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Title: The History of Lapland - wherein are shewed the Original, Manners, Habits, Marriages, - Conjurations, &c. of that People
Author: Scheffer, John
Language: English
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  _Wherein are shewed the
  Original, Manners, Habits,
  Marriages, Conjurations, &c.
  of that People.
  Iohn Shefferus
  _Professor of Law & Rhetorrick
  at Upsal in Sweden_.

  _At the Theater in Oxon 1674._



  Are shewed the Original, Manners, Habits, Marriages,
  Conjurations, &c. of that People.


  _By_ JOHN SCHEFFER, _Professor of Law and Rhetoric
  at_ Upsal _in_ Sweden.


  At the THEATER in _OXFORD_.




  July 8. 1674.



_The Reader may please to take notice, that the diligent and learned
Author of this History, (to the writing of which he was commanded, and
therein assisted by the Chancellor of_ Sweden) _hath in the whole work
taken care to justify what he relates, from the faith of authentic
records, the testimony of Historians, and the Discourses of_ Laplanders
_themselves, with whom he had ready opportunities of converse. And this
he hath don so precisely, that having in the contexture of his work,
given a full account of what he thought observable in the writings,
or narratives to which he refers, he afterwards constantly puts down
at length the very words of his Authors, a great part of which are
in the Swedish Tongue. Now in this Edition we have spared our selves
the labor of such repetition; which we hope will not be regretted by
the Reader, who we suppose would not have bin much edified by them.
As to the subject here discours’d of, twill not be needfull to give a
character of it. Military Action, and those public murders in which
other Histories triumph, have no share here. Hunger, cold and solitude
are enemies that engage all the fortitude of this People: and where
so much passive valor is necessary, we may dispense with the want of
Active. Amidst the barbarity and darkness which reign in_ Lapland,
_there appear strictures of light, which will entertain the eie of
the most knowing observer; as the Stars are no less remarkable then
is the Sun it self. However the Reader will not fail to meet here
with what may gratify his curiosity. Warmer Climates having all the
comforts and necessaries of life plentifully bestowed upon them, are
but a more distant home; where we have little else talk’d of, then
what we daily see among oar selves: but here it is indeed, where,
rather then in_ America, _we have a new World discovered: and those
extravagant falsehoods, which have commonly past in the narratives of
these Northern Countries, are not so inexcusable for their being lies,
as that they were told without temtation; the real truth being equally
entertaining, and incredible_.






_Of the Name of_ Lapland.

This Country doth not every where pass by the same name. By some ’tis
called _Lappia_, as _Johann. Magnus_ in the Preface of his history, and
_Saxo Grammat._ in his 5^{th} book; by others _Lapponia_, as _Olaus
Magnus_ in the explication of his Map of _Scandinavia_, and _Ziegler_
in his description of the Northern Countries, and before these _Ericus
Versaliensis_, and after them _Andr. Buræus_. The _Swedes_ usually
call the Country _Lapmarkia_, in whose language _Mark_ signifies Land;
the _Danes_ and _Norwegians_, _Laplandia_, and also _Findmarkia_,
as appears from _Petr. Claudus_ description of _Norway_: for no one
can gather any thing else but an account of this Country, from his
whole 38^{th} Chapt. which himself too seems to intimate, when he
promises more about _Findmarkia_ in his description of _Lapland_. Of
i’ts being call’d _Findmark_, I shall speak in another place; Now we
will see why ’tis call’d _Lapponia_ and _Lappia_, the Etymology of
which words is not yet agreed upon by the Learned. _Ziegler_ thinks
they were named so by the _Germans_, from the dulness and stupidity
of the people, which the word _Lappi_ signifies amongst them; but
this seems improbable, since this Country is but of late known to
the _Germans_, and none of their antient Writers make any mention of
_Lappia_. Moreover, the _Finlanders_, _Swedes_ and _Russians_, who
differ much in their language from one another, as well as from the
_Germans_, call it all by the same name; and the _Germans_, who are
so remote from _Lapland_, could not transmit this name to these more
Northern Countries, especially when they had little or no commerce with
them. Neither are the people so very dull and stupid; as _Ziegler_
himself afterwards acknowledges, when he confesses they are good at the
needle, and make delicate embroidered clothes. Neither can I assent to
_Wexionius_’s opinion, that the _Swedes_ gave them this name from their
wearing of _Skins_; for _Lapper_ and _Skinlapper_ do not signify skins,
but the same as the Greeks ῥάκοι (in English _Rags_) from whence _Ol.
Petr. Nieuren_, who writ of _Lapland_ in _Gustavus Adolphus_’s time,
derives their name from their coming into _Swedland_ every year with
rags _lapt_ about them, which is the signification of _Lapp_ in that
language. But they do not deserve that name, meerly for this reason,
any more than the _Finlanders_ and others, for they are generally
cloth’d in good woollen garments, as we shall shew hereafter. _Grotius_
thinks they are call’d _Lapps_ from running or _leaping_, but _Lœpa_,
which in the Swedish language signifies to run, is writ with a single
_P_, and the name of this Country with a double one; and these People
naturally are no great runners, tho by an art they have of sliding over
the frozen snow, they are very swift in their motions. Some think that
the Inhabitants do not denominate the Country, but the Country the
Inhabitants, as in the name of _Norwegians_ and others, which seems to
be strengthned by this, because _Ol. Magnus_ calls them _Lappomanni_,
after the manner of _Nordmanni_, _Westmanni_, and _Sudermanni_, in
which words _Manni_ signifying _Men_, they were call’d _Lappomanni_,
_i. e._ Men of _Lappia_.[1] Others fancy that the name of the Country
is deriv’d from _Lappu_, which in the _Finnonick_ language is
_furthermost_, because it lies in the farthest part of _Scandinavia_.
There is yet another opinion which may seem no less plausible then
any of the former, which agrees as well with the signification of the
word _Lapp_ among the _Laplanders_ themselves, as the credit given to
what has been matter of fact, _viz._ that ’twas call’d _Lappia_, not
from its situation, or other such like accident, but from the _Lappi_
that inhabited it. So that I take _Lappi_ to signify no other than
_banish’t_ persons, which is the genuine signification of _Lapp_ in the
_Lapland_ language; for the _Laplanders_ were originally _Finlanders_,
and from leaving their Country may be presum’d to have took their name;
and that not of their own choosing, but the _Finlanders_[2] imposition,
with whom to _Lapp_ signifies to run away: whence the compellation
seeming something scandalous, no person of quality to this day will
endure to be call’d by it, tho from the _Finlanders_ others Nations,
as the _Germans_, _Swedes_ and _Moscovites_, have learnt to call them
so. But they of _Lappia Umensis_ stile themselves _Sabmienladti_, and
those of _Lappia Tornensis_, _Sameednan_, from the word _Sabmi_ or
_Same_; the signification of which, and whence they had it, we shall
see hereafter.

At what time this Country and it’s inhabitants were first distinguish’t
by these names _Lappia_ and _Lappi_, ’tis hard to prove: ’tis certain
’twas but of late, for the words are not found in any antient writer,
neither in _Tacitus_, who mentions their neighbours and forefathers
the _Finlanders_, nor in _Ptolomy_, _Solinus_, _Anton. Augustus_,
_Rutilius_, or others, neither in Authors nearer home (not to name
_Jornandes_, _Paul Warnefrid_, &c.) nor in those who have writ the
actions of _Heraud_ and _Bosa_, or _Gætricus_ and _Rolfus_, or King
_Olafus_ in the _Islandick_, _Norwegian_ or _Gothick_ language: we find
nothing of them in _Adam Bremensis_, whose diligence in writing of
the Northern Countries, his _Scandinavia_ sufficiently testifies; or
in _Sturlisonius_, who writ very accuratly of these parts in his own
language. Therefore I cannot be so easily persuaded with _Grotius_ to
believe _Cluverius_, who says they were mention’d in the _Peutingerian_
Tables, the Author of which is thought to have liv’d at least before
_Theodosius_’s time, _i. e._ 600 years before _Adam Bremensis_: how
then could he, that was none of the best Geographers, if we may beleive
_Welserus_, and very far distant from these parts, give us any account
of them, since _Adam Bremensis_, who was so near a neighbour, and had
commerce with those that lived there, could give us none? Besides,
in that Table the _Sarmatians_ are called _Lupiones_, with whom the
_Lappi_ were nothing concerned, neither doth any antient Author say
they were seated so far Northward: wherefore the _Lupiones_ there
described are any People rather then the _Laplanders_, for at that
time, when the Author writ, they were not so much as known to any
of their neighbours, the _Gothick_ _Norwegian_ or _Danish_ writers.
The first that mentions _Lapland_ is _Saxo Gramat._ Hist. Dan. l. 5.
who lived and wrote about _Ann._ 1190, and therefore was after _Adam
Bremensis_ (who lived about 1077) near 130 years, in which interval
this name must needs come first in use. For _Saxo_ making mention of
such a Country a great while before, in the time of _Frotho_ the third
contemporary to _Alricus_ King of Swedland (who they say lived before
Christ) doth not prove that ’twas called so then, but that that Country
might afterwards have had this appellation; and I am fully perswaded,
that _Adam Bremensis_ would not have omitted this name if he had had
any knowledge of it. Afterward _Er. Upsaliensis_ speaks of it about
1470 _i. e._ almost 300 years after _Saxo_, and 200 before this present
time. After them _Jac. Ziegler_ made a large and learned description
of it, by which it came to be known all over _Europe_. For however we
may meet with the name _Lappia_ in _Saxo_, none but the _Swedes_ and
_Finlanders_, before _Zieglers_ time, knew any thing of it. And so much
for the names of _Lapland_.


[1] _Johann. Tornæus._

[2] _Ol. Petr. Nieuren._ _Plantin. jun. Præf._ MS. _Lexic. Lappon._


_Of the Situation of_ Lapland.

The true and exact situation of this Country the Antients seem not
to have sufficiently discovered. _Saxo_ makes it bordering upon
_Jamtia_, extending its self as far, or rather lying as it were
between _Helsingia_ and _Finland_, when in these words he says
_the Provinces of the_ Helsingi, Iarnberi, Iemti, _with both the_
Lappia’s, _as likewise_ Finnia _and_ Estia _paid annual tribute to one
Domarus_. _Ericus Upsaliensis_ seems to make it a part of _Finland_,
mistaking it for a certain part of that Kingdome so called, on the
one side adjoining to _Swedland_, on the other to _Russia_, giving it
a place between _Carelia_ and _Nylandia_. _Ol. Mag._ in his Table,
and so his brother _Johan. Magnus_ in the Preface of his History,
place it higher then the western _Bothnia_, making neighbours to it
_Scrikfinnia_ furthest towards the North, and _Biarmia_ towards the
East; though some[3] think there is no such place as _Scrikfinnia_, as
it is certain there is none in those parts at this day called by that
name. But yet we must not slightly pass over the unanimous opinion of
so many learned men, especially _Saxo_, not a little knowing in the
Northern affairs, who have all not barely named it, but have described
the humours of the Inhabitants, their manners, habits and fashion of
their governments, with other matters belonging to them. Instead of
the _Scrickfinni_ or _Scricfinni_ of _Johan._ and _Ol. Magn._ I would
rather read it _Scritofinni_; and as for _Skidfinni_ as _Adr. Buræ_
would have it, all the Antients, what ever else they differ in, will
agree in this, that there must be an _R_ in the word. _Jornandez_
calls them _Scretfennæ_, _Paul. Warnefrid._ and _Diacon._ _Scritobini_
changing _f_ in _b_ (of which and some other things of the like nature
I will treat in due time and place) _Adam Bremensis_ _Scritefiani_: and
the Greeks agree in this writing, so that we ought not to doubt of the
Latines. _Procopius_ will have them sometimes Σκριθιφίκους, other
times Σκριθιφίνους. Besides ’tis manifest since the _Scritefinni_ are
the same with the _Finni_, whose Etymology in their own language is
from leaping,[4] by an art they have, by which with crooked pieces of
wood under their feet like a bow they hunt wild beasts; they could not
therefore take their name from _Skidh_, signifying the wooden shoes
themselves, but from their leaping, _i. e._ swift running with them,
which doubtless antiently was meant by _Skriida_, and which the Author
cited by _Warnius_ in the 46 page of his Lexicon confirms, where he
relates the form of an oath made by _Hafur_, that he would preserve the
peace _Quamdiu Finnur skriidar_, _i. e._ as long as the _Finlanders_
continued their manner of leaping. As for the Etymology that is there
given, that it signifies their wandring up and down, ’tis altogether
false, for _Skridsko_ at this day denotes those wooden shoes which
they run upon the ice with; neither doth _Skirida_ signify any thing
else among the Antients but to glide along the ground, for they do not
take up one foot after the other, as in common running, but carrying
themselves steady upon the frozen snow, they move forward stooping a
little, as shall be shewn hereafter. And perhaps this is the onely
cause that they are called _Himantopodes_,[5] People creeping upon
their knees; which agrees exactly with these _Scritofinni_: for they
hearing that _Skriida_ was to creep along, what could they fancy the
_Scritofinni_ to be, but People not going like other men, but crawling
forward like creeping animalls, but of this I shall speak more at
large when I come to the _Laplanders_ gliding upon the ice. That
which I would chiefly evince here, is, that there are such a people
rightly called _Scritofinni_, and the Country which they inhabit is
_Scritofinnia_ or _Scritfinnia_, and that there is no reason we should
think there was no such place, since there are those who are called
_Scritfinni_, _i. e._ _Finlanders_, who run upon the ice with wooden
shoes, whose Country from thence may well be called _Scritofinnia_.
And the same may be urged for _Biarmia_ against those that will not
allow there is any such place. For first the antient Writers making
frequent mention of it, as that Author of the History thereof, calls
it often _Biarmaland_ in the old _Gothick_ or _Islandick_ language,
who also calls the King of it _Hereker_ in Ch. 7. and his two Sons,
the one _Rœrik_ the other _Siggeir_. _Saxo_ likewise in his 9^{th}
book, speaks of a certain King of this place, who reigned in the time
of _Regner_ King of the _Danes_, making it border upon _Finland_,
when he says the King of _Biarmia_ fled for refuge to _Matullus_,
who then reigned in _Finland_. But now granting there were antiently
such names as _Biarmia_ and _Scritfinnia_, it remains doubtfull still
whether they were distinct Countries or no. All Authors except _Johan._
and _Ol. Magn._ seem to make them the same, _Procop._ _Jornand._ _Paul.
Warnfrid._ and _Adam Bremensis_ speak of _Scritfinnia_, but none of
_Biarmia_, and the Northern writers do just contrary. _Saxo_ indeed
mentions them both, but not at the same time: once in his Preface he
names _Scritfinnia_, leaving out _Biarmia_, in other places he names
_Biarmia_ omitting the other; from whence I am almost of opinion
that ’tis the same Country called by native Writers _Biarmia_, by
forreign _Scritfinnia_. We may add further that as _Adam Bremensis_
makes _Scritfinnia_ next to _Helsingia_, the Author of the History
of _Heraud_ and _Bosa_ sets _Biarmia_ in the same place, speaking of
some Woods in it, and Rivers that emty themselves into the _Sinus
Bothnicus_ or bay of _Ganduia_ next to _Helsingia_. And moreover as the
_Scritfinni_ are a People of _Finland_, which not onely their name,
but an old Chorographick Table commended by _Grotius_ doth intimate,
distinguishing the _Fenni_ into the _Scritfenni_ and _Redefenni_, so
’tis probable of the _Biarmians_ as well for their neighbourhood to
_Helsingia_, of which before, as for their worshipping a God by the
name of _Jomala_, which is a _Finland_ word, denoting God amongst
them to this day. Moreover the _Biarmians_ have many other things
like the _Finlanders_, as the Art of darting, of Magic, _&c._ So that
_Biarmia_ may be a Colony of _Finland_, whose People were called by
Strangers, from their _skirring_ along, or gliding upon the snow,
_Scritofinni_. But now supposing all this true, and that the _Biarmia_
of the Ancients, and _Scritfinnia_ were the same, ’tis a question
still whether _Lapland_ be distinct from them or not. _Joh._ and _Ol.
Magnus_ in their Geographic Tables and descriptions, make them distinct
Countries. But that cannot be; for if _Scritfinnia_ and _Biarmia_ reach
one way to _Helsingia_ and _Jamtia_, on the other to _Finland_; if
they lye so near these Provinces, and extend to the Bay of _Bothnia_
(both which have bin demonstrated before) I do not see where _Lapland_
can have any place at all. And the same Authors are also mistaken in
putting it South of _Biarmia_ and _Scritfinnia_, whereas the Antients
placed these beyond it. For that they mean’t only by _Biarmia_ that
which the Swedes now call _Trennes_, appears to be false from what has
bin said before: for where are any Rivers in _Trennes_ that run into
the Bay of _Bothnia_? and how is it bordering upon _Finland_? Wherefore
contrary to _Joh._ and _Ol. Magnus_, I think rather that _Lapland_
is the same that was first by the Inhabitants called _Biarmia_, by
Strangers _Scritfinnia_, then changing the name for some of the reasons
here produced, it came to be _Lappia_ or _Lapponia_; which beginning
from _Jamtia_ and _Angermannia_, goes all about each _Bothnia_, and at
length ends in the extremities of _Carelia_ and _Finland_, so as to
comprehend all the whole tract from the North even to the main Ocean,
the white Sea, and the Lake _Ladek_, which are the very bounds of old
_Biarmia_ and _Scritfinnia_. But that it went as far as the Ocean,
the Antients seem not to have so well understood; nor indeed _Johan._
and _Ol. Magnus_, who in those parts, have made _Scritfinnia_ and
_Biarmia_ different Countries from _Lapland_. So also _Damianus Goes_,
who, whatever he knew of _Lapland_, had it from them, says it extends
it self to unknown Regions, because he knew not who lived further
towards the North Sea. But the Antients have placed there, besides the
_Scritfinni_, the _Cynocephali_, _Busii_, _Troglodytes_, _Pygmies_,
_Cyclops’s_,: and some others, passing by the _Himantopodes_, of whom
we have spoken before: tho in this age none doubts but the _Laplanders_
inhabit it all, and those who have sailed along those Coasts have
met with none others but _Laplanders_. In fine _Charles_ the 9^{th}
King of _Swedland_ in the year 1600, being desirous to know the truth
of that Country, sent two famous Mathematicians, _M. Aron. Forsius_
a Swedish Professour, and _Hieronymus Birkholten_ a German, with
instruments, and all necessaries to make what discoveries they could
of _Lapland_; who at their return, did certify, and make it out, that
beyond the Elevation of the Pole 73 degrees there was no Continent
towards the North but the great frozen Sea, and that the farthest point
was _Norcum_ or _Norcap_, not far from the Castle of _Wardhouse_. But
of this distant _Lapland_ those that are curious may enquire at their
leisure, we purpose to treat here only of that which is subject to the
Government of the _Swedes_; and this is a vast Country, thought by
_Paulinus_ in his history of the North, of equall extent almost with
all _Swedland_ properly so called. _Andr. Buræus_ says it contains in
length above 100 German miles, and in breadth 90. All this Country
comes now under the name of _Lapland_, in which all agree that ever
described it; and if we would take an account of the Climate of it
by this vast compass of Earth, we must begin from the 64^{th} degree
of latitude, and so to the 71; but in longitude it must extend at
least to the 27^{th} Meridian, or more. Moreover if we will compute
the longitude from journies that have bin made thither, all hitherto
have unanimously put the beginning of it about the 38^{th} degree, and
the end in the 65^{th}. And this may suffice partly for an account of
the situation of _Lapland_ in general; and partly of that which is
subject to the _Swedes_. _Dam. à Goes_, a Knight of Portugall, sets
its bounds thus in his description of Spain: _Lapland is divided into
the Eastern and Western part, the Bothnick Sea coming between. The
extremity of it is Tornia. Eastward it reaches to the white Lake,
towards the North comprehending diverse Provinces, and extends it self
beyond all knowledge. On the West towards Island it joins to part of
Norway, and on the other side of Norway ’tis bounded with Swedland,
Finland, and both the Bothnia’s._ But _Ol. Petr. Nieuren_ confutes this
of the _Bothnic_ Sea lying between; for so part of _Lapland_ would lie
in _Finland_ or _Ostrobothnia_, part in _Westrobothnia_, which every
one knows is false: and the very vulgar can tell so much, that the
_Bothnic_ Sea comes not any where within 18 or 20 miles of _Lapland_:
tho this ought not to pass beyond _Damianus_’s time, since _Nieurenius_
himself confesses in another place, that the _Laplanders_ had their
seat about the _Bothnic_ Sea, but that afterwards they were driven out,
of which I shall speak hereafter. I will only add here a Table of the
latitudes and longitudes of the chiefest Places, as they were taken by
_M. Aronis Forsius_ and _Hieronymus Birckholten_ Ann. 1600.

              _Longit._   _Latit._

  Uma         38,  0.   65, 11.
  Pitha       40,  0.   66, 14.
  Lula        40, 30.   66, 30.
  Tœrna       42, 27.   67,  0.
  Kimi        42, 20.   67,  1.
  Lappijærf   42, 33.   70,  9.
  Antoware    44,  4.   70, 26.
  Tenokijle   46,  0.   70, 50.
  Porsanger   44,  2.   71, 42.
  Porsanger   43, 35.   71, 35.
  Lingen      37, 30.   70, 30.
  Trænees     32, 30.   70, 25.
  Euvenes     33, 35.   70,  0.
  Titisare    37, 55.   69, 40.
  Piala       41, 40.   60, 15.
  Siguar      38, 35.   68, 59.
  Tingwar     38,  0.   69, 40.
  Rounula     39, 30.   69, 47.
  Koutokrine  42,  0.   69, 17.
  Waranger    45,  0.   71, 35.
  Lanzord     45, 35.   71, 26.
  Hwalsund    42, 40.   71, 12.
  Skrisæ      38, 50.   71, 18.
  Trumsæ      35, 52.   70, 55.
  Andaces     32,  0.   70, 30.
  Serghen     32, 20.   69,  3.
  Wardhus     52,  0.   71, 55.
  Norkaap.    45, 30.   72, 30.

I proceed next to the disposition and nature of the Country, having
first given you a Map of it.


[3] Buræus _in his descr. of Swedland_.

[4] _Paul. Warnefrid._

[5]_Ad. Brem._ _Solin. c. 44._


_Of the temperature of the Air, and soil of_ Lapland.

We have seen how _Lapland_ is situate; let us next proceed to other
particularities of it. That ’tis very near the Pole appears from its
latitude, insomuch that for some months in the Summer the Sun here
never sets, and on the contrary in the Winter it never rises; which
_Herbersten_ says is but forty days, and tho three hours in the night
the body of it is something darkned, so that his raies appear not, yet
there is so much light, that they continue their work all the while.
Indeed the same account is not to be taken of the whole Country, since
part of it lies nearer, and part further distant from the Pole; and of
these too some parts are more East, and some more to the West, from
whence ’tis that with some of them the Sun is scarce above the Horizon
for so many daies as he pretends. And altho in the Summer it never
sets and goes below the Earth, yet neither does it rise much above it,
but as it were kisses and gently glides along the Horizon for the most
part; as likewise in the Winter when lowest it is not much beneath it:
which is the reason that tho they have one continued night for some
months, yet every day the Sun comes so near, that it makes a kind of
twilight. _Joh. Magnus_ saies that in the absence of the Sun there
are two twilights, one in the morning, the other in the evening, in
which those poor remainders of day provide that the night should not
be utterly destructive. And by how much the Sun is farther absent, the
light of the Moon is clearer. Hence _Petr. Claud._ saies that when
the Moon shines they go a fishing, and dispatch all other necessaries
that are to be done without doors; and when it does not, if the air be
clear, even the light of the Stars so much abates the darkness, that
the horrour of the night is much lessened, and there is light enough
for the dispatch of severall businesses, which is farther assisted by
the whiteness of the Snow. The Air of _Lapland_ is cold, but fresh and
clear, and consequently very wholesome, being much purified by the
winds which are here very frequent and violent. It has bin attested to
me by eye-witnesses, that there rises a certain wind out of the Sea,
which beginning to blow raises presently such thick and dark clouds
even in the midst of Summer, that they utterly hinder the sight, and
in the Winter drives the snow with such force and quantity, that if
any person be surprised abroad, he hath no other remedy but to throw
himself on the ground with some garment over him, suffering himself to
be quite buried in snow till the storm is past, which don, he rises
up, and betakes himself to the next Cottage he can meet, all paths and
roads being hid in the snow. But the strongest and most irresistible
winds are upon the Mountains, where they throw down all things they
meet with, and carry them away by their violence into far distant
places, where they are never seen or heard of afterwards. Their only
help against these is to convey themselves into dens and caves. Here is
rain as in other places, sometimes more, and sometimes less, but in the
midst of Summer, this as likewise the neighbouring Countries have very
seldom any at all. Snow they have more often, and so much that in the
Winter it covers all the Country, of which they make this advantage,
that they can travel the more securely in the night; for the light of
the Moon reflected from the snow, enlightens all the fields, that they
can discern and avoid any pits, precipices and wild Beasts, that would
otherwise annoy them: so convenient are the wayes for any journy, that
two rein deer will draw a greater load over the trodden snow, then a
Cart and ten Horses can in the fields at other times. These snows in
some places, as on the tops of their highest hills, remain perpetually,
and are never melted by the strongest heat of the Sun. In the upper
part of _Lapland_ there are Mountains rising to such a vast hight, that
the snow continues upon them Summer and Winter, and is never dissolved,
but in other places the Land is every year over-flown with floods of
melted snow. They have also very great frosts and mists, and good store
of them, which sometimes so thicken the air, that the sight is quite
obstructed, and Passengers cann’t distinguish one man from another to
salute or avoid him, tho he be come close up to them. It is so extreme
cold here in the Winter, that ’tis not to be endured but by those who
have bin bred up in it. The swiftest Rivers are sometimes frozen so
hard, that the ice is more than three or four cubits thick; and their
greatest Lakes and deepest Seas bear any burdens whatever. Nor is the
Summer, which to some may seem incredible, more moderately hot. For
tho the Sun be very low, and his raies oblique, yet lying upon them so
long together, their force is strangely increast; the only allay being
from the vapors rising out of the neighbouring Sea, and from the snows,
which as well in Summer as Winter continue undissolv’d in hollow places
between the hills. As for Spring and Autumn they know neither, there
being so very little space between the extremity of cold in the Winter,
and heat in Summer, that by Strangers ’tis look’t upon as a miracle to
see every thing springing fresh and green, when but a week before all
things were overwhelm’d with frost and snow. _Ol. Petr. Nieuren._ has
observed it as a memorable thing, and which he would not have believ’d
from any one had he not seen it himself, that in the year 1616, June
24, going to the Church of _Thor_, he saw the trees budding, and the
grass coming up green out of the ground, and within a fortnight after
he saw the Plants full blown, and the leaves of the trees at their
perfection, as if they had known how short the Summer was to be, and
therefore made such hast to enjoy it. Their soil is generally neither
very fertile nor barren, but between both, full of flints, stones and
rocks, every where appearing high, by whose unevenness and roughness
the rest of the ground about is useless. The ground is generally very
soft and flabby, by reason of the many Lakes and Rivers overflowing,
yet would it be fit either for tillage or pasture if any would be at
the pains and charge of draining it. _Ol. Petrus_ saies of the Southern
part, lying under the same climate and influence of the Heavens with
_Bothnia_, that ’tis as apt to bear any grain as the Western _Bothnia_
it self, but this is not without a concurrence and aptitude likewise
of the soil: and he himself confesses in Chap. 12^{th}, that the
Land is stony, sandy, uneven, overrun in some places with briars and
thornes, and in others nothing but hills, moores, fennes and standing
waters, which are not the qualities that usually commend Land for
agriculture. Then as to his urging its verdant and rich pastures, it
doth not follow that all Land which yields much grass should be equally
capable of bearing good corn. Yet doth the Land afford plenty of grass,
and that so good that their Cattel are fatned much cheaper and sooner
with it than any other thing, as also divers hearbs, but particularly
’tis happy in all kind of pot-hearbs. There are many large Woods and
Forests, especially towards _Norway_, but not very thick; likewise
steep rocks and high mountaines called _Doffrini_; upon whose naked
tops, by reason of the violence of the winds to which they are exposed,
never yet grew tree. Below these hills lie most pleasant Vallies, in
which are clear fountaines and rivulets innumerable, which emtying
themselves into the rivers, at length are carried into the _Bothnic_
Sea. Their water is clear, sweet and wholesome, only their Forests
abound with stinking and standing Pools. This Country Winter and Summer
hath an incredible number of all kinds of wild beasts, especially the
lesser sorts, which suffice not only for their own use, but to drive a
great trade with their neighbours. They have Birds also of all sorts
very many, but Fish in such abundance that a great part of the Natives
are entirely fed by them. But of all these we shall speak in their
proper places, I will add no more here but this, that the Description
of old _Finland_ or _Scritofinnia_ by the Ancients is the same which
hath bin given here of _Lapland_; to confirm what I said before that
these Countries differ only in name, and not in nature and situation.
We come now to its Division.


_Of the Division of_ Lapland.

Those who have writ of _Lapland_, mention different divisions of it.
_Saxo_ in his 5^{th} Book, and elswhere, speaks of two _Laplands_, and
after him _Johannes Magnus_ tells us, _that both the_ Laplands _are
joined together Southward_. I suppose in that division they had respect
to their situation, and meant the Eastern and the Western _Lapland_:
for so _Damianus Goes_, who seems to borrow from _Joh. Magnus_,
expresses it. _Lapland_, saith he, _is divided into the Eastern and the
Western, separated from each other by the Bothnic Sea_. From whence we
may gather that that part of the Country which lies on one side of the
_Bothnia_, was called the Eastern _Lapland_, and that which lies on the
other, the Western.

Besides this division of _Lapland_, there is another taken from the
places most frequented by the Inhabitants. For one part thereof, lying
along the Coasts of the Ocean, is from thence called _Siœfindmarken_,
that is _the maritime Lapland_; the other lying higher on the
Continent, _Fiœldmarken_, that is, _inland Lapland_: tho by some they
are called simply _Findmarken_ and _Lappmarken_. This last division
_Pet. Claud._ gives us in his 27^{th} Chapter. _All the Sea Coasts_,
saith he, _Northward and Eastward as far as_ Findmarkia _reaches, are
possest by the_ Siæfinni, _or maritime Finlanders, but the mountainous
and champaign Country, by the Lapfinni, from thence named Lapmarkia or
Wildfindlandia, that is wild or savage Findland_. Where he calls one
part of the Country _Lapmarckia_, the other _Findmarckia_, the one
lying along the shore, and bordering on the Sea, the other mountainous,
woody, and savage, upon the _Terra firma_. And this too may be worth
our notice, that _Wildfinland_ with him is that which others call
_Lappmarkia_: I suppose, because the Natives live by hunting, as those
of the other do by fishing. For he presently adds, _There are many
thousands in that place that feed on nothing but the flesh of wild
Beasts_. And indeed some there are with whom those only pass for the
true _Laplanders_: as _Samuel Rheen_, who in his 2^d Chapter of his
forementioned Book, tells us, _that besides the Scrickfinni_ (so he
calls them that with _Pet. Claud._ are _Siœfinnes_) _there are other
true_ Laplanders, _that live on nothing but rain deer_. And so from the
Natives feeding on wild Beasts, _Lapland_ properly so called, is also
stiled _Wildfindland_, in opposition to _Findmarkia_, whose Inhabitants
live both on Fish and Cattel. And yet there may be given another reason
for the imposition of this name, from the many woods of that Country.
_Olaus Magnus_ in more places then one calls the natives, men that
dwell in woods, or _Savages_: as in the title of his 3^d Chapt. of his
4^{th} Book, which is, _Concerning the fierceness of the_ Savages,
_or those that dwell in woods_, in which Chapter he describes the
_Laplanders_. And in the following Chapter he says, _that the wild_
Laplanders _are clothed with rich skins of several Beasts_. The Baron
_Herberstenius_ also in his History of _Moscovy_, calls them _Savage
Laplanders, who tho they dwell_, says he, _on the Sea Coast in little
Cottages, and lead a brutish kind of life, are yet more civilized then
the Savages of Lapland_: whence ’tis plain, that by the _Findlanders_
living near the Sea, he means those that others call _Siœfinnes_, and
by the _Savage Laplanders_ those that possess the inland Country, who
he thinks were so called from their wildness and barbarity. And by
and by he adds, _that by converse with Strangers, who come thither to
trade, they begin to lay aside their Savage nature, and become a little
more civilized_. Afterwards he calls them _Diki Loppi_, which name the
_Moscovites_ give them at this time, as hath been shewed elswhere.

There is also a 3^d Division of _Lapland_, that respects the several
Princes to whom the Country is in subjection. And this _Andr. Buræus_
intends, when he tells us, _The greatest part of_ Lapland, viz. _the
Southern and inland Country, belongs all to the Kingdom of Sweden:
The maritime tract, that lies on the Ocean, and is called Findmark
(whose Inhabitants the_ Siœfinni, _or maritime Findlanders, are so
named from their living by fishing) to Norway: The rest of them that
dwell from the_ Castle of Warhuus _to the mouth of the_ white Sea,
_are subject to the Russians, which part the Swedes call Trennes,
the Natives Pyhinienni, and the Russians Tarchana voloch_. Of their
subjection to these severall Princes, we shall speak when we come
to treat of their Government; and also of those parts that belong
to _Norway_ or _Denmark_, and _Russia_. At present we shall only
mention the division of that part which is under the _Swedes_, and
is named by _Buræus_, the Southern and inland _Lapland_, and by
_Petr. Claud._ _Lappmarkia_ properly so called. This is divided into
six lesser parts called _marker_, or _lands_, tho _Buræus_ chuses
to render them Territories or Provinces. Each of these have their
distinct names, and are called _Aongermandlandslapmark_, _Umalappmark_,
_Pithalappmark_, _Lulalapmark_, _Tornalapmark_, _Kiemilapmark_. So
_Samuel Rheen_ in his first Chapter, _That part of_ Lapland _which
belongs to Sweden is divided into the Kiemensian, Tornensian,
Lulensian, Pithensian, Umensian, and Angermanlandensian Lapmark_.
_Buræus_ mentions but five of these Provinces, viz. _Umalappmark_,
_Pithalappmark_, _Lulalapmark_, _Tornelapmark_, and _Kimilapmark_,
comprehending _Angermandlandslapmark_ under _Umalapmark_, not that they
are one and the same Province, but because they are both governed by
one Lieutenant. Each of these Provinces take their name from Rivers
that run thro the midst of them, as _Wexionius_ in his description of
_Swedland_ assures us. As for their situation, _Angermanlandslapmark_
borders upon _Andermannia_ and _Jemtia_, to this joins _Umalapmark_,
next to that is _Pithalapmark_, and then _Lulelapmark_, all of them
lying Westward, reaching on one side to that ridg of Hills that
divides _Swedland_ from _Norway_, and on the other side to the Western
_Bothnia_. Northward of them lies _Tornelapmark_, and extends it self
from the fartheh corner of the _Bay of Bothnia_ all along the North
Sea, called by Seamen _Cape Noort_. Next to this lies _Kimilapmark_,
winding from the North toward the East, and bounded on one side by
the Eastern _Bothnia_, on another side by that part of _Lapland_ that
belongs to _Russia_, and on a third side by _Cajania_ and _Carelia_.

Moreover these Provinces we are speaking of, are subdivided into lesser
parts, called by the _Swedes_ _Byar_, as _Samuel Rheen_ tells us, and
are equivalent to our _Shires_, and the _Pagi_ of the Ancients. So in
_Cæsar_ we meet with _Pagus Tigurinus_, and _Pagi Suevorum_, which were
not Villages or Country Towns, but large parts of a Country, such as
the _Greeks_ called νόμοι, used in ancient times in the division of
Ægypt. Hence the _Glossary_ renders the ancient _Toparchiæ_, _Pagus_,
τοπαρχία, χώρα, νόμος. There are several of these _Pagi_ or _Shires_
in each Province, except _Angermanlandslapmark_, which makes but one
_Pagus_, vulgarly called _Aosahla_. _Umalapmark_ hath four, _Uma_,
_Lais_ or _Raanby_, _Granby_, and _Vapsteen_. _Pithalapmark_ seven,
_Graotreskby_, _Arfwejerfsby_, _Lochteby_, _Arrieplogsby_, _Wisierfby_,
_Norrvesterby_, _Westerby_. _Lulalapmark_ five, _Jochmoch_, _Sochjoch_,
_Torpinjaur_, _Zerkislocht_, and _Rautomjaur_. _Tornelapmark_ eight,
_Tingawaara_, _Siggewaara_, _Sondewara_, _Ronolaby_, _Pellejerf_,
_Kiedkajerf_, _Mansialka_, _Saodankyla_, _Kithilaby_. So that all the
Territories or Provinces are divided into 33 _Byars_. In each of these
there are several _Clans_ or Families, which the _Swedes_ call _rakar_,
each of which have a certain allotment of ground assign’d them for
the maintenance of themselves and their Cattel; not in the nature of
a Country Farm with us, but of a very great length and bredth, so as
to include Rivers, Lakes, Woods, and the like, which all belong to one
_Clan_ or family. In every _Biar_ there are as many allotments as there
are families that can live of themselves, and are not forced by poverty
to serve others. In the _Byar_ called _Aosahla_ there are about 30 of
these _Clans_, or families, in others more or less according as they
are in bigness, which all have their several names, tho ’tis not worth
while to repeat them. And thus much shall suffice of the third division
of _Lapland_, not lately made (except that under _Charles IX_ some
_Clans_ had certain allotments assign’d them) but derived from very
ancient time; as appears from hence that neither the _Laplanders_ have
known, nor the _Swedes_ given them any other, since the Country hath
bin under their subjection. Nor are the words modern, or taken from any
thing that may give any cause to suspect them of novelty: which I the
rather observe, that from hence the native simplicity, agreable to the
antiquity of the Nation, may appear.


_Of the_ Laplanders _in reference to the inclinations, temper and
habit, of their minds and bodies_.

It is almost peculiar to this People to be all of them of low stature,
which is attested by the general suffrage of those Writers who have
described this Country. Hence the learned _Isaac Vossius_ observes,
that _Pygmies_ are said to inhabit here; and adds that they are a
deformed People: but in truth their feature and proportion is good
enough, and that they are not distorted sufficiently appears from their
great agility of body, and fitness for active emploiment. Nor need we
dispute of this, since in _Sweden_, we see them every day among us, and
can observe no defect in any kind, or deformity, by _Lomenius_ unjustly
ascribed to them. _Ol. Mag._ and _Tornæus_ esteem their young women
indifferently handsome, and of a clear skin, which I have often seen
my self; for they take great care to preserve their natural beauty,
which the men neglect to do: and therefore if they are less amiable
then the other Sex, it is to be imputed to their choice, not nature.
To which we may add the length of their frosts, and the bitterness of
the Air, against which they neither arm themselves sufficiently with
clothes, nor know how to do so: besides the smoak which continually
fills their cottages empairs very much their natural complexion, which
is the reason why most of the men also are so swarthy. And as they are
generally short, they are also very lean, and ’tis rare to see a fat
man amongst them, for the cold that prevents their growing tall, dries
up likewise their moisture, and makes them apt to be slender. They are
also very light in respect of their bulk and stature, which comes from
their not eating any Salt, if we will believe _Ol. Petr._ And thus much
may be said in general of the frame and condition of their bodies. As
for their particular parts they have thick heads, prominent foreheads,
hollow and blear eyes, short flat noses, and wide mouths. Their hair
is thin, short and flaggy, their beard stragling, and scarce covers
their chins. The hair of both Sexes is generally black and hard, very
seldom yellow, their breasts broad, slender wasts, spindle shanks, and
swift of foot. They are very strong in their limbs, so that in a bow
which a _Norwegian_ can scarce half bend, they will draw an arrow up
to the head. Their strength is accompanied with such activity withall,
that with their bows and quivers at their backs they will throw
themselves thro a hoop of but a cubit in diameter. But this seems to
be spoken only of some Tumblers, for the People are generally ignorant
of such sports; their usual exercises being running races, climbing
inaccessible rocks and high trees. Tho they are thus nimble and strong,
yet they never go upright, but stooping, which habit they get by
frequent fitting in their cottages on the ground.

We come now to the habits of their mind, in which ’tis first observable
that they are much given to superstition, which is no wonder while they
live in Woods among wild Beasts, and maintain little correspondence
one with another: but of their superstition we shall treat elswhere.
Furthermore they are beyond all imagination fearfull and mean
spirited, being frighted at the very sight of a strange man, or ship;
above all things dreading War: the reason of all this being the cold
to which they are condemn’d, and the meanness of their diet, which
cannot supply good blood and spirits; wherefore they are useless in
war, and the _Swedes_ who raise men in all the other Provinces, find
none in this, as it appears from the ancient Records and Catalogues
of all the Souldiers that ever were listed by former Kings. So that
’tis fictitious, and rather an abuse than history, which some have
reported, that _Gust. Adolphus_ had several Companies of _Laplanders_
in his Armies; but they were forc’t to find out some excuse for those
many defeats, which to the wonder of the World that most victorious
Prince gave his powerfull and numerous Enemies; and pretend that those
Victories were obtained by the help of the _Laplanders_ and Magic.
Wherefore I conclude as I said before, that this opinion is absurd and
contradictory, not only to the nature of the People, but to public
testimonies and writings. To which we may add that they cannot well
live out of their own Country, but fall into diseases and die, being
no more able to endure a milder air, or feed upon salt, bread, and
boiled meats, than we could upon their raw flesh and fish dried by the
Sun: for it has bin often found by experience that they are hardly
temted by any reward to come even into these parts, or if they do they
die suddenly afterwards, much less would they be induced to march
into any more remote Countries. _Olaus Magnus_ gives us an instance
of six _Rain-deers_ sent to _Frederick_ Duke of _Holsatia_ by _Steno
Sture_ junior Prince of _Swedland_, with two _Laplanders_, a man and
woman to be their keepers, and that both they and the beasts wanting
their accustom’d manner of living, died all together in a short time.
_Ziegler_ indeed on the other side saies they are a valiant People, and
that they were a long time free, resisting the Arms both of _Norway_
and _Swedland_; and _Scaliger_ after him saies that against their
enemies they were couragious: and _Petr. Claud._ reports they had a
King of their own called _Motle_, and that _Haraldus Pulcricomus_, tho
he had conquered the Countries round about, could not subdue them; but
all this doth not evince their courage: for whatsoever is said of this
Prince _Motle_ is nothing at all to the purpose, being all taken out
of the history of _Snorro_, which speaking of _Motle_, and something
of his skill in Magick, has not a word of his or his Peoples courage.
And ’tis manifest that _Ziegler_ could have no ground for what he said,
unless from such histories as that of _Snorro_, which therefore only
seem’d true because there were none extant more likely; for in his time
the _Laplanders_ were subject to the _Swedes_: unless we had rather
believe that he took the _Laplanders_ and the _Biarmians_ to be the
same, ascribing to the one People, what was said of the other. There
is indeed mention in _Saxo_, of severall Wars of the _Biarmians_, but
those not managed by courage, but Magick and Enchantments: so that
it no way follows, that because they continued for many Ages a free
People, that therefore they were valiant. But whatever becomes of the
_Biarmians_, ’tis sure enough that the _Laplanders_ are far from being
stout or warlike, who must first fight against their nature, before
they can resist an enemy. Besides their innate cowardise, they are
strangely prone to suspicion and jealousy, being conscious of their own
weakness, and so exposed to all attemts upon them: a consequent whereof
is that they are also revengefull; endeavouring to prevent those
mischeifs which upon the slightest occasions seem to threaten them,
by the death and ruine of the Persons that caused their suspicion,
helping themselves herein, by conjuration and magick. Of this _Pet.
Claud._ gives us a memorable instance, in one, that having attemted
to mischeif his enemy, who was secured by countercharms, after long
attendance surpriz’d him asleep under a great stone, which by a spell
he made break to pieces, and kill him. The women, especially when
grown old, cannot brook any suddain provocation, but upon the least
indignity offered fly out into passion, and are hurried to the most
wild transports that madness can dictate. The _Laplanders_ besides are
very notorious cheats, and industrious to over-reach each other in
bargaining: tho heretofore they had the reputation of plain dealing
and honesty. So that ’tis probable that they took up their present
practice, having bin first cheated by those Strangers with whom they
dealt, and now think it best to be before hand with one another. It
is farther observable that they take great plesure, if they happen to
outwit any one; imagining that tho they are hopeless to overcome by
manhood and courage, they have a nobler triumph over the minds of those
whom they circumvent. They are also noted to be of a censorious and
detracting humor, so as to make it a chief ingredient of their familiar
converse, to reproch and despise others: and this they do especially
to Strangers, of what Country soever. So fond admirers are all men
of themselves, that even the _Laplanders_ will not exchange their
interests with the Inhabitants of the most happy Climate, and however
barbarous they are, doubt not to prefer themselves in point of wisdom,
to those that are most ingenuously educated in Arts and Letters. They
are likewise exceedingly covetous, it being a part of their cowardize
to dread poverty; yet are they very lazy withall: and hereupon _Olaus
Peters_ observes, that tho their Country in several parts of it be
capable of emprovement by husbandry, yet ’tis suffer’d to lye wast:
nay so unwilling are they to take pains, that till they are compelled
by necessity, they hardly perswade themselves to hunt or fish. From
this their covetousness and sloth arises an ill consequent, their
undutifulness to their Parents when grown old; not only to contemn and
neglect, but even hate and abhor them; thinking it either long before
they possess what they have, or thinking it grievous to provide for
those from whom they can hope for no advantage.

Their last good quality is their immoderate lust, which _Herberstein_
takes to be the more strange, considering their diet, that they have
neither bread nor salt, nor any other incentive of gluttony: but their
promiscuous and continual lying together in the same Hut, without any
difference of age, sex, or condition, seems to occasion this effect.
_Tornæus_ indeed saies of his Country-men, the _Lappi Tornenses_, who
possibly are reclaimed by more civill education, that they are very
chast, insomuch that among them scarce one bastard is Christned in
a whole year, which is the less to be wonder’d at, the women being
naturally barren.

Having given this account of the _Laplanders_ ill qualities, it will
now be justice to recount their vertues, as first their veneration
and due esteem of Marriage, which they more seldom violate, then many
who pretend to be much better Christians. They also abhor theft;
so that the Merchants only cover their goods so as to secure them
against the weather, when they have occasion to leave them, and at
their return are sure to find them safe, and untoucht; which is
the more commendable, for that in _Lapland_ there are no Towns, or
store-houses, and no man could be sure of any thing, if the People were
inclined to thievery. They are likewise (those I mean of the better
sort) charitable to the poor, not only by receiving those that are
destitute into their Huts; but supplying them with stock whereon to
live. In proof of this _Tornæus_ and _Sam. Rheen_, say that ’tis usual
with them to lend _gratis_, for a considerable time, ten or twenty
Rain-deers. Farther they are civil and hospitable to Strangers, whom
they with much kindness invite to their Huts, and there treat with the
best provisions they have. And of this there are severall instances,
when any have happened to be cast upon their Coast by shipwrack, or
else in the snow, or on the mountains have lost their way. Moreover
they are thus far cleanly as often to wash their hands and face; tho
notwithstanding _Tornæus_ tells us, they are nasty and scabby, and use
not to comb their heads. Lastly they are sufficiently ingenious, making
for themselves all sorts of tools and implements for their fishing and
hunting; and also for severall manufactures, some of which they do very
artificially, as shall be shewn hereafter in its proper place.


_Of the Originall of the_ Laplanders.

We have intimated our conjecture concerning the originall of the
_Laps_, and more then that it will be hard to produce, there being
no sober history which gives testimony in this affair. Negatively we
may pass sentence, and conclude they were not _Swedes_, no People
differing more both in constitution of body and mind, in language
and habit, or whatever else is taken for a character of likeness, or
having the same originall. Neither can any one think that they were
ever _Russians_ or _Moscovites_; seeing they differ as much from
them, as from the _Swedes_. The _Russians_ are generally tall, the
_Laplanders_ on the contrary very short; those are fat and corpulent,
these lean and slender; those have thick hair, long beards, and good
complexions, these wear their hair short and thin, and are dark and
swarthy. But most of all the language is different, in which the _Laps_
and _Russes_ have in a manner no kind of agreement. They must then come
from their Neighbours, either the _Norwegians_ on the one side, or the
_Finlanders_ upon the other. But they could not well be derived from
_Norway_, who are known to have drawn their originall from the _Swedes_.


It remains therefore that they came from the _Finlanders_, who have a
certain division or allotment called _Lappio_. But tho we have shewed
that the name and originall of this Nation is not taken thence, it is
not to be doubted that they are of the race of the _Finlanders_ and
_Samojedes_, and this is the opinion of most learned men, which may be
farther proved by many arguments. First the name of both Nations is
the same, the _Laplanders_ in their own language being called _Sabmi_
or _Same_, and the _Finlanders_ _Suoni_, which two differ only in the
Dialect; and there is a tradition that they had both the same Founder
_Jumi_, who could not well have bin the Author of diverse Nations. We
may also observe that their languages have much affinity, tho they be
not the very same, as shall be proved at large in a particular Chapter.
The _Finlanders_ call _God_, _Jumala_, the _Laplanders_, _Jubmal_,
the _Finlanders_ fire, _Tuli_, the _Laplanders_ _Tolle_; they call a
hill _Wuori_, these _Warra_, and so they agree in many other words.
Besides they have bodies and habits alike, both their limbs well set,
black hair, broad faces, and stern countenances, and whatever else
they have different is very small, or may easily proceed from their
diet or Clime, in which they live. Their clothes too are not much
unlike; for if we compare the Picture of an ancient _Finlander_, as
it still remains in the Church of _Storekyr_ in _Ostrobothnia_, where
the slaughter of Bishop _Henry_ was drawn at large, with mine of a
_Laplander_ in Chapt. XVII. it will appear there is no great difference
between them. Lastly they agree in disposition and humor: they are
both much given to laziness at home, unless when necessity urges them
to work; both, unmoveable from their purpose, both superstitious
and lovers of Magick. And therefore _Ol. Magn._ saies of them both,
that they were so skilfull Magicians in the time of their Paganism
as if they had had _Zoroaster_ himself for their teacher. In a word
whatever _Tacitus_ saies of the _Finlanders_, now holds true of the
_Laplanders_, that _they have neither weapons, horses, nor houshold
gods, they live upon herbs, are cloth’d with skins, lie upon the
ground, putting all their confidence in arrows, which they head with
bones for want of iron. Both the men and women support themselves by
hunting, and they have no other defence for their Children against the
violence of wild beasts or weather, but Huts or hurdles, which are the
security of the old men as well as young._ And the same Description
which _Saxo_ gives of these, belongs as well to the _Laplanders_, that
_they are the farthest People towards the North, living in a Clime
almost inhabitable, good archers and hunters, wanderers, and of an
uncertain habitations, wheresoever they kill a beast making that their
mansion, and they slide upon the snow in broad wooden shoes_. Besides
all this, the _Norwegians_ and _Danes_ call the _Laplanders_, _Fenni_,
as may be seen in _Petr. Claud._ where he divides the _Finlanders_ into
_Siofinnar_, i. e. maritime _Finlanders_, and _Lappefinner_; i. e.
_Lappfinlanders_, the same with the _Laplanders_. This may be collected
too from the _Russians_ calling them not only _Lappi_, but _Kajienni_,
the original of which name can be no other but that they esteem them
to be the _Cajani_, of which name there is a Province now in _Finland_
called _Cajania_ the great.

But here some imagine that the _Laplanders_ came not in probability
from the _Finlanders_, because the one are very warlike, the other
cowards, these fat and corpulent, those lean and meager. But this
doth not at all invalidate our arguments; for every one knows that
diet will much alter the habit of the body, and the _Finlanders_ have
plenty of good nurishing meats, of which the _Laplanders_ are quite
destitute. And for the _Finlanders_ courage in war, heretofore they
were not so notable for it, for _Tacitus_ saies _they had neither arms
nor horses_, by which he implies they knew not at all what belonged to
war. Neither are they very expert at it yet, for by daily experience
’tis found when they are likely to be prest for Soldiers they hide
themselves, and by all means decline employment, therefore they are not
warlike from their nature, but from their discipline and arts, and in
their natural temper they differ not much from the _Laplanders_. But
what need we go about to prove this by so many arguments, when they
confess themselves they are originally sprung from the _Finlanders_,
and still keep a list of the Captains that first led them forth into
_Lapland_, of whom _Mieschogiesch_ is the chief. The same is confirm’d
by _Andr. Andresonius_ who lived there, and learn’t it from them, only
that he said _Thins kogreh_ was the cheif Captain, and so doth _Zachar.
Plantin_. But whatever is said of either of these two Captains, we are
not to imagine that they brought the first Plantation of _Laplanders_
into this Country, for ’tis not probable they should so long remember
their names, who must have lived before _Saxo_, for he mentions this
Country, and lived about 480 years before us, at which time the
_Finlanders_ themselves scarce know what was done, much less the
_Laplanders_. And this the name _Thinns_, doth something prove, which
none shall perswade me to be an old _Finland_ word, for it is the same
with the _Swedes_ _Thinnis_, and the Dutch _Thinius_, i. e. _Antonius_,
and that the word _Antonius_ was known to the _Finlanders_ before
_Christ_ no man will suspect. The same may be said concerning the
pretended occasion of the Colony of _Finlanders_ setling in _Lapland_;
for they themselves say, that they left _Brokarla_ and _Rengoarvis_,
because they were opprest with taxes and pitcht first in a wood in
_Ostrobothnia_ called _Tavastia_ near the _Bodic bay_. But all this,
as hath bin shew’d the very name of _Lappi_, which signifies banish’t
persons, sufficiently confutes. _Plantin_ and _Peter Nieuren_, pretend
that though the _Laplanders_ voluntarily removed to _Tavastia_, they
were forc’t to their present habitation: for the Natives of _Tavastia_,
griev’d to see them in a florishing condition, wearing rich clothes,
fareing deliciously, and abounding in all manner of wealth, chose them
a Captain called _Matthias Kurk_, and with a great number invaded their
quarters, killing and plundering all they met with, not desisting till
they had quite drove them as far as the Rivers _Kimi_ and _Torne_: and
not long after perceiving they lived too happily there, they set upon
them the second time, dealing so cruelly with them, that leaving their
Cattel they were forc’t to fly into those barren Countries they now
inhabit, carrying with them only their nets. _Plantin._ adds further
that _Andr. Andresonius_ affirms he saw some ancient letters, in
which mention was made of _Kurk_ a Governour of the _Laplanders_: but
as for his other name of _Matthias_, it is plain it was postnate to
Christianity, since which time if we should imagine the _Laplanders_
first to have come into these parts, we must also suppose the Country
to have bin till then uninhabited, whereas we have all reason to
believe that the _Biarmi_ and _Scridfinni_ lived here before _Christ_,
the latter of which seem by their name to have bin only a Colony sent
out of _Finland_: and mention is made of _Finlanders_ in these parts in
the time of _Harald_ the fair, or _Harfager_ King of _Norway_, and his
Son _Ericus Bodsexe_, who lived long before the times of Christianity,
and went down into _Finmark_ and _Biarmia_, and obtained a great
victory over them. Now if he went by Sea Northwards of _Norway_ to come
to _Finmark_, _Finmark_ then must have bin near _Norway_, as lying
North of it near the Sea, that is the same Country that is now named
_Finmark_, which because then inhabited by _Finlanders_, as appears by
the name, it is not to be believed that it was first possess’t by the
_Laplanders_ that were drove out of _South-Bothnia_ by _Matthias Kurk_.
Neither are they called _Lappi_ from being driven out then, for they
were so called in _Saxo_’s time, and there is little reason to believe
that _Matthias Kurk_’s expedition was before him, especially from that
inscription which mentions _Kurk_, since that in those times they knew
not so much of writing as to record any thing in it.

Wherefore we must find out some better authority to confirm to us the
originall of the _Lapps_, for we may believe that the _Finlanders_
more then once march’t out into _Lapland_, which is evident from the
several names of their leaders, whom some called _Thinns-Kogre_, others
_Mieschogiesche_. The first and most ancient is that from whence the
_Biarmi_ took their originall, whom I conclude to have descended from
the _Finlanders_, from calling their Gods by _Finlandish_ names.
Besides in their nature and manners they agree with the ancient
_Finlanders_: and lastly are called by all Strangers _Scridfinni_,
i. e. _Finlanders_ going upon frozen snow, which, the ancient knowing
none else to go so, took to be the _Biarmi_. But the name of _Biarmi_
was given them by the _Finlanders_ from their going to dwell upon the
Mountains, from the word _Varama_, which signifies a hilly Country:
now because Strangers knew from the _Swedes_ they used wooden shoes
to go upon the snow, which by the _Swedes_ are called _Att Skriida_,
not knowing the name _Biarmi_, they called them _Scridfinni_: and
because the _Finlanders_ and _Biarmians_ were of the same originall,
they were often subject to the same Prince, as to _Cuso_ in King
_Holters_ time. What the occasion was of this leaving their Country
is yet doubtfull, except it was for fear of the _Swedes_, who in the
reign of King _Agnus_ invaded _Froste_ King of _Finland_, and harassed
the whole Country. The second time of deserting their Country was when
the _Russians_ enlarged their Empire as far as the lake _Ladog_. For
fearing the cruelty of these People they retired into _Lapland_: which
I am apt to beleive because the _Russians_ call them _Kienni_, as has
bin said before from their passage through _Kajania_ into _Lapland_,
which they could not have known but by their own experience; and their
wars with them, especially those of _Carelia_ and _Cajania_ being so
ignorant both in history and other Countries, that they scarce know
any thing of their own, that is of any antiquity. And this proves
what we have said of their second leaving their Country, which was
about the 6^{th} age after _Christ_: and these perhaps are they which
are simply called _Finni_ by the _Danes_, _Swedes_, and _Norwegians_,
or with the addition of _Siæ_ or _Field_, obsolete words of the
_Biarmians_, because they were more then they in number, especially
after _Harald Harfiger_ King of _Norway_, who almost destroyed all
the _Biarmi_ in battle. In the mean while the _Finlanders_ lay secure
in _Finmark_, and all the _Biarmi_ being extinct, the name of _Finni_
obtained, and the name and credit of the _Biarmi_ was quite abolish’t
and forgot. And these are all the times they left their Country before
they were called _Lappi_, for till after this they were never called
otherwise than _Finni_, _Scritofinni_, and _Biarmi_. But in after
ages we find them named _Lappones_, of whom _Adam. Bremensis_ makes
no mention who lived in 1077, but _Saxo_ doth, that lived in 1200;
and therefore ’tis probable that in that intervall of time, after
they were call’d _Lappones_, they made their third migration. But any
one that will examine the histories of that time, will scarce find
any thing that should move the _Finlanders_ to leave their Country,
as _Ericus Sanctus_ hath made it appear in that Expedition in which
he brought them under the _Swedish_ Government, and planted among
them the Christian Religion, which he made in the year 1150, when
no small number of them the third time seem to have deserted their
Country, and gone into _Lapland_. And the reason is plain, having
bin subject’d to Strangers, and forc’t to be of a Religion different
from that of their Ancestors, which thereupon was hatefull to them,
and therefore no wonder some of them sought out a place where they
might live free: which is as good a reason too why they were called
_Lapps_ by those that stayed, for they submitting to the _Swedes_, and
embracing Christianity, look’t upon them as desertors of their Country,
whom fear only of a good Government, and better Religion, had made
exiles, especially when the King had put forth an Edict that all should
be accounted banish’t that would not renounce Pagan Superstition;
therefore they were justly called _Lappi_, and care not to hear of the
name to this day.

And this is my opinion of their originall and migrations, out of which
I shall not be perswaded by those learned men who believe they rather
came from the _Tartars_, for we never read of any of them going into
the North. Moreover the _Tartars_ live altogether by war and plunder,
whereas the _Laplanders_ live by hunting and grasing, abhorring
nothing more than war. Besides the cheif delight of the _Tartars_ is
in having many stately Horses, of which the _Lapps_ are so ignorant,
that in their whole language they have not a word to signify an Horse:
the language also of the two Nations is so different that one cannot
possibly be derived from the other. And altho some learned men, who
pretend they understood both languages of _Finland_ and _Lapland_,
confidently aver that they are altogether diverse: yet it will be
easy to produce diverse men as well skill’d in them, as they that say
the contrary. Besides ’tis no consequence because there are a few
differences between the _Finland_ and _Lapland_ languages, that they
are therefore utterly diverse, when this disagreeing may rather proceed
from the length of time than any diversity of the Tongues at first, as
we find now many _Swedish_ words that do not at all agree with those
now in vogue, which yet do not constitute a new language. And their
saying the _Laplanders_ could not come from the _Finlanders_, because
they alwaies hated one another, is of little force, when the reasons
of their hatred are enough explained already. But it signifies less
that the _Finlanders_ have severall Customs and Manners not in use
among the _Laplanders_, as the way of building houses, _&c._ for these
were to accommodate themselves to the nature of the place whither they
came, and to forget those things which would not be of any use to them.
And moreover, there remains still a memoriall of those that came out
of _Finland_, where they first sate down in the woods of _Tavastia_,
near a Lake which they call _Lappiakairo_, that is the Fountain of the
_Laplanders_, who when their necessary food grew scarce, went further
up into the Desarts, and the _Finlanders_ pursuing them in _Tavastia_,
they retreat’d to the _Bothnic_ bay, where they might be more safe, and
have more conveniences for living: and this is that migration yet in
memory which _Plantin._ speaks of, _viz._ that the _Laplanders_ lived
here for an age, or more, till the time of King _Magn. Ladulaos_, An.
1272, who to get them under his subjection, promised any one that could
effect it, the Government of them, which the _Birkarli_, _i. e._ those
that lived in the allotment or division of _Birkala_, undertook; and
having for a great while cunningly insinuated themselves into them,
under a pretence of friendship, at last set upon them unawares, and
quite subdued them. But before this they were infested by the _Tavasti_
under the command of _Kurk_, which if we would strictly examine, we
should find it of later date than about Christs time, contrary to some
mens opinions. As it happens in things that are taken upon trust, the
_Laplanders_ confound the more modern with the ancient, making but one
history of all that happen’d in the distinct times of _Ericus Sanctus_,
_Magnus Ladulaos_, with some other Kings before and after, and that so
confused and lame, that it is hard for any one to understand it. _Ol.
Petr._ mentions at large one _Matthias_, Captain of the _Finlanders_,
when they subdued and drove out the _Laplanders_ into the furthest
and most desolate place of the North, whom some think to be a noble
Family of the _Kurks_ in _Finland_, and that he ceased not, by
frequent inrodes upon them, to molest them, till they promised to pay
him yearly tribute, which he at length weary of the long and tedious
journey exchanged with some of _Birkarla_ in _Tavastia_ for a part of
_Finland_, whence followed what is most true, that the _Laplanders_
to the year 1554 paid annuall tribute to the _Birkarli_, besides
whom it was not lawfull for any others to trade with them. There are
those now living who say they have seen the letters and conditions
of the _Kurks_ kept in _Ersnees_, an allotment of _Lulalapmark_, by
one _Jo. Nilson_. Which things are so far from being immediatly after
the birth of _Christ_, that they may be reasonably thought to have
bin since _Mag. Ladulaos_, unless we can imagine that _Ol. Petr._ by
his _Tavasti_ and _Buræus_ by _Birkarli_ meant the same people, since
there were other _Birkarli_ inhabitants of _Tavastia_, who chose them
a Captain named _Kurk_, under whom they drove out the _Laplanders_
out of the Borders of the Eastern _Bothnia_, and made them tributary,
and the letters may not be ascribed to _Kurk_, but to _Ladulaos_, in
which he had granted the _Birkarli_ the priviledge to receive tribute
of the _Lapps_, and of trafficking with them, for it is not probable
that _Kurk_, though he was their chosen Captain, was to have all the
benefit of the _Laplanders_ to himself, so as by contract to tranfer to
the _Birkarli_ his right. For the _Tavastii_ were either a free People
and so shared among one another whatever they got, or else under some
Prince, and so could not give another what was not their own, but their
Masters. Besides if they did give _Kurk_ any thing, as some Villages,
or the like, it was not from any bargain that they were to receive in
its stead tribute from the _Laplanders_, but as a reward to himself for
his pains and conduct in the war. But whatever may be said of _Kurk_
and the _Tavasti_, ’tis certain the _Laplanders_ never came originally
from the _Russians_, nor as others think from the _Tartars_, but from
the _Finlanders_, having bin driven out of their Country, and forc’t
to change their habitations often, till at length they fixt in this
Land where they now live: and that Country, which from the remove of
its inhabitants was called _Lapland_, had the same name continued by
the _Swedes_, who had conquered the greatest part thereof. For after
the _Swedes_ had learnt from the _Finlanders_ that they were called
_Lapps_, they also gave them the same name, then the _Danes_ took it
up: then _Saxo_, afterwards _Ziegler_, then _Dam. Goes_, who had the
account which he gives of the _Laplanders_ from _Ol._ and _Joh. Magn._
and so at last all the Country was called _Lapland_ from the Bay of
_Bothnia_ Northwards, especially after it was made subject to the
_Swedes_, except only that part which lies on the Coasts of _Norway_,
which retained its antient name of _Finland_; as also that part towards
the white Sea, called by the _Moscovites_, _Cajanica_, altho these
sometimes call the inhabitants _Loppi_, which without doubt they took
from their neighbours the _Finlanders_.


_Of the Religion of the_ Laplanders.

Having seen the rise and Original of the _Laplanders_, we come now to
speak more distinctly of them, but first of their Religion; not only
what is now, but also what was before Christianity came to be receiv’d
there. For there were _Laplanders_, or at least some Inhabitants of
_Lapland_ before the Christian Religion was introduced: such as the
_Finni_, _Lappofinni_, _Scridfinni_, or _Biarmi_, as is above said; but
it was very long before the _Laplanders_ properly so called embraced
the Christian Religion. At first there is no doubt they were Pagans,
as all the Northern Nations were, but being all Pagans were not of the
same Religion, it may be enquired which the _Laplanders_ profest. And I
suppose it could be no other then that of the _Finlanders_, from whom
they derive their original, and consequently their Religion too. But
what the Religion of the _Finlanders_ was is very uncertain, since we
have no account of the ancient affairs of that Nation. Therefore we
must make our conjectures from the _Biarmi_, and _Scridfinni_, as also
from some remains among the _Finlanders_ and _Laplanders_.

We have already prov’d the _Biarmi_ to be the first Colony that the
_Finlanders_ sent into _Lapland_, of whom this is chiefly recorded in
ancient Monuments, that they worship’d a certain God whom they called
_Jumala_: which _Jumala_ or _Jomala_ is manifestly a different word
from what is mentioned in the History of _St. Olaus_ King of _Norway_,
and of _Herrodus_, for they relate it as peculiar to the _Biarmi_,
and unknown to themselves; who being either _Goths_, _Norwegians_
or _Islanders_, it cannot possibly be any old _Gothic_ word, but of
some other Country, and therefore most probably of _Finland_, where
it is now in use. For _God_, which is by the _Swedes_, _Goths_, and
all of the same original termed _Gott_, or _Gudh_, is by them called
_Jumala_; custom without doubt prevailing that the same name, whereby
in ancient times they called the false God, was translated to the true
One, both by the _Finlanders_, the _Biarmi_ and the _Laplanders_ also
who came out of _Finland_, and being joined with the _Biarmi_ made one
Nation. Besides _Jumala_, it seems the _Laplanders_ had a God whom
the _Swedes_ call _Thor_, which may be gathered, not only because
they worship one _Thor_ at this present among their idols, as shall
be shewn hereafter, but also because in the number of Gods which the
old _Finlanders_, especially the _Tavasti_ adored, there was reckoned
_Turrisas_, the God of War and Victory, which was no other then _Thor_.
This _Turrisas_ is put in one word for _Turris-As_ (i. e.) _Turris_,
_Turrus_, or _Torus_ (for so his name is diversly written) the Prince
of the _Ases_, or _Asiatics_, for those who in former times came out
of _Asia_ into these parts were called _Ases_, of whom this _Turrus_
was the first, who from that time was worshipped by the _Finlanders_
by the name of _Turrisas_; which may farther be proved from _Arngrinus
Jonæ_, who saies the first King of the _Finlanders_ was _Torrus_, one
of the Predecessors of King _Norus_, from whom some think _Norige_,
(i. e.) _Norway_, quasi _Nori Rige_, to take its denomination, it being
frequent for the ancient Kings to take upon them the names of their
Gods. Thus among the ancient _Greeks_ we find many who were called
by the names of _Jupiter_ and _Neptune_. So _Torrus_ the King was so
called from _Torus_ the ancient God of the _Finlanders_, from whom
without doubt he was derived to the _Laplanders_, together with their
language, worships, and other customs. To these two (if they are two)
_Jumala_ and _Thor_, may be added the _Sun_, which I gather from this,
because he is still reckoned among their Gods. Besides he is generally
worship’d in all barbarous and pagan Countries, and if he be adored for
his light and heat by those People, who enjoy the benefit of a warm air
and temperate climate, how much more by the _Laplanders_, who for no
small space endure the hardship of continual night and bitter frosts?
but I shall speak more concerning the Sun hereafter.

These are the chief Gods of the _Laplanders_, whether they had any of
less note may be questioned, tho I doubt it not; because at this day
they worship some others, which the _Finlanders_ did before them, and
probably brought with them into _Lapland_. Of these the _Carelii_ had
_Rongotheus_ the God of Ry, _Pellonpeko_ of Barly, _Wierecannos_ of
Oats, _Egres_ of Herbs, Pease, Turnips, Flax, and Hemp; _Uko_ with
his wife _Rowne_, of tempests; _Kækre_ the Protector of Cattel from
wild beasts; _Hyse_ had the command of _Wolves_, and Bears, _Nyrke_
of Squirrel-hunting, _Hyttavanes_ of Hare-hunting. Some of these the
_Laplanders_ worshipped; especially those whose help they stood chiefly
in need of to the performing of their business, as the gods of hunting
and preserving their Cattel from wild beasts, and such like: others
probably they neglected as useless, because they neither plowed nor
sowed. But I cannot say under what names they worshipped them, because
I find nothing of certainty thereof, either in their ancient records,
or modern customs.

Next we must consider what kind of worship they pai’d their Gods,
which we have already mentioned; but of this also we are in great
uncertainty, unless we make our judgment from the present times, and
deliver those rites which are now used by the _Laplanders_ in their
religious performances, but of this we shall speak more when we come to
treat of the present state of their Religion. We shall only note here
what is read of _Jumala_. He was heretofore represented in the image
of a man sitting upon an Altar, with a Crown on his head, adorned with
twelve gems, and a golden Chain about his neck, which was formerly
of the value of 300 Marks; tho whether the word in the History doth
signify a chain, or may better be rendred a Jewel, ’tis uncertain; for
it is said that _Charles_ lifting his Ax, cut the collar whereon it
hanged: which shews that it was rather gold, artificially carved and
set with jewels, which was (I suppose) the reason why _Herrodus_ doth
not set down its weight, as is usual in the valuing of chains, but
its price. This Jewel called _Men_ from _Mene_ the Moon whose figure
it represented, was, as I imagine, tied to a collar about the neck,
and hanged down upon the brest of the image, as is usual in all such
ornaments at this day. But whether this were a chain or locket, it is
certain the other parts of his habit were agreeable to our description
of him; wherein he was not much unlike the _Swedes_ God _Thor_, as he
is described in our History of _Upsal_: for he also was made sitting
with a Crown on his head, adorned with stars, as _Jumala_ with jewels,
each to the number of twelve, from whence I am almost perswaded that
the _Biarmi_, and after them the _Laplanders_, either worshipped one
God under two names, or if they were two Gods, they used their names
promiscuously. For the true God, whom they knew partly by reason,
and partly by tradition, was by them called _Jumala_: but after the
name of _Thor_ began to be famous, they either called _Jumala_ by the
name of _Thor_, or gave _Thor_ the name of _Jumala_: which I gather
from hence, because at this day the _Laplanders_ attribute that to
their _Thor_, which questionless formerly they did to _Jumala_, _viz._
the power and command over the inferior Gods, especially the bad and
hurtful: also over the air, thunder, lightning, health, life and death
of men, and such like; as shall be shewn hereafter. What his image was
made of, is not known, but I suppose it was wood, because _Charles_ is
said to have cut off his head with his Ax, when he only designed the
cutting of the collar that held the aforesaid jewel, which he could
hardly have don, had it bin either silver or gold. Besides, to prove
it was wood, it was burnt to ashes, together with the Temple, and all
its furniture, excepting some gold, and other precious things; with
which gold particularly they did homage to their God: for the _Biarmi_
in their ceremonies to _Jumala_, did cast gold as a sacred offertory
to him into a golden dish, of a vast weight and bigness, which stood
upon his knees. This Vessel, in the History of _Olaus_, is said to be
of silver, and full of silver coin, for a little before his time both
basin and gold were lost, and the _Biarmi_, never had an opportunity of
getting more. They did not worship _Jumala_ every where, but in some
few places, or perhaps only in that one, where in a thick remote wood
he had a kind of a Temple, not as they are usually built with walls
and roof, but only a piece of ground fenced as the old Roman Temples
were; from hence one might look every way, which could not have bin
don had they bin cover’d at the top. As in the form of their Temples,
so in the situation of them they did imitate the ancients, who for the
most part chose groves to worship their Gods in, and there built their
Temples. So much of _Jumala_, and the ancient manner of worshipping him
amongst the _Biarmi_, as it is transmitted to us by ancient Writers;
but of _Thor_, the Sun, and the other Gods, there is nothing read but
what belongs to the times of Christianity, and the superstition still
remaining amongst them, of which we shall speak particularly in the
following Chapter.


_Of the second, or Christian Religion of the_ Laplanders.

_Lapland_ among other Nations, after a long night of Paganism, was
enlightned with the Christian Religion: of which I shall now speak. In
the first place we must enquire how and when they first began to hear’d
of Christs name: but this will be very difficult, because all Writers
are silent herein. _Plantin_ indeed affirms from their report, that
they first hear of the Christian Religion in the last age; from whence
he concludes that they came out of _Finland_ before the _Finlanders_
were converted. But for all this we can hardly yield our assent to
him; for it is certain on the contrary that they knew, and some of
them embraced, the Christian Religion in the time of _Ziegler_, who
lived in the very beginning of the precedent age, and was present at
the destruction of _Stockholm_ by _Christiern_ the Tyrant, which he
hath very well described: he affirms that they admited Christianity
to obtain the favor of their Kings, which cannot be spoken of
_Christiern_, or his immediate Predecessor, but of several others in
former ages. And indeed it is very improbable that so many Christian
Kings should take no care of propagating their Religion among the
_Laplanders_, but permit them to live in a heathenish impiety, without
so much as ever hearing the name of Christ; especially since there are
Letters of _Ericus_ King of _Pomerania_ extant, wherein he advises the
Consistory of _Upsal_ that they would send Priests to instruct the
_Laplanders_; which _Charles_ the IX afterwards made an argument of his
title to _Lapland_ against his neighbors. Besides they had adjoining to
them the _Birkarli_, who were either _Finlanders_ or _Swedes_, and were
converted long before; with these they maintained a commerce, and paid
them tribute even from the time of _Ladulaus Magnus_, who reign’d four
ages ago. Therefore it is false what _Plantin_ affirms of their being
converted in the last age; on the contrary I presume that from the time
of _Ladulaus_, there alwaies were some in _Lapland_ who either were
Christians, or pretended to be so: for then their Country was subdued
and made a Province of _Swedland_, and it cannot be doubted but the
_Swedes_ propagated the Christian Religion together with their dominion
in _Lapland_. Tho if our conjecture prove true of the _Laplanders_
removing out of _Finland_, by reason of the wars of _Ericus Sanctus_,
and the planting of the Christian Religion there, it will appear from
thence that they heard of Christ, tho they neglected him. However
no prudent man can suppose that their neighbors the _Finlanders_
for so many ages should never mention any thing of the Christian
Religion to them. And therefore my opinion is the more confirmed that
the _Laplanders_ had heard of Christ ever since _Ericus Sanctus_ his
time, even these five ages, tho they rejected his Doctrine, as long
as they retained their own freedom: but after they became subject to
the _Swedes_, whether on their own accord to please their Kings, as
_Ziegler_ would have it, or for other reasons, at length they took upon
them the name of Christians, which happened in the time of _Ladulaus
Magnus_, in the year 1277, from whence we must date the planting of
Christian Religion in _Lapland_, which Religion they neither wholy
embraced, nor wholy refused, but retained it with an inveterate, and
as it were Jewish prejudice, not out of any zeal, or preferring it as
more necessary for their welfare before their former Religion; but
outwardly only and in shew, esteeming it the best means to gain their
Princes favor, and to prevent those evils which threatened them, if
they should persist in their obstinacy. Hence it was that they were
married by a Christian Priest, and baptised their children according to
the ceremonies of Christianity, which were the two chief things wherein
their Christian Religion consisted; and the only things mention’d by
_Olaus M._ For the use of catechising, or preaching of the Gospel, and
other information in the heads of Christian Religion were wholy unknown
to them, as may be prov’d from the ancient records of Bishopricks,
wherein there is no mention of any _Lapponian_ Diocess, or Church,
or of any Diocess to which _Lapland_ might belong. Lastly, if it had
not bin so, what need was there of _Ericus_ his express to _Upsal_,
that they would send Priests into _Lapland_? this, and whatsoever else
_Ziegler_ alledges for the slow advance of Christianity in _Lapland_,
_Olaus Magnus_ endevors to evade; but at length is forc’t to confess
that the Northern parts thereof are not yet reclaimed, and therefore
hopes for their conversion.

This was the State of Christianity in _Lapland_ till the times of
_Gustavus_, differing from their ancient Paganism only in name, and
a few external rites, whereby they labored to make the World believe
that they were Christians; which gave _Damianus à Goes_ (tho a friend
and contemporary of _Johannes_ and _Olaus Magnus_) very good reason
to complain that there was no knowledg of God and Christ in the Land.
From hence we may understand how to interpret _Olaus M._ when he saies
that by the earnest and pious exhortations of the Catholic Priests,
great part of these wild People were, and more were likely to be
brought over to the Christian Religion. But when _Gustavus_ came to
the Crown, as he took greater care then his Predecessors for promoting
of the true Religion in other parts of his dominions, so he did in
_Lapland_ also; and as the chief means to effect this, he took the
peculiar charge of them upon himself. Whereas heretofore they were
rather tributaries of the _Birkarli_ then the Kings of _Sweden_; and
consequently neglected by those Kings; now at some set times in the
Winter, they were obliged to meet together in a place appointed, where
they were to pay their tribute to the Kings Officers, and be instructed
in the Gospel by the Priests, and also to give an account of what they
learnt the year before. This custom must needs have its beginning in
_Gustavus_’s time, for he was the first King that demanded tribute of
the _Laplanders_, and consequently that assembled them together for the
paying of it. Besides _Olaus M._ mentions no such institution; which
he would have don had it bin received in his time. Nay he confesses
that if the _Laplanders_ had a mind to have their Children baptised,
they were forc’t to carry them on their backs two hundred Italian
miles to a Christian Church, in some of their neighboring Countries,
as _Aongermannia_, _Helsingia_, and the like, and if they neglected
this duty, there was none to reprove them for it. This made _Gustavus_
complain in a Letter dated at _Stocholme_, July 24. 1556, that there
were many among them, who were never baptised, which proceeded from
an opinion that those who were baptised in their riper years, would
dy Within 7 or 8 daies after; but when _Gustavus_ together with his
Collectors sent Priests into _Lapland_, their children were baptised,
and they instructed at home. Nor were they obliged only to a bare
hearing of the word, but to a diligent attention, because they were to
be catechised afterwards, and give an account of their progress; so
that now it was that they began to be Christians in good earnest, and
in this respect it might with some reason be said that in this last
age the Gospel began to be preached among them, and that before they
were wholy ignorant of the means of their salvation. Now it was that
they had certain Priests appointed to instruct them, the first whereof,
or at least since the reformation, was one _Michael_, whom _Gustavus_
in his before mentioned Letter earnestly recommends to them, giving
him especial command by pious exhortation to reduce them to the true
knowledg of God, and the Christian Faith.

But this was more effectually don in the succeeding times of _Charles
Gustavus Adolphus_, and _Christina_; who first endowed Schools and
Churches; those two firm supports, without which Religion can neither
maintain its present strength, nor acquire more.

_Charles_ the IX, about the latter end of his reign was the first
that caused Churches to be built in every one of the divisions or
Marches at his own peculiar charge; two of them are mentioned in
_Lapponia Tornensis_, viz. _Tenotekis_ and _Jukasjærff_, whereof one
was built, _ann._ 1600, the other 3 years after. _Christina_ having
found a silver mine there, followed his example; and by a public
Charter ordered the building of four more, in _Arwitsieff_, _Arieplog_,
_Silbojoch_, and _Nasafiell_, ann. 1640. then were Christian Churches
built in _Lapland_ itself, and there are now reckoned in _Lapponia
Aongermannia_ one, called _Aosalo_; in _Lapponia Umensis_ one called
_Lyæsala_; in _Lapponia Pithensis_ four, whose name are _Graatræsk_,
_Arwitsierfs_, _Stora sawgcks_, and _Arieplogs_; there was also a
fifth called _Silbojochs_, but this was long ago demolish’d and
burnt by the _Danes_. In _Lapponia Luhlensis_ there is one call’d
_Jochmoch_. There was also another called _Nafrilocht_, but this was
burnt accidentally not long since. In _Lapponia Tornensis_ there
are reckoned three, _Juckochsierfs_, _Rounala_, and _Enotaches_. In
_Lapponia Kimensis_ only _Enare_. All of them being 13 in number,
except _Silbojochs_ and _Nafrilochs_, are kept in good repair, and
frequented by the _Laplanders_. They all own the Kings, and especially
_Charles_ the IX, for their Founders, excepting only _Kounala_, which
was built and adorned with a bell at the sole charge of 3 brothers
_Laplanders_, whose piety herein is the more commendable because they
were forc’t to fetch all the materials requisit for such a work thro
long and troublesome waies, out of _Norway_ with their Rain-dears. A
memorable example which most men in our daies, tho desirous enough to
seem pious and religious, are so far from equalling, much more from
exceeding, that they never attemt to follow it. The manner of building
their Temples was plain indeed, but fit enough for the use they were
designed to, the matter of them is the same timber wherewith the
_Swedes_ usually build their houses. Adjoining to their Churches they
have belfrys, and houses for the use of Priests and the convenience of
those who living at a great distance from the Church, have the liberty
of refreshing themselves here in the Winter time by the fire. This
constitution was first made by _Christina_ ann. 1640, commanding the
Priests to be alwaies resident, whereas before they living a far off,
came but at some set times of the year.

Schools were first instituted by _Gustavus Adolphus_, and I suppose
in the town of _Pithen_, something before the year 1619, for in that
year _Nicolaus Andreæ_, Minister of _Pithen_, dedicates his Ritual
to him, in token of thanks and commendation for this his piety. The
reason why _Gustavus Adolphus_ founded Schools, was chiefly because he
saw the _Laplanders_ profited very little under the Swedish Priests
preaching in a forreign language, as they had hitherto don. Besides,
the harshness of the air, and coursness of the diet killed great
part of the Priests, who had bin used to a better climate, and made
the rest more unwilling to undergo this hardship: therefore was the
first School instituted in _Pithen_, and committed to the charge of
_Nicolaus Andreæ_, who was also commanded for the better promoting
of knowledg there, to translate the most useful and necessary books
out of the Swedish into the Laplandish tongue. For the _Laplanders_
before this were wholy ignorant of letters, and had not a book writ
in their language: the first, which I suppose they had, was the
_Primer_, such as children use to learn containing the chief heads of
Christian Religion, _viz._ the ten Commandments, Apostles Creed, Lords
Praier, and the like compiled by the aforesaid _Nicolaus_, as himself
witnesses: he likewise was the first that published the Ritual in
the Laplandish tongue, the book is now extant printed at _Stockholm_
by _Ignatius Meurer_, with this title, _Liber Cantionum quomodo sit
celebranda Missa Sermone Lappico_. These were the elements wherein they
were first to be instructed, afterwards there were other books printed,
amongst which was a _Manual_ translated out of Swedish by _Joannes
Tornæus_, Minister and School-master of _Tornen_, containing the Psalms
of _David_, Song of _Solomon_, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Ecclesiasticus,
_Luthers_ Catechise, sacred Hymns, Gospels, and Epistles, with the
solemn Praiers. The history of _Christs_ Passion, and destruction of
_Jerusalem_, the _Ritual_, and Praiers of all sorts.

In the next place, for an encouragement to those that would send their
children to School, _Gustavus Adolphus_ allowed money, not only for
their diet, but also for their clothes, and other necessaries, with
a stipend for the School-master: with these helps the _Laplanders_
began more seriously to consider of the Christian Religion, which was
now preach’d to them in no other language then their own: heretofore
their Ministers using only the Swedish tongue, they learnt somthing but
understood it not, and muttered some Praiers, but they knew not what:
for somtimes there stood under the Pulpit, an Interpreter who explained
to the People as well as he could what the Minister said at length.
By the benefit of these aforesaid books they began to understand what
they praied for, and some of the Youth of _Lapland_ having studied at
the University of _Upsal_, made so good progress in the knowledg of the
Liberal Arts and Sciences, and of the Christian Religion, that they
were entrusted with the Ministery.

Hitherto we have taken a view of _Gustavus Adolphus_ his first care
for the advancement of Christianity in _Lapland_, but as all things in
their beginnings find some opposition, so did the preaching of the
word of God here; first of all it was a matter of great difficulty to
maintain a School without the confines of _Lapland_, to which the Youth
of that Nation should resort, therefore in the second place it was
advised by that famous man _Joannes Skytte_, free Baron of _Duderhoff_,
and Senator of the Kingdom, who to his immortal praise obtained that
a School might be erected by the King in _Lapland_ it self, in the
Province of _Uma_, near the Church _Lyksala_, from whence the School
took its name. This was the second School the _Laplanders_ had, and
by _Gustavus Adolphus_, then engaged in a tedious war in _Germany_,
the charge of it was committed to the aforesaid _Joannes Skytte_, by
a Roial Charter, and setled upon his Family for ever, allowing the
School-master the whole Tithe, after the ordinary charges deducted; but
still retaining to the Crown the superintendency of the benefaction.
The form thereof is as follows,

 _We_ GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS _by the Grace of God King of the_ Goths _and_
 Vandals, _&c. declare that altho our dear Father_ Charles _of blessed
 memory; as likewise we our selves, after we were by the Divine
 Providence placed in the Throne of this Kingdom, have earnestly
 endevor’d that our Northern Subjects called_ Laplanders _should be
 instructed, in Arts and Letters; and be informed in the grounds of
 Christian Religion, yet the distraction of the present time, hath
 hitherto hindred our religious purpose: but least our attemt should be
 utterly frustrated, we ordain and appoint our faithfull Senator, Chief
 Governor of_ Livonia, Ingria, _and_ Carelia, _the illustrious Lord_
 John Skytt _L. B. in_ Dunderhoff, _Governor and Visitor of a School
 to be erected in_ Umalappmark, _he having undertaken that Charge: We
 farther ordain that the Government of the said School, shall from time
 to time continue and belong to the Successors, in his family: and that
 the Master and Scholars in the school aforesaid, may have a constant
 maintenance, we grant unto them the Tithes which the inhabitants of
 that division, do yearly bring into the Store-house of_ Uma, _after
 the ordinary paiments are deducted. These Tithes, with other gifts
 and benefactions which the aforesaid Lord_ John Skitt _shall by his
 diligence acquire for the said charitable use; shall be disposed by
 him for the benefit of the said School, reserving to our selves and
 successors the supreme regulation of the same. In witness whereof we
 have set our hand and Seal. Given in old_ Stetin _in_ Pomerland, _June
 20. Ann. 1631_.

This School had some peculiar advantages over others, because its
setlement was firmly established, having for its Visitor, not the
Minister of the Parish, but a Senator of the Kingdom. Besides here
was not only a salary allowed to the Master and Scholars, but also an
order to receive it out of the Tithes of _Uma_; whereas the other had
indeed a set stipend, but because it was not certainly decreed where
they should receive it, it was not duely paid as the time and their
necessities required, which was no small disadvantage and impediment to
their design. But all inconveniences were here remedied and the salary
most firmly setled; and not only so, but also full autority granted
unto the Illustrious Lord _John Skytte_ to find out and confirm any
other means, which might conduce more to the good of that foundation.
Neither was that eminent man wanting out of his singular piety to God,
and love of learning, to make this his whole business; till at last
he gathered a sum of five thousand Dollars, partly thro his own, and
partly thro his friends liberality, which he delivered to the Queen
_Christina_ for the use of a Copper Mine, that in lieu thereof the
School of _Uma_ might yearly receive the whole revenue of the Crown,
due from certain Towns in that Province. This request of his the Queen
easily granted, and two years after issu’d out her Letters patents,
and a new Charter by the Protectors of the Kingdom, whose worthy
Commemoration is not to be omitted. The words of the Charter are as

 _We_ CHRISTINA _by the Grace of God Queen elect and hereditary
 Princess of the_ Swedes, Goths _and_ Vandals, _Queen of_ Finland,
 Esthonia, Carelia, _and_ Ingria, _do declare, that whereas our dearly
 beloved Father, somtimes King of_ Swedland, _did out of his singular
 zeal and religious affection for the promoting of the Church of
 God, especially in the Northern parts of his Dominions, institute
 a Laplandish School in the Province of_ Uma, _and did constitute
 our trusty and well beloved Senator the illustrious Lord_ John
 Skytte, _Senator of the Kingdom of_ Sweden, _President of our Roial
 Council in_ Gothland, _Chancellor of our University of_ Upsal, _High
 Commissioner of_ South-Finland, _free Baron of_ Duderhoff, _Lord of_
 Grænsia, Stræmfrum _and_ Skytteholm, _Knight, to be superviser of this
 work, setling the same power upon his Posterity after his decease,
 and bountifully allowing to this design out of the stores of_ Uma
 _the yearly Tithes due to the Crown; We therefore by vertue of these
 Letters patents to not only confirm that wholsom Constitution of
 our pious Father deceased, but do also certify that the illustrius
 Lord_ John Skytte _hath brought in the sum of 5000 Dollars of silver
 given by himself and his pious friends for the use of the Laplandish
 School, which entire sum he hath paid to the Copper-Company, humbly
 intreating that the said sum may remain in that Company to Us and
 our Crown, and that We for the yearly interest of the said money
 allowing 8 per Cent, would give to the Laplandish School the use of
 certain Villages in_ Norlands, _that the inhabitants thereof may pay
 their taxes to the aforesaid School; which We graciously approving,
 do give, as a security, the benefit and profit of these following
 Villages belonging to Us and our Crown in the Provinces of_ Uma _and
 West_ Bothnia; Roebeck 12 _Farms_ 5/8. Stæksive 2. 3/16. Clabbiler
 3. 9/16. Baggaboelet 2. 27/32. Kuddis 2. 5/16. Bræneland 2. 11/16.
 _These Farms shall yearly pay to the Laplandish School all their
 ordinary and extraordinary taxes which are hitherto imposed, which
 their inhabitants are hereby commanded to do without intermission,
 during the time that we retain the aforesaid sum of 5000 Dollars, paid
 to the Copper-Company, until We shall have restored the sum entire
 to the Laplandish School. Wherefore We command our Officers, and all
 whom it may concern, that they substract not from the said School the
 aforesaid sum given in security, before such time as the money may
 be restored; and that they do not offer nor suffer to be offered any
 injury or prejudice to the aforesaid School, contrary to this our
 Edict, in confirmation whereof Ours and the Kingdoms Protectors and
 Administrators have hereto set their hands, and sealed it with the
 Roial Seal. Dated at_ Stockholm _Novemb. 5. 1634_.

The Persons that subscribed were, _Gabriel Oxenstern, Gustavi F.
R. Drotsetus_. _Jacobus de la Gardie_ High Marshal. _Carolus Caroli
Gyldenhielm_ High Admiral. _Petrus Baner_ Deputy Chancellor. _Gabriel
Oxenstern_ Tresurer.

This is that School to which the _Laplanders_ ow their Progress in
the knowledg and love of Christian Religion, which appears from
those many useful and eminent Persons who have bin there bred; also
the success may be seen from the testimonials of the Examiners, who
were constituted in the same year that the School was endow’d by the
aforesaid Roial Charter, the words are related by _Brazius_ as follow,

 _We, whose names are underwritten, do testify that we were called
 by the Reverend and Learned_ M. Olaus _our Pastor of the Church
 of_ Uma, _to be present at the examination of the Laplandish Youth
 frequenting the School of_ Lyksa _in the Province of_ Uma; _we also
 testify that we did hear them examined by their Rector our aforesaid
 Pastor. First, they altogether sang the Psalms of_ David _translated
 into the Swedish language, as they are now used in the Church: next
 they all, and singular repeted the_ Primer, _containing not only the
 Elements of Speech, but the Lords Praier, ten Commandments, Apostles
 Creed, the words used in administring the Sacraments of Baptism, and
 the Lords Supper; also the Graces before and after meat, together with
 the Morning and Evening Praiers. This Book they all read according
 to the manner prescribed in other Schools, and the more ingenious of
 them did distinctly and without hesitation repete the little Catechism
 made by_ Luther: _Besides this, they read the Gospels for Sundaies and
 Holy-daies as they are published in the Swedish tongue, this was the
 task of all the Scholars. Only 8 of them being of slower parts, did
 nevertheless emulate the more ingenious according to their abilities.
 Now they all begin to learn the Fundamentals in the Laplandish Idiom,
 that they may instruct their Country-men in their own mother tongue.
 This school exercise and the fruit arising from thence as it exceeded
 our expectation, to see the illiterate Youth in a short time by the
 blessing of God, learn the Principles of our salvation, which better
 Scholars have bin much longer in attaining to, so ought we to give
 singular thanks to Gods who hath made their endevors so successful.
 Nor must we omit the deserved Commendation of those pious men, who by
 their bountiful largesses founded and endowed the School, and at this
 time maintain it; altho for the reward of their piety must expect the
 blessing of God, according as he hath promised. Witness our hands and
 seals. Dated in the place aforesaid_ Ann. 1634. Jacobus Andreæ Buræus.
 Petrus Jonæ. Andreas Hacquini. Jacobus Nicolai. Olaus Olai.

From this testimony it appears that the School was frequented by
no small number of the Laplandish Youth, also that they were not
wholly unfit for the study of learning and Religion; making it their
chief care to learn those things which are especially necessary to
the improving of a Christian life. Last of all, the readiness of the
_Laplanders_ to send their children to School: so that now there
appears another face of Religion in _Lapland_ then what there was in
former ages, because the Kings have taken greater care in providing for
Churches, Schools, Books, Ministers, and School-masters. The Priests in
like manner are more careful, being now for the most part _Laplanders_,
or skilful in that tongue, whereof there is in _Lapponia Umensis_ one,
in _Lapponia Pithensis_ 3, in _Lapponia Luhlensis_ one, whose trouble
is the greater, because the Country is large and the inhabitants

In _Lapponia Tornensis_ and _Kiemensis_ they have both Laplandish and
Swedish Priests, who once a year at their public Fairs in February
visit the Country, baptising their children, and preaching to them in
the _Finnish_ language, which they seem to understand. For their reward
they have one third part of the Rain-dears, which the _Laplanders_ are
bound to pay to the Crown: and whereas every _Laplander_ was obliged
to pay for a tax either two pair of shoes, or a white Fox, or a pound
of Pike, this is now equally divided between the King and the Priest;
which makes not only the Priests more chearful in doing their duty,
but the People also more diligent in their performances. Hence it is
that they pay their Ministers so much honor and respect, saluting them
at their first coming with bowing their head, giving them in token
of Reverence the title of _Herrai_, i.e. _Sir_, conducting them upon
their Rain-dears to their Cottages, adorned with birch bows, covered
with their furrs, and shewing them all the civility they have. Upon
a table or rather a plank laid upon the ground they set them meat,
which is usually fish, or flesh of Rain-dear dried together with the
tongue and marrow. They use neither Salt, Bread nor Wine, all which the
Priests are forc’t to bring with them, the _Laplanders_ drinking only
Water, because the extremity of the cold spoils their Beer. They are
careful in observing Sundaies, refraining both themselves and their
Cattel from all work on that day, and somtimes on the day before; nay
some there are who refuse to milk their Raindears on Sundaies. While
the Sermon is preaching they attend diligently; and in singing of
Psalms they are so zealous that they strive who shall sing best. They
very much reverence and frequent the Sacraments, especially that of
Baptism which they never defer; but the women themselves within eight
or fourteen daies after their delivery do often bring their children
thro long and tedious waies to the Priest. They likewise pay much
reverence to the Lords Supper, and to the ceremonies of Confession
and Absolution, which are alwaies used before that Sacrament, which
they now are really partakers of, whereas in the times of Popery they
received it without any solemn consecration. Neither do they neglect
the other parts of Christian Piety. They most religiously abstain
from swearing, cursing and blasphemy: they are very charitable to the
poor, and just, insomuch that there are scarce any robberies ever
heard of in the Country. Their mutual conversation is very courteous,
especially among persons of the same Country or family, often visiting
and discoursing with one another. This they learn from the precepts of
Christianity, which requiring them not only to regulate their Faith,
but their lives, teaches that tho there be three Persons, the Father,
Son, and holy Ghost, yet they are but one God. And as by the help of
Christianity they learn the rule of true piety, so do they utterly
abhor all their ancient superstition. They pull down all their drums,
and burn and demolish all their Images of wood and stone. A memorable
example hereof is mentioned by _Johannes Tornæus_ in this manner. A
certain _Laplander_, just, pious, and wealthy, named _Petrus Peiwie_
dwelling in _Peldojærf_, at a Village of _Lappmarkia Tornensis_,
with all his family worshipped the Idol _Seita_: it happened upon a
certain time that his Rain-dears died in great numbers; whereupon he
implored the assistance of his _Seita_. But he praied in vain, for his
Rain-dears died still. At length with his whole family and good store
of dry wood, he took a journy to the place where _Seita_ stood: round
about the Idoll he strewed green bows of Firr, and offered sacrifice to
him, the skins, horns, and skulls of Rain-dears; at last he prostrates
himself with his whole family before the Idol, beseeching him that
he would by some sign testify unto him, that he was the true God.
But after a whole days praiers and devotions finding no sign given,
he sets fire to the combustible wood, and burns down the Idol of the
Town. When his offended neighbours sought to kill him, he asked them
why they would not permit the God to revenge himself for the affront.
But _Peiwie_ became so constant an adherent to the Christian Religion,
that when others threatned with their charms to mischief him, he on the
contrary repeated the Lords Prayer, and the Apostles Creed. He burnt
all the _Seitas_ he could meet with, and at length sent his eldest Son
_Wuollaba_ to _Enorreby_ to do the like there; for which he was forc’t
to fly into _Norway_ to avoid the _Inarenses_, who lay in wait for him.
There was also one _Clement_, a _Lappo-Jenabiensis_ whose Mother being
grievously sick, he sought remedy from the Drum, but his Mother died
notwithstanding; whereupon he cut his Drum in pieces, alledging that he
saw no use of it.

Hitherto we have seen the Christian Religion much better received and
improved by the _Laplanders_, and applied to their daily conversation,
then what it was in ancient times. And from hence we may collect the
care of those who by their authority, counsell or ministery did promote
it; yet cannot we triumph over Pagan impiety wholly rooted out; as
shall appear by the following Chapter.


_Of some remains of Paganism in_ Lapland _at this time._

By the present State of Religion in _Lapland_, it cannot be doubted but
all possible means were used by their pious Kings and Priests, for the
extirpating of superstition and its evil consequences: nevertheless
there remain some reliques thereof to employ their farther care and
endeavour, many gross errours prevailing among them, which renders the
reality of their conversion suspicious, as if they were still in love
with the erroneous opinions of their Ancestors, especially some of the
_Norwegian Laplanders_, whose Idolatry sufficiently demonstrates that
all their pretences to Christianity are but fictitious. But tho it were
impiety to believe this of all, since experience shews us the contrary;
yet it cannot be denied, but that many of them profess Christianity
rather out of dissimulation then any real affection. One chief reason
why they so stifly adhere to their superstition and impiety, proceeds
from the miscarriage of their Priests, who either take no care of
instructing the People, or vilify their doctrine by the sordidness of
their lives; whilst under a pretence of propagating the Gospell, they
endeavor only to advance their own revennues. This the _Laplanders_,
before none of the richest, could not bare; to see themselves opprest
and disabled by the exactions of the Priests. The truth of this _Olaus
Magnus_ strives to confute, calling it an impious and false assertion,
but he brings nothing to prove the truth of what he saies, nor answers
_Ziegler_, by telling a fair story, of the industry and liberality of
some in the Southern parts: and particularly that his brother _Joannes_
came to the utmost border of _Jemptia_, and gave a large Alms to the
poor people there, and at his own great charge set up a Salt-work.
A farther cause of the little improvement of Christianity, is the
vastness of the Country, some of the Inhabitants living above 200 miles
from the Christian Churches. But tho this cause is now in some degree
removed by having Churches more frequently, yet that inconvenience
still remains; because they are yet very far distant, particularly in
_Lapponia Luhlensis_, as we have already mentioned. There are other
causes of this unhappy effect, which more particularly reflect upon
the Natives. As their strong inclination to superstition, which hath
bin formerly mentioned, and the occasions thereof intimated. To this
we may add the high estimation they have of their Predecessors, whom
they think more wise then to have bin ignorant of what God they ought
to adore, or the manner of his worship: wherefore out of reverence to
them they will not recede from their opinions, least they should seem
to reprove them of ignorance or impiety. Lastly, this happens upon the
account of inveterate Custom, which at all times is hardly forgot,
especially where it prevails as a Law. This is it that darkens their
understanding, and renders it incapable of discerning between true and
false. For these and some other reasons there remain severall tracks of
Superstition and Idolatry, w^{ch} require no small time to be wore out;
as we see in severall of the meaner sort, nor only in _Swedland_, but
in _Germany_, _France_, and other Countries, where there is found much of
the old superstition, tho in other things they are orthodox enough.

Amongst the _Laplanders_ these opinions may be reduced to two heads,
for they are superstitious and paganish, or Magical and Diabolical. Of
the first sort some of their superstitions are only vain and fabulous,
others very impious and heathenish. As first of all their distinctions
between white and black daies. Of the later sort they account the
Feasts of _S. Katharine_ and _S. Mark_, whom they call _Cantepaive_,
and _S. Clement_, upon which daies they abstain from all business, and
chiefly from hunting. And of this they give two reasons; first, because
they say if they should hunt on any of those daies, their bows and
arrows would be broken, and they should forfeit their good success in
that sport all the year. In like manner they esteem the first day of
Christmas to be unlucky, insomuch that Masters of families go not out
of their Cottages, not so much as to Church, but send their Children
and Servants, for fear of I know not what spirits and dæmons, which
they suppose to wander about the air in great Companies upon that day;
and that they must first be appeased by certain Sacrifices, which we
shall mention hereafter. This superstition, I suppose, sprang from a
misinterpretation of the story which they heard from their Priest,
how a great host of Angels came down from Heaven upon our Saviours
Nativity, and frighted the Shepheards. They are likewise great
observers of Omens, and amongst others they guess at the success of
the day from the first beast they meet in the morning. They forbid the
woman to go out of that door thro which the man went a hunting, as
thinking the way would be improsperous if a woman trod the same steps.

And herein they are only superstitious but in what follows, they are
impious and heathenish. As first they go to Church not out of any
devotion, but compulsion. Next they stick at several Principles of
the Christian Religion, especially the resurrection of the dead, the
union of the body and soul, and the immortality of the soul. For they
fancy to themselves that men and beasts go the same way; and will
not be perswaded that there is any life after this. Whereupon one
_Georgius_, a Laplandish Priest, desired upon his death bed that he
might be buried amongst the _Laplanders_, that at the last day when he
should rise together with them, they might find his doctrine of the
resurrection true. Notwithstanding they believe that something of a man
remains after he is dead, but they know not what it is; which was the
very opinion of the Heathens, who therefore feign’d their Manes to be
somewhat that did remain after their death. A third impiety they are
guilty of, is joining their own feign’d gods with God and Christ, and
paying them equall reverence and worship, as if God and the Devil had
made an agreement together to share their devotions between them.

Those of _Lapponia Pithensis_ and _Luhlensis_ have their greater and
lesser Gods; the greater to whom they pay especial worship are, _Thor_,
_Storjunkaren_, and the _Sun_. _Damianus à Goes_ writes that they worship
the Fire and Statues of stone: but those Statues are only the Images of
_Storjunkaren_, and the Fire is only an embleme of the Sun; for that
they worshipped Fire it self for a God, is very false, as appears from
_Tornæus_, who made particular enquiry into that thing. The same may
be said of _Peucer_, who taking his mistake from the wooden Image of
_Thor_, reports that they worship wood. So that there are only three,
and that among the _Pithenses_ and _Luhlenses_; for the _Tornenses_
and _Kiemenses_ knew nothing of them, but in their stead under one
common name worshipped a Deity, whom they called _Seita_, whereof
every family and almost every person had one. Nevertheless there was
one chief Idoll to which all the neighbourhood paid devotion. But tho
this word _Seita_ denotes any God among the _Laplanders_, yet may we
suppose that under that name, especially as it signifies the publick
Idoll, they worshipped the same, which the _Luhlenses_ call _Tiermes_,
or _Aijeke_ (i. e.) thunderer, or father, by others named _Thor_. And
by the private Idols they mean’t him, who by the _Luhlenses_ is called
_Storjunkare_, making the difference to consist not in the Gods but
their names. The _Tornenses_ rather using a generall appellation, and
calling them all _Seitas_, whereas the _Luhlenses_ call the greater
_Termes_ or _Aijeke_, and the lesser _Storjunkar_. And if one attend
to their manner of worshipping these Gods, they will appear to be the
same. Besides these greater, the _Pithenses_, _Luhlenses_, and their
neighbours have some inferior Gods, as the _Tornenses_ likewise have,
tho they worship them all under one name, excepting only that which
they call _Wiru Accha_, signifying a _Livonian_ old woman, which
_Olaus Petr._ with some alteration calls _Viresaka_. This was only the
bare trunk of a tree, and is now wholly rotten. But who the inferior
Gods were, or to what end they were worshipped, there is no mention
made; but we may guess from what we find observable among the other
_Laplanders_. First under that name they worshipped the ghosts of
departed persons, but especially of their kindred, for they thought
there was some divinity in them, and that they were able to do harm:
just such as the _Romans_ fancied their Manes to be; therefore it was
that they offered Sacrifice to them, of which more hereafter. Besides
these Manes they worship other Spectres and Demons, which they say
wander about Rocks, Woods, Rivers and Lakes, such as the _Romans_
describe their _Fauni_, _Sylvani_, and _Tritons_ to be. The third sort
dreaded by them are _Genii_, whether good or bad, which they suppose
to fly in the air about Christmas, as we intimated before; these they
call _Juhlii_ from the word _Juhl_, denoting at present the Nativity
of Christ; but formerly the new year. And these are the Gods which the
_Laplanders_ jointly adore with God and our Saviour; of which we shall
now speak particularly, and of their respective worship.


_Of the heathenish Gods of the_ Laplanders, _and their manner of
worship at this day._

We have shewed in the foregoing Chapter that there were three principal
Gods worshipped by the _Laplanders_; the first is _Thor_, signifying
thunder, in the Swedish Dialect called _Thordoen_, by the _Laplanders_
themselves _Tiermes_, that is any thing that makes a noise, agreeing
very well with the notion the _Romans_ had of _Jupiter_ the thunderer,
and the God _Taramis_, which I have treated of in the History of
_Upsal_. This _Tiermes_ or thunder they think by a special virtue
in the Sky to be alive; intimating thereby that power from whence
thunder proceeds, or the thundring God, wherefore he is by them
called _Aijeke_, which signifies _grand_, or _great-grand-Father_,
as the _Romans_ saluted their father _Jupiter_; and the _Swedes_
their _Gubba_. This _Aijeke_ when he thunders is by the _Laplanders_
call’d _Tiermes_, by the _Scythians_, _Tarami_, and by the _Swedes_,
_Tor_ or _Toron_. This _Tiermes_ or _Aijeke_ the _Laplanders_ suppose
to have power over the life and death, health and sickness of man:
and also over the hurtfull Demons who frequent Rocks and Mountains,
whom he often chastises, and sometimes destroies with his lightning,
as the _Latins_ fanci’d their _Jupiter_ to do, for which end they
give him a bow in his hand to shoot the Demons with, which they call
_Aijeke dauge_: also they give him a mallet, which they call _Aijeke
Wetschera_, to dash out the brains of the said evil spirits. Wherefore
because the _Laplanders_ expect so many blessings from their _Tiermes_,
and believe he bestows life on them, and preserves their health, and
that they cannot die unless it be his plesure, and drives away the
Demons, which are prejudicial to their hunting, fowling, and fishing,
and never hurts them but when their offences deserve it: therefore
he is to be worshipped in the first place. The next of the principal
Gods is _Storjunkare_, which tho it be a _Norwegian_ word, _Junkare_
in that language signifying the Governor of a Province, yet is it used
by the _Laplanders_ now; tho perhaps it was not in use till some of
them became subjects to _Norway_. Certain it is, that this is not the
only name of that God, for he is also called _Stourra Passe_ (i.e.)
_Great Saint_, as appears by a Hymn which is sung at his Sacrifices.
His name they reverence very much, and pay him frequenter, if not
greater devotion then other Gods, for they suppose him to be their
_Tiermes_ his Lieutenant, and as it were Royal Prefect, adding _Stœre_,
which signifys _greater_ for distinction sake. Now they worship
_Storejunkar_, because they think that they receive all their blessings
thro his hands, and that all beasts and Cattel, are subject to his
will, and that he governs them as _Tiermes_ doth men and spirits;
wherefore he can give them to whom he will, and none can receive them
without his pleasure. These beasts therefore supplying the _Laplanders_
with meat and clothes, it may easily be imagined how necessary they
held it to worship _Storjunkare_. And these are the two peculiar Gods
of the _Laplanders_, whereof one hath the dominion over men, the other
over beasts; one bestows life, the other all things required to the
sustaining of it. _Tornæus_ saies they report of him that he hath often
appeared to Fowlers or Fishers in the shape of a tall personable man,
habited like a Nobleman, with a Gun in his hand, and his feet like
those of a bird. As often as he appears standing on the shore, or in
the ship by them, they say he makes their fishing successful, and kills
birds that happen to fly by with his Gun, which he bestows upon those
that are present. It is reported that a _Laplander_ being to guide one
of the Kings Lieutenant, when he came over against a mountain where
_Storejunkar_ was supposed to dwell, he stood still, and setting the
helve of his Ax down upon the Ice, turned it round, professing that he
did it in honor of their munificent God, who dwelt there. And tho there
is mention made but of one mountain where the _Laplander_ performed
this ceremony, yet we may suppose he would have don it oftner, if there
had happened to be more hills in the way. But perhaps this distinction
of name is used by the _Laplanders_ which border upon _Norway_,
especially in _Lulalapland_, from his habit and clothing; and because
he used to appear in another dress to them of _Lapponia Kiemensis_ and
_Tornensis_, therefore they did not worship him under that name, but by
the common appellation of _Seita_, from whom they believed that they
receive the benefits of hunting, fishing, and fowling.

I come now to the _Sun_, their third God, which is common to them with
all other Pagans, him they call _Baiwe_, and worship him chiefly for
his light and heat: also because they believe him to be the Author of
Generation, and that all things are made by his means, especially their
Rain-dears, of whom and their young they think he hath a particular
care to cherish them by his heat, and bring them suddenly to strength
and maturity. And being they live in a cold Country where their native
heat is diminish’d, and often wholly extinguish’d, being they have
nothing to sustain themselves with but the flesh of Rain-dear, they
think it very fit to pay the Sun very great honors, who is the Author
of so great blessings to them, and who at his return restores them that
light which they lost by his departure, and that not for a day or two,
but for several weeks, which being pai’d, the new day seems more welcom
to them, by reason of long absence.

To every one of these principal Gods they pay a several sort of
worship; which consists first in the diversity of places dedicated
to their service, next in the diversity of images erected to them in
these places; lastly, in the diversity of Sacrifices which they offer
to them. The place where they worship their _Thor_ or _Tiermes_ is a
piece of ground set apart for this superstition, on the backside of
their Huts, above a bows shoot off; there upon boards set together
like a table they place their images. This table serves them instead
of an Altar, which they surround with bows of birch and pine; with the
same bows also they strew the way from their Huts to the Altar: and
as the table serves them for an Altar, so do the bows for a Temple.
The same account, only omitting the table, doth _Tornæus_ give of the
_Tornenses_ and _Kiemenses_ worshipping of _Seita_, so that they may
seem to be one and the same God: unless his description should be
appli’d to _Storjunkar_ rather, because he mentions Lakes to be the
place of his worship; which was proper to _Storjunkar_, as shall be
shewn. But I suppose the _Seitas_ were worshipped in other places as
well as Lakes, and so they signifi’d both Gods under one name, and
that _Tornæus_ was not so curious as to distinguish between them. In
the same place where they worshipp’d _Tiermes_ they worshipp’d the Sun
also, and upon the same table too, which makes me suspect that they
were but one God; whom they called _Tiermes_, when they invok’d him
in the behalf of their lives, healths, or preservation from Demons,
and _Baiwe_ when they beg’d of him light or warmth, or any thing that
might fortify them against the cold. But the place where _Storjunkar_
was worshipped, was upon some peculiar mountains, and on the banks of
Lakes: for almost every family hath its particular rocks and hills
appointed for this business. Some of these rocks are so high and
craggy that they are impassable to any but _Storjunkar_. But it must
not be supposed he lives only in rocks and cliffes of mountains, but
also on the shores of Lakes and banks of Rivers, for there also he is
peculiarly worshipped, because the _Laplanders_ have observed the same
apparitions in these places, that they usually do upon rocks and hills,
namely _Storjunkar_ habited and armed according to the description
already given, by which his presence they think he testifies his great
love for those places, which therefore they have in great veneration,
and call them _Passewara_, i. e. _Sacred mountains_, or rocks belonging
to _Storjunkar_, supposing they cannot pay their devotion to him in
any place better; or be surer of finding him, then where he himself
appears. To these places they allot their certain bounds and confines,
that all people may know how far the sanctified ground reaches, and
avoid those evils, which otherwise _Storejunkar_ would certainly
inflict upon them for violating his holy place. Now since every family,
that is given to this superstition hath its peculiar place of worship,
it is manifest that there is good store of them throughout _Lapland_.
_Sam. Rheen_ reckons up thirty of them in the Province of _Luhla_.

The first by the River _Waikijaur_, about 1/2 a mile from the
Laplandish Church called _Jochmochs_.

The second by the hill _Piednackwari_ about 1/2 a mile farther from the
said Church.

The third in an Island of the River _Porkijaur_, a mile and half off
the River.

The fourth on the top of a very high hill, which they call
_Ackiakikwari_, i. e. Fathers or _Thors_ hill, 5 miles beyond
_Jochmoch_, near _Porkijaur_.

The 5 near the Lake _Skalkatræsk_, 8 miles from the aforesaid place.

The 6 at a Cataract of _Muskoummokke_, 11 miles off.

The 7 on the top of an high hill _Skierphi_.

The 8 on the top of the hill _Tiackeli_.

The 9 at the hill _Haoraoaos_.

The 10 at the top of a high hill _Cafla_, near a little Lake called

The 11 on a hill half a mile from _Wallawari_.

The 12 on the top of a prodigious hill called _Darrawaori_, 2 miles
from the aforesaid place.

The 13 near _Kiedkiewari_. The 14 at a place called _Nobbel_, near a
Lake by _Wirrijaur_.

The 15 at the Lake _Kaskajaur_.

The 16 at the hill _Enudda_ towards _Norway_.

The 17 at the hill _Rarto_, near the same place.

The 18 in an Island of the Lake _Luhlatræsk_ called _Hiertshulos_.

The 19 on a high mountain towards _Norway_ called _Skipoiwe_.

The 20 at the Lake _Saiivo_.

The 21 at _Ollapassi_, a bay of the Lake _Stoor Luhlatræsk_.

The 22 at the Lake _Lugga_.

The 23 on the hill _Kierkowari_.

The 24 on the hill _Kautom Jaurlis_.

The 25 at the Cataract _Sao_.

The 26 on the top of a high hill called _Kaiszikiæ_.

The 27 at the Lake _Zyggtræsk_.

The 28 at the hill _Piouki_.

The 29 in an Island of the Lake _Waikejaur_ called _Lusbyshulos_.

The 30 in a mountain near the River _Juleo_ called _Warieluth_.

Neither are these all the places in the Country that are dedicated to
this use, but there are several others which the Idolatrous People
endeavour to concele, that they may avoid the suspicion of this impiety
and their deserved punishment. But in other parts of _Lapland_ the
number is far greater as may be easily understood; and therefore I
shall not tire the Reader with a recitall of them. For all these places
they have a high esteem, whether dedicated to _Thor_, the _Sun_, or
_Storjunkar_, so that they exclude all women from them, not permitting
them so much as to go behind the house where _Thor_ is worshipped,
and prohibiting all marriageble women to come near the borders of
_Storjunkars_ consecrated hills: and the reason is because they think
that Sex, especially at that age, not pure enough for those devotions,
but not knowing who are pure and who are not, to prevent all danger
they prohibite the whole Sex, who if they transgress herein, they must
expect many misfortunes to befall them, and perhaps death it self.

I come now to the Images of their Gods, for with these they used to
honour them. _Thors_ image, was alwaies made of wood, wherefore he is
called by them _Muora Jubmel_, i. e. the Wooden God. And because in
_Lapponia Tornensis_, as well as in other places they make their Gods
of wood, it is very probable that they worship _Tiermes_, tho they
call him _Seita_. Of this wood, which is alwaies Birch, they make so
many Idols as they have Sacrifices, and when they have done they keep
them in a cave by some hill side. The shape of them is very rude, only
at the top they are made to represent a mans head, according to the
description of _Matthias Steuchius_, which he relates from his Father,
who was Superintendent of _Hernosandensis_, and had the oversight of
all things relating to Piety and Religion in most parts of _Lapland_.
Of the root of the tree they make the head, and of the trunk the body
of the image: for those Birches which grow in Fenny grounds have
usually their roots growing round, and from them there shoot out other
little roots, so that it is easily fitted to the shape of a mans head.
Now to manifest this to be _Thor_, they put a hammer into his right
hand, which is as it were his ensign by which he is known. Into his
head they drive a nail of Iron or Steel, and a small piece of flint to
strike fire with, if he hath a mind to it. Tho I rather suppose it was
first used to be an emblem of fire, which together with the Sun they
worshipped in _Thor_, whose Image is here delineated.


But tho they usually make them in this shape, yet there are some,
especially in _Lapponia Tornensis_, who worship a meer stump. They
have no Image of the Sun, either because he is conspicuous enough of
himself, or because in the mystery of their Religion he is the same
with _Thor_: but _Storjunkar_ is represented with a stone, as is
clearly proved by several writers, and easily deduced from others.
The form of this stone (if we will believe _Olaus Petri Neuren._) was
like a Bird, _Samuel Rheen_ saies it somtimes represents a man, and
somtimes som other creature. The truth is its shape is so rude, that
they may sooner fancy it like somthing themselves, then perswade other
People that it is so. In the mean time their fancy is so strong, that
they really believe it represents their _Storjunkar_, and worship it
accordingly. Neither do they use any art in polishing it, but take
it as they find it upon the banks of Lakes and Rivers. In this shape
therefore they worship it, not as tho it were so made by chance, but
by the immediate will and procurement of their god _Storjunkar_, that
it might be sacred to him. Thus they erect it as his image, and call
it _Kied Kie Jubmal_ i. e. the stone God. The rudeness of these Images
gave _Tornæus_ occasion to deny that they had any shape at all, only
made rough and hollow by the falling of water upon them, tho their
hallowness without doubt occasioned the _Laplanders_ fancy of their
likeness to something: but he confesses that in an Island made by a
Cataract of the River _Tornatræsk_ called _Darra_, there are found
_Seitæ_, just in the shape of a man, one of them very tall, and hard
by 4 others something lower, with a kind of Cap on their heads. But
because the passage into the Island is dangerous by reason of the
Cataract, the _Laplanders_ are forc’t to desist from going to that
place, so that it is impossible now to know how those stones are
worshipped, or how they came there. These stones are not set up by
themselves, but lie 3 or 4 together, according as they find them; the
first of which they honor with the title of _Storjunkar_, the second
they call _Acte_, or _Storjunkars_ wife; the third his Son or Daughter,
and the rest his Servants. And this they do because they would not have
their _Storjunkar_, who is _Thors_ Viceroy, in a worse condition then
other Roial Prefects, whom they usually see thus accompanied by their
Wives and Children, and Attendants. His representation is as follows


I come now to their Sacrifices and other Ceremonies used to their
Gods. First it is observable that they are performed only by men, all
women being excluded; they esteeming it as great a crime for a woman
to offer Sacrifice as to frequent the consecrated places. They never
offer Sacrifice till they have enquired of their God whether he will
accept it or no. This they do with a certain instrument which they
call _Kannus_, not unlike the old fashioned Drums, from whence they
are usually called Laplandish Drums, and shall be exactly described
hereafter. This Drum being beaten, and some Songs sung, they bring the
designed Sacrifice to _Thor_, who if he signifies by a ring in the Drum
that the Sacrifice is pleasing to him, they fall presently to work:
otherwise they carry it to the Sun, and so to _Storjunkar_, till one of
them will accept of it. The manner of it is thus. They pull off some
of the hair at the bottom of the beasts neck, and bind it to a ring
which is fastned to the Drum, then one of them beats the Drum, and all
the rest sing these words, _What sayst thou ô Great and Sacred God,
dost thou accept this Sacrifice, which we design to offer unto thee?_
And while they chant these words, they repete the name of the mountain
where they are: then if the ring rests on that part of the Drum where
the God is pictured, they take it for granted that the God is pleased,
and so proceed to the Ceremony; or else they carry the Sacrifice to
_Thor_, and use the like form of words, _Father God will you have my
Sacrifice_. _Peucer_ either thro false intelligence, or misapprehension,
relates this business somthing differently, they have (saies he) a
brasen Drum whereon they paint several sorts of Beasts, Birds, and
Fishes, such as they can easily procure: bolt upright upon this Drum
they fix an iron pearch, upon which stands a brasen Frog, which at the
beating of the Drum falls down upon some of the pictures, and that
creature whose picture the Frog touches, they sacrifice. Their usuall
sacrifices are Rain-dears, tho sometimes they use other creatures, as
Dogs, Cats, Lambs and Hens, which they fetch out of _Norway_. The 3^d
thing observable is that they offer their Sacrifices usually in the
Autumn, because, I suppose, the Winter and night being at hand they
think they have more need of their Gods assistance, which may probably
be the reason too why every year about that time they make a new image
for _Thor_, which is alwaies don 14 daies before Michaelmas. And thus
they consecrate it, first they sacrifice the Rain-dear, then taking out
his bones they anoint the Idol with the blood and fat, and bury the
flesh and bones under ground. Besides this Idol they erect one to him
every time they sacrifice, and then they place them all one by another
upon a table behind their Hut. First when the God hath approved of
the Sacrifice, which is usually a Buck to _Thor_, they bind it behind
the house, then with a sharp knife they run him thro the heart, and
gather the heart-blood, wherewith they anoint the Idol, into a vessell.
After that having placed the images right, and adorned the table, they
approach reverently to it, anoint the head and back all over with the
blood, but on his breast they only draw several Crosses. Behind him
they place the skull, feet, and horns of the sacrificed Dear; before
him they place a Coffer made of the bark of Birch, into which they
put a bit of every member of the Rain-dear, with some of the fat, and
the rest of the flesh they convert to their private uses. This is the
manner of the _Laplanders_ sacrificing to _Thor_. But when they offer
Sacrifice to _Storjunkar_, which is likewise a male Dear, then first
they run a red thred thro his right ear, and bind him, and sacrifice
him in the place they did that to _Thor_; preserving the blood likewise
in a vessel. Then he who performs the Ceremony takes the horns and
the bones of the head and neck, with the feet and hoofs, and carries
them to the mountain of that _Storjunkar_, for whom the Sacrifice was
designed. When he comes near the sacred Stone, he reverently uncovers
his head, and bows his body, paying all the ceremonies of respect and
honor. Then he anoints the Stone with the fat and blood, and places
the horns behind it. Unto the right horn they ty the Rain-dears yard,
and to the left some red thred wrought upon tin with a little piece of
silver. The same rites that are observed to _Storjunkar_ are also used
to _Seita_, to whom the _Laplanders_ usually sacrifice upon Holydaies,
or after some loss or misfortune. Then making their Praiers and
Devotions to the Idol in their best clothes, they offer him all manner
of oblations, and the choisest parts of the Rain-dear, as the flesh,
fat, skin, bones, horns, and hoofs, whereof there are great heaps to
be seen at this day where _Seita_ was worshipped. The horns are found
placed one above another, in the fashion of a fence to the God, which
is therefore by the _Laplanders_ called _Tiorfwigardi_, that is a Court
fenced with horns, which are sometimes above a thousand in number.
Before these horns they used to hang a garland made of Birch tree,
stuck about with bits of flesh cut from every member of the sacrifice.
This I suppose first caused the mistake of those who reported that the
_Laplanders_ worshipped the horns of Rain-dears. All the flesh that
remains of the sacrifice the _Laplanders_ spend in their houses: and
this is the ordinary way of sacrificing to _Storjunkar_. Two other
methods there are but less used; one when they bring the sacrifice
alive to the hill where the Idol is placed: another when they would do
so, but cannot climb the hill where _Storjunkar_ is by reason of its
steepness. For the first they kill the sacrifice hard by the Idol, and
when they have performed the usual ceremonies, they presently boil the
flesh in the place, especially that about the head and neck, and invite
their friends to the eating of it. This they call _Storjunkars_ Feast,
and when they have done they leave the skin behind them. This is not
used in all _Storjunkars_ hills, but only in some peculiar place where
he hath manifested to them that he will be worshipped so. The other way
of sacrificing is when the hill is so craggy that they cannot ascend
it with their sacrifice, then they throw up a stone to the top of the
mountain, which they dip in the blood and go away, as having paid their
devotion. But as (besides the sacrifice) they once a year honour _Thor_
with a new Image; so do they _Storjunkar_ with fresh bowes twice every
year. The first time in Summer with birch and grass; next in Winter
with pine. The same also _Tornæus_ reports of the _Seitas_. Then it is
they seek whether their God be favorable and propitious to them or no:
for when they go to strow the bows and grass under him, if the stone
proves light, they hope he will be kind; but if it be something heavier
then ordinary, they suspect he is angry with them, and immediatly
to reconcile him they devote some oblations to him. And thus are
_Peucerus_ his words to be understood, when the _Laplanders_ (says he)
go a hunting or fishing, or upon any other enterprise, they try their
success by the weight of their God, who if he is easily moved, they
take it for granted that he approves of their design; if hardly, then
he dislikes it: but if he be unmoveable then they suppose him offended
with them. This is not to be understood of all their affairs, but only
when they lay fresh straw under him, for at other times they enquire
his plesure with a drum, of which I have already spoken.

It remains now that we treat of the sacrifices used to the Sun, these
are young Rain-dears, and those not bucks but does: the rites are most
of them the same with those already mentioned; only instead of a red
string thro the right ear of _Storjunkars_ sacrifice, they run a white
one thro the Suns; then they make a garland, not of birch, but willow,
about as big as the hoop of an Hogshead. This they place upon a table
behind the Hut where they sacrifice to _Thor_, not upon the same table,
but one like it. And this sacrifice differs from the other in that
there are neither images erected here, nor horns, the beasts being not
come to their growth. But that there may be some resemblance of the
Sun, they place the chief bones of the sacrifice upon the table in a

Besides these 3 principal Gods they have some petty ones, as the Manes
of deceased men, and the _Julii_ troops. They have no particular names
for the Ghosts, but call them all _Sitte_: neither do they erect them
images as they do to _Thor_ and _Storjunkar_; only they offer them some
certain sacrifices. At which time their first business is to enquire
the will of the dead, whether it please him to be worshipt with that
kind of sacrifice in these words, _Maijke werro Jabmike sitte_, _ô you
Manes what will you have_, then they beat the drum, and if the ring
falls upon any creature there pictured they take it for the sacrifice
which the ghost desires: they then run thro his ear, or, as others
say, ty about his horns a woollen black thred. Having performed the
sacrifice, they spend all the flesh upon their own uses; except a bit
of the heart, and another of the lungs: each of which they divide
into 3 parts, and fasten them upon as many sticks, which they dip in
the blood of the sacrifice, and so bury them in a kind of Chest made
in the form of a Laplandish Dray, as they do the bones of all other
sacrifices. But of this I shall speak more at large when I come to
their funeral rites, where the same things are likewise used. I shall
only add that these rites are still observed in _Lapland_ by all that
are superstitiously given. The _Juhlii_, whom they call _Juhlafalket_,
as I said of the ghosts, have no statues, nor images; the manner of
worshipping them is in this sort. The day before the festival, which
is Christmas day, they abstain from all flesh: and of every thing that
they eat, they take a litle piece and preserve it very carefully, which
they do likewise the next day. In their feasting, the bits which they
have gathered in these two days they put into a chest, made of the bark
of Birch, in the fashion of a Boat with sails and oars, together with
some fat of the pottage, and hang it upon a tree behind the Hut, about
a bows shot off, for the _Juhlii_ to feast on, whom they then suppose
to wander in troops in the Air, thro woods and mountains; a ceremony
not unlike to the ancient libations to the _Genii_. But why they do
this in a Boat they can give no reason: but we may conjecture that
hereby is intimated how the knowledg of Christs-birth (declared by the
Company of Angels, which as I have shewed already was the meaning of
these _Juhlii_) was brought by Christians, who came to them in Boats.
So much of the _Laplanders_ Idolatry and Superstition, which remains to
this day amongst many of them, as is found by daily experience.


_Of the magicall Ceremonies of the_ Laplanders.

It hath bin a received opinion among all that did but know the name of
the _Laplanders_, that they are People addicted to Magic, wherefore I
thought fit to discourse next of this, as being one of the greatest of
their impieties that yet continues among them. And that this opinion
may seem to be grounded upon some autority, they are described both
by ancient and modern Writers, to have arrived to so great skill in
enchantments, that among several strange effects of their art, they
could stop ships when under full sail. This judgement of the Historians
concerning the _Laplanders_ is no less verified also of the _Biarmi_
their predecessours. So that we may justly suppose both of them to have
descended from the same original: for the _Biarmi_ were so expert in
these arts that they could either by their looks, words, or some other
wicked artifice, so ensnare and bewitch men, as to deprive them of the
use of limbs and reason, and very often bring them into extreme danger
of their lives. But tho in these latter times they do not so frequently
practise this, and dare not profess it so publicly as before, being
severely prohibited by the King of _Sweden_: yet there are still many
that give themselves wholly unto this study. But if we enquire into
the motives and reasons hereof, this, formerly mention’d, seems the
principal, that every one thinks it the surest way to defend himself
from the injuries and malicious designs of others: for they commonly
profess that their knowledge in these things is absolutely necessary
for their own security. Upon which account they have Teachers and
Professors in this science: and parents in their last will bequeath to
their children, as the greatest part of their estate, those spirits
and devils that have bin any waies serviceable to them in their life
time. _Sturlesonius_ writes of _Gunilda_, a maid, that was sent by
her father _Odzor Huide_, who dwelt in _Halogaland_, to _Motle_ King
of _Finlapland_ in _Norway_, to be instructed in this art. Where
he gives an account also of two other _Finlanders_, and the great
knowledg they attained to in this profession. But it is very seldom
that the parents themselves are not so learned, as to perform the duty,
and save the expences of a tutor. Thus they become famous in these
studies, especially when they happen to be apt Schollars. For as the
_Laplanders_ do not all agree in the same disposition, so neither do
they arrive to the same perfection in this art. For some are so stupid
and dull, that however they may seem qualified for other emploiments,
they prove altogether unfit for this.

As to the bequeathing their familiars to their Children, they suppose
it the only means to raise their family; so that they excell one
another in this art, according to the largeness of the legacies they
receive. From hence it is manifest, that each house hath peculiar
spirits, and of different and quite contrary natures from those of
others. And not only each distinct family, but single persons in them
also have their particular spirits, sometimes one, two, or more,
according as they intend to stand on the defensive part, or are
maliciously inclined and design to be upon the offensive: so that
there are a set number of obsequious spirits, beyond which none hath.
But however some of these will not engage themselves without great
solicitation, and earnest entreaties, when others more readily profer
themselves to litle children, when they find them fit for their turn,
so that diverse of the Inhabitants are almost naturally Magicians. For
when the devil takes a liking to any person in his infancy, as a fit
instrument for his designs, he presently seases on him by a disease, in
which he haunts them with several apparitions, from whence according
to the capacity of his years and understanding he learns what belongs
to the art. Those which are taken thus a second time see more visions,
and gain greater knowledg. If they are seased a third time, which is
seldom without great torment, or utmost danger of their life, the devil
appears to them in all his shapes, by which they arrive to the very
perfection of this art; and become so knowing, that without the Drum
they can see things at greatest distances, and are so possessed by the
devil, that they see them even against their will. For example, not
long since a certain _Lap_, who is yet alive, upon my complaint against
him for his Drum, brought it to me; and confest with tears, that tho
he should part with it, and not make him another, he should have the
same visions he had formerly: and he instanc’t in my self, giving me
a true and particuliar relation of whatever had happened to me in my
journy to _Lapland_. And he farther complained, that he knew not how to
make use of his eies, since things altogether distant were presented to

As for the art, it is, according to the diversity of the instruments
they make use of in it, divided into two parts: one comprehends
all that to which their Drum belongs, the other those things to
which knots, darts, spells, conjurations, and the like refer. First
concerning the drum, as being peculiar to the _Laplanders_; and called
by them _Kannus_, or _Quobdas_; it is made out of a hollow piece of
wood, and must either be of pine, fir, or birch tree, which grows in
such a particular place, and turns directly according to the Suns
course; which is, when the grain of the wood, running from the bottom
to the top of the tree, winds it self from the right hand to the
left. From this perhaps they believe this tree very acceptable to the
Sun, which under the image of _Thor_ they worship with all imaginable
devotion. The piece of wood they make it of, must be of the root cleft
asunder, and made hollow on one side, upon which they stretch a skin:
the other side, being convex, is the lower part, in which they make two
holes, where they put their fingers to hold it. The shape of the upper
side is oval, in diameter almost half an ell, very often not so much;
it is like a kettle drum, but not altogether so round, nor so hollow;
neither is the skin fastned with little iron screwes, but wooden pegs.
I have seen some sowed with the sinews of Rain-dears. _Olaus_ termed
the drum very improperly an anvil, tho I believe he only meant by
this a drum, as will appear hereafter. This perhaps made the Engraver
mistake, who made a Smith’s anvil for it, placing a Serpent and a
frog upon it, with a Smith’s hammer by. The _Laplanders_ use only a
drum, which perhaps because they beat it with a hammer, was by _Olaus_
called an anvil. They paint upon the skin several pictures in red,
stained with the bark of an Alder tree. They draw near the middle of
the drum several lines quite cross, upon these they place those Gods,
to whom they pay the greatest worship, as _Thor_ the chief God, with
his attendance, and _Storjunkar_ with his: these are drawn on the top
of the line; after this they draw another line parallel to the former,
only half cross the drum, on this stands the image of Christ with some
of his Apostles. Whatever is drawn above these two lines represents
birds, Stars, and the Moon; below these they place the Sun, as
middlemost of the Planets, in the very middle of the drum, upon which
they put a bunch of brazen rings when they beat it. Below the Sun they
paint the terrestrial things, and living creatures; as Bears, Wolves,
Rain-dears, Otters, Foxes, Serpents: as also Marshes, Lakes, Rivers,
_&c._ This is the description of the drum according to _Sam. Rheen_, of
which this is the picture.

[Illustration: The Explication of the Figures.

 In the Drum A. a markes _Thor_. b _Thors Servant_. c _Storjunkare_. d
 _his Servant_. e _Birds_. f _Stars_. g _Christ_. h _his Apostles_. i
 _a Bear_. k _a Wolf_. l _a Rain-deer_. m _an Ox_. n _the Sun_. o _a
 Lake_. p _a Fox_. q _a Squeril_. r _a Serpent_.

 In the Drum B. _a_ denotes _God the Father_. b _Jesus Christ_. c _the
 Holy Ghost_. d _S. John_. e _Death_. f _a Goat_. g _a Squeril_. h
 _Heaven_. i _the Sun_. l _a Wolf_. m _the fish Siik_. n _a Cock_. o
 _Friendship with the wild Rain-deer_. p _Anundus Eerici_ (whose Drum
 this was) _killing a Wolf_. q _Gifts_. r _an Otter_. s _the friendship
 of other Lapps_. t _a Swan_. u _a sign to try the condition of others,
 and whether a disease be incurable_. x _a Bear_. y _a Hog_. β _a
 Fish_. γ _one carrying a Soul to Hell_.]

I have observed that severall of their drums have not the same pictures
upon them, I have three very different; one, which is here set down,
marked by the letter B. They are described differently by _Tornæus_, in
w^{ch} the figures are distinguished so as to refer to several places,
of which there are chiefly three. In the first stands _Norland_, and
other Countries of _Sweden_, which are placed on the South side of
the drum, and are separated by a line from the rest; in this also is
contained the next great City, where they trafic most; as in the drums
made at _Torne_, or _Kiemi_, there is drawn the City _Torne_, with the
Temple, Priest, and Governour of the _Laplanders_, and many others with
whom they have any concerns: as also the highway that lies betwixt them
and _Torne_, by which they discover when their Priest, or Governour
will come; besides other affairs managed in those parts. On the North
part, _Norway_ is described with all that is contained in it. In the
middle of these two stands _Lapland_, this takes up the greatest part
of the drum: in it are the several sorts of beasts that are in the
Countrey, here they picture herds of Rain-dears, Bears, Foxes, Wolves,
and all manner of wild beasts, to signifie when, and in what place
they may find them. If a tame Rain-dear be lost, how they may get him
againe. Whether the Rain-deers young ones will live. Whether their net
fishing will be successfull. If sick men will recover, or not. Whether
women great with child shall have a safe delivery. Or such, or such a
man will die of such a distemper, or by what other; and other things
of the like nature which they are desirous to know. I cannot give an
account of the reason for this difference in the drums, unless it is
that some of them are made for more malicious designs, others again
for each man’s private purpose. Upon this account I believe, according
to the nature of the business they intend, they add, and blot out,
and sometimes wholly change the figures. But that you may the better
understand the diversity of the drums, here are two represented to you,
both which I had out of the Study of the Chancellour of the Kingdom.

[Illustration: The explication of the Figures.

 In the Drum C. _a_ denotes _Birds_. b _black Foxes_. c _Tinur_, a God.
 d _Thor_, a God. e _Thors hammer_. f _Storjunkare_. g _a wooden Idol_.
 h _his Servant_. i _a Star_. k _an Ox_. l _a Goat_. m _a Star_. n _the
 Moon_. o _the Sun_. p _a Star_. q _another Star_. r _a Wolf_.]

The two greater Figures represent, one the upper, the other the lower
side of the Drum, and so do also the two lesser.

Besides these two drums, I had also a third given me by the same Lord
of as great a size as any that can be usually met with.


To these I add a fourth, given me by the Illustrious Baron Lieutenant
_Henry Flemming_, mark’t with the letter F.


Now there are two things required to fit the drum for use, an Index
and a Hammer, that shews among the pictures the thing they enquire
after, with this they beat the drum. The Index is the bunch of brazen
rings mentioned before. They first place one great ring upon the
drum, then they hang severall small ones upon that; the shape of the
Index’s is very different, for of these I have one made of copper,
of the bigness of a _Dollar_, with a square hole in the middle,
several small chains hanging about it instead of rings. Another hath
an Alchymy ring, on which a small round plate of copper is hung by
little chains. I have seen another also of bone, in the shape of the
Greek Δ, with rings about it; and others of a quite different make. I
have described mine under the drums A, and B, by the mark G; but the
common sort of rings are of copper, and those upon the Chancellors
drums are altogether such. Some writers call these rings serpents,
or brazen frogs, and toads, not that they resemble them, but because
by them they signifie these creature, whose pictures they often use
in their conjuring, as supposing them very grateful and acceptable
to the Devil. The _Laplanders_ call the Index _Arpa_, or _Quobdas_;
and make it indifferently of any sort of metal. The hammer they use
in raising their familiars, is not the Smith’s; which was the errour
of him that drew it in _Olaus Magn._ but is an instrument belonging
only to the _Laplanders_, and called by a peculiar name by them: it is
made of a Rain-deers horn, branching like a fork, this is the head of
the hammer, the other part serves for the handle. The instrument is
placed under the two drums A. B. with the letter H, with the hammer
they beat the drum, not so much to make a noise, as by the drumming to
move the ring lying on the skin, so as to pass over the pictures, and
shew what they sought after. This is the description of the drum, with
all its necessaries as it is used by the _Laplanders_ that are subject
to the _Swedes_; the _Finlappers_ also that are under the Crown of
_Danemarke_, make use of drums something different in fashion from the
former; yet however the difference is so small, that I believe their
drums are not of a different kind from ours, but made only for some
particular uses. I shall give an account of one of those, described in
_Wormius_’s Study, who saies that “the _Laplanders_ drum, which they
use in their magic, and by beating which they discover those things
they desired, is made of an oval piece of wood hollowed, in length a
foot, in breadth ten inches; in this they make six holes, and put a
handle to it, that they may hold in the left hand, whilst they beat it
with the other; upon it they stretch over a skin, painted with diverse
rude figures, drawn with blood, or red; upon this lies a piece of
brass, in the shape of a Rhomboides, somewhat convexe, about two inches
in diameter, in the middle of this, and at each corner hangs a small
chain. The instrument, with which they beat the drum, is of bone, six
inches long, about the thickness of a little finger, and made much like
the Latine T.”

This instrument the _Laplanders_ use for diverse designs, and are of
opinion that whatever they do it is don by the help of this. For this
reason they have it in great esteem and reverence, taking such care
in securing it, that they wrap it with the Index, and hammer, up in a
Lambskin, and for its greater safety, lay it in some private place.
But I think it an errour, to suppose them to lay it in a Lambskin: for
it is written in some places _Loomskin_, which signifies the skin of
a bird that lives altogether in the water. They think it so sacred,
and holy, that they suffer no maid that is marriageable to touch it;
and if they remove it from place to place, they carry it the last of
all, and this must be don too only by men; or else they go with it
thro some untrod way, that no body may either meet or follow them. The
reason they give for their great care in this particular, is, because
they believe if any one, especially a maid that is marriageable, should
follow the same way, they would in three daies time at least fall into
some desperate disease, and commonly without any hopes of recovery.
This they seem to verifie by many examples, that we may give the more
credit to it; and we have the less reason to doubt the truth of this,
since the devil severely commands his worship to be observed, and
suffers not those rites and customs he hath imposed to be violated, so
long as God is pleased to grant him this liberty. Now because it may
happen sometimes that a woman may out of necessity be constrained to go
that way, by which the drum hath bin carried, the devil is so favorable
as to permit it without any danger, upon condition she first offers a
brazen ring to the drum.


In the next place, because they believe they can effect very strange
things by the drum, we will shew what they are, and the manner used
to perform them. These are three, belonging either to their hunting,
their sacred affairs, or lastly the enquiring into things far distant.
I find four chiefly mentioned by another Writer, the first is, the
knowing the state of affairs in forreign Countries. The second, what
success their designs in hand will meet. With the third, how to cure
diseases. The fourth, what Sacrifices their Gods will be pleased to
accept, and what beast each God desires or dislikes most. As to the way
in making enquiries, it is not the same among all these artists. But
the great thing they generally observe, is, to stretch the skin very
stiff, which is don by holding it to the fire. The next is, that they
beat not altogether in the same place, but round about the Index; then
that they beat softly at first, presently quicker, and continue this
till they have effected their intent. The drummer first lifts up the
drum by degrees, then beats softly about the Index, till it begins to
stirr, and when it is removed some distance from its first place to
either side, he strikes harder, till the Index points at something,
from whence he may collect what he sought for. They take care also
that as well he that beats the drum, as those that are present at the
ceremony, should be upon their knees. As to the occasions of their
beating thus, the later of those is already discoursed of. Now we
proceed to the rest, the first of which is concerning their enquiries
into things acted in remote parts. Those who desire to know the
condition of their friends, or affairs abroad, whether distant five
hundred, or a thousand miles, go to some _Laplander_, or _Finlander_
skilfull in this art, and present him with a linen garment, or piece
of silver, as his reward, for satisfying them in their demands. An
example of this nature is to be seen upon record, at _Bergen_, a famous
Market Town in _Norway_, where the effects of the German Merchants are
registred; in this place there was one _John Delling_, Factor then to
a _German_, to whom a certain _Finlapper_ of _Norway_ came with _James
Samaousuend_: of him _John Delling_ enquired about his Master then
in _Germany_; the _Finlapper_ readily consenting to tell him, like a
drunken man presently made a great bawling, then reeling and dancing
about several times in a circle, fell at last upon the ground, lying
there sometime as if he were dead, then starting up on a suddain,
related to him all things concerning his Master, which were afterwards
found to agree to what he reported. There are many more instances of
this kind: the most considerable, is one concerning a _Laplander_, now
living, who gave _Tornæus_ an account of the Journey he first made to
_Lapland_, tho he had never seen him before that time; which, altho it
was true, _Tornæus_ dissembled to him, least he might glory too much in
his devilish practises, and rely upon them, as the only means whereby
he might attain to truth. The autority of this man is so considerable,
that it may gain credit enough to the Story. As to the method taken
in making discoveries, it is very different. _Olaus Magn._ describes
it thus, the drummer goes into some private room, accompanied by one
single person, besides his wife, and by beating the drum moves the
Index about, muttering at the same time several charms, then presently
he falls into an extasie, and lies for a short time as if dead; in
the mean while his companion takes great care, that no gnat, flie, or
other living creature touch him; for his Soul is carried by some ill
_Genius_ into a forreign Countrey, from whence it is brought back with
a knife, ring, or some other token, of his knowledg, of what is done
in those parts; after this rising up, he relates all the circumstances
belonging to the business that was enquired after; and that they may
seem certainly so, he shews what he hath brought from thence. _Petr.
Claud._ makes no mention either of the drum, charms, company, or those
things he brings with him; but saies he casts himself upon the ground,
grows black in the face, lying as if dead for an hour or two; according
as the distance of the place is, of which he makes enquiry; when he
awakes he gives a full account of all affairs there. It is clear from
what was said before, that they made use of a drum; and ’tis observed
that for this sort of conjuring the lower part of the drum, whereby
they hold it, was commonly shaped like a cross. One of this make was
given me by the Lord _Henry Flemming_, Colonel of a foot Regiment in
_Finland_, the Figure of it is in the page foregoing. They hang about
it several claws, and bones of the creatures they take. That several
persons also, as well men as women, are permitted to be present at this
ceremony, is asserted by _Sam. Rheen_ in his history, where he saies
that the drummer sings a song, called by them _Joiike_, and the men
and women that are present sing likewise, some in higher some in lower
notes, this they call _Duura_. Next as to the casting themselves on
the ground, there are various relations, some think them not really,
but only in appearance dead; others are apt to believe that the soul
departs from the body, and after its travell abroad, returns again.
But without doubt this is false, for is it impossible, for either man,
or devil, to restore the soul to the body it hath once left. So that I
believe the devil only stifles the faculties of the soul for a time,
and hinders their operations. Now after the drummer falls down, he
laies his drum as near as possibly on his head, in this posture.


Those in the mean time that are present, leave not off singing all the
time he lies sweating in this agony; which they do not only to put him
in mind, when he awakes, of the business he was to know; but also that
he might recover out of this trance, which he would never do, (as they
imagine) if they either ceased singing, or any one stirred him with
their hand or foot. This perhaps is the reason why they suffer no flie,
or any living creature to touch him; and it is upon this account only
that they watch him so diligently, and not out of any fear they have
least the devil should take away his body; which opinion of _Peucers_
is altogether false. It is uncertain how long they lye in this manner,
but it is commonly according as the place where they make their
discovery, is nearer or farther off; but the time never exceeds 24
houres, let the place be at never so great a distance. After he awakes
he shews them some tokens to confirm their belief in what he tells
them. This is the first and chiefest use they make of the drum.

The next is, how to know the event of their own concerns, and what
success their hunting will have, or any other business which they
undertake, for they seldom venture on any thing, without first
consulting that. In order to the knowing this, they place the bunch of
rings on the picture of the Sun in the drum; then they beat, singing at
the same time; if the rings go round towards the right hand, according
to the Suns course they promise to themselves good health, fortune,
and great encrease both of men and beasts; if contrary, towards the
left, they expect sickness and all the evils attending on ill success.
We may easily ground this opinion of theirs upon the other mentioned
above, where they believe the Sun the only Author of all productions.
Wherefore when the Index moves according to his motion, it portends
prosperity by following his course, from whom they expect all the good
they receive. This is the way they take in all their more weighty
affairs, as in a journey, hunting, removing their habitations, or any
such like thing, of which something before, and more hereafter. Before
they hunt they make particular observation which way the Index turns,
whether East, West, North, or South; and collect from thence where
their game lies. Other things for which the drum is serviceable, are,
first, the discovering the nature of diseases, whether they arise from
any disorder in the body, or are caused by magic; this being known,
then to find the remedy for them, which is commonly by sacrifice to one
or other of their angry Gods, but chiefly to _Storjunkar_, who bears
greatest autority among them, and if not appeased, leaves them small
hopes of recovery. Wherefore the sick person vows a sacrifice, either
of a Rain-deer, Bull, Goat, or Ram, or something of this kind to one
of the _Storiunkars_, that stands upon the mountains. The sacrifice is
not left to the disposal of the sick man, but must be made according
to the directions of the drummer; for he is supposed to be the only
man able to advise them in this case, he first discovers which of the
Gods is displeased, and what sort of sacrifice is most acceptable to
him, for they refuse several, and the same also at several times.
But before the drummer appeases their Gods, they give him a copper
and a silver ring, putting them on his right arm, then he begins a
song, and beats the drum, and all that are present joyn with him in a
_Chorus_; after this according to the place, to which the Index points,
he directs them. These are the things commonly done by the drum. The
last thing for which they think it necessary, is, the accomplishing
their wicked designs, as impairing mens health, or depriving them of
their lives; which is frequently enough practised among them, tho not
altogether so publicly as heretofore. Some of them account this only
unlawful, and exclude themselves out of the number of those, which use
it, thinking the other uses of the drum to consist chiefly in doing
good. But however this mischievous Art continues still too much among
them. Several inhabitants of _Kiema_ in _Lapland_ were apprehended in
the year 1671, with drums, for this purpose so large, that they could
not be removed from thence, but were burnt in the place. Among those
_Laplanders_ there was one four score years of age, that confessed
he was bred up in this art from his childhood, who in 1670 upon some
quarrell about a pair of mittens, caused a Boar of _Kiema_ to be
drowned in a Cataract, for which he was condemned to die, and in order
to that was to be carried in chains to the next town in _Bothnia_,
but in the journy he contrived so by his art, that on a suddain, tho
he seemed well, and lusty, he died on the sledge, which he had often
foretold he would sooner do, then fall into the Executioners hands.
As to the ceremonies used in this particular, either in their words,
gesture, or any other thing, I can give no account, finding none in
those writings, from whence I collected the rest. The reason for this,
I suppose, is, because they themselves keep this secret, as the great
mystery in their art; or that no one would enquire into them, least
they should be thought guilty of this damnable sin.

Having treated largely of the drum, we come to the other parts of this
art, to which also belong proper sorts of instruments: the first is
a cord tied with knots for the raising of wind. They, as _Zeiglers_
relates it, tye three magical knots in this cord; when they untie
the first, there blows a favorable gale of wind; when the second, a
brisket; when the third, the Sea and wind grow mighty stormy, and
tempestuous. This, that we have reported concerning the _Laplanders_,
is by _Olaus Magnus_, and justly, related of the _Finlanders_, who
border on the Sea, and sell winds to those Merchants that trafic with
them, when they are at any time detained by a contrary one. The manner
is thus, they deliver a small rope with three knots upon it, with this
caution, that when they loose the first, they shall have a good wind,
if the second, a stronger, if the third, such a storm will arise, that
they can neither see how to direct the ship, and avoid rocks, or so
much as stand upon the decks, or handle the tackling. No other Writers
mention this concerning the _Laplanders_, and I am apt not to think it
at all probable, since they live in an inland Country, bordering no
where upon the Sea. Wherefore this properly belongs to the _Finlappers_
in _Norway_. Now those that are skilled in this art, have command
chiefly over the winds that blew at their birth; so that this wind
obeys principally one man, that another, as if they obtained this power
when they first received their breath; now as this belongs chiefly to
the _Finlappers_ and _Finlanders_ of _Norway_, so doth the stopping of
the course of ships, which is altogether of the same nature. This is
also attributed to the _Laplanders_, who according to the different
affection they have for Merchants, make the Sea either calmer, or more

We come now to their magical Darts, which they make of lead, in length
about a finger; by these they execute their revenge upon their enemies,
and according to the greatness of the injury received, they wound
them with cankrous swellings, either in the arms, or legs, which by
the extremity of its pain, kills them in three daies time. They shoot
these darts to what distance they please, and that so right too,
that they seldom miss their aim. _Olaus Magnus_ reports the same in
his writings, which I believe is only a transcript of _Zeigler_’s,
the words being the same, and without doubt he follows him in this
particular as he hath in many others. But I suppose they are both
mistaken, and misrender’d them leaden darts, since I can find no
person in these times that knows of any such; neither is there any
mention made of them in any other writers, or by the common People,
who seldom omit such circumstances as these in their relations. But
they might perhaps be mistaken in supposing them to be made of lead,
by misunderstanding the word _Skott_, which is commonly used for their
explanation. For when either man or beast is suddainly taken with a
disease, by which their strength fails, and they immediately perish;
the common People call this that takes them so _Skott_, that is a dart.
This might make _Zeigler_ think to be really some dart, which the
inhabitants are wholly ignorant of, and most among us believe these
things to be effected by some other means. _Petrus Claudius_ calls it
a _Gan_, which they send abroad: he likens it to a flie, but saies it
is some little devil, of which the _Finlanders_ in _Norway_ that excell
most in this art, keep great numbers in a leathern bag, and dispatch
daily some of them abroad. Of these he relates a story, that happened
in his time: an Inhabitant of _Helieland_, who is still alive, going
towards the mountains in _Norway_ to hunt Bears, came to a cave under
the side of a hill, where he found an image rudely shapen, which was
the Idoll of some _Finlander_; near this stood a _Ganeska_, or magical
satchel: he opened this, and found in it several blewish flies crawling
about, which they call _Gans_, or spirits, and are daily sent out
by the _Finlanders_ to execute their devilish designs. But he seems
to intimate no more by this word _Gan_, then that very thing which
endangers mens health, and lives. For he saies that these _Finlanders_
cannot live peaceably, except they let out of their _Ganeska_ or
_Gankiid_, which is the satchel, every day one of the _Gans_, that is
a fly or devil. But if the _Gan_ can find no man to destroy, after
they have sent him out, which they seldom do upon no account at all,
then he roves about at a venture, and destroies the first thing he
meets with; sometimes they command it out to the mountains, to cleave
rocks asunder: however these conjurers will, for very trivial causes,
send out their _Gan_ to ruine men. This word _Gan_ signifies no more
then what _Zeigler_ meant by his dart, for the term by which they
express its going out is _de Skiuda deris Gan_, that is, he as it were
shoots out his _Gan_ like an arrow, for _Skiuda_ is only proper to the
shooting out of an arrow.

This is the third thing belonging to their magic, which they use as
well against one another as strangers; nay sometimes against those that
they know are their equals in the art. Of this kind there happened
a notable passage betwixt two _Finlanders_, one of which was called
_Asbioern Gankonge_, from his great knowledge in the art, the other
upon some small difference concerning their skill, or some such trifle,
would have destroyed _Asbioern_, but was still prevented by his too
powerfull art, till at last finding an opportunity, as _Asbioern_ lay
sleeping under a rock, he immediately dispatcht away a _Gan_, that
cleft the rock asunder, and tumbled it upon him. This happened in the
time of _Petrus Claud._ not long before he wrote his History. Some of
the Conjurers are contented only with the power to expell that _Gan_
out of men, or beasts, which others send. This is remarkable among
them, that they can hurt no man with their _Gan_, except they first
know his parents name.

Now all that the _Finlanders_ and _Finlappers_ of _Norway_ effect by
their _Gan_, the _Laplanders_ do by a thing they call _Tyre_. This
_Tyre_ is a round ball, about the bigness of a wallnut, or small apple,
made of the finest hair of a beast, or else of moss, very smooth, and
so light that it seems hollow, its colour is a mixture of yellow,
green, and ash, but so that the yellow may appear most. I had one of
these given me by M^r _John Otto Silverstroem_, Warden of the Colledge
belonging to the metals, and Master of the Mines at _Saltzburg_ and
_Frahlune_. This is the figure of it.


This _Tyre_ they say is quickened and moved by a particular art; it
is sold by the _Laplanders_, so that he that buies it may hurt whom
he pleases with it. They do perswade themselves, and others, that by
the _Tyre_ they can send, either Serpents, Toads, Mice, or what they
please into any man, to make his torment the greater. It goes like a
whirlewind, and as swift as an arrow, and destroies the first man,
or beast, that it lights on, so that it often mistakes. Of these we
have too many instances in this time, which are too long to insert
here: having therefore done with all, or at least the chiefest matters
concerning their sacred, and superstitious rites, or worship; we
proceed to other affairs.


_Of the Government of the_ Laplanders.

We come now to their secular affairs, which are either public or
private: we will treat first of the public, to which belong the form
and constitution of their Government. This in former times, before they
were named _Laplanders_, was in this manner; they were subject to no
neighbouring Country, but were governed among themselves yet so as to
be subject to a King, they chose out of their own Nation. Most of them,
or at least those which bordered on _Norway_, and dwelt near the Sea,
were under this kind of Government, in the time of _Harauld Harfager_
King of _Norway_, cotemporary with _Ericus_ the Conqueror, King of the
_Swedes_, this was 900 years after Christ; he conquered the greatest
part of _Norway_, except these _Finlanders_. The King that reigned over
them at that time, was named _Mottle_. This account was questionless
taken from _Haralds_ expedition into _Biarmia_, and his ruining all
that Countrey, except the part belonging to these _Finlanders_. In
those times the name of _Laplanders_ was neither used, nor known, as I
have shewn elsewhere, but they retained that of their ancestours, which
was also common to all of the same extraction.

Their condition was not much altered, after that they took this name;
which was when they first sent out Colonies into the inland Countries,
on the farther part of the mountains, which divide _Swedland_ from
_Norway_. For they that went out had certainly some Leader, whom
without doubt they chose for King, after they had taken possession
of those Countries; and I believe they would scarcely submit to
any other power whilst that he was living; and this seems the more
probable, because no one in those daies would undertake the conquest
of a company of poor beggarly fugitives, who dwelt among Woods and
Deserts, in continual snow and the greatest extremity of cold. This
was the _Moscovites_ opinion of them, who tho they dwelt near them,
scarcely knew their nature and disposition, and thought it madness to
set upon them with a small party, and an adventure of little profit,
and less honour to raise an Army against a Country already distressed
by poverty. For this reason the _Laplanders_ enjoied their own customs
for a long time. The first King of _Sweden_ that had any thoughts of
conquering them was _Ladulaus_ the great, who florished about the year
1277, who because it seemed difficult to bring them under the Crown
of _Sweden_, promised those that would undertake the conquest, the
government over them. He thought it too expensive to make a public
war upon them, when they were to be dealt with as wild beasts; yet
however could not endure that a neighbouring People, dwelling almost
in the heart of his Country, for they possessed at that time as far
as the Bay of _Bothnia_, should refuse obedience to his Kingdom.
Wherefore he thought upon the before mentioned project, and proposed
great advantages to private persons, upon which the _Birkarli_, their
neighbours, readily engaged themselves, and effected their enterprize
no less successfully. In this design, the plot of a particular person
was most remarkable, as is related by _Ericus_, and recorded by _John
Buræus_. One single man of the _Birkarli_ went towards _Lapland_
to way-lay the _Laplanders_ in their return from _Birkala_, (at
this time no one inhabited on the North side of that allotment) and
ordered his wife to cover him over with snow, in the middle of the
way where the _Laplanders_ must necessarily pass over him. They came
in the night time, and by their passing over him he knew there were
fifteen, which were the chief among them, and to whom the rest were
in subjection; when they were gone, he immediately arose out of the
snow, and going some shorter way, set upon them at unawares, as they
passed by, one by one, which is their usual way in travelling, and
slew them one after another. None of those that followed perceived
the first men slain, it being in the night time, and each of them at
some distance from the others; till the last man finding his fellows
killed, made a stout resistance, but the _Birkarla_ by the assistance
of his wife got the victory, and slew him likewise. Thus the most
powerfull of them being slain, the rest readily submitted. Some think
the _Birkarli_ deluded them by a pretended truce, and that before
it was expired, they assaulted them, not suspecting then the least
danger, and killing several, subdued the Countrey, as far as the
Northern and Western Oceans. We may easily collect from the truce
mentioned here, that before their subjection to the _Swedes_ by the
_Birkarli_, there was some kind of war betwixt both: besides, it was
shewn above, that _Ladulaus_ could not bring them under his Crown.
This perhaps may be _Zeiglers_ meaning, when he describes them as a
warlike People, and free for a great time, that they also withstood
the Arms of _Norway_ and _Sweden_, till they were forced at last to
yeild; but what _Zeigler_ imputes to their valour, proceeded only
from the contemt they were then in, as is plain from the opinion the
_Moscovites_ gave of them. And there is little reason to suppose the
_Swedes_ were not of the same, since they were overcome only by the
allotment of _Birkala_; and _Ladulaus_ did not conquer them out of
any fear he conceived of their forces, but by sleight, foreseeing the
small advantages he should receive would not quit the charges of an
Army. Thus the _Laplanders_ were brought in subjection by the subtilty
and expence of private persons. About the year of our Saviour 1277,
the _Birkarli_ had the autority over them; yet so as to acknowledg
their dependance on the King of _Sweden_. Now whether all of them were
thus overcome, as those that lived beyond the mountains of _Norway_,
near the Sea, which are the _Finlanders_, or _Lappofinni_, is still
in doubt, except we collect it from this, that all from the Northern
and Western Oceans were certainly subjected. But whatever dispute
may arise concerning that, it is manifest the _Swedes_ were the
first Conquerours of _Lapland_, but afterwards the _Norwegians_ and
_Moscovites_ following their example, put in also for a part; thus they
became subject to these three severall Princes. But to pass by the
others, the _Swedes_ enjoyed, for some former ages, half the dominions
from _Tidisfiorden_ to _Walangar_, over the _Lappofinni_, or maritime
_Finlanders_. This was given by _Charles_ the IX, in his instructions
to his Embassadors, sent to the King of _Danemark_, wherein he made
it appear that the _Swedes_ had from former times, till then, enjoied
half the rights, both sacred and civill, whether as to tributes,
punishments, men, or fisherie, with the Crowns of _Danemark_ and
_Norway_. But the _Swedes_ kept only a third part from _Malanger_ to
_Waranger_, those of _Norway_ and _Moscovy_ laying claim to the other
two, till in the year 1595, the _Moscovites_, by a League, delivered
up their part, but the _Swedes_ alwaies possessed the mountainous
and more neighbouring places from _Ladulaus_’s time, for near four
hundred years, and exercised their autority over them. The Government
after the conquest was in the hands of the _Birkarli_, according to
the grant given them by _Ladulaus_, who ruled over those that dwelt
near the Bay of _Bothnia_, imposed taxes, trafficked with them, and
received all the profit of the Salmon fishing, and all other advantages
arising from them; but in acknowledgement to the King, as Supreme,
they paid a certain number of gray Squirrils skins. The _Laplanders_,
by common consent, received and honored the _Bergchara_, that is men
of the mountains, or _Birkarli_, as their Governours, and paid them
very rich skins, and severall sorts of fish, both for their tribute to
the King of _Sweden_, and their own proper uses. Neither were there
any other commissioned by the King in those times to govern them, as
will appear afterwards. He, that was their Governor was honored by
them with the title of King, his autority was confirmed by the Crown
of _Sweden_, he wore a red robe, as the token of his Roialty; now
from this sort of garment, by which the _Birkarli_ were distinguished
from others, it is evident they were the first rulers in those parts;
and perhaps only one governed them, whilst they dwelt near the Bay
of _Bothnia_, but when they enlarged their possessions farther into
the Land, and were divided into severall Counties, each division had
its particular Governor. And that it was so, is manifested from the
Letters of _Gustavus_ the first, where he divides the _Birkarli_ into
_Luhlians_, _Pythians_, and _Tornians_, over which accordingly there
were severall Governors. It may perhaps now be a dispute, who these
_Birkarli_ were, by whom the _Swedes_ subdued _Lapland_; _Buræus_ saies
they were the Inhabitants of the allotment, of _Birkala_, but _Olaus
Magnus_ is of a different opinion, and calls them _Bergchara_, that is,
men of the mountains, from _Berga_ mountain, and _Charar_ or _Karar_
men. What grounds he hath for this, he neither declares, nor can I
easily imagine. But I think them so small that they will find little
credit any where; for from whence, or from what mountains should they
be thus called? not from those of _Norway_, when at that time no body
inhabited there; neither are there any other mountains besides these,
from whence they should take this name: moreover, the _Birkarli_ were
subjects to the _Swedes_, and conversed commonly with the _Laplanders_.
The public records also contradict this opinion, for in them there
is no mention of _Bergcharli_, but _Birkarleboa_. It is yet clearer
also from the Letters of _Cnute Joanson_, written in Latine, in the
year 1318, where he saies in the Parliament held at _Telge_, betwixt
the _Helsingers_ and _Birkarleboa_ in his presence, there was issued
out this Placart, _&c._ This serves to confute _Olaus_. It is more
evident that they came from _Birkala_, an allotment in _Tavastia_, and
described in the Mapps. Next, as to _Gustavus_ the first mentioning
the _Birkarli_, in the foresaid Letters, as belonging to severall
marches, _viz._ _Luhla_, _Pitha_, and _Torna_ it was upon this account:
the _Birkarli_ that descended from those of _Tavastia_, were placed in
these severall Towns to govern the _Laplanders_, and because they only
had the priviledge of commerce with them, they were called Merchants.
They were used in the Summer to buy those commodities of the Merchants
that came to _Bothnia_, which were necessary for the _Laplanders_,
and in the Winter, when the Rivers and Lakes were frozen over, they
carried them up into the Countrey. This way of trafic was used by
all the Inhabitants of _Bothnia_, but perhaps only at first by one
allotment, which growing populous, severall of the Inhabitants removed
farther into the Countrey, and retained the same priviledge that was
first granted by _Ladulaus_, _viz._ that no one, but they, should claim
any priviledges over the _Laplanders_, either as to the Government,
tribