessed it, whilst
it contributed materially to the discouragement of the enemy, whose
columns perceptibly wavered as they approached. His masses of
four-and-twenty deep, absolutely reeled and staggered to and fro
under the murderous fire of the Scottish line, which was delivered
with great effect at a distance of 200 yards.”
[530] _Invasion of the Crimea_, vol. ii. p. 487.
[531] For the episode of Sir Colin Campbell’s Scotch bonnet, and
other incidents connected with the Highland Brigade generally, we
must again refer the reader to our account of the 42nd.
[532] _Historical Record_, p. 100.
[533] The British showed a curious contrast to their allies in this
respect. Their complete subordination and obedience to orders were
no less remarkable than praiseworthy. This, however, was of no real
benefit to the owners, for our free and easy allies had no such
scruples. As is usual with them, the comic element soon began largely
to intermingle with the thirst for “loot,” and grim-looking Zouaves
and Sappers were to be seen parading with absurd airs and paces about
the streets dressed in ladies garments, with little silk parasols
held over smart bonnets perched on the top of their own appropriate
head-dresses, and accompanied by groups of quasi-admirers, demeaning
themselves after what they doubtless considered to be the most
approved Champs Elysées fashion, to the no small wonder and amusement
of their less mercurial allies of Scotland, who stood about looking
on with broad grins at “_Frangsy_ makin’ a fule o’ himsel’.”
[534] The two addresses delivered to the Highland brigade in the
Crimea by Sir Colin Campbell--the first on Sept. 21st, 1855, in
connection with the distribution of medals and clasps, and the second
on May 9th, 1856, on his leaving the Crimea for England--will be
found in the account of the 42nd.
[535] We regret that the Record-Book of the 79th is extremely meagre
in its account of the part taken by the regiment in the Indian
campaign, and we have been unable to obtain details elsewhere. This,
however, is the less to be regretted, as the details given in the
history of the 42nd, 78th, and 93rd are so full that our readers will
be able to form a tolerably good idea of what the 79th had to undergo.
[536] So in the Record-Book, and if correct, must include a very
large number who died from sunstroke, fatigue, and disease.
THE 91ST PRINCESS LOUISE ARGYLLSHIRE HIGHLANDERS.
I.
1794-1848.
Raising of the Regiment--At first the 98th--South Africa--Wynberg
--Saldanha Bay--Number changed to 91st--Faithfulness of the
Regiment--Returns to England--Germany--Ireland--The Peninsula
--Obidos--Vimeiro--Corunna--The detached company--Talavera
--Walcheren--Peninsula again--Vittoria--Pamplona--Nivelle--Nive
--Bayonne--Orthes--Toulouse--Ireland--Quatre Bras--Waterloo
--France--Ireland--91st loses Highland dress--Jamaica--England
--Ireland--St Helena--Cape of Good Hope--The Reserve Battalion
formed and sails for S. Africa--Wreck of the “Abercrombie Robinson”
--Insurrection of Dutch farmers--Frontier service--The Boers again
--New colours--The Kaffir War--Amatola Mountains--Attack on Fort
Peddie--Buffalo Spruits--1st Battalion goes home.
[Illustration: XCI
NE OBLIVISCARIS.
ROLEIA.
VIMEIRO.
CORUNNA.
PYRENEES.
NIVELLE.
NIVE.
ORTHES.
TOULOUSE.
PENINSULA.]
This regiment was raised, in accordance with a desire expressed by
His Majesty George III., by the Duke of Argyll, to whom a letter of
service was granted, dated the 10th of February 1794. In March it was
decided that the establishment of the regiment should consist of 1112
officers and men, including 2 lieutenant-colonels. Duncan Campbell
of Lochnell, who was a captain in the Foot Guards, was appointed
Lieutenant-colonel commandant of the regiment, and assumed the
command at Stirling on the 15th of April, 1794.
The regiment was inspected for the first time, on the 26th of May,
when it had reached a strength of 738 officers and men, by General
Lord Adam Gordon, who particularly noticed the attention and good
appearance of the men. The regiment remained at Stirling for a month
after this inspection, marching about the middle of June to Leith,
at which port, on the 17th and 18th of that month, it embarked _en
route_ for Netley, where it went into encampment. On the 9th of July
the king approved of the list of officers, and the regiment was
numbered the 98th.
The 98th, which had meantime removed to Chippenham, marched to
Gosport about the end of April, 1795, and on the 5th of May it
embarked at Spithead as part of the joint expedition to South Africa,
against the Dutch, under Major-General Alured Clark. It arrived
in Simon’s Bay on the 3rd, landing at Simon’s Town, on the 9th of
September, and encamped at Muysenberg.[537]
[Illustration:
THE PRINCESS LOUISE.
FROM PHOTOGRAPH BY HILL & SAUNDERS
THE MARQUIS OF LORNE.
FROM PHOTOGRAPH BY ELLIOT & FRY.]
After the army under Major-General Clark arrived at the Cape, it
advanced on the 14th of September and carried Wynberg, the battalion
companies of the regiment, under Colonel Campbell, forming the centre
of the line. On this occasion the 98th had 4 privates wounded. On
September 16th the regiment entered Cape Town Castle, and relieved
the Dutch garrison by capitulation, all the forts and batteries
of Cape Town and its dependencies having been given over to the
possession of the British. About a year afterwards, however, an
expedition was sent from Holland for the purpose of winning back the
Cape of Good Hope to that country, and in the action which took place
at Saldanha Bay on the 17th of August 1796, and in which the British
were completely victorious, the grenadier and light companies
of the 98th took part. The regiment remained in South Africa till
the year 1802, during which time little occurred to require special
notice.
In October 1798, while the regiment was at Cape Town, its number was
changed from the 98th to the 91st.
In May 1799 a regimental school was established for the first time
for the non-commissioned officers and men.
In the beginning of 1799 a strong attempt was made by a number of the
soldiers in the garrison at Cape Town to organise a mutiny, their
purpose being to destroy the principal officers, and to establish
themselves in the colony. Not only did the 91st not take any part in
this diabolical attempt, but the papers containing the names of the
mutineers and their plans were discovered and seized by the aid of
private Malcolm M’Culloch and other soldiers of the regiment, who had
been urged by the mutineers to enter into the conspiracy. Lt.-Col.
Crawford in a regimental order specially commended the conduct of
M’Culloch, and declared that he considered himself fortunate in being
the commander of such a regiment.
In November 1802 the first division of the 91st embarked at Table Bay
for England, arriving at Portsmouth in February 1803. On the 28th of
the latter month the second division had the honour of delivering
over the Cape of Good Hope to the Dutch, to whom it had been secured
at the peace of Amiens. After performing this duty the division
embarked at Table Bay, arriving at Portsmouth in May, and joining the
first division at their quarters in Bexhill during the next month.
During the next few years the Record Book contains nothing but an
enumeration of the various places to which the regiment marched
for the purpose of encamping or acting as garrison. A slight, and
no doubt welcome interruption of this routine was experienced in
December 1805, at the end of which month it embarked for Hanover,
and was brigaded along with the 26th and 28th regiments, under the
command of Major-General Mackenzie Fraser.[538] After the regiment
had been about a month in Germany the British army was recalled, and
the 91st consequently returned to England in the end of January 1806,
taking up its quarters at Faversham.
In August 1804, in accordance with the recent Act of Parliament known
as the Defence Act, means were taken to add a second battalion to the
91st, by raising men in the counties of Perth, Argyll, and Bute.
The regiment remained in England until the end of 1806, when
it embarked at Dover for Ireland, disembarking at the Cove of
Cork on Jan. 7th, 1807, and marching into Fermoy. It remained in
Ireland, sending detachments to various places, till the middle
of 1808, embarking at Monkstown on the 15th of June, to form part
of the Peninsular expedition under Lieutenant-General Sir Arthur
Wellesley. The 91st was brigaded with the 40th and 71st regiments
under Brigadier General Crawford, the three regiments afterwards
forming the 5th Brigade.[539] The 91st was engaged in most of the
actions during the Peninsular war, and did its part bravely and
satisfactorily.
On August 9th 1808, the 91st advanced with the rest of the army,
and, on the 17th, in the affair at Obidos the light company of the
regiment, with those of the brigade under the command of Major
Douglas of the 91st, were engaged, when the advanced posts of the
enemy were driven from their positions. On August 21st, the regiment
was present at the battle of Vimeiro, forming part of the reserve
under General C. Crawford, which turned the enemy’s right,--a
movement which was specially mentioned in the official despatch
concerning this important battle.
In the beginning of September, by a new distribution of the army, the
91st was placed in Major-General Beresford’s brigade with the 6th and
45th regiments, and in the 4th division, that of Lieutenant-General
Sir Arthur Wellesley. On Sept. 20th, however, it seems to have been
attached, with its brigade, to the 3rd division.
On Oct. 19th the regiment advanced into Spain, with the rest of
the army under Lt.-Gen. Sir John Moore, proceeding by Abrantes,
Covilhão, Belmonte, Morilhão, Ciudad Rodrigo, and Salamanca, arriving
at the last-mentioned place on Nov. 18th. On the 28th the regiment
was formed into a brigade with the 20th, 28th, 52nd, and 95th
regiments, to compose a part of the reserve army under Major-General
the Hon. Edward Paget, in which important capacity it served during
the whole of Sir John Moore’s memorable retreat to Corunna. On
Jan. 11th, 1809, the 91st, along with the rest of the army, took
up its position on the heights of Corunna, the reserve brigade on
the 16th--the day of battle--being behind the left of the British
army. The 91st does not appear to have been actively engaged in this
disastrous battle,--disastrous in that it involved the loss of one of
England’s greatest generals, the brave Sir John Moore. On the evening
of the 16th the 91st embarked, and arrived in Plymouth Sound on the
28th.
The officers, non-commissioned officers, and men who were left sick
in Portugal on the advance of the regiment with Sir John Moore, were
formed into a company under Captain Walsh, and placed as such in
the first battalion of detachments. This battalion was commanded by
Lt.-Col. Bunbury, and composed part of the army in Portugal under
Lt.-General Sir Arthur Wellesley. This company was actively employed
in the affairs of May 10th, 11th, and 12th, which led to the capture
of Oporto. It afterwards advanced with the army which drove the enemy
into Spain.
The company was engaged on July 27th and 28th in the battle of
Talavera, in which, out of a total strength of 93 officers and men,
it lost 1 officer, Lieutenant Macdougal, and 9 rank and file killed,
1 sergeant and 30 rank and file wounded, and 1 officer, Captain James
Walsh, and 19 men missing; in all, 61 officers and men. Captain Walsh
was taken prisoner by the enemy in a charge, and with many other
officers was marched, under a strong escort, towards France. He,
however, effected his escape at Vittoria on the night of August 20th,
and after suffering the greatest privation and hardship, he rejoined
the army in Portugal, and reported himself personally to Lord
Wellington. Captain Thomas Hunter, of the 91st, who was acting as
major of brigade, was also wounded and taken prisoner in this action.
Meantime, the main body of the 91st, after being garrisoned in
England for a few months, was brigaded with the 6th and 50th Foot,
under Major-General Dyott, and placed in the 2nd division, under
Lieut.-General the Marquis of Huntly, preparatory to its embarkation
in the expedition to Walcheren, under Lieut.-General the Earl of
Chatham. The regiment disembarked at South Beveland on August 9th,
and entered Middelburg, in the island of Walcheren, on Sept. 2nd.
Here it seems to have remained till Dec. 23rd, when it re-embarked at
Flushing, arriving at Deal on the 26th, and marched to Shorncliffe
barracks. In this expedition to Walcheren the 91st must have suffered
severely from the Walcheren fever, as in the casualty table of the
Record Book for the year 1809 we find, for the months of Sept. and
Oct. respectively, the unusually high numbers of 37 and 42 deaths.
The 91st remained in England till the month of Sept. 1812, on the
18th and 19th of which it again embarked to take its share in the
Peninsular war, arriving at Corunna between the 6th and the 12th of
October. On October 14th the regiment set out to join the army under
the Duke of Wellington, arriving on Nov. 1st at Villafranca, about
12 miles from Benavente. After taking part in a movement in the
direction of Bragança, on the frontiers of Portugal, the 91st, which
had been placed in the Highland or General Pack’s brigade, then under
the command of Colonel Stirling of the 42nd Regiment, in the 6th
division,--finally removed to San Roma, where it remained during the
winter.
In April 1813, the 91st left its winter quarters, and on May 14th
advanced with the combined army to attack the enemy. At the battle of
Vittoria, on June 21st, the 6th division, to which the 91st belonged,
was ordered to defile to the right to watch the movements of a
division of the enemy during this important action, and on the 22nd
it marched through Vittoria, and took charge of the guns and other
warlike stores abandoned by the enemy.
On June 27th the 91st, along with the rest of the army, commenced
the march towards Pamplona, and on July 6th the 6th division, in
conjunction with the 5th, invested that fortress. But the blockade
of Pamplona having been left to the 5th division and the Spanish
legion, the 6th division advanced to San Estevan on July 15th. On
the 26th of the same month, the enemy having made some movements to
raise the siege of Pamplona, the 6th division moved from San Estevan
on that day, and, in conjunction with the 4th and 7th divisions, on
July 28th attacked the head of the French column at the small village
of Sorauren, near Pamplona, and completely checked its progress.
On the 30th, at daybreak, the action recommenced on the right of
the division by an attack from the enemy’s left wing. The action
continued hotly until about noon, when the light companies of the
Highland brigade, under the direction of Major Macneil of the 91st
Regiment, stormed and carried the village of Sorauren, causing the
enemy to flee in all directions, pursued by the division.
On the 28th the regiment lost 1 sergeant and 11 rank and file killed,
and 6 officers--Captain Robert Lowrie, Lts. Allan Maclean, John
Marshall, and S. N. Ormerod, and Ensigns J. A. Ormiston and Peter
M’Farlane--and 97 rank and file wounded; on the 30th, 1 private was
killed, and Major Macneil and 8 rank and file wounded. At least about
40 of the wounded afterwards died of their wounds.
The 91st continued to take part in the pursuit of the enemy, and on
the night of August 1st bivouacked on the heights of Roncesvalles; on
August 8th it encamped on the heights of Maya. The regiment remained
in this quarter till the 9th of Nov., on the evening of which the
army marched forward to attack the whole of the enemy’s positions
within their own frontier; and on the next day, the 10th of Nov., the
battle of Nivelle was fought, the British attacking and carrying all
the French positions, putting the enemy to a total rout. The 91st
lost in this action, Captain David M’Intyre and 3 men killed, and 2
sergeants and 4 men wounded.
On November 11th the British continued to pursue the enemy towards
Bayonne, but the weather being extremely wet the troops were ordered
into cantonments. The British were in motion again, however, in the
beginning of Dec., early on the morning of the 9th of which the 6th
division crossed the Nive on pontoon bridges, and attacked and drove
in the enemy’s outposts. As the 6th division had to retire out of the
range of the fire of the 2nd division, it became during the remainder
of the day merely an army of observation. The only casualties of the
91st at the battle of the Nive were 5 men wounded.
Marshal Soult, finding himself thus shut up in Bayonne, and thinking
that most of the British troops had crossed the Nive, made, on the
10th, a desperate sally on the left of the British army, which for a
moment gave way, but soon succeeded in regaining its position, and in
driving the enemy within the walls of Bayonne. During the action the
6th division recrossed the Nive, and occupied quarters at Ustaritz.
At Bayonne, on Dec. 13th, Sir Rowland Hill declined the proffered
assistance of the 6th division, which therefore lay on its arms in
view of the dreadful conflict, that was terminated only by darkness.
The enemy were completely driven within the walls of Bayonne.
During December and January the British army was cantoned in the
environs of Bayonne, but was again in motion on Feb. 5th, 1814,
when, with the exception of the 5th division and a few Spaniards
left to besiege Bayonne, it proceeded into France. On Feb. 26th the
6th division arrived on the left bank of the Adour, opposite Orthes;
and on the morning of the 27th the 3d, 4th, 6th, and 7th divisions
crossed on pontoons and drew up on the plain on the right bank of
the river. The French thought themselves secure in their fortified
heights in front of the British position. About 9 o’clock in the
morning the divisions moved down the main road towards Orthes; each
division, as it came abreast of the enemy’s position, broke off the
road and attacked and carried the position in its front. About noon
the enemy fled, pursued by the British, who were stopped only by
the darkness of night. In the battle of Orthes the 91st had Captain
William Gunn and Lts. Alexander Campbell, John Marshall, and John
Taylor, and 12 rank and file wounded. At the Aire, on March 2nd, the
91st had 1 man killed, and Captain William Douglas, Ensign Colin
Macdougal, 1 sergeant, and 14 men wounded.
The 91st continued with its division to advance towards Toulouse,
where the great Peninsular struggle was to culminate. On March 26th,
the 6th division arrived at the village of Constantine, opposite
to and commanding a full view of Toulouse, and on the 8th it moved
to the right, and occupied the village of Tournefouille. Early on
the morning of April 4th the division moved a few miles down the
Garonne, and a little after daybreak crossed.[540] On the morning of
April 10th the army left its tents at an early hour, and at daybreak
came in sight of the fortified heights in front of Toulouse. The
6th division was ordered to storm these heights, supported by the
Spaniards on the right and the 4th division on the left. About ten
o’clock the Highland brigade attacked and carried all the fortified
redoubts and entrenchments along the heights, close to the walls of
Toulouse. Night alone put an end to the contest. We are sorry that we
have been unable to obtain any details of the conduct of the 91st;
but it may be gathered from what has been said in connection with
the 42nd and 79th, as well as from the long list of casualties in
the regiment, that it had a full share of the work which did so much
honour to the Highland brigade.
At Toulouse the 91st had 1 sergeant and 17 men killed, and 7
officers--viz., Col. Sir William Douglas,[541] who commanded the
brigade after Sir Dennis Pack was wounded, Major A. Meade, Captains
James Walsh and A. J. Callender, Lts. J. M. Macdougal, James Hood,
and Colin Campbell--1 sergeant, and 93 rank and file wounded; a good
many of the latter afterwards dying of their wounds.
As is well known, on the day after the battle of Toulouse news of
the abdication of Napoleon, and the restoration of the Bourbons, was
received, and hostilities were therefore suspended. On April 20th
the 6th division marched for Auch, and on the 24th of June the first
detachment of the regiment sailed for home, the second following on
July 1st, both arriving at Cork towards the end of the latter month.
Lt.-Colonel Macneil was presented with a gold medal, and promoted
to the rank of lt.-colonel in the army, for his services in the
Peninsula, and especially for his gallant conduct in command of the
light companies of the light brigade of the 6th division at Sorauren.
Captain Walsh was also promoted to the rank of brevet lt.-colonel.
On March 17th the 91st, accompanied by the 42nd, 71st, and 79th
regiments, sailed for Carlingford Bay, in the north of Ireland, and
from thence to the Downs, where it was transhipped into small crafts
and sailed for Ostend, where it arrived on the night of the 17th of
April.
Although at Quatre Bras and Waterloo,[542] the 91st had no
opportunity of coming to close quarters with the enemy, yet its
service in these days was so efficient as to gain for it all the
honours, grants, and privileges which were bestowed on the army for
that memorable occasion. The 91st did good service on the morning
of the 18th of June by helping to cover the road to Brussels, which
was threatened by a column of the French. On the 19th the 91st took
part in the pursuit of the flying enemy, and on the 24th it sat down
before Cambray, which, having refused to capitulate, was carried by
assault. On this occasion the 91st had Lt. Andrew Cathcart and 6 men
wounded; and at Autel de Dieu, on June 26th, a private was killed
on this post by some of the French picquets. On July 7th the 91st
encamped in the Bois de Boulogne, where it remained till Oct. 31st,
when it went into cantonments.
The 91st remained in France till Nov. 2nd, 1818, when it embarked at
Calais for Dover; sailed again on Dec. 17th from Gosport for Cork,
where it disembarked on the 24th; finally, marching in two divisions,
on Dec. 27th and 28th, for Dublin, which it reached on the 6th and
7th Jan. 1819.
By this time the 91st had ceased to wear both kilt and tartan, lost
its Highland designation, and had gradually become an ordinary
regiment of the line. From the statement of John Campbell, who was
living at Aberdeen in 1871, and who served in the 91st throughout
the Peninsular war, we learn that in 1809, just before embarking for
Walcheren, the tartan for the kilts and plaids reached the regiment;
but an order shortly came to make it up into trews. Along with the
trews, a low flat bonnet with a feather on one side was ordered to
be worn. About a year after, in 1810, even the tartan trews were
taken from the 91st, a kind of grey trousers being ordered to be worn
instead; the feathered bonnet was taken away at the same time, and
the black cap then worn by ordinary line regiments was substituted.
The 91st remained in Dublin till July 22nd, 1820, eliciting the
marked approbation of the various superior officers appointed to
inspect it. On July 22nd it proceeded to Enniskillen, furnishing
detachments to the counties of Cavan, Leitrim, and Donegal. Orders
having been received in June 1821 that the regiment should prepare to
proceed for Jamaica from the Clyde, the 91st embarked on the 18th at
Donaghadee for Portpatrick, and marched to Glasgow, where it arrived
on the 27th and 28th.
The regiment embarked at Greenock in two divisions in Nov. 1821
and Jan. 1822, arriving at Kingston, Jamaica, in Feb. and March
respectively.
The 91st was stationed in the West Indies till the year 1831, during
which time nothing notable seems to have occurred. The regiment,
which lost an unusually large number of men by death in the West
Indies, left Jamaica in three divisions in March and April 1831,
arriving at Portsmouth in May and June following. The reserve
companies having come south from Scotland, the entire regiment
was once more united at Portsmouth in the beginning of August. In
October the 91st was sent to the north, detachments being stationed
at various towns in Lancashire and Yorkshire till the 10th of July
1832, when the detachments reunited at Liverpool, where the regiment
embarked for Ireland, landing at Dublin on the following day. The
91st was immediately sent to Mullingar, where headquarters was
stationed, detachments being sent out to various towns. From this
time till the end of 1835 the regiment was kept constantly moving
about in detachments among various stations in the centre, southern,
and western Irish counties, engaged in duties often of the most
trying and harassing kind, doing excellent and necessary service,
but from which little glory could be gained. One of the most trying
duties which the 91st had to perform during its stay in Ireland at
this time, was lending assistance to the civil power on the occasion
of Parliamentary elections. On such occasions the troops were
subjected to treatment trying to their temper in the highest degree;
but to the great credit of the officers and men belonging to the
91st, when employed on this duty, they behaved in a manner deserving
of all praise.
The 91st having been ordered to proceed to St Helena, embarked in two
detachments in November, and sailed from the Cove of Cork on the 1st
of Dec. 1835, disembarking at St Helena on the 26th of Feb. 1836. The
companies were distributed among the various stations in the lonely
island, and during the stay of the regiment there nothing occurred
which calls for particular notice. At the various inspections the
91st received nothing but praise for its discipline, appearance, and
interior economy.
On the 4th of June 1839, headquarters, grenadiers, No. 2, and the
light infantry companies, left St Helena for the Cape of Good Hope,
disembarking at Algoa Bay on the 3d of July, and reaching Grahamstown
on the 8th.
Nothing of note occurred in connection with the regiment for the
first two years of its stay at the Cape. It was regularly employed
in detachments in the performance of duty at the various outposts on
the Fish river, the Kat river, the Koonap river, Blinkwater, Double
Drift, Fort Peddie, and other places, the detachments being relieved
at regular intervals.
Government having decided upon the formation of reserve battalions,
for the purpose of facilitating the relief of regiments abroad, and
shortening their periods of foreign service, early in the month
of April 1842, the establishment of the four company dépôts of
certain regiments was changed, and formed into battalions of six
skeleton companies by volunteers from other corps. The 91st, the
dépôt companies of which were then stationed at Naas, was selected
in March 1842 as one of the regiments to be thus augmented. When
complete the numbers and distribution of the rank and file stood as
follows:--1st battalion, 540; reserve battalion, 540; dépôt, 120;
total, 1200.
The Lt.-Colonel, whose post was to be with the 1st battalion, had
the general charge and superintendence of the whole regiment,
assisted by an additional major. The reserved battalion had the
usual proportion of officers and non-commissioned officers appointed
to it, but had no flank companies. The senior major had the
immediate command of the reserve battalion.
The reserve battalion having been reported fit for service, was
directed to hold itself in readiness to proceed to the Cape of Good
Hope.
The wing under Capt. Bertie Gordon--who had joined the regiment about
nine years previously, and who was so long and honourably connected
with the 91st--joined the headquarters of the regiment at Naas on May
26th 1842, where the six companies were united under his command,
both the lt.-col. and the major being on leave. On the 27th of May
the battalion, under Capt. Gordon, proceeded from Naas to Kingstown,
and embarked on board the transport “Abercrombie Robinson.” On the 2d
of June the transport sailed for the Cape of Good Hope, the strength
of the regiment on board being 17 officers and 460 men, Lt.-Col.
Lindsay being in command. The ship also contained drafts of the 27th
regiment and the Cape Mounted Rifles. The transport having touched at
Madeira, arrived in Table Bay on the 25th of August 1842. Here the
battalion was warned for service on the north-eastern frontier of the
colony, relieving the 1st battalion of the regiment, which was to be
stationed at Cape Town. In consequence of this arrangement Lt.-Col.
Lindsay and Major Ducat disembarked on the 27th, for the purpose of
joining the 1st battalion, to which they belonged. All the other
officers, not on duty, obtained permission to go ashore, and all
landed except six, the command of the troops on board devolving on
Capt. Bertie Gordon.
An event now took place which can only be paralleled by the famous
wreck of the “Birkenhead” ten years afterwards, the narrative of
which we have recorded in our history of the 74th.
At 11 o’clock P.M., on the night of the 27th, it was blowing a
strong gale, and the sea was rolling heavily into the bay. The
ship was pitching much and began to feel the ground, but she rode
by two anchors, and a considerable length of cable had been served
out the night before. Captain Gordon made such arrangements as he
could, warning the officers, the sergeant-major, and the orderly
non-commissioned officers to be in readiness.
From sunset on the 27th the gale had continued to increase, until
at length it blew a tremendous hurricane, and at a little after 3
o’clock on the morning of the 28th the starboard cable snapped in
two. The other cable parted a few minutes afterwards, and away went
the ship before the storm, her hull striking with heavy crashes
against the ground as she drove towards the beach, three miles
distant under her lee. About the same time the fury of the gale,
which had never lessened, was rendered more terrible by one of
the most awful storms of thunder and lightning that had ever been
witnessed in Table Bay.
While the force of the wind and sea was driving the ship into
shoaler water, she rolled incessantly and heaved over fearfully with
the back set of the surf. While in this position the heavy seas
broke over her side and poured down the hatchways, the decks were
opening in every direction, and the strong framework of the hull
seemed compressed together, the beams starting from their places.
The ship had been driven with her starboard bow towards the beach,
exposing her stern to the sea, which rushed through the stern-posts
and tore up the cabin floors of the orlop deck. The thunder and
lightning ceased towards morning, and the ship seemed to have
worked a bed for herself on the sand; for the rolling had greatly
diminished, and there then arose the hope that all on board might
get safe ashore.
At daybreak, about 7 o’clock, the troops, who had been kept below,
were now allowed to come on deck in small numbers. After vain
attempts to send a rope ashore, one of the cutters was carefully
lowered on the lee side of the ship, and her crew succeeded in
reaching the shore with a hauling line. The large surf-boats were
shortly afterwards conveyed in waggons to the place where the ship
was stranded, and the following orders were given by Captain Gordon
for the disembarkation of the troops:--1. The women and children
to disembark first; of these there were above 90. 2. The sick to
disembark after the women and children. 3. The disembarkation of the
troops to take place by the companies of the 91st Regiment drawing
lots; the detachment of the 27th Regiment and the Cape Mounted
Rifles to take the precedence. 4. The men to fall in on the upper
deck, fully armed and accoutred, carrying their knapsacks and their
great-coats. 5. Each officer to be allowed to take a carpet-bag or
small portmanteau.
The disembarkation of the women and children and of the sick
occupied from half-past 8 until 10 o’clock A.M. The detachments
of the 27th Regiment and the Cape Mounted Rifles followed. The
disembarkation of the 91st was arranged by, first, the wings drawing
lots, and then the companies of each wing.
At half-past 10 one of the surf boats, which had been employed up
to this time in taking the people off the wreck, was required to
assist in saving the lives of those on board the “Waterloo” convict
ship, which was in still more imminent peril about a quarter of a
mile from the “Abercrombie Robinson.” There was now but one boat to
disembark 450 men, the wind and sea beginning again to rise, and the
captain was apprehensive that the ship might go to pieces before
sunset.
The disembarkation of the six companies went on regularly but slowly
from 11 A.M. until 3.30 P.M., the boat being able to hold only 30
men at a time. At half-past 3 the last boat-load left the ship’s
side. It contained those of the officers and crew who had remained
to the last, Captain Gordon of the 91st, Lt. Black, R.N., agent
of transports, the sergeant-major of the reserve battalion of the
91st, and one or two non-commissioned officers who had requested
permission to remain.
Nearly 700 souls thus completed their disembarkation after a night
of great peril, and through a raging surf, without the occurrence
of a single casualty. Among them were many women and children, and
several sick men, two of whom were supposed to be dying. Although
it had been deemed prudent to abandon the men’s knapsacks and the
officer’s baggage, the reserve battalion of the 91st went down the
side of that shattered wreck fully armed and accoutred, and ready
for instant service.
It would be difficult to praise sufficiently the steady discipline
of that young battalion, thus severely tested during nearly
seventeen hours of danger, above eight of which were hours of
darkness and imminent peril. That discipline failed not when the
apparent hopelessness of the situation might have led to scenes
of confusion and crime. The double guard and sentries which had
at first been posted over the wine and spirit stores were found
unnecessary, and these stores were ultimately left to the protection
of the ordinary single sentries. Although the ship was straining
in every timber, and the heavy seas were making a fair breach over
her, the companies of that young battalion fell in on the weather
side of the wreck as their lots were drawn, and waited for their
turn to muster at the lee gangway; and so perfect were their
confidence, their patience, and their gallantry, that although
another vessel was going to pieces within a quarter of a mile of
the transport ship, and a crowd of soldiers, sailors, and convicts
were perishing before the eyes of those on board, not a murmur arose
from their ranks, when Captain Gordon directed that the lot should
not be applied to the detachment of the 27th regiment and Cape
Mounted Riflemen, but that the 91st should give the precedence in
disembarking from the wreck.
The narrative of the wreck was submitted to Field-Marshal the Duke
of Wellington, who wrote upon it words of the highest commendation
on the conduct of officers and men. “I have never,” the Duke
wrote, “read anything so satisfactory as this report. It is highly
creditable, not only to Captain Bertie Gordon and the officers and
troops concerned, but to the service in which such an instance has
occurred, of discretion and of firmness in an officer in command, and
of confidence, good order, discipline, and obedience in all under his
direction, even to the women and children.” The Duke did not forget
the conduct of those concerned in this affair; it was mainly owing
to the way in which Sergeant-major Murphy performed his duty on this
occasion, that in 1846, through the Duke of Wellington’s influence,
he was appointed to a wardership of the Tower.
In consequence of this unfortunate disaster the 91st remained
stationed at Cape Town until Feb. 1843. In Oct. 1842 Lt.-Col.
Lindsay took command of the 1st battalion at Grahamstown, and Major
Ducat assumed command of the reserve.
As the histories of the two battalions of the 91st during their
existence are to a great extent separate, and as the 1st battalion
did not remain nearly so long at the Cape as the reserve, nor had
so much fighting to do, it will, we think, be better to see the 1st
battalion safely home before commencing the history of the 2nd.
During the remainder of its stay at the Cape, till 1848, the 1st
battalion continued as before to furnish detachments to the numerous
outposts which guarded the colony from the ravages and ferocity of
the surrounding natives. Such names as Fort Peddie, Fort Armstrong,
Trompeter’s Drift, Commity Drift, Eland’s River, Bothas Post, &c.,
are continually occurring in the Record Book of the regiment.
The three companies that were left at St Helena in June 1839 joined
the headquarters of the 1st battalion on Dec. 6th, 1842.
In the beginning of Dec. 1842 a force, consisting of 800 men, of whom
400 belonged to the 1st battalion of the 91st, was ordered to proceed
from the eastern frontier to the northern boundary, an insurrection
of the Dutch farmers having been expected in that quarter. This
force, commanded by Colonel Hare, the Lieutenant-Governor, arrived
at Colesberg, a village near the Orange river, about the end of the
month. No active operations were, however, found necessary, and the
troops were ordered to return to their quarters, after leaving 300
men of the 91st in cantonment at Colesberg. Previous to the force
breaking up, Colonel Hare issued a frontier order, dated Feb. 1st,
1843, in which he expressed his admiration of the conduct of officers
and men.
In the beginning of June 1843 nearly all the disposable troops on the
eastern frontier were ordered on a special service to Kaffirland.
The 1st and reserve battalions of the 91st furnished detachments
for this service. The object of the expedition was to drive a
refractory Kaffir chief, named Tola, from the neutral territory, and
to dispossess him of a number of cattle stolen from the colony. The
third division, commanded by Lt.-Col. Lindsay of the 91st Regiment,
in the performance of this duty encountered some opposition from
a body of armed Kaffirs, in a skirmish with whom one man of the
battalion was severely wounded. The force returned to the colony in
the beginning of the following July, having captured a considerable
number of cattle.
The emigrant farmers beyond the Orange river, or N.E. boundary of
the colony, having early in the year 1845 committed aggressions on
the Griquas or Bastards, by attacking their villages and kraals, and
carrying off their cattle, &c., the Griquas claimed the protection of
the British Government, the Boers having assembled in large bodies.
Accordingly, the detachment of the 91st stationed at Colesberg,
consisting of the grenadiers No. 2 and light companies, under the
command of Major J. F. G. Campbell, was ordered to the Orange river,
about fifteen miles from Colesberg. The detachment, along with a
company of the Cape Mounted Riflemen, crossed the river on the night
of April 22nd, and marched to Philippolis, a village of the Griquas.
Information having been received that the Boers were encamped in
force at Touw Fontein, about thirty-five miles from Philippolis, the
detachment marched on the night of the 23rd of April for the camp,
within four miles of which camp the Boers and Griquas were found
skirmishing, the former, 500 strong, being mounted. Dispositions were
made to attack the camp, but the troops of the 7th Dragoon Guards
and the company of the Cape Rifles pushed forward, and the Boers
fled in all directions, after offering a very slight resistance. The
detachment of the 91st remained encamped until the 30th of June, when
it was ordered to Grahamstown.
On Nov. 25th of this year the 1st battalion was inspected by Colonel
Hare, who, at the same time, presented the regiment with new colours,
and expressed in a few words his entire approval of the battalion.
At the commencement of the Kaffir war, in March 1846, the battalion
proceeded to Fort Peddie, in the ceded territory,[543] and shortly
afterwards it was joined by detachments of the corps from various
outposts. The grenadier company at the commencement of the war was
attached to the field force under Colonel Somerset, K.H., and was
engaged in the Amatola Mountains with the enemy on the 16th, 17th,
and 18th of April, when Lt. J. D. Cochrane was severely wounded. What
details we have been able to collect concerning the part taken by the
91st in this long and arduous engagement we shall record in speaking
of the reserve battalion, which was also largely engaged during these
three days.
After this the grenadier company was attached to the reserve
battalion, with the exception of a few men, who accompanied Captain
Hogg’s Hottentot levy to Makassa’s Country.
The headquarters of the battalion was engaged in protecting the
Fingoe settlement at Fort Peddie, being stationed there when the post
was attacked, on the 28th of May 1846, by upwards of 8000 Kaffirs.
The strength of the battalion consisted of 254 officers and men;
there was also a weak troop of cavalry at the post. The details of
this attack will be best told in the words of a writer quoted by Mrs
Ward:--[544]
“Finding their scheme of drawing the troops out did not succeed,
small parties advanced in skirmishing order, and then the two
divisions of Páto and the Gaikas moved towards each other, as if
intending a combined attack on some given point. Colonel Lindsay was
superintending the working of the gun himself, and, as soon as a
body of the Gaikas came within range, a shot was sent into the midst
of them, which knocked over several, disconcerted them a little,
and threw them into confusion; rapid discharges of shot and shell
followed. The Kaffirs now extended themselves in a line six miles in
length. These advancing at the same time, so filled the valley that
it seemed a mass of moving Kaffirs; rockets and shells were poured
rapidly on them, and presently a tremendous fire of musketry was
poured, happily, over our heads. The enemy, however, did not come
near enough for the infantry to play upon them, and only a few shots
were fired from the infantry barracks.
“The dragoons were ordered out, and, though rather late, followed
up some of Páto’s men, who fled at their approach, Sir Harry Darell
galloping after them with his troop. The daring Fingoes followed the
Kaffirs to the Gwanga river, four miles off.
“Upwards of 200 of the enemy fell, and more were afterwards
ascertained to be dead and dying, but they carried off the greater
part of the cattle.”
Towards the end of June the battalion furnished to the second
division of the army, under Colonel Somerset, three companies under
a field officer, which proceeded with the division as far as the
Buffalo affluents in Kaffraria, and rejoined headquarters, when the
division fell back for supplies, on Waterloo Bay in September. The
whole force was under the command of Sir Peregrine Maitland, and,
after encountering many difficulties, hardships, and privations,
successfully effected the object of the expedition.
Soon after this the battalion furnished detachments for the Fish
River line, from Trompeter’s Drift to Fort-Brown; and, after the
second advance of the 2nd division into the enemy’s country,
performed a very considerable amount of escort duty in guarding
convoys of supplies for the Kei river and other camps.
During the remainder of the stay of the 1st battalion at the Cape,
we have no record of its being engaged in any expedition. On January
12th, 1848, it marched from Grahamstown to Algoa Bay, and thence
proceeded to Cape Town, where headquarters and three companies
embarked for home on the 23rd of February, followed on the 10th of
March by the other three companies, arriving at Gosport on the 28th
of April and 11th of May respectively. The dépôt was consolidated
with the battalion on the 1st of May.
By a memorandum, dated “Horse Guards, 5th May 1846,” a second
lieut.-colonel was appointed to the 91st, as well as to all the
regiments having reserve battalions; he was to have the command of
the reserve battalion.
II.
1842-1857.
The reserve battalion--Captain Bertie Gordon cures
desertion--Grahamstown--Fort Beaufort--Kaffir War--Amatola
Mountains--The Tyumie River--A daring deed--Trompeter’s
Hill--Amatola and Tabindoda Mountains--“Weel done, Sodger!”--The
Kei River--The Rebel Boers--Grahamstown--The Second Kaffir
War--Fort Hare--The Yellow Woods--Amatola Mountains--Fort Hare
attacked--Kumnegana Heights--The Waterkloof--The Kumnegana
again--Amatola Mountains and the Tyumie--The Waterkloof--The
Waterkloof again--Patrol work--The Waterkloof again--Eland’s
Post--The Kei--The Waterkloof again--Blinkwater and other
posts--From Beaufort to Port Elizabeth--The battalion receives
an ovation--Home--Redistribution of regiment--Aldershot--The
Queen visits the lines of the 91st--“The Queen’s Hut”--Duke
of Cambridge compliments the regiment--Second visit of the
Queen--Berwick--Preston--Final absorption of the second battalion.
To return to the reserve battalion. During Oct. and Nov. 1842
desertions had taken place among the young soldiers of the reserve
battalion, then at Cape Town, to an unusual extent. At length, when
eighteen soldiers had deserted in less than six weeks, and every
night was adding to the number, Captain Bertie Gordon volunteered his
services to the Major commanding, offering to set off on the same day
on a patrolling expedition, to endeavour to apprehend and bring the
deserters back. Captain Gordon only stipulated to be allowed the help
of one brother officer and of a Cape Corps soldier as an interpreter,
with a Colonial Office Order addressed to all field-coronets,
directing them to give him such assistance, in the way of furnishing
horses for his party and conveyances for his prisoners, as he might
require. Captain Gordon’s offer was accepted.
Captain Gordon had not the slightest trace or information of the
track of a single deserter to guide his course over the wide
districts through which his duty might lead his patrol. In taking
leave of his commanding officer before riding off, Major Ducat said
to him,--“Gordon, if you do not bring them back we are a ruined
battalion.” The patrol was absent from headquarters for eight
days, during which Captain Gordon rode over 600 miles; and when,
on the evening of the 16th of Nov., his tired party rode into the
barracks of Cape Town, just before sunset, after a ride of 80 miles
in 13 hours, 16 out of 18 deserters had been already lodged in the
regimental guard-room as the result of his exertions. Two more
deserters, hearing that Captain Gordon was out, had come in of their
own accord, and thus all were satisfactorily accounted for. The
desertions in the reserve battalion from that period ceased.
The battalion embarked on the morning of Feb. 22nd, 1842, for Algoa
Bay, but the ship did not sail till the 27th, anchoring in Algoa Bay
on March 4th, the battalion disembarking at Port Elizabeth on the
5th. On the 7th the reserve battalion set out for Grahamstown, which
it reached on the 13th, and took up quarters at Fort England with the
1st battalion of the regiment.
In the beginning of Jan. 1844 the reserve battalion left Grahamstown
for Fort Beaufort, which became its headquarters for the next four
years, detachments being constantly sent out to occupy the many posts
which were established, and keep the turbulent Kaffirs in check.
In the early part of 1846 the Kaffir war was commenced, and on April
11th the headquarters of the reserve battalion, augmented to 200
rank and file by the grenadier company of the 1st battalion, marched
from Fort Beaufort into Kaffirland with the division, under command
of Col. Richardson of the 7th Dragoon Guards; and, on the 14th, the
detachment joined Col. Somerset’s division near the Debè Flats.
The object of this expedition was to chastise the Kaffirs for some
outrages which they had committed on white settlers,--one of which
was the murder of a German missionary in cold blood, in open day, by
some of the people of the chief named Páto.
The attack on the Kaffirs in the Amatola mountains having been
ordered for an early hour on April 16th, and the rendezvous having
been fixed at the source of the Amatola River, the 91st, of the
strength already given, under command of Major Campbell, with about
an equal number of Hottentot Burghers, crossed the Keiskamma river,
and ascended the Amatola valley. During the greater part of the
way the march was through dense bush, with precipitous and craggy
mountains on each hand. On reaching the head of the valley the
Kaffirs, estimated at from 2000 to 3000, were seen on the surrounding
heights, closing in upon the force. The ascent to the place of
rendezvous was by a narrow rugged path, with rocks and bush on both
sides, and, when the party had got about half-way up the hill, it
was attacked on each flank, and was soon exposed to a cross-fire
from three sides of a square, the enemy having closed on the rear.
The height was gained, however, and the party then kept its ground
until joined by Colonel Somerset with the rest of the force shortly
afterwards; while waiting for the latter the party was repeatedly
attacked. In the performance of this service the 91st had 3 privates
killed, and several wounded, 3 severely.
During the night of the 16th a division, under Major Gibsone of the
7th Dragoon Guards, which had been left in charge of the baggage at
Burns’ Hill, was attacked and the recklessly brave Captain Bambrick
of the same regiment killed.
“Major Gibsone’s despatch states further--‘About seven o’clock,
just as I had diminished the size of my camp, we were attacked by
a considerable body of Kaffirs, whom we beat off in six or seven
minutes, I am sorry to say, with the loss of 4 men of the 91st
killed, and 4 wounded.’
“On the 17th, Major Gibsone, in compliance with Colonel Somerset’s
instructions, moved from Burns’ Hill at half-past ten A.M. From
the number of waggons (125), and the necessity of giving a support
to the guns, Major Gibsone was only enabled to form a front and
rear baggage-guard, and could not detach any men along the line of
waggons. After proceeding about a mile, shots issued from a kloof
by the side of the road; Lieut. Stokes, R.E., ran the gun up to a
point some 300 yards in advance, and raked the kloof with a shell.
When half the waggons had passed, the Kaffirs made a dash upon one
of them, firing at the drivers and some officers’ servants, who
were obliged to fly; then took out the oxen, and wheeled the waggon
across the river. An overpowering force then rushed down from the
hills in all directions, keeping up an incessant fire, which was
returned by the 7th Dragoon Guards and the 91st with great spirit.
The gun was also served with much skill; but, owing to the Kaffirs’
immense superiority in numbers, Major Gibsone, to prevent his men
from being cut off, was obliged to return to Burns’ Hill, where
he again put the troops in position. A short time after this, a
company of the 91st, under Major Scott, advanced in skirmishing
order, keeping up a heavy fire; but the waggons completely blocking
up the road, the troops were obliged to make a _détour_, and, after
considerable difficulty, succeeded in getting the ammunition-waggons
into a proper line, but found it quite impracticable to save the
baggage-waggons, the Kaffirs having driven away the oxen. One of
the ammunition-waggons broke down, but the ammunition was removed
to another; the troops then fought their way, inch by inch, to the
Tyumie camp, where they were met by Colonel Somerset’s division, and
where they again encamped for the night.”[545]
On the 18th the camp, with captured cattle, was moved to Block Drift;
the guard on the large train of waggons consisted of a detachment
of the 91st regiment, under Captain Scott. The rear of the retiring
column was brought up by Captain Rawstorne of the 91st and his
company, assisted by Lieut. Howard of the 1st battalion. The enemy
vigorously attacked the waggons and the division whenever they found
cover from the dense bush, which extended the greater part of the
distance to Block Drift. Captain Rawstorne was wounded in the stomach
by a musket ball, and 1 man of the 91st was killed and 1 mortally
wounded.
On approaching the Tyumie river, the ammunition of Captain
Rawstorne’s company being all expended, it was relieved from
protecting the rear by the grenadier company of the 91st. The
waggons crossed the river, the drift being held by the reserve
battalion of the 91st and a few dismounted dragoons, the guns of the
royal artillery firing from the higher ground on the opposite side of
the river.
Again to quote Mrs Ward--[546]
“Thus, scarcely 1500 men, not all regular troops, encumbered with
125 waggons, made their way into the fastnesses of these savages,
who were many thousands in number; and although unable to follow up
the enemy, of whom they killed at least 300, succeeded in saving all
their ammunition, captured 1800 head of cattle, and finally fought
their way to the original ground of dispute.
“Among the slain was afterwards discovered a soldier of the 91st,
who had probably been burned to death by the savages, as his remains
were found bound to the pole of a waggon, and horribly defaced by
fire.”
The headquarters of the reserve battalion remained at Block Drift
until the July following. On the 12th of May it was attacked by the
Kaffirs, who were repulsed, with the loss of a chief and 60 men
killed; the 91st had 1 man mortally wounded.[547]
[Illustration: Crossing the Tyumie or Chumie River.
From a drawing by Major Ward, 91st.]
Lieut. Dickson of the reserve battalion of the 91st, while commanding
at Trompeter’s Drift, frequently obtained the approbation of Sir
Peregrine Maitland and Lt.-Col. Johnston for his great zeal
and activity; and on the 21st of May, when a convoy of waggons,
proceeding from Grahamstown and Fort Peddie, was attacked and
captured by the enemy on Trompeter’s Hill, the gallant conduct of Lt.
Dickson, who had voluntarily joined the escort, was highly commended
by his Excellency the commander-in-chief, in general orders. In
reference to this incident, Mrs Ward writes as follows:--
“On this occasion Lieut. Dickson, 91st Regiment, who had been
ordered to assist in escorting the waggons a certain distance, till
the other escort was met, nobly volunteered to proceed further, and
led the advance; nor did he retire till his ammunition was expended.
On reaching the rear, he found the commanding officer of the party
retreating, by the advice of some civilians, who considered the
defile impassable for so many waggons, under such a fire. Lieut.
Dickson’s coolness, courage, and energy, in not only leading the
men, but literally ‘putting his shoulder to the wheel’ of a waggon,
to clear the line, were spoken of by all as worthy of the highest
praise. His horse, and that of Ensign Aitchison, were shot under
their riders.”
On July 27th, the battalion proceeded with Colonel Hare’s division to
the Amatola mountains, and was present in the different operations
undertaken against the Kaffirs between that time and the end of
December, when the battalion returned to Block Drift, and thence
proceeded to Fort Beaufort, where it remained stationary until the
renewal of hostilities against the Kaffirs in the following year.
The head-quarters and two companies entered Kaffirland with Col.
Campbell’s column, and were present in the operations undertaken
in the Amatola and Tabindoda mountains during the months of Sept.
and Oct.[548] As a result of these operations the Kaffir chief,
Sandilli, surrendered, the 91st having had only 3 men wounded.
Lt.-Col. Campbell and the above column received the warmest
approbation of Lt.-Gen. Sir George Berkeley in Orders of Dec. 17th,
1847, at the close of the war.
At the end of Oct. the two companies above mentioned, under
the command of Capt. Scott, marched to King-Williamstown to
join the force about to proceed to the Kei river, under the
commander-in-chief, Lt.-Gen. Sir George Berkeley. They were attached
to Col. Somerset’s division, and served therewith until the end of
December, when peace was concluded, and the detachment of the 91st
returned to Fort Beaufort.
We regret that we have been unable to obtain more details of the
part taken by the 91st during the Kaffir War of 1846-47, in which it
was prominently employed. Among those who were honourably mentioned
by Sir Peregrine Maitland, in general orders, for their conduct in
defending their respective posts when attacked, were Lts. Metcalfe
and Thom, and Sergeants Snodgrass and Clark of the 91st.
The reserve battalion removed from Fort Beaufort to Grahamstown in
Jan. 1848, nothing of note occurring until the month of July. In that
month two companies under the command of Capt. Rawstorne marched
from Grahamstown to Colesberg, to co-operate with a force under
the immediate command of the Governor, Lt.-Gen. Sir Harry Smith,
against the rebel Boers in the N.E. district. After an arduous and
protracted march, owing to the inclement season, and swollen state
of the rivers, the companies reached the Governor’s camp on the
Orange river, on August 24th. Detachments under Lt. Owgan, from Fort
Beaufort, and under Ensign Crampton, from Fort England, here joined,
so that the strength of the party of the 91st amounted to 178
officers and men.
After the troops had crossed, Captain Rawstorne remained at Bothas
Drift, on the Orange river, with a party of 40 men of the 91st, to
guard the Drift, and keep open the communication with the colony. The
remainder of the party, furnished by the reserve battalion, under
Lt. Pennington, proceeded with the Governor’s force in pursuit of
the rebels, and was engaged in a most severe and spirited skirmish
with the enemy at Boem Plaats on Aug. 29th, when Ensign Crampton,
Lt. Owen, and 5 privates were wounded. The enemy held a very strong
position, occupying a series of koppies on the right of the road,
from which they kept up a heavy fire, against which the Rifle Brigade
advanced, supported by the 45th Regiment and artillery. The 91st
remained with the guns till the enemy appeared among the ridges
on the left, when they were immediately ordered to fix bayonets
and charge, which they did in the most gallant manner, causing
the enemy to retreat in the greatest confusion, and driving them
from every successive hill on which they took up a position, until
nightfall. The pursuit was continued with untiring energy, and
severe loss to the enemy. Lt. Pennington’s name was mentioned by the
Commander-in-Chief in his despatch as commanding on that occasion a
detachment of the reserve battalion of the 91st, which shared in the
praise bestowed by His Excellency on the troops.
The companies returned to Grahamstown on the 15th of October, and
from this date the headquarters of the battalion remained at Fort
England and Drostdy’s Barracks, Grahamstown, for upwards of two
years, sending out detachments to perform the ordinary outpost duties
of the frontier.
At the outbreak of the second Kaffir war, at the end of 1850, every
available man was required for active operations in the field, and
the reserve battalion of the 91st marched en route to Fort Hare on
Dec. 12th. On the 26th a small detachment of the regiment, under Lt.
Mainwaring, marched from Fort Hare to patrol the vicinity of the
“military villages,”[549] about six miles distant. As Kaffirs were
observed to be assembling in force, a reinforcement from Fort Hare
was sent for; on the arrival of this, the patrol proceeded across the
country to the Tyumie (or Chumie) Missionary Station, where it halted
for a short time. On the patrol leaving the missionary station, a
fire was opened on its rear, which was kept up until the party got in
sight of Fort Hare, when a company was sent out to assist.
On Dec. 29th a detachment of the 91st, led by Colonel Yarborough,
marched towards Fort Cox, under Colonel Somerset, for the purpose of
opening a communication with the Commander of the Forces, who was
surrounded by the enemy, and of throwing in a supply of cattle for
the troops. When nearing the Kamka or Yellow-Woods river, the Kaffirs
opened a heavy fire upon this force, when two companies were thrown
out in extended order, and advanced till they reached the base of
the hill which surmounts the Umnassie (or Peel’s) Valley, where a
formidable force of the enemy had taken up a position behind rocks
which skirt the summit of the hill. It was then found necessary
to retire, the Kaffirs endeavouring to outflank and cut off the
retreat. A reinforcement was sent from Fort Hare to the assistance
of the patrol, which enabled it to return to the fort after a severe
struggle, in which Lts. Melvin and Gordon, and 20 men were killed,
and Lt. Borthwick, 2 sergeants, and 16 men were wounded; 2 of the
latter dying of their wounds.
On the 7th of January 1851, Fort Beaufort, in which was a small
detachment of the 91st, under Captain Pennington, was attacked by a
numerous force of Kaffirs, under the Chief Hermanes, when the latter
was killed in the square of the fort.
On Feb. 24th, the Kaffirs in force, from 5000 to 7000, surrounded
Fort Hare, and endeavoured to capture the Fingoes’ cattle, but were
repulsed by 100 men of the 91st, under Ensign Squirl.
For the next few months the regiment furnished frequent detachments
for the performance of patrol duty, which required considerable
tact, and was attended with considerable danger. On one of these
occasions, June 27th, when a detachment of the 91st was with Colonel
Eyre’s division, Ensign Pickwick and 1 private were wounded.
On the 24th of June, a detachment of 180 men of the 91st, under
Major Forbes, proceeded to the Amatola mountains, under command
of Major-General Somerset, and was engaged with the enemy on the
26th, 27th, and 28th of June, and the 2nd of July. A General Order
was issued on July 3rd, in which the Commander-in-Chief spoke in
high terms of the conduct of the troops on this occasion, when
the operations were crowned with signal success and the complete
discomfiture of the enemy; 2200 head of cattle and 50 horses
fell into the hands of the troops, while the enemy were driven
with considerable loss from every one of the strong and almost
insurmountable passes they attempted to defend.
“The accuracy and energy,” the Order says, “with which Major-General
Somerset carried into effect with the 1st division [to which the
91st Regiment belonged], the part assigned to him in the complicated
and combined movements, deserve the Commander-in-Chief’s highest
praise. His column sustained the chief opposition of the enemy,
principally composed of rebel Hottentots, who resisted our troops
with great determination.”
Previous to this, on June 6th, Captain Cahill of the 91st, with a
small detachment, joined a patrol under Lt.-Col. Michell, which was
attacked by a body of the enemy at Fort Wiltshire. It joined Colonel
M’Kinnon’s division on the Debè, captured a number of cattle and
horses, and patrolled Seyolo’s country, returning to Fort Peddie on
the 12th.
On the 14th of June the enemy, taking advantage of Major-General
Somerset’s absence from Fort Hare, assembled their bands in the
neighbourhood, with the intention of carrying off the Fingoe’s
cattle. Lt.-Col. Yarborough promptly despatched all the Fingoes,
supported by 160 men of the 91st, under Lt. Mainwaring, for the
protection of the herds. The Fingoes gallantly attacked the Kaffirs,
completely routing them, killing 14 of their number, and re-capturing
the whole of the cattle.
On the 8th of August a detachment of the 91st, under Lt. Rae,
proceeded from Fort Peddie to escort cattle and waggons to
Gentleman’s Bush, and after handing them over returned and joined a
patrol under Lt.-Col. Michell. The patrol on the following morning
marched to Kamnegana Heights, and on arriving there lay concealed
till 9 A.M., and afterwards descending to reconnoitre were nearly
surrounded by the enemy, when Major Wilmot’s life was saved by
Sergeant Ewen Ferguson of the 91st. The patrol retired, and attacked
the enemy again on the following morning, returning to Fort Peddie on
the 11th.
From October 13th to the 23rd a detachment of the 91st, consisting
of 318 of all ranks under Lt.-Col. Yarborough, was engaged with the
enemy in a series of combined movements at the Waterkloof, as also
on the 6th and 7th of November. An idea of the nature of the work
which the regiment had to perform may be obtained from the following
extract from the “Precis,” transmitted to the Commander-in-Chief by
Major-General Somerset, who commanded the expedition. On the night
of the 13th the force had encamped on one of the spruits of the Kaal
Hoek river, and on the 14th Major-General Somerset writes:--
“Marched at 1 A.M.; very thick fog. Gained the ascent above Bush Nek
by 5 A.M. At 7 A.M. moved to the bush at the head of the Waterkloof;
observed the enemy in force along the whole face of the ridge. At
half-past 7 I observed Lt.-Col. Fordyce’s brigade on the opposite
ridge; moved up Lt. Field’s guns, and opened on the enemy, who
showed at the head of the Blinkwater. Ordered Lt.-Col. Michel’s
brigade forward, and sent a squadron of Cape Mounted Rifles and two
battalions forward, directing a strong body of skirmishers to be
thrown into and line the forest. These were immediately received by
a smart fire from the enemy at several points. This sharp attack
drove the enemy from their position, which they evacuated, and
retired into Blinkwater and Waterkloof. The enemy continued to show
themselves. I reinforced the skirmishers with two companies of the
91st, dismounted a troop of the Cape Mounted Rifles, and ordered the
whole to push through the ravine, and to communicate with Lt.-Col.
Fordyce’s brigade, and to order them through. This movement was well
effected. In the meantime the enemy continued their efforts to annoy
us. Having brought the brigade through, and the enemy being beaten,
and all the troops having been under arms from 1 A.M., I retired to
form camp at Mandell’s Farm, leaving one squadron, one battalion,
and two guns of the Royal Artillery to cover the movement. On
commencing our move the enemy came out in force and opened a smart
fire, following the rear-guard. The enemy were driven off. The
troops encamped at Mandell’s at 5 o’clock, after being under arms
for eighteen hours.”
So in all the operations of the succeeding days, in and around the
almost inaccessible Waterkloof, the 91st, to judge from the merest
hints in Major-General Somerset’s despatches, must have performed
important services, especially when acting as skirmishers. The
fighting continued almost without intermission up to the 7th of
November, the loss to the regiment being 1 private killed, and Ensign
Ricketts and 8 privates wounded; the ensign afterwards died of his
wound, and was buried in the little group of graves at Post Retief.
The next operations in which the 91st seems to have been engaged was
on the 30th of December, when Lt. Mackenzie and a small detachment
joined a patrol under Major Wilmot, which proceeded from Fort Peddie
to the Goga, where it arrived at daylight on the following morning.
The patrol lay concealed in the bush until the morning of the 1st
of January 1852, and then proceeded to the Kamnegana, scouring the
bush and destroying a number of huts. On entering a path lined on
both sides with huts the patrol commenced to destroy them, and was
vigorously opposed by the Kaffirs, who commenced a heavy fire on its
advance, when Major Wilmot was killed by a musket ball fired from one
of the huts. Lt. Mackenzie immediately assumed command of the patrol,
which was between three camps occupied by the enemy, when he found
it necessary to retreat to Fort Peddie, carrying Major Wilmot’s body
with him.
On the 26th of Jan. a detachment of 416 of all ranks of the 91st
under Lt.-Col. Yarborough marched from Fort Hare, and was employed
in destroying the enemy’s crops on the Amatola mountains and Tyumie
until the end of Feb., when it proceeded to Haddon. On the 4th
of March the force proceeded to the Waterkloof, and was engaged
in a combined movement[550] against the Kaffirs from daylight on
that morning until evening, the casualties to the regiment being
1 sergeant and 3 privates killed, and Lt.-Col. Yarborough, Ensign
Hibbert, 3 sergeants, and 12 privates wounded, 1 of the sergeants
and 1 private ultimately dying of their wounds.[551] Sir Harry Smith
in writing to Earl Grey said, “Lt.-Col. Yarborough of the 91st is
a steady officer, and greatly distinguished himself on the day he
was wounded;” and in reference to this occasion a Division Order,
dated March 5th, was issued by Major-General Somerset, from which the
following is an extract:--
“The movement was most ably and gallantly conducted by Lt.-Col.
Yarborough.... He attributes the comparatively small loss to the
manner in which the enemy was charged, checked, and driven back when
pressing on in great force, although with every advantage of ground.”
We may mention here that on board the “Birkenhead” when she was
wrecked on the morning of Feb. 26, 1852,[552] were Captain Wright and
41 privates of the 91st.
[Illustration: Brass Tablet erected in Chelsea Hospital.
To the memory of
Colonel Edward W:C:Wright C:B
late 91^{st} Highlanders
and Deputy Inspector of Reserve Forces
who died 26^{th} August 1871 Aged 57.
Cap^t Wright was the senior surviving Officer
of the Troops embarked in Her Majestys Ship
Birkenhead wrecked off the Cape of Good
Hope on 26. Feby:1852: For his distinguished
service on this occasion he was promoted to the
rank of Major and awarded a good service pension
He was also engaged in the Kaffir wars of 1846-47 and
1852-53 for which he was granted the medal and promoted
for service in the Field to the rank of Lt. Colonel:
This Tablet is erected by his Brother Officers
MDCCCLLXXIII ]
On the 10th of March a force of 375 of all ranks of the 91st, under
Major Forbes, was again engaged at the Waterkloof in a combined
movement,[553] in which 11 rank and file of the regiment were
wounded. The Commander-in-Chief, in writing of these operations,
said:--
“Lt.-Col. Napier moved on the 10th up the Waterkloof Valley, and
on entering the narrow and difficult ground towards its head, it
was evident that the enemy meditated an attack upon the rear, and
Colonel Napier accordingly placed the 91st regiment, under Major
Forbes, in a position to resist it. This was most effectually done
after a short fight, and Colonel Napier gained and maintained his
position.”
On the 17th of March the battalion, under Major Forbes, proceeded
from Blinkwater _en route_ to Thorn river with Colonel Napier’s
division, patrolling the country, capturing the enemy’s cattle,
and destroying the crops. The following extracts from a report of
Colonel Napier, dated “Camp, Quantie River, 8th April 1852,” gives
some details of the work done by the force, of which the 91st formed
part:--
“I marched from the camp at the Thomas river at 9 A.M. on the 5th
instant, and encamped at the Quantie river at 4 P.M. Next morning I
sent Captain Tylden’s force, the whole of the mounted Burghers and
Fingoes, before daylight to scour the country between the Thomas
river and the Kei, while I followed in support with the Cape Mounted
Rifles, 60 of the 74th regiment, 200 of the 91st regiment, and the
Kat River levy, leaving Captain Robinson, R.A., with the gun and
100 of the line to take charge of the camp. At noon I perceived
Captain Tylden on a hill to my front, and the Burghers on another to
my left, who made a signal (previously agreed upon) that they saw
cattle and wanted support.”
The cattle, however, were too far off to attempt to capture them that
afternoon, and the infantry remained on the heights. The attack was
resumed next day, when the Kaffirs were made to retreat, and a great
quantity of cattle, horses, and goats were captured.
“The infantry, under Major Forbes, 91st regiment,” the report
states, “were not engaged with the enemy; but, from the judicious
position the Major took up, were of great use in preventing the
cattle escaping from Captain Tylden.”
The battalion returned to Blinkwater on the 16th of May. During
the greater part of July operations were carried on against the
enemy in the Waterkloof region, in which a detachment of the 91st
formed a part of the force engaged. It was probably during these
operations that an attack by a body of rebels upon Eland’s Post
was gallantly repulsed by a small detachment of the 91st stationed
there under Captain Wright (the survivor of the “Birkenhead.”) The
enemy appeared in considerable force, and manœuvred with all the
skill of disciplined troops, extending, advancing, and retiring by
sound of bugle. After endeavouring, almost successfully, to draw the
little garrison into an ambuscade, they sounded the “close” and the
“advance,” and moved on to the fort. Captain Wright, with only 23 men
of the 91st, then marched out to meet them, and, being joined by a
party of the Kat River levy, drove them off with loss.
On the 30th of July the battalion marched from Blinkwater, under
Major Forbes, on an expedition which lasted during a great part of
August, across the Kei, to capture cattle from the chief Kreli. The
expedition was very successful, having captured many thousand head of
cattle.
On the 14th of September the battalion, under Major Forbes, marched
from Blinkwater to unite with a force under His Excellency General
Cathcart to expell the Kaffirs and rebel Hottentots from the
Waterkloof. The troops having been concentrated in the neighbourhood
of the Waterkloof, were so posted as to command every accessible
outlet from the scene of the intended operations, which consisted of
an irregular hollow of several miles in extent, nearly surrounded by
precipitous mountains, the bases of which, as well as the greater
part of the interior basin, were densely wooded. The arduous nature
of the duty imposed upon the troops of dislodging such an enemy from
such a position may thus be faintly imagined. Four companies of the
91st and Cape Mounted Rifles were posted on the northern heights of
the Waterkloof, while another detachment of the regiment and some
irregulars from Blinkwater were to move up the Fuller’s Hoek ridge;
other troops were judiciously posted all around the central position
of the enemy. The dispositions having been completed, the several
columns moved upon the fastnesses they were to clear at daylight on
the 15th.
“The operations of that and the following day,” to quote General
Cathcart’s order, “were conducted with unabated vigour and great
judgment on the part of the officers in command. The troops
bivouacked each night on the ground of their operations, and pursued
on the following day, with an alacrity which cannot be too highly
commended, the arduous task of searching for and clearing the forest
and krantzes of the enemy. These appeared to be panic-stricken,
offering little resistance, but endeavouring to conceal themselves
in the caverns and crevices of the wooded hills, where many of
them were killed. The results of the three days’ operations have
been, the evacuation of the Waterkloof and other fastnesses by the
Tambookie chief Quashe and the Gaika chief Macomo and his adherents,
and the expulsion and destruction of the Hottentot marauders.”
Among those specially mentioned by the Commander-in-chief was Major
Forbes of the 91st.
The battalion returned to Blinkwater on the 20th of September, where
it stayed till the 29th, when it proceeded to Fort Fordyce, sending
out detachments to the Waterkloof, Port Retief, and various other
posts. The headquarters of the battalion remained at Fort Fordyce
till the 10th of November 1853, when it marched to garrison Fort
Beaufort, where it remained till July 1855, sending out detachments
regularly to occupy various frontier posts.
On July 6th 1855 the battalion marched, under command of Major
Wright, from Fort Beaufort _en route_ for embarkation at Port
Elizabeth, having been ordered home, after a stay of thirteen years
in the colony. Previous to its march, the Commander of the forces
issued a General Order highly complimentary to the battalion; and the
inhabitants of Fort Beaufort presented an address to the officers and
men, which spoke in the highest terms of the conduct of the regiment
during the Kaffir wars.
In marching through Grahamstown the battalion received a perfect
ovation from the inhabitants and from the other regiments stationed
there. About the middle of the pass which leads out of the town a
sumptuous luncheon had been prepared for officers and men by the
inhabitants; before partaking of which, however, the regiment was
presented with an address, in the name of the inhabitants, expressive
of their high regard and admiration for the officers and men of the
91st.
A very large number must have remained behind as settlers, as the
battalion, when it embarked at Port Elizabeth on the 30th of July,
numbered only 5 captains, 7 lieutenants, 4 staff, 21 sergeants,
14 corporals, 9 drummers, and 340 privates. Nothing of importance
occurred during the voyage, the battalion disembarking at Chatham on
the 29th of September.
[Illustration: Lieutenant-Colonel Bertie Edward Murray Gordon.
From a Photograph.]
On the 10th of Nov., a letter was received from the Horse-Guards,
directing a redistribution of the regiment into 6 service and 6
dépôt companies, each of 60 rank and file, besides officers and
non-commissioned officers, the term “reserve battalion” being
thenceforth discontinued, though, practically, the battalion seems to
have lasted till 1857, when the dépôt companies of the two battalions
were incorporated. We shall briefly carry the history of this
battalion up to that time.
On the 4th of April 1856, the dépôt companies, as the reserve
battalion was now called, left Chatham for Aldershot, under command
of Lt.-Col. Gordon, and took up their quarters in the North Camp
(Letter M).
On the 19th and 20th of April the troops in camp, including the
91st, were reviewed by Her Majesty, and on July the 16th the Queen
visited the lines of the 91st. The royal carriage stopped in the
centre of the 91st lines, where Her Majesty alighted, and entered one
of the soldiers’ huts. The Queen walked quite through the hut, and
asked questions of Lt.-Col. Gordon, and made observations indicating
Her Majesty’s Gracious satisfaction. After leaving this hut, which
belonged to No. 2 company (Capt. Lane’s), the Queen signified her
desire to see the soldiers’ cook-house, which she entered, expressing
her praise of its cleanliness and order, and of the excellence of the
soup. The Queen then re-entered her carriage and proceeded at a foot
pace through the other portions of the lines, Lt.-Col. Gordon walking
by the side of Her Majesty, and pointing out various other excellent
arrangements. After the Queen had departed the soldiers visited the
hut which had received the royal visit, and surveyed it with a sort
of wondering and reverential interest.
The following inscriptions were afterwards placed on the doors at
each end of the hut (No. 6 hut, M lines, North Camp), which had been
honoured by Her Majesty’s visit. On the front door:--
“Her Most Gracious Majesty, the Princess Royal, and the Princess
Alice, visited the lines of Her Majesty’s faithful soldiers of the
91st Argyll Regiment, and deigned to enter this hut. 16th June 1856.”
On the door in the private street:--
“Henceforth this hut shall be a sacred place,
And its rude floor an altar, for ’twas trod
By footsteps which her soldiers fain would trace,--
Pressed as if the rude planking were a sod,
By England’s monarch; none these marks efface,
They tell of Queenly trust, and loyalty approved of God.”
Orders were afterwards issued to the troops in camp at Aldershot, by
direction of H.R.H. the Duke of Cambridge, calling attention to the
manner in which the lines of the 91st camp were kept, and desiring
that the same order and the same efforts to procure occupation and
amusement for the soldiers might be made by the other regiments.
The strictest orders were also issued to the barrack department to
maintain the inscription on the “Queen’s Hut,” as it is called.
On the 7th of July, the lieutenant-general commanding made an
unexpected visit of inspection of the lines of the regiment.
Lt.-General Knollys expressed himself satisfied in the highest degree
with the order of the lines, and with the companies’ huts, as also
with the works completed by the dépôt to give amusement to the men.
On the same day Lt.-Col. Gordon received orders to be ready to
proceed to Berwick-on-Tweed early on the following morning, and
on the same evening the Queen, without warning, again passed down
through the lines of the 91st, the royal carriage stopping opposite
the door of the hut previously visited by Her Majesty, who read the
inscription which had been placed over the door.
On the morning of July 8th the companies of the 91st left Aldershot
by train for Berwick, stopping at Peterborough and York, and reaching
Berwick on the 10th.
On Jan. 20th, 1857, Lt.-General Sir Harry Smith inspected the dépôt
companies, and addressed Lt.-Col. Gordon and the battalion in a
speech which was highly complimentary, afterwards assuring Lt.-Col.
Gordon in a private note, that his words of praise “were as fully
merited as they were freely bestowed.”
The dépôt companies remained in Berwick till the 3rd of March, when
they proceeded by train to Preston, almost the entire population of
Berwick accompanying the dépôt to the railway station. The Mayor
and Sheriff had previously expressed to Lt.-Col. Rawstorne the
general respect with which the conduct of all ranks had inspired the
citizens, and the general regret which was felt at the removal of the
91st. At Preston, on the 30th of March 1857, the remains of the dépôt
companies were incorporated with the dépôt battalion at Preston,
commanded by Lt.-Col. Smith, C.B., while under the command of Brevet
Lt.-Col. Rawstorne.
Thus ends the somewhat chequered history of the reserve battalion of
the 91st; and now we shall return to the point at which we left off
the history of the 1st battalion of the regiment.
III.
1857-1874.
The first battalion--Gosport--Dover--The regiment deprived of its
bagpipes--The northern district--Belfast--Excellent conduct of
the regiment--Enniskillen--Dublin--Cork--Furnishes volunteers to
Crimean regiments--Malta--Greece--The Piræus--Useful works of the
91st while in Greece--Major Gordon the moving spirit--Encampment at
Salamis Bay and Pentelicus--Reading-room started--Works executed at
the Piræus by the regiment--New system of promotion--Discovery of
the old Waterloo Roll--Old Colours--Highland dress and designation
restored--Home--The Queen’s attentions--Col. Gordon’s retirement--He
is succeeded by Lt.-Col. Sprot--His energy and efficiency--Marriage
of the Princess Louise--The 91st as her guard of honour--The
presents from the officers and men--Aldershot--Inverary Castle--The
Queen’s mark of approbation--The change of designation--Regimental
Museum--The Tontine Snuff-Box, &c.
We left the 1st battalion at Gosport in May 1848, and on Oct. the
13th of the same year Lt.-Col. Lindsay retired from the service, when
the command of the battalion devolved upon Lt.-Col. Yarborough. The
regiment remained at Gosport till April 1850, during which time there
is nothing remarkable to record.
The 91st proceeded to Dover in three divisions, on the 4th, 6th, and
9th of April; headquarters, under the command of Lt.-Col. Campbell,
occupying the Heights’ Barracks, other companies being located in the
Castle.
After the arrival of the regiment at Dover it was inspected by
Major-General G. Brown, C.B., K.H., Adjutant-General to the Forces,
who, for some inscrutable reason, ordered the immediate abolition
of the bagpipes, which had been fondly clung to as the last relic
that remained of the origin, the history, and the nationality of the
corps. To the unofficial mind this must appear an exceedingly harsh,
and quite uncalled for measure, though, as will be seen, ample amends
was in the end made to the regiment for this “unkindest cut of all.”
In the meantime the 91st lost its bagpipers.
The 91st did not stay long at Dover; having received orders to move
to the northern district, it proceeded by detachments, in the end
of Dec. 1850 and beginning of Jan. 1851, to Preston, Liverpool, and
Manchester, moving about among these three towns for the next few
months, the grenadier company, under Captain Bayly, being sent to the
Isle of Man. After about six months’ duty in the northern district,
the regiment proceeded to Fleetwood, and embarked in detachments on
the 22nd and 24th of July for Belfast, whence a draft of 1 sergeant
and 60 rank and file, under Captain Wright, proceeded to Cork on the
26th Dec., and embarked on board the ill-fated “Birkenhead,” on Jan.
7th, 1852, to join the the reserve battalion at the Cape of Good Hope.
[Illustration: Major-General John Francis Glencairn Campbell.
From a Photograph.]
The stay of the regiment in Belfast was comparatively short; but
during that time officers and men won the respect and attachment of
the inhabitants for their excellent behaviour, their kindliness, and
their liberality to charitable institutions. On the occasion of the
regiment’s leaving Belfast, an address, signed by the Mayor, the Earl
of Belfast, and about 200 of the leading citizens, was presented
to Lt.-Col. Campbell and the other officers, expressive of their
gratitude and esteem for the “high-toned gentlemanly conduct” of the
officers, and the soldierlike and exemplary conduct of the men.
Between the 26th of April and the 3rd of May the regiment marched in
detachments to Enniskillen, where it was next to be stationed. On
several occasions, during its stay at Enniskillen, the 91st had to
perform the delicate, and not very agreeable duty of aiding the civil
power to maintain order at elections as well as on other occasions.
This duty the regiment always performed with admirable promptness,
great tact, and excellent effect.
The 91st remained at Enniskillen until the month of March 1853, when,
between the 19th and 30th of that month, it marched in detachments to
Dublin, and was there quartered in Richmond Barracks. The 91st was,
of course, regularly inspected while in Ireland, the reports of the
inspecting officers being invariably of the most favourable kind.
After a year’s stay in Dublin the 91st left that city by railway, in
detachments, for Cork, and out-stations, between the 25th of April
and the 1st of May 1854, detachments being sent from headquarters to
Spike Island, Haulbowline Island, and Carlisle Fort. The regiment,
although as a body it did not take part in the Crimean war, liberally
furnished volunteers to the three Highland regiments that bore so
distinguished a part in that contest, and also to the 50th Regiment.
In this way it parted with about 250 of its best men.
On the 23rd of June Lt.-Col. J. F. G. Campbell was promoted to the
rank of Colonel.[554]
The 91st made but a short stay at Cork, as on the 15th of December
it embarked, under command of Col. Campbell, on board H.M.S.
“Saint George,” _en route_ for Malta, and this heavy old-fashioned
three-decker did not cast anchor in the harbour of Valetta till
Jan. 11th 1855. Besides 26 officers and staff, the strength of the
regiment, as it landed at Malta, was 649 non-commissioned officers
and privates, 39 women, and 51 children.
After a stay of about two months at Malta the 91st embarked on the
20th of March for the Piræus, in Greece, which it reached on the
23rd. The regiment took up its quarters in the miserable warehouses
that formed the barracks of the British soldiery. Colonel Straubenzee
of the 3rd Regiment handed over the command of the British Force in
Greece to Colonel Campbell, who also retained the command of the
regiment; but he was ordered by the general commanding-in-chief to
hand it over, on the 3rd of June, to Major Bertie Gordon.
The 91st was located in Greece for about two years, during which
time it was engaged in operations which were of the highest benefit,
not only to the men, but also to the district in which they were
stationed. We regret that space prevents us from giving a detailed
account of the various ways in which the regiment rendered itself
useful, and staved off the _ennui_ and consequent demoralisation
which always attend the idle soldier. The presiding genius of the
regiment during its stay in Greece, and, indeed, during the whole
time that he had any important connection with it, was Major Bertie
Gordon.
The relations of the 91st with the French force stationed in Greece,
officers and men, were particularly cordial, both as regards work and
enjoyment.
The accommodations allotted to the regiment were very defective in
every detail that is deemed necessary for the permanent barrack
occupation of British soldiers, while, owing to a peculiar
arrangement with the commissariat department, the evil could not be
remedied. It was, no doubt, the thoughtful ingenuity of Major Gordon
that discerned a happy remedy for the evil, by selecting a spot at
Salamis Bay, about three miles from the Piræus, on a slope close to
the sea, for the construction of a camp in which a detachment of
the regiment might take up its quarters, and thus remedy to some
extent the stinted accommodation provided in the town. To this place
the grenadiers and No. 1 company marched on the 4th of April, under
the command of Major Gordon, who commenced at once a system of
road-making, throwing up field-works, the construction of a small
landing place, and other works, which employed and interested both
officers and men; thus the little camp soon became a cheerful and
accessible spot. The only difficulty that they had to encounter was
the want of tools, of which the supply from headquarters was very
stinted indeed; it consisted of three spades and three pickaxes.
But by dint of persistent applications. Major Gordon obtained an
additional supply from the Greek authorities. An ancient well, which
may have watered part of the fleet of Xerxes, was at the bottom of
the hill, and furnished excellent water.
To this delightful little encampment detachments were sent in
rotation at intervals during the stay of the regiment in the Piræus;
and it was no doubt greatly owing to this and to the other exertions
of Major Gordon for the good of his men, that the regiment was in
such excellent condition, notwithstanding its miserable quarters in
the town.
Another excellent service of Major Gordon, one which both benefited
the health of the men and trained them to the practical duties of
the soldier, was to take a detachment occasionally to a considerable
distance from camp where it bivouacked as best it could, and
sometimes slept out all night on extemporised couches of heath and
branches, arranged round the bivouac fires.
On the 15th of June, another encampment was formed at a spot
selected near the monastery of Pentelicus, on Mount Pentelicus, nine
miles from Athens, and fifteen miles from the Piræus, the ground
having been previously selected by Major Gordon. To this camp also
detachments were sent in regular rotation.
In September 1855 Major Gordon was very deservedly promoted to the
rank of Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel.
We should have stated before, that, on the 29th of June, a
reading-room for the soldiers was established for the first time
in the regiment. A sergeant and his wife were placed in charge, a
roll of members was prepared, and a subscription of 6d. a month was
charged from each member. Periodicals and newspapers were procured,
and coffee and light drinks were prepared by the sergeant’s wife for
those who cared to pay for them.
Lt.-Col. Gordon, after repeatedly urging it upon those in authority,
at length gained permission to commence the reconstruction and
elevation of the whole surface-level of the wide projecting quay
which formed the parade of the battalion; also to raise, drain,
and level the roadways of the streets, in which the barracks of the
battalion were situated. These useful works were commenced on the
18th of December, and ten days later, Lt.-Col. Gordon went home to
take command of the six dépôt companies, when the command of the
service companies devolved on Major W. T. L. Patterson, who had
recently been promoted from captain.
The 91st embarked in two divisions on the 28th of Feb. 1857 for the
Ionian Islands, where it was stationed for the next eighteen months,
detachments being located in Corfu, Vido, Zante, and latterly,
Cephalonia. Here, also, the regiment was employed in the construction
of useful works. Among these was an approach from the esplanade at
Argostoli, in Cephalonia, in the shape of steps upon a large scale,
formed from the materials of a useless five-gun battery, which work
was described by the Resident of Cephalonia as a “great public
improvement,” and, with his authority, obtained the appellation of
“The Argyll Steps.”
Lt.-Col. Bertie Gordon arrived at Corfu in April 1857, and assumed
command of the regiment, Colonel Campbell having obtained leave of
absence in the previous March.
In taking leave of the headquarters companies on the 17th of August,
they having been ordered from Corfu to the Southern Islands,
Major-General Sir George Buller, C.B., told them “he had selected the
91st for the service of the Southern Islands, partly because it was
a more formed regiment, a finer body of men, and better drilled than
the others.”
The 91st, having received orders to proceed to India by the overland
route, embarked at Corfu, and sailed on the 5th of Sept. 1858,
arriving at Alexandria on the 8th; but it seems to have remained on
board H.M.S. “Perseverance” until the 18th. On that day headquarters,
with 5½ companies, disembarked at 1.30 P.M., and at once entered
railway carriages prepared for their conveyance, and proceeded
towards Suez. The left wing disembarked on the following day. Partly
by railway, and partly on donkeys, the two wings were conveyed to
Suez, where they embarked on board two vessels, which arrived at
Bombay on the 7th and 9th of October respectively. Both detachments
were reunited at Poonah on the 11th.
On Oct. 28th Colonel Campbell, C.B., having been appointed to the
command of a brigade at Toogoo, in Burmah, Major Patterson assumed
command of the regiment.
On Nov. 3rd the 91st commenced its march to Kamptee, where it did
not arrive till the 11th of the following month. On its march, while
at Jafferabad, on Nov. 20th, an order was received by telegraph from
the Commander-in-Chief of the Madras army to leave a wing at Jaulnah.
The left wing, under command of Major Savage, accordingly returned
to that place, and did not arrive at headquarters until the 25th of
Feb. 1859. It had been employed during the latter part of January and
the beginning of February in operations against insurgent Rohillas,
to the south of Jaulnah, and had made long marches, without, however,
being engaged with the enemy.
On the 7th of March Lt.-Colonel Bertie Gordon arrived from England
and assumed the command, and on the 9th a small detachment, under
Lieut. Gurney, proceeded to Chindwarrah, a village about 84 miles
north of Kamptee. On the same day No. 5 company, under Captain
Battiscombe, marched as part of a field-force directed on Mooltye and
Baitool. On the 27th Major Patterson joined and took command of the
field-force, which remained out till the 18th of April. A similar
field-force was sent out on April 22nd for a short time to the same
districts.[555]
It was about this time that Colonel Bertie Gordon inaugurated his new
system of promotion in the non-commissioned ranks of the regiment.
Competitive examinations of lance and full corporals, under a
strictly organised system, were the basis of this plan. During the
period extending from Sept. 1860 to Jan. 1861, seventy corporals
and lance-corporals were examined, twenty-five of whom obtained
promotion out of their regular turn, owing to their position on the
merit roll.
The 91st remained in India till the year 1868, and we can note
only in the briefest possible manner the principal occurrences in
connection with the regiment during that period.
An event of very great interest to the regiment occurred on the 27th
of Aug. 1871; this was the discovery of the old Waterloo roll of
the regiment among the orderly-room papers. It had been saved from
destruction by Sergeant Hirst in 1848, when a quantity of old books
and papers had been ordered to be burned. The interesting document
was now sent to London, where it was so handsomely bound as to
ensure, we hope, its preservation in all time coming.
On the 16th of Oct. of the same year, Col. Gordon received from the
daughters of the late Lt.-Col. Lindsay an offer of the old colours
of the 91st. Col. Gordon gladly accepted this graceful offer, and
sent the colours, which had seen many a hard-fought field, to Ellon
Castle, Aberdeenshire, there to find a permanent home, and to be
preserved as an heirloom in his family.
In Aug. 1861, Lt.-Col. Gordon was promoted to be colonel by brevet.
He had succeeded to the command of the regiment in Nov. 1860, on
the promotion of Lt.-Colonel Campbell to the rank of Major-General.
There had been for some time, in accordance with the regulations for
the augmentation of the Indian establishment, two Lt.-Cols. to the
91st, Major W. T. L. Patterson having been raised to that rank on the
retirement of Col. Campbell.[556]
On the 24th of April 1862, Col. Gordon proceeded on leave to
England. During his absence, in Feb. 1863, the 91st left Kamptee for
Jubbulpoor, which it reached on the 19th, after a march of fifteen
days. The regiment was now in the Bengal Presidency, and under the
command of Gen. Sir Hugh Rose, G.C.B. then Commander-in-Chief in
India.
One of the most notable and gratifying events in the history of the
91st during the _régime_ of Col. Bertie Gordon was the restoration
to it of its original Highland designation, along with the Highland
dress, the tartan trews, however, taking the place of the more airy
kilt. So far back as 1833, an ineffectual effort had been made to
have its nationality restored to the regiment. Col. Gordon resumed
the attempt shortly after he obtained command of the regiment at
Kamptee in 1859, and with the most determined perseverance, amid
discouragements that would have daunted any ordinary man, he did not
cease his solicitations until they resulted in complete success in
the year 1864. Col. Gordon found a powerful and willing supporter in
his Grace the Duke of Argyll, who was naturally anxious to have the
regiment raised by his ancestors once more recognised by its original
name, “the Argyllshire Highlanders.” The voluminous correspondence
carried on between Col. Gordon, the War Office authorities, and the
Duke of Argyll, we cannot reproduce here. The letters of Col. Gordon
show clearly his ability, his enthusiasm, his perseverance, and his
intense nationality and love for his regiment. We can only say
that, after a long correspondence, Col. Gordon’s efforts resulted
in triumph, as will be seen in the following War Office memorandum,
notifying the restoration to the 91st of its Highland designation and
dress, of which it had been deprived fifty years before:--
“WAR OFFICE, PALL MALL, _May 3, 1864_.
“Her Majesty has been graciously pleased to approve of the 91st
Foot resuming the appellation of the 91st Argyllshire Highlanders,
and being clothed and equipped as a non-kilted Highland corps, as
follows:--TUNIC, as worn in all Highland regiments; TREWS, of the
Campbell tartan; CHACO, blue cloth, with diced band and black braid;
FORAGE CAP, Kilmarnock, with diced band. The officers to wear plaids
and claymores. The alteration of the dress is to take place from
1st April 1865. The white waistcoat with sleeves, issued to other
Highland regiments, will not be worn by the 91st Foot.”
In Jan. 1866 Col. Gordon arrived at Jubbulpoor, and assumed command
of the regiment. In Dec. of the same year the 91st left its quarters
at Jubbulpoor and proceeded partly on foot and partly by train to
Dumdum, which it reached on the 11th. While at Dumdum Col. Gordon’s
health broke down, and on the recommendation of a medical board, he
left India for Europe in Oct. 1866, handing over the command of the
regiment to Major Battiscombe.
After staying a year at Dumdum, the 91st was removed in Jan. 1867
to Hazareebagh. Here the 91st remained until the end of the year,
setting out on Dec. 1st for Kamptee again, which it reached after a
long and tedious journey, partly on foot and partly by train, on the
26th of January 1868.
After a stay of a few months at Kamptee, the 91st got the welcome
route for home, setting out in two detachments on the 7th and 8th
of Oct. for Bombay, where it embarked on the 12th. The regiment
proceeded by Suez, and arrived at Portsmouth on Nov. 13th,
disembarking on the 15th, and proceeding by rail to Dover, where Col.
Bertie Gordon resumed command. The 91st had been on foreign service
for the long period of fourteen years, and it is very remarkable
that during all that time there were only ten desertions. The dépôt
companies removed from Fort George and were amalgamated at Dover with
the service companies on Nov. 25th.
In August of this year Her Majesty was pleased to place the name of
Col. Bertie Gordon on the list of officers receiving the reward of
£100 a year for distinguished service.
The 91st remained at Dover until June 1870, during which time two
events occurred of some importance in its domestic history. The
first of these was the presentation of new colours on the 24th of
Aug. 1869, on the glacis of the Western Heights, Dover. As the Duke
and Duchess of Argyll were unable to be present, the colours were
presented to the regiment by Mrs Bertie Gordon, as her Grace’s
representative. The Archbishop of Canterbury consecrated the colours,
being assisted by five other clergymen in full canonicals. After
an impressive prayer by his Grace the Archbishop, the colours were
received by Mrs Gordon at the hands of Major Penton and Major Sprot,
and by her given to Ensigns Lloyd and Gurney, with these words:--
“Colonel Gordon, officers, non-commissioned officers, and soldiers
of the 91st Argyllshire Highlanders,--Proud as I am this day to
present to you your new colours, I would fain have had my place
better filled by her Grace the Duchess of Argyll. Soldiers, your
colours have been well earned, not alone in the protracted struggle
of three Kaffir campaigns, but also by long service in tropical
climes under a burning sun. I know you will receive them as a sacred
trust. Guard them carefully. Fight manfully around them when called
upon. Be foremost, as you have always been, in serving your Queen
and country; and be the pride, as you are at this moment, of your
commanding officer.”
After a fervent address by Col. Gordon, thanking Mrs Gordon for
the service she had performed, which was only one of “many acts of
unobtrusive kindness” by which she showed her interest in the welfare
of the regiment.
The old colours having been gladly accepted by the Duke of Argyll,
were, in the month of October, taken by an escort to Inverary Castle,
in the great hall of which they now occupy a conspicuous position.
The other important event in the history of the regiment while it was
stationed at Dover, was the retirement of Colonel Bertie Gordon. This
was indeed an event of very great moment in the career of the 91st,
and we therefore must find space for the pathetic order in which
Colonel Gordon bade farewell to the regiment he loved so dearly. He
had left on leave on the 11th of Nov. 1869, handing over the command
of the regiment to Major Sprot, and his farewell order is dated
“Ellon Castle, Ellon, 29th January 1870:”--
“His Royal Highness the Field Marshal Commanding-in-Chief having
been pleased to grant compliance with the request preferred by
Colonel Bertie Gordon, to be permitted to retire on the half-pay
of the army, Colonel Gordon bids farewell to the noble regiment in
which he has served for more than seven and thirty years, and in
which he has held command ever since April 1855. Colonel Gordon’s
service in the 91st Highlanders comprises exactly one-half the
period of its existence as a corps, and he has held command in his
regiment during a fifth part of its history. Years have gone by
since every officer, non-commissioned officer, and private soldier
with whom he stood in these noble ranks, when he commenced his
career in the army, have passed away. For twelve years Colonel
Gordon has been the very last of the 800 who formed the Argyllshire
regiment in 1832, and in its ranks of the present day he leaves
behind him but one soldier (Lt. Grant) who shared with him those
hours of impending death, when he commanded the Reserve Battalion of
the regiment in 1842, cast away on the shores of Africa in that dark
night of tempest, when its discipline and devotion came forth from
the shattered wreck unbroken and undiminished by that sorest trial.
Colonel Gordon calls to mind that he has served under three stands
of colours presented to the regiment, and that at the recommendation
of His Royal Highness the Field Marshal Commanding-in-Chief, he
was permitted, by the favour of Her Most Gracious Majesty, to
announce to his old regiment, seven years ago, the restoration of
that nationality in its designation and uniform, under which it was
embodied by its ducal chieftain in the last century.
“Colonel Gordon believes that the time has come to retire from the
regiment he has loved, and to leave its fortunes in younger and
stronger hands. But, although severed from its noble ranks, Colonel
Gordon will still feel that the words of his regimental order of
1863 must ever prove true--‘The Argyllshire regiment has ever served
their sovereign and their country steadily;’ while he calls upon
all ranks to remember those that the late Lieut.-General Sir George
Napier addressed to the Reserve Battalion in 1842--‘Ninety-first, I
have known you in camp and quarters, and I have seen you in action,
and I have never known or seen a better.’”
In such words did this brave, noble-minded, and accomplished soldier
bid farewell to his dear old regiment. He survived the “farewell”
only a few months, having died at Ellon Castle on the 27th of July of
the same year, at the comparatively early age of 57 years. So long
as the name of the 91st Argyllshire Highlanders remains on the roll
of the British Army, the memory of Colonel Bertie Gordon ought to be
cherished in its ranks.
As we have already said, Colonel Gordon found a successor in
every way worthy of him in Major Sprot, who succeeded to the
lieutenant-colonelcy of the regiment on the 29th of January 1870.
Captain Wood succeeded to the vacant majority, Lieutenant Alison to
the company, and Ensign Chater to the lieutenancy and adjutancy, in
which latter capacity he had acted for one year.[557]
On succeeding to the command of the regiment Colonel Sprot issued an
order, dated “Dover, 29th January 1870,” in which he said--
“With two exceptions I have seen the troops of all the states of
Europe. Full half my service was spent with our armies in India.
I have become intimate with the greater portion of our regiments,
and I have seen no body of soldiers of whom I have formed a
higher opinion than of the Argyllshire Highlanders.... I have now
under my care a regiment in the highest state of discipline and
efficiency.... Let us then join together in one continued effort to
attain this end, that the 91st Argyllshire Highlanders may ever be
second to none.”
The remainder of the distinctive history of the 91st may be very
briefly told. The regiment left Dover on the 18th of June 1870
and proceeded to Aldershot, marching the greater part of the way,
and reaching the camp on the morning of the 25th. Notwithstanding
the excessive heat of the weather, and that the men marched fully
accoutred, the column came in each day to its halting-place with the
greatest regularity, a compact body of men without a single straggler.
As soon as it was announced that a marriage was to take place between
the Princess Louise and the Marquis of Lorne, Lt.-Col. Sprot wrote
to the Duke of Argyll, offering to send a detachment of the regiment
to form a guard of honour at the wedding. The Duke replied very
graciously, and only a few days before the wedding was to take place,
Colonel Sprot learned that Her Majesty had been graciously pleased to
order that a detachment of the 91st should attend at Windsor on the
day of the marriage, March 21st, 1871.
[Illustration:
INSCRIPTION.--From the Soldiers of the 91st Argyllshire Highlanders,
presented by the kind permission of Her Majesty to HER ROYAL HIGHNESS
THE PRINCESS LOUISE, on her Marriage, 21st March 1871.]
On Saturday morning, the 17th of March, a body of 100 picked men,
with band, pipers, and full complement of officers, after having been
inspected by Colonel Sprot, marched off to the tune of “Haste to
the Wedding,” amidst the encouraging cheers of their less fortunate
comrades. The guard was commanded by Captain Gregg, and marched
by Bagshot and Ascot Heath, reaching Windsor at 4 P.M. When the
detachment arrived at Windsor it found that everything had been
prepared for it by the Grenadier Guards; the officers of the latter
corps invited the officers of the 91st to be their guests, and the
soldiers had not only drawn rations and fitted beds, but had even
cooked dinner for the Highlanders.
On Monday the 20th, Lt.-Col. Sprot rode over from Aldershot to
Windsor, and on arriving at the Castle received Her Majesty’s command
to meet her at 3 o’clock P.M., in the private apartments, where she
would be prepared to receive the wedding present for her daughter,
which the officers and men of the 91st intended to give. The gift
of the officers consisted of a Brooch, the fac-simile of that worn
by them to fasten their plaids, but in pure gold, and with a very
handsome cairngorm pebble, set transparently, together with a copy
in miniature of the regimental dirk, in Scotch pebble, suited for a
shawl pin. On the back of the brooch were engraved the names of all
the officers then serving. The gift from the soldiers, to which they
unanimously subscribed, was a SILVER BISCUIT-BOX, in the shape of one
of their own drums, with the honours of the regiment engraved on the
side, and an appropriate inscription on the head. It was mounted on a
stand of Scotch bog oak, with silver corners and feet.
Colonel Sprot, in his audience with the Queen, was accompanied by
Captain Gregg, Lt. Grant, Sergeant-Major Fasinidge, and Pipe-Major
M’Dougal. Her Majesty was accompanied by the Princess Louise, Prince
Arthur, Prince Christian, and others. Lt.-Col. Sprot, in a few
appropriate and well-chosen words, presented the officers’ present,
which the Princess graciously accepted, and desired Colonel Sprot
to convey to the officers “her sincere thanks for their very pretty
present.” Colonel Sprot then intimated to Her Majesty the wish of
the non-commissioned officers and men to offer the present above
mentioned, at which Her Majesty expressed much gratification.
On the day of the ceremony the guard of Highlanders was drawn up at
the entrance to St George’s Chapel, Windsor, Colonel Sprot having
command of the troops at the chapel. After the ceremony, the officers
of the guard had the honour of being present at the déjeuner, the
bagpipes and drums of the 91st playing alternately with the band of
the Grenadier Guards.
The guard of the 91st returned to Aldershot on the 22nd by the way it
came. During its stay at Aldershot it went through the usual routine
of field-days, inspections, and other duties, invariably winning the
genuine approbation of every officer that had the opportunity of
witnessing its training. On the 10th of July, when the Queen reviewed
the troops at Aldershot, the 91st marched past by double companies of
70 file, and marched so well, that Her Majesty sent a complimentary
message to the regiment by the General commanding the brigade.
In August, while the festivities consequent on the wedding of the
Marquis of Lorne were going on at Inverary,[558] the soldiers’
present was sent to the Princess Louise, who, as well as the Marquis,
cordially accepted and acknowledged it. On the application of the
Duke of Argyll, three pipers of the regiment, with the Pipe-Major,
attended these rejoicings, and were much admired both for their
soldier-like appearance and good playing.
In September 1871 the 91st formed part of the force which was called
out for field manœuvres, immediately after the conclusion of which,
the regiment received orders to proceed to Aberdeen and Fort George.
On the 27th and 30th the regiment left Aldershot in two detachments
for London, and embarked the same day at Wapping, and reached
Aberdeen on the 29th of September and the 4th of October
respectively; the second detachment was delayed by stormy weather.
The former detachment, headquarters, reached Fort George on the
day of its arrival at Aberdeen, but the second detachment, of four
companies, remained at Aberdeen.
Shortly after the marriage of the Princess Louise, Her Majesty
expressed a desire to confer some distinguishing mark on the 91st
Argyllshire Highlanders to commemorate the event, and desired
Lt.-Col. Sprot to be communicated with as to what the regiment would
like. Colonel Sprot, after consulting with his oldest officer,
suggested the kilt, to which Her Majesty readily agreed, but to which
the military authorities objected. Colonel Sprot then intimated
that the regiment would like to be designated “the Princess Louise
Argyllshire Highlanders,” and bear on its colour the boar’s head,
with the motto “Ne Obliviscaris” (crest and motto of the Argyll
family). To this there could be no objection, and a War-Office
memorandum, of April 2nd, 1872, authorised the regiment to indulge
its wish, the Princess Louise’s coronet and cypher to be also placed
on the three corners of the regimental colour.
After staying about eighteen months at Fort George, the 91st
proceeded to Edinburgh in May 1873. The regiment arrived at Granton
on the morning of May the 12th, and after landing in the most orderly
manner, commenced its march under Colonel Sprot up the hill to
the old castle on the rock. On the route the 91st passed the 93rd
Sutherland Highlanders, who were marching out of the castle, and were
on their way to embark at Granton; each corps shouldered arms to the
other, and the pipers struck up a merry greeting. The large crowds
of people who had collected along the route to witness the departure
of the 93rd, waited to give a hearty welcome to the Princess Louise
Highlanders.
During its stay in Edinburgh the regiment gained the respect and
admiration of the inhabitants for their steady conduct and soldierly
bearing. The efforts made by Colonel Sprot to keep his troops up to
the highest state of efficiency won the praise both of the press and
the citizens.[559]
For the first time in Edinburgh the military stationed in the Castle
had a field-day in the prosecution of drill in outpost duty, which
excited a deal of interest and curiosity on the part of the citizens,
who had not been made aware of the arrangements. Col. Sprot of
the 91st so highly appreciates this method of training, which is
frequently practised at Aldershot and other large military stations,
that at Fort George he had frequent recourse to it. A variety of
exciting movements took place, ranging from Duddingston and Arthur
Seat all along the route to the Castle Esplanade. The crowd attracted
by the firing in the streets gradually augmented both in numbers and
excitement. The whole proceedings lasted over seven hours, and the
troops being drawn up in square, were complimented on their conduct
throughout the engagement.
During the time that the 91st were in Edinburgh they had repeatedly
been out on field-days, and besides such strategic movements as
above, have also been systematically exercised in throwing up
trenches, tent-pitching, flag-signalling, &c.
After remaining in Edinburgh for about a year only, to the great
regret of the inhabitants, the 91st left for Newry in Ireland on the
29th of June 1874.
In conclusion, we should mention, that belonging to the officer’s
mess of the Argyllshire Highlanders is quite a little museum
of precious and artistic curiosities. One of the most valuable
and interesting of these is a tontine snuff-box of silver gilt,
casket-shape, 8¼ inches long, 6 inches wide, and 3 inches deep. This
very handsome box was originated by the officers who were in the
regiment in the year 1810, on the condition that it could be claimed
by the last survivor, if replaced by a similar box. It was claimed
in 1841 by Colonel Anderson, who replaced it by a similar box,
the original box being now in Edinburgh, in possession of General
Anderson, late R.A., the nephew of the late Colonel Anderson. In
1870 Colonel Bertie Gordon was the last survivor of those whose
names were inscribed on the box of 1841, and as it was not claimed
by him, it became the property of the officers then serving in the
regiment, whose names are inscribed on the inner lids of the box.
On the outside of the lid is the arms of the regiment, surmounted
by the crown, and on the oval the names of the victories up to the
Peninsula. On the bottom of the box, underneath the Rose, Shamrock,
and Thistle, and the date 1810, are the names of those who started
the original box, headed by Lt.-Col. William Douglas. There are 50
names in all, and of these 11 are Campbells, and 17 others belong to
various Highland clans; of the remainder, 11 seem distinctly Scotch.
On the inside of the lid are the names of the officers of the
regiment in 1841, when the new box was presented, headed by Colonel
Gabriel Gordon and Lt.-Col. R. Anderson. Here there are in all 41
names, only 2 of them being Campbells, although 15 seem certainly
Scotch, 3 being Gordons. On the inner lids of the box, as we have
said, are the names of the officers who were in the regiment in
1870, when Colonel Bertie Gordon, failing to claim it, it became the
property of the officers. The list is headed by Lt.-Col. Sprot, and
there are 37 in all. Let us hope that it will be long before there
will be a last survivor to claim it.
Among the mess plate there are several other articles of beautiful
characteristic and artistic design. Of these we may mention the
following:--
A large punch-bowl, of repoussé work, silver; height, 9 inches,
diameter, 13½ inches, presented by General Duncan Campbell of
Lochnell. It is handsomely embossed with a design of flowers,
grapes, and other fruits, and is supposed to have been originally
taken by the French from a Spanish convent during the Peninsular
war, and to have afterwards fallen into the hands of General
Campbell. The ladle belonging to the bowl is of very ancient and
peculiar design, having a Spanish coin, date 1758, at the bottom.
A silver snuff-box in two divisions, the gift of Lt.-Col. Catlin
Crawfurd, who commanded the 91st in the Peninsula. Several silver
mounted horn snuff-mulls, presented at different periods, including
a very large and handsome ram’s head, mounted with silver, studded
with cairngorms, as a snuff and cigar box, the joint gift of
Lieutenants W. Grant and C. L. Harvey in the year 1864, bearing the
names of the officers then serving in the regiment. The width across
the horns is 17 inches.
A cigar-lighter in the form of a boar’s head, the regimental crest
in silver, mounted on an oval ebony stand with wheels. The upper
part of the head forms a receptacle for spirits of wine. The tushes
are removable and tipped with asbestos. This is the joint gift of
Captain C. G. Alison and Lieutenant and Adjutant Vernor Chater, date
1870.
Lastly, we shall mention a large silver quaich, 4½ inches in
diameter, with straight projecting handles, with the boar’s head
engraved on them. It is of ancient Highland pattern, and has
engraved round the upper portion a tracing taken from one of
the remarkable stones of Argyll. It bears this inscription in
Gaelic,--“From the Officers of the Highland Rifle Regiment (Militia)
to the Officers of the 91st Princess Louise’s Highlanders, Fort
George, May 1872.”
A fine example of the spirit of friendly rivalry and mutual good
feeling subsisting between the line and the volunteers was shown on
the 23rd of May and the 6th of June 1874, in a competition between
ten sergeants of the 91st (Princess Louise Argyllshire Highlanders)
and an equal number of the 1st Mid-Lothian Rifle Volunteers,
which took place at the Seafield Ranges. At the conclusion of the
first match the volunteers entertained their military friends and
competitors at dinner; and at the conclusion of the second match,
which came off at the ranges in Hunter’s Bog, when there was only
one point of difference in the scores, the Mid-Lothian team were
invited by their military friends to the castle, where they were
entertained at dinner in a very handsome and cordial manner. Before
separating, the Leith men presented the team of the 91st with a
beautiful gold cross, to be competed for by those who had shot in
both matches, the conditions to be arranged by themselves. It was
much regretted that the early departure of the 91st prevented a
third trial of skill, the more especially as the competitors were so
equally matched.
A portrait of General Duncan Campbell of Lochnell, after the painting
by Sir Henry Raeburn, R.A., is given on the plate of Colonels of the
91st, 92nd, and 93rd Regiments.
SUCCESSION LIST OF COLONELS AND LIEUTENANT-COLONELS OF THE 91ST
PRINCESS LOUISE ARGYLLSHIRE HIGHLANDERS.
COLONELS.
+------------------+---------------+--------+----------+--------------+
| | |Age when| | Date of First|
| Names. | Date of | Appoin-| Of what | Commission in|
| | Appointment. | ted. | Country. | the Army. |
+------------------+---------------+--------+----------+--------------+
| General Duncan | May 3, 1796 | -- | Scotland | Not known. |
| Campbell | | | | |
| | | | | |
| General G. Gordon| April 10, 1837| -- | Do. | Jan. 6, 1781 |
| | | | | |
| Lieut.-General C.| Aug. 8, 1855 | -- | Ireland | |
| Gore | | | | |
| | | | | |
| Major-General C. | March 9, 1861 | -- | Scotland | |
| Murray Hay | | | | |
| | | | | |
| Lieut.-General C.| July 15, 1864 | -- | | |
| G. J. Arbuthnot| | | | |
| | | | | |
| General James R. | Aug. 27, 1870 | -- | | |
| Craufurd | | | | |
+------------------+---------------+--------+----------+--------------+
(Second part of table)
+------------------+---------------------+---------------------------+
| | By whose | |
| Names. | vacancy, and | Remarks. |
| | by what means. | |
+------------------+---------------------+---------------------------+
| General Duncan | New appointment. | Promoted to Major-General,|
| Campbell | | April 29, 1802; |
| | | Lt.-General, April 25, |
| | | 1808; General, August |
| | | 12, 1819. |
| | | |
| General G. Gordon| _Vice_ General D. | Died Aug. 7, 1855. |
| | Campbell deceased.| |
| | | |
| Lieut.-General C.| _Vice_ General | Transferred to 6th |
| Gore | Gordon deceased, | Regiment, March |
| | Aug. 7, 1855. | 9, 1861. |
| | | |
| Major-General C. | _Vice_ Lt.-General | Promoted Lt.-General, |
| Murray Hay | Sir Charles Gore | Aug. 24, 1861. |
| | removed. | |
| | | |
| Lieut.-General C.| _Vice_ Lt.-General | Transferred from |
| G. J. Arbuthnot| C. Murray Hay | 86th, July 15, 1864. |
| | deceased. | |
| | | |
| General James R. | _Vice_ Lt.-General | |
| Craufurd | C. G. J. Arbuthnot| |
| | transferred | |
| | to 72nd. | |
+------------------+---------------------+---------------------------+
LIEUTENANT-COLONELS.
+------------------+---------------+--------+----------+---------------+
| | |Age when| | Date of First |
| Names. | Date of | Appoin-| Of what | Commission in |
| | Appointment. | ted. | Country. | the Army. |
+------------------+---------------+--------+----------+---------------+
| D. Macneil | Aug. 23, 1818 | 41 | Scotland | April 17, 1794|
| | | | | |
| J. M’Donald | Sept. 23, 1824| 36 | Do. | Dec. 17, 1803 |
| | | | | |
| J. M. Sutherland | Sept. 16, 1827| 44 | Do. | Nov. 27, 1794 |
| | | | | |
| R. Anderson | Dec. 2, 1831 | 42 | Do. | July 9, 1803 |
| | | | | |
| C. Burne | July 2, 1841 | 46 | Ireland | Oct. 4, 1810 |
| | | | | |
| R. Macneil | July 16, 1841 | -- | | Never joined. |
| | | | | |
| M. G. T. Lindsay | April 15, 1842| 46 | England | Dec. 16, 1813 |
| | | | | |
| J. F. G. Campbell| April 14, 1846| 36 | Scotland | Oct. 25, 1827 |
| | | | | |
| C. C. Yarborough | Oct. 13, 1848 | 40 | England | June 9, 1825 |
| | | | | |
| Bertie Gordon | Aug. 31, 1858 | 42 | Scotland | Oct. 26, 1832 |
| | | | | |
| W. T. L. | Nov. 12, 1860 | 38 | Do. | Feb. 22, 1859 |
| Patterson | | | | |
| | | | | |
| J. Sprot | Jan. 29, 1870 | 39 | Do. | Oct. 17, 1851 |
+------------------+---------------+--------+----------+---------------+
(Second part of table)
+------------------+---------------------+---------------------------+
| | By whose | |
| Names. | vacancy, and | Remarks. |
| | by what means. | |
+------------------+---------------------+---------------------------+
| D. Macneil | _Vice_ Douglas | Removed Sept. 23, 1824. |
| | deceased. | |
| | | |
| J. M’Donald | _Vice_ Macneil | Army rank, Sept. 4, 1817; |
| | retired. | retired on Half-pay. |
| | | |
| J. M. Sutherland | _Vice_ Dalyell. | Army rank, May 1825; |
| | | retired Dec. 2, 1831. |
| | | |
| R. Anderson | _Vice_ Sutherland | Retired July 2, 1841. |
| | retired. | |
| | | |
| C. Burne | _Vice_ Anderson | Exchanged to Half-pay, |
| | retired. | July 16, 1841. |
| | | |
| R. Macneil | _Vice_ Burne to | Exchanged to 78th |
| | Half-pay. | Regiment, April 15, |
| | | 1842. |
| | | |
| M. G. T. Lindsay | _Vice_ Macneil, | Retired Oct. 13, 1848. |
| | 78th Regiment. | |
| | | |
| J. F. G. Campbell| Without purchase. | Colonel, June 20, 1854, |
| | | Augmentation Reserve |
| | | Battalion; promoted |
| | | Major-General, |
| | | Nov. 12, 1860. |
| | | |
| C. C. Yarborough | With purchase; | Reduced to Half-pay, 1855;|
| | _vice_ Lindsay | Colonel, Nov. 28, 1853. |
| | retired. | |
| | | |
| Bertie Gordon | Augmentation to | Retired by sale, |
| | the Indian | Jan. 29, 1870. |
| | Establishment. | |
| | | |
| W. T. L. | Without purchase; | Seconded April 1, 1861; |
| Patterson | _vice_ Campbell | to Half-pay |
| | promoted. | on reduction. |
| | | |
| J. Sprot | With purchase; | |
| | _vice_ Gordon | |
| | retired on | |
| | Half-pay. | |
+------------------+---------------------+---------------------------+
FOOTNOTES:
[537] Here we cannot help expressing our regret at the meagreness
of the regimental Record Book, which, especially the earlier part
of it, consists of the barest possible statement of the movements
of the regiment, no details whatever being given of the important
part it took in the various actions in which it was engaged. This
we do not believe arose from any commendable modesty on the part of
the regimental authorities, but, to judge from the preface to the
present handsome and beautifully kept Record Book, was the result of
pure carelessness. In the case of the 91st, as in the case of most
of the other regiments, we have found the present officers and all
who have been connected with the regiment eager to lend us all the
help in their power; but we fear it will be difficult to supply the
deficiencies of the Record Book, which, as an example, dismisses
Toulouse in about six lines.
[538] See his portrait on p. 642, vol. ii.
[539] The account we are able to give here may be supplemented by
what has been said regarding the Peninsular war in connection with
some of the other regiments.
[540] In connection with the 42nd and 79th Regiments, which with
the 91st formed the Highland brigade, many details of the battle of
Toulouse have already been given, which need not be repeated here.
[541] Shortly after Sir William Douglas assumed the command, the
Duke of Wellington came up and asked who had the command of the
brigade. Colonel Douglas replied that he had the honour to command it
just then; when Wellington said, “No man could do better,” adding,
“take the command, and keep it,” which Colonel Douglas did until the
brigade reached home. Lt.-Colonel Douglas was presented with a gold
medal for his services in the Peninsula, and subsequently created
K.C.B.
[542] At Waterloo Captain Thomas Hunter Blair of the 91st was doing
duty as major of brigade to the 3rd brigade of British Infantry, and
for his meritorious conduct on that occasion was promoted Lt.-Col. of
the army.
[543] The ceded territory was occupied by certain Kaffir tribes only
conditionally; by their depredations they had long forfeited all
right to remain there.
[544] _The Cape and the Kaffirs_, p. 111.
[545] Mrs Ward’s _Cape and the Kaffirs_, p. 86.
[546] Page 87.
[547] When the reserve battalion was holding Block Drift, a very
daring act was performed by two private soldiers of the regiment. A
despatch arrived for the Governor, Sir Peregrine Maitland, escorted
by 18 mounted burghers, with a request from the commandant at
Fort Beaufort, that it should be sent on as soon as possible. The
communication between Block Drift and Fort Cox, where the Governor
was, was completely cut off; and accordingly volunteers were called
for to carry the despatch. Two men immediately came forward, Robert
Walsh and Thomas Reilly, and to them the despatch was entrusted. They
left Block Drift shortly after dark, and proceeded on their perilous
journey--dressed in uniform and with their muskets. All went well for
the first six miles, although they found themselves in the vicinity
of the Kaffirs. Suddenly, on entering a wooded valley at the foot
of the Amatola mountains, they came right upon a Kaffir encampment,
and had hardly time to throw themselves on the ground in the thick
underwood, when they found to their horror that the natives had
heard their footsteps, as the latter rushed into the thicket in all
directions to look for the intruders. Fortunately a porcupine was
sighted, and the Kaffirs evidently satisfied, returned to their camp,
muttering that it was an “Easterforke,” _Anglicé_ porcupine, that
had alarmed them. Walsh and Reilly, holding their breath, saw the
Kaffirs prepare to eat their supper, after which they began to post
their sentries! One was put within six yards of the gallant fellows,
who, not quite discouraged, still kept quiet. The remaining Kaffirs
rolled themselves up in their blankets, and went to sleep. The sentry
stood for a few minutes,--looked round, then sat down for a few more
minutes, looked round again, and then wrapped himself in his blanket,
and slept peacefully too. Walsh and Reilly, as may be imagined, did
not give him the chance of waking, but made off. They then made a
wide circuit, and after numerous escapes from detection, once having
been challenged by a Kaffir sentinel (who was not asleep), they came
to the Keiskama river, and knowing that all the fords were guarded by
the Kaffirs, they had to cross by swimming, finally reaching Fort Cox
shortly before daylight. Here their dangers were not over, for the
sentries, not expecting anything but Kaffirs, treated them to some
rapid file firing. Again they lay down in shelter until daybreak,
when, being recognised as British soldiers, they were warmly welcomed
and delivered their important despatches. Poor Walsh was afterwards
killed in action, and Reilly was discharged with a pension after 21
years’ service, though it is to be regretted that neither received at
the time any public reward of their gallant night’s work, which in
these days would certainly have been rewarded with the Victoria Cross.
[548] During the advance of the enemy on Block Drift, at the
beginning of the war, and when this post was commanded by Lt.-Colonel
(then Major) Campbell, he took up a position on the top of the
school-house, rifle in hand; four men were employed in loading his
arms for him, and he brought down two of the enemy successively in
a few minutes. When a third fell dead, a soldier of the reserve
battalion 91st Regiment could restrain himself no longer; forgetting
Col. Campbell’s rank as an officer, in his delight at his prowess
as a soldier, the man slapped his commanding officer on the back
with a shout of delight, and the exclamation, “Weell done, Sodger!”
Was not such a compliment worth all the praise of an elaborate
despatch?--_The Cape and the Kaffirs_, p. 198.
[549] Among the arrangements for the protection of the colony a force
was organised in 1848, by placing soldiers discharged from various
regiments, including the 91st, on certain grants of land in British
Kaffraria, and thus forming military villages.
[550] See vol. ii. p. 599.
[551] When the force was retiring in the direction of their camp,
each regiment covered by a company in skirmishing order, that of the
91st was under Lt. Bond. This officer was very short-sighted, and
by some means or other was separated from his men, and was nearer
the enemy than his skirmishers. Suddenly he was attacked by two
Kaffirs, armed, one of whom seized him by the coat. At that time men
wearing only side arms were always told off to carry stretchers for
the wounded. One of these men, John Sharkie by name, suddenly saw
Lt. Bond in the clutches of the savages. He rushed up, struck one of
them on the head with his stretcher, killed him dead, and drawing a
butcher’s knife which he carried in a sheath, plunged it into the
throat of the other. Lt. Bond, who then realised the extent of his
escape, coolly adjusted his eyeglass, which he always carried, looked
steadily at Sharkie, then at the Kaffirs, and said, “By God, Sharkie,
you’re a devilish plucky fellow; I will see you are properly rewarded
for your bravery;” and he kept his word.
[552] See vol. ii. p. 604.
[553] Ibid. p. 599.
[554] On Nov. 12, 1860, Colonel Campbell became Major-General.
[555] We must mention here that on the 1st of Nov. of this year
Quartermaster Paterson took his final leave of the regiment, which,
as a private, he joined in 1832, and from which he had never been
absent since joining it. He was with it in St Helena, Africa, Greece,
the Ionian Islands, and India, from which last place he now left the
regiment as an invalid. In his long and varied service he always
proved himself a worthy soldier.
[556] This, we think, is the proper place to give a few personal
details of Col. Bertie Gordon, who was in many respects a very
remarkable man--a man imbued with the most chivalrous notions
of a soldier’s vocation, and at the same time one of the most
practical men that ever held command of a regiment. He was a strict
disciplinarian, and yet no officer could take more care than he
of the personal comfort and best welfare of his men. He loved his
regiment dearly, and it is greatly owing to him that the 91st has
attained its present position. He has found a successor in every
respect worthy of him in the present commander, Lt.-Col. Sprot.
Bertie Edward Murray was born at Auchlunies, Aberdeenshire, on the
17th of Dec. 1813. He was the son of Alexander Gordon, Esq., of
Auchlunies, afterwards of Ellon Castle, Aberdeenshire, and Albinia
Louisa Cumberland, daughter of Lady Albinia Cumberland. He was
educated at Rainham, Kent, the Edinburgh Academy, and the Edinburgh
Royal Military Academy. He obtained his first commission in the 91st
Regiment in the year 1832, and joined in 1833. At school Bertie
Gordon showed abilities much beyond average. Reserved, and sometimes
proud, Bertie Gordon was slow to form intimate friendships, but he
was warm-hearted and generous, ever ready to assist a companion,
or to prevent the oppression of a younger boy. Always strictly
honourable and truthful, he was fearless of danger, and if, in
boyish pranks, there was anything to be done which required nerve
and courage, Bertie Gordon was sure to be found in the front ranks.
The chief incidents in his military career have been already told.
Did space permit, we could fill pages concerning the institutions
he founded in the regiment--gymnasia for non-commissioned officers
and men, reading-rooms, refreshment-rooms, dancing-rooms, children’s
homes, &c. His name is worthy of remembrance as one who had the
loftiest ideas of the duties of his position, and who spared no pains
to carry out his ideas by the wisest action. A regiment commanded by
such a man could not fail to attain the highest degree of efficiency.
[557] We very much regret that space does not permit our giving a
detailed account of the many and varied services of Colonel Sprot
since he joined the army in 1848. Colonel Sprot, we may here mention,
belongs to one of the oldest and best known Edinburgh families.
He is son of Mark Sprot, Esq. of Riddell, Roxburghshire, and has
connections among many old and well-known Scottish families, both
Highland and Lowland. It would be difficult to find an officer in any
branch of Her Majesty’s service who has taken more pains to attain
a thorough knowledge of every branch of science that in any way
bears upon the duties which an officer may, under any circumstances,
be called upon to perform. His preparations for a military career
did not cease when he obtained his commission, but by persevering
study he so mastered the arts of engineering, surveying, and similar
branches of applied science, that while still a lieutenant he was
employed by Government in the superintendence of works of the highest
importance in India. From 1849 Colonel Sprot spent about twelve years
in India, during the greater part of which he occupied positions,
both civil and military, of the greatest responsibility. As captain
he served continuously throughout the whole of the Indian Mutiny from
May 1857 until May 1860; was present in one action, and received the
Indian war medal for his services. Colonel Sprot joined the 91st
as a major from the 83rd regiment in the year 1868, and since he
assumed command he has set himself heart and soul to raise the 91st
Highlanders to the highest possible pitch of efficiency. Every man
in the regiment is carefully trained in all the practical duties of
a soldier; and, indeed, to a great deal more than a soldier is bound
to know, and that in such a manner, that were the regiment to be
suddenly engaged in an active campaign, it would likely have less
difficulty than most regiments in adapting itself to the exigencies
of the occasion.
[558] Lt.-Col. Sprot was invited to the castle on the occasion, but
by a severe illness was prevented from being able to accept the
invitation.
[559] Colonel Sprot, we may mention here, is the author of a little
manual of outpost duty, written in a concise and clear manner, and
giving a reason for everything. This manual will be found useful to
all ranks, from the field-officer to the sentry.
THE 92ND GORDON HIGHLANDERS.
I.
1794-1816.
Raising the regiment--The Duchess of Gordon’s bounty--The Lochaber
men and Captain John Cameron--First list of officers--Thoroughly
Highland character of the Gordon Highlanders--M’Kinnon the bard
--First five years of service--Ireland--Holland--Egmont-op-Zee--Sir
John Moore’s regard for the regiment--Egypt--Severe losses of the
regiment--M’Kinnon’s poem on the battle of Alexandria--Ireland
--Glasgow--Weeley--Copenhagen--Sweden--Portugal--Walcheren--Peninsula
--Fuentes d’Onor--Arroyo de Molinos--Almaraz--Alba de Tormes
--Vittoria--Pyrenees--Maya--92nd disregards orders--Nive--Orthes
--Aire--Ireland--2nd battalion disbanded--Brussels--Quatre
Bras--Colonel John Cameron--Waterloo--Paris--Home.
[Illustration:
EGMONT-OP-ZEE.
MANDORA.
EGYPT WITH SPHINX.
CORUNNA.
FUENTES D’ONOR.
ALMARATH.
VITTORIA.
PYRENEES.
NIVE.
ORTHES.
PENINSULA.
WATERLOO.]
The Marquis of Huntly,[560] whilst a captain in the 3rd Foot Guards,
having offered to raise a regiment for general service, letters were
granted to him for this purpose on the 10th of February 1794. In
his zeal for the service the marquis was backed by his father and
mother, the Duke and Duchess of Gordon, both of whom, along with
the marquis himself, took an active share in the recruiting. It is
quite a true story that the beautiful Duchess of Gordon recruited
in person on horseback at markets, wearing a regimental jacket and
bonnet, and offering for recruits the irresistible bounty of a kiss
and a guinea. The result was, that, within the short space of four
months, the requisite number of men was raised, and on the 24th of
June the corps was inspected at Aberdeen[561] by Major-General Sir
Hector Munro, and embodied under the denomination of the “Gordon
Highlanders.” The officers appointed were:--
_Lieutenant-Colonel Commandant._
George, Marquis of Huntly.
_Majors._
Charles Erskine of Cadross, killed in Egypt in 1801.
Donald Macdonald of Boisdale, died in 1795.
_Captains._
Alexander Napier of Blackstone, killed at Corunna in 1809.
John Cameron of Fassifern, killed at Quatre Bras, 16th June, 1815.
Honourable John Ramsay, son of Lord Dalhousie.
Andrew Paton.
William Mackintosh of Aberarder, killed in Holland in 1799.
Alexander Gordon, son of Lord Rockville, killed at Talavera in
1808, Lieutenant-Colonel 83rd regiment.
Simon Macdonald of Morar.
_Captain-Lieutenant._
John Gordon, retired as Major.
_Lieutenants._
Peter Grant, died in 1817, Major on half-pay.
Archibald Macdonell, died in 1813, Lieutenant-Colonel of veterans.
Alexander Stewart.
Sir John Maclean, Major-General, K.C.B., 1825.
Peter Gordon, died 1806.
Thomas Forbes, killed at Toulouse in 1814, Lieutenant-Colonel of
the 45th regiment.
Ewan Macpherson.
George H. Gordon.
_Ensigns._
Charles Dowie, died of wounds in Egypt in 1801.
George Davidson, killed at Quatre Bras in 1815, then Captain in the
42nd regiment.
Archibald Macdonald.
Alexander Fraser, killed 2nd October 1799.
William Tod.
James Mitchell, Lieutenant-Colonel in 1815, retired in 1819.
_Staff._
_Chaplain._--William Gordon.
_Adjutant._--James Henderson, died in 1796.
_Quarter-master._--Peter Wilkie, died in 1806.
_Surgeon._--William Findlay, died in Egypt in 1801.
[Illustration: COLONELS OF THE 91^{ST} 92^{ND} AND 93^{RD}
HIGHLANDERS.
GEN^L DUNCAN CAMPBELL OF LOCHNELL.
Col. of 91^{st} Highl^{rs} 10^{th} Feb. 1794--9^{th} April 1837.
_First Colonel._
GEORGE, MARQUIS OF HUNTLY.
Col. of 92^{nd} Highl^{rs} 3^{rd} May 1796--3^{rd} Jan. 1806.
_Also Col. of 42^{nd} Highl^{rs} 3^{rd} Jan. 1806--29^{th}
Jan. 1820._
MAJOR GEN^L. W. WEMYSS OF WEMYSS.
Col. of 93^{rd} Highl^{rs} 25^{th} Aug^t 1800--Feb. 1822.
_First Colonel._
SIR H. W. STISTED, K.C.B.
Col. of 93^{rd} Highl^{rs} 28^{th} Sep^t 1873--
A. Fullerton & C^o London & Edinburgh.]
It is apt to be supposed that because the Gordon estates now lie only
in Aberdeen and Banff, and because the regiment was first collected
at Aberdeen, that it belongs particularly to that district; but this
is quite a mistake. The 92nd was raised principally in the highland
districts of the Gordon estates, and from the estates of the officers
or their relations; but it should be remembered that these estates
then extended, or the Duke had seignorities over the lands, as far
west as Ballachulish and Lochiel, taking in Strathspey, and Lochaber,
and it was from these highland districts, of which Fort-William is
the centre, that it was mostly raised and for a long time after
recruited. It also drew very many of its men from Argyll and the
Western Isles. The 92nd along with the 79th should be classed with
the Inverness-shire, &c., Militia, and, in conjunction with the 91st
and 74th, along with the Argyllshire; the 92nd being connected with
North Argyll and Isles, the 91st with Lorn, and the 74th with Cowal
and Kintyre. It has always been particular in its recruiting; even
after giving nearly all its men as volunteers to regiments going to
the Crimea, and stress being laid upon it to fill up quickly, the
commanding officers determined to enlist, as usual, only Scotchmen,
and hence the great popularity of the corps in Scotland. Although
the men (with the exception of volunteers from other regiments), are
still all Scotch, they are not so entirely from the Highlands as
formerly; yet the regiment is quite an example in spirit and feeling
of the old Highland clan, and M’Donald is still the most common
name in its ranks. Several Gaelic poets or “bards” have worn its
tartan, the most distinguished being Corporal Alexander M’Kinnon, a
native of Arasaig, in Inverness-shire, whose descriptions of the
battles of Bergen-op-Zoom and the war in Egypt are among the most
spirited modern Gaelic poems. The officers have all along been mostly
taken from among good Scottish families; and so highly were its
non-commissioned officers thought of in the army, that it was, and
is, no uncommon thing for them to be promoted as sergeant-majors and
as adjutants into other corps, and to be selected as adjutants of
militia and volunteers.
The regiment embarked at Fort-George on the 9th of July 1794, and
joined the camp on Netley Common in August, when it was put on the
list of numbered corps as the 100th regiment. The first five years of
its service were spent at Gibraltar, Corsica, Elba, and Ireland, in
which latter place it had most arduous and trying duties to perform;
these, however, it performed with the best results to the country.
The Gordon Highlanders left Ireland in June 1799 for England, to
join an armament then preparing for the coast of Holland. The number
of the regiment was changed about this time to the 92nd, the former
regiment of that number, and others, having been reduced.
The first division of the army, of which the 92nd formed part, landed
on the Dutch coast, near the Helder, on the morning of the 27th of
August, without opposition; but the troops had scarcely formed on a
ridge of sand hills, at a little distance from the beach, when they
were attacked by the enemy, who were however driven back, after a
sharp contest of some hours’ duration. The 92nd, which formed a part
of General Moore’s brigade, was not engaged in this affair; but in
the battle which took place between Bergen and Egmont on the 2nd of
October it took a very distinguished share. General Moore was so
well pleased with the heroic conduct of the corps on this occasion,
that, when he was made a knight of the Bath, and obtained a grant of
supporters for his armorial bearings, he took a soldier of the Gordon
Highlanders in full uniform as one of them.[562] In the action
alluded to, the 92nd had Captain William Mackintosh, Lts. Alexander
Fraser, Gordon M’Hardy, 3 sergeants, and 54 rank and file, killed;
and Colonel, the Marquis of Huntly, Captains John Cameron, Alexander
Gordon, Peter Grant, John Maclean, Lieutenants George Fraser, Charles
Chadd, Norman Macleod, Donald Macdonald, Ensigns Charles Cameron,
John Macpherson, James Bent, G. W. Holmes, 6 sergeants, 1 drummer,
and 175 rank and file, wounded.
[Illustration: General Sir John Moore.
(From a painting by Sir Thomas Lawrence.)]
After returning to England, the regiment again embarked on the 27th
of May 1800, and sailed for the coast of France; but no landing
took place, and the fleet proceeded to Minorca, where the 92nd
disembarked on the 20th of July. It formed part of the expedition
against Egypt, details of which will be found in the account of the
service of the 42nd regiment. The Gordon Highlanders particularly
distinguished themselves in the battle of the 13th of March 1801.
The British army moved forward to the attack in three columns of
regiments; the 90th, or Perthshire regiment, led the advance of the
first or centre column, and the Gordon Highlanders that of the second
or left, the reserve marching on the right, covering the movements of
the first line, and running parallel with the other two columns. The
enemy were strongly fortified on a rising ground, and well appointed
with cavalry and artillery. As soon as the regiments in advance had
cleared some palm and date trees they began to deploy into line; but
before the whole army had formed the enemy opened a heavy fire of
cannon and musketry, and descended from the heights to attack the
92nd, which had by this time formed in line. The fire was quickly
returned by the Gordon Highlanders, who not only firmly maintained
their ground singly against the attacks of the enemy supported by a
powerful artillery, but drove them back with loss. In this action the
92nd had 19 rank and file killed; and Lt.-Col. Charles Erskine (who
afterwards died of his wounds), Captains the Honourable John Ramsay,
Archibald Macdonald, Lts. Norman Macleod, Charles Dowie (both of
whom also died of their wounds), Donald Macdonald, Tomlin Campbell,
Alexander Clarke (the two last died of their wounds), Ronald
Macdonald, Alexander Cameron, Ensign Peter Wilson, 10 sergeants, and
100 rank and file wounded.
The regiment had suffered much from sickness during the voyage from
Minorca to Egypt, and with this and its recent loss in battle it
was so reduced in numbers that General Abercromby ordered it to the
rear on the night of the 20th of March, in order to take post upon
the shore at Aboukir. Major Napier, on whom the command of the 92nd
had devolved in consequence of the death of Col. Erskine, did not,
however, remain long in this position, but hurried back as soon as
he heard the firing, and assumed his former place in the line. The
regiment lost 3 rank and file killed, and Captain John Cameron, Lt.
Stewart Matheson, and 37 rank and file wounded.
At the battle of Alexandria, Corporal M’Kinnon, the Gaelic poet
already alluded to, was severely wounded, and was nearly buried for
dead, when his friend, Sergeant M’Lean, saved him. He composed a
Gaelic poem, full of spirit, on the battle, part of which we give in
a translation by the Rev. Dr Maclauchlan:--
A SONG OF THE BATTLE IN EGYPT.
It was not heard in the course of history,
In the conflict or strife of arms,
That fifteen thousand men so famous as you
Drew swords under their King.
Glorious was the Scottish champion
Who had that matter entrusted to him;
They were not clowns who were chosen with him,
To bring their deeds of arms to an issue.
* * * * *
The brave heroes were drawn
Into a heavy, fierce body;
Powerful, strong were the hands,
The fine spark going off;
Seeking a place where they might kneel,
If any enemy were to meet them,
The ground would be left bloody
With steel that pierces men’s bodies.
There were hearty, vigorous lads there,
Who never yielded in fear,
Following them as best they might.
Fifty horse were turned by their exploits.
It was a vain thought for the horsemen
That they could not find men to contend with them;
And the heroes, who could not be shaken,
Chasing them out on the hill.
* * * * *
We were ready on our legs,
To pursue with all speed,
On the thirteenth morning which they fixed,
With our noble fearless commander.
The two youngest of our regiments--
The Grahams and the Gordons--
Running swiftly to meet them
Pouring down from the hill.
* * * * *
Heavy was the flight for them,
Hard as ever was heard of;
Abercromby was up with them,
With his men who were ready at hand.
Were it not for the town which they reached
With cannon all surrounded,
More of them were in their graves,
And had got cold upon the hill.
In a short time the regiment recovered its health, and shared in
all the movements of the army in Egypt till the termination of
hostilities, when it embarked for Ireland, and landed at Cork on the
30th of January 1802.
For their services in Egypt, King George III. conferred upon the
92nd and other regiments the honour of bearing on their colours and
appointments the “Sphinx,” and the word “Egypt.” The Grand Seignior
established the order of the Knighthood of the Crescent, of which the
general officers were made members; and gold medals were presented to
the field-officers, captains, and subalterns.
The regiment was removed from Ireland to Glasgow, where it arrived
on June 6th, and remained until the renewal of hostilities in 1803,
when it was marched to Leith, and embarked for the camp which was
then forming at Weeley. At this time was embodied a second battalion
of 1000 men, raised under the Army of Reserve Act, in the counties of
Nairn, Inverness, Moray, Banff, and Aberdeen. This corps served as a
nursery for the regiment during the war.
In January 1806 Major-General the Honourable John Hume was made
colonel, in room of the Marquis of Huntly removed to the 42nd.
The regiment formed part of the expedition sent against Copenhagen in
1807, and served in Sir Arthur Wellesley’s brigade. The only instance
which offered on this occasion to the regiment to distinguish itself
was a spirited and successful charge with the bayonet, when it drove
back a greatly superior number of the enemy.
In the year 1808 the regiment embarked for Sweden under Sir John
Moore, but its services were not made use of; and immediately upon
the return of the expedition to England the troops employed were
ordered to Portugal under the same commander, landing on the 27th of
August. The 92nd accompanied all the movements of General Moore’s
army, and had the misfortune to lose its commanding officer, Col.
Napier of Blackstone, who was killed at Corunna, where the first
battalion was posted towards the left of the army on the road
leading to Betanzos, “and throughout the day supported its former
reputation.” Col. Napier was adored by the regiment, to which he was
more like a father than a commanding officer. The regiment had only
3 rank and file killed, and 12 wounded; among the latter was Lt.
Archibald Macdonald, who afterwards died of his wounds.
On its return to England the regiment was quartered at Weeley, where
it received a reinforcement of recruits, which increased the strength
of the corps to rather more than 1000 men. This number was, however,
greatly reduced in the Walcheren expedition, only 300 out of the
1000 returning fit for duty; but the loss was speedily supplied
by recruits from the second battalion. The regiment embarked for
Portugal on the 21st of September 1810, and joined the British army
under Lord Wellington at the lines of Torres Vedras, in the following
month.
The service of the 92nd in the Spanish Peninsula and the south of
France is so blended with the operations of Lord Wellington’s army
that, to give a complete idea of it, it would be necessary to enter
into details which the limited space allotted to this division of the
history will not admit of, and the most important of which have been
given in our notices of the other Highland regiments, especially the
42nd and 71st. In all the actions in which they were engaged, the
Gordon Highlanders upheld the high military reputation which they had
acquired in Egypt, and supported the honour of their native country
in a manner worthy of Highlanders.
The 92nd was brigaded with the 50th and 71st under the command of Sir
William Erskine at Fuentes d’Onor, May 5th, 1811. The first battalion
of the 92nd was stationed to the right of the town, covering a
brigade of nine-pounders, and was exposed to a very heavy cannonade.
The regiment had 7 rank and file killed, and 2 officers, Major Peter
Grant and Lt. Allan M’Nab, and 35 rank and file wounded. Lt.-General
Rowland Hill having driven the French from their post at Caceres, the
latter, on the approach of the British, retired, halting at Arroyo
de Molinos. After a very fatiguing march from Portalegre, the first
battalion of the 92nd arrived close to Arroyo on the 27th of October
1811, and next day took part in a well fought battle. The 92nd was
placed in the centre of its brigade, and was ordered to proceed
to the market-square, and, if possible, to the other side of the
town. As the regiment was proceeding along one of the streets, the
French, taken by surprise, came out to see what was the matter, and
the Prince D’Aremberg was taken prisoner in a half-naked state by
a sergeant of the 92nd. The French, however, soon assembled, threw
themselves across the head of the street, and commenced firing upon
the advancing regiment, the shot taking deadly effect, owing to the
narrowness of the street. By this time great confusion and uproar
prevailed in the town. The 71st moved down to the assistance of
the 92nd, while the 50th secured all the passages to the town, and
captured the French artillery. The 92nd thus reinforced now pushed
its way through the suburbs, and cleared the town of the enemy. The
latter, however, afterwards formed in a field, and fired down a lane
upon the advancing regiment. The 92nd had 3 men killed, and Col.
Cameron, Brevet-Major Dunbar, and Captains M’Donald and M’Pherson,
and 7 rank and file wounded.
At Almaraz, on May 19th, 1812, the 92nd again did good service in
assisting materially to destroy the bridge and fortifications. This
point was of great importance to the enemy, as it secured the only
direct communication between his two armies, which were now in effect
placed several days more distant. The 92nd had only 2 rank and file
wounded.
At Alba de Tormes, on November 10th and 11th, the 92nd had 8 rank and
file killed, and 1 officer and 33 rank and file wounded.
At the battle of Vittoria, fought on June 21st, 1813, the 92nd
distinguished itself by seizing the height occupied by the village of
Puebla, holding it against a most determined resistance, and, after a
fierce struggle, put the enemy to flight. Its casualties were 4 rank
and file killed, and 16 wounded. A medal was conferred on Lt.-Col.
John Cameron of the 92nd.
In the various actions connected with the passage of the Pyrenees the
92nd took a prominent part, behaving itself in its usual valorous
manner; in the words of Sir William Napier, “the stern valour of the
92nd would have graced Thermopylæ.”
On the 25th of July 1813, the 92nd was stationed in the Maya Pass,
on the right of the road leading from Urdax, and the 71st still
farther to the left. The enemy collected a force of about 15,000
men behind some rocky ground in front of the British right, and with
this overwhelming force drove in the light companies of the second
brigade, gaining the high rock on the right of the allied position
before the arrival of the second brigade from Maya, which was
therefore compelled to retrace its steps towards the village, instead
of falling back to its left on the first brigade. Lt.-Col. Cameron
detached the 50th to the right the moment the action commenced.
That regiment was severely engaged, and was forced to retire along
the ridge. The right wing of the 92nd, under Major John M’Pherson,
was sent to its support, and for some time had to stand the whole
brunt of the enemy’s column. The right wing of the 71st regiment
was also brought up, but such was the advantage of the position the
enemy had gained by separating the two brigades, and in a manner
descending upon the Pass of Maya, while a fresh division was pushing
up to it from the direction of Urdax, that the small body of troops
received orders to retire to a high rock on the left of the position.
This movement was covered by the left wings of the 71st and 92nd
regiments, which, relieving each other with the utmost order and
regularity, and disputing every inch of ground, left nothing for
the enemy to boast of. The brigade continued to hold the rock until
the arrival of Major-General Edward Barnes’ brigade, when a general
charge was made, and every inch of ground recovered as far as the
Maya Pass.
On this occasion the 92nd was ordered by Lt.-General the Honourable
Sir William Stewart not to charge, the battalion having been hotly
engaged for ten successive hours, and in want of ammunition. The
92nd, however, for the first time disregarded an order, and not only
charged, but led the charge.[563]
The 92nd behaved with equal bravery on July 30th and 31st and August
1st, its casualties altogether during the passage of the Pyrenees
being 53 rank and file killed, 26 officers and 363 rank and file
wounded.
In the passage of the Nive the 92nd had its full share of the
fighting. On the 13th of December, besides being exposed during the
day to a continued fire of musketry and artillery, the battalion made
four distinct charges with the bayonet, each time driving the enemy
to his original position in front of his entrenchments. At one time
the 92nd while pressing onwards was arrested by a fearful storm of
artillery. Of one of these charges Sergeant Robertson writes:--
“The order was given to charge with the left wing of the 92nd, while
the right should act as riflemen in the fields to the left of the
road. The left wing went down the road in a dashing manner, led by
Col. Cameron, who had his horse shot under him, and was obliged
to walk on foot. As soon as we came up to the French many of them
called out for quarter, and were made prisoners. After the enemy
had maintained their ground for a short time, they saw that it was
impossible for them to stand against us. The road was soon covered
with the dead and dying. The French now broke off to their own
right, and got into the fields and between the hedges, where they
kept up the contest until night. Although the action ended thus
in our favour, we did not gain any new ground. After the battle
was over, we were formed on a piece of rising ground about a mile
to our own rear, when Lord Wellington came in person to thank the
92nd for their gallant conduct and manly bearing during the action,
and ordered a double allowance of rum, and that we should go into
quarters on the following day.”[564]
On this occasion Lts. Duncan M’Pherson, Thomas Mitchell, and Alan
M’Donald were killed. Major John M’Pherson (mortally), Captains
George W. Holmes, Ronald M’Donald, and Donald M’Pherson; Lts. John
Catenaugh, Ronald M’Donald, James John Chisholm, Robert Winchester,
and George Mitchell, and Ensign William Fraser were wounded. 28 rank
and file were killed, and 143 wounded.
In commemoration of this action an honorary badge was conferred by
His Majesty on Lt.-Col. Cameron, bearing the word “Nive,” and the
senior captain of the regiment (Captain James Seaton) was promoted
to the brevet rank of major. The royal authority was also granted
for the 92nd to bear the word “Nive” on its regimental colour and
appointments.
On the morning of the 15th of Feb., the 92nd marched in pursuit of
the enemy, who was discovered late in the evening, strongly posted
on the heights in front of Garris, which the division attacked
and carried in gallant style. The French obstinately disputed
their ground, and made several attempts to recover it after dark,
but finding the British troops immovable, they retreated with
considerable loss through St Palais. On this occasion Major James
Seaton was mortally wounded, and expired on the 22nd of the following
month. The other casualties were 3 rank and file wounded.
During the night the enemy destroyed the bridge at St Palais, and
every exertion was made to repair it. On the 16th of Feb., the 92nd
crossed in the afternoon, and occupied a position in advance.
[Illustration: Colonel John Cameron’s Coat of Arms.]
On the 17th of Feb., the enemy was discovered in the village of
Arriverete, on the right bank of the Gave de Mauléon, endeavouring
to destroy the bridge over it. A ford was discovered a little higher
up, which the 92nd crossed under cover of the British artillery,
and immediately attacking the troops in the village with its usual
success, drove the enemy out of it, and secured the bridge by which
the troops were enabled to cross. The enemy retired across the Gave
d’Oléron, and the battalion, which had 10 rank and file wounded in
this enterprise, was cantoned in Arriverete and the neighbouring
villages.
Tn honour of this occasion, it was granted by royal warrant, that
Lt.-Col. Cameron should bear for his crest a Highlander of the 92nd
regiment, up to the middle in water, grasping in his right hand a
broad sword, and in his left a banner inscribed 92nd, within a wreath
of laurel; and as a motto over it the word “Arriverete.”
At Orthes the 42nd, 79th, and 92nd met for the first time in the
Peninsula, and a joyful meeting it was, as the men of the three
regiments were almost all Scotchmen, many of whom were old friends.
Lord Wellington was so much pleased with the scene at the meeting of
these regiments that he ordered them to encamp beside each other for
the night.
In the affair at Aire there were 3 rank and file killed, and 3
officers and 29 men wounded. His Majesty granted permission to
Lt.-Col. Cameron to bear upon his shield a view of the town, with
the word “Aire.” Both in Division and General Orders the 92nd was
specially mentioned, along with the 50th, as deserving to have “the
good fortune of yesterday’s action decidedly attributed to it.”
Moreover, a special letter from the Mayor of Aire warmly thanked
Col. Cameron for the conduct of his men, and for having preserved
the town from pillage and destruction. The losses of the regiment in
these actions were not great, being altogether, according to General
Stewart, 2 rank and file killed, and 5 officers and 55 rank and file
wounded.
On the 10th of April the 92nd advanced by the Muret road to the
vicinity of Toulouse, and drove Marshal Soult’s outposts into his
entrenchments on that side. The services of the battalion were not
again required during this day; it however witnessed the gallant
conduct of its comrades on the opposite bank of the river, driving
the enemy from his redoubts above the town, and gaining a complete
victory.
During the 11th of April nothing particular occurred beyond a
skirmish, and confining the enemy to the suburbs. The French
evacuated Toulouse during the night, and the white flag was hoisted.
On the 12th of April the Marquis of Wellington entered the city
amidst the acclamations of the inhabitants. The 92nd followed the
enemy on the Villa Franche road, and encamped in advance of that town.
In the course of the afternoon of the 12th of April, intelligence
was received of the abdication of Napoleon: had not the express been
delayed on the journey by the French police, the sacrifice of many
valuable lives would have been prevented.
A disbelief in the truth of this intelligence occasioned much
unnecessary bloodshed at Bayonne, the garrison of which made a
desperate sortie on the 14th of April, and Lt.-General Sir John Hope
(afterwards Earl of Hopetoun), the colonel of the 92nd regiment,
was taken prisoner. Major-General Andrew Hay was killed, and
Major-General Stopford was wounded. This was the last action of the
Peninsular war.
On April 20, 1814, the 92nd marched into Villa Franche; on the 24th
to Beziège; and on the 25th occupied quarters in Toulouse.
After peace had been established between Britain and France, the
92nd returned home, disembarking at Monkstown, Ireland, on the 29th
of July, and proceeding to Fermoy Barracks, at which the thanks of
Parliament were communicated to the regiment for “the meritorious and
eminent services it had rendered to the King and country during the
course of the war.”
On the 24th of October 1814, the second battalion was disbanded at
Edinburgh, and 12 sergeants, 13 drummers, and 161 rank and file were
transferred to the first battalion.
The 92nd, however, had not long to rest at home, being called again
into active service, to take part in the grand concluding act of
the drama enacted by Napoleon for so many years on the theatre of
Europe. The regiment sailed from the Cove of Cork on the 1st May
1815, and arrived at Ostend on the 9th. On the 11th the regiment
went to Ghent, where it stayed till the 28th, when it removed to
Brussels, the men being billeted throughout the city. Here they
were served with four days’ bread, and supplied with camp-kettles,
bill-hooks, and everything necessary for a campaign, which, according
to all accounts, was fast approaching. The inhabitants of Brussels
like those of Ghent treated the Highlanders with great kindness, the
latter, by their civility and good behaviour, making themselves great
favourites.
On the evening of the 15th of June the alarm was sounded in Brussels,
and hasty preparations were made to go out to meet the enemy. Col.
Cameron, who had that day been invested with the order of the
Bath, and who was present at the famous ball given by the Duke of
Wellington when the alarm was given, was quickly at the head of the
regiment. The march was commenced at daybreak on the 16th by the
Namur gate. Lt.-General Sir Thomas Picton’s division, to which the
92nd belonged, came under fire about two o’clock in front of Genappe,
at Quatre Bras, where the main road from Charleroi to Brussels is
crossed by another from Nivelles to Namur, and which served as the
British communication with the Prussians on the left. The 92nd was
formed in front of Quatre Bras farm-house on the road, lining a
ditch, with its rear to the walls of the building and garden, its
right resting on the crossroads, and its left extending down the
front. Shortly after the 92nd was thus formed, the Duke of Wellington
and his staff came and dismounted in the rear of the centre of the
regiment. The enemy poured a very hot fire of artillery on this post,
and his cavalry charged it, but was received by a well-directed
volley from the regiment, and forced to retire with great loss of men
and horses. Immediately after this the French infantry attacked the
position on the right and in front, and the Gordon Highlanders, who
had been standing impatiently eager for action, were now ordered to
charge the advancing enemy: “92nd, you must charge these fellows,”
the Duke said, and with one bound the regiment was over the ditch
advancing at full speed, and making the French give way on all sides.
The 92nd continued to pursue the enemy, and was hotly engaged till
nightfall, when the action ceased. It was very much cut up both in
officers and men, as it was among the first to go into action, and,
along with the other Highland regiments, had for a long time to
resist the attack of the entire French army. Undoubtedly its greatest
loss on this hot day was the brave and high-minded Col. Cameron,
concerning whom we give a few details below.[565]
[Illustration: Colonel John Cameron.
From Original Painting in possession of Mrs Cameron Campbell of
Monzie.]
Besides their colonel, the 92nd lost in the action Captain William
Little, Lt. J. J. Chisholm, Ensigns Abel Becker and John M. R.
Macpherson, 2 sergeants, and 33 rank and file. The wounded officers
were Major James Mitchell (afterwards lieutenant-colonel); Captains
G. W. Holmes, Dugald Campbell, W. C. Grant (who died of his wounds);
Lts. Thomas Hobbs, Thomas Mackintosh, Robert Winchester, Ronald
Macdonnell, James Kerr Ross, George Logan, John Mackinlay, George
Mackie, Alexander Macpherson, Ewen Ross, Hector M’Innes; Ensigns
John Barnwell, Robert Logan, Angus Macdonald, Robert Hewit, and
Assistant-Surgeon John Stewart; also 13 sergeants, 1 drummer, and 212
rank and file.
On the morning of the 17th Lord Wellington had collected the whole of
his army in the position of Waterloo, and was combining his measures
to attack the enemy; but having received information that Marshal
Blucher had been obliged, after the battle of Ligny, to abandon his
position at Sombref, and to fall back upon Wavre, his lordship found
it necessary to make a corresponding movement. He accordingly retired
upon Genappe, and thence upon Waterloo. Although the march took
place in the middle of the day the enemy made no attempt to molest
the rear, except by following, with a large body of cavalry brought
from his right, the cavalry under the Earl of Uxbridge. On the former
debouching from the village of Genappe, the earl made a gallant
charge with the Life Guards, and repulsed the enemy’s cavalry.
Lord Wellington took up a position in front of Waterloo. The rain
fell in torrents during the night, and the morning of the 18th was
ushered in by a dreadful thunder-storm; a prelude which superstition
might have regarded as ominous of the events of that memorable and
decisive day. The allied army was drawn up across the high roads from
Charleroi and Nivelles, with its right thrown back to a ravine near
Merke Braine, which was occupied, and its left extended to a height
above the hamlet Ter-la-Haye, which was also occupied. In front of
the right centre, and near the Nivelles road, the allies occupied
the house and farm of Hougoumont, and in front of the left centre
they possessed the farm of La Haye Sainte. The Gordon Highlanders,
who were commanded by Major Donald Macdonald, in consequence of the
wound of Lt.-Col. Mitchell, who had succeeded Col. Cameron in the
command, were in the ninth brigade with the Royal Scots, the Royal
Highlanders, and the 44th regiment. This brigade was stationed
on the left wing upon the crest of a small eminence, forming one
side of the hollow, or low valley, which divided the two hostile
armies. A hedge ran along this crest for nearly two-thirds its whole
length. A brigade of Belgians, another of Hanoverians, and General
Ponsonby’s brigade of the 1st or Royal Dragoons, Scotch Greys, and
Inniskillings, were posted in front of this hedge. Bonaparte drew
up his army on a range of heights in front of the allies, and about
ten o’clock in the morning he commenced a furious attack upon the
post at Hougoumont. This he accompanied with a very heavy cannonade
upon the whole line of the allies; but it was not till about two
o’clock that the brigades already mentioned were attacked. At that
time the enemy, covered by a heavy fire of artillery, advanced in
a solid column of 3000 infantry of the guard, with drums beating,
and all the accompaniments of military array, towards the position
of the Belgians. The enemy received a temporary check from the
fire of the Belgians and from some artillery; but the troops of
Nassau gave way, and, retiring behind the crest of the eminence,
left a large space open to the enemy. To prevent the enemy from
entering by this gap, the third battalion of the Royal Scots, and
the second battalion of the 44th, were ordered up to occupy the
ground so abandoned; and here a warm conflict of some duration took
place, in which the two regiments lost many men and expended their
ammunition. The enemy’s columns continuing to press forward, General
Pack ordered up the Highlanders, calling out, “Ninety-second, now is
your time; charge.” This order being repeated by Major Macdonald,
the soldiers answered it by a shout. Though then reduced to less
than 250 men, the regiment instantly formed two men deep, and rushed
to the front, against a column ten or twelve men deep, and equal
in length to their whole line. The enemy, as if appalled by the
advance of the Highlanders, stood motionless, and upon a nearer
approach they became panic-stricken, and, wheeling to the rear, fled
in the most disorderly manner, throwing away their arms and every
thing that incumbered them. So rapid was their flight, that the
Highlanders, notwithstanding their nimbleness of foot, were unable
to overtake them; but General Ponsonby pursued them with the cavalry
at full speed, and cutting into the centre of the column, killed
numbers and took nearly 1800 prisoners. The animating sentiment,
“Scotland for ever!” received a mutual cheer as the Greys galloped
past the Highlanders, and the former felt the effect of the appeal
so powerfully, that, not content with the destruction or surrender
of the flying column, they passed it, and charged up to the line of
the French position. “Les braves Ecossais; qu’ils sont terribles
ces Chevaux Gris!” Napoleon is said to have exclaimed, when, in
succession, he saw the small body of Highlanders forcing one of his
chosen columns to fly, and the Greys charging almost into his very
line.
During the remainder of the day the 92nd regiment remained at the
post assigned it, but no opportunity afterwards occurred of giving
another proof of its prowess. The important service it rendered at
a critical moment, by charging and routing the élite of the French
infantry, entitle the 92nd to share largely in the honours of the
victory.
“A column of such strength, composed of veteran troops, filled with
the usual confidence of the soldiers of France, thus giving way
to so inferior a force, and by their retreat exposing themselves
to certain destruction from the charges of cavalry ready to pour
in and overwhelm them, can only be accounted for by the manner in
which the attack was made, and is one of the numerous advantages of
that mode of attack I have had so often occasion to notice. Had the
Highlanders, with their inferior numbers, hesitated and remained at
a distance, exposed to the fire of the enemy, half an hour would
have been sufficient to annihilate them, whereas in their bold and
rapid advance they _lost only four men_. The two regiments, which
for some time resisted the attacks of the same column, were unable
to force them back. They remained stationary to receive the enemy,
who were thus allowed time and opportunity to take a cool and steady
aim; encouraged by a prospect of success, the latter doubled their
efforts; indeed, so confident were they, that when they reached the
plain upon the summit of the ascent, they ordered their arms, as if
to rest after their victory. But the handful of Highlanders soon
proved on which side the victory lay. Their bold and rapid charge
struck their confident opponents with terror, paralysed their sight
and aim, and deprived both of point and object. The consequence
was, as it will always be in nine cases out of ten in similar
circumstances, that the loss of the 92nd regiment was, as I have
just stated, only 4 men, whilst the other corps in the stationary
position lost eight times that number.”[566]
At Waterloo the 92nd had 14 rank and file killed, and Captains
Peter Wilkie and Archibald Ferrier, Lts. Robert Winchester, Donald
Macdonald, James Kerr Ross, and James Hope, 3 sergeants, and 96 rank
and file wounded.
After Waterloo, the 92nd, along with the rest of the army, proceeded
to Paris, in the neighbourhood of which it encamped on the 3rd of
July. Shortly after leaving Waterloo, while halting near a small
village for the night, the Duke of Wellington in person came up
and thanked the 92nd for the manner in which the men had conducted
themselves during the engagement, and lavished upon them the highest
eulogiums for their exertions to uphold the reputation of the British
army. The Highland Society of Scotland unanimously passed a vote
of thanks “for the determined valour and exertions displayed by
the regiment, and for the credit which it did its country in the
memorable battles of the 16th and 18th of June 1815.”
The 92nd stayed at Paris till the end of November, when it was
marched to Boulogne, and on December 17th it embarked at Calais,
landing at Margate on the 19th. After staying at various places in
England, it marched from Berwick-on-Tweed to Edinburgh on the 7th of
September 1816, and took up its quarters in Edinburgh Castle on the
12th, this being the second visit to its native country since its
embodiment. Like the 42nd in similar circumstances, the men of the
92nd were treated with the greatest kindness, and entertained with
profuse hospitality at almost every place on the way. On their entry
into Edinburgh, a vast crowd assembled in the roads and streets. The
42nd, between which and the 92nd there has always been a friendly
rivalry, had been there shortly before, and a man of that regiment
standing among the crowd cried in banter to a passing company of the
92nd, “This is nothing to what it was when we came home; we could
hardly make our way through the crowd.” A 92nd man quickly retorted,
“You should have sent for us to clear the way for you, as we have
often done before.”
II.
1816-1874.
Ireland--Jamaica--Terrible losses from Yellow Fever--Colonelcy of
the 92nd--Scotland--Ireland--New Colours--Gibraltar--Malta
--Barbadoes--Scotland--Ireland--Ionian Islands--Gibraltar--Large
numbers volunteer into Crimean regiments--Re-enlist in 92nd at
first opportunity--Regiment goes to the Crimea--Return to Gibraltar
--India--The Mutiny--Employed in Central Provinces--Performs much
harassing work--Field service--Oojein--Harassing marches--Engagement
near Rajghur--Mungrowlee--Combined movements--Sindwaho--Koraya
--Rajpoor--Fatigueing work in the Bunswarra country--Mhow--Jhansi
--Lullutpoor--Seepree--the Bundelcund Jungle--Importance of work
performed by 92nd--Dugshai--Its various stations in India--Authorised
to use designation of “Gordon Highlanders”--Home--Gosport--Edinburgh
--Presentation of New Colours--Glasgow--Aldershot--Ireland--Aids
the civil power--Leaves its New Year’s dinner cooking--India again
--Julinder--Camp of exercise at Delhi--Chukrata--Portrait of the
Marquis of Huntly, the last Duke of Gordon.
The regiment was quartered in Edinburgh till April 1817, when it was
sent to Ireland, where it remained till 1819, performing duties
somewhat similar to those already recorded of the 42nd. On the 16th
April the 92nd sailed for Jamaica, where it arrived on June 2nd. On
its march to Up-Park Camp, it was followed by the whole population
of Kingston and vicinity, who crowded from all quarters to witness
so novel a sight as a Highland regiment in Jamaica. Shortly after
its arrival in Jamaica the regiment suffered fearfully from yellow
fever in its most virulent form. Indeed, such was the sickness and
mortality, that the regiment was, in August, in a manner ordered
to be dispersed. On the 28th of that month, a strong detachment,
chiefly composed of convalescents, embarked on board the “Serapis”
guard-ship, then at anchor off Port-Royal.
The total loss sustained by the regiment from the 25th of June
to the 24th of December 1819, consisted of 10 officers,--namely,
Majors Archibald Ferrier, and John Blainey (Brevet Lt.-Col.), Lts.
Andrew Will, Thomas Gordon, Hector Innes, George Logan, Richard
M’Donnell, and George Mackie (Adjutant), Ensign Francis Reynolds,
and Assistant-Surgeon David Thomas; 13 sergeants, 8 drummers, and
254 rank and file. This considerably exceeds the total number of men
of the regiment killed in all the engagements, from the time of its
formation in 1794 down to Waterloo in 1815.
In January 1820, Lt.-Gen. John Hope succeeded the Earl of Hopetoun as
Colonel of the 92nd; the latter being removed to the 42nd. General
Hope continued to be Colonel till 1823, when he was removed to the
72nd, and was succeeded in the colonelcy of the 92nd by Lt.-Gen. the
Hon. Alexander Duff.
The regiment remained in Jamaica till 1827, and from the exemplary
conduct and orderly demeanour of the officers and men, gained the
respect and good wishes of the inhabitants wherever it was stationed.
In the summer of 1825 it had again been attacked with fever, and lost
in the course of two months Major Charlton, Captain Donaldson, Lt.
Deans, and 60 men. The gaps then made in the regiment were, however,
regularly filled up by considerable detachments of recruits from
England, so that the strength of the 92nd was never far below the
proper mark.
Owing to the terrible death-rate in the West Indies and other
causes, Lt.-Col. Gardyne writes, as the 92nd had fallen into
comparatively bad order for a time, and on its return home, Lt.-Col.
John M’Donald, of Dalchoshnie, afterwards General Sir John M’Donald,
K.C.B., was appointed to the command; an officer who had served
with great distinction in Spain, a thorough soldier, and a true
Highlander, he soon brought the 92nd back to its natural condition
of perfect discipline, and remained in command till he was promoted
Major-General.
In February and March 1827, the regiment embarked in detachments at
Kingston for England, on reaching which it was sent to Scotland,
the whole of the regiment, depôt and service companies, joining at
Edinburgh in the end of May. In the beginning of 1828 the 92nd was
removed to Glasgow, from which it sailed to Ireland in July, landing
at Dublin August 4th. It remained in Ireland till 1834.
In 1829, orders having been received directing that steel-mounted
swords should be adopted by Highland regiments, the officers of the
92nd immediately supplied themselves with the claymore, a sword
similar to that originally used in the regiment. In 1830, the
regiment was authorised to adopt trousers of the regimental tartan
for all occasions when the kilt was not worn. While in Jamaica, white
trousers alone were allowed to be used.
At all the inspections that took place while in Ireland, the 92nd,
like the other Highland regiments, received the unqualified praise
of the inspecting officers. It also gained for itself the respect
and esteem of all classes of the inhabitants in performing the
disagreeable duty of assisting the civil power in suppressing the
“White Boy” outrages, to which we have referred in our account of the
42nd. Once only were the men compelled to resort to the last military
extremity.
On the 13th of December 1830, the anniversary of the battle of
the Nive, a new stand of colours was presented to the regiment in
Dublin by His Excellency Lt.-Gen. the Right Hon. Sir John Byng, who
complimented the regiment on its brilliant and distinguished conduct
in all its engagements.
In July 1831 Lt.-Gen. Duff was succeeded in the colonelcy of the
regiment by Lt.-Gen. Sir John Hamilton Dalrymple (afterwards Earl of
Stair).
In August 1833 the regiment was divided into six service and four
depôt companies, preparatory to the embarkation of the former for
Gibraltar. The depôt companies proceeded to Scotland in October,
where they remained till 1836, when they returned to Ireland.
The service companies embarked at Cork in February 1834 for
Gibraltar, where they arrived on the 10th of March. Here they
remained till January 1836, when the regiment removed to Malta, where
it was stationed till 1841.
[Illustration: Sir John M’Donald, C.B.
From Original Painting at Dunalastair.]
In May 1840 the depôt companies were again removed from Ireland to
Scotland. In January 1841, the service companies left Malta for
Barbadoes, where they arrived in April. In May 1843 the headquarters
and one company removed to Trinidad, while detachments were stationed
at Grenada and Tobago. In the same month, Lt.-Gen. Sir William
Maclean succeeded the Earl of Stair as colonel of the regiment, the
former being removed to the 46th.
The service companies embarked in December 1843 for Scotland,
arriving in February 1844 at Aberdeen, where they were joined by the
depôt companies from Dundee. From Aberdeen the 92nd went to Glasgow,
and in July 1845 to Edinburgh, where it remained till April 1846,
when it removed to Ireland, where it remained till March 5th, 1851,
when headquarters and 4 companies under command of Lt.-Col. Atherley
sailed from Queenstown for the Ionian Islands. A complimentary
address was received from the mayor and citizens of Kilkenny, on the
92nd quitting that city, expressive of the regret they experienced in
parting with the regiment, the conduct of which had gained the esteem
of all classes.
The regiment disembarked at Corfu on March 29th, and on May 17th was
joined by the other two service companies under command of Major
Lockhart.
While in the Ionian Islands, the 92nd received notice that kilted
regiments were to use the Glengarry bonnet as a forage cap, with the
regimental band or border similar to that on the feather bonnet.
The 92nd remained in the Ionian Islands until March 1853, embarking
in three detachments for Gibraltar on the 21st, 23rd, and 28th of
that month, respectively. During its stay in the Ionian Islands
it was regularly inspected, and was invariably complimented, we
need scarcely say, by the inspecting officer, on its high state of
efficiency in all respects.
While the regiment was in Gibraltar, the war between this country and
Russia broke out, and in consequence the 92nd was augmented to 1120
of all ranks, and subsequently to 1344. This increase, however, was
soon destined to be considerably reduced, not by the casualties of
war,--for the 92nd was not fortunate enough to be in the thick of the
fray,--but by the large numbers who volunteered into other regiments
destined for the Crimea. So large a number of men volunteered into
those regiments about to proceed to the scene of the struggle, that
little more than the officers’ colours and band remained of what was
the day before one of the finest, best drilled, and best disciplined
regiments in the army. The depôt companies, stationed at the time
at Galway, volunteered almost to a man into the 42nd and 79th. The
men of the service companies entered English regiments, and on their
arrival at Varna asked to be allowed to enter Highland corps. This,
however, could not be done, and on the conclusion of the war many of
those that were left unscathed petitioned to be allowed to rejoin
their old corps, saying they had volunteered for active service, and
not to leave their regiment. Their request was not granted; but so
strong was their _esprit de corps_, that at the expiration of their
first period of service many of them re-enlisted in the 92nd, two of
their number bringing back the Victoria cross on their breasts. Such
a loss to the regiment as these volunteers occasioned almost broke
the spirit of the officers and of the soldiers left; but by unsparing
exertions the regiment was recruited in an incredibly short time with
a very superior class of men, mostly from the Highland counties, but
all from Scotland.
On the 25th of June 1855 Lt.-General John M’Donald, C.B., was
appointed to the colonelcy of the regiment, in room of the deceased
Sir William M’Bean, K.C.B.
The 92nd was, after all, sent to the Crimea, but too late to take
any part in active operations. At the request of Lord Clyde the
regiment was sent out to join his division before Sebastopol, and
about 600 officers and men left Gibraltar during September 1855,
landing at Balaklava just after the taking of Sebastopol. Though
the 92nd was actually under fire in the Crimea, it did not obtain
any addition to the numerous names on its colours. It remained in
the Crimea till May 1856, on the 23rd of which month it embarked at
Balaklava for Gibraltar, where it remained for eighteen months longer
before embarking for India, previous to which the establishment of
the regiment was considerably augmented, the service companies alone
numbering upwards of 1100 officers and men. The 92nd embarked on the
20th of January 1858, to take part in quelling the Indian Mutiny;
and before leaving, both in general orders and in brigade orders,
Lt.-Col. Lockhart and the officers and men were eulogised in the
highest terms for the splendid character of the regiment.
The light companies of the 92nd disembarked at Bombay on the 6th of
March, under the command of Col. Atherley; the other two companies,
under the command of Lt.-Col. Mackenzie, joined head-quarters at
Bombay on the 30th of March. The 92nd, during its stay in India, was
employed in the Central Provinces, under Sir Hugh Rose, formerly a
92nd officer, and distinguished itself by the rapidity of its forced
marches and steadiness under fire; but although it took part in many
combats, skirmishes, and pursuits, doing good and important service
to its country, it had not the good fortune to be in any great
victory such as to be thought worthy of being recorded on the colours
beside such glorious names as Egypt and Waterloo. Lt.-Col. Lockhart
was made a C.B. for his services while commanding the 92nd in this
campaign. We shall endeavour briefly to indicate some of the services
performed by the regiment while taking its share in the suppression
of the mutiny.
On the 30th of March a detachment, under the command of Major
Sutherland, proceeded to Surât on field-service, rejoining
headquarters on the 8th of June. Four days after, the right wing of
headquarters, under command of Lt.-Col. Archibald Inglis Lockhart,
proceeded to Mhow on field service, but must have returned before
the 22nd of August, on which day headquarters, consisting of Nos. 1,
3, 7, and 10 companies, marched upon Oojein, to the north of Indore,
having received sudden orders to that effect on the afternoon of
the 21st. The companies formed part of a field-force column, which
was required to put down some rebellious symptoms that had shown
themselves near Oojein. The column was placed under the command of
Lt.-Col. Lockhart, and reached Oojein on the 25th. Here all was found
quiet, and the column was directed toward Mundesoor, but on its march
intelligence was received that the rebels had crossed to the right
bank of the Chumbul river, and in consequence the march of the column
was directed upon Agoor, which place it reached on the 28th, having
marched 50 miles through a most difficult country in 38 hours.
After remaining here for three days the column advanced to Soosneer,
16 miles to the northward; and intelligence having been received
that a force of 15,000 rebels, with 38 guns, had taken possession
of the fortified town of Jhalra Patun, it was resolved to wait at
Soosneer until support arrived. On the 9th of Sept. a squadron of
H.M.’s Lancers and 2 guns of the Bengal Artillery joined the camp;
on the morning of the 10th, a change in the enemy’s movements having
meantime taken place, the reinforced column marched to Zeerapoor,
about 10 miles south of Machilpoor, to which the enemy had moved,
both towns being on the right bank of the Kallee Sind. At Zeerapoor
the column was joined by another force under the command of Lt.-Col.
Hope of the 71st Highland Light Infantry, which was also under
Col. Lockhart’s orders. On the same night, the 10th, Major-General
Michel, C.B., commanding the Malwah division, joined and assumed
command, entirely approving of the arrangements which had been made.
The united column set out in pursuit of the rebels on the 12th,
and marching by Bullwarrah and Rajghur, on the 15th came upon the
enemy’s camp at a short distance from the latter town, but found it
had been quite recently abandoned, the rebels having evidently beat a
precipitate retreat. The European infantry was left here to breakfast
and grog, and the Major-General, with the cavalry, native infantry,
and artillery, pushed on and brought the enemy to a stand in a jungly
country. The latter opened a well-sustained fire upon their pursuers,
which, however, proved nearly harmless. On the European infantry
coming up, the 92nd, under Captain Bethune, and the 4th Bombay Rifles
deployed into line and advanced, covered by their own skirmishers,
and supported by the 71st Highlanders and the 19th Bombay Native
Infantry. According to orders not a shot was fired until the jungle
thinned so much as to enable the skirmishers to see the enemy. After
a few rounds from the guns, the infantry again advanced, and the
rebels abandoned their position and fled, pursued by the cavalry. The
infantry proceeded to Bhowra, where they encamped, having marched 20
miles in the course of the day under a burning sun, by which many
of the men were struck down. The only casualties of the 92nd in the
above action were 2 men wounded.
[Illustration: Colonel (now Major-General) Lockhart, C.B.
From a Photograph.]
The force halted at Bhowra until the 18th of Sept., the whole being
formed into one brigade under Lt.-Col. Lockhart. Setting out on that
day, the force marching by Seronj reached Mungrowlee on the 9th of
Oct., when just as the tents had been pitched, it was reported that
the rebels were advancing in force, and were within half a mile of
the camp. The squadron of the 17th Lancers was immediately pushed
forward, rapidly followed by the artillery and infantry, the 92nd
being commanded by Captain Bethune. The enemy, taken by surprise,
retreated, and took up position on an eminence 3 miles distant
from Mungrowlee, and crowned by the ruins of a village. The rebels
covered their front with guns placed in a strip of jungle, which
was filled with cavalry and infantry. The British infantry deployed
into line, and, covered by skirmishers, advanced upon the enemy’s
position. The guns of the latter at once opened, and there was also a
well-sustained but not very effective fire of small arms kept up from
the jungle. The skirmishers directing their fire on the enemy’s guns
(whose position could only be ascertained from their smoke), steadily
advanced. After an ineffectual attempt to turn the left wing of the
British by the enemy’s cavalry, the latter gave way, leaving their
infantry to be severely handled by the Lancers. The line continued
to advance, and six guns were taken by a rush of the skirmishers,
many of the gunners being shot and bayoneted when endeavouring to
escape. The guns being now brought up, the rebels soon were in rapid
retreat. There appears to have been no casualties to the 92nd in this
well-fought action.
It having been ascertained that the rebels had crossed the Betwa,
and were now located on the right bank of that river, Major-General
Michel arranged with Brigadier Smith, commanding a field column in
the Chundaree district, that the two forces should make a combined
movement, and for this purpose they were divided into three columns.
The left column, consisting of the infantry of his brigade, under
Brigadier Smith, was to move down the left bank of the river towards
the Chundaree, prepared to cross to the right bank if necessary. The
cavalry and horse artillery of both brigades, forming the centre
column, under the immediate command of Major-General Michel, was to
cross at the ford by which the enemy had retreated. The right column,
consisting of the infantry and artillery of Lt.-Col. Lockhart’s
brigade, under that officer, was to cross the river by the Khunjea
Ghaut and proceed to Nurat. This place it reached on the 17th of
October, and on the 18th was joined by the centre column, which had
been unable to penetrate the very dense jungle.
On the morning of the 19th, the 92nd being led by Captain A. W.
Cameron, the two combined columns marched upon the village of
Sindwaho, about 12 miles distant, and where the enemy were reported
to be in strength. The force halted within half a mile of the
village, to the right of which the enemy were discovered drawn up
in order of battle. The cavalry and horse artillery advanced to the
attack, and the infantry, who were to advance upon the village, under
Lt.-Col. Lockhart, were deployed into line, covered by skirmishers.
The 71st passed to the right of the village, the 92nd through the
village and thick enclosures on the left, and the 19th Bombay Native
Infantry were on more open ground to the left of the 92nd. The enemy
were found to have abandoned the village, but many were shot down in
the advance of the skirmishers through the enclosures. When clear
of the village, the infantry advanced in echelon of battalions from
the right. While the 71st took ground to the right, and the 19th
Bengal Native Infantry went to the help of the Bombay Artillery, the
92nd, under Captain Cameron, advanced in the face of a large body of
cavalry, who had posted themselves under a large tope of trees on a
rising ground and frequently threatened to charge. By this time the
92nd was quite separated from the rest of the force. A battery of
artillery having been sent to join the 92nd, and as the enemy still
threatened to charge, the skirmishers were recalled, and fire opened
from right to left; as shot and shell were at the same time thrown
into the tope, the enemy retired, and were soon in rapid retreat,
pursued by the cavalry.
During the 20th the force halted at Tehree and on this as on previous
occasions the Major-General issued an order congratulating the troops
on their success, and justly praising the exertions and bravery of
officers and men. On this last occasion, Col. Lockhart’s ability in
handling his brigade elicited the Major-General’s warmest approbation.
The force set out again on the 21st, and marching each day reached
Dujorial on the 24th. The Major-General having heard that the enemy
were at Kimlasa, moved on Kuraya at 2 A.M. on the 25th, and at dawn
the whole of the rebel army was discovered crossing in front just
beyond Kuraya. When the cavalry, which had started an hour later
than the infantry, came up, they found that the infantry under Col.
Lockhart, having cut through the enemy’s line of march, had just
wheeled to the right and part advanced skirmishing. The infantry
had indeed dispersed the enemy when the cavalry arrived; the latter
therefore set out in rapid pursuit, the infantry following for about
five miles and clearing the villages of the rebels.
The force remained at Kuraya till the 27th, when it proceeded
south, and reached Bhilsa on the 2nd of November. On the 4th the
Major-General proceeded with the cavalry in pursuit of the rebels,
who had crossed the Nerbudda, leaving the infantry and Le Marchant’s
battery of artillery to watch Bhilsa and Bhopal, both being
threatened by bodies of local rebels. The infantry remained at Bhilsa
until the 9th, when, proceeding by Goolgong, they reached Bhopal on
the 17th, leaving it on the 23rd for Sehore.
The rebels, in the meantime, after crossing the Nerbudda, had been
again repulsed by the troops in Candeish. One hundred men of the
92nd, part of a small column under Major Sutherland, proceeded on
the 20th of November to cross the Nerbudda, and on the 24th reached
Jeelwana, where they were joined by another 50 men of the 92nd and a
like number of the 71st mounted on camels. On the morning of the 24th
Major Sutherland proceeded with 120 Highlanders and 80 sepoys, partly
on camels, and soon ascertaining that the rebels, under Tantéa Topee,
with two guns, were on the road to Rajpoor, pushed on in pursuit. On
approaching Rajpoor, the rebel force was perceived passing through
it, and the Highlanders, on camels, pushing rapidly forward, came on
the enemy in half an hour. Before the men, however, could dismount
for the attack, the rebels again retired. By this time the men
following on foot, both Europeans and natives, having marched at a
very rapid pace in rear, overtook the men on camels. The whole now
advanced together direct upon the enemy, who had taken up a strong
position, in order of battle, on a rocky and wooded ridge, their
two guns on the road commanding the only approach. The Highlanders,
supported by the native troops, at once advanced, and rushing up the
road under a shower of grape, in a very short time captured the guns,
on which the rebels precipitately abandoned their position. In this
attack, Lt. and Adjutant Humfrey was wounded.
Major Sutherland’s force remained in the neighbourhood of Kooksee
until the 27th of December, when it was ordered to join headquarters
at Mhow.
Lt.-Col. Lockhart’s column left Sehore and marched upon Indore on
the 29th of November, that town being considered in danger of an
attack by the rebels. Indore was reached on December 4th, and the
column halted there until the 6th, when it returned to quarters
at Mhow, having detached No. 10 and part of No. 3 companies under
Captain Bethune to join a small force proceeding towards Rutlâm.
These companies were subsequently attached to Brigadier Somerset’s
column, and mounted on camels, they underwent great privations and
severe fatigue during the rapid pursuit in the Banswarra country. On
the morning of the 1st of January 1859, the column came up with the
rebels at daylight at Baroda, but the men had scarcely dismounted ere
the rebels had, as usual, commenced a rapid retreat; this, however,
they did not effect before being considerably cut up by the cavalry
and guns attached to the force. These companies did not rejoin
headquarters until the 24th of May 1859.
On the 2nd of March, headquarters, numbering about 1000 officers
and men, marched from Mhow to Jhansi, there to be quartered; but,
on reaching Bursud, they were directed by Brigadier-General Sir
R. Napier to assist in clearing that neighbourhood of some rebels
said to be located in the jungles. For this purpose all the heavy
baggage was left at Bursud in charge of a company, and the remainder
proceeded in light order to Ummeerghur and subsequently to Karadev.
The jungles were in vain searched for any rebels, and on the 25th the
force again got on to the main road at Goona and proceeded towards
Jhansi, which it reached on the 7th of April. Nos. 8 and 9 companies
proceeded direct to Lullutpoor, where they were stationed on detached
duty under Major Sutherland. Remnants of rebels who had, after
being broken up into small parties, reunited under Feroze Shah, and
taken refuge in the dense jungles, were by the junction of forces
from Lullutpoor and other places driven from their refuge, without,
however, their having been actually come in contact with. The duty
was, nevertheless, of a harassing nature, and was rendered more
so by the sickness which had latterly prevailed at Lullutpoor and
reduced the men stationed there to a weak condition.
On the 1st of June 1859, No. 7 company was detached to Seepree, and
on the evening of the 30th, 40 men of that company under Ensign
Emmet, mounted on elephants, proceeded with a mixed native force,
the whole under the command of Major Meade, to surprise a numerous
party of rebels who had located themselves in a village about 28
miles distant. The village, which was situated on an eminence
and surrounded by thick jungle, was reached by 5.30 A.M. on the
1st of July, and the attack immediately commenced. The rebels in
considerable numbers took refuge in a large house well loop-holed,
and kept up a warm fire of musketry on their assailants; they were
not finally subdued until the house caught fire. Of the 92nd, 4 rank
and file were wounded, and Major Meade, in reporting the affair
to the commanding officer, said:--“I cannot speak too highly of
Ensign Emmet and your men; their coolness and steadiness was most
conspicuous.”
On the 14th of October, Nos. 1 and 2 companies proceeded, mounted on
camels, as part of a small force ordered from Jhansi under command
of Col. Lockhart, in conjunction with 6 other columns, to clear the
Bundelcund jungles of rebels. The force continued in the field until
the 14th of December. Some difficult and harassing marches were
performed in the course of these operations, but the rebels having
broken through the circle to the north-east, the Jhansi column, being
stationed on the west, did not come in contact with them.
Thus it will be seen that the 92nd performed important and harassing
duties during the suppression of the great Indian Mutiny, and
certainly seem to have deserved some outward mark of the services
they then rendered to their country. Brigadier-General Sir Robert
Napier, in bidding farewell to the officers and men of the Gwalior
division on the 11th of January 1860, specially acknowledged the
important assistance he had received from Col. Lockhart and the men
under his command. Notwithstanding the fatiguing work the 92nd had
to undergo, both Sir Robert Napier and Lord Clyde, in reporting on
their inspection, spoke in the highest terms of the condition of the
regiment.
The various detachments having joined headquarters at Jhansi, the
regiment, numbering about 960 officers and men, under command of Col.
Lockhart, C.B., left Jhansi on the 15th of March for Dugshai, there
to be quartered.
The 92nd remained in India for nearly three years longer, during
which little occurred in connection with the regiment calling
for special notice. Besides the places already mentioned, it was
stationed at Umballa, Benares, Rajghaut, and Calcutta, and, on
its half-yearly inspection, invariably elicited the unqualified
commendation of the inspecting officers and the War Office
authorities; the regimental school gained the special praise of the
latter.
While stationed at Dugshai, in September 1861, the regiment received
the gratifying intelligence that Her Majesty had been graciously
pleased to authorise the 92nd being designated “The Gordon
Highlanders,” by which name it was popularly known at the period of
its being raised and for some time afterwards; indeed we suspect it
had never ceased to be popularly known by this title.
The Gordon Highlanders embarked at Calcutta for England in two
detachments on the 24th and 28th of January 1863, respectively, and
rejoined at Gosport on the 20th of May. This was the first time the
regiment had been quartered in England since the 22nd of August
1816. Before the 92nd left India, 396 men volunteered into regiments
remaining in the country; the deficiency was, however, soon filled
up, as, on its being made known, Scotchmen serving in English
regiments gladly availed themselves of the opportunity of serving in
so distinguished a corps.
The 92nd did not remain long at Gosport. It embarked at Portsmouth
on the 10th of July for Edinburgh, arriving off Granton Pier on the
13th, and marching to the Castle through an enthusiastic crowd. It
was 17 years since the Gordon Highlanders had last been in Edinburgh.
Shortly after its arrival the regiment was inspected by its Colonel,
General Sir John M’Donald, K.C.B., who had formerly commanded the
92nd for the long period of 18 years.
The regiment remained scarcely a year in Edinburgh, during which time
only one event occurred to mark the “even tenor of its way;” this
was the presentation of new colours on the 13th of April 1864. The
Highlanders, on that day, were formed in review-order on the Castle
Esplanade, shortly after which Major-General Walker, C.B., commanding
in Scotland, arrived on the ground accompanied by his staff. General
Sir John M’Donald, K.C.B., the veteran colonel of the regiment, was
also present, along with Lady M’Donald and other members of his
family. After the usual ceremony had been gone through with the old
colours, and after the Rev. James Millar, Chaplain of Edinburgh
Castle, had offered up an appropriate prayer, the Major-General
placed the new colours in the hands of Lady M’Donald, who addressed
the regiment in a few most appropriate words:--
“It would be, I believe,” she said, “according to established
custom, that, in placing these colours in your hands, I should
remind you of the duty you owe to them, your Queen, and your
country; but, to the Gordon Highlanders, any such counsel would,
I feel, be superfluous; their glorious deeds of the past are
sufficient guarantee for the future, that wherever and whenever
these colours are borne into action, it will be but to add new
badges to them and fresh honour to the regiment. I cannot let this
opportunity pass without touching on the many happy years I spent
among you, without assuring you of the pleasure it gives me to see
you again, and of my warmest wishes for your welfare and prosperity.”
On the 25th of May 1864, the 92nd left Edinburgh for Glasgow under
the command of Col. A. I. Lockhart, C.B. Detachments were also sent
to Paisley and Ayr. The 92nd remained in Glasgow till March 1865,
during which time it took part in a large sham fight in Renfrewshire,
and was present at the inauguration by the Queen of a statue of
Prince Albert at Perth, the first erected in the kingdom. On the 25th
of January 1865, the depôt joined headquarters from Stirling. It is
unnecessary to say that in all its public appearances, and at all
inspections while in Scotland, as elsewhere, the Gordon Highlanders
received, and that deservedly, the highest encomiums on their
appearance, discipline, and conduct.
On the 6th of March 1865, the 92nd, consisting of 1033 officers,
men, women, and children, embarked on the Clyde for Portsmouth, _en
route_ for Aldershot, arriving at the Camp on the 10th of the same
month. While at Aldershot, Major C. M. Hamilton was promoted to
Lieutenant-Colonel, and succeeded to the command of the regiment in
place of Col. Lockhart, C.B.
The 92nd after remaining a year at Aldershot, during which nothing
of note occurred, left for Portsmouth on the 1st of March 1866, and
embarked on the same day for Ireland, Lt.-Col. Hamilton commanding.
The regiment disembarked at Kingstown on the 5th, and proceeded to
the Curragh Camp, where it remained till the 9th, when it removed to
Dublin, with the exception of A and C companies, which were left at
the Curragh to go through a course of musketry instruction. On the
regiment leaving Aldershot, a most gratifying report concerning it
was sent to headquarters; the 92nd Highlanders, the Brigade General
reported,--
“Are well drilled, their conduct sober, orderly, and soldierlike;
discipline good, and all one could desire in a well regulated corps.”
During its stay in Ireland the 92nd had a taste of the unpleasant
duty of aiding the civil power. On the 31st of December 1867, two
detachments were sent out for this purpose from the Curragh Camp,
where the whole regiment was then stationed, one, under command
of Major A. W. Cameron, to Cork; and the other, under command of
Captain A. Forbes Mackay, to Tipperary. These detachments seem to
have performed their duty effectively and without the sad necessity
of resorting to extreme measures;[567] they did not return to Dublin,
the former remaining at Cork and the latter proceeding to that place
on the 18th of January 1868. Here these detachments were joined by
the rest of the regiment on the 25th of January, on which day it
embarked at Queenstown for India, sailing next day under command of
Lt.-Col. Hamilton. The regiment proceeded by the overland route,
and landed at Bombay Harbour on the 26th of February. Here the
92nd was transhipped into three vessels to be taken to Kurrachee,
where headquarters arrived on the 8th of March. From Kurrachee this
detachment made its way partly by river (the Indus), partly by rail,
and partly by road, to Julinder, in the Punjaub, which it reached
on the 30th of March, and was joined by the remaining portion of
the regiment on the 7th of April. During its stay at Julinder the
92nd furnished detachments regularly to garrison Fort Govindghur,
Umritsur, and had the honour, in February 1870, to take part in the
reception at Meean Meer of H.R.H. the Duke of Edinburgh; on this
occasion the regiment was commanded by Lt.-Col. M’Bean, who had been
promoted to the command of the 92nd in room of Lt.-Col. Hamilton.
Detachments, consisting mostly of young and sickly men, were also
sent occasionally to Dalhousie to be employed in road-making in the
Chumba Hills.
The 92nd remained quartered at Julinder until the 18th of December
1871, on which day headquarters and three companies under command
of Major G. H. Parker, proceeded by rail to Delhi to form part of
the force collected there at the Camp of Exercise. Here it was
posted to the 1st brigade (Col. N. Walker, C.B., 1st Buffs) of the
2nd division commanded by Major-General M’Murdo, C.B. The remaining
three companies joined headquarters on the following day. The camp
of exercise was broken up on the 1st of February 1872, and in the
brigade order issued on the occasion by Col. Walker, he stated that--
“The last six weeks have added to the interest I have for many years
taken in the career of my old friends the 92nd Highlanders;”
he also specially mentioned the name of Captain Chalmer of the 92nd,
for the valuable services which the latter invariably rendered him.
On the 2nd of February the regiment set out on its march to Chukrata,
which it reached on the 2nd of March.
We have much pleasure in referring our readers to the plate of
Colonels of the 91st, 92nd, and 93rd regiments, on which we give a
portrait of the Marquis of Huntly, who raised the regiment, and was
afterwards the last Duke of Gordon, from a painting by A. Robertson,
miniature painter to H.R.H. the late Duke of Sussex, and kindly
lent us by the Duke of Richmond for our engraving. The portrait
was painted in 1806 A.D., and exhibited the same year at the Royal
Academy.
The Duke of Gordon’s statue stands in Castle Street, Aberdeen, with
the inscription “First Colonel 92nd Gordon Highlanders” at the foot
of the granite pedestal. His familiar name in his own district was
“The Cock of the North.”
The 92nd uniform is the full Highland costume of Gordon tartan. The
officers have a black worm through their lace, as a token of mourning
for Sir John Moore.
SUCCESSION LISTS OF COLONELS AND LIEUTENANT-COLONELS OF THE 92ND
GORDON HIGHLANDERS.
COLONELS.
GEORGE, MARQUIS OF HUNTLY, May 3, 1796
Served as Brigadier-General in Ireland in 1798
Went to Holland, 1799
Wounded at Egmont-op-Zee, Oct. 2, 1799
Major-General, Jan. 1, 1801
Colonel of the 42nd, Jan. 3, 1806
Lieut.-General, April 1808
General, Aug. 1809
To the 1st (Royal Foot), 1820
K.G.C.B., Duke of Gordon, 1827
Governor of Edinburgh Castle and Keeper of
the Great Seal of Scotland, 1834
Removed to the Scots Fusilier Guards, 1834
Died, May 28, 1836
JOHN, EARL OF HOPETOUN, G.C.B., Jan. 3, 1806
Cornet Light Dragoons, May 28, 1784
Lieutenant in 27th Foot, 1786
Captain 17th Light Dragoons, 1789
Major in 1st Foot, 1792
Lieut.-Col. 25th, 1793
M.P. for Linlithgowshire, 1796
Deputy Adjutant-General in Holland, 1799
Adjutant-General to the Army in the
Mediterranean, 1800
Served in Egypt, 1801
Colonel of the Lowland Fencible Infantry
and Major-General, 1802
Deputy Governor of Portsmouth, 1805
Lieut.-General, April 25, 1808
Commanded under Moore in Spain, 1809
Succeeded in command on Moore’s death, 1809
Last on board the fleet at Corunna; K.C.B., 1809
Commander-in-Chief in Ireland, 1813
At Nivelle, Nive, Bayonne, 1813
Baron Niddry and Earl of Hopetoun, 1814
General, 1819
Colonel of the 42nd, 1820
Died at Paris, Aug. 27, 1823
SIR JOHN HOPE, G.C.H., Jan. 29, 1820
Cadet in Houston’s Brigade, 1778
Ensign, 1779
Captain, 1782
Captain 60th Foot, 1787
Captain 13th Light Dragoons, June 30, 1788
Aide-de-Camp to Sir Wm. Erskine, 1793 and 1794
Major 28th Light Dragoons, 1795
Lieut.-Colonel, 1796
Served at the Cape, 1798-1799
To 32nd Foot, 1799
In the West Indies, 1800-1804
Assistant Adjutant-General in Scotland, 1805
Deputy Adjutant-General to Copenhagen, 1807
Brigadier-General to the Staff, N. Britain, 1808
And then Deputy Adjutant-General there, 1809
Major-General, 1810
On the Peninsular Staff, 1812
For Salamanca, a medal.
On the Staff in Ireland and N. Britain till
1819; made Lieut.-General and G.C.H., 1819
Colonel of the 92nd, Jan. 29, 1820
To the 72nd Highlanders, Sept. 6, 1823
Died, Aug. 1, 1836
HON. SIR ALEXANDER DUFF, G.C.H., Sept. 6, 1823
Removed to the 37th Regiment, July 20, 1831
JOHN, EARL OF STAIR, K.T., July 20, 1831
Removed to the 46th Regiment, May 31, 1843
SIR WM. M’BEAN, K.C.B., May 31, 1843
SIR JOHN MACDONALD, K.C.B., June 25, 1855
LORD STRATHNAIRN, G.C.B., G.C.S.I., June 25, 1866
SIR JOHN CAMPBELL, March 1869
Lieut.-General. Died, Dec. 28, 1871
LIEUT.-GENERAL GEORGE STAUNTON, Dec. 29, 1871
LIEUTENANT-COLONELS.
+-------------------+---------------+---------------+---------------------+
| | Date of | Date of | |
| Names. | Appointment. | Removal. | Remarks. |
+-------------------+---------------+---------------+---------------------+
|The Marquis of |Feb. 10, 1794 |May 3, 1796 |Promoted Colonel |
| Huntly, Lieut.- | | | 92nd, May 3, 1796. |
| Col. Commandant | | | |
|Charles Erskine |May 1, 1795 |March 13, 1807 |Died of wounds |
| | | | received in action |
| | | | near Alexandria, |
| | | | March 13, 1801. |
|James Robertson |Oct. 11, 1798 |Aug. 3, 1804 |Retired on Half-pay. |
|Alexander Napier |April 5, 1801 |Jan. 16, 1809 |Killed at Corunna, |
| | | | Jan. 16, 1809. |
|James Willoughby |Aug. 4, 1804 |June 13, 1808 |Quarter-Master |
| Gordon | | | General of the |
| | | | Forces, and promoted|
| | | | Lieut.-Col. |
| | | | Commandant of the |
| | | | Royal African Corps.|
|John Cameron |June 23, 1808 |June 16, 1815 |Killed at Quatre |
| | | | Bras. |
|John Lamont |Mar. 30, 1809 |Dec. 25, 1814 |Retired on Half-pay. |
|James Mitchell |June 13, 1815 |Sept. 1, 1819 |Retired. |
|Sir Frederick |Sept. 2, 1819 |Aug. 8, 1821 |Removed to the 90th |
| Stovin | | | Foot. |
|William Brydges |Aug. 9, 1821 |Oct. 3, 1821 |Exchanged to H. P. of|
| Neynoe | | | the 4th Foot. |
|David Williamson |Oct. 4, 1821 |Nov. 20, 1828 |Retired. |
|John Macdonald |Nov. 21, 1828 |Nov. 8, 1846 |Promoted Major- |
| | | | General, Nov. 9, |
| | | | 1846. |
|John Alex. Forbes |Nov. 9, 1846 |Nov. 22, 1849 |Retired. |
|Mark Kerr Atherley |Nov. 23, 1849 |Sept. 25, 1855 | |
|Geo. Edward Thorold|Sept. 25, 1855 |Nov. 10, 1856 |Retired on Half-pay; |
| | | | 42nd, July 23, 1857;|
| | | | retired on full-pay,|
| | | | March 16, 1858. |
| | | | See 42nd R. H. |
|Archibald Inglis |Dec. 26, 1857 |March 1865 |Retired. |
| Lockhart | | | |
|E. E. Haines |Mar. 4, 1865 |Sept. 1, 1865 |Retired. |
|Christian Monteith |Sept. 1, 1865 |Dec. 14, 1865 |Retired. |
| Hamilton | | | |
|Forbes M’Bean |Dec. 15, 1869 |Dec. 23, 1873 |Retired. |
|Arthur Wellington |Dec. 24, 1873 | | |
| Cameron | | | |
+-------------------+---------------+---------------+---------------------+
[Illustration: Crimea]
FOOTNOTES:
[560] His portrait is on the plate of colonels of the 91st, 92nd, and
93rd regiments.
[561] “Here the Lochaber men (raised by Captain Cameron) showed
at once the influence of that clan-feeling under which they had
consented to go to war. When it was proposed to draft them into the
separate divisions of grenadiers and light troops, they at once
declared that they would neither be separated from each other, nor
serve under any captain except Cameron, that they had followed him
as their leader, and him only they would serve. It required all his
persuasion to induce them to submit to the rules of the service;
but, assisted by his relative, Major Campbell of Auch,--a man of
weight and experience,--and promising that he himself would always
watch over their interests in whatever division they were ranked,
he prevailed on them to submit; and as we shall subsequently see,
none of them ever had cause to reproach him with forgetting his
pledge.” Memoir of Colonel Cameron, by Rev. A. Clerk.--When Huntly
first resolved to raise the regiment, he called on old Fassifern,
and offered to his son John a captain’s commission in it. Fassifern,
however, declined the gratifying offer on the ground that he was
unable to raise the number of men necessary to entitle his son to
such a rank; whereupon the marquis offered the captaincy without
any stipulation or condition, saying he would be glad to have John
Cameron as a captain in his regiment, though he brought not a single
recruit.
[562] Stewart.--The following extract from a letter from Moore to
Lt.-Col. Napier will explain the reason of this:--
“RICHMOND, _17th Nov. 1804_.
“MY DEAR NAPIER,-- ... My reason for troubling you for a drawing is
that, as a knight, I am entitled to supporters. I have chosen a light
infantry soldier for one, and a Highland soldier for the other, in
gratitude to and commemoration of two soldiers of the 92nd, who, in
action of the 2nd October, raised me from the ground when I was lying
on my face wounded and stunned (they must have thought me dead), and
helped me out of the field. As my senses were returning I heard one
of them say, ‘Here is the General, let us take him away,’ upon which
they stooped, and raised me by the arm. I never could discover who
they were; and, therefore, concluded they must have been killed. I
hope the 92nd will not have any objection--as I commanded them, and
as they rendered me such a service--to my taking one of the corps as
a supporter ... believe me, &c.,
“JOHN MOORE.”
[563] Cannon’s _Record of 92nd Regiment_.
[564] _Journal_, page 122.
[565] John Cameron was son of Ewen Cameron of Fassifern, a nephew
of the “Gentle Lochiel.” As we have seen, he entered the regiment
at its formation, and took part in most of its hard services. He
was universally beloved and respected, especially by the Highland
soldiers, in each man of whom he took the interest of a father, and
felt himself responsible for their welfare and good conduct. The
following account of his death is taken from his biography, written
by the Rev. Dr Archibald Clerk of Kilmallie:--“The regiment lined a
ditch in front of the Namur road. The Duke of Wellington happened to
be stationed among them. Colonel Cameron seeing the French advance
asked permission to charge them. The Duke replied, ‘Have patience,
you will have plenty of work by and by.’ As they took possession of
the farm-house Cameron again asked leave to charge, which was again
refused. At length, as they began to push on the Charleroi road, the
Duke exclaimed, ‘Now, Cameron, is your time, take care of the road.’
He instantly gave the spur to his horse, the regiment cleared the
ditch at a bound, charged, and rapidly drove back the French; but,
while doing so, their leader was mortally wounded. A shot fired from
the upper storey of the farm-house passed through his body, and his
horse, pierced by several bullets, fell under him. His men raised
a wild shout, rushed madly on the fated house, and, according to
all accounts, inflicted dread vengeance on its doomed occupants.
Ewen Macmillan (Cameron’s foster brother), who was ever near his
master and his friend, speedily gave such aid as he could. Carrying
him with the aid of another private beyond reach of the firing, he
procured a cart, whereon he laid him, carefully and tenderly propping
his head on a breast than which none was more faithful.” He was
carried to the village of Waterloo, and laid in a deserted house
by the roadside, stretched upon the floor. “He anxiously inquired
how the day had gone, and how his beloved Highlanders had acquitted
themselves. Hearing that, as usual, they had been victorious, he
said, ‘I die happy, and I trust my dear country will believe that I
have served her faithfully.’ ... Thus he met with a warrior’s death,
and more, with a Highland warrior’s death. His remains were hastily
interred in a green alley--_Allée verte_--on the Ghent road, under
the terrific storm of the 17th.” In the April of the following year
his remains were removed to Scotland, and from Leith conveyed in a
King’s ship to Lochaber, and committed to their final resting-place
in the churchyard of Kilmallie, where lie many chiefs of the Cameron
clan. His age was only 44 years. In honour of Cameron’s distinguished
service his father was created Baronet of Fassifern. A handsome
monument--an obelisk--was afterwards erected to Cameron at Kilmallie,
for which an inscription was written by Sir Walter Scott, who seems
to have had an intense admiration for the brave and chivalrous
Highland hero, and who, in his _Dance of Death_, speaks of him thus:--
“Through battle, rout, and reel,
Through storm of shot, and hedge of steel,
Led the grandson of Lochiel,
The valiant Fassifern.
Through steel and shot he leads no more,
Low laid ’mid friend’s and foemen’s gore;
But long his native lake’s wild shore,
And Sunart rough, and wild Ardgour,
And Morven long shall tell;
And proud Ben Nevis hear with awe,
How, at the bloody Quatre Bras,
Brave Cameron heard the wild hurrah
Of conquest as he fell.”
[566] Stewart.
[567] The regiment had arranged a grand New Year’s entertainment,
and the unfortunate men of these detachments, who had to march on
two hours’ notice, had to leave the dinner cooking. They turned out
as cheerfully as circumstances would permit, there being just enough
of grumbling to have made it very hot work for the Fenians had they
showed fight.
THE 93RD SUTHERLAND HIGHLANDERS.
I.
1800-1854.
Curious method of raising the regiment--Character of the men
--Guernsey--Ireland--Cape of Good Hope--Battle of Blauw-Berg--High
character of the regiment--A regimental church formed--Its
benevolence--England--America--New Orleans--Dreadful carnage
--Ireland--West Indies--Canterbury--Presentation of New Colours
by the Duke of Wellington--Weedon--The northern district--Ireland
--Canada--Stirling--Edinburgh--Glasgow--Aberdeen--Portsmouth
--Chobham--Devonport--War with Russia.
[Illustration:
CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.
ALMA.
BALAKLAVA.
SEVASTOPOL.
LUCKNOW.]
This, perhaps the most Highland of the Highland regiments, was raised
in the year 1800, letters of service having been granted for that
purpose to Major-General Wemyss of Wemyss,[568] who had previously
raised the Sutherland Fencibles, many of the men from which joined
the new regiment. The strength at first fixed upon was 600 men,
which number was in a short time raised, 460 being obtained from
Sutherland, and the remainder from Ross-shire and the adjoining
counties. The regiment was however, soon augmented to 1000 men, with
officers in proportion; and in 1811 it numbered 1049 officers and
men, of whom 1014 were Highlanders and Lowlanders, 17 Irish, and 18
English.
One striking peculiarity in the constitution of the 93rd consists in
its having probably furnished the last instance of the exercise of
the clan influence on a large scale in the Highlands. The original
levy was completed not by the ordinary modes of recruiting, but by a
process of conscription. A census having been made of the disposable
population on the extensive estates of the Countess of Sutherland,
her agents lost no time in requesting a certain proportion of the
able-bodied sons of the numerous tenantry to join the ranks of the
Sutherland regiment, as a test at once of duty to their chief and
their sovereign. The appeal was well responded to; and though there
was a little grumbling among the parents, the young men themselves
seem never to have questioned the right thus assumed over their
military services by their chief. In a very few months the regiment
was completed to its establishment.
As a crucial proof of the high character of the first levy for
the 93rd it may be stated, that until the final inspection of the
corps the recruits were never collected together. They were freely
permitted, after enrolling their names, to pursue their callings at
home, until it was announced in the various parish churches that
their presence was required, when a body of 600 men was assembled,
and marched, without a single absentee, to Inverness, where the
regiment was inspected by Major-General Leith Hay in August 1800.
During the sojourn of the regiment at Inverness there was no place of
confinement in connection with it, nor were any guards mounted, the
usual precautions necessary with soldiers being quite inapplicable to
the high-principled, self-respecting men of Sutherland. Many of the
non-commissioned officers and men were the children of respectable
farmers, and almost all of them of reputable parentage, the officers
being mostly well-known gentlemen connected with Ross and Sutherland.
Indeed, the regiment might be regarded as one large family, and a
healthy rivalry, and stimulus to the best behaviour was introduced
by classifying the different companies according to parishes. While
the characteristics referred to seem to have strongly marked the
Sutherland Highlanders, our readers will have seen that to a
greater or less degree they belonged to the original levies of all
the Highland regiments.
In Sept. 1800 the 93rd embarked at Fort George for Guernsey, where it
was for the first time armed and fully equipped, and where it made
rapid progress in military training.[569]
In February 1803 the 93rd was removed to Ireland, where it continued
till July 1805. While in Dublin, like most of the other Highland
regiments at one time or another in Ireland, it had to assist in
quelling an attempted insurrection, performing the disagreeable duty
kindly, but firmly and effectually.
In July 1805 the 93rd joined the armament against the Cape of Good
Hope, under Major-General Sir David Baird, referred to already in
connection with the 71st and 72nd, which took part in the expedition.
The expedition sailed early in August, and, after a boisterous
voyage, arrived and anchored in Table Bay on Jan. 4th, 1806. The
troops formed two brigades, one of which, consisting of the 24th,
38th, and 83rd regiments, was under the command of Brigadier-General
Beresford; the other, called the Highland brigade, comprehending the
71st, 72nd, and 93rd regiments, was commanded by Brigadier-General
Ronald C. Ferguson. On the 5th, General Beresford, who had been
detached to Saldanha Bay, in consequence of the violence of the
surf in Table Bay, effected a landing there without opposition;
and on the 6th the Highland brigade landed in Lospard Bay, after a
slight resistance from a small body of light troops stationed on the
adjoining heights. In landing, 35 men of the 93rd were drowned by the
upsetting of a boat in the surf, and Lt.-Colonel Pack of the 71st,
and a few men, were wounded.
Having landed his stores on the 7th, General Baird moved forward
the following day, and ascending the summit of the Blauw-Berg (Blue
Mountain), he found the enemy, to the number of about 5000 men, drawn
up in two lines on a plain, with twenty-three pieces of cannon.
Forming his troops quickly in two columns, he thereupon directed
Lt.-Colonel Joseph Baird, who commanded the first brigade, to move
with that brigade towards the right, while the Highland brigade,
which was thrown forward upon the high road, advanced against the
enemy. Apparently resolved to retain their position, the enemy opened
a heavy fire of grape, round shot, and musketry, which was kept up
warmly as the British approached, till General Ferguson gave the
word to charge. This order was obeyed with the accustomed alacrity
of the Highlanders, who rushed upon the enemy with such impetuosity
as at once to strike them with terror. After discharging the last
volley without aim or effect, the enemy turned and fled in great
confusion, leaving upwards of 600 men killed and wounded. The loss of
the British was only 16 men killed and 191 wounded. The 93rd had only
2 soldiers killed, and Lt.-Col. Honyman, Lts. Scobie and Strachan,
Ensigns Hedderick and Craig, 1 sergeant, 1 drummer, and 51 rank and
file wounded. After this victory the colony surrendered.
The Sutherland Highlanders remained in garrison at the Cape till
1814, when they embarked for England. During this long period
nothing occurred to vary the quiet and regular life of the regiment.
This life was, indeed, remarkably regular, even for a Scottish
regiment, and, we fear, would find no parallel in any corps of the
present time. The men, who were mostly actuated by genuine religious
principle, such principle as is the result of being brought up in a
pious Scottish family, conducted themselves in so sedate and orderly
a fashion, that during their stay at the Cape severe punishments in
their case were unnecessary, and so rare was the commission of crime,
that twelve and even fifteen months have been known to elapse without
a single court-martial being assembled for the trial of any soldier
of the 93rd. Moreover, as an emphatic compliment to the steadiness of
the men, their presence was generally dispensed with when the other
troops of the garrison were commanded to witness the infliction of
corporal punishment.
But the most remarkable proof of the intensity and genuineness of
the religious feeling in the regiment, as well as of its love of
all that was peculiar to their native land, remains to be told.
There being no divine service in the garrison except the customary
one of reading prayers to the troops on parade, these Sutherland
men, in addition to their stated meetings for reading the Bible and
for prayer, in 1808 formed a church among themselves, appointed
elders and other office-bearers, engaged and paid a stipend to a
minister of the Church of Scotland, and had divine service regularly
performed according to the forms of the Presbyterian Church. As a
memorial of this institution there still remains in possession of the
sergeants’ mess the plate used in the communion service, and until
recently there existed among the regimental records the regulations
intended for the government of its members. This establishment had
an excellent effect, not only on its immediate members, who numbered
several hundreds, but also upon those who made no pretence of being
guided by religious principle.
Such men were not likely to forget the claims of relationship and
benevolence, and indeed such was their frugality, that in addition
to their contributing to the support of their minister and to the
charitable funds formed in the regiment, the men were in the habit
of lodging in a trusted officer’s hands savings amounting to from
£5 to £50, until an opportunity occurred of forwarding the money
to their relatives at home; upon one occasion, in particular, £500
were remitted to Sutherland, exclusive of many minor sums sent home
through the post-office.
In the month of April 1814, the 93rd embarked for Europe, amid,
as may easily be believed, the general regret of the colony; it
landed at Plymouth on August 15th of the same year. Of the 1018
non-commissioned officers and men who disembarked, 977 were Scotch.
The regiment had not been many weeks at home when it was again
ordered on foreign service, this time, alas, of a much more
disastrous kind than that which it performed during its long stay
at the Cape. Although it had not the good fortune to take part in
the stormy events which were shortly to take place on the field of
Europe, and share in the glory accruing therefrom, yet the work
it was called upon to perform, so far as bravery, endurance, and
suffering are concerned, deserved as great a meed of praise as if it
had been performed on the field of Quatre Bras or Waterloo.
Early in September 1814,[570] the 93rd had received orders to
hold itself in readiness for immediate embarkation, and on the
16th it embarked in three divisions as part of the armament under
Major-General Sir John Keane, destined to operate in North America;
for at this time, unfortunately, Britain was at war with the United
States. The fleet sailed on the 18th, and on November 23rd, joined,
at Jamaica, the squadron under Vice-Admiral the Honourable Alexander
Cochrane.
The united forces, the command of which was now assumed by General
Keane, amounted to 5400 men. With this force he sailed from Jamaica
on the 27th of November, and on December 13th landed near Cat Island,
at the entrance of a chain of lakes leading to New Orleans. On the
23rd the troops landed without opposition at the head of the Bayonne;
but were attacked on the following night by a large body of infantry,
supported by a strong corps of artillery. After a spirited contest
the enemy were repulsed with loss. On the 27th, Major-General the
Honourable Sir Edward Pakenham, who had arrived and assumed the
command of the army on the 25th, moved the troops forward in two
columns, and took up a position within six miles of New Orleans,
in front of the enemy’s lines. The position of the Americans was
particularly favourable, having a morass and a thick wood on their
left, the Mississippi on their right, and a deep and broad ditch in
front, bounded by a parapet and breast-works, extending in a direct
line about a thousand yards, and mounted with artillery, and a
flanking battery on the right bank of the river.
For several hours on the 28th, the force was kept in front of these
works, under insufficient shelter, and, allowed neither to advance
nor retire, suffered considerable loss from the storm of shot and
shell poured upon it; the 93rd lost 3 men killed and several were
wounded. On the three following days, the 93rd, as did every other
corps, lost several men in their encampment, from the guns of
the enemy, which were placed in battery on the right bank of the
Mississippi. We shall give the rest of this narrative in the words of
the well-kept Record-Book of the regiment, which, we believe, quotes
from the journal kept by Captain Charles Gordon, one of the early
officers of the 93rd.
On the 1st of January 1815, long before daybreak, the army was in
motion, and placed in position similar, but closer to the American
lines than on the 28th of December. Forming in close column of
regiments, the troops were ordered to lie down and wait for the
favourable issue of the British batteries against the enemy’s works,
the former opening with a brisk fire at daylight, but unfortunately
all in vain. After a cannonade of several hours, the greater part of
the guns were silenced and dismounted, and after a harassing day,
the army was ordered to retire to its former bivouac. The 93rd lost
1 subaltern, 1 sergeant, and 6 rank and file killed, and several
wounded.
Nothing was done for the next few days, though the army underwent
great fatigue in the carriage of guns, stores, &c., and were
continually annoyed by the batteries of the enemy on the opposite
side of the Mississippi. On the afternoon of the 7th, the army had
its hopes again raised by the orders issued for a general attack on
the following morning, but, in the words of Captain Gordon, “as this
expedition commenced, so did it terminate, in disappointment--utter
disappointment and calamity.”
On the 8th of January the main body of the 93rd, flushed with the
hope of measuring bayonets with their hitherto concealed opponents,
advanced in compact close column towards the centre of the American
lines, from which poured a tremendous fire of grape and musketry
(including buckshot); but its patience and discipline were again put
to the test when within about 80 yards of the enemy’s breastworks,
by an order to halt. In this unenviable position, without permission
or even power to fire with any effect whatever, with nothing visible
but the murderous muzzles of thousands of American rifles, only the
tops of the men’s caps being seen as they loaded and fired resting
upon their parapets, a staff-officer was heard to exclaim as he
hurriedly came up and rode away,--“93rd, have a little patience and
you shall have your revenge.” But, alas! it was decreed otherwise;
the regiment continued in its fatal position without receiving any
further orders, officers and men being mowed down in all directions,
until Sir John Lambert, the senior surviving general officer,
thought it advisable to order the army to retire. In this most
disastrous affair, action it could not well be termed, the regiment
was dreadfully cut up.
The following is a list of the killed and wounded in this sadly
mismanaged affair, in which the gallant 93rd probably lost more
officers and men in a few hours than it did throughout the whole of
the Indian Mutiny campaign, in which, as will be seen, it had perhaps
hotter work to do than ever fell to the lot of any single regiment.
The killed were Lt.-Col. Dale, commanding the 93rd, Captains Hitchins
and Muirhead, Lieutenants Munro and Phaup (both prisoners, who died
of their wounds), Volunteer Johnston, 4 sergeants, 1 drummer, and 115
rank and file, including those who died next day of their wounds.
There were wounded, Captains Ryan, Boulger, M’Kenzie, and Ellis;
Lieuts. John M’Donald, Gordon, Hay, Graves, M’Lean, Spark, and D.
M’Pherson, Volunteer John Wilson, 17 sergeants, 3 drummers, and
348 rank and file. It is sad to think that neither gain nor glory
resulted from this dreadful carnage.
The army having re-embarked, the fleet weighed anchor again on
the 7th of February, and made for the mouth of the Bay of Mobile,
where the greater part of the army disembarked on the Dauphin Isle.
Preparations were here being made to attack the fortified town of
Mobile, when news arrived that preliminaries of peace had been signed
between Great Britain and the United States. After being encamped
about six weeks, the army was ordered to embark for Europe. The 93rd,
at least the fragment left of it, arrived at Spithead on the 15th of
May 1815, and being in too weak a state to take part in the stirring
events taking place on the Continent, it was ordered to Ireland,
disembarking at Cork on the 28th of May, and proceeding to Birr
Barracks.
The second battalion having been disbanded at Sunderland, the
ranks of the first battalion were filled up by a large draft of
non-commissioned officers and privates from the former. As the
history of the regiment is comparatively uneventful up to the time
of the Crimean War and Indian Mutiny, we shall rapidly run over its
movements previous to these stirring periods.
The 93rd appears to have moved about successively from Birr to
Athlone, Nenagh, and Limerick, sending out numerous detachments, and
in June 1818, to have proceeded to Dublin, where it remained till the
following May (1819). On leaving Dublin, it was again detached to
the southern counties, where it was frequently called upon to perform
the most delicate and harassing duties.
Between the 3rd and 8th of November 1823, the regiment embarked at
the Cove of Cork in four transports for the West Indies, without
having lost a single man by desertion. It may be taken as a proof of
the continued good conduct of the regiment during the eight years it
was stationed in Ireland, that Lieutenant-General Lord Combermere, in
his general order issued on its departure, stated that
“No regiment in the service stands in greater estimation, or has
been more conspicuous for its discipline and soldier-like conduct,
than the 93rd.”
Only one detachment proceeded to Demerara, the others being landed at
Barbados in December 1823; the former, however, shortly afterwards
joined the latter. The regiment remained in garrison at Barbados
till the month of February 1826, when it was removed to Antigua
and St Christopher, sending a detachment from the former island to
Montserrat. These stations the 93rd occupied till February 1830,
when it was removed to St Lucia and Dominica, where it remained till
January 1832, when all the service companies were again collected
together at Barbados, where they were stationed for upwards of
two years longer. After having spent ten and a half years in the
Windward and Leeward Island, the regiment embarked for England in two
detachments on the 26th of March and the 3rd of April 1834, leaving
behind it 117 of its men as volunteers to other regiments. On its
arrival at Spithead on the 6th of May, the strength of the regiment
was only 371, having been thus reduced by death, the discharge of
invalids, and volunteers to other corps. The proportions of deaths
in the regiment, however, while stationed in the West Indies, was
considerably below that of other regiments.
It was originally intended that the regiment should proceed at
once to Scotland, where it had not been quartered since its first
formation; but on account of the serious demonstrations that were
made by the populace in London about the period of the regiment’s
return to England, it was deemed expedient to draw as many troops
as possible around the capital. The 93rd was consequently sent to
Canterbury, where it arrived on the 8th of May 1834, and where it was
shortly afterwards joined by the depôt companies from Scotland.
During the stay of the Sutherland Highlanders in Canterbury, the most
notable incident in its history was the presentation of new colours
to the regiment by his Grace the Duke of Wellington, an event which
seems even now to be looked back upon as marking a red-letter day in
the calendar of the 93rd. The presentation took place on the 7th of
October 1834, and immense preparations were made for the ceremony.
The day fortunately turned out particularly favourable, and not fewer
than 10,000 persons must have turned out to witness the presentation,
including many of the nobility and gentry of the county. We regret
that space forbids us entering into details, or giving at length
the wise and stirring address of the “Great Duke.” Suffice it to
say, that after referring to the past achievements of the 93rd, and
of the soldier-like appearance and orderly conduct of individuals
of the regiment who had attracted his attention in passing through
the town, he urged upon officers and men, as the result of his long
and valuable experience, the inestimable value of discipline in
maintaining the efficiency of a regiment, without which no amount of
personal valour would be of avail.
“I have passed,” the Duke said, “the best years of my life in
the barracks and the camps of the troops. The necessities of the
service and my duty have compelled me to study the dispositions and
the wants of the soldiers, and to provide for them. And again I
repeat to you, enforce the observance of the rules of discipline,
subordination, and good order, if you mean to be efficient, to
render service to the public, to be respectable in the eyes of the
military world as a military body, to be respected by the community,
to be comfortable and happy among yourselves, and, above all, if you
mean to defend to the last your colours which I have presented to
you, the person of your sovereign, and the institutions, dominions,
and rights of your country, and to promote its glory (as your
predecessors have in this same regiment), by your actions.”
Lt.-Col. M’Gregor having replied in feeling and most appropriate
terms, the regiment performed several evolutions before the Duke,
who expressed his approbation of the soldier-like appearance of
the men, and of their steadiness under arms. The rest of the day,
both by officers and men, was given up to festivity and rejoicing.
The officers entertained the Duke and upwards of 200 guests at a
magnificent banquet in the mess-room, which had been ingeniously
enlarged for the occasion. On the opposite side of the barrack-yard
tables were laid for nearly 700, including the non-commissioned
officers, privates, their wives and children, who enjoyed an
excellent dinner of roast beef and plum-pudding, with an allowance
of beer, given by the amiable and benevolent lady of Col. M’Gregor.
It was altogether a proud day for the Sutherland Highlanders. The
whole terminated with the greatest good humour and conviviality. The
soldiers continued to enjoy themselves to a late hour, dancing their
native dances to their national music.
[Illustration: Lieutenant-Colonel (now General) Sir Duncan M’Gregor,
K.C.B.
From a painting in possession of the 93rd.]
A few days after this memorable occasion, the regiment left
Canterbury for Weedon, in Northamptonshire, where it was stationed
till the spring of the following year (1835), detaching three
companies to Newcastle-under-Lyme. In the end of May 1835, the 93rd
left Weedon for the northern district of England, headquarters being
stationed at Blackburn, and detachments at Bolton, Rochdale, Burnley,
and Nottingham. In the following September headquarters was removed
to Liverpool, and the other companies to Haydock Lodge, Wigan, and
Chester Castle. The whole regiment was collected at Liverpool in
October, on the 27th and 29th of which month it embarked in two
detachments for Dublin. Here the 93rd remained till October 1836,
when it was removed to Newry; after being stationed at which town
for upwards of a year, it was removed, in the end of November and
beginning of December 1837, to Cork, preparatory to its embarkation
for Canada, to quell the serious insurrection which was threatening
the British power in that colony.
The 93rd in two divisions, under Lt.-Col. M’Gregor and Major Arthur,
sailed from Cork on the 6th and 23d of January 1838 respectively. The
division under Major Arthur reached Halifax on the 29th of January;
but that under Lt.-Col. M’Gregor met with so boisterous a passage,
that it did not reach its destination till the 5th of March. On
the following day the two divisions were reunited at Halifax. It
is unnecessary to follow the various and complicated movements of
the regiment during the suppression of the Canadian rebellion, more
especially as it never had a chance of coming into contact with the
rebels, except at Prescott, on the 16th of November 1838, when it was
present at the attack and capture of the brigands in the Windmill, in
which affair it suffered no casualties. The 93rd, in the performance
of its duties at this period, was often much divided, and frequently
had to endure great hardships in its movements about the country.
No. 4 company was, throughout the whole rebellion, in the Lower
Provinces, attached to the 71st Highland Light Infantry.
The regiment was re-united at Toronto on the 28th of November, and
the women, children, and baggage arrived on the 13th of December,
just before the closing of the navigation. On the 4th of the latter
month Lt.-Col. Spark arrived at Toronto, and assumed the command of
the regiment, in succession to Lt.-Col. M’Gregor.
The 93d remained at Toronto till the 17th of June 1843, with the
exception of one year--from May 1840 till May 1841--when it was
stationed at Drummondsville, Falls of Niagara. It is scarcely
necessary to say that, during this time, as always indeed, the
Sutherland Highlanders received the unqualified approbation of the
officers whose duty it was to inspect it.
“This fine regiment still continues,” to use the words of an order
issuing from the Horse Guards, in December 1842, “to maintain
its character for comparative sobriety and good order amidst the
dissipation with which it appears to be surrounded; and that it is
as remarkable for its splendid appearance in the field, and the
correctness of its evolutions, as for the quiet and orderly habits
of its men in their quarters.”
On leaving Toronto, in May 1845, the 93rd went to Montreal, a wing
which was sent to Kingston in the previous June joining headquarters
there. On this wing leaving Canada West, Major-General Sir Richard
Armstrong issued an order, in which he spoke of the appearance
(“superb,” he called it) and conduct of the regiment in the highest
possible terms.
The 93rd continued for other four years in Canada, leaving Montreal
in July 1846--the same month that the regiment received its first
supply of percussion muskets--for Quebec, where it remained till
August 1, 1848, when it embarked for home, after an absence of more
than ten years. On the arrival of the “Resistance” at Portsmouth,
it was ordered to proceed to Leith, where it arrived on the 30th of
August. The regiment disembarked next day, and proceeded to Stirling
Castle, where, in a few weeks, it was joined by the dépôt companies.
During its stay at Stirling detachments were sent to Perth and
Dundee, and the regiment was twice selected to furnish a guard of
honour for her Majesty the Queen,--in the summer of 1849, during her
stay at Balmoral, and in August of the same year, when Her Majesty
paid a visit to Glasgow.
The 93rd remained at Stirling till April 5, 1850, when it was removed
to Edinburgh, where it was stationed for only one year, during which
it again furnished a guard of honour to Ballater, as well as to
Holyrood, during her Majesty’s stay at that historical palace. From
Edinburgh the regiment went to Glasgow, on the 15th of April 1851,
and on the 23rd of the following February removed to Weedon. The 93rd
remained at Weedon for only six months, proceeding, on the 11th of
August and two following days, to Portsmouth, where it occupied the
Anglesea Barracks. After a stay at Portsmouth of about ten months,
the 93rd, on June 14, 1853, proceeded to Chobham Common, to form part
of a force which was encamped there under the command of General
Lord Seaton, C.B., for the purpose of manœuvring. On leaving Cobham,
on July 15, the regiment proceeded to Devonport, part of it being
stationed at Dartmoor Prison, and another part at Millbay, Plymouth.
We should mention here that, on Nov. 30, 1852, died Lt.-General
William Wemyss, who for two years had been colonel of the regiment,
and who from infancy had been associated with it, his father having
been Major-General Wemyss, who raised the Sutherland Highlanders.
Lt.-General Wemyss had all along taken an intense interest in the
regiment, in which he had been almost born. He was succeeded in the
colonelcy by Major-General Edward Parkinson, C.B.
Once more had the war-trumpet sounded, calling the nations of Europe
to take sides and do battle with each other, after a long, long rest.
The Sutherland Highlanders were destined to have their own share in
the struggle, being one of the first Highland regiments selected to
meet the Russians in the East. In connection with the 42nd and 79th,
the other two regiments of the famous Highland Brigade, we have
given some general details of the movements of the army in the East,
and especially in the Crimea, that we shall confine ourselves here
strictly to the work of the 93rd, more especially so as, before it
could again lay down its arms and take breath, it had harder, if not
bloodier, work to perform than has fallen to its lot since it was
first embodied. In the Indian mutiny the Sutherland Highlanders had
a magnificent opportunity (perhaps their first real one) of showing
what sort of stuff they were made of. How gloriously they came out of
their trial will be seen in the sequel.
II.
1854-1857.
Embarks for the East--Gallipoli--Scutari--Varna--Sickness and
cholera--Crimea--Battle of the Alma--Sebastopol--Balaklava--Battle
of Balaclava--The “Thin Red Streak”--Heavy duties--Discomforts
--Terrible hurricane--Disease--Kertch--First assault on Sebastopol
--Second assault--Evacuation of Sebastopol--Exploit of Lt. M’Bean
--Return home--Aldershot--Visited by the Queen--Dover--Presentation
of Colours by H.R.H. the Duke of Cambridge--Embarkation for China
--Destination changed for India--The Indian Mutiny--Lands at
Calcutta.
On the 12th of February 1854, orders were received to prepare for
embarkation on active service; and as the establishment of the
regiment was on the peace footing, it received 170 volunteers from
the 42nd and 79th, including a few men from the dépôt battalion.
On the 27th of February, when the regiment embarked at Plymouth,
it consisted of 1 lieut.-colonel (Ainslie), 2 majors, 8 captains,
9 lieutenants, 7 ensigns, and 6 staff officers, 41 sergeants, 20
drummers, and 850 rank and file. After it had been in the East for
a few months, this establishment was considerably increased. After
staying at Malta for a few weeks, the regiment, on the 6th of April,
sailed for Gallipoli, where it encamped, and where it had the first
taste of official mismanagement in the shape of miserably inadequate
rations. The 93rd stayed at Gallipoli, part of the time engaged in
throwing up entrenchments, till May 6th, when it was removed to
Scutari, where it had the misfortune to lose Lieut. M’Nish, who was
drowned in a swollen stream.
After a few weeks’ stay at Scutari, the 93rd was sent, on the 13th
of June, to Varna, in the neighbourhood of which it remained till
it embarked for the Crimea, along with the rest of the allied army,
and where, in common with many other regiments, it suffered severely
from sickness, cholera here first making its appearance. From this
cause the regiment lost, while at Varna, 21 men and 1 officer (Lieut.
Turner). From this and other causes, a general depression of spirits
prevailed in the brigade; for the 93rd had been joined by the 42nd
and 79th. This temporary feeling, however, rapidly disappeared when
it became certainly known, towards the end of August, that active
operations were about to take place in the Crimea.
When, on the 31st of August, the 93rd was transferred to the
transports in which it was to be taken to the Crimea, it numbered
792 officers and men; 102 non-commissioned officers and men, and 20
soldiers’ wives being left behind at Varna, with most of the baggage,
under Ensign M’Bean. The landing of the armies at Old Fort, Kalamita
Bay, has been already described in connection with the 42nd,[571] as
well as what happened until the allied army came face to face with
the Russians entrenched on the left bank of the Alma.
We should mention here, that at the time of landing in the Crimea the
general health of the regiment was much impaired by the sickness and
exposure it had been subjected to while in Bulgaria: on the passage
to the Crimea it lost several men from cholera. Its first night in
the Crimea gave the 93rd a taste of the hardships and privations
which it, like other British regiments, was destined to undergo. It
passed the night, a very tempestuous and wet one, without shelter of
any kind.
On the 19th of Sept. the allied armies commenced their march towards
Sebastopol, over an undulating plain, the English being on the left,
the post of danger, as Kinglake so forcibly points out, the French
in the centre, and the Turks on the right, close to the sea. As our
readers know, the 93rd, along with the 42nd and 79th, formed the
Highland brigade, under Sir Colin Campbell, which, with the Guards,
constituted the First Division under H.R.H. the Duke of Cambridge.
After bivouacking near the small stream Boolganak, where the first
brush with the enemy occurred, the 93rd, with the rest of the army,
advanced, about mid-day on the 20th, towards the river Alma, on the
left bank of which the Russians had already been descried, entrenched
on formidable-looking and strongly-fortified heights. On coming to
within a short distance of the river, the English army deployed
into line successively of divisions. The First Division thus became
the second line, the Light Division forming the first. The Highland
brigade formed the extreme left of the allied army, and was thus
opposed to the Russian right, the 93rd being in the centre of the
brigade, having the 42nd on the right, and the 79th on the left. Full
general details of the advance will be found in the history of the
42nd,[572] and here we shall confine ourselves to the work of the
93rd.
The battle commenced about half-past one P.M. After the Light and
Second Divisions had crossed the river, the First Division advanced,
the Guards in front, and the three Highland regiments on the left in
échelon. The latter, after advancing a short distance under heavy
fire, were ordered to lie down in rear of the wall of a vineyard.
After remaining there for a few minutes, the order to advance was
again given, and was promptly complied with, the Highland regiments,
led by their brigadier, the gallant and much-beloved Sir Colin
Campbell, pushing through a vineyard into and across the river, the
water in many places coming up to the men’s waists. After a momentary
delay in reforming, the three regiments advanced up the hill, in
échelon, the 42nd leading on the right, the 93rd close behind on the
left. The hill was steep, and the fire from the battery in front of
the enemy’s battalions very severe. Yet the Highlanders continued to
advance for nearly a mile without firing a shot, though numerous gaps
in their ranks showed that that of the enemy was doing its work. A
short distance above the river, the 93rd passed the 77th regiment,
part of the Light Division, halted in line, and thus found itself
immediately opposed to the enemy. Having nearly gained the summit of
the heights, the regiment opened a brisk fire upon the battalions
immediately in its front, accompanied by a hearty Highland cheer as
it still advanced. After a hesitating delay of a few minutes the
enemy fell back, and commenced their retreat in great confusion,
suffering fearfully from the destructive volleys of the newly-tried
Minie. The command was then given to halt, a brisk fire being kept up
until the enemy had fled out of range; and in less than an hour from
this time no vestige of the Russian army remained in sight but the
dead and wounded.
The 93rd in this battle lost 1 officer (Lieut. Abercromby), 1
sergeant, and 4 rank and file killed; 2 sergeants and 40 rank and
file wounded.
After a halt to bury the dead and look after the wounded, the
army continued its march in the direction of Sebastopol, reaching
Balaklava on the 26th, where it bivouacked for the night. The 93rd
was at first posted before the village of Kadikoi, at the entrance of
the gorge leading to Balaklava, partly to protect the position, but
principally for the purpose of being employed in fatigue duty. It was
only on the 3rd of Oct. that a few tents, barely sufficient to hold
the half of the men, were issued to the regiment. On the 6th of the
same month the 93rd had to deplore the loss from cholera of Major
Robert Murray Banner, an officer universally beloved and respected.
On the 13th of October a large force of the enemy having concentrated
in the valleys of Baidar and the Tchernaya, and threatening
Balaklava, Sir Colin Campbell was sent down by Lord Raglan to assume
command of the troops in Balaklava. He immediately ordered a force
of 331 officers and men of the 93rd, under Major Charles Henry
Gordon, to proceed to the heights eastward of Balaklava to assist in
intrenching and strengthening the position there already occupied by
the marines. Below these heights, eastward of Balaklava, and on the
western heights, a number of intrenched batteries had been raised, to
command the approaches to Balaklava. Each of these was manned by a
force of about 250 Turks, and they formed a sort of semicircle, being
numbered from the eastward from No. 1 to 6.
About 7 o’clock on the morning of Oct. 25th, a large force of the
enemy debouched from the direction of the Tchernaya and Baidar
valleys, and attacked the Turkish redoubts with a large body of
skirmishers and artillery. The British force, which had been under
arms since before daylight, consisted of about 800 marines on the
heights, with the detachment of the 93rd under Major Gordon. The main
body of the regiment under Lt.-Col. Ainslie, was drawn up in line
on a small hill in front of its encampment, covering the approach
to Balaklava from the plain, having some Turkish regiments on the
right and left; and on the left front the brigades of light and
heavy cavalry were drawn up in columns. The action commenced by the
Russians concentrating a severe fire of artillery upon No. 1, the
eastward redoubt, from which, after a short resistance, the Turks
were dislodged, and the redoubt, containing three guns, was captured
by the enemy. In obedience to an order previously received in case of
such a casualty, Major Gordon with his detachment at once proceeded
to join Lt.-Col. Ainslie in the plain, a distance of about two miles.
The capture of No. 1 redoubt was speedily followed by that of Nos.
2 and 3, when the Russians commenced a severe fire upon the flying
Turks. The 93rd, now joined by the detachment from the heights, was
directed to advance, covered by the light company, and throwing
forward the left. The enemy then opened upon the regiment with round
shot and shell from the redoubts from which they had driven the
Turks. This caused some casualties, and the 93rd was ordered by Sir
Colin Campbell--who at the moment may be said to have commanded in
person--to retire under cover of a small rising ground immediately
in the rear, where the regiment remained for a short time lying down
under a fire of artillery, till a large body of cavalry appeared on
the opposite side of the plain, about 1000 yards in front. The order
was then given to the regiment, which was in line, to advance a short
distance to the summit of the rising ground in front, and to commence
firing upon the cavalry, which were bearing down upon it at a rapidly
increasing gallop. To quote the words of Dr Russell, the well-known
_Times’_ correspondent, who witnessed the action:--
“The Russians in one grand line charged in towards Balaklava. The
ground flies beneath their horses’ feet; gathering speed at every
stride, they dash on towards that thin red streak tipped with a
line of steel. The Turks fire a volley at 800 yards and miss; as
the Russians came within 600 yards, down goes that line of steel in
front, and out rings a volley of Minie musketry. The distance is too
great, the Russians are not checked, but still sweep onwards through
the smoke with the whole force of horse and man, here and there
knocked over by the shot of our batteries alone. With breathless
suspense every one awaits the bursting of the wave upon the line
of Gaelic rock; but ere they came within 200 yards, another deadly
volley flashes from the levelled rifle, and carries terror into the
Russians. They wheel about, open files right and left, and fly back
faster than they came. ‘Brave Highlanders! Well done,’ shout the
spectators. But events thicken, the Highlanders and their splendid
front are soon forgotten. Men scarcely have a moment to think of
this fact, that the 93rd never altered their formation to receive
that tide of horsemen. ‘No,’ said Sir Colin Campbell, ‘I did not
think it worth while to form them even four deep.’ The ordinary
British line, two deep, was quite sufficient to repel the attack of
these Muscovite cavaliers.”
Another attack by the Russians was gallantly repulsed by the heavy
cavalry, and about 10 o’clock A.M. the Guards, along with the 42nd
and 79th Highlanders, came up under H.R.H. the Duke of Cambridge.
It was about this time that the heroic but disastrous charge of the
light cavalry under Lord Cardigan took place, after which the First
and Fourth Divisions advanced, the enemy retiring and concentrating
on Nos. 1 and 3 redoubts. At nightfall the First and Fourth Divisions
returned to their position before Sebastopol, the 42nd and 79th
remaining behind at Balaklava. In this engagement the 93rd had only
2 privates wounded. The Russian force was estimated at about 18
battalions of infantry, with from 30 to 40 guns, and a large body of
cavalry.
Sir Colin Campbell in his despatch drew Lord Raglan’s special
attention to the gallantry and eagerness of the 93rd under Lt.-Col.
Ainslie, and Lord Raglan in his despatch to the Duke of Newcastle
spoke in high terms of the conduct of “that distinguished regiment.”
After this the 93rd, along with the rest of the Highland brigade, had
heavy duties to perform in intrenching the position at Balaklava; and
now that the weather began to break, and the clothes of the men were
in tatters, and the accommodation afforded by the tents miserably
insufficient, their condition was wretched indeed. The climax came
on the 14th of Nov., when the ever-memorable hurricane swept almost
every kind of shelter off the face of the ground, and tore the
tents to rags, leaving the poor soldiers completely exposed to its
violence. All this, combined with the wretched and insufficient
food, soon told sadly on the health of the soldiers. It was only in
the spring of 1855 that anything was done to remedy this state of
matters. With the erection of huts, and the arrival of good weather,
the health of the regiment began to improve. Meantime, from Oct. 1854
to March 1855, nearly the whole regiment must have, at one time or
other, been on the sick list, and nearly 100 died from disease. Among
the latter was Lt. Kirby, who arrived in the Crimea on Dec. 2nd, and
died on Feb. 15th following. We may also mention here the deaths of
Lt. James Wemyss, of cholera, on June 13, and that of Lt. Ball, of
fever, on June 18.
It is unnecessary to enter into the details of the siege of
Sebastopol, in which the 93rd, like all the other regiments in the
Crimea, had to do its share of harassing and dangerous duty. The
regiment took part in the expedition by the Straits of Yenikale
to Kertch in the end of May and beginning of June, returning to
Balaklava on the 14th of the latter month. In the first assault
on Sebastopol on June 18th, 1855, the 93rd, with the rest of
its division under Sir Colin Campbell, held a position close to
the Woronzoff Road, in rear of the 21 gun battery, ready to act
as circumstances might require. This attack, as is known, was
unsuccessful; and from the 18th of June to the 22nd of August, the
duties in the trenches of the right attack were entirely performed by
the First, Second, and Light Divisions alternately, and during this
period the 93rd sustained a loss of 6 killed and 57 wounded, several
of the latter dying of their wounds. On the night of the 6th of
August Bt.-Major J. Anstruther M’Gowan of the 93rd was unfortunately
severely wounded and taken prisoner, while visiting some sentries
posted in front of the advanced trench right attack. It was a
considerable time after his capture that it was ascertained that
Major M’Gowan had died of his wounds on August 14th at Simpheropol.
Lt.-Col. Ainslie was compelled twice to proceed on sick leave;
first on the 28th of June, when Major Ewart assumed command of the
regiment, and again on August 17th, when Lt.-Col. Leith Hay occupied
his place. We may state here that Lt.-Col. Ainslie did not return to
the regiment, retiring on Jan. 25th, 1856, when he was succeeded by
Lt.-Col. Leith Hay.
On the 8th of Sept. the second grand assault upon Sebastopol took
place, and early in the morning of that day the whole of the Highland
brigade marched from Kamara to their old encampment on the heights
before Sebastopol, where the knapsacks were deposited. The brigade
then proceeded at once to the trenches of the right attack, remaining
in support during the attack, in which, however, the Highlanders took
no part. The assault on the Redan having again failed, the Highland
brigade was pushed on to occupy the advanced trenches of the right
attack, remaining there during the night, ready to repel any sortie
that might be made. On the 9th it was the intention again to assault
the Redan, the four Highland regiments to form the storming party;
but on the night of the 8th the Russians evacuated the south side of
Sebastopol, and the brigade in consequence returned to Kamara on the
evening of the 9th.
A circumstance connected with the evacuation of Sebastopol should
be mentioned. About midnight on the 8th, the Russian fire having
previously ceased, and everything appearing unusually quiet, Lt.
W. M’Bean, the adjutant of the 93rd, left the advanced trench and
approaching the Redan, was struck with the idea that it was deserted
by the Russians. He accordingly gallantly volunteered to enter it,
which he did with a party of 10 volunteers of the light company,
under Lt. Fenwick, and a like number of the 72nd, under Capt. Rice;
they found no one in the Redan but the dead and wounded left after
the assault. The party, however, had a narrow escape, as an explosion
took place in the Redan shortly after.
The loss of the 93rd on the 8th of Sept. was 2 rank and file killed
and 7 wounded.
During the winter of 1855-56, the regiment was employed in erecting
huts, making roads, draining camps, and latterly in brigade drill and
target practice with the Enfield rifle, which had been issued to the
regiment in Sept. 1855; the health of the battalion was very good.
During its stay in the Crimea, 158 non-commissioned officers
and privates were invalided to England; 11 officers and 323
non-commissioned officers and privates were either killed in action
or died of wounds or disease; and 92 non-commissioned officers and
privates were wounded.
The 93rd left the Crimea on June 16th, 1856, and arrived at
Portsmouth on July 15th, proceeding to Aldershot on the same day.
Next day the regiment was inspected by The Queen, who walked down
the line accompanied by Prince Albert and a numerous staff, minutely
noticing everything, and asking many questions regarding the welfare
of the corps. Again, on the 18th, Her Majesty, attended by the
Princess Royal, visited the huts of the regiment, several of which
she was pleased to enter; she also tasted the rations prepared for
the dinners of the men.
As the next episode in the history of the Sutherland Highlanders is
the most important in its career, as they had, in the Indian Mutiny,
an opportunity of showing what mettle they were made of, such as
they never had since their embodiment, we feel bound to give it
considerable prominence, and must therefore pass briefly over events
both before and after.
On the 23rd of July the regiment left Aldershot for Dover, where
shortly after it was joined by the depôts from Malta (under Bt.
Lt.-Col. Gordon), and from Dundee, under Captain Middleton. On Jan.
31st, 1857, orders were received for the 93rd to hold itself in
readiness for immediate embarkation for India, on which occasion it
received 201 volunteers from the 42nd, 72nd, 79th, and 92nd. On the
6th of March, however, orders were received that the 93rd hold itself
in immediate readiness for embarkation for China, and a few days
after, Lt.-Col. the Hon. Adrian Hope was brought in from half-pay as
second lieutenant-colonel.
[Illustration: Lieutenant-Colonel the Hon. Adrian Hope.
From a photograph.]
On the 22nd May, H.R.H. the Duke of Cambridge was graciously pleased
to present new colours to the 93rd, in lieu of the now tattered
ensigns that, twenty-three years before, had been presented at
Canterbury by the Duke of Wellington. After the usual ceremony,
H.R.H. made an appropriate address, in which he expressed his
confidence that, should the services of the 93rd be required, it
would guard the new colours with the same zealous feeling of honour
and nobleness of conduct as it displayed in the late campaign.
By the 25th of May all the service companies were collected at
Portsmouth, one depôt company being left behind at Dover, under
Captain Brown. On the 1st of June, Nos. 3, 7, and 8 companies, under
Lt.-Col. Hope, proceeded to Plymouth, and embarked on board H.M.’s
ship “Belleisle” for China, sailing on the 3rd of June.
On the 4th of June the remaining service companies, under Lt.-Col.
Leith Hay, proceeded to the Clarence dockyard, Gosport, where, drawn
up in line, they received Her Majesty on her landing from the Isle of
Wight. After a royal salute, Her Majesty was pleased to walk down the
whole line, minutely inspecting every man. The regiment then marched
in slow and quick time past the Queen, who expressed to Lt.-Col.
Leith Hay how much pleased she was with its appearance.
On the 16th of June, the grenadiers, Nos. 1, 2, 4, and 6, and
light companies, with part of No. 5, embarked on board the s.s.
“Mauritius,” and sailed the following morning for China, under
Lt.-Col. Leith Hay. The remainder of No. 5 company followed with
the next transport. The strength of the regiment on embarkation for
China was 52 officers and 1069 non-commissioned officers and men.
The “Mauritius” entered Simon’s Bay, Cape of Good Hope, where she
found the “Belleisle” at anchor. Here Lt.-Col. Hope conveyed to the
detachment on board the “Mauritius” the startling intelligence of the
mutiny of the Bengal Native Army, and that orders had been received
for the 93rd to proceed with all possible despatch to Calcutta,
instead of China. The “Mauritius” anchored in the Hooghly, opposite
Fort William, on the 20th of Sept. 1857, the anniversary of the
battle of the Alma, and the 93rd was welcomed by its old brigadier,
the newly appointed Commander-in-Chief, Sir Colin Campbell. The
detachment under Lt.-Col. Adrian Hope did not arrive until the 26th.
III.
1857-1875.
On the road to Cawnpoor--Engagement near Futtehpoor--Attack on
Buntara--Force assembled on the Plain of the Alum Bagh--Sir Colin
Campbell’s address to 93rd--Disposition of the force--on the
road to Lucknow--Lucknow--The Dilkoosha--The Martinière--Banks’s
Bungalow--The Secunder Bagh--A terrible fight--Capt. Stewart--The
Shah Nujeef--Adrian Hope’s last effort--Sergeant Paton--Meeting of
Campbell, Outram, and Havelock--Back to Cawnpoor--Dispersion of
the rebel army--Second attack upon Lucknow--93rd in Lucknow--The
Dilkoosha taken--The Martinière taken--The Begum Kotee--Terrible
slaughter--Individual bravery--The 93rd at Rohilcund--Death of
Adrian Hope--At Bareilly--March into Oude--Rebel hunting--End of
the Mutiny--Losses--Peshawur--Cholera--Conduct of the men--Medical
officers--Sealkote--The Umbeyla Campaign--Jhansi--Surgeon-Major
Munro--Bombay--93rd sails for home--New colours--Duke and Duchess
of Sutherland--Ball at Holyrood--The Queen’s interest in the
regiment--Honours to officers--The Autumn Manœuvres--Strength of the
regiment.
No time was lost in sending the 93rd up the river to Chinsurah,
and by the 10th of October, the whole regiment in detachments was
hurrying along the grand trunk road towards Cawnpoor, distant about
600 miles. By October 31st, the main body of the regiment, with
Cols. Hay and Hope, had reached Cawnpoor, and in a day or two had
crossed the Ganges and joined the column under Brigadier Hope Grant,
assembling in Oude, for operations against Lucknow; the force was
encamped between Bunnee Bridge and the Alum Bagh, about 10 miles
in rear of the latter place. At Futtehpoor, three companies, under
Brevet Lt.-Col. Gordon, were left to garrison that place, and to
hold in check a considerable force of rebels, known to be in the
neighbourhood. On the 1st of Nov. one of these companies, under
Captain Cornwall, formed part of a small force which had a severe
but successful engagement with a considerable body of the rebels at
Khaga, near Futtehpoor. This was a severely contested affair, and
the men were exhausted by a long march before reaching the enemy’s
position, but nevertheless fought with such spirit and gallantry as
to excite the admiration of Captain Peel, R.N., who had command of
the force. The casualties of the 93rd company (No. 3) in this action
were severe, being 3 men killed, and Ensign Cunningham and 15 men
wounded.
On the following day, Nov. 2nd, the detachment under Lt.-Col. Adrian
Hope, consisting of the grenadiers, Nos. 1, 2, and 4 companies, was
also engaged in an attack on a fortified village in Oude, Buntara,
and drove the enemy from the position, killing a number of them, and
destroying the village. The casualties of the 93rd were 1 man killed
and 3 wounded.
By Nov. 13th the detachment under Brevet Lt.-Col. Gordon had come
up, and the whole of the regiment was thus once more together.
On the 11th of Nov. the entire force assembled in the plain of
the Alum Bagh, divided into brigades, and was reviewed by the
commander-in-chief. The brigade to which the 93rd was posted
consisted of headquarters of the 53rd, the 93rd, and the 4th Punjab
Rifles, and was commanded by Lt.-Col. the Hon. Adrian Hope of
the 93rd, appointed brigadier of the 2nd class. The little army,
numbering about 4200 men, was drawn up in quarter distance column
facing Lucknow. The 93rd stood in the centre of the brigade, on the
extreme left, and after passing in front of the other regiments and
detachments, Sir Colin Campbell approached the regiment, and thus
addressed it:--
“93d, we are about to advance to relieve our countrymen and
countrywomen besieged in the Residency of Lucknow by the rebel army.
It will be a duty of danger and difficulty, but I rely upon you.”
This short and pointed address was received by the regiment with such
a burst of enthusiasm that the gallant old chieftain must have felt
assured of its loyalty and devotion, and confident that wherever he
led, the 93rd would follow, and if need be, die with him to the last
man. The 93rd was the first regiment on that occasion that made any
outward display of confidence in their leader, but as the veteran
commander returned along the line, the example was taken up by
others, and cheer upon cheer from every corps followed him as he rode
back to the camp.
All the sick and wounded having been sent into the Alum Bagh on the
13th, preparations were made for the advance, which commenced next
day. The army marched in three columns, viz., the advance, the main
column, and the rear guard. The 93rd, along with the 53rd, 84th,
90th, 1st Madras Fusiliers, and 4th Punjab Rifles, constituted the
4th Infantry Brigade forming part of the main column, and was under
command of Brigadier Adrian Hope. The regiment had already lost, of
sick, wounded, and killed, about 140 men, so that its strength as it
entered the desperate struggle was 934 men. A detachment of 200 men
of the 93rd formed part of the rear guard, which also contained 200
of the 5th Brigade under Lt.-Col. Ewart of the 93d.[573]
Instead of approaching by the direct Cawnpoor road to Lucknow, Sir
Colin determined to make a flank march to the right, get possession
of the Dilkoosha and Martinière, on south side of the city, which
the enemy occupied as outposts, push on thence to attack the large
fortified buildings Secunder Bagh, Shah Nujeef, &c., lying between
the former and the Residency, and thus clear a path by which the
beleaguered garrison might retire.
As the narrative of the advance and succeeding operations is so
well told in the Record Book of the regiment, we shall transcribe
it almost verbatim, space, however, compelling us to cut it down
somewhat.[574]
At nine o’clock A.M. of November 14, 1857, the flank march
commenced. As the head of the advance column neared the Dilkoosha,
a heavy musketry fire was opened on it from the left, and the enemy
made some attempt to dispute the advance, but were soon driven over
the crest of the hill sloping down to the Martinière, from the
enclosures of which a heavy fire of artillery and musketry opened
upon the advancing force. This was soon silenced, and the infantry
skirmishers rushed down the hill, supported by the 4th Infantry
Brigade, and drove the enemy beyond the line of the canal.
During the early part of the day two companies of the 93rd were
detached, viz., the Grenadiers, under Capt. Middleton, close to the
Cawnpoor road, to command it, while the baggage, ammunition, &c.,
were filing past; and No. 1, under Capt. Somerset Clarke, was pushed
on to the left to seize and keep possession of a village so as to
prevent the enemy from annoying the column in that quarter.
While the leading brigade, in skirmishing order, was gradually
pushing the enemy beyond the Dilkoosha, the 4th Brigade followed in
support, at first in open column, and while doing so, the 93rd lost
1 man killed and 7 wounded. After the enemy had been driven down
the hill towards the Martinière, the 93rd was allowed to rest under
cover of some old mud walls to the left rear of the Dilkoosha, until
the order was given for the brigade to advance upon the Martinière
itself. Then the 4th Punjab Rifles moved first in skirmishing order,
supported by the 93rd, the Naval Brigade keeping up a heavy fire
on the left, the result being that the enemy were driven back upon
their supports beyond the canal. The Punjab Rifles pushed on and
occupied part of a village on the other side of the canal, while the
93rd, with the Madras Fusiliers occupied the wood and enclosures
between the Martinière and the canal. Immediately on taking up this
position, three companies of the regiment under Capt. Cornwall were
sent to an open space on the left of the Martinière, close to the
Cawnpoor road, for the purpose of protecting the Naval Brigade guns,
while the headquarters, reduced to three companies under Col. Hay,
remained within the enclosure. Towards evening the enemy from the
other side of the canal opened a sharp artillery and musketry fire
on the whole position, part of it coming from Banks’s Bungalow. This
continued till nearly seven P.M., when the Commander-in-Chief rode
up and called out the Light Company and part of No. 8, and desired
them to endeavour to seize Banks’s Bungalow. As soon as the Naval
Brigade guns were fired, this party under Col. Hay, in skirmishing
order, made a rush towards the canal, which, however, was found
too deep to ford. As the night was closing in, the Light Company
remained extended in skirmishing order behind the bank of the
canal, while Col. Hay with the remainder returned to the Martinière
compound. Capt. Cornwall with the three detached companies also
returned; but the Grenadiers and No. 1 company remained, holding
detached positions to the left of the army.
During the day the rear-guard (of which 200 of the 93rd formed
part), under Lt.-Col. Ewart, was several times hotly engaged with
the enemy, but drove them back on each occasion, with no loss
and few casualties on our side. The casualties of the regiment
throughout the day’s operations amounted to 1 man killed and 11 men
wounded.
On the 15th, the 93rd was not actively engaged; but in its position
behind the Martinière compound was exposed to a constant fire, by
which only 1 man was killed and 2 men were wounded. By this time
headquarters was joined by the 200 who formed part of the rearguard.
Late in the evening all the detached parties were called in, and
the regiment bivouacked for the night in a position close under the
Martinière.
At six o’clock A.M. on the 16th the force was under arms, and
formed in the dry bed of the canal _en masse_, at quarter-distance
column, and about nine o’clock advanced, close along the western
bank of the Goomtee, for about two miles, when the head of the
column encountered the enemy in a wood, close to a large village,
on the southern outskirts of the city, and drove them in on their
own supports. The 93rd--nearly every available officer and man
being present--was the leading regiment of the main column, and,
in consequence of the press in the narrow lanes, it was some time
before it could be got up to support the skirmishers of the 53rd
that were struggling with the enemy among the enclosures. Having
driven the enemy back in this quarter, the 93rd emerged from the
tortuous lanes of the village into an open space, directly opposite
the Secunder Bagh, a high-walled enclosure, about 100 yards square,
with towers at the angles, and loopholed all round. Here the
regiment deployed into line, exposed to a biting musketry fire
from the loopholed building, to avoid which Col. Hay was ordered
to move the regiment under cover of a low mud wall about 30 yards
from the southern face of the Secunder Bagh, while some guns were
being placed in position in an open space between the Secunder Bagh
and another building opposite on the west side, for the purpose of
breaching the south-western angle of the former.
As the last company of the 93rd--the 8th, under Capt. Dalzell--was
moving into its place in line, the Commander-in-Chief called
upon it to drag up a heavy gun to assist in breaching the wall;
and gallantly and willingly was the difficult and dangerous duty
performed, and the huge gun wheeled into position under a most
withering fire. When the breach was being made, two companies, under
Col. Leith Hay, took possession of a large serai or mud enclosure
opposite the Secunder Bagh, driving the enemy out before them. In
the meantime, the breach having been considered practicable, the
assault was given by the 4th Punjab Rifles and the 93rd, supported
by part of the 53rd and the battalion of detachments.
It was a glorious and exciting rush. On went, side by side in
generous rivalry, the Sikh and the Highlander--the 93rd straining
every nerve in the race, led gallantly by the officers. The colours,
so lately confided to the regiment by H.R.H. the Duke of Cambridge,
were opened to the breeze, and carried proudly by Ensigns Robertson
and Taylor.
The greater part of the regiment dashed at the breach, and among the
first to enter were Lt.-Col. Ewart and Capt. Burroughs. At the same
time, three companies advanced between the Secunder Bagh and the
serai on the left, so as to keep down the artillery fire opened on
the British flank by the enemy from the direction of the European
barracks. The opening in the wall of the Secunder Bagh was so small
that only one man could enter at a time; but a few having gained an
entrance, they kept the enemy at bay, until a considerable number of
the Highlanders and Sikhs had pushed in, when in a body they emerged
into the open square, where commenced what was probably the sternest
and bloodiest struggle of the whole campaign.
Shortly after the breach had been entered, and while the men were
struggling hand to hand against unequal numbers, that portion of
the 93rd which had driven the enemy out of the serai, under Col.
Hay, succeeded in blowing open the main gate, killing a number of
the enemy in two large recesses on each side; and pressing their
way in, rushed to the support of those who had passed through the
breach. Away on the right also of the building, the 53rd had forced
an entrance through a window. Still, with desperate courage and
frightful carnage, the defence went on, and for hours the sepoys
defended themselves with musket and tulwar against the bayonets and
fire of the Highlanders, and 53rd, and the Punjab Rifles; but there
was no escape for them, and the men, roused to the highest pitch
of excitement, and burning to revenge the butchery of Cawnpoor,
dashed furiously on, gave no quarter, and did not stay their hands
while one single enemy stood to oppose them. No, not until, at the
close of the day, the building formed one mighty charnel house--for
upwards of 2000 dead sepoys, dressed in their old uniforms, lay
piled in heaps, and on almost all was apparent either the small but
deadly bayonet wound, or the deep gash of the Sikh tulwar.
[Illustration: The Secunder Bagh.
From a photograph in possession of the Regiment.]
As might be guessed, the regiment did not pass scatheless through
this fiery contest; not a few were killed, and many wounded. The
sergeant-major, Donald Murray, was one of the first to fall; he
was shot dead as he advanced in his place in the regiment. Then
fell Capt. Lumsden, of the H.E.I.C.S., attached to the 93rd as
interpreter. Within the building, Capt. Dalzell was killed by a shot
from a window above. Lts. Welch and Cooper were severely wounded;
and Lt.-Col. Ewart, Capt. Burroughs, and Ensign Macnamara bore away
with them bloody reminiscences of the dreadful fray.
A large number of officers and men were recommended for the Victoria
Cross, though few of the former obtained it; for although all richly
deserved the honour, it is well known that mere personal adventure
is discouraged on the part of those who are in command. Of the men
of the regiment the coveted honour was conferred on Lance-Corporal
John Dunley, Private David Mackay, and Private Peter Grant, each of
whom performed a feat of bravery which contributed not a little to
the success of the day. They were elected for the honour by the vote
of the private soldiers. No doubt many others deserved a similar
honour, and it seems almost invidious to mention any names, when
every one doubtless did his best and bravest.
During the desperate struggle within, one of the boldest feats of
arms of the day was performed by Capt. Stewart of the 93rd, son of
the late Sir W. Drummond Stewart of Murthly. Of the three companies
which had moved out between the Serai and the Secunder Bagh, to keep
down the flank fire of the enemy while the breaching was going on,
two, with a few of the 53rd, led on by Capt. Stewart, in the most
gallant style, dashed forward, seized two of the enemy’s guns, which
were raking the road, and immediately after effected a lodgment
in the European barracks, thus securing the position on the left.
For this splendid and useful feat of bravery he was elected by the
officers of the regiment for the honour of the Victoria Cross, which
was most deservedly conferred on him.
All this was effected by three o’clock P.M.
The regimental hospital had been established early in the day
beneath the walls of the Secunder Bagh, and throughout the desperate
struggle, in the midst of the hottest fire, the Assistant-Surgeons
Sinclair, Menzies, and Bell, were constantly to be seen exposing
themselves fearlessly in attendance on the wounded.
Almost immediately after the above operations, the 4th Brigade
was withdrawn by Brigadier Adrian Hope, with the exception of the
two companies of the 93rd occupying the barracks; and after a
short rest, was sent to clear a village on the right of the road
leading to the Residency, and between the Secunder Bagh and the
Shah Nujeef. This was easily effected, and the brigade remained
under cover in the village, while preparations were being made to
take the Shah Nujeef. It having been found impossible to subdue the
enemy’s musketry fire from the latter building by artillery, the
Commander-in-Chief collected the 93rd around him and said, “I had no
intention of employing you again to-day, but the Shah Nujeef must be
taken; the artillery cannot drive the enemy out, so you must, with
the bayonet.” Giving the regiment some plain directions as to how
they were to proceed, he said he would accompany them himself.
At this moment the Naval Brigade redoubled its fire, and Middleton’s
troop of Horse Artillery poured a continuous stream of grape-shot
into the brushwood and enclosures around the building. Under this
iron storm the 93rd, under Col. Hay, all excited to the highest
degree, with flashing eye and nervous tread, rolled on in one vast
wave, the greyhaired warrior of many fights, with drawn sword,
riding at its head surrounded by his staff, and accompanied by
Brigadier Adrian Hope. As the regiment approached the nearest angle
of the building, the men began to drop under the enemy’s fire,
poured forth from behind the loopholed walls; but still not a man
wavered, and on went the regiment without a check, until it stood
at the foot of the wall, which towered above it 20 feet, quite
uninjured by the artillery fire.
There was no breach and no scaling-ladders; and unable to advance,
but unwilling to retire, the men halted and commenced a musketry
battle with the garrison, but of course at great disadvantage, for
the Sepoys poured in their deadly volleys securely from behind
their cover, while the 93rd was without shelter or protection of
any kind, and therefore many fell. By this time nearly all the
mounted officers were either wounded or dismounted. Brigadier Hope,
his A.D.C. and Brigade Major, had their horses shot under them;
Lt.-Col. Hay’s horse was disabled by a musket shot; and two of the
Commander-in-Chief’s staff were dangerously wounded. As there was no
visible means of effecting an entrance on this side, a party of the
regiment pushed round the angle to the front gate, but found it was
so well covered and protected by a strong work of masonry as to be
perfectly unassailable. One more desperate effort was therefore made
by artillery, and two of Peel’s guns were brought up under cover
of the fire of the regiment, dragged along by a number of men of
the 93rd, Brigadier Hope, Colonel Hay, and Sir David Baird heartily
lending a hand. Still, though the guns hurled their shot in rapid
succession at only a few yards distance, no impression could be made.
Success seemed impossible, the guns were withdrawn, and the wounded
collected, in which last duty Lt. Wood and Ensign Macnamara
rendered good service under a galling fire at considerable risk
to themselves. Evening was fast closing in, and the assault must
necessarily soon be given up, but Brigadier Hope resolved to make
one last effort. He collected about fifty men of the 93rd, and crept
cautiously through some brushwood, guided by Sergeant Paton, to a
part of the wall in which the sergeant had discovered a spot so
injured that he thought an entrance might be effected. The small
party reached this unperceived, and found a narrow rent, up which
a single man was pushed with some difficulty. He reported that no
enemy was to be seen near the spot, and immediately Brigadier Hope,
accompanied by Colonel Hay and several of the men, scrambled up and
stood upon the inside of the wall. The sappers were immediately sent
for to enlarge the opening, when more of the 93rd followed, and
Brigadier Hope with his small party gained, almost unopposed, the
main gate, threw it open, and in rushed the 93rd, just in time to
see the enemy in their white dresses gliding away into the darkness
of the night. Sergeant Paton for the above daring service deservedly
received the Victoria Cross. Thus ended the desperate struggle of
the day, and the relief of the Residency was all but secured. Lts.
Wood and Goldsmith were here severely wounded, and a number of men
killed and wounded. A deep silence now reigned over the entire
position, and the little army, weary and exhausted by its mighty
efforts, lay down upon the hard-won battle-ground to rest, and if
possible to sleep.
The casualties throughout the day to the 93rd were very great. Two
officers and 23 men killed, and 7 officers and 61 men wounded. As
many of the latter died of their wounds, and most of the survivors
were permanently disabled, they may be regarded as almost a dead
loss to the regiment.
Early on the following morning, as soon as daylight had sufficiently
set in to enable anything to be seen, the regimental colour of the
93rd was hoisted on the highest pinnacle of the Shah Nujeef, to
inform the garrison of the Residency of the previous day’s success.
The signal was seen and replied to. This act was performed by Lt.
and Adjt. M’Bean, assisted by Sergeant Hutchinson, and it was by no
means unattended with danger, for the enemy, on perceiving their
intention, immediately opened fire, but fortunately without injury
to either.
The 93rd was not employed on the 17th further than in holding
the different positions taken on the previous day. The 53rd and
90th captured the Mess-house, Hospital, and Motee Mahul. The
communication with the Residency was now opened, and there was great
joy among the relieving force when Generals Outram and Havelock
came out to meet the Commander-in-Chief.
On the evening of Nov. 18th, 1857, the distribution of the 93rd,
which was now completely broken up, was as follows:--Head-quarters
under Col. Hay, consisting of 120 men, occupied the Serai in rear
of the European barracks; three companies under Lt.-Col. Ewart held
the barracks; one company under Capt. Clarke held the Motee Mahul,
while part of the garrison of the Residency held the Hern Khanah
and Engine-house. These two latter positions secured the exit of
the garrison. One company and part of the light company, under
Capt. Dawson, held the Shah Nujeef, and kept in check the enemy’s
batteries placed close down on the eastern bank of the Goomtee. All
these parties were constantly on the alert, and exposed night and
day to the fire of the enemy’s artillery and musketry. On the 18th
only 1 man was wounded.
During the 19th, 20th, and 21st the evacuation of the Residency
was carried on, and by the night of the 22d all was ready for the
garrison to retire. The whole was successfully accomplished, the
retirement taking place through the lane by which the relieving
force had approached the Secunder Bagh on the 16th. The brigade to
which the 93rd belonged had the honour of covering the retreat as it
had led the advance of the main body on the 16th;[575] and, early on
the morning of the 23d, the whole regiment was once more together in
the grounds round the Martinière, but retired and bivouacked behind
the Dilkoosha during the afternoon. From the 19th to the 23rd the
93rd had 6 men wounded and 1 man killed. Two unfortunate accidents
occurred on the 23d: a corporal and 3 men were blown up by the
explosion of some gunpowder, and Colour-Sergeant Knox, who answered
to his name at daylight, did not appear again; it is supposed that
in the uncertain light he had fallen into one of the many deep wells
around Lucknow.
Thus was accomplished one of the most difficult and daring feats of
arms ever attempted, in which, as will have been seen, the 93rd won
immortal laurels. But its work was by no means done.
On the 24th the army continued its retrograde movement towards
Cawnpoor, staying three days at the Alum Bagh, removing the baggage
and the sick, to enable preparations to be made for the defence
of that position. On the 27th the march was resumed by the Bunnee
bridge, the army encumbered with women, children, sick, and baggage,
which, however, after a little confusion, the main column got clear
of. Next day, as the march went on, the sound of heavy firing was
heard; and when the troops were told that it was the Gwalior rebel
contingent attacking Cawnpoor, they, fatigued as they were, braced
themselves for renewed exertions. About ten o’clock on that night
(the 28th) the main column arrived at within a short distance of the
bridge of boats at Cawnpoor. Between heat, and dust, and hunger, and
exhaustion the march was a dreadfully trying one, yet not a man was
missing by twelve o’clock that night. A short but welcome sleep came
to renew the strength of the brave and determined men.
At daylight on the 29th the enemy commenced a heavy fire on the
entrenched camp and bridge of boats. Peel’s guns immediately opened
fire, under cover of which the 53rd and 93rd approached the bridge,
and, under a perfect storm of shot, shell, and bullets, succeeded in
crossing it, and in gaining the open plain close to the artillery
barracks, taking up a position between this and the old sepoy lines
in front of the city of Cawnpoor, and near that sacred spot where
General Wheeler had defended himself so long and nobly against the
whole power of Nana Sahib. By this movement the communication with
Allahabad was reopened, the only casualty to the 93rd being Ensign
Hay slightly wounded. All the convoy of women, wounded, &c., was got
over, and by December 3rd the greater portion were safely on their
way to Allahabad, and everything nearly ready for an attack on the
rebel army.
On the morning of December 1, as the 93rd was turning out for
muster, the enemy opened fire upon it with shrapnel, by which
Captain Cornwall, Sergeant M’Intyre, and 5 privates were severely
wounded. The regiment, therefore, took shelter under cover of the
old lines, returning, except the picquet, at night to the tents, and
continuing so to do until the morning of the 6th.
On the morning of the 6th the 93rd paraded behind the old sepoy
lines, afterwards moving to the left and keeping under cover until
the whole disposable force of the army was formed in mass on the
left, under cover of the new barracks and some ruins behind them.
Brigadier Greathead kept the line of the canal, extending from
the fort; Walpole crossed the canal on Greathead’s left, so as to
secure all the passes from the city. While these operations were
being carried out, Hope’s brigade, consisting of the 42nd, 53rd,
and 93rd, supported by Brigadier Inglis, moved away to the left,
towards the open plain where the enemy’s right rested, while the
cavalry and horse artillery, making a wide sweep, were to turn the
enemy’s right flank, and unite their attack with that of Hope. On
debouching into the plain, the enemy opened fire, when the 53rd and
Sikhs were immediately thrown to the front in skirmishing order,
and pressed eagerly forward, while the 93rd and 42nd, in successive
lines, followed rapidly up. Notwithstanding the unceasingly hot
fire of the enemy, which began to tell upon the men, still onward
in majestic line moved the Highlanders, for a time headed by the
Commander-in-Chief himself, who rode in front of the 93rd.
On approaching the broken ground near the bridge, it was found
necessary to alter the formation somewhat. The enemy disputed the
passage of the bridge by a heavy shower of grape, which, however,
caused little loss. As the regiment cleared the bridge, the enemy
retired, and at the same time Peel’s heavy guns came limbering up,
and as they passed along the left of the 93rd, a number of the men
seized the drags, pulled them to the front, and helped to place
them for action. They opened, and caused the enemy to retire still
further, when the 93rd again formed into line, as also did the
42nd, and both continued to advance still under a heavy fire, for
the enemy’s artillery disputed every inch of ground. But gradually,
steadily, and surely the Highlanders pressed on, urging the enemy
back, until at last the standing camp of the Gwalior contingent
opened to view, when the Commander-in-Chief ordered Nos. 7 and 8
companies to advance at a run and take possession. It was empty, but
no preparations had been made to carry off anything. The hospital
tents alone were tenanted by the sick and wounded, who, as the
soldiers passed, held up their hands and begged for mercy; but the
men turned from them in disgust, unable to pity, but unwilling to
strike a wounded foe.
After passing through the camp, the 93rd formed line again to
the right and advanced, still annoyed by a galling fire of round
shot and shrapnel. During a momentary halt, Lieut. Stirling was
struck down by a round shot, and General Mansfield, who was with
the regiment at the time, was struck by a shrapnel bullet. The
advance continued, and the enemy drew back, disputing every foot
of ground. General Mansfield with some guns, the rifles, and 93rd
secured the Subadar’s Tank in rear of the enemy’s left, while Sir
Colin Campbell with a small force, including two companies of the
93rd, pressed the pursuit of the routed Gwalior contingent along
the Calpee road. By sunset the rebels in the city, and on the left
beyond it, had retired by the Bithoor road.
The casualties to the 93rd were 2 officers and 10 men wounded. That
night the regiment bivouacked in a large grove of trees which had
been occupied in the morning by the enemy, who, unwittingly, had
prepared an evening meal for their opponents, for beside the many
little fires which were still burning were found half-baked cakes,
and brazen vessels full of boiled rice.
The centre and left of the rebel army retreated during the night by
the Bithoor road, but were followed on the 8th by General Hope Grant
with the cavalry, light artillery, and Hope’s brigade, and early on
the morning of the 9th, after a long march of twenty hours, they
were overtaken at the Serai Ghât on the Ganges, attacked, dispersed,
and all their guns, 15 in number, and ammunition taken.
Thus was defeated and dispersed the whole of the rebel army which
but a few days before had exultingly laid siege to the entrenched
camp at Cawnpoor: broken, defeated, pursued, and scattered, it no
longer held together or presented the semblance of an organised
body. That evening the force encamped close to the river, and next
day fell back on Bithoor, where it remained till the end of the
month.
The next few days were occupied in clearing the rebels from the
whole district around Lucknow, the British force advancing as far
as Futtehgurh. Here it was encamped till the 1st of February 1858,
when the camp was broken up. The Commander-in-Chief returned to
Cawnpoor, and the troops commenced to move by different routes
towards Lucknow, now become the centre of the rebel power. Hope’s
brigade marched to Cawnpoor, and on arriving there was broken
up, the 53d being removed from it. This was a source of great
disappointment both to that corps and the 93rd. The two regiments
having been together in so many dangers and difficulties, and having
shared in the glorious relief of the Residency of Lucknow, a feeling
of attachment and esteem had sprung up between them, which was
thoroughly manifested when the 93rd left Cawnpoor and passed into
Oude on the 10th of February; the band of the 53rd played it to the
bridge of boats, by which the 93rd crossed the Ganges, and both
officers and men of the former lined the road in honour of their old
comrades.
From the middle to the end of February, the army destined to attack
the city of Lucknow was collecting from all quarters, and stationed
by regiments along the road leading thither from Cawnpoor, to
protect the siege train in its transit. By the end of the month the
largest and best equipped British army ever seen in India, led by
the Commander-in-Chief in person, was collected in the Alum Bagh
plains, prepared for the attack. A new organisation of the army
now took place, new brigades and divisions were formed, and new
brigadiers and generals appointed to each.
On February 28, 1858, the 93rd arrived at the Alum Bagh, and
on the following morning, March 1, moved, with two troops of
horse artillery, the 9th Lancers, and 42nd Highlanders, round
Major-General Outram’s rear and right flank, behind the fort of
Jelalabad, and, making a sweep of some miles, came suddenly upon
an outlying picquet of the enemy about a mile to the south of the
Dilkoosha. The enemy, taken by surprise, fell back fighting, but in
the end fled in disorder to the Martinière, leaving the Dilkoosha
and the villages and enclosures on both sides to be occupied by
their pursuers. Towards the afternoon other brigades and regiments
followed, and took up positions on the left, extending so as to
communicate with Major-General Outram’s right. In this position
the whole force bivouacked for the night; and in a day or two the
regimental camp was formed close to the river Goomtee, where it
remained till March 11. From March 2nd the regiment was employed
every other day as one large outlying picquet, and posted in a dense
tope of trees surrounded by a high wall. A constant fire was kept
up on this position by the enemy, happily with no loss to the 93rd.
The regiment was also kept constantly employed in other duties. On
the 9th, along with its brigade, the 93rd took part in the storming
of the Martinière, which was given up by the enemy after a very
slight resistance, only a few of the 93rd being wounded. The enemy
were pursued by the 42nd and 93rd, the latter pushing on beyond
Banks’s bungalow, and taking possession of a large garden close to
the enemy’s second chain of works, which was formed by the Begum’s
Palace, the Mess House, the Motee Mahul, the old Barracks, the
Shah Nujeef, and the Secunder Bagh. While this was being effected,
the 53rd, which had been allowed to rejoin their comrades of the
93rd, made a dash at the Secunder Bagh and took possession, just
as a large body of the enemy was approaching to garrison it. The
93rd bivouacked in the garden for the night. During the day the
enemy had been driven close up to the city by other sections of the
army, and the next day was employed in making breaches in the Begum
Kotee or Palace, a large pile of buildings and enclosures in front
of and covering the celebrated Kaiser Bagh, known to be strongly
garrisoned, and fortified and protected, as the enemy considered it
to be the key of the whole position.
At 3 o’clock P.M., on the 11th, it was announced to the 93rd that
the honour of assaulting the position was allotted to them by the
Commander-in-Chief. The regiment formed up in a patch of thick wood
close to road leading directly to the front of the Begum Kotee,
and thence to the Kaiser Bagh. It was told off by Brigadier Adrian
Hope into two divisions,--the right wing, under Col. Leith Hay,
consisting of the grenadiers, Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4 companies, and the
left wing, under Bt. Lt.-Col. Gordon, consisting of Nos. 5, 6, 8,
and light companies; the former to assault and enter by the front
breach, and the latter by that on the right flank of the position
made by the battery from Banks’s bungalow. No. 7 company was left to
guard the camp. At 4 P.M. the large guns became silent, and at the
same time the enemy’s musketry fire slackened. At this moment the
93rd wound out of the enclosures, advanced up the road, and, without
a shot fired at it, got under cover of some ruined buildings,--Col.
Hay’s division almost in front of the gate, and Col. Gordon’s to the
right flank.
At a signal given by Brigadier Adrian Hope, both storming parties
emerged from their cover, and each dashed at headlong speed,
and with a deafening cheer, right at its respective breach. The
enemy were taken by surprise, but quickly manning the walls and
loop-holes, poured a perfect storm of musketry on the advancing
columns. Not a man fell, for the enemy fired too high; not a man
wavered, and, under a storm of bullets hissing over and around
them, the gallant stormers came close up to the breaches, but were
suddenly, though only for a moment, checked by a broad ditch, the
existence of which was not known before. A moment of surprise, not
hesitation, ensued, when a few of the grenadiers, headed by Capt.
Middleton, leapt into the ditch, and were immediately followed by
the whole. Colonel Hay, Capt. Middleton, and a few more having
gained the other side of the ditch, dragged the others up, and then,
one by one, they commenced to enter the narrow breach. At the same
time the left wing storming party, with equal rapidity and daring,
had gained the breach on the right, and the leading files, headed by
Capt. Clarke, effected an entrance.
Every obstacle that could be opposed to the stormers had been
prepared by the enemy; every room, door, gallery, or gateway was
so obstructed and barricaded that only one man could pass at a
time. Every door, every window, every crevice that could afford the
slightest shelter, was occupied by an enemy; and thus, in threading
their way through the narrow passages and doorways, the men were
exposed to unseen enemies. However, one barrier after another was
passed, and the men in little parties, headed by officers, emerged
into the first square of the building, where the enemy in large
numbers stood ready for the struggle.
No thought of unequal numbers, no hesitation for a moment, withheld
the men of the 93rd, who, seeing their enemy in front, rushed
to the encounter; and for two hours the rifle and the bayonet
were unceasingly employed. From room to room, from courtyard to
courtyard, from terrace to terrace, the enemy disputed the advance;
at one moment rushing out and fighting hand to hand, at another
gliding rapidly away, and taking advantage of every available
shelter. No one thought of giving or asking quarter; and useless
would any appeal for mercy have been, for the Highlanders, roused to
the highest state of excitement, were alike regardless of personal
danger, and deaf to everything but the orders of the officers.
There were two wickets by which the enemy could escape, and to
these points they crowded, many of them only to meet destruction
from parties of the regiment stationed outside. One wicket was to
the right rear, and the other was to the left front, both opening
to roads that led to the Kaiser Bagh. The left wing, on gaining
an entrance through the right breach, drove the enemy with great
slaughter across to the wicket on the left flank of the buildings,
and followed hard in pursuit up the road leading along this flank
of the Begum Kotee to the Kaiser Bagh; then retired, and taking up
positions along the side of this road, kept in check the enemy’s
supports that attempted to come down this road, and destroyed such
of the garrison as attempted to escape. As the leading companies of
the right wing were effecting their entrance at the front breach,
Capt. Stewart led his company, No. 2, along the ditch round to the
right flank of the position, seeking another entrance. He failed in
finding one, however, but met a small party of the 93rd belonging to
the left wing, supported by the 42nd, engaged with a large body of
Sepoys. The enemy had been driven back by a rush, and a large brass
gun taken from them and turned upon themselves in their retreat.
The enemy, reinforced, returned to the attack, and obliged their
opponents to retire slowly. A party of the regiment under Capt.
Middleton arriving, the enemy again retired, leaving their brass
gun in possession of the 93rd. At this moment, and at this point,
numbers of the enemy were shot down or blown up in attempting to
escape by the wicket on this side of the buildings. At last, about
7 o’clock P.M., as darkness was closing in, the masses of the enemy
had disappeared, the fire had slackened, the position was won, and
the regiment rested from its struggle.
The wounded were all collected and taken by Dr Munro to the
regimental camp. All the medical officers were present throughout
the day, the assistant-surgeons Sinclair and Bell with the right
wing, and Menzies with the left, accompanied the stormers; Dr Munro
remained outside to receive the wounded.
The casualties amounted to 2 officers (Capt. C. W. M’Donald and Lt.
Sergison), and 13 men killed; 2 officers (Lt. Grimstone and Ensign
Hastie), and 45 men wounded. The losses of the enemy must have been
enormous, as next day 860 dead bodies were buried, all found within
the different enclosures; many must have escaped wounded. It was
afterwards known that the garrison consisted of eight picked Sepoy
regiments, altogether amounting to nearly 5000 men, who had sworn to
die in defence of this position of the city. The 93rd numbered about
800 men.
Several individual acts of bravery, performed both by officers
and men, are well worthy of being recorded. Lt. and Adjt. M’Bean
encountered eleven of the enemy in succession, and after a
hand-to-hand fight killed them all; for this he received the
Victoria Cross. Young Captain M’Donald had been wounded severely
in the early part of the day by a splinter of a shell in his sword
arm, but refused to retire to hospital. On entering the breach at
the head of his company, cheering them on, he was shot through the
thigh, and in this disabled state, was being carried to the surgeon,
when a bullet passed through his neck and killed him. Lt. Sergison,
in attempting to break open a door, behind which a number of the
enemy were concealed, was shot dead. Lt. Grimstone received a wound
while in hot and deadly pursuit of an enemy, whom he overtook and
killed. Capt. Clarke, several paces in front of his company, was
the first man of his party to enter the breach. Indeed, almost all
the officers had hand-to-hand encounters with single enemies. The
pipe-major, John M’Leod, was the first to force his way in at the
front breach, and no sooner was he in than he began and continued
throughout the whole of the fighting, in places perfectly exposed,
to cheer and encourage the men with the wild notes of his bagpipes.
No words are sufficient to express the gallantry and devotion and
fearless intrepedity displayed by every man in the regiment; and
well deserved indeed was the meed of high praise contained in the
general orders of Major-General Lingard and the Commander-in-chief.
All the operations connected with the storming of the place were
conducted by Brigadier Adrian Hope, and the position was carried by
the 93rd Highlanders exclusively, supported at first by part of the
42nd, and the 4th Punjab Rifles.
The Commander-in-Chief, Sir Colin Campbell, colonel of the regiment,
was sitting in Durbar with Jung Bahadoor,[576] when an aide-de-camp
hastily entered his presence, with the intelligence that the Begum
Kotee was taken after a hard struggle and severe loss. The gallant
chief sprang from his seat, and exclaimed, “I knew they would do it.”
On the afternoon of the 13th the regiment was relieved and returned
to camp, where it remained till the evening of the 20th, when, with
the exception of No. 7 company, it returned and took up a position
around the Imambarah, preparatory to an attack which was to be made
next day on the last position held by the enemy on the north side
of the city. During the interval between the 13th and the 20th, the
Kaiser Bagh, Imambarah, and other positions had been taken from the
enemy; the regiment, however, had no share in these operations.
On the 21st the 93rd, supported by the 4th Punjab Rifles, after some
severe skirmishing and street fighting, succeeded in expelling the
enemy from several large mosques and enclosures, situated at the
north end of the city. Only 11 of the 93rd were wounded.
This terminated the fighting within the city, which was now
completely in possession of the British. The 93rd returned to the
Dilkoosha, and remained in camp till April 7th, when it was ordered
to prepare to form part of a force destined for Rohileund, under
Brigadier-General Walpole.
It will have been seen that no regiment was more frequently
employed than the 93rd in all the operations against Lucknow, under
the Commander-in-Chief, who intrusted to this trustworthy regiment
some of the most difficult duties.
At daylight on April 7th, the regiment moved from the Dilkoosha,
and joined the rest of the force about five miles on the north-west
side of Lucknow. This force consisted of the old Crimean Highland
brigade, the 42nd, 79th, and 93rd, two troops of horse artillery,
some heavy siege guns, the 9th Lancers, some Native Infantry,
Sappers, and Native Cavalry, all under Brigadier-General Walpole.
The strength of the 93rd was 41 officers and 833 men.
The “Old Highland Brigade” thus reunited, was commanded by Brigadier
the Hon. Adrian Hope. The force continued to march in a north-west
direction till April 16th, a day which can never be forgotten by
the 93rd, for with every certainty of success, energy, ability, and
desire to fight, the force was entirely mismanaged.
Before the regiment marched from Lucknow, Bt. Lt.-Col. Charles
Gordon, C.B., the senior major, an officer who had served many
years in the 93rd, took leave, having effected an exchange with Bt.
Lt.-Col. Ross, commanding a depôt battalion in Scotland.
Long before daylight on the 16th of April 1858 the force was under
arms, and moved cautiously a few miles across country, when a halt
was called, the baggage collected, and a strong guard told off to
protect it; this guard consisted of two guns and detachments from
every corps. About 10 o’clock A.M., the whole force cautiously
advanced through some thick wood, and came suddenly on a native mud
fort, the garrison of which immediately opened fire with guns and
musketry. The 42nd was in advance, supported by the 93rd, the 79th
being in reserve. The guns were quickly placed in position, and
opened a rapid fire on the fort, while the 42nd and two companies
of the 93rd and 4th Punjab Rifles were pushed forward close to the
walls, under cover of some low banks, and commenced a brisk fire
on the garrison. The 42nd occupied the cover in front, the 93rd on
the left flank, and the Punjab Rifles on the right flank of the
fort. During the whole day things remained in this state; the guns
played on the fort without the least effect, and the skirmishers
exchanged shots with the garrison, with but little loss to the
enemy, while that of the 93rd and the rest of the force was severe
and irreparable.
Brigadier the Hon. Adrian Hope, a leader not only admired but
beloved by his brigade, and by the 93rd especially, fell while
endeavouring to find out the arrangements of the fort, and see if
there was any means of entering; not that any order had been given
to assault, but it is more than probable that had he lived a few
hours longer, an assault would have taken place. For an hour or two
the guns played upon the fort, but after the death of Hope nothing
was done, and the force outside only continued to get the worst of
it. While the other regiments suffered severely in officers and men,
the 93rd thus lost their much-beloved brigadier, while 6 men were
wounded.
At sunset the force was withdrawn, and to the amazement of all
(the enemy firing at the force as it retired), the camp was formed
within a mile of the fort. Next morning the fort was empty, the
enemy having vacated it during the night, evidently at leisure,
for nothing was left except the ashes of their dead and a broken
gun-carriage. The force having taken possession of the place,
measures were at once taken to destroy it. Originally it had been
a square enclosure, but had fallen into decay; it was so open and
unprotected by any work behind, that a regiment of cavalry might
have ridden in. And before this paltry place was lost the brave
Adrian Hope, who had passed unscathed through the fierce fires of
Lucknow and Cawnpoor. In the evening his remains were buried with
military honours, along with two officers of the 42nd.
On the death of Brigadier Hope, Col. Hay, C.B., of the 93rd assumed
command of the Highland Brigade, and Major Middleton that of the
93rd. Next day, April 17th, the force resumed its march, and in
three days afterwards, at the village of Allahgunge, the enemy in
force were again encountered, attacked, and dispersed, with a very
large loss to them, but none to their assailants. Here Bt. Lt.-Col.
Ross took command of the 93rd.
The force stayed at Allahgunge for three days, during which it was
strongly reinforced, and the Commander-in-Chief himself took command
of the entire army. On the 27th of April the largely augmented force
moved _en route_ for Bareilly and Shahjehanpoor, where it arrived
on the 30th of April. The army moved again next day, and on the 4th
of May was joined by another brigade. On the 5th it encountered a
rebel army on the plains east of Bareilly, which after an engagement
of some hours retired. This was a most trying day, for the heat was
tremendous; the 93rd was the only regiment that did not lose men
from the effects of the heat, neither had it any casualties during
the engagement. On the 7th the city of Bareilly was taken possession
of. On that day a wing of the regiment, under Lt.-Col. Ross, was
employed to dislodge a body of the enemy which had occupied some
buildings in the city. After a struggle of some hours the enemy were
all dislodged and killed, the casualties of the 93rd being only 3
men wounded.
The regiment had now a rest of five months, during which it remained
at Bareilly, where, however, the men suffered extremely from fever;
and there were also a good many cases of sunstroke, a few of which
were fatal.
On October 17th, the 93rd marched to Shahjehanpoor to form a brigade
along with the 60th Royal Rifles and 66th Ghoorkas; along with this
were some guns, cavalry, and regular troops, all under command of
Brigadier Colin Troup. Two days after the junction of the regiments
the whole column entered Oude, and in the second day’s march
encountered a large body of rebels at a village called Poosgawah,
in which they had entrenched themselves. From this position they
were quickly expelled, and the force breaking up into small columns
followed in pursuit. No sooner had the bulk of the force passed
through the village than a body of rebel cavalry appeared in the
rear, and attacked the baggage as it was struggling through the
narrow entrance into the village. The main body of the baggage
guard was far in the rear, and the enemy was at first mistaken for
the irregulars of the force, until they began to cut up the camp
followers. At this moment, the sick of the 93rd, 12 in number, who
at Surgeon Munro’s request had been armed the night before, turned
out of their dhoolies, and kept up a sharp fire, which held the
enemy in check until the arrival of the Mooltanee Cavalry, which
had been sent from the front, and which immediately dispersed the
enemy’s cavalry. The regiment lost 1 man killed.
The force remained in the vicinity of the village for a few days. At
daylight on October 26th it was under arms, and the enemy was found
in position at a village called Russellpoor, on the opposite side of
a deep nullah, flanked on one side by a large village, and on the
other by some rising ground. The guns and the 6th Rifles attacked,
the main body of the 93rd being held in reserve; one company, under
Captain M’Bean, supported the heavy guns. The enemy were driven
from their position and put to flight, with considerable loss to
themselves, particularly on the right, where Captain M’Bean’s
company was engaged.
Next day the force moved on to Noorungabad, where it remained
till Nov. 8, 1858, and where the Royal proclamation was read,
transferring the government of India to H.M. the Queen. On the
8th, at midnight, the force got under arms and marched towards
Meethoolee, a strong mud fort belonging to one of the Rajahs of
Oude, who had refused to surrender. By a circuitous route, the force
felt its way towards the fort, upon which it suddenly came about
mid-day on the 10th. Firing immediately commenced on both sides, and
active preparations were made for an assault next day; but it was
found that the enemy had slipped off during the night.
After this the 93rd, until the beginning of February 1859, was
constantly employed under General Troup, sometimes united and
sometimes detached, hunting the rebels out of their hiding-places,
ultimately driving them beyond the Gogra (or Sarúj). Thus ended the
work of the SUTHERLAND HIGHLANDERS in the suppression of the Indian
Mutiny, in which it took, at least, as prominent a part as did any
other regiment, and in which it won for itself never-dying fame. Not,
however, did it gain its glory cheaply; between Sept. 30, 1857, and
Dec. 31, 1859, the 93rd lost in killed, died of disease, wounded,
accidents, and missing, 180 men, besides 58 who were invalided to
England. The remainder of its history we must run over with the
utmost brevity.
After its great exertions and sufferings, the 93rd stood much in need
of rest, and means of restoration for the jaded constitutions of
officers and men. Therefore, the route to Subhatoo, a hill station
near Simla, was welcomed by the regiment, which set out for its
new quarters on Feb. 27th, 1859, and arrived on April 13th. Here
it remained till the beginning of November, when it was ordered to
Umballah for drill and musketry instruction.
The 93rd was destined to make an unusually long stay in India, as not
till 1870 did it again set foot on its native shores. During this
time it was kept constantly moving from place to place, but these
movements we need not, even if we had space, follow minutely. The
two main events which marked this period of the regiment’s history,
were a most severe attack of cholera while at Peshawur, and a short
campaign against the Mussulman fanatics of the Mahaban hills.
The regiment left Umballah in January 1860, its next station being
Rawul Pindee, where it arrived on March 9th, leaving it again on
November 14, 1861, for Peshawur, which it reached on the 22nd. The
health of the regiment here was at first particularly good, but in
May 1862 rumours of the approach of cholera began to circulate. The
rumours turned out to be too true, as an undoubted case of cholera
occurred in the regiment on the 7th of July; and between this and
the beginning of November, it was attacked four separate times, so
that there was scarcely a man, woman, or child who did not suffer
to a greater or less extent. Among the men there were 60 deaths,
among the women 13, and among the children 12. Nor did the officers
escape; several of them were attacked, of whom 4 succumbed,--Col.
Macdonald, Major Middleton, Ensign Drysdale, and Dr Hope--making 89
in all. It was only by moving out and encamping at a distance from
the pestilential town that the epidemic was got rid of, though for a
long time after it the regiment was in a very feeble condition.
On the death of Col. Macdonald, Major Burroughs took command of the
regiment, till the arrival shortly after of Col. Stisted.
The Record-Book pays a high and well-merited tribute to the
admirable conduct of the men during this terrible and long continued
attack from a mysterious and deadly foe, far more trying than the
bloodiest struggle “i’ the imminent deadly breach.” There was
scarcely a man who did not feel the workings of the cholera poison
in his system; yet, notwithstanding, there was never any approach to
panic, no murmuring or shrinking from duties of the most trying and
irksome kind. At one time the same men would be on hospital fatigue
duty almost every day, rubbing the cramped limbs of groaning, dying
men. Yet no one ever complained or tried to hold back. So long as
their strength held out, they not only performed the duties assigned
to them willingly, but with a kindness, tenderness, and devotion
which can never be forgotten by those who witnessed it.
It is only simple justice, also, to enter upon record a statement
of the distinguished services rendered during this trying period to
the regiment, by the surgeon, Dr Munro, and the assistant-surgeons,
Bouchier, Hope, and Baxter. No man could have worked more faithfully
than did Dr Munro. Night and day his thoughts were with the men, his
zeal never flagged, his resources never failed, and he seemed never
to think he had done enough. Even when his own strength gave way,
and he was reduced to a shadow, he still clung to his post. None who
witnessed his energy, skill, and love for the men will ever forget
it.
On Nov. 3rd the regiment had reached Kuneh Khâl, from which it
proceeded to Sealkote by Hattee on the Grand Trunk road, where the
detachments from Peshawur, Chumkunah, and Cherat were waiting to
receive it. Sealkote was reached on December 30, 1862.
Into the details of the Umbeyla campaign against the Mussulman
fanatics we need not enter, as the 93rd had really no fighting to
do. The 93rd, under command of Col. Stisted, set out to join Sir
Neville Chamberlain’s force in the Umbeyla Pass, on November 3rd,
reaching Permowli, in the Yuzufzai country, on November 25th. Thence
a long detachment of the regiment with some artillery, by means of
elephants, camels, mules, and ponies, under command of Major Dawson
of the 93rd, set out on December 9th to join the force in the Umbeyla
Pass, which was reached after a most fatiguing march.
The 93rd remained at the camp in the Umbeyla Pass until December
20th, taking its share in the camp and picquet duties. On December
15th, General Garvock, who had succeeded to the command, advanced
with half his force against the enemy, leaving the other half behind
to guard the camp. Among the latter half was the 93rd. After General
Garvock’s advance, the enemy attacked the camp, with a very trifling
loss on the side of the British. General Garvock was completely
successful, and the 93rd detachment joined the rest of the regiment
at Nowakilla. From this, on December 23rd, under Col. Stisted, the
regiment set out for Durbund, where it remained encamped till the end
of January 1864. It again set out on February 1st, and after a long
march reached Sealkote once more on the 27th.
At all the official inspections of the regiment the reports of the
inspecting-officers were perfectly satisfactory.
The 93rd made a long stay at Sealkote, during which it sent
detachments to garrison various forts in the surrounding district.
It quitted Sealkote on Nov. 1st, 1866, and, under command of Col.
Burroughs, proceeded to Jhansi, which, after a long march and many
encampments, it reached on January 18, 1867.
During its stay at Jhansi, the regiment sustained a great loss, in
the promotion, in March 1867, of Surgeon-Major William Munro, M.D.,
C.B., to be a Deputy Inspector-General of Hospitals. Dr Munro had
been surgeon of the Sutherland Highlanders since 1854, when he joined
the regiment whilst on its march from Old Fort to the River Alma.
He was present with the regiment throughout the Crimean and Indian
campaigns, and we have already referred to his conduct during the
attack of cholera at Peshawur. By his zeal, ability, and heroic
devotion to duty, Dr Munro had endeared himself to every officer
and man of the regiment, by all of whom, whilst rejoicing at his
well-earned promotion, his departure was sincerely deplored. At his
departure he expressed a wish to be enrolled as an honorary member of
the officer’s mess, a request that was acceded to with acclamation.
While at Jhansi, the colonel, General Alex. Fisher M’Intosh, K.H.,
died, Aug. 28, 1868. He had formerly been a major in the regiment,
and was succeeded in the colonelcy by Lt.-General Charles Craufurd
Hay.
In August 1869, the regiment was again scourged with cholera, a very
large number being attacked, both at Jhansi and among the detachment
at Sepree; the deaths, however, were only 11. During the latter part
of September, moreover, and throughout October, the regiment was
prostrated by a fever, which though not deadly, was very weakening.
On October 20th, 50 per cent. of the soldiers at headquarters were on
the sick list.
The 93rd, under Col. Burroughs, left Jhansi on December 27, 1869,
en route for Bombay, to embark for home, after an absence of 12½
years. Partly by road and partly by rail, it proceeded leisurely by
Cawnpoor, so full of sad memories, Allahabad, Jubbulpoor, Nagpoor,
and Deolalee, to Bombay, which it did not reach till February 14,
1870.[577] On the same evening, officers, men, wives, and children,
681 in all, were safely on board the troop-ship “Jumna,” which
steamed out of the harbour on the following morning. By Suez,
Alexandria (where the 93rd was transferred to the “Himalaya”), and
Gibraltar, the regiment arrived off Portsmouth on March 21, sailing
again next day for Leith, which it reached on the 25th, but did not
disembark till the 28th. One detachment, under Col. Dawson, and
another, under Bt. Lt.-Col. Brown, disembarked at Burntisland, the
former proceeding to Stirling, and the latter to Perth. Headquarters,
under Col. Burroughs, disembarked in the afternoon, and proceeded by
rail to Aberdeen, and, after an absence of 19 years, was welcomed
home to Scotland with unbounded enthusiasm by the citizens. Before
leaving India, 117 non-commissioned officers and men had volunteered
into other regiments remaining in the country.
After a stay of upwards of a year at Aberdeen, the 93rd was removed
to Edinburgh, where on its arrival on June 15, 1871, notwithstanding
the miserable state of the weather, it met with a warm welcome. One
company was left at Ballater, as a guard of honour to the Queen, one
at Aberdeen, one at Fort George, and another was sent to Greenlaw.
On Aug. 4, 1871, while the regiment was stationed at Edinburgh,
it was presented with new colours by Her Grace the Duchess of
Sutherland. The ceremony in the Queen’s Park was witnessed by
about 10,000 spectators. Accompanying the Duchess were the Duke of
Sutherland and the Marquis of Stafford. After the old colours, worn
and tattered by service in India, had been trooped, and the usual
ceremonies gone through, Ensigns Cunliffe and Hannay advanced, and
kneeling, were presented with the new colours by the Duchess, who
addressed the regiment in a few appropriate and touching words.
Colonel Burroughs made an exceedingly appropriate reply, in which he
offered for Her Grace’s acceptance the old colours of the regiment,
which had waved over so many deadly struggles. The Duchess accepted
the colours, returning the Queen’s colour, however, to be placed
over the memorial erected in St Giles’ Cathedral to the officers
and soldiers who fell in the Crimea. Shortly after, however, it was
decided that, owing to the little care taken of the colours at St
Giles, they should be removed and sent to Dunrobin, to be placed
beside the others. The Duke of Sutherland, in January 1873, was
elected an honorary member of the officer’s mess of the 93rd.
The Duke and Duchess, and a large party of ladies and gentlemen, were
entertained at luncheon by the officers in the Picture Gallery of
Holyrood. After a number of appropriate toasts had been drunk, the
tables were cleared away, and reel dancing commenced, and entered
into enthusiastically. It is said that till then, no dancing had
taken place in Holyrood since the days of Bonnie Prince Charlie;
according to some even, not since the days of the “braw gallant”
Charles II. The Duke and Duchess of Sutherland afterwards went to the
Castle, and visited the non-commissioned officers and soldiers, and
their wives and families, by all of whom they were enthusiastically
received. A few days after, the sergeants gave a very successful ball
to their friends to celebrate the occasion.
In the autumn of 1870, we may mention here, Her Majesty the Queen,
having noticed that a detachment of the regiment, under, Capt. M. W.
Hyslop, H.M.’s guard of honour at Ballater, wore kilts and plaids
of hard tartan, and that after a march in wind and rain the men’s
knees were much scratched and cut by the sharp edge of this tartan,
the Queen was graciously pleased to direct that soft instead of hard
tartan be in future supplied to Highland regiments. Accordingly, as
soon as the hard tartan in store was used up soft tartan kilts and
plaids were issued to the non-commissioned officers and men of the
93rd; this took place in April 1872.
Another instance of Her Majesty’s womanly disposition, and of her
thoughtfulness and care for all about her, we shall mention. During
her stay at Holyrood in August 1872, a captain’s guard of the 93rd
Highlanders was stationed at the palace. Her Majesty walked across
from the palace to the guard-room, and satisfied herself that the
guard was comfortably housed and properly taken care of, entering
into conversation with the soldiers cooking the day’s rations.
On Monday May 12, 1873, the 93rd left Edinburgh for Aldershot. On the
previous Saturday, the Lord Provost (the Right Hon. James Cowan) and
magistrates of Edinburgh publicly bade farewell in the name of the
citizens to the regiment, the Lord Provost addressing officers and
men in the courtyard of the Council Chambers, in a few appropriate
and highly complimentary words, to which Col. Burroughs made a brief
but feeling reply. The officers were then invited to a banquet in the
Council Chambers, and the soldiers were also liberally regaled with
refreshments.
On their way to Granton, on the 12th December, to embark on board the
“Himalaya,” the 93rd marched through crowds of admiring spectators,
and passed the 91st Argyllshire Highlanders on the way to take their
place.
It reached Aldershot on the 15th, and occupied D, G, and H lines of
the North Camp.
Among the list of recipients of Her Majesty’s favour on her 54th
birthday (1873), Col. Burroughs’ name appeared as nominated a C.B.,
making the ninth officer of the regiment who had been thus honoured.
[Illustration: Lieutenant-Colonel William M’Bean, V.C.
From a Photograph.]
In July and August 1873, the 93rd, commanded by Colonel Burroughs,
took part in the “Autumn Manœuvres” in Dartmoor, and received great
praise from the generals under whom it served, as well as special
notice from H.R.H. the Field Marshal, Commanding-in-Chief, for its
smart appearance on parade, and the excellency of its skirmishing.
On August 8th Lt.-Col. J. M. Brown retired on full pay, after a
service of 45 years in the regiment.
On Sept. 28th, Lt.-General Sir H. W. Stisted, K.C.B., was appointed
honorary colonel, vice Lt.-General C. C. Hay deceased.
On Oct. 29th, Col. Burroughs, C.B., retired on half-pay, and was
succeeded in command by Lt.-Col. M’Bean, V.C., who has well earned
the honourable position he now fills.
Lieut.-Col. M’Bean commanded the 93rd during the manœuvres of 1874 at
Aldershot, where it remained till the 2nd of July, when it removed to
Cambridge Barracks, Woolwich.
The strength of the 93rd, one of the finest Highland regiments, at
the present time (1875) is 31 officers, and 642 non-commissioned
officers and men, including the depôt.
On the next page we give an engraving of the splendid Centre-Piece
of plate belonging to the officer’s mess, which was designed by
one of the officers of the regiment. The sculpture on one side
is supposed to represent the shot-riven wall of an outwork at
Sebastopol, where an officer of the 93rd contemplates the dead
body of a Russian soldier lying near a private of the regiment,
who reclines severely wounded, the regimental pipe-major, in a
commanding position above the group, playing “the gathering.” The
other side (which we engrave) has an exact reproduction from a
photograph of one of the gateway towers of the Secunder Bagh at
Lucknow, for an account of the storming of which place in November
1857, see pages 790, 791. An officer and private of the 93rd, and
a dead Sepoy, emblematise that terrible Indian struggle and its
result. Ornamental silver shields on each side of the ebony pedestal
bear on one side the badge of the regiment, and on the other the
presentation inscription, describing it as a memorial from some of
the officers (whose names run round a silver rim on the top of the
pedestal) of the part taken by the regiment in the Crimean war of
1854, and suppression of the Indian Mutiny in 1857.
This splendid work of art was inspected by Her Majesty the Queen
at Windsor Castle in July 1870, when she was graciously pleased
to express her approval both of the design and workmanship. It
cost the subscribers nearly £500; and when we consider that it
_exactly_ reproduces the dresses, &c., of the regiment at the period
represented, time will greatly enhance its present value. The
uniform and accoutrements of the Russian soldier are of one of the
regiments overthrown by the 93rd at the Alma, and those of the Sepoy
the dress of one of those rebel corps entirely annihilated in the
Secunder Bagh.
We have the pleasure of giving, on the Plate of Colonels of the 91st,
92nd, and 93rd regiments, the portrait of Major-General Wm. Wemyss of
Wemyss, from a painting by Raeburn, at Wemyss Castle, Fife; and that
of Sir Henry W. Stisted, K.C.B., from a photograph.
[Illustration: CENTRE-PIECE OF OFFICERS’ PLATE.
Described on page 800.]
SUCCESSION LIST OF COLONELS AND LIEUTENANT-COLONELS OF THE 93RD
SUTHERLAND HIGHLANDERS.
COLONELS.[578]
+----------------------+--------------+--------------+--------------------+
| | Date of | Date of | |
| Names and Titles. | Appointment. | Retirement. | Remarks. |
+----------------------+--------------+--------------+--------------------+
|William Wemyss of |Aug. 25, 1800 | 1822 |Died. |
| Wemyss | | | |
|Sir Thomas Hislop, |Feb. 8, 1822 |June 4, 1822 |Removed to 51st |
| Bart., G.C.B. | | | Foot. |
|Sir Hudson Lowe, |June 4, 1822 | | |
| K.C.B. | | | |
|Sir John Cameron, |July 23, 1832 |May 31, 1833 |Removed to 9th Foot.|
| K.C.B. | | | |
|Sir Jasper Nicolls, |May 31, 1833 |July 15, 1840 |Removed to 38th |
| K.C.B. | | | Foot. |
|Sir James Douglas, |June 15, 1840 |April 10, 1850|Removed to 42nd |
| K.C.B. | | | Royal Highlanders.|
|William Wemyss |Mar. 10, 1850 |Nov. 30, 1852 |Died Colonel. |
|Lt.-General Edward |Dec. 10, 1852 | 1858 |Died Colonel. |
| Parkinson, C.B. | | | |
|Lord Clyde (Sir Colin |Jan. 15, 1858 |June 22, 1860 |Removed to |
| Campbell), G.C.B., | | | Coldstream Guards.|
| K.S.I., D.C.L. | | | Raised to the |
| | | | Peerage, Aug. 16, |
| | | | 1858. Died Aug. |
| | | | 14, 1863. |
|Lt.-General William |June 4, 1860 | 1862 |Died Colonel. |
| Sutherland, | | | |
|Lt.-General Alex. |June 3, 1862 |Aug. 28, 1868 |Died Colonel. |
| Fisher Macintosh, | | | |
| K.H. | | | |
|Lt.-General Charles |Aug. 29, 1868 | |Died Colonel. |
| Craufurd Hay | | | |
|Lt.-General Sir Henry |Sept. 28, 1873| | |
| William Stisted, | | | |
| K.C.B. | | | |
| |
| LIEUTENANT-COLONELS. |
| |
|Alexander Halket |Aug. 25, 1800 |May 3, 1810 |To 104th Foot. |
|George Johnstone |May 3, 1810 | | |
|Andrew Creagh |Sept. 29, 1814|Mar. 7, 1822 |Removed to 81st |
| | | | Foot. |
|William Wemyss |Mar. 16, 1815 | | |
|Henry Milling |Mar. 7, 1822 |Dec. 26, 1822 |From 81st Foot. |
| | | | Retired without |
| | | | joining the |
| | | | regiment. |
|The Hon. Sir Charles |Dec. 26, 1822 | |Retired on Half-pay.|
| Gordon | | | Died in command of|
| | | | 42nd in 1835. |
|Duncan M’Gregor |Mar. 23, 1826 | | |
|Robert Spark |July 28, 1838 | | |
|Lorenzo Rothe |Feb. 21, 1852 | | |
|William Bernard |Oct. 21, 1853 |Jan. 25, 1856 |Retired. |
| Ainslie, C.B. | | | |
|Alex. Sebastian Leith |April 16, 1855| | |
| Hay | | | |
|The Hon. Adrian Hope |Jan. 25, 1856 |April 16, 1858|Retired on Half-pay,|
| | | | Nov. 10, 1856, and|
| | | | in March 1857 |
| | | | brought in from |
| | | | Half-pay as second|
| | | | Lt.-Col. Killed in|
| | | | action, April 16, |
| | | | 1858. |
|John A. Ewart, C.B. |April 16, 1858|Sept. 30, 1859|Exchanged to 78th. |
|Henry William Stisted,|Sept. 30, 1859| |Exchanged from 78th.|
| C.B. | | | |
|Robert Lockhart Ross |Dec. 21, 1860 | | |
|Frederick William |Aug. 10, 1864 |Oct. 29, 1873 |Retired on Half-pay.|
| Traill Burroughs, | | | |
| C.B. | | | |
|Erskine Scott Francis |Nov. 29, 1864 | | |
| G. Dawson | | | |
|William M’Bean, V.C. |Oct. 29, 1873 | | |
+----------------------+--------------+--------------+--------------------+
FOOTNOTES:
[568] His portrait will be found on the Plate of Colonels of the
91st, 92nd, and 93rd regiments.
[569] At Guernsey, on May 6, 1802, died at the age of 40, Sergeant
Sam. M’Donald, well known at the time by the appellation of “Big
Sam.” He served in the American War, was afterwards fugleman to the
Royals, and subsequently lodge porter at Carlton House. In 1793 he
was appointed sergeant in the Sutherland Fencibles, joining the 93rd
when it was raised. He measured 6 ft. 10 in. in height, 4 feet round
the chest, was strongly built, muscular, and well-proportioned. His
strength was prodigious, but he was never known to abuse it. His tomb
was restored by the non-commissioned officers of the 79th Cameron
Highlanders in 1820, and in 1870 by the officers of the 93rd.
[570] In 1813 a second battalion was added to the regiment. It was
formed at Inverness, and after some instructions in discipline, was
destined to join the army under the Duke of Wellington in France;
but owing to the peace of 1814 this destination was changed to North
America. This battalion was embarked, and landed in Newfoundland,
where it was stationed sixteen months, and then returning to Europe
in 1815, was reduced soon after landing.
[571] Vol. ii. p. 410.
[572] Vol ii. p. 412.
[573] For details and illustrated plan as to previous operations, see
vol. ii. p. 667 and 677.
[574] See vol. ii. p. 677, where a plan is given, illustrative of the
operations for the Relief of Lucknow.
[575] For the details of the retreat see the history of the 78th,
vol. ii. p. 679.
[576] This loyal chief, when Nepaulese ambassador in England, saw the
93rd at Edinburgh, and expressed a wish to _buy_ the regiment!
[577] For an account of the very pleasant interchange of civilities
between the officers of the 93rd and 79th, when both met at Nagpoor,
see vol. ii. p. 718.
[578] We are sorry that the dates are so defective; but, after
making every exertion to obtain them, we have not been able to fill
up all the blanks.
APPENDIX TO THE 42ND ROYAL HIGHLAND REGIMENT, THE BLACK WATCH.
1873-1875.
The Ashantee Campaign--Malta.
We left the Black Watch at Devonport in the beginning of 1873, with
no likelihood then of its being called upon to engage in actual
service. On the Gold Coast of Africa, however, mischief had been
brewing for many years, and during the course of 1873 the conduct of
Coffee Calcallee, king of the barbarous country of Ashantee, had been
such that unless a decisive blow were immediately struck, Britain
would be compelled to resign possession of her territory in that
part of the African coast; and, as our readers no doubt know, that
territory had been considerably increased by the cession to Britain,
in 1872, of the Dutch possessions on the Gold Coast. Thus in 1873 the
coast for many miles, both east and west of Cape Coast Castle, the
seat of government, was under the British protection. The principal
native population of the territory are the Fantees, who from years of
oppression had been reduced to a state of abject cowardice, as was
but too well shown in the brief campaign against their inland enemy,
the King of Ashantee. The Ashantee territory extends northwards from
the Gold Coast to a distance of about 300 miles, its middle being
traversed by the River Prah, which flows in the upper part of its
course from east to west, but turns at Prah-su towards the south,
and reaches the sea at Chamah, to the west of Cape Coast Castle.
The capital of the Ashantee territory is Coomassie, about 100 miles
directly north from Cape Coast Castle, and about half that distance
north of the bend of the Prah, at the town of Prah-su. The population
of Coomassie had been very much exaggerated. At the commencement of
the campaign it was probably between 20,000 and 30,000. Here the
despotic King of Ashantee lived in great state, and in the indulgence
of the superstitious and terribly cruel practices known as the
Ashantee “Customs.” It is hoped that the lesson which has been read
him by a handful of British soldiers will ultimately lead to the
abolition of these “Customs,” and to a general amelioration of the
miserable lot of the peoples in that part of Africa.
[Illustration: MAP ILLUSTRATING THE ASHANTEE CAMPAIGN.]
We need not enter upon the very complicated event which led to the
British Government sending out an expedition, under the determined,
clear-headed, and accomplished Sir Garnet Wolseley, C.B., to let
this barbarous despot know the strength of the British arm. The
measures hitherto taken to keep the Ashantees in their place had
been so inadequate, that their kings had become intolerably bold and
confident, and had indeed acquired an utter contempt of the British
power as exhibited on the Gold Coast. King Coffee Calcallee resolved,
about the end of 1872, to strike such a blow as would utterly stamp
out the British rule on that coast. And in January 1873 an army
of 60,000 warriors--and the Ashantees though cruel are brave and
warlike--was in full march upon Cape Coast Castle. The whole force
at the disposal of Colonel Harley, in whom the administration was
vested, was about 1000 men, mainly West India troops and Houssa
police, with some marines. It was estimated that a contingent of
about 60,000 would be raised from the friendly tribes, but this
number figured only on paper. By April the Ashantees were within a
few miles of Cape Coast Castle. Things were getting desperate, when a
small force of marines, under Lt.-Col. Festing, arrived from England
in the beginning of June. With this and other small reinforcements,
the English managed to keep the barbarians at bay until the arrival,
on October 2nd, on the Gold Coast of Major-General Sir Garnet J.
Wolseley, who had been selected to command a force which was being
organised in England to sweep back the threatening horde. He was
accompanied only by his staff, and immediately on landing set about
clearing the Ashantees out of several towns in the neighbourhood
of Cape Coast Castle. Sir Garnet’s clear-headedness and admirable
power of organisation soon inspired the few troops at his command
with perfect confidence; and by the time the force of which the 42nd
formed part arrived at the Gold Coast, everything was prepared for an
advance towards the capital of the Ashantee kingdom. We cannot linger
over the preliminary work in which Lord Gifford, Colonel Festing, the
unfortunate Lieut. Eardley-Wilmot, and other officers whose names are
now familiar to the British public, played a prominent part. By the
end of November the Ashantee force was in full retreat on Coomassie,
and by the end of December General Wolseley with his staff and some
500 sailors and marines was at Prah-su.
[Illustration: Major-General Sir Garnet J. Wolseley, K.C.M.G., C.B.
From a photograph taken Oct. 22, 1874.]
Meantime the small force which had been organising in England was
on its way to the scene of operations. The 42nd was the principal
regiment of the line, as a large part of the 23rd Welsh Fusileers
had to re-embark, owing to the desertion of some thousands of
native carriers who had been engaged to carry the necessary baggage
through the unwholesome country. As we said at the conclusion of the
history of the 79th, a considerable number of volunteers from that
regiment accompanied the Black Watch, which left Portsmouth on the
4th of December 1873, and arrived off Cape Coast Castle on the 17th,
disembarking on the 3rd and 4th of January 1874. Besides the 23rd,
42nd, and 2nd battalion Rifle Brigade, there were detachments of
Royal Artillery, Royal Engineers, and Royal Marines, which, with the
force already on the ground, formed the army with which Sir Garnet
Wolseley was to pierce into the very heart of the Ashantee kingdom,
through a country of marshes and matted forests, the growth of
centuries, and forming an almost impenetrable ambush for the enemy,
who knew how to take advantage of it. As Lord Derby remarked, this
was to be “an engineers’ and doctors’ war.” The engineers worked
admirably in the construction of roads, bridges, telegraphs, and
camps; and it became simply a question whether the British soldiers
would be able to hold out against the pestiferous climate long enough
to enable them to reach Coomassie and return to the Gold Coast ere
the heavy rains set in in the early spring. Happily the energy,
skill, and knowledge of General Wolseley were quite equal to the
emergency; and backed by an able and determined staff, and his small
force of brave and willing soldiers, he accomplished his mission with
complete success. All possible preparations were made on the road to
Prah-su, previous to the commencement of the march of the main body,
in order that not a moment of the precious time might be lost,--the
white troops must be back, and ready to embark by the end of February.
We have said that at starting there was considerable difficulty in
procuring a sufficient number of native carriers for the baggage
of the small force. This caused some delay after the landing of
the force at Mansu, some distance to the north of Cape Coast
Castle,--which delay, a 42nd officer said with truth, “did more harm
to our men than all the hard work in Ashantee.” To Europeans idleness
in such a climate is utterly prostrating. In the dearth of carriers,
the 42nd men themselves, greatly to their honour, volunteered to act
as porters. On the 23rd of January General Wolseley with the advanced
guard had crossed the Adansi Hills, and fixed his headquarters at
Fomannah, the palace of the Adansi king. On the 26th Colonel M’Leod
of the 42nd, who commanded the advanced guard, took Borborassie.
After this service the 23rd Fusileers, 42nd, Rifle Brigade, the 2nd
West India Regiment, and the Naval Brigade, which by this time had
reached Prah-su, were brought forward, resting on Insarfu. They
encamped on the night of the 30th about that place, and about two
miles north of it, towards the enemy’s main position at Amoaful. The
advanced guard, under Colonel M’Leod, was at Quarman, within a mile
or two of the enemy’s position.
The entire country hereabout is one dense mass of brush, penetrated
by a few narrow lanes, “where the ground, hollowed by rains, is
so uneven and steep at the sides as to give scanty footing. A
passenger,” to quote the _London News’_ narrative, “between the two
walls of foliage, may wander for hours before he finds that he has
mistaken his path. To cross the country from one narrow clearing
to another, axes or knives must be used at every step. There is no
looking over the hedge in this oppressive and bewildering maze. Such
was the battlefield of January 31st. The enemy’s army was never seen,
but its numbers are reported by Ashantees to have been 15,000 or
20,000. Its chief commander was Amanquatia, the Ashantee general. The
Ashantees were generally armed with muskets, firing slugs; but some
had rifles. As they were entirely concealed in the bush, while our
countrymen stood in the lane or in the newly-cut spaces, precision of
aim was no advantage to our side.”
The main body of the enemy was encamped on the hill rising towards
the town of Amoaful; but thousands of them also must have been
skulking in the bush through which the small British force had to
march before reaching the encampment. At early dawn on the 31st the
British force moved upon the village of Egginassie, where the first
shots were fired from an Ashantee ambush. The force was carefully
arranged to suit the nature of the ground, with a front column, a
left column, a right column, and a rear column, all so disposed that
when they closed up they would form a square, the columns taking in
spaces to the right and left of the central line of advance, so as to
prevent any attack on the advancing front centre.
The front column was commanded by Brigadier-General Sir Archibald
Alison, Bart., C.B. It consisted of the 42nd, under Major Baird,
Major Duncan Macpherson, and Major Scott, a detachment of the 23rd
Fusileers, Captain Rait’s Artillery, manned by Houssas, and a
detachment of the Royal Engineers. The left column was commanded
by Brigadier-Colonel M’Leod of the 42nd, and the right column by
Lt.-Col. Evelyn Wood, 90th Light Infantry; part of the right column
consisted of miscellaneous native African levies, under Captain Furze
of the 42nd. The paths through the jungle were cut for each column of
troops by large parties of native labourers.
Thus clearing their way through the jungle, and often scarcely able
to obtain foothold from the slippery state of the marshy ground, the
force advanced against the enemy. When the front of the small force
had got a few hundred yards beyond the village of Egginassie, it
was assailed by a tremendous fire of musketry from an unseen foe,
very trying to the nerves even of an experienced and well-trained
soldier. By this time five companies of the 42nd were in skirmishing
order. The slugs were dropping thick and fast; had they been bullets,
scarcely a man of the Black Watch would have lived to tell the tale.
As it was, there were few of the officers who did not receive a
scratch, and nearly 100 of the men were wounded. Major Macpherson was
shot in the leg, but limped on with a stick, and kept the command for
some time, when he was compelled to give it up to Major Scott. It
was at this critical moment that Capt. Rait’s gun--there was no room
for two--came into action at 50 yards from the enemy, on the direct
line of advance. The shells fired at that short distance, with deadly
effect, soon forced the enemy to clear the road. In a moment, as they
gave way upon their own left upon the road, the 42nd pushed them in
thence along the whole line, and they began to yield another 50 yards
or more, and Rait’s gun again came into action against the enemy,
who had at once taken up a fresh position, as the bush prevented the
Black Watch from forming quickly.
Again the enemy per force gave way before the shells along the
road. Again the 42nd took instant advantage of it, and the enemy
rolled back. The men were now in such high spirits, according to the
account of one who was present, that the terrors of the bush were no
more. Sir Archibald Alison saw that the moment had come. He ordered
the pipers to play. Down together, with a ringing cheer, went the
splendid regiment under his orders, straight at the concealed foe.
Away rolled every Ashantee in front of them; away down one hill
and up another, on which stood the village of Amoaful itself. By
half-past eleven the village was in the hands of the British force.
It was not, however, till after two that the fighting was over,
as the flank parties, the left as we have said, commanded by the
Colonel of the 42nd, had much more trouble and numerous casualties
in fighting and clearing their way through the bush. By the time
mentioned, however, the last Ashantee had shown his heels in full
retreat. Of the 42nd Bt.-Major Baird was severely wounded, from
which he died at Sierra Leone on the 6th of March, Major Macpherson,
Captains Creagh and Whitehead, Lts. Berwick, Stevenson, Cumberland,
and Mowbray, and 104 men wounded.
[Illustration: Sir John M’Leod, K.C.B.
From a photograph.]
On Feb. 1st, the day after this signal victory, the adjacent village
of Becqueh was captured and destroyed by Col. M’Leod, with the
naval brigade and several detachments, supported by portions of
the 42nd and 23rd. On the 2nd, the army was at Agemanu, six miles
beyond Amoaful, every inch of the ground between the two places
being disputed by the enemy. On this day Lt. Wauchope of the 42nd
was slightly wounded. On the 3rd, Sir Garnet moved by the westerly
road, branching off to the left from Agemanu, through Adwabin and
Detchiasa to the river Dah or Ordah, the enemy again opposing the
advance and hanging round the flanks of the force. King Coffee
Calcallee had tried to stop the advance of the British by offering to
pay an indemnity, but in vain, as no reliance whatever could be put
in any of his promises; the King therefore resolved to dispute the
passage of the river. The battle of Ordah-su, as it is called, was
fought on Feb. 4th, and lasted seven hours. When the troops reached
the Dah on the evening of the 3rd, it was a tremendous downpour of
rain, and it was not till next morning that the engineers managed to
complete their bridge over the river. By this bridge, on the morning
of the 4th, the advanced guard, the rifle brigade and some native
troops under Colonel M’Leod, crossed the bridge, and soon found
itself fiercely engaged with very large numbers of the enemy, who had
crowded into the villages on each side of the road, from which it was
found exceedingly difficult to dislodge them. The first shots were
fired about 7 A.M., and Sir Garnet Wolseley in his official despatch,
dated Coomassie, Feb. 5th, thus describes the rest:--
“The advanced guard, under the command of Col. M’Leod, 42nd
Highlanders, was brought to a stand still shortly after the advance
began; and a general action soon developed itself, lasting for
more than six hours. The enemy did not, however, fight with the
same courage as at Amoaful, for although their resistance was most
determined, their fire was wild, and they did not generally attack us
at such close quarters as in the former action.
“The village of Ordahsu having been carried by the rifle brigade at
nine o’clock, I massed all my force there, having previously passed
all the reserve ammunition, field hospitals, and supplies through
the troops, who held the road between the river and the village, a
distance of about a mile. The enemy then attacked the village with
large numbers from all sides, and for some hours we could make no
progress, but steadily held our ground. The 42nd Highlanders being
then sent to the front, advanced with pipes playing, and carried the
enemy’s position to the north of the village in the most gallant
style; Captain Rait’s artillery doing most effective service in
covering the attack, which was led by Col. M’Leod.
“After some further fighting on the front line, a panic seems to have
seized the enemy, who fled along the road to Coomassie in complete
rout. Although the columns they had detailed to assault our flanks
and rear continued for some time afterwards to make partial attacks
upon the village, we followed close upon the enemy’s heels into
Coomassie. The town was still occupied by large numbers of armed men,
who did not attempt to resist. The King had fled no one knew whither.
Our troops had undergone a most fatiguing day’s work, no water fit
for drinking having been obtained during the action or the subsequent
advance, and the previous night’s rest having been broken by a
tornado, which drenched our bivouac. It was nearly six o’clock when
the troops formed up in the main street of Coomassie, and gave three
cheers for the Queen.”
The 42nd was the first to enter the capital, the pipers playing at
its head, about half-past four in the afternoon; by half-past seven
the whole force was inside Coomassie, and the discomfiture of the
Ashantees was complete, the king himself having fled.
Mr H. M. Stanley, the well-known correspondent of the _New York
Herald_, in describing the advance on Coomassie, wrote as follows of
the bravery of the Black Watch:--
“The conduct of the 42nd Highlanders on many fields has been
considerably belauded, but mere laudation is not enough for the
gallantry which has distinguished this regiment when in action. Its
bearing has been beyond praise as a model regiment, exceedingly
disciplined, and individually nothing could surpass the standing and
gallantry which distinguished each member of the 42nd or the Black
Watch. They proceeded along the well ambushed road as if on parade,
by twos. ‘The Forty-second will fire by companies, front rank to the
right, rear rank to the left,’ shouted Col. Macleod. ‘A company,
front rank fire! rear rank fire!’ and so on, and thus vomiting out
twoscore of bullets to the right and twoscore to the left, the
companies volleyed and thundered as they marched past the ambuscades,
the bagpipes playing, the cheers rising from the throats of the lusty
Scots until the forest rang again with discordant medley of musketry,
bagpipe music, and vocal sounds. It was the audacious spirit and
true military bearing on the part of the Highlanders, as they moved
down the road toward Coomassie, which challenged admiration this
day. Very many were borne back frightfully disfigured and seriously
wounded, but the regiment never halted nor wavered; on it went, until
the Ashantees, perceiving it useless to fight against men who would
advance heedless of ambuscades, rose from their coverts, and fled
panic-stricken towards Coomassie, being perforated by balls whenever
they showed themselves to the hawk-eyed Scots. Indeed, I only wish
I had enough time given me to frame in fit words the unqualified
admiration which the conduct of the 42nd kindled in all who saw or
heard of it. One man exhibited himself eminently brave among brave
men. His name was Thomas Adams. It is said that he led the way to
Coomassie, and kept himself about ten yards ahead of his regiment,
the target for many hundred guns; but that, despite the annoying
noise of iron and leaden slugs, the man bounded on the road like a
well-trained hound on a hot scent. This example, together with the
cool, calm commands of Col. Macleod, had a marvellous effect upon the
Highland battalion.”
In the action on the 4th, Capt. Moore and Lts. Grogan and Wauchope
of the 42nd were wounded, the latter severely this time; 14 men were
also wounded.
Thus, in the space of about a month, by the decision and energy of
the leader of the expedition, and the willingness of his officers and
troops, was the great object of the campaign accomplished in the most
masterly manner, and the Ashantees humbled as they had never been
before, and taught a lesson they are not likely soon to forget. As
during the 5th there seemed no hope of the treacherous king coming
to terms, and as it was absolutely necessary for the safety of the
troops that the return march should be immediately commenced, Sir
Garnet resolved to destroy Coomassie, and set out at once. Having,
therefore sent off all the wounded, he issued orders for an advance
on the morning of the 6th. Early on that morning the homeward
movements commenced, headed by the naval brigade, and covered by a
rear guard of the 42nd, which did not retire till the town had been
set on fire in every quarter, and the mines which had been placed
under the palace fired. A tornado had raged during the previous
night, but the destruction of the town by fire was complete.
Thus the campaign was virtually at an end, and Gen. Wolseley made
all possible haste to bring his little army back to Cape Coast
Castle, which, notwithstanding the swollen state of the rivers, he
accomplished by February 19th. While on his way back Gen. Wolseley
received the unqualified submission of the humbled king. No time
was lost in getting the troops out of the influence of the deadly
climate. Without delay, therefore, the embarkation took place. The
42nd embarked in the “Nebraska” on the 23rd, and sailed on the 27th
in the “Sarmatian,” the steamer which brought them from England.
It arrived at Portsmouth on March 23rd, where it was received with
tremendous enthusiasm. All had suffered more or less from the effects
of the climate, but what with good constitutions and care, the
42nd in course of time regained its “wonted health and strength.”
Previous to its embarkation for Ashantee the 42nd, like the other
regiments, was provided with suits of dark grey (retaining in the
head dress their red feather), as being much more appropriate for the
work to be done than the usual regimental costume. The men’s kits
were, however, on board the “Sarmatian,” and the national garb was
therefore donned before landing, so that the regiment came ashore in
all the glory of its national garb.
Among the officers specially mentioned by Sir Garnet Wolseley for
having performed prominent services during the campaign were Col.
Macleod, C.B., who was afterwards made a K.C.B.; Majors Macpherson
and Scott; Capts. Farquharson, V.C., Furze, and Kidston; and Lt.
Wauchope. The special thanks of Parliament were awarded to the
troops, and honours were showered upon the Commander by the Queen and
country. Major Macpherson and Scott were made Lieutenant-Colonels
and C.B.’s., and had the brevet of lieutenant-colonel conferred
on them. Captains Bayly, Farquharson, V.C., and Furze, were made
Bt.-Majors. The Victoria Cross was conferred on Sergt. Samuel M’Gaw.
The non-commissioned officers and men selected to have medals “for
distinguished conduct in the field” at the hand of the Sovereign--and
had them presented by Her Majesty the Queen at Windsor Castle on the
16th of May 1874, in presence of Colonel Sir John M’Leod, K.C.B.,
commanding the regiment, were--Wm. Street, sergt.-instructor of
musketry; sergt. Henry Barton; privates John White, George Ritchie,
George Cameron, and William Bell; piper James Wetherspoon; privates
Henry Jones, Wm. Nichol, and Thomas Adams. Also, Sergeant-Major
Barclay was awarded the medal for “meritorious services” for
distinguished conduct during the campaign.
In conclusion, we think the following is worth recording; it is
told in a letter from a soldier of the 42nd, which appeared in the
_Inverness Advertiser_:--
“We were the objects of great curiosity on the part of the Fantees
(natives of this bit of the country), who hung round the camp all day
in crowds, and numbers of whom had followed us from a large village
through which we passed just as the sun was rising, our pipes making
the whole street ring with the tune of ‘Hey, Johnnie Cope,’ which
they struck up just as we entered the village; the whole place was
in an uproar at once, the people rushing out of their huts in the
utmost consternation, evidently thinking the Ashantees were on them.
The pipes were something new; bugles they had heard something of,
but bagpipes were unknown instruments of warfare to them. As soon as
they realised that it was not their dreaded foes who were present,
they began to approach cautiously, but catching sight of the pipers,
who still adhere to the garb of old Gaul in defiance of War-Office
regulations, a fresh stampede took place, to the intense amusement
of our men; nor did the boldest of them venture to come near until
the rear of the detachment was clear of the village. By the time,
however, that we reached our halting-place, we were surrounded by
a considerable crowd, the pipers still forming the attraction, the
natives evidently looking on these as officers or dignitaries of
the very highest importance, and the pipes themselves as some kind
of mysterious instrument by which the enemy is to be vanquished. So
far, indeed, did their respect for these personages carry them, that
a war-dance in their honour was got up, and carried on with great
vigour, to the evident disgust of big Duncan, our pipe-major, who
wanted to know what he was made a peep show of for, and if they had
never seen a kiltie before.”
The regiment remained at Portsmouth until Nov. 15th, when it embarked
for Malta under command of Sir John Macleod, K.C.B. Its strength
on embarkation was 26 officers, 43 sergeants, 21 drummers and
pipers, and 630 rank and file. It arrived at Malta, after calling at
Queenstown, on the 27th, and, after being a few days under canvas,
went into Isola barracks, &c., the same that was occupied by the
regiment in 1832, and again in 1844.
FENCIBLE CORPS.
The plan of raising Fencible corps in the Highlands was first
proposed and carried into effect by Mr Pitt (afterwards Earl of
Chatham), in the year 1759. During the three preceding years both
the fleets and armies of Great Britain had suffered reverses, and
to retrieve the national character great efforts were necessary. In
England county militia regiments were raised for internal defence
in the absence of the regular army; but it was not deemed prudent
to extend the system to Scotland, the inhabitants of which, it was
supposed, could not yet be safely entrusted with arms. Groundless
as the reasons for this caution undoubtedly were in regard to the
Lowlands, it would certainly have been hazardous at a time when the
Stuarts and their adherents were still plotting a restoration to have
armed the clans. An exception, however, was made in favour of the
people of Argyll and Sutherland, and accordingly letters of service
were issued to the Duke of Argyll, then the most influential and
powerful nobleman in Scotland, and the Earl of Sutherland to raise,
each of them, a Fencible regiment within his district. Unlike the
militia regiments which were raised by ballot, the Fencibles were to
be raised by the ordinary mode of recruiting, and like the regiments
of the line, the officers were to be appointed and their commissions
signed by the king. The same system was followed at different periods
down to the year 1799, the last of the Fencible regiments having been
raised in that year.
The following is a list of the Highland Fencible regiments according
to the chronological order of the commissions, with the date of their
embodiment and reduction:--
1. The Argyll Fencibles (No. 1), 1759-1763.
2. The Sutherland Fencibles (No. 1), 1759-1763.
3. The Argyll or Western Fencibles (No. 2), 1778-1783.
4. The Gordon Fencibles, 1778-1783.
5. The Sutherland Fencibles (No. 2), 1779-1783.
6. The Grant or Strathspey Fencibles, 1793-1799.
7. The Breadalbane Fencibles (three battalions), 1793 and 1794-1799
and 1802.
8. The Sutherland Fencibles (No. 3), 1793-1797.
9. The Gordon Fencibles (No. 2), 1793-1799.
10. The Argyll Fencibles (No. 3), 1793-1799.
11. The Rothesay and Caithness Fencibles (two battalions), 1794 and
1795-1802.
12. The Dumbarton Fencibles, 1794-1802.
13. The Reay Fencibles, 1794-1802.
14. The Inverness-shire Fencibles, 1794-1802.
15. The Fraser Fencibles, 1794-1802.
16. The Glengarry Fencibles, 1794-1802.
17. The Caithness Legion, 1794-1802.
18. The Perthshire Fencibles, 1794-1802.
19. Argyll Fencibles (No. 4), 1794-1802.
20. Lochaber Fencibles, 1799-1802.
21. The Clan-Alpine Fencibles, 1799-1802.
22. The Ross-shire Fencibles, 1796-1802.
23. Regiment of the Isles, or Macdonald Fencibles, 1799.
24. Argyll Fencibles (No. 5), 1796-1802.
25. The Ross and Cromarty Rangers, 1799-1802.
26. The Macleod Fencibles, 1799-1802.
INDEX.
Abercromby, Sir Ralph, his portrait, ii. 372;
Major-General, at Ticonderoga, 338;
his expedition against the West Indies, 362;
Egypt, 366;
his fatal wound, 372.
“Abercrombie Robinson,” The, its voyage with the 91st, ii. 732.
Aberdeen, Montrose’s march upon it, i. 169;
Covenanters expelled from, 172;
Farquharson’s “Hieland Men” at, 174;
Covenanters at, 187;
battle and sack of, 188;
deputation from, to Montrose, 202;
Covenanting officers killed at, 246.
Aberdeen, Old, view of, i. 246.
Aberdeenshire Highland Regiment, or Old 81st, ii. 565.
Aberdour, in Aberdeenshire, i. 39.
Aboukir taken by the British ii. 367.
Aboyne, the viscount’s force, i. 161;
appointed lieutenant of Highlands, 173;
landing in Aberdeen, 173;
proclamation to Covenanters, 173;
his escape from Carlisle, 208;
Montrose deserted by him, 229;
interview with Montrose, 234;
escape, 254.
Achnacarry, the seat of Cameron of Lochiel, engraving of it, i. 709.
A fin (“to the end”), the motto of the Ogilvy, ii. 319.
Agricola in Britain, i. 3;
his invasion of Scotland, 6;
his voyage and death, 9.
Agriculture in the Highlands, ii. 9.
Ahmednuggur, this fortress attacked and taken, ii. 575;
taken (1803), 627;
the Hon. Mrs Stewart Mackenzie’s memorial slab to the 78th in the
Pettah wall, 628.
Ahwaz, captured (Apr. 1, 1857), ii. 665, 666.
Aire, The, the fight here in 1814, ii. 729.
Alba or Scotland, i. 34.
Alba de Tormes, the allies’ retreat from, ii. 584;
the battle of, 760.
Alban or Scotland, i. 26;
note, 34.
Albania or Scotland (note), i. 34, 50.
Albany, Count of, this title is assumed by Prince Charles, i. 758.
Albany, Duke of, i. 69;
Regent, 71;
his victory at Harlaw, ii. 140.
Albany’s Highlanders, _see_ 72nd.
Albinn or Britain, i. 17.
Alexander III., his coronation at Scone, i. 61;
his portrait, 62.
Alexander of the Isles, Inverness destroyed by, i. 73;
he surrenders to James I., 73.
Allahabad, the 78th proceed thither, ii. 667;
Havelock’s march against the insurgents, 667;
the 79th here (1867), 716.
Alma, the battle of the, 42nd, ii. 410;
the 79th, 711;
the 93rd, 785;
--the River, the position of the Russians, 711;
--Medals, their distribution, 417.
Almarez, Lord Hill carries, ii. 381;
the 92nd here (1812), 760.
Alpine, Siol, several clans, ii. 242.
Alum Bagh, The, the sick and wounded guarded here, ii. 676.
Am Freiceadan Dubh (“the Black Watch”), the Gaelic name of the 42nd,
ii. 324.
Amoaful, the battle here, ii. 804.
Anderson, General Paul, the 78th receive new colours and accoutrements
from his estate, ii. 659.
Anglo-Norman jurisdiction, i. 59.
Anglo-Saxon colonisation of Scotland, i. 56.
“Another for Hector,” origin of the saying, i. 324.
Anrias or Ross, Clan, its history, crest, arms, and motto, ii. 235.
Anson, Hon. Mrs George, she presents new colours to the 74th
Highlanders, ii. 608.
Antonine, Wall of, map and profile of, i. 10;
stone from, 11.
Antwerp, allied commanders’ object against (1811), ii. 651.
Arapiles, Los, near Salamanca, ii. 583;
Pakenham’s obstinate fight here, 383.
Ard Choille (“the wooded hill”), motto and slogan of the Macgregors,
ii. 243.
Ardoch Moor, i. 7;
battle of, 8;
view of Roman Camp at, 15.
Ardvraick Castle, Montrose imprisoned here, i. 268;
view of, 269.
Argaum, battle of (1803), ii. 633.
Argyll, i. 34;
settlement of Scots from Ireland here, 33;
the proper orthography (note), ii. 177.
Argyll, Campbell, the clan, history, arms, crest, and motto, ii. 175.
Argyll, Archibald, the 5th Earl, ii. 179.
Argyll, 2nd Duke of, portrait, i. 472.
Argyll, the 7th Earl of, his portrait, i. 338;
defeated at Glenlivet, 109;
the 8th Earl and 1st Marquis, his portrait, 178;
defeated at Tippermuir, 184;
at Aberdeen, 188;
at Fyvie, 192;
his conduct towards Montrose, 271;
declines to serve in the Scots army in England, 289;
declaration of the 9th Earl against Government.
_See_ Campbell, Clan.
Argyll, 1st Marquis of, arrested, i. 332.
Argyll Highlanders, or Old 74th Highland Regiment, their history,
ii. 519.
Argyllshire Highlanders, the 91st Princess Louise’s Regiment, _see_
Ninety-first.
Argyll’s Stone (note), i. 339.
Arinez, the action here in 1813, ii. 596.
Arkaig, Loch, view of, i. 709.
Armour, ancient Caledonians’, i. 5.
Army sub-districts of Highland Regiments, _see_ Brigade Centre.
Arriverète, the battle here (1814), ii. 762.
Arroyo de Molinos, the battle here, ii. 496.
Ashantee Campaign (1874), map, ii. 803.
Ashantee War, volunteers from the 79th share in its dangers, ii. 721.
Assaye, battle and plan of, ii. 574, 631.
Athole, 2nd Duke of, with President Forbes at Blair Castle, i. 323;
the 4th Duke raises a regiment in 1778, ii. 522;
note from the 7th Duke on the death of Dundee, i. 376;
his accepting the care of the monument to the fallen of the 42nd,
ii. 435.
Athole Highlanders at Culloden, i. 663.
Athole Highlanders, _see_ 77th Regt., Old.
Athole, Marquis of, created duke, i. 410.
Athole, Stewarts of, their descent, ii. 300.
Attainted estates, i. 478.
Audaces juvo (“I favour the brave”), scroll motto of the Buchanans,
ii. 281.
Audentes Fortuna juvat (“fortune aids the daring”), Mackinnon’s motto,
&c., ii. 256.
Augustus, Fort, view of, i. 485.
Auldearn, battle of, i. 210.
Aut pax aut bellum (“either peace or war”), motto of Gunn, &c.,
ii. 278.
Badajoz, its siege and capture, ii. 581.
Bagh, “garden,” of frequent occurrence in Indian names, ii. 530.
Bagpipe, history of, in Highlands, ii. 109.
Bagpipe-playing in the Highlands, i. 312.
Baird, Major-General, his portrait, ii. 482;
commands against Hyder Ali, 481;
at the assault on Seringapatam, 570;
commands at the Cape of Good Hope, 778.
Balaklava, battle of, ii. 418, 713, 785.
Balloch, Donald, Lord of Isla, i. 76;
sends his own head to Edinburgh, ii. 141.
Balmerino, his letter to the Chevalier de St George, i. 726;
his execution, 727.
Balmoral, Highland residence of Her Majesty, steel engraving of,
i. 775.
Balnagowan, Ross of, and Pitcalnie, their claims to the chiefship,
ii. 237.
Bangalore, the storming in 1791, ii. 527.
Bannockburn, battle of, i. 63.
Bannockburn House--Prince Charles passes a night here, i. 616.
Bards’ influence on the Highlanders, i. 315.
Bareilly, its final reduction, ii. 686.
Bayonne--the battle in 1813, ii. 729;
last action of the Peninsular war, ii, 763.
Bede, the Venerable, i. 20, 22;
dialect, 21.
Belhaven, “the fiery Lord,” i. 411.
Ben, beann, ban, bean, bain, bane,--literally “white, beautiful;”
applied to amountain, it refers to the snow-cap, ii. 216.
Bengal army--the mutiny, ii. 666.
Beresford, Major-General, at Buenos-Ayres, ii. 488;
at the siege of Badajoz, 496;
his brigade in 1808, 727.
Bergen-op-Zoom, attack on, ii. 451.
Berridale, Lord, prosecution of, i. 126;
imprisoned, 137-8;
and his creditors, 145;
his wounds at Charlestown, ii. 521.
Bithoor, its evacuation before Hope-Grant, ii. 420;
the march against, 674.
“Birkenhead,” wreck of the, ii. 604.
Bi se mac an t’slaurie (“Be thou son of the crook”), the scroll motto
of the Maclaurins, ii. 279.
Bishops, Scottish, Anti-Popery mandates to their clergy (1745),
i. 582;
recognise the Hanoverian Government, 769.
“Black Camp,” before Inverary, i. 434.
Blackmail in the Highlands, i. 321;
levying of it, 483;
cessation of its payment, 488;
its amount, ii. 2.
“Black Watch,” the, _see_ Forty-Second Royal Highlanders, ii. 324.
Blair-Athole, Prince Charles here, i. 635.
Blair Castle abandoned by the Duke of Athole, and seized by the
Marquis of Tullibardine, i. 534;
the family residence of the Dukes of Athole, with engravings of as
it stood in 1745-6 before being dismantled, 643;
and as restored in 1872, ii. 312.
Blantyre, Lord, deputed to London, Queen Elizabeth refuses to see him,
i. 409;
his experience of Highlanders, ii. 380.
Blauw-Berg, the battle in 1806, ii. 778.
“Bloody Preacher,” the, David Dickson, i. 238;
John Nave or Neaves, ii. 252.
Bog of Gight, Earl of Murray here, i. 156;
the castle taken by Leslie, 251;
the site of Gordon Castle, ii. 318.
Bondage, Manerial, predial service in Harris, ii. 35.
Bones, Highland superstitions about, i. 309.
“Bonnet gained,” the, its history, ii. 417.
“Bonnie Dundee,” song of (note), i. 350.
“Bonnie House o’ Airly,” the, destroyed by the Earl of Argyll, i. 178.
Book of Deer, the, (note), i. 22, 38.
Borlum, Old, Brigadier Mackintosh, Laird of, i. 437;
ordered by Mar to the Borders, 445.
Boyd, Lord, incident at Culloden, i. 667.
Boyne, King James’s defeat at the, i. 393.
Brahan Castle, the Highlanders lay down their arms here, i. 486.
Brandywine Creek--the battle, ii. 353.
Breadalbane Campbells, their motto, history, arms, &c., ii. 186;
first earl, 187.
Breadalbane, his portrait, i. 394;
his policy for the winning side, 395;
imprisoned for high treason, i. 402.
Bridge of Dee (note), i. 85;
battle of the, 175;
skirmish at, 202.
Brigade Centres, or “Army Sub-districts” of the Highland
regiments--the 42nd and 79th is Perth;
the 71st and 78th is Fort George;
the 72nd and 91st is Stirling;
the 74th is Hamilton;
and the 92nd and 93rd is Aberdeen.
Brooklyn, battle of (1776), ii. 349, 467.
Bruce, Robert, i. 63.
Buchanan, Clan, its history, arms and mottoes, ii. 281.
Buchanan, George, on Highland dress and armour, i. 327.
Burgos, the siege in 1812, ii. 383, 703.
Burton, Major, his melancholy fate, ii. 551.
Burt’s Letters on Highland dress, i. 330;
their value, ii. 20.
Busaco--the battle, A.D. 1810, ii. 578.
Busheer, its surrender, ii. 660.
Bydand (“permanent”), motto of the Gordons, ii. 316.
Byng, Lt.-General Sir John, presents new colours to the 92nd,
Dec. 13, 1830, ii. 767.
Caber Feidh, or “Gathering of the 72nd Highlanders,” the music
arranged for the bagpipes, ii. 532.
Cadogan, Colonel, mortally wounded at La Puebla--engraving of his
monument in Glasgow Cathedral, ii. 498.
Caffraria, map of the eastern part, ii. 564.
“Caisteal Foulis na theine”--Castle Foulis in flames--slogan of the
Munroes, ii. 434.
Caithness and Sutherland, Earls of, feud between, i. 100;
reprisals, 110;
differences, 128;
agreement, 136.
Caledonians, Ancient, their habits, i. 1, 4;
weapons, armour, government, physique, 5;
engravings of two sculptured stones representing them, 4.
Callernish Circle in Lewis--view of, i. 37.
Callum More, Colin Mòr or Mohr, ii. 178.
Cambridge, H.R.H. the Duke of, in the Crimea, ii. 784;
he presents new colours to the 93rd, 788.
Cameron (or Chameron), Clan, its history, arms, crest, mottoes, and
branches, ii. 217;
clan muster in 1745, i. 522;
defeat of Clan Chattan by, 106.
Cameron, Alan (of Erracht), raises the 79th Regiment, ii. 697;
his candid and stern refusal to allow the king to draft the 79th
Regiment (note), 698;
his letter on abolishing the kilt, 699.
Cameron, Sir Duncan A., K.C.B., his portrait on steel as colonel of
the “Black Watch,” ii. 325;
at the Alma, 413;
succeeds Sir Colin Campbell in command of the Highland Brigade
(1855), 547, 713;
succeeds Sir Colin in command of a division, 548;
his war services, 437.
Cameron, Col. John, 92nd, his portrait, ii. 763;
--his part and death at Quatre Bras, June 16, 1815--some details
of his life and bravery, 764;
his coat of arms, 762;
Sir Walter Scott’s lines upon, 765.
Cameron, Donald (Lochiel), “The Gentle Chief,” _see_ Lochiel.
Cameron, Dr Arch., portrait, i. 718;
execution at Tyburn--reluctance of George II. to sign his death
warrant, 756.
Cameron Highlanders, “the 79th Queen’s Own,” _see_ 79th Regiment.
Cameron, John Dhu, Sergeant Mòr, i. 325.
Cameron, Sir Ewen, of Lochiel (or “Ewan Dhu”), his character and
achievements, i. 296, 297, ii. 220-222;
with his second son at Killiecrankie, i. 371;
his foster brother at Killiecrankie (note), 377;
Byron’s mention of him, ii. 706.
Cameronian Volunteers, the first designation of the 79th, ii. 697.
“Cameronians,” origin of the name, the test, i. 335;
become partisans of the Stuarts, their warlike movements, i. 414.
Camerons, their conduct before the battle of Prestonpans, i. 555, 562.
Campbell--its etymology, ii. 175.
Campbell, Clan, Argyll Branch, arms, crest, and motto, ii. 175;
its prominent men, 177-185.
Campbell, Clan, Breadalbane Branch, arms, crest, and motto--its
prominent men, ii. 186-189.
Campbell, Clan, Offshoots, ii. 189-190.
Campbell, Castle, burned by the Macleans, i. 221.
Campbell, Colin (of Carwhin), he succeeds to the Breadalbane peerage,
ii. 188.
Campbell, General Duncan, of Lochnell, first colonel of the 91st--his
portrait on steel, ii. 756;
his punch-bowl, 754.
Campbell, Major-General John Francis Glencairn--his portrait, ii. 746;
his bravery, 738;
his becoming colonel, 91st, 746.
Campbell, Major-General Sir Archibald, K.C.B., first colonel of the
74th Highlanders, ii. 571;
his portrait, 572.
Campbell of Lochnell at Glenlivet, i. 108.
Campbell, Sir Archibald Ava, Bart., the representative of the
Robertsons, ii. 172.
Campbell, Sir Colin (Lord Clyde), his portrait on steel plate, ii. 409;
his career (note), ii. 413;
his generalship, 416, 417, 682, 684, 713, 784, 785, 790.
Campbell’s Highlanders, or Old 88th Regiment, history of, ii. 475.
Campbells, Macdougall, of Craignish, ii. 167.
Campobello, Sir Nigel de, the head of the Clan Campbell (in 1320 A.D.),
ii. 176.
Camps, Roman, i. 14, 15.
Canada, plan for its conquest (1759), ii. 460.
Cannon, Colonel, joined by Farquharsons, Frasers, Gordons, Macphersons,
i. 380;
defeated at Dunkeld, 384.
Canute in Scotland, i. 53.
Cape of Good Hope, the Dutch yield it up, ii. 624.
Carlisle, occupied by Duke of Hamilton, i. 256;
surrenders to Prince Charles, 589;
engraving of the city (1745), 604;
surrenders to Cumberland, 610.
Carpenter, General, he intercepts the Jacobite army, i. 146, 449;
commander of the forces in North Britain, 480.
Caschroim, the crooked Scotch spade (woodcut), ii. 9.
Cassilis, Earl of, i. 88;
his flight from Linlithgow, 258;
at Queensferry, 258.
Cat, the Great, a name of the Sutherland chief, ii. 273.
Cathcart, Colonel, is despatched against the rebels by the Duke of
Argyll; he surprises the Jacobites, i. 457;
his skilful attack at Sheriffmuir, 463.
Catholic religion, restoration of, i. 329.
Cattanachs, the, ii. 217.
Cattle-lifting in the Highlands, i. 321; ii. 1.
Cattle raids in the Highlands (1724), i. 483.
Cawnpore, more correctly Cawnpoor.
Cawnpoor, siege and second massacre of, ii. 667;
view of Suttee Chowra Ghât, the scene of second massacre, 668;
the third massacre, 669;
view of mausoleum over the well, 670;
and its monumental inscription, 669;
plan to illustrate the action near Cawnpoor, 16th July 1857, 669.
Caw, Lewis, assumed name of Prince Charles (in Skye), i. 700.
Cean Ciknith, “Head of the Lineage,” ii. 117.
Ceanmore, Malcolm, i. 54.
Cearnachs or Caterans, i. 321.
Celtic and feudal names, i. 72, 299.
Celtic MSS., their archives, ii. 67.
Ceylon, Stuart’s expedition, ii. 531.
Chariot, ancient British war chariot, i. 6.
Charles I. and the Covenanters, i. 175;
and the Marquis of Huntly and people of Scotland, 251;
prisoner at Newport, 259;
his reverses in England--taken prisoner. 247;
writes to Montrose, 248.
Charles II., his arrival in Scotland, i. 331.
Charles Edward, Prince, his portrait engraved on steel, from a
miniature given to Lochiel, frontispiece to vol. i.;
his portrait in old age, taken at Florence in 1776, i. 758;
portraits of the Prince and his wife Louisa, ii. 753;
his parentage, i. 499;
leaves Rome for the invasion of England, 507;
his spirit in 1745, 510;
aspires to the throne, 511;
his companions in the invasion of Great Britain, 512;
in a naval battle, 513;
his dress and manners on landing in 1745, 515;
resolve to raise his standard, 520;
proclamation to apprehend, 528;
encamps at Loch Lochy--his proclamation to apprehend George II.,
532;
his Highland army (1745)--adopts the Highland dress--his resolve
to meet Sir John Cope, 533;
enters Perth, 535;
shows his last coin, 536;
his entry into Edinburgh, 547;
description of him, 549;
his prudence at Prestonpans, 555;
his address to his army at Prestonpans, 559;
his humanity after the battle--at Pinkie House, 565;
his clemency in Edinburgh, 570;
marches to England, 576;
deportment at Holyrood--orders a review of his army on Leith
Links--final departure from Holyrood, 584;
enters Carlisle, 569;
progress in England, 594;
proposes to march into Wales, 599;
dejection after the decision to retreat from Derby, 600;
reviews his army on Glasgow Green, 615;
flight of his troops, 634;
loss of his war treasure, 645;
pecuniary difficulties, 647;
energy and strategetic ability, 648;
account of battle of Culloden, 650 to 663;
conduct after Culloden, 665;
flight and proceedings after Culloden, 671 to 673;
reasons for returning to France--meeting the chiefs in
Glenboisdale--and departure from the mainland, 675;
his narrow escape to Harris--his assumed name and disguise, 683;
his skill as a cook--his linens, 684;
ability as a sportsman, 686;
adventures in making his escape, 689-691;
his social manners, 693;
resumes his male attire--his old shoes sold for £21, 694;
buys 4 oz. of “pigtail,” 696;
parts with Flora Macdonald, 697;
his wound at Culloden--his estimate of the Highland corps--his
return to Skye, 699;
recognised in his disguise, 701;
a Highland servant washes his feet, 702;
is entertained in a cave by Mackinnon--parts with his faithful
guide, and gives him his old pipe, 703;
leaves Skye in Mackinnon’s boat, 704;
narrow escapes, 710-712;
wanderings in Glengarry, 714;
French officers meet him, and his narrow escape, 716;
rashness, impatience, and escape, 718-720;
career in Great Britain, 721;
arrives at Paris, 740;
goes to Madrid, 744;
returns to Paris--his non-success with Louis XIV.--wishes to marry
the Czarina, 745;
ceases to drink his brother’s health--pecuniary
difficulties--obstinacy against Louis’ pension, 746, 747;
strikes a medal as Prince of Wales, 748;
arrest and expulsion from France--his prison, 751, 752;
his assumed name on the Continent, 753;
visits Paris and London incognito--wanderings on the Continent, 754;
visits London in 1752 and 1760, 755;
his mistress, Walkinshaw, 756;
assumption of the Stuart doctrine of divine right, 757;
marriage to a princess in 1772--fixes his abode at Florence in
1766--gets his daughter to live with him--removes to
Rome--becomes a paralytic and dies, 759;
his real character, 760;
known and loved by the Highlanders, 770.
Chattan, dissension in clan, i. 85;
in Knoydart and Moydart, 88;
defeated by clan Cameron, 106;
joins the Macdonalds, ii. 143;
its history, 197;
its component clans, 201;
its force in 1704, 1715, and 1745, 217.
Chevalier de St George, the title assumed by the son of James II,
i. 414;
his claim to succeed Queen Anne, 421;
reward for his apprehension, 422;
proclaimed at Aberdeen, Castle Gordon, Brechin, Montrose, and
Dundee, 436;
the Master of Sinclair’s description of, 468;
utter failure of his cause, 475;
contract of marriage, 481;
letters to Clementina, 500;
proclaimed as James VIII., 523;
his death, 758.
Chiefs, Highland, their status and authority, i. 322;
their power and influence previous to 1745, ii. 3;
their idea of land rights, 34;
sometimes deposed, 130.
Chieftains, their position and status, ii. 6.
Chisholm, clan, its history, arms, crest, and mottoes, ii. 307;
view of Erchless Castle, the family seat, 308.
Chumie or Tyumie--this river (Kaffraria) crossed by the troops in
1846 (an illustration), ii. 737.
Ciudad Rodrigo, its siege in 1811, ii. 579.
Clan, Gaelic and Erse, Clann or Cland Manx = Cloan (note), literally
“children,” or “offspring,” “tribe,” ii. 117.
Clan, legal status of, decision given by Lord Ardmillan in 1860,
ii. 213.
Clan and clanship, Highland import, ii. 116;
Clan influence, latest instance, 777.
Clanranald, its arms, history, and mottoes, ii. 153.
Clanranald of Lochaber, ii. 142, 147;
its suppression by Argyll, 182.
Clan regiments, mode of commanding--list of them for invading England,
i. 585.
Clans, origin of the Highland clans, ii. 117;
division of people into, i. 316;
matrimonial arrangements--power of chiefs--warlike spirit--military
ranks, 317;
places of rendezvous--The Fiery Cross--war cry or slogan--effects
of omens in--number of fighting men, 318;
succession of chiefs--fidelity of followers to chiefs--administration
of laws--feuds, 319;
union and opposition among--degrees of insult among--feeling of
revenge, 320;
fidelity to their chiefs, 325;
a list of Breadalbane’s proposed forces of the Highland chieftains
(note), 404;
their valour in 1745, 533;
their disputes anent rank and precedence, 659;
their costume by Sobieski and Charles Edward Stuart, 761;
the forfeited estates of clansmen, 769;
Border clans early broken up--chief works respecting them, ii. 116.
Clarior hinc honos (“hence brighter honour”), arms motto of Buchanan,
ii. 281.
Claverhouse, Graham of, _see_ Dundee.
Clephane, Lieut.-Col., his anecdotes of the 79th, ii. 722.
Cluny, Macpherson of, chief of Clan Macpherson--is called in the
Highlands Mac Mhurich Chlanidh, ii. 212;
The Cluny meets the Prince in Lochiel’s hut, i. 746;
nine years of cave life, 719;
commands the Clan Pherson at Dalkeith, 584.
Cluny Castle, relics of the rebellion of 1745 in, ii. 212.
Clyde, Lord. _See_ Campbell, Sir Colin.
Cnoc elachan (“willow hill”), the slogan of Colquhoun, ii. 284.
“Cock of the North,” the Marquis of Huntly, i. 170;
the Duke of Gordon, ii. 318, 775.
Cògaidh nà Sith (“war or peace”), Kenneth Mackay plays it at Waterloo,
ii. 707.
Colonsay island, and Lord Colonsay, ii. 165.
Colquhoun Clan, its history, arms, crest, and mottoes, ii. 284.
Colquhouns and Macgregors at feud, i. 113.
Columba, St, birth, i. 37;
preaching to the Picts, 21;
landing at Aberdour, 22;
conversion of Picts, 33;
death, 39.
Comyn, Cumin, Cummin, Cumming, ii. 318.
Comyn, John, Earl of Buchan, i. 61.
Coomassie, the capital of Ashantee, ii. 803;
its capture and cremation, 805.
Cope, Sir John, commander-in-chief in Scotland, i. 527;
his progress in the Highlands, 530;
his autograph, 531;
Prince Charles resolves to encounter him--his flight, 533;
Prince Charles drinks his health, 534;
his march to Aberdeen, 537;
at Prestonpans, 559.
Cornwallis, Lord, his victory at Jeffrey’s Ford, ii. 353;
his command in America in 1780, 471;
commander-in-chief in 1791, 485;
his arrival in India, 527.
Corunna, Moore’s retreat thither, and his death, ii. 377;
battle of, in 1809, 490.
“Courage,” motto of the Cummings, ii. 318.
Covenant, Charles II. signs it, i. 279.
Covenanters, ii. 177-217, 219-232, 233-246, 257-280, 335.
Craggan an Fhithich (“the raven’s rock”), scroll motto of Macdonnell,
ii. 156.
Craigellachie (“rock of alarm”), the slogan of the Grants, ii. 256.
Craigievar Castle, engraving of, ii. 294.
Crawford, John, Earl of, the first colonel of the “Black Watch,” his
portrait on steel, ii. 325.
Creachs, or predatory excursions, i. 321.
Creag Dhu, or Cragi Dhu (“black rock”), the slogan of the Macphersons,
ii. 212.
Crimea, Map of, ii, 777;
invasion in 1854, 409;
evacuation in 1856, 548.
_See_ Highland Regiments.
Cro (“fine,” “ransom,” or “forfeit”), Celtic = Eric in the Brehon Law,
i. 46.
Cromwell, Oliver, Scotch army surrender to him, i. 256;
his siege of Berwick, 259;
crosses the Tweed, 279;
his fortress at Leith, 442;
his narrow escape at Ribble Bridge, 451.
Culloden, Forbeses of, ii. 295;
battle of, i. 657, 664, 667, 669;
plan of the field of battle, 661.
Culloden House, engraving of it, i. 657;
Prince Charles occupies, 651.
Cumberland, Duke of, his portrait engraved on steel, i. 631;
his movements, 602;
presented with the freedom of the city of Edinburgh, 631, 636, 639;
his measures and rapacity, 648;
at Culloden, 661-666;
his futile efforts to capture Prince Charles, 676;
his movements in suppressing the rebellion, 678.
“Cumberland and Murray’s Descent into Hell,” a song, i. 773.
Cumming, sept or family of, its history, arms, and motto, ii. 318;
adopt the name of Farquharson, 319.
Cymric origin of the Picts, i. 22, 28, 30.
Cymric roots of the Pictish tongue, i. 28.
Dalcross Castle, an engraving of it, one of the seats of the
Mackintosh, ii. 209.
Dalkeith, insurgents’ camp (1745), i. 564.
Dalkeith House, surrender of, i. 167.
Dalriads, or Irish Scots, i. 33.
Dalrymple, Master of Stair, his treachery to Glencoe, i. 396;
bears the blame of the massacre of Glencoe, 402.
Dalrymple, Sir David, his inquiry about the medal presented to the
Advocates by the Duchess of Gordon, i. 419.
Danish Fleet in the Clyde, i. 50.
Daoine Shith, or men of peace, i. 304.
Daoine Matha, or good men, i. 307.
Data fata secutus (“following the allotted fates”), scroll motto of
Mackenzies, ii. 238.
David I., his influence, i. 57.
David II., i. 64;
recalled from France, ii. 138.
Davidsons’ and Macphersons’ feud, i. 66.
Davidsons, the, their fate at the battle of Invernahavon, ii. 203.
Davoch-lands in the Highlands, ii. 16.
Dawson, Jemmy, origin of “Shenstone’s Ballad” of, i. 723.
Dear or Deer, its site and antiquity, i. 39
Dee, Bridge of, battle of the, i. 85, 175.
Deemster or judge, the Brehon, ii. 129.
Deer, Book of, its character, ii. 68, 70.
Deer-forests, their recent formation, ii. 63.
Defoe on the Highland dress, i. 328.
Depopulation (Highland), its progress, ii. 54.
Derby, arrival here of Prince Charles on foot--the crisis of his
enterprise, i. 598.
Derwentwater, Earl of, his espousal of the Chevalier’s cause, i. 436;
his Jacobite zeal, 452;
sent to General Willis as a hostage, 455;
beheaded, 477.
Dettingen, battle (June 1743), i. 509.
Dh’aindheoin co theireadh è (“in spite of, who would gainsay”), motto
of Clanranald, ii. 153.
Dick, Colonel (afterwards Sir) R. H., 42nd, his portrait, ii. 396;
his death and tablet to his memory in St Giles’ Cathedral,
Edinburgh, 408.
Dingwalls of Ross-shire, i. 62.
Dirk, the Highland, i. 301.
Disarming Act (in 1716), i. 495 and 489.
Donald, Clan, its history, arms, crest, and motto, ii. 136.
Donald Dubh escapes from prison, ii. 144.
Donald Gorme (of Sleat), claims the lordship of the Isles, ii. 145.
Donald, Lord of the Isles, i. 69.
Donnachie, Clan, their name, ii. 170.
Donnibristle Castle, Huntly attacks, i. 105
Donolly--cadets of this family, ii. 161.
Dornoch, the Duke of Perth advances on, and Lord Loudon abandons
(1746), i. 641.
Dornoch Castle, view of, i. 117;
town besieged, i. 91, 92.
Douglas, Chevalier, an assumed name of Prince Charles, i. 509.
Douglas, Lady, she presents new colours to the 79th, ii. 709.
Douglas, Major-General Sir John, K.C.B., his portrait as colonel of
the 79th, ii. 711.
Douglas, Sir Neil, K.C.B., K.C.H., colonel of the 72nd, his portrait
on steel, ii. 479;
colonel of the 78th, 694.
Drammach, peculiar preparation, i. 685.
“Dread God,” motto of Munro of Foulis, ii. 231.
Dress, Highland, its advantages, i. 300, 302, 699;
remarks on, 326;
Highland armour, 327;
Highland women’s dress, 302.
Druid, derivation of the word (note), i. 36.
Druidheachd, Gaelic term, i. 307.
Drummond, origin of the name and clan, ii. 312;
history, arms, and motto, 313.
Drummond, Captain James, falls at Prestonpans, his dying address,
i. 562.
Drummond, the first Lord, ii. 314;
his confinement in Castle Drummond, i. 421;
his attempt to seize Edinburgh Castle, 431;
he embarks with the Pretender, 475;
attainted, 478.
Drummond’s Edinburgh Volunteers, i. 544.
Drummossie Moor, Culloden battlefield, i. 651;
plan of this moor, 661.
Duart Castle, view of, i. 98;
Argyll unable to take it, 393.
Duffie, history of this clan, ii. 261.
Duffus, Laird of, i. 91, 150, 152.
Duinewassels, ii. 129.
Dulcius ex asperis (“sweeter out of adversity”), the motto of the
Ferguson or Fergussons, ii. 320.
Dumbarton Castle taken, i. 167.
Dunadd, capital of Dalriadda, i. 34.
Dunaverty Castle, siege of, i. 252;
seized by James IV., ii. 143.
Dunbar, battle of (1650), i. 283.
Dunbeath Castle taken, i. 265.
Dunblane, engravings of, about 1715, i. 460;
burnt by the Danes, i. 49.
Dunchattan, Macintosh of, murdered, i. 85.
Duncrei (Crieff), i. 40.
Dundee, Viscount, John Graham of Claverhouse, his portrait--steel
plate of armour worn by him at Killiecrankie, i. 376;
antecedents, 350;
education at Seneffe--Prince of Orange saved by--appointed captain
in Scotland by Charles II., raised to the peerage, 351;
outlawed, 352;
resumé of his character (note), 353;
joined by Macdonald of Keppoch and clan, 355;
before Dundee, 356;
joined by various clans in Lochaber, 357;
men desert from, 358;
joined by Athole men and enters Athole, 366;
movements at Killiecrankie, 369;
at Urrard House, 369;
battle of Killiecrankie, 372;
death--note from present Duke of Athole on death of Dundee, 376;
alleged letter from to the king (note)--character, 377;
buried at Blair-Athole, 378.
Dunfermline, seat of government, i. 57.
Dunkeld, view of, as in the 17th century, i. 384;
church built by Kenneth, i. 49.
Dunolly Castle, i. 34.
Dunottar Castle, Earl Marshal shut up in, i. 204;
view of in the 17th century, 205.
Dunrobin Castle, Old, view of, besieged, i. 83;
an ancient seat of Sutherland chiefs, ii. 273;
view of, from a photograph by Collier & Park, 277.
Dunstaffnage Campbells, ii. 190;
the castle taken by the Bruce, 161;
castle, i. 34.
Dunyveg Castle, view of, taken by Angus Oig, i. 129;
by Campbell of Calder, 131;
by Sir James Macdonald, 131.
Edgar Ætheling, seal of, i. 55.
Edgar, Secretary, on Charles incog., i. 754.
Edinburgh captured from the English, i. 51;
approach of Prince Charles, 542;
freedom of the city presented to the Duke of Cumberland, 631.
Edinburgh Castle, view of, as in 1715, i. 432;
surprised by General Leslie, 167;
Montrose imprisoned in, 268;
siege by Cromwell, 285;
surrender of, 287, 362;
attempt to seize it by Jacobites, 431.
Edinburgh city guard, i. 352.
Edinburgh, Duke of, visits India, ii. 775.
Edward, son of Malcolm III., i. 55.
Edward the Confessor, i. 55, 57.
Edward the Constable, i. 59.
Eglinton, Earl of, advances on Edinburgh, i. 257;
offers to assist the Stewarts, 481.
Egypt, battle of, March 21st, 1800, ii. 369.
Eigg, all its inhabitants suffocated, ii. 195.
Eighty-first, Old, ii. 565.
Eighty-fourth, Old, ii. 565.
Eighty-seventh Regiment, Old, ii. 475.
Eighty-eighth Regiment, Old, ii. 475.
Eighty-ninth Highland Regiment, history and reduction of, ii. 478.
Elephant, the, His Majesty’s order that the troops engaged at Assaye
should bear it on their colours--the regiments thus honoured,
ii. 632.
El Hamet, the battle here (1807), ii. 648.
Enfield Rifles, their first issue to the 74th, ii. 609;
to the 78th (1857), 664.
English soldiery, their ferocity after Culloden, i. 665;
their brutality at Culloden, 667;
their barbarities in Scotland, 680.
Episcopacy, attempt to introduce, into Scotland, i. 165.
Episcopalians, stringent laws and stern penal enactments against them,
i. 769.
Erchless Castle, the seat of the Chisholm (with an engraving), ii. 308.
Erig, or compensation tribunals, i. 321.
Errol, Earl of, attainted, i. 107;
restored, 110.
Erskine, Rev. Ebenezer, commanded two companies of Seceders at defence
of Stirling, i. 616.
Erskine, John, Earl of Mar, _see_ Mar.
Espoir, Comte d’--one incognito of Prince Charles, i. 753.
Euzofzai, an erroneous orthography of Yûzûfzai, ii. 511;
engraving of a monument to the 71st Regiment, 517.
Fairies of Shetland (note), i. 306.
Fairy legends in the Highlands, i. 304.
Falkirk, the field of battle in 1746, i. 624.
Famine, the Highland, in 1750, ii. 24.
Fantees, a tribe on the Gold Coast, ii. 803.
Farmwork in the Highlands (1760), ii. 11.
Farquhar, progenitor of the Shaws, ii. 213.
Farquharson, Clan, their history, arms, crest, and motto, ii. 215.
Farquharson (of Invercauld), opposed General Wills at Ribble Bridge,
i. 451.
Farquharson of Inverey in Cromar, i. 293.
Farquharsons join Colonel Cannon, i. 380.
Fassifern, Sir Ewen Cameron of, the first Baronet (father of Colonel
John Cameron, 92nd Regiment), ii. 222.
Fencible Corps, chronological list, ii. 807.
Ferguson or Fergusson, a Highland sept, their badge, ii, 320.
Ferguson, Lt.-Gen. Sir R. C., his portrait on steel plate of the
colonels of the 78th and 79th, ii. 617;
colonel of the 79th, 708;
his death in 1841, 709.
Feros ferio (“I strike the cruel”), Chisholm’s scroll motto, ii. 307.
Feudal and Celtic manners, i. 72.
Feudalism differs from clanship, ii. 119.
Feudality, its remnant abolished, i. 768.
Feuds among clans, their causes, i. 319.
Fide et fortudine (“by fidelity and fortitude”), motto of the
Farquharsons, ii. 215.
Fide parta fide aucta (“acquired by fidelity, increased by fidelity”),
the crest motto of the Mackenzies, ii. 238.
Field of Shirts, battle of, i. 87.
Fiery Cross, last instance of its use, i. 318.
Fighting men, number of, in clans, i. 318.
Findlater, Earl of, i. 202.
Fingall, Gallgael, and Dugall, ii. 131.
“Fire and Sword, Letters of,” how easily obtained, i. 404.
Fish, supply of a century ago, ii. 26.
Fletcher of Saltoun, Scottish patriot, i. 410.
Flight Cairn or Carn-Teiche, i. 112.
Flodden, the Highlanders there, i. 80.
Flora Macdonald. _See_ Macdonald.
“Follow me,” the motto of the Breadalbane Campbells, ii. 186.
Fontenoy, victory of the French, i. 511;
the Black Watch at, ii. 333.
Forays, Highland, i. 321.
Forbes, Clan, their history, arms, and motto, origin of the name,
ii. 290.
Forbes, Duncan, his defence of Culloden fortalice, i. 457;
hanged after the battle of Culloden, 668.
Forbes, Lord President, i. 323;
portrait, 679;
his worth, sagacity, and opinion of the Highlanders, 765.
Forbes of Craigievar taken prisoner, i. 168;
released, 191; ii. 293.
Fordyce, Lt.-Col., 74th, his death, Nov. 6, 1851, ii. 597;
engraving of the scene, 598.
Forres, town of, burned by Badenoch, i. 68.
Fort Augustus, with illustrations, i. 485;
its erection, 489;
Prince Charles determines to reduce it, 640.
Forteviot, battle of, i. 43.
Fort George, its capture, i. 638, 670.
Fortis et fidus (“brave and trusty”), motto of Maclachlan, &c.,
ii. 165.
Fortitudine (“with fortitude”), motto of the Macraes, &c., ii. 280.
Forty-Second Royal Highland Regiment (“The Black Watch”), its history,
ii. 324-445;
Appendix, Ashantee Campaign, 803.
For details of history see contents of--
Ch. I. 1772-1775, ii. 324.
II. 1775-1795, 349.
III. 1795-1811, 362.
IV. 1811-1816, 380.
V. 1816-1854, 399.
VI. 1854-1856, the Crimea, 409.
VII. 1856-1859, Indian Mutiny, 419.
VIII. 1817-1873, 429.
and Appendix, 1874-1875, Ashantee War, &c., 803.
Succession lists of colonels, field and staff officers, ii. 437.
Steel plate of colonels opposite page 325.
Alphabetical list of all the officers who have served in “The Black
Watch,” from 28th May 1817-1874, 439.
Highland pibroch played by the 42nd while marching to Quatre Bras,
446.
Forty-Second, Second Battalion, now the 73rd Regiment, history of,
ii. 566.
“Frances Charlotte,” The, her wreck on the Island of Preparis--compare
the “Birkenhead” wreck (ii. 604), ii. 638.
Fraser, Clan, its history, arms, crest, motto, and branches, ii. 302;
new clan in America, 305;
massacre of, by Clan Ranald, i. 87.
Fraser, Duke of, a title of Lord Lovat, i. 734.
Fraser (Inverallachie), killed at Culloden, i. 666.
Fraser, Lt.-Gen. Alexander Mackenzie, 78th, his portrait, ii. 642;
his death, 650.
Fraser, Simon, _see_ Lovat, Lord.
Fraser, Sir Alexander, of Philorth, his portrait, ii. 303.
Fraser’s, Bishop, seal, engraving of, ii. 302.
Fraser’s Highlanders, or Old 78th, their history, ii. 457;
discharged, 465.
Fraser’s Highlanders, or Old 71st, their history, ii. 465;
discharged, 1783, 474.
Fraser’s Hill, near Seringapatam, ii. 531.
Frasers of Stratherrick, their assistance of Prince Charles, i. 533.
French Invasion, dread of, in 1744, i. 507.
Frendraught, disasters at, i. 162, 202.
Frendraught House, view of, i. 156;
burned, 156;
Spalding’s account (note), 157;
ballad on, 158.
Fuaran u trupar or “Horseman’s Well,” at Killiecrankie, i. 368.
Fuel in the Highlands, ii. 19.
Fuentes de Onoro (or Fuentes d’Onor), the battle of, ii. 495, 579, 700.
Fullarton, Colonel, besieges, attacks, and takes Palghatcherri (1783),
ii. 525.
Furth fortune and fill the fetters (“the future is unknown”), motto
of Murray or Moray (Athole), ii. 309.
Fyvie, battle of, i. 192.
Gaelic-Picts, i. 26;
roots of Pictish language, 28;
language and literature, chap. xlv., ii. 66;
charter of 1408 A.D., MSS. of the 15th century, 77;
antiquities (Dr Smith’s), 87;
literature (modern), 91;
Bible and Confession of Faith, 93;
prose writings, 94;
poetry, exclusive of the Ossianic, 99;
grammars, 100;
dictionaries, 101;
music, its different species, 106;
sacred music, 108;
musical instruments, 109;
MSS., catalogue of them, 110.
Gael of the coasts, peculiar device, ii. 159.
Galley, oared, a special device of the Maclachlans, ii. 166.
Gallgael, Fingall, and Dugall, ii. 131.
“Gang warily,” the scroll motto of the Drummonds, &c., ii. 313.
“Garb of Old Gaul,” the, words of this song in Gaelic and English,
ii. 347.
Gardiner, Colonel, at Prestonpans, i. 560;
his portrait and death, 563;
view of his house, 566.
Garmoran, Macdonalds of, ii. 154;
earldom, 175.
Garrons, ancient Highland horses, ii. 14.
Gartmore MS., its account of the Highlands in 1747, ii. 2.
“General Band,” Act of Parliament, i. 160.
Gilchrist, progenitor of Maclachlans, ii. 165.
Gilchrist, the Siol, Clan Ogilvy, ii. 320.
Gillevray, Clan or Siol, its branches, ii. 162;
a tribe of the Macpherson, 212.
Girnigo Castle, i. 102;
view of, 125.
Glasgow Highland Light Infantry, origin of this appellation of the
71st, ii. 488.
Glenbucket, his command at Sheriffmuir, i. 461;
his escape to Norway, 683.
Glencairn, 9th Earl of, i. 292.
Glencoe, his appearance at Fort-William i. 395;
account of the massacre, 397;
engraving of the glen of the massacre, 400;
commission of inquiry, 402.
Glenfinnan, here Prince Charles raised his standard, i. 520.
Glengarry and Kenzie clans, i. 114.
Glengarry, Macdonnell of, the history, arms, crest, and mottoes of,
ii. 156.
Glenlivet, battle of, i. 108.
Glenurchy family, their genealogy, ii. 186.
Gordon (Avochy) at Culloden, i. 662.
Gordon Castle, an engraving of it, ii. 318.
Gordon, Bertie, portrait as colonel of the 91st, ii. 744;
personal details of his life, 749;
his death, 751.
Gordon, Mrs Col. Bertie, presents new colours to the 91st (1869),
ii. 750.
Gordon, Clan, its history, arms, crest, and motto, ii. 316.
Gordon, Duchess of, her Jacobite medal to the Faculty of Advocates,
i. 419;
her assistance in raising the 92nd, ii. 757.
Gordon (Glenbucket) joins Glenalladale, i. 522;
blows up Ruthven Barrack, 637.
Gordon Highlanders, _see_ 92nd Regiment.
Gordon, Sir Patrick, of Auchindun, i. 100, 103, 107;
Sir Robert, commission to from James I., 144;
march upon Caithness, 146;
Sir Alexander, at Broray Bridge, 152;
of Rothiemay, outlawed, killed, 154;
Sir Nathaniel, in Aberdeen, 202;
Sir Adam, of Strathbogie, ii. 317.
Gordons and Grants, their feud, i. 105.
Gothic roots in the Pictish language, i. 28.
Gows, their traditional descent, ii. 217.
“Grace me guide” and “Grace my guide,” the motto of Clan Forbes,
&c., ii. 290.
Graddaning, preparing grain for food, ii. 18.
Graham or Græme, Clan, history, arms, and motto, and branches, ii. 314.
Graham, James. _See_ Montrose.
Graham, John, of Claverhouse. _See_ Dundee.
“Graham of the Hens,” ii. 316.
Grampius, Mons, battle of, i. 5;
site of, 7.
Grant, Clan, history, arms, and motto, ii. 250;
various branches, 255;
their slogan “Craigellachie,” 256;
view of castle, from a photograph, 254.
Grant, Sir Hope-, K.C.B., commands the Lucknow field force, ii. 686;
a Brigadier-General, 716.
Grant, Lieut.-General Sir Patrick, G.C.B., his portrait on steel,
ii. 617;
colonel of the 78th, 690.
Grants and Gordons, feuds between, i. 105.
Gregor, Clan, hunted down, i. 401.
Gunn, Clan--its history, arms, crest, and motto, ii. 278.
Gwalior, its capture in 1858, i. 509.
Haco, King of Norway, 1263 A.D., i. 62.
Hallowe’en, i. 35.
Hal o’ the Wynd, i. 67.
Hamilton, Duke of, i. 255;
his trial and execution, 1649, i. 260.
Hand-fasting, its nature, ii. 124.
Hanover, House of, proposal to put the Scottish Crown upon, i. 410.
Hare, Colonel, presents the 91st with new colours, ii. 734.
Harlaw, battle of (1411 A.D.), i. 70; ii. 140.
Harrow, the, its use and utility, ii. 10.
Havelock, K.C.B., Brig.-Gen., his portrait, ii. 644;
his arrival at Busheer in 1857--his high opinion of the 78th
Highlanders, 666;
sketch map to illustrate his military operations during July and
August 1857, 671;
his death, 683.
Havelock, Lady, presents the Indian Mutiny medals to the 78th in
Edinburgh, ii. 688.
Hawley, General, sends armed boats to Stirling, i. 617;
moves from Edinburgh, 618;
his apathy and dilatoriness, 620;
his low estimate of Highland pluck, 622;
his command at Culloden, 658.
Hay, ancestor of the Kinnoul family, i. 51.
Hay, John, his account of the conduct of Charles, i. 634;
occasional secretary to Prince Charles, 634;
his account of the retreat to Culloden (note), 656.
Hay, Sir Francis, his execution, i. 278.
Hebrides, boundaries of, i. 2;
Earl Ross proclaimed King of, 77;
rebellion here, 1614-15, 129;
Dr Johnson in, 311.
Henry, Prince, his portrait, i. 745;
his letter to his father about Lord George Murray, 744;
he becomes a cardinal, 745.
Henry IX., King of England, his medal engraved, i. 760.
Hepburn of Keith, his Jacobite proclivities, i. 440;
he urges an attack on Cumberland, 656;
meeting Prince Charles, 550.
Hereditary jurisdictions abolished, i. 766.
Hereditary succession introduced, i. 49.
Highland Brigade in the Crimea, composed of the 42nd, 79th, and 93rd
Highlanders, ii. 410;
it meets at Lucknow (1858), 796;
curious coincidence (1874), 693;
the 72nd attached to it, 547;
under Brigadier-Gen. Ronald C. Ferguson, 778.
Highland Chiefs seized by James I., i. 72;
executed, 73;
their reply to General Mackay (note), 305;
their meeting in Paris, 494;
their mutual league for defence, 677;
their treatment of their clansmen, ii. 27;
those who fell into the hands of the English Government, i. 681.
Highland Regiments, introduction to their histories, ii. 321.
_See_ 42nd, 71st, 72nd, 74th, 78th, 79th, 91st, 92nd, and 93rd.
Highland Society’s vase presented to the 42nd--an engraving of it,
ii. 400;
their present to the 78th.
Highlanders, their character in 1066, i. 57.
Highlanders, agreements and bargains, i. 313;
arming in 1745, 521;
armour, 327;
bagpipe playing, 312;
bard’s (influence), 315;
bonnet, 301;
character, 299;
false estimate of it, 763;
chiefs: _see_ Chiefs;
chieftains: _see_ Chieftains;
clothing, 327;
courage (at Preston), 454;
courage (in retreat), 606;
cowardice (punishment), 314;
death (feelings about), 215;
Dunkeld (at), 382;
employments (aversion to peaceful), ii. 323;
fidelity, i. 86, 324;
fiery cross, 318;
fighting (mode of), 585;
fighting (with cavalry), 623;
filial affection, 313;
forays, 321;
Cumberland (forbearance towards), 679;
garters, 301;
German (notice of), ii. 477;
habits and manners, i. 299;
honesty (note), 313;
hospitality, 316;
idiosyncrasy (Parliament would deprive them of it), 764;
insult and revenge, 320;
integrity, 313;
laws (administration of), 319;
love of country, 314, ii. 66;
loyalty, 473, 699;
manners and habits, i. 72, 299;
mercy to the vanquished, 564;
opposition and union, 320;
predatory excursions, 321;
prowess as soldiers, 565;
retreat (in 1746), 635;
revenge and insult, 320;
robbery (rarity of), 321;
shirts, 302;
shoes and stockings, 301;
social condition, ii. 1;
spirit broken, i. 763;
attempt to suppress them, 291;
treachery (detested), 300, 325;
trial after the rebellion of 1745, 722;
union and opposition, 320;
valour, ii. 483;
war-cry or slogan, i. 318;
wealth, 321;
worth against invasion, &c., 404.
Highlands, ancient state, i. 298;
bailies, 323;
boundaries, 1;
Campbell’s “Popular Tales” about, ii. 88;
condition in 1424, i. 72;
disease-curing in, 309;
history (modern), ii. 2, 30;
insurrections, i. 285, 421;
law in the (disrespected), 87;
laws (of Malcolm Mackenneth), i. 323;
military characteristics, ii. 321;
pasture lands, 44;
Peace Act in, i. 478;
physical aspects, 1;
progress since 1800 A.D., ii. 54;
question (Highland) both sides, ii. 38-43;
Scots-Norman, i. 72;
Wedding ceremonies in, 311.
Hodgson, Lt.-Col., 79th, portrait, ii. 719.
“Hold Fast,” scroll motto of Macleod, ii. 191.
Holland, British troops land here, ii. 619.
Holyrood House, Bothwell attacks, i. 105.
Holyrood Palace, engraving of it in 1745, i. 550;
Prince Charles enters--his hearty welcome, 548;
his deportment, receptions, and entertainments here, 579.
Home (author of “Douglas”), made a prisoner of war, i. 629.
Home (of Polwarth), his attempt to alter the succession to the throne,
i. 409.
Hope, Brigadier Adrian, his portrait as Lt.-Col. of 93rd, ii. 778;
his death wound, 796.
Hope, Sir John (afterwards Earl of Hopetoun), taken prisoner at
Bayonne (1814), ii. 763;
colonel of the 92nd, 759.
Hope-Grant, Sir. _See_ Grant.
Hopetoun, G.C.B., Lt.-Gen. the Earl of becomes colonel of the 42nd
(Jan. 29, 1820)--his death, ii. 401.
“Horseman’s Well” at Killiecrankie, i. 368
“Hunting Match,” Lovat’s plot, i. 411.
Huntly, origin of the title among the Gordons, ii. 317.
Huntly, Countess of, she beheads Wm. Mackintosh, ii. 206.
Huntly, George Gordon, 1st Marquis of, his portrait with that of his
Marchioness, i. 163;
his death in 1636, and remarkable character, 165.
Huntly, 2nd Marquis of, his portrait, i. 254;
raises the royal standard in the north and takes Aberdeen, 167;
meeting with Montrose, 169;
“The Cock of the North,”--arrest, 170;
manifesto on the Covenant, 171;
Aberdeen and Montrose taken by him, 180;
position of his three sons, 191;
captured, 253;
beheaded at Edinburgh (1647), 260.
Huntly, 5th Marquis of, his confinement in Brahan (1714), i. 421;
joins Mar (1715), 438;
his descent before the battle of Sheriffmuir, 461.
Huntly, 9th Marquis of, afterwards 5th Duke of Gordon--his portrait
on Plate of Colonels of the 91st, 92nd, and 93rd, ii. 756;
he raises the 92nd, 756;
his removal to the 42nd, 759.
Hurry, General, Aberdeen surprised by him, i. 203;
his retreat, 209;
defeated at Fettercairn and Auldearn, 205, 211;
Dunbeath Castle taken by him, 265;
executed at Edinburgh, 277.
Husbandry in the Highlands in 1760, ii. 11.
Hutchinson, Gen., invests Alexandria, ii. 373.
Hyder Ali, he invades the Carnatic, ii. 481.
Iàn Vòr, the Clan, ii. 150.
I-columb-ell, or Iona, i. 37.
Ierne, or Ireland, i. 17.
“I hope in God,” the motto of Macnaughton, ii. 229.
Indemnity, the Act of, passed in 1703, i. 410;
in 1747, 738;
exceptions to the Act (1747), note, 738.
Indian Mutiny, Highland regiments engaged in suppressing it, the 42nd,
ii. 419;
the 71st, 509;
the 72nd, 549;
the 74th, 609;
the 75th, formerly a Highland regiment, also engaged, 616;
the 78th, 667;
the 79th, 715;
the 91st, 748;
the 92nd, 769;
and the 93rd, 789.
Innes, Cosmo, Critical Essay on Scotland, i. 23;
on the Picts, 25.
Insolvency, punishment of, in the Highlands, i. 313.
Inver, “confluence,” i. 29.
Invergarry, here Prince Charles arrives in his flight from Culloden,
his reception, disguise, &c., i. 671.
Inverlochy, view of, i. 199;
battle here, 198;
castle taken, 252;
Major Ferguson’s expedition against--General Mackay arrives
at--reconstruction of the castle, 390;
here the Glencoe murderers divide the spoil, 401.
Inverness destroyed by Alexander of the Isles, i. 73;
castle besieged, 90;
taken by the Laird of Borlum, 437;
capture by the Royalists in 1715--view of, at the end of the 17th
century, 456;
Prince Charles takes possession of (1746), and lays siege to Fort
George (the Castle), 638;
its capture after Culloden, 670.
Iona or Iova, i. 37;
view of the monastery and ruins, 38;
attacked by Norsemen, 41.
Ireland, its invasion by Donal, i. 42;
its state in 1821, ii. 402.
Irish massacred by the Covenanters, i. 233.
Irish MSS., a catalogue of them, ii. 110.
Irish-Scots or Dalriads, i. 33.
Irish troops, arrival in Scotland, i. 182.
Isla, devastated by Maclean, i. 99;
Macdonalds of, or Clan Iàn Vòr, ii. 150;
invaded by Hector Maclean, 226.
Islay, Rhinns of, i. 97;
view of a cottage in 1774, ii. 25.
Isles, Kings of the, ii. 135.
Isles, Lord of the, title disputed, ii. 146.
Jackson, Robert, his character of Highland soldiers, ii. 322.
Jacobinism, its adherents imprisoned in Edinburgh and Stirling, i. 418;
in Scotland in 1744, 507.
Jacobite conspiracy, i. 438;
exiles, removal from the French court, 480;
manifesto printed at Edinburgh (1715), 429.
Jacobites, Act of indemnity in favour of them, i. 410;
association in Edinburgh in 1740, 503;
cabal with the Swedes, 481;
coalition with Presbyterians, 368;
conspiracy, new (in 1722), 493;
designs frustrated by Sophia, 408;
enterprise for the Pretender in 1716, 475;
expectations in 1745, 511;
Highland adherents, 769;
hopes revive, 482;
leaders return to Scotland, 410;
Lochiel they trust, 519;
measures for securing their chiefs, i. 427;
modern (their creed), 775;
precautions against, in 1714, 421;
proceedings of (1745), i. 613.
Jacobus Magnæ Britanniæ Rex, his death and will--his character, i. 758.
James I., his portrait, i. 73;
return from captivity, 71;
his court in Highlands, 72;
his descendants cut off from the succession to the throne of England,
408.
James II., his administration, i. 76;
Highland chiefs support him (note), 385;
coalition of Jacobites and Presbyterians in his favour, 386;
his death, 408;
Scotch plot to restore his son, 414.
James IV., policy in the Highlands, i. 79.
James V. i. 85;
his Highland dress, 326;
his mandate against Clan Chattan, 401.
James VI. at Dundee, i. 109.
James III. proclaimed as king at the Cross, Edinburgh, in 1714,
i. 421, 550.
James VIII. proclaimed king in 1745--manifesto, i. 523.
James Rex, the Chevalier--departure to France--letter to General
Gordon, i. 474;
letter to the Highland chiefs, 494.
Java wrested from the French, ii. 637.
Jedburgh, the Pretender proclaimed here, i. 440;
Prince Charles at (1745), i. 587.
Je suis prest (_i.e._, je suis prêt, “I am ready”), motto of the
Frasers, ii. 302.
Johnson, Dr, on Highland chiefs (note), i. 322;
on second sight, 311;
tradition concerning Coll Maclean, ii. 228.
Johnstone, the Chevalier, author of “Memoirs of the Rebellion of
1745-6,” i. 535.
Johnstone, Colonel, 42nd, his Kephalonian gold medal, engraving of it,
ii. 407.
Johnstone’s Highlanders or 101st Regiment, their history and
reduction, ii. 479.
Kaffir war of 1835, the 72nd engaged in, also the 75th, originally a
Highland regiment, ii. 535.
Kaffir war, the second, in 1850, the 74th engaged in, ii. 593;
the 91st engaged in, 739;
the termination of it in 1853, 603.
Kaffraria, map of the eastern part, ii. 564.
Keith’s Highlanders, or Old 87th Regiment, their history, ii. 475, 653.
Kelp, manufacture in the Highlands, ii. 50.
Kelpies, superstitions about, i. 303.
Kenmure, Lord, he holds a council of war at Kelso, i. 446;
is beheaded, 477.
Kenzie, Clan, and the Monroes, i. 92, 110.
Kenzie and Glengarry clans, i. 114.
Keppoch, the Macdonalds of, ii. 152;
(Macdonald), his advice to Prince Charles, i. 554;
the only prisoner made at the Falkirk Moor fight, 625;
his bravery and death at Culloden, 664.
Killiecrankie, engraving of the Pass, i. 369;
Horseman’s Well, 368;
battle, 371;
Mackay’s army, 373;
the Pass on the morning after the battle, 375;
officers killed, 376, 377.
Kilmarnock, Earl of, entertains Prince Charles, i. 542;
is made prisoner at Culloden, 667;
his execution, 727.
Kilt, its comparatively modern origin, i. 301;
Col. Cameron’s opinion of, ii. 699.
Kinglake, his history of the war in the Crimea, ii. 410;
his description of the battle of the Alma, 712.
Kingsburgh House, Charles here, i. 692.
Kingsburgh, Laird of, imprisoned and sent to Edinburgh, i. 704.
Kinlochmoidart, he meets Prince Charles, i. 514;
his execution, 732.
Kinnoul, Earl of, his death, i. 264;
the death of his brother, the 2nd Earl, 268.
Kintail, Lord Kenneth Mackenzie, i. 115;
his death, 123.
Knap and Knapdale, former possessions of the Macmillans, ii. 234.
Kooshab, the battle, ii. 662;
the 78th to wear it on their colours, 666.
Lachlan, the Clan, Irish account of it, ii. 166.
La Haye Sainte, the 79th occupy, ii. 707.
Lakes, survey of Highland, i. 488.
Lambert, Sir Oliver, commander, i. 130.
Lamonds, their history, arms, crest, and motto, ii. 168;
massacred, 169.
Lanark, Earl of, attacked by Covenanters--appointed commander of
army--advance to meet Munro--declines to attack Leslie, i. 257;
his army at Pentland Hills and Linlithgow, 258.
Landlords and tenants, their mutual relations in the Highlands,
ii. 55.
Lang Causeway, a Roman road, i. 14.
Largs, battle of, i. 62.
Laws, disrespect for, in the Highlands, i. 87;
in the clans, 319.
Leannan Shi’, traditions of the, i. 307.
“Leaves from Our Journal in the Highlands,” the Queen’s book--her
present to the 79th, ii. 721.
Lecan, Book of, now in Trinity College, Dublin, ii. 67.
Leith, landing of Marquis of Hamilton, i. 166;
Marquis of Huntly conveyed to, 254;
Mackintosh takes possession of, 442;
evacuated by Mackintosh, 443;
here the Prince of Hesse lands, 636.
Lennox, 1st Earl of, ii. 173.
Leod, or MacLeod, Clan, its history, arms, and mottoes, ii. 191.
Leslie, Bishop of Ross, on Highland dress and armour, i. 327.
Leslie, Gen. David, his portrait, i. 264;
his march upon Scotland, 228;
at Melrose, 231;
rewarded at Glasgow, 234;
ordered to England, 240;
Highland castles taken by him--his advance on Kintyre, 252;
in Mull, 253;
appointed Lt.-Gen. to Earl of Leven, 257;
sent to the north--Chanonry Castle garrisoned by him, 262;
at Doon Hill, 282;
agreement with Royalists, 285.
Leven, Earl of, commander of the Edinburgh city guard, i. 352;
commands the Covenanting army, 257.
Lewis and Harris, condition in 1850, ii. 60.
Lewis Caw, the assumed name of Prince Charles (in Skye), i. 700.
Lewis, civil commotions in island of, i. 119;
contemplated colonisation of--invaded by Earl of Sutherland, &c.,
122;
noble character of the soldiers thence, ii. 626.
Lewis Macleods, their sad history, ii. 194.
Lindsay, Lt.-Col., his daughters give the old colours of the 91st to
Col. Bertie Gordon, ii. 749.
Linlithgow, Cromwell at, i. 286;
Prince Charles at, 542.
Linlithgow, Earl of, attainted, i. 478.
Llewellyn, Prince of Wales, his league with the Scotch nobles, ii. 236.
Lochaber, i. 34, 297;
men of, their intense clan feeling, (note), ii. 756.
Lochgarry informed of the movements of Prince Charles--he joins him,
i. 715.
Lochiel, Camerons of, _see_ Cameron clan.
Lochiel, Cameron of, outlawed, i. 128.
Lochiel, Donald Cameron of, “the gentle chief,” his portrait, i. 519;
his adherence to Prince Charles, 320;
heads 800 men for Prince Charles, 523;
his care of his men at Preston, 555;
joins Prince Charles at Culloden, 651;
message from Charles to him at Culloden, 663;
severely wounded there, 666;
sends his brother to meet Charles, 715;
his retreat and attendants--he meets Charles in Benalder, 718;
advises Charles to make a second attempt to recover Britain, 745;
appointed to command of a regiment in France, 748;
his death and tribute to his memory, 519;
reference to him in “Childe Harold,” ii. 706.
Lochiel, Sir Ewen Cameron of, _see_ Cameron, Sir Ewan, ii. 220.
Lochshiel, engraving of, i. 523.
Loch Sloy, Macfarlane’s war-cry. [It is properly Loch Sloighe (“lake
of the host”), a small lake at the back of Ben-Vorlick], ii. 173.
Lockhart, author of “Memorials of Prince Charles’ Expedition in 1745,”
i. 514;
his description of Prince Charles, and his conversation with him in
1745, 516.
Lockhart, Lt.-Col. A. I., 92nd, his portrait, ii. 770;
his command in India, 769.
London, consternation in, on hearing of Prince Charles’ arrival at
Derby, i. 597.
Long Dykes, the, old name of Princes Street, Edinburgh, i. 545.
Lord-of-the-Isles, this title disputed, ii 146.
Lorn, the leader of the first colony that settled on the western coast
of Argyll and the adjacent islands in 503 A.D., i. 34;
his death, 41;
the tribe and district of, 34;
Macdougalls of, 159;
the brooch of, 160;
the Stewarts acquire, 161.
Lorne, Marquis of, his portrait on steel, ii. 726;
his marriage to the Princess Louise, daughter of Queen Victoria,
21st March 1871, 185.
Lorne or Lorn, Stewarts of, their arms and motto, ii. 299.
Loudon’s Highlanders, their history, 1745-1748, ii. 451;
party of them search for Prince Charles Edward, i. 717.
Louis XIV., he acknowledges the Stuart Prince of Wales as king, i. 409;
he sanctions aid to Prince Charles, 601;
his reception of Prince Charles, 739;
his death, 428.
Louise, Princess, her portrait on steel plate, ii. 726;
her marriage, 185;
presents to her from the officers and men of the 91st Regiment, 752.
_See_ Lorne.
Lovat, Simon Fraser, Lord, his portrait, i. 734;
his birth, &c.--is baulked in eloping with his niece, 405;
forcibly marries his cousin, Lord Lovat’s widow--outlawed--flees to
France, 406;
his share in the “Scottish plot,” 410;
imprisoned in the Bastile for several years, 412;
sends assurances of services to Prince Charles, 533;
his character and procedure, 612;
apprehended, 681;
his indictment, 733;
his execution (engraving of) and place of interment, 737.
Lucknow, sketch map to illustrate relief of, ii. 671;
plan to illustrate siege of, 677;
relief of garrison (78th), 680;
siege of, 685;
(93rd), 790.
Lymphad, Highland oared galley, ii. 159.
Macalisters, history and branches, ii. 161.
Macarthur Campbells of Strachur, history of, ii. 177, 189.
Macaulay, Clan, their history, clan relations, and eminent men,
ii. 264.
Macbane, Gobie, his stature and bravery at Culloden, i. 666.
Macbeans, The, Macbanes or Macbains, Clan of, ii. 216.
M’Bean, Lt.-Col. Wm., V.C. (93rd), his portrait, ii. 800.
Macbeth (1039), i. 49, 54.
Macbraynes, The, ii. 231.
Maccallum More, ought to be Colin Mohr (Big Colin), ii. 178.
M’Crummens, the famous pipers of the Macleods, ii. 108.
Macdonalds, The, or Clan Donald, origin, history, arms, crest, various
branches, &c., ii. 136;
branches after 1540, 146;
clans or septs sprung from, 158;
strength of clan in 1745, 158;
feud between and Macleans (1586), i. 97;
at Sheriffmuir (1715), 462;
at Prestonpans and Falkirk (1745), 558 and 621;
at Clifton, 608;
claim the right of precedence at Culloden (1746), 659;
their misconduct there, 644.
Macdonalds, Clan Ranald of Garmoran, origin, arms, crest, history,
&c., ii. 153.
Macdonald, the prevailing name in the 92nd, ii. 757.
Macdonald, Alaster, knighted by Dundee (1645), i. 229.
Macdonald of Barisdale’s treachery to Prince Charles, i. 682.
Macdonald, Flora, her portrait, i. 690;
Prince Charles and O’Neill find her in a hut--she rescues the
Prince, 686;
her subsequent history, 704.
Macdonald, John and Alexander, their escape at the massacre of
Glencoe, i. 399.
Macdonald (Kinsburgh), Mrs Flora, her winding-sheet, i. 695.
Macdonald, Lady (Skye), her heroic friendship to Prince Charles,
i. 691.
Macdonald, Lady (of Dulchosnie), presents colours to the 92nd--her
speech, ii. 774.
Macdonald, Lord, raises the Macdonald’s Highlanders, or Old 76th, in
1777, ii. 520.
Macdonald, Murdoch, the last Highland harper, ii. 109.
Macdonald, of Glencoe, takes the oath of allegiance (1692)--refusal
of his certificate, i. 396;
he and thirty-seven of his followers massacred, 400.
Macdonald, of Keppoch, he and his clan join Dundee, i. 355.
Macdonald, of Morar, how he receives Prince Charles, i. 705.
Macdonald, Rev. Peter, of Kintore, editor of the oldest collection of
Highland music, ii. 107.
Macdonald’s Highlanders, or Old 76th regiment, 1774-1784, history of,
ii. 520.
Macdonald, Sir John, K.C.B., his portrait on steel as colonel of the
42nd, ii. 325.
Macdonald, Sir John, K.C.B. (of Dalchosnie), portrait as Lt.-Col. of
the 92nd, ii. 768.
Macdonnell, the Glengarry branch of the Macdonalds, their history,
arms, and crest, ii. 157;
principal families descended from, 158;
at Killiecrankie (1690), i. 370, 372.
Macdonell, Sir James, K.C.B., K.C.H., his portrait on steel, plate of
colonels, 78th and 79th, ii. 617;
colonel of the 79th (1842), 709;
colonel of the 71st (1849), 506.
Macdougall, Clan--Macdugalls, Macdovals, Macdowalls--their history,
arms, crest, motto, and branches, ii. 159.
Macduff, Thane of Fife, i. 54.
MacEwens, Clan, their history, ii. 167;
their origin, 162.
Macfarlane, Clan, history, arms, crest, and motto, ii. 173;
its origin, 169.
Macfie or Macphie, Clan, their origin and history, ii. 261.
MacGilchrist. _See_ Macfarlane, ii. 173.
Macgillivray, a minor branch of Clan Chattan--history and possessions,
ii. 213.
Macgillivray, of Drumnaglass, Colonel of the Macintosh Regiment,
killed at Culloden, i. 666; ii. 213.
Macgregor, Clan, history, arms, crest, and motto, ii. 243;
excepted from participation in the Act of Grace (1717), i. 479.
Macgregors, The, account of their irruption into Lennox in 1603,
ii. 182;
at battle of Prestonpans, i. 559;
their impetuosity, 562.
Macgregor, Rob Roy, _See_ Rob Roy.
M’Gregor, Sir Duncan, K.C.B., his portrait as Lt.-Col. 93rd, ii. 782.
Macintosh, Clan. _See_ Mackintosh.
Mackay, Clan, their history, arms, crest, motto, and various branches,
ii. 266;
for more minute details of history, _see_ i. 59, 69, 73, 75, 78, 82,
84, 86, 88, 93, 101, 102, 126, 139, 140, 151.
Mackay, Angus, piper to Queen Victoria, his collection of pipe music,
ii. 107, 205.
Mackay, General Hugh, of Scourie, his portrait, i. 361;
resumé of his history, 352;
appointed by William and Mary, 4th Jan. 1689, “Major-Gen. of all
forces whatever, within our ancient kingdom of Scotland,” 352;
his pursuit of Dundee and military movements till battle of
Killiecrankie, 352-371;
his movements after defeat at Killiecrankie till cessation of
hostilities in August 1691, 371-393.
Mackay’s Highland Regiment, reasons for wearing gold chains by
officers of, i. 302.
Mackenzie, Clan Kenneth, their history, arms, crest, and motto,
ii. 238;
principal families, 242;
their military strength in 1704, 618;
incidents in history, i. 123, 262, 263, 349, 486, 711.
Mackenzie, Capt. Colin, his history of the 78th (note), ii. 617.
Mackenzie, Gen. John, honour shown him at Inverness in 1859 by the
78th, ii. 787.
Mackenzie, Keith Stewart, of Seaforth, chief of the Clan, ii. 690.
Mackenzie, Kenneth (Lord Kintail), acquires the title to Lewis,
ii. 195;
his crown charter, 157.
Mackenzie, Kenneth (Lord Viscount Fortrose), his restoration to the
family title (Earl of Seaforth), ii. 254.
Mackenzie, Richard James, M.D. (79th), zeal and devotion, ii. 714;
portrait, 715.
Mackenzie, Roderick, his death (1746), i. 713.
Mackenzie, Sir George, of Rosehaugh, his portrait, ii. 240.
Mackenzie, the Hon. Mrs Stewart, ii. 687.
Mackinnon or Fingon, Clan, history, arms, motto, and branches,
ii. 256.
Mackinnon, Corporal Alexander, the bard of the 92nd, ii. 757-759.
Mackinnon (Ellagol), of Skye, reception and treatment of Prince
Charles, i. 699-703.
Mackintosh, Clan, their history, arms, motto, branches, and etymology
of the name, ii. 201;
the rival claims of Mackintosh of Mackintosh and Macpherson of Cluny
to the headship of Clan Chattan, 197;
at Culloden, i. 663, 666.
Mackintosh, Lady Anne (1745), her portrait, i. 637.
Mackintosh Lament, the, music arranged for the bagpipes, ii. 204.
Mackintosh, Sir James, the historian, ii. 210.
Macknights, or Macneits, ii. 231.
Maclachlan or Maclauchlan, Clan, history, arms, crest, motto, and
branches, ii. 165;
one of the Siol or Clan Gillevray, 162.
Maclauchlan, Rev. Thomas, LL.D., his account of the Gaelic literature,
language, and music, ii. 67.
Maclaurin or Maclaren, Clan, their history, arms, crest, and motto,
ii. 280.
Maclean or Gillean, Clan, its history, arms, crest, motto, and various
families, ii. 222;
its clan feuds, i. 97, 334; ii. 225.
Maclean, Colonel Alan (1775), ii. 452, 565.
Maclean, Sir Allan, his portrait, &c., ii. 227.
Maclean, Sir Hector, origin of proverb, “Another for Hector,” i. 324.
Maclean, Sir John, at Killiecrankie, i. 369;
at Sheriffmuir, 461.
“Maclean’s Welcome,” Gaelic Jacobite song, i. 772.
Macleod or Leod, Clan, their history, arms, crest, motto, and various
families, ii. 191.
Macleod, Col. Patrick, of Geanies (78th), his portrait, ii. 650.
Macleod, John (Lord), portrait as first colonel of the 71st, ii. 479;
death in 1789, 485.
Macleod, Laird of Assynt, betrays Montrose in 1650, i. 268.
Macleod, Laird of Raasay, his devotion to Prince Charles, i. 695.
Macleod’s, Lord, Highlanders. _See_ Seventy-first.
Macleod, Malcolm, guide to Prince Charles--incidents in his history,
i. 700-704.
Macleod, Mary--“Mairi nighean Alasdair Ruaidh”--her touching elegy on
one of the Lairds of Macleod, ii, 107.
Macleod, Sir John C. (42nd), K.C.B., his portrait, ii. 805.
Macmillan, Clan, history of, ii. 234.
Macnab (or Anab), Clan, history, arms, and motto, ii. 258;
cadets of the clan, and portrait of the last Laird, 261.
Macnaughton (or Nachtan), Clan, history, arms, crest, and motto,
ii. 229;
families ascribed to the Macnaughton line, 231.
Macneill, Clan, its two independent branches--its history, arms,
crest, and motto, ii. 162;
cadets of, 165.
Macnicol, Clan, its history, ii. 271.
Macphails, the, ii. 216.
Macpherson, Clan, history, arms, crest, and motto, ii. 210;
cadets of the, 212.
Macpherson, Cluny, promises to raise his clan for Prince Charles,
1745, i. 534;
with 300 Macphersons joins Lord George Murray, 1745, 641;
conducts Prince Charles to a secure retreat, 718.
Macpherson, Duncan (of Cluny), 1672, throws off all connection with
the Mackintosh, ii. 208.
Macpherson, James, resuscitator of Ossianic poetry--his portrait,
ii. 211.
Macphersons, feud between Clan Chattan and Camerons, i. 65;
and Davidsons, 66;
join Gen. Cannon (1689), 380;
at Clifton (1745), 607;
Falkirk (1746), 621.
Macphersons of Cluny, the male representatives of the old Clan
Chattan--their claims, ii. 197.
Macphie, or Clan Duffie, _see_ Macfie, ii. 261.
Macquarrie, or Quarrie, Clan, history, arms, and motto, ii. 262.
Macqueens, origin and history, ii. 217.
Macrae, Clan, their history, arms, and motto, ii. 280.
Macrae, Sergt. John, his bravery at El Hamet (note), ii. 649.
Malda, victory here (78th), ii. 642;
Count of--Sir John Stuart’s title, 647.
“Maiden Causeway,” a Roman road, i. 14.
“Maiden,” the, engraving of it, i. 333;
executions under it, 277.
Manrent, nature of, i. 64, 319.
Manu forti (“with strong hand”), motto of the Mackays, ii. 266.
Mar, Earl of, at Harlaw, 1411, i. 71.
Mar, John Erskine, 11th Earl of, portrait of, on steel plate, i, 498;
dismissed by George I., i. 422;
sketch of his history to 1715, 424-428;
his proceedings in 1715, 436;
operations of the Jacobite army under him in 1715-16, 456-466;
the Chevalier raises him to a dukedom, 467;
his letter describing the Pretender, 468;
he accompanies “James Rex” to France, 474;
attainted, 478;
dismissed by the Pretender, 496.
Margaret, queen of Malcolm III., i. 55.
Marriage ceremonies in the Highlands, i. 311;
sanctity of vows, 312.
Marriage customs, Highland, ii. 124.
Mart, its oppressive nature, ii. 7.
Martinière, La, the fight here in 1858, ii. 421, 682.
Mary, Queen, her expedition to the north (1562), i. 90.
Massacre of Glencoe, i. 399.
Massacres after battle of Culloden, i. 668.
Massacres, the Cawnpoor, ii. 667.
Mathieson, or Clan Mhathain, ii. 242.
“Mean, speak, and do well,” the Urquhart motto, ii. 296.
Melfort, Earl of, embarks with the Pretender, i. 475.
Mendelssohn’s visit to Highlands, ii. 107.
Menzies, Clan, history, arms, crest, and motto, ii. 306;
rupture with Montrose, i. 183.
Middleton, General (1645), second in command of Covenanting army,
i. 234;
left in Scotland to watch Montrose, 240;
movements, 245-256;
escapes from Tower, and appointed generalissimo of all the Royal
forces in Scotland, 294;
rout of his army by Monk, 295.
Milk stealing, superstitions about, i. 309.
Mills, the Highland, ii. 19.
Money, its inutility in the Highlands previous to 1745, ii. 7.
Monk, General, invades Scotland--and surrender of Stirling, Dundee,
St Andrews, Montrose, and Aberdeen to, i. 290;
administration of the affairs of Scotland committed to, 291;
his subsequent movements, 291-296.
Montgomery’s Highlanders, or 77th Regiment, history and reduction of,
1757 to 1763, ii. 453; (note)
of their arrival in Philadelphia (1758), 354;
view of Philadelphia as at that time, 455.
Montreal surrenders (1761), ii. 344.
Montrose, James Graham, Earl and afterwards first Marquis of, his
portrait on steel plate, i. 271;
sketch of his early history, 167;
description of, by Gordon of Ruthven, 168;
raises troops for the service of the Covenanters, 169;
his proceedings till he deserts the Covenanters and joins the
Royalist cause in 1639, 169-176;
apprehended and afterwards released by the Covenanters, 179;
proceedings from time of his entering Scotland, in 1644, till the
disbanding of his army in 1646, 180-250;
leaves Scotland in disguise for Bergen, in Norway, 250;
enters the service of the Emperor of Germany, 261;
his emotion on receiving news of the execution of Charles I., and
his oath to avenge his death, 262;
received by Charles II. at the Hague--descent upon Scotland resolved
upon, and Montrose appointed Lieut.-Governor of Scotland, 262;
proceedings from his landing in Orkney till his capture by Macleod
of Assynt, 268;
brought to Edinburgh Castle--generous treatment of, at Dundee, and
attempt to rescue him, 269;
his reception in Edinburgh--conduct in prison--defence--sentence--
lines written by, in prison--execution--character, &c.,
270-277.
Montrose, town of, taken by Royalists, i. 180;
surrenders to Monk (1651), 291;
insurgent army arrives at, 473.
Monument to the 42nd in Dunkeld Cathedral, ii. 434;
to the 71st in Glasgow Cathedral, ii. 517;
to the 78th on Castle Esplanade, Edinburgh, ii. 689;
to the 79th in the Dean Cemetery, Edinburgh, ii. 722.
Moon, superstitions concerning, i. 309.
Moore, Gen. Sir John, his portrait, ii. 758;
his expedition to the West Indies, 362;
his command in Spain, and retreat and death at Corunna, 490;
his choice, and reason for choice of supporters, 757;
his estimate of Highland soldiers, 380.
Moray, the orthography changed to Murray in 1739, ii. 312.
Moray, _see_ Murray (Athole), ii. 309.
Morgan, or Mackay, Clan, _see_ Mackay.
Mormaor, the, “head of the clan,” ii. 117.
Mormaordom, “district of a clan,” ii. 117.
Moy, Castle, Prince Charles halts here (1746), i. 637.
Moy Hall, the principal seat of the Mackintosh, ii. 270.
Moy, the rout of, i. 638.
Muidartach, Alan, Captain of Clanranald, mortally wounded at
Sheriffmuir, i. 462.
Munro (of Foulis), Clan, history, arms, crest, and motto, ii. 231.
Munro, Sir George, duel between Glencairn and him (1654), i. 294.
Murray, Stewart-Murray (Athole), or Moray, history, arms, crest, and
motto, ii. 309.
Murray, Col. Lord John, his death in 1787, in the forty-second year
of his command of the 42nd, ii. 358.
Murray, Earl of, insurrection of Clan Chattan against (1624), i. 148;
appointed by King James his lieutenant in the Highlands, 149;
the “Bonny” Earl of, slain (1591), 106.
Murray, Hon. William, condemned to death by the Committee of Estates
(1646), i. 241;
his execution, 244.
Murray, Lord (eldest son of the Marquis of Athole) fails to prevent
Athole men from joining Dundee, i. 365.
Murray, Lord Charles, at battle of Preston (Lancashire), i. 453;
his pardon, 476.
Murray, Lord George, his portrait, i. 672;
visits Cope at Crieff (1745), 530;
rallies under Prince Charles’ standard at Perth--his character and
brilliant qualifications--appointed Lt.-General, 535;
proceedings till battle of Prestonpans, 535-565;
his plan of invading England, 586;
resigns his command, 591;
his subsequent proceedings in England, 591-606;
his plan of battle at Falkirk, 621;
and history till Culloden, 672;
his escape to Holland, 683;
Prince Charles’ opinion of his conduct at Culloden, 700;
Charles’ shameful ingratitude to him, 743, 756.
Murray, Major-Gen. Sir George, G.C.B., his portrait on steel, ii. 325;
becomes colonel of the 42nd, 401;
of the 72nd, 533.
Murray of Broughton, his mission to Paris, i. 505;
his base conduct, 734;
Mrs, her devotion to the Stuarts, 551.
Murray, Secretary, evil effects of his inordinate ambition in the
Jacobite cause, i. 590;
his apprehension, 681-731.
“Murus Aheneus” (“brazen wall”), the Macleod motto, ii. 191.
Music of the Highlands, ii. 105.
Musselburgh, skirmish between Covenanters and Royalists at, i. 258;
Cromwell’s headquarters, 281.
“My hope is constant in thee,” the scroll motto of Clanranald, ii. 153.
Mythology, Highland, i. 304.
Napier, Archibald Lord, of Merchiston, his death and noble character,
i. 238.
Napoleon I., news of his abdication (1814), ii. 730 and 762;
his return from Elba, 652;
his compliment to the Highlanders at Waterloo, 765.
Napoleon III., reviews the 79th, ii. 719.
Naseby, defeat of royalist troops at, i. 217.
Neill, Brigad.-Gen., joins Havelock at Cawnnpoor, ii. 672;
his command in relieving Lucknow, 675;
his death, 681.
Neill, Clan, their arms, crest, and motto--their origin, ii. 163.
Nemo me impune lacessit (“no one touches me with impunity”), motto of
the order of the Thistle, &c., ii. 324.
Ne obliviscaris (“you must not forget”), motto of the Campbells,
Lorne, and Mactavish, &c., ii. 175.
Ne parens nec spernas (“neither spare nor despise”), the motto of the
Lamonds, Lamont, &c., ii. 168.
New York, actions at, in 1776, ii. 350.
Niagara, fall of the fort, ii. 343.
Ninety-first, Princess Louise Argyllshire Highlanders, originally the
98th, their history, ii. 726-755.
For details, _see_--
Ch. I. 1794-1848, 726-735.
II. 1842-1857, 735-745. The Reserve Battalion.
III. 1857-1874, 745-754.
List of colonels and lt.-colonels, 755.
Plate of colonels of the 91st, 92nd, and 93rd, ii. 756.
Ninety-second, Gordon Highlanders, their history, ii. 756-776.
For details, _see_--
Ch. I. 1794-1816, 756-766. Peninsula, &c.
II. 1816-1874, 766-775. Crimea, India, &c.
List of colonels and lt.-colonels, 776.
Plate of colonels of the 91st, 92nd, and 93rd, ii. 756.
Ninety-third, Sutherland Highlanders, their history, ii. 777-802.
For details, _see_--
Ch. I. 1800-1854, 777-784. Africa, America, West Indies, &c.
II. 1854-1857, 784-789. Crimea.
III. 1857-1875, 789-801. Indian Mutiny.
List of colonels and lt.-colonels, 802.
Plate of colonels of the 91st, 92nd, and 93rd, ii. 756.
Nive, battles on the (42nd), ii. 388;
(71st), 500;
(79th), 704;
(91st), 729;
(92nd), 761.
Nivelle, battle on the (42nd), ii. 288;
(74th), 588;
(79th), 704;
(91st), 729.
Norsemen, their advent in Britain, i. 41.
North Inch of Perth, battle of, i. 66.
Norway, the Maid of, heiress to the Crown (1284 A.D.), ii. 137.
Nova Scotia, the 72nd there in 1851, ii. 546;
the 74th embark for, May 13, 1818, 591;
the 78th leave in 1871, 692.
Oak tree, Druidical veneration for, i. 37.
Ogilvy, the name, history, arms, crest, and motto, ii. 319.
Ogilvy, Lord, the first title of the Airlie family, ii. 320.
O’Loughlins of Meath, their Highland descendants, ii. 166.
Omens in the Highlands, i. 310, 318.
Oporto, its capture in 1809, ii. 728.
Oracles, invisible, in the Highlands, i. 308.
Ordah-su, the battle here, ii. 805.
Orkney and Shetland made over to Scotland, i. 77.
Orkney, effect of battle of Carbisdale here, i. 268;
landing of Argyle, 338;
French frigates arrive for insurgents, 475.
Ormond, Duke of, he declares for the Chevalier, i. 124;
his embassy to Russia, 481;
captain-general of the Spanish fleet to invade England (1718), 482.
Orthes or Orthez, the battle (42nd), ii. 389;
(71st), 501;
(74th), 589;
(91st), 729;
(92nd), 762.
Ossian, Macpherson’s, ii. 84, 87, 88, 211.
Outram’s, Sir James, conduct in the Persian war, ii. 660;
consideration for his troops, 663;
appointment to Cawnpoor and Dinapoor divisions, 674;
generous treatment of Havelock, 675;
resumption of the command, 680;
strong position at the Alum Bagh, 684.
Outram and Havelock meet Sir Colin Campbell at the Residency of
Lucknow, ii. 793;
his encomium on the 78th, 685.
“Over the water,” health to the king, the Jacobite toast, i. 770.
Pack, Sir Denis, Major-Gen. K.C.B., his portrait, ii. 504;
he joins the 71st as lt.-col., 488;
presents new colours to it, 504.
Pamplona, the fortress invested, ii. 729.
Panmure, Earl of, attainted, i. 478.
Paris invested by the Allies in 1815, ii. 503.
Parke, Major-Gen., C.B., his portrait as lieutenant-colonel 72nd,
ii. 557.
Peanfuhel, Pictish word, important in the controversy about Picts,
i. 24.
Per mare et terras (“by sea and land”) the scroll motto of the
Urquharts, ii. 296.
Per mare per terras (“by sea by land”), clan Donald motto, ii. 136;
and of Macdonnell of Glengarry, 156.
Persia, war with (Nov. 1, 1856), ii. 659.
Persia, Major M’Intyre’s and Col. Stisted’s command in the war (1857),
ii. 660;
the 78th to wear it on their colours, 666;
medals for the campaign of 1856-7, 688.
Perth, view of, in 17th century, i. 220;
captured by Montrose, 186;
return of Charles II. to, 285;
captured by Cromwell, 289;
Chevalier proclaimed at, in 1715, 436;
Prince Charles enters it, 535.
Perth, Duke of, his portrait (1745), i. 586;
present at Prestonpans, 558;
conducts the siege of Stirling, 620;
joins Prince Charles at Culloden, 651.
Perth, Earl of, the Chancellor, superseded, i. 344;
arrested, 347.
Peter the Great and Charles XII. unite to restore the Pretender,
i. 481.
Peterhead, Chevalier arrives in, i. 467.
Philadelphia, view of British barracks at, in 1758, ii. 354;
view of the city in 1753, 455.
Philibeg, Highland, opinions about, i. 300.
Philiphaugh, battle of, and prisoners of war shot by Covenanters at,
i. 231, 232.
Pibroch, Highland, M’Crummens’, arranged for the bagpipes--regimental
pipe music of the Black Watch, ii. 446-450.
Pibroch of Kilchrist, Glengarry family tune, ii. 157.
Pibrochs, or An Ceol Mòr (“the great music”), ii. 107.
Pictavia, this name gives place to that of Albania, i. 50.
Picti, why so called, i. 5;
Roman name for Highlanders in the 3rd century, 19.
Pictish kings, chronological table of, i. 47.
Picts divided into two nations--Eumenius concerning them, A.D. 297,
i. 12;
their origin discussed--history, religion, &c., and writers upon the
Pictish controversy, in chap. II., vol. i. 16-48.
Pipe music, and collections of, ii. 107, 205.
Pitcalnie, Ross of, and Balnagowan--their claims to the chiefship,
ii. 237.
Pitmedden, eminent Scottish house, ii. 606.
Pitt, William, his eulogy of the Highland soldiers (1776), (note),
ii. 345.
Plaid, Highland, opinions about, i. 300.
Plate, centre-piece of (78th), engraving of, ii. 691;
mess plate of 91st, 754;
centre-piece of, 93rd, engraving of, 801.
Plough, engraving of an old Scotch, ii. 9.
Poetry, influence on Highlanders, i. 315.
Pondicherry, expedition against, ii. 573.
Potatoes introduced into Scotland, ii. 52.
Presbyterians, toleration granted to, i. 340;
unite with Jacobites for James, 386.
Preston, England, battle of, i. 453;
its surrender to General Wills, 455.
Prestonpans, battle of, i. 554;
plan and map of battle-field, 561.
Pretender, the, son of James II., birth of, i. 341;
a reward offered for his apprehension, 424;
banished from France, 480;
Russia and Sweden unite to restore him, 481;
he leaves Bologna--his plans on the death of George I., 501;
suggestion that he should visit England, 504;
resigns his rights to Prince Charles Edward, 527.
Pro rege et patria (“for king and country”), motto of the Camerons,
&c., ii. 217.
Pyrenees, battles among the (42nd), ii. 386;
(71st), 499;
(74th), 587;
(79th), 704;
(91st), 729;
(92nd), 760.
Quatre Bras, the action here, June 16, 1815 (_see_ 42nd), ii. 394;
the 79th, 706;
the 91st, 730;
the 92nd, 763.
Quebec, siege of, in 1759, ii, 460.
Queen’s Hut, the inscriptions on, in the lines of the 91st at
Aldershot, ii. 745.
Queen’s Own Cameron Highlanders. _See_ 79th, ii. 697.
Quern, the Highland handmill, with an illustration, ii. 18.
Quhadder vil ze (“whither will you?”), motto of (Lord Innermeath),
Stewarts of Lorn, ii. 299.
Raglan, Lord, commander-in-chief in the Crimea in 1854, &c.,
ii. 409, 417.
Ranald, Clan, their descent, ii. 147.
Reay, Lord, joins the Covenanters, ii. 269.
Rebels of 1715, their trial (1716), i. 477.
Rebels of 1745, their trial in 1746, i. 722.
Redan, attack on the, 1855, ii. 714.
Red Feather of the Fraser Highlanders (note), ii. 470.
Red Heckle of the 42nd, ii. 361.
Reestle, plough of the Hebrides, ii. 10.
Regiments, Highland, their number and histories, ii. 321.
Reid, Major, afterwards General, as a musician (note), ii. 347.
Rent, its nature in the Highlands, i. 322; ii. 6, 8;
Highland mode of paying in the 18th century, i. 322; ii. 8.
Rents, raising of, causes of emigration, ii. 47.
Residency, the, its inmates in Lucknow (1858)--its defence, ii. 676;
Havelock and Outram enter, 678.
“Restoration Regiment,” the, at Sheriffmuir, i. 461.
Restoration, state of Scotland before the, i. 297;
condition of Highlands before, 298.
Reynell, Sir Thomas, Bart., his portrait on steel as colonel of the
71st, ii. 479.
Roads, Roman, in the Highlands, i. 13;
construction of them by Wade, 490;
the Highland roads in 1750, ii. 30.
Robbery (highway), its rarity in the Highlands, i. 321.
Robertson of Struan, “poet chieftain,” i. 411.
Robertsons, or Clan Donnachie, their history, arms, and motto,
ii. 169, 172.
Rob Roy, or Robert Macgregor, his portrait and history, ii. 245;
his first emergence into notice, i. 405;
he is summoned to Edinburgh, 427;
his dastardly conduct at Sheriffmuir, 465;
his five sons, 249.
Rodrigo, the siege of (1812) (74th), ii. 580.
Roleia, battle of (71st), ii. 489.
Roman Invasion, effects on Caledonia, i. 13.
Roman wall, Hadrian’s, i. 9;
Antonine’s, 10.
Romans in Britain, i. 3;
they abandon it, 13;
their departure, 56.
Rory Dall, famous harper in Skye, ii. 109.
Rory Mòr, a traditional hero, ii. 193.
Rose or Ross of Kilravock, ii. 237.
Rose, Hugh, his strenuous defence of Kilravock in 1715, i. 457.
Rose, Sir Hugh (Lord Strathnairn), he presents new colours to the
“Black Watch,” ii. 424;
his command of the 92nd, 769;
his command in India, 749.
“Rosg Ghuill,” or War Song of Gaul, ii. 84.
Ross, Alexander, Earl of, his strange submission, ii. 140.
Ross or Anrios, Clan, their history, arms, and motto, ii. 235.
Ross, Earldom disputed in 1411, i. 69;
forfeiture of, in 1476, ii. 232.
Ross, Earl of (1642), his rebellion and assassination of, i. 77;
his successor surrenders, 78.
Ross, Queen Victoria’s piper, his collection of pipe music, ii. 107.
Rossdhu Castle, Old, engraving, ii. 289.
Ross-shire, Invasion of, by Donald, Lord of the Isles, i. 69;
retreat of Montrose into, 245.
“Ross-shire Buffs” or 78th Highlanders, _see_ 78th, ii. 617.
Royal Highland Emigrant Regiment, or Old 84th, ii. 565;
Flora Macdonald’s husband in it, 704 (note).
Royalists and Covenanters, treaty between, i. 258;
and General Leslie, agreement between, 285;
condemnation of at Perth, 237;
levy of men for, 257;
surprised at Dalveny, 263.
Royal Ribbon, the, i. 169.
“Roy’s Wife of Aldivalloch,” written by Mrs Grant of Carron, ii. 255.
Russell, Dr, his account of the battle of Balaklava, ii. 786.
Russia, expedition against (1854), ii. 546;
the Emperor Alexander’s curiosity about the Highland soldiers, 708.
Ruthven Castle, i. 104;
besieged, 107;
taken by Leslie, 252;
taken by Mackenzie of Pluscardine, 262;
besieged by Dundee, 358.
Salamanca, battle of (1812)--(74th), ii. 583;
(79th), 702.
San Sebastian, assault of, ii. 386, 588.
Sans peur (“without fear”), motto of clan Sutherland, &c., ii. 272.
Savendroog, stormed in 1791 (71st), ii. 486;
(72nd), 528.
Scenery, Highland, i. 3;
and Introduction, xiii.-xxxvi.
Scone, coronation stone at, i. 49-57;
Charles II. crowned at, 288.
Scotland, invasion of, by Agricola, i. 6;
state of, after departure of the Romans, 33;
Anglo-Saxon colonisation of, 56;
state of, before the Restoration, 297;
state of, after the death of Dundee, 386.
Scoto-Irish kings, i. 34;
chronological table of, from 503 to 843, 48.
Scots, first mentioned in connection with Scotland, i. 20;
in Ireland, 33.
Scots Greys at Sheriffmuir battle, i. 462.
Scott, Sir Walter, extract from his “Lady of the Lake” (note), i. 303;
his song of “Bonnie Dundee,” 350;
his original of Fergus M’Ivor, 732;
his early works and their spirit, 774;
his mention of the Camerons, ii. 702.
Scottish Kings, chronological table of, from 843 to 1097 A.D., i. 58.
Seaforth, Colin, 4th Earl of (1690), his escape, surrender, and
imprisonment, i. 392;
William, 5th Earl of, his armed strength in 1715, 438;
attainted, and his estates forfeited, 478.
Seaforth, Francis Humberston Mackenzie, Baron, his portrait on steel,
ii. 617;
created baron in 1796, 240;
raises the 78th or Ross-shire Buffs, 617;
engraving of original poster addressed by him to the Highlanders in
raising the 78th, 618;
his daughter entertains the 78th at Brahan Castle in 1859, 687.
Seaforth, Kenneth Mackenzie, Earl of, in Irish Peerage--his portrait,
ii. 479;
raises the 72nd Highlanders, 524;
death, 525.
Seaforth’s Highlanders. _See_ Seventy-Second.
Sebastopol (accurately Sevastópol), _see_ Crimean History in Highland
Regiments.
Second-sight and seers, Highland, i. 310.
Secunder-Bagh, its capture (78th), ii. 282;
(93rd) and engraving of, 791.
Seringapatam, sieges of (71st), ii. 486;
(72nd) 528, 529;
(73rd) 570;
(74th) is authorised to bear the word “Seringapatam” on its
regimental colours and appointments, 575.
Seton, Lt.-Col. (74th), his noble conduct during the loss of the
“Birkenhead” troop-ship, Feb. 26, 1852, ii. 604;
monument erected by Queen Victoria to his memory in Chelsea
Hospital, 606.
Seventy-First, or Highland Light Infantry, formerly 73rd, Lord
Macleod’s Highlanders, their history, ii. 479-519;
for details of which _see_--
Ch. I. 1777-1818, 479 to 504.
II. 1818-1874, 504 to 519.
Plate of colonels of the 71st and 72nd, ii. 479.
Seventy-First, Old, ii. 465.
Seventy-Second, or Duke of Albany’s Own Highlanders, formerly the 78th
or Seaforth’s Highlanders, their history, ii. 524-561;
for details of which _see_--
Ch. I. 1778-1840, 524 to 543.
II. 1841-1873, 543 to 561.
Succession list of colonels, field and staff-officers, &c., 562;
map of Kaffraria, 564.
Plate of colonels of the 71st and 72nd, ii. 479.
Seventy-Third Regiment (the present), formerly the second battalion
of the 42nd, history of, ii. 566.
Seventy-Fourth Highlanders, their history, ii. 571-613;
for details, _see_--
Ch. I. 1787-1846, 571 to 592.
II. 1846-1853, 593 to 606, Kaffir War.
III. 1853-1874, 606 to 613.
Succession list of colonels and field-officers;
map of Kaffraria, 564.
Seventy-Fourth Regiment, Old, ii. 519.
Seventy-Fifth, originally Highland, now the Stirlingshire regiment,
its history, ii. 616;
engaged in Kaffir war (1835), 535;
guards the Alum Bagh (1857), 616.
Seventy-Sixth Regiment, Old, ii. 520.
Seventy-Seventh Highland Regiment, or Athole Highlanders (1778-1783),
its history till reduced, ii. 522.
Seventy-Seventh Regiment, Old, ii. 453.
Seventy-Eighth Highlanders, or Ross-shire Buffs, their history,
ii. 617-693,
for details, _see_--
Ch. I. 1793-1796, 617-625.
II. 1796-1817, 625-640.
III. 1804-1856, second battalion, 640-659, till its consolidation
with first battalion, 1817, and first battalion, 1817-1856.
IV. 1857, Persian war, 659-666.
V. 1857-1859, Indian Mutiny, 667-693.
VI. 1859-1874, 687-693.
Succession list of colonels and field officers, 694.
Plate of colonels of the 78th and 79th, ii. 617.
Seventy-Eighth Regiment, Old, ii. 457.
Seventy-Ninth Queen’s Own Cameron Highlanders, their history, 697-724,
for details of which _see_--
Ch. I. 1793-1853, 697-710.
II. 1853-1874, 710-724.
Succession list of cols. and lt.-cols., 725.
Plate of cols., 78th and 79th, ii. 617.
Shaw, a minor branch of Clan Chattan, ii. 213;
its various families, 214, 215.
Shaw, Farquhar (of the Black Watch), his portrait, ii. 330.
Sheep, character of Highland, ii. 14.
Sheriffmuir, battle of, in 1715, i. 461;
steel engraving of view of battlefield, 464.
Shetland and Orkney made over to Scotland, i. 77.
Si je puis (“If I can”), the scroll motto of the Colquhouns, &c.,
ii. 284.
Sinclair Castle, view of, i. 125.
Siol Eachern, the original of the clans Macdougall, Campbell, &c.,
ii. 167.
Siol Gillevray, its branches, ii. 162.
Skene’s, Dr, “Chronicles of the Picts and Scots,” i. 43.
Slaves, 700 prisoners taken at Preston (1716) sold as, i. 478.
Slogan or war-cry of Highlanders, i. 318.
Sobral, battle of, in 1810 (71st), ii. 493.
Somerled, Thane of Argyle and the Isles, his origin, ii, 132;
peace concluded with him in 1153 A.D.--formed an epoch in the dating
of Scottish charters, i. 59.
Songs, Jacobite and Whig, their comparative merits, i. 770;
titles of some, with specimens, 771.
Spem successus alit (“Success fosters hope”), the Ross motto, ii. 235.
Spottiswood, Sir Robert, his trial--his high character--his execution,
i. 241-243.
Sprot, Lieut.-Colonel, 91st, ii. 750-752.
S’rioghal mo dhream (“Royal is my race”), scroll motto of the
Macgregors, ii. 243.
Stair, Earl of re-appointed commander-in-chief of the forces in Great
Britain (1744), i. 508.
“Stand sure,” motto of Clan Grant, ii. 250.
Stewarts, origin of the family, ii. 297;
various branches of, 299.
Stewart of Ballochin takes possession of Blair Castle (1689), i. 365.
Stewart, Robert, a Catholic clergyman, his feats at Killiecrankie,
i. 376.
Stewart of Garth’s “Military Sketches,” ii. 322;
extracts from, i. 313, 324, 325;
ancestor in 1520 imprisoned for life, 325.
Stirling, view of, as in 1700, i. 616;
camp here (1745), 530;
besieged by Prince Charles, 617;
Castle of, taken by Monk, 290;
bridge of, Argyle takes possession of, 459;
Cumberland’s troops detained at, 636.
Stisted, Sir H. W., K.C.B., his portrait on steel, ii. 756;
as Lt.-Col. exchanges from 78th to 93rd, 687;
honorary colonel of 93rd, 800.
Stonehenge, view of, i. 36.
Strathallan, Lord, falls at Culloden, i. 667.
Strathclyde, kingdom of, i. 33.
Strathmore, Earl of, his death, i. 465.
Stuart, General (72nd), his portrait, ii. 530.
Stuart, James, the Chevalier, steel engraving of, i. 469.
Stuart, Sobieski, and Charles Edward, their pretensions and visit to
Scotland, i. 761.
Stuarts, The, monument to them in St Peter’s, Rome, by Canova, i. 760;
their descendants, 761.
Superstitions of the Highlanders, i. 303-307.
Sutherland, Clan, their history, crest, arms, and motto, ii. 272.
Suttee Chowra Ghât, view of--scene of the second Cawnpoor massacre,
ii. 668.
Tacitus, i. 17; his account of clans, ii. 116.
Tacksmen, their interest in the land, ii. 31.
Talavera, the battle (1809) (91st), ii. 728.
Tanistry and gavel, their effects, ii. 122.
Tantallon, Castle of, Earl of Ross imprisoned in it (1429), ii. 140.
Tartan, antiquity of the, i. 302.
“Tartans an’ Kilts, an’ a’, an’ a’,” their popularity since 1782,
i. 761, 766.
Taymouth, the Black Book of, ii. 186.
Test, the, of the Cameronians, i. 335;
refusal of Scottish Parliament to repeal, 340.
Thackeray, Captain, his assistance in compiling the history of the
74th (note), ii. 596.
Thane or Maor, his status, ii. 117.
Thirlage, its grievous nature, ii. 6.
Thorfinn (and Somerled), origin of, ii. 123.
Ticonderoga, plan of siege (1758), ii. 338.
Timor omnis abesto (“All fear be gone”), motto of the Macnabs, &c.,
ii. 258.
Tippermuir, battle of, i. 184, 185.
Tippoo Sultan, his desperate attack on Baird, ii. 481;
war with him in 1790, 526;
defeated, 572;
sues for peace, 530.
Tocqué’s portrait of Prince Charles, i. 749.
Torquil, Siol, their disastrous history, ii. 194.
Torres Vedras, the lines of, ii. 579.
Toshach, captain of a clan, i. 5; ii. 117.
“Touch not the cat, but a glove,” the Mackintosh motto, ii. 201.
Toulouse, the battle of, in 1814 (42nd), ii. 390;
(71st), 501;
(74th), 590;
(79th), 704, 705;
(91st), 730;
(92nd), 762.
Treachery, Highland detestation of, i. 325.
Trench, Lt.-Col. (74th), Sir R. Le Poer, portrait, ii. 583;
mentioned by Brisbane, 587.
Trincomalee, siege of, ii. 531.
Triple Alliance (1717) guarantee the Protestant succession to England,
i. 481.
Trowis, truis, or truish, Highland breeches, i. 300, 329, 330.
Tullibardine, Marquis of, with 500 Athole men joins Mar (1715), i. 436;
attainted, 478;
escapes to France, 483;
accompanies Prince Charles in his invasion scheme (1745), 512;
his eagle omen, 514;
unfurls the standard of Prince Charles, 523;
seizes Blair Castle, 534;
his command in the invasion of England 1745, 587;
death in the Tower, 723.
Tulliebardine, speech of, at the Committee of Estates (1646), i. 237.
“Tullochgorum,” song of, its author, i. 769.
Turris fortis mihi Deus (“For me, God is a strong tower”), the motto
of the Macquarries, &c., ii. 262.
Tweeddale, 2nd Earl of, Lord High Chancellor of Scotland, his
commission of inquiry into the Glencoe massacre (1693), i. 402;
4th Marquis, Secretary of State for Scotland (1745), 527;
the 8th Marquis becomes colonel of the 42nd R. H. (1862), ii. 426.
Tyrii tenuere Coloni (“Tyrians held _it_”), arms’ motto of the
Maclaurins, ii. 279.
Union, repeal of the, proposed in 1712, i. 424;
treaty with England ratified, 414.
“Unite,” the Cameron scroll motto, ii. 217.
Urisks, superstition about, i. 303.
Urquhart or Urchard, the minor clan, their history, arms, crest, and
mottoes, ii. 296.
Urquhart Castle, steel engraving of, ii. 296.
Vassals, Highland, bounty of, i. 323.
Vi aut virtute (“by vigour and valour”), arms’ motto of the Chisholm,
ii. 307.
Victoria Cross, recipients of, in (42nd), ii. 423, 807;
(72nd), 558;
(78th), 680, 683;
(93rd), 791, 792, 795.
Abbreviation, V.C.
VICTORIA, HER MAJESTY QUEEN, her popularity and stability in our
attachments, i. 761;
her visit to Dublin in 1849, ii. 507;
her Highland influence--how she appreciates Jacobite songs, i. 775.
Vimeiro, the battle here in 1808 (71st), ii. 490;
(91st), 727.
Vincere vel mori (“To conquer or die”), motto of the Macdougall,
ii. 159, 162.
“Virtue mine honour,” Maclean motto, ii. 223.
Virtutis gloria merces (“Glory is the recompense of valour”), the
motto of the Robertsons, &c., ii. 169.
Visions in the Highlands, i. 310.
Vitoria or Vittoria, the battle of, June 21, 1813 (71st), ii. 499;
(74th), 585;
(92nd), 760.
Vix ea nostra voco (“Those _deeds_ I scarcely call our own”), motto
of Campbell, ii. 175.
Volunteers, associate, their conduct at Leith (1715), i. 443;
of Edinburgh meeting the Highlanders (1745), 543.
Volunteers, Mid-Lothian Rifle, shooting matches with the 91st (1874),
ii. 754.
Vulture Feather of the 42nd, ii. 361.
Wade, Gen., his portrait, i. 491;
his report on the state of the Highlands, 483;
empowered by Government to summon the clans to deliver up arms, 485;
constructs new roads in the Highlands, 490;
commander of H.M.’s forces in Scotland, 491;
sent to oppose Prince Charles, 582.
Wages, rate in the Highlands, ii. 28.
Walcheren expedition (1809), (42nd), ii. 380;
(71st), 491;
(78th), 650;
(91st), 728;
dress of 91st there, 731;
(92nd), 760.
Wales, Frederic, Prince of, procures the release of Flora Macdonald,
i. 704.
Ward-holding, its abolition, i. 768.
Watch-money, its large amount, ii. 2.
Waterloo, the decisive battle here June 18th, 1815 (42nd), ii. 397;
list of officers of the 42nd present at Quatre Bras and Waterloo,
397;
(71st), 502;
(79th), 706;
(91st), 730;
Waterloo Roll of 91st discovered, 749;
(92nd), 764.
Wealth in the Highlands, i. 321.
Wedderburn, Sir John, taken prisoner at Culloden, i. 667;
executed, 731.
Wedding ceremonies in Highlands, i. 311.
Wellington, Duke of, special references to, in connection with
Highland regiments, (the 42nd), specially mentioned in his
despatch, 12th April 1814, about Toulouse, ii. 705;
in Waterloo despatch pays high compliment to; (the 71st) in
despatch concerning Sobraol, 14th Oct. 1810, he particularly
mentions the names of Lt.-Cols. Cadogan and Reynell, 494;
(the 72nd), he presents new colours to and addresses in Jan. 1842,
543;
(the 74th), received his special thanks for their services under
his command at the taking of Ahmednuggur, Assaye, and Argaum,
575, 576;
his special commendation for Rodrigo and Badajoz, 581, 582;
in 1845 the duke recommends to Her Majesty that the 74th should be
permitted to resume the appellation of a Highland regiment,
&c., 592;
(the 78th), thanked in despatches for its services under him at
Ahmednuggur, Assaye, and Argaum, 627, 628, 633;
complimented and inspected by him at Nieuwpoort, 652;
(the 79th), his grief for the loss of Col. P. Cameron, and his high
sense of the 79th’s conduct at Fuentes D’Onor, 702;
specially mentioned in despatch, 12th April 1814, about Toulouse,
and highly praised for Quatre Bras and Waterloo, 707;
(the 91st), compliments Col Douglas at Toulouse, 730;
his high commendation of the 91st’s conduct in the wreck of the
“Abercrombie Robinson,” 733;
(the 92nd), the thanks for Toulouse, 707;
in person thanks the 92nd for its conduct at “Nive,” at Orthes,
where the 42nd, 79th, and 92nd meet for the first time in the
Peninsula--he orders them to encamp beside each other for the
night, 762;
at Quatre Bras, personally orders the 92nd to charge, 763;
in person thanks them for their conduct at Waterloo, 766;
(the 93rd), he presents with new colours, 781.
Wemyss of Wemyss, Major-Gen., 1st colonel of the 93rd--his portrait
on steel, ii. 756;
(note), ii. 777.
Western Islands, boundaries of, i. 2.
West Indies, reduction of, in 1795, ii. 362.
Wheatley, Lt.-Col. (42nd), notes from his “Memoranda,” ii. 402, 404,
432.
Whitelock’s army, capitulation of, ii. 488.
“Will God I shall,” the motto of the Menzies, &c., ii. 306.
William III., his instructions to Sir Thomas Livingston, i. 397;
Scotch intense hostility to him, 407;
his Highland companies, 483.
William, Prince of Orange, designs of, i. 341;
lands at Torbay, 342;
reception, 343;
address from Scottish nobles to, 344;
Feversham arrested by--Whitehall seized, 345;
in London--assumption of Government by, 347;
life saved by Dundee--declared King of England, 351.
Windham, Lady, she presents new colours to the 78th, ii. 692.
Wine, its abundance in the Highlands in 1745, ii. 22.
Wintoun, Earl of, his resolve for the Stuarts, i. 449;
escape from the Tower, 477.
Wishart, Montrose’s affecting parting from his troops (1646), account
of by, i. 249.
Witchcraft, charges of, in Scotland, i. 292.
Wolfe, Gen., his noble answer to Cumberland after Culloden, i. 666;
forces under his command against Quebec, ii. 460.
“Wolf of Badenoch,” Alexander, 4th son of Robert II.--his effigy,
i. 68.
Wolseley, Major-Gen. Sir Garnet J., K.C.M.G., C.B., his portrait,
ii. 803;
his campaign in Ashantee, 803-807.
Worcester, battle of (1651)--flight of Charles II. from, i. 289;
the Macleods at this battle, ii. 195.
Wright, Col. E. W. C., C.B. (91st), engraving of tablet to his memory,
ii. 742.
York, Henry, Cardinal, Duke of, Prince Charles’s brother, i. 499;
his portrait, 745;
his medal and assumptions--his death and place of interment, 760.
York, Duke of (son of George III.), his movements in Holland (1794),
ii. 697.
Yuzufzai Hills, engraving of the monument to those of the 71st H.L.I.
who fell here, ii. 517.
THE END.
* * * * * *
Transcriber’s note
Some illustrations were in the middle of a multipage paragraph, and a
new paragraph has been inserted to allow placement of the illustration
at that position. This has been done at:
page 25, before the phrase ‘Buchanan, even in the latter ...’.
page 435, before the phrase ‘On either side of the above ...’.
Footnote [266] is referenced from inside Footnote [265].
Footnote [337] is referenced twice from page 398.
Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been
corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within
the text and consultation of external sources.
With a few exceptions noted below, names of people and places with
alternative spellings have been left unchanged. For example Badajos,
Badajoz; Gillespic, Gillespie; Pampluna, Pampeluna, Pamplona.
Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text,
and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained. For example,
battlefield, battle field; black-mail, blackmail; boer, boor;
fusiliers, fusileers; woful; inclosed; infeft; newcome; connexion.
TABLE OF CONTENTS:
Pg iv: Insert entry in Part Third for ‘75th Regiment ... (page) 617’.
Pg v: Double ditto signs replaced by the text ‘From Photograph by’
and ditto sign replaced by the text ‘W. Holl,’ for clarity.
Pg v: Item 91: page number ‘04’ replaced by ‘204’.
MAIN TEXT:
Pg 3, 26: [1745] replaced by (1745) to avoid confusion with a Footnote
number.
Pg 20: ‘and consmopolitanism of’ replaced by ‘and cosmopolitanism of’.
Pg 22: ‘body or untensils’ replaced by ‘body or utensils’.
Pg 27: ‘with the soootiness’ replaced by ‘with the sootiness’.
Pg 27: ‘an alienat on’ replaced by ‘an alienation’.
Pg 30: ‘tacksmen would supply’ replaced by ‘tacksman would supply’.
Pg 37: ‘immense tracks of’ replaced by ‘immense tracts of’.
Pg 45: ‘innovations which which’ replaced by ‘innovations which’.
Pg 45: ‘of all clases’ replaced by ‘of all classes’.
Pg 55: ‘regard as as much’ replaced by ‘regard as much’.
Pg 64: ‘that erelong both’ replaced by ‘that ere long both’.
Pg 65: ‘and dependance, and’ replaced by ‘and dependence, and’.
Pg 69: ‘befal Ulster’ replaced by ‘befall Ulster’.
Pg 70: ‘have given us’ replaced by ‘have given ours’.
Pg 73: ‘Coluimcille; Malechi’ replaced by ‘Columcille; Malechi’.
Pg 73: ‘to Columcilli, and’ replaced by ‘to Columcille, and’.
Pg 74: ‘Briotus tar muir’ replaced by ‘Briutus tar muir’.
Pg 90: ‘of the sky[4]’ replaced by ‘of the sky’; this anchor
had no Footnote.
Pg 93: ‘of Balquidder was’ replaced by ‘of Balquhidder was’.
Pg 94: ‘the Seann Dana. The’ replaced by ‘the Sean Dana. The’.
Pg 95: ‘serve to expres’ replaced by ‘serve to express’.
Pg 112: ‘Ossian’s hereos’ replaced by ‘Ossian’s heroes’.
Pg 113: ‘belonged to to Mr’ replaced by ‘belonged to Mr’.
Pg 117: ‘that Galgucas, the’ replaced by ‘that Galgacus, the’.
Pg 121: ‘were often trasmitted’ replaced by ‘were often transmitted’.
Pg 139: ‘wife, the consesequences’ replaced by ‘wife, the
consequences’.
Pg 148: ‘the 14h July’ replaced by ‘the 14th July’.
Pg 161: ‘his inheritanace to’ replaced by ‘his inheritance to’.
Pg 162: ‘former comsequence by’ replaced by ‘former consequence by’.
Pg 166: ‘An ancester of’ replaced by ‘An ancestor of’.
Pg 187: ‘Strathearn, Menteath’ replaced by ‘Strathearn, Menteith’.
Pg 192: ‘He maried Katherine’ replaced by ‘He married Katherine’.
Pg 193: ‘distruction of Tormod’ replaced by ‘destruction of Tormod’.
Pg 198: ‘the male reprentatives’ replaced by ‘the male
representatives’.
Pg 216: ‘faithful adheernts of’ replaced by ‘faithful adherents of’.
Pg 223: ‘Icolmkill, were Maclean’ replaced by ‘Icolmkill, where
Maclean’.
Pg 231: ‘repecting their early’ replaced by ‘respecting their early’.
Pg 261: ‘CLAN OR DUFFIE MACFIE’ replaced by ‘CLAN DUFFIE OR MACFIE’.
Pg 268: ‘The victims returned’ replaced by ‘The victors returned’.
Pg 285: ‘of Godfry de Luss’ replaced by ‘of Godfrey de Luss’.
Pg 287: ‘the victorous clan’ replaced by ‘the victorious clan’.
Pg 291: ‘orerawe the remaining’ replaced by ‘overawe the remaining’.
Pg 299: ‘chief of Duntsaffnage’ replaced by ‘chief of Dunstaffnage’.
Pg 302: ‘Castle, Niedpath Castle’ replaced by ‘Castle, Neidpath
Castle’.
Pg 303: ‘in Aryshire; and’ replaced by ‘in Ayrshire; and’.
Pg 310: ‘obtained in Feburary’ replaced by ‘obtained in February’.
Pg 319: ‘the Scottish Cuymn’ replaced by ‘the Scottish Cumyn’.
Pg 320: ‘seventh lord Oglivy’ replaced by ‘seventh Lord Ogilvy’.
Pg 320: ‘20th Feburary 1638’ replaced by ‘20th February 1638’.
Pg 320: ‘lire and sword’ replaced by ‘fire and sword’.
Pg 343: ‘up the St Lawerence’ replaced by ‘up the St Lawrence’.
Pg 355: ‘appointed aid-de-camp’ replaced by ‘appointed aide-de-camp’.
Pg 357: ‘Many of ths men’ replaced by ‘Many of the men’.
Pg 368: ‘enbankment in front’ replaced by ‘embankment in front’.
Pg 371: ‘battle the proceeedings’ replaced by ‘battle the proceedings’.
Pg 372: ‘Ralph Abercomby, who’ replaced by ‘Ralph Abercromby, who’.
Pg 373: ‘Spencer took ssession’ replaced by ‘Spencer took possession’.
Pg 379: ‘field his aid-de-camp’ replaced by ‘field his aide-de-camp’.
Pg 380: ‘capture of Cuidad’ replaced by ‘capture of Ciudad’.
Pg 382: ‘to threaten Cuidad’ replaced by ‘to threaten Ciudad’.
Pg 382: ‘without stregthening’ replaced by ‘without strengthening’.
Pg 384: ‘seize of Burgos’ replaced by ‘siege of Burgos’.
Pg 384: ‘The hostle armies’ replaced by ‘The hostile armies’.
Pg 388: ‘infantay and two’ replaced by ‘infantry and two’.
Pg 391: ‘and non-commiss oned’ replaced by ‘and non-commissioned’.
Pg 403: ‘marshes were common’ replaced by ‘marches were common’.
Pg 409: ‘The there springs’ replaced by ‘The three springs’.
Pg 410: Caption modified to match the List of Illustrations;
‘LORD CLYDE.’ replaced by ‘LORD CLYDE (Sir Colin Campbell).’
Pg 416: ‘made a a bend’ replaced by ‘made a bend’.
Pg 418: ‘the 2d May,’ replaced by ‘the 22d May,’.
Pg 424: ‘fort under Nepauleese’ replaced by ‘fort under Nepaulese’.
Pg 427: ‘regiment was haled’ replaced by ‘regiment was hailed’.
Pg 434: ‘an engagment to’ replaced by ‘an engagement to’.
Pg 437: ‘James Colquhon,’ replaced by ‘James Colquhoun,’.
Pg 437: ‘Killed at Ticonderago’ replaced by ‘Killed at Ticonderoga’.
Pg 450: ‘Bras. See page ’ replaced by ‘Bras. See page 394.’.
Pg 453: ‘--Ticonderogo--’ replaced by ‘--Ticonderoga--‘.
Pg 456: ‘26 rank and file file’ replaced by ‘26 rank and file’.
Pg 457: ‘the autumn of 1716’ replaced by ‘the autumn of 1761’.
Pg 463: ‘which he rereturned to’ replaced by ‘which he returned to’.
Pg 479: Heading ‘1777-1818. I.’ replaced by ‘I. 1777-1818.’.
Pg 479: ‘took its orignal’ replaced by ‘took its original’.
Pg 485: ‘command of of which’ replaced by ‘command of which’.
Pg 487: ‘of Bengal seapoys,’ replaced by ‘of Bengal sepoys,’.
Pg 488: ‘general leave of of’ replaced by ‘general leave of’.
Pg 495: ‘loave to carry’ replaced by ‘leave to carry’.
Pg 496: ‘beseiging Badajos.’ replaced by ‘besieging Badajos.’
Pg 497: ‘cover his reconnaisance’ replaced by ‘cover his
reconnaissance’.
Pg 505: ‘in Febuary 1834’ replaced by ‘in February 1834’.
Pg 505: ‘in October 19th.’ replaced by ‘on October 19th.’.
Pg 525: ‘begining of May’ replaced by ‘beginning of May’.
Pg 540: ‘their fastnesse’ replaced by ‘their fastnesses’.
Pg 553: ‘Jhansee and Indoor’ replaced by ‘Jhansee and Indore’.
Pg 561: ‘and proceede in’ replaced by ‘and proceeded in’.
Pg 571: Moved the heading date ‘1787-1846.’ after the ‘I.’ for
consistency.
Pg 574: ‘Lieutenants Irviue’ replaced by ‘Lieutenants Irvine’.
Pg 578: ‘regiments. He decided’ replaced by ‘regiments, he decided’.
Pg 579: ‘posted a Foz’ replaced by ‘posted at Foz’.
Pg 584: ‘left the Arapeiles’ replaced by ‘left the Arapiles’.
Pg 588: ‘across the Bidasoa’ replaced by ‘across the Bidassoa’.
Pg 620: ‘sad accident occured’ replaced by ‘sad accident occurred’.
Pg 624: ‘from their promixity’ replaced by ‘from their proximity’.
Pg 624: ‘the 78th Higlanders,’ replaced by ‘the 78th Highlanders,’.
Pg 624: ‘of the dysentry’ replaced by ‘of the dysentery’.
Pg 627: ‘16thc entury.’ replaced by ‘16th century.’.
Pg 633: ‘moved foward in one’ replaced by ‘moved forward in one’.
Pg 650: ‘sincerely regetted’ replaced by ‘sincerely regretted’.
Pg 652: ‘Mackenize, who was’ replaced by ‘Mackenzie, who was’.
Pg 665: ‘effect a reconnaisance’ replaced by ‘effect a reconnaissance’.
Pg 685: ‘to utter route.’ replaced by ‘to utter rout.’.
Pg 693: ‘included n this sub-’ replaced by ‘included in this sub-‘.
Pg 695: (Adjutants) ‘31st August 1838.’ replaced by ‘31st August
1839.’.
Pg 698: ‘England on on the 1st’ replaced by ‘England on the 1st’.
Pg 710: ‘such a prominant’ replaced by ‘such a prominent’.
Pg 726: ‘91st--Faithfulnes’ replaced by ‘91st--Faithfulness’.
Pg 733: ‘two non-commisioned’ replaced by ‘two non-commissioned’.
Pg 755: (Lieutenant-Colonels) ‘April 14, 1746’ replaced by
‘April 14, 1846’.
Pg 773: ‘command. Notwitstanding’ replaced by ‘command.
Notwithstanding’.
Pg 787: ‘22rd of August’ replaced by ‘22nd of August’.
Pg 792: ‘loophooled walls;’ replaced by ‘loopholed walls;‘.
Pg 793: ‘shot and shrapnell’ replaced by ‘shot and shrapnel’.
Pg 793: ‘a shrapnell bullet’ replaced by ‘a shrapnel bullet’.
Footnote [5] anchored on pg 4: ‘Bart’s _Letters_’ replaced by
‘Burt’s _Letters_’.
Footnote [42] anchored on pg 22: ‘Lady and Ffamily’ replaced by
‘Lady and Family’.
Footnote [42] anchored on pg 22: ‘three oout-servants’ replaced by
‘three out-servants’.
Footnote [138] anchored on pg 135: ‘Gregory, 17’ replaced by
‘Gregory, p. 17’.
Footnote [196] anchored on pg 213: ‘held Rothiemurches till’ replaced
by ‘held Rothiemurchus till’.
Footnote [289] anchored on pg 340: ‘their comunications with’ replaced
by ‘their communications with’.
Footnote [315] anchored on pg 364: ‘assult. When the’ replaced by
‘assault. When the’.
Footnote [339] anchored on pg 398: ‘were no exchange’ replaced by
‘were no exchanges’.
Footnote [506] anchored on pg 667: ‘our readers to’ replaced by
‘our readers to the’.
Footnote [557] anchored on pg 751: ‘to the exigiencies’ replaced by
‘to the exigencies’.
INDEX:
Aberdeen: ‘169’ replaced by ‘i. 169’.
Athole: ‘376’ replaced by ‘i. 376’.
Auldearn: ‘Auldsarn’ replaced by ‘Auldearn’.
Dornoch: ‘641’ replaced by ‘i. 641’.
Fraser’s Highlanders: ‘457’ replaced by ‘ii. 457’.
Hope, Sir John: ‘763’ replaced by ‘ii. 763’.
Lorne: ‘March 1871.’ replaced by ‘March 1871, 185.’.
Mackintosh, Clan: ‘663, 666’ replaced by ‘i. 663, 666’.
Macleod: ‘May--’ replaced by ‘Mary--‘.
Philadelphia: ‘354’ replaced by ‘ii. 354’.
Quhadder: ‘Lord Innermeithts’ replaced by ‘Lord Innermeath’.
Thorfinn: ‘and Somereld’ replaced by ‘and Somerled’.
Victoria Cross: ‘791, 792, 705.’ replaced by ‘791, 792, 795.’.
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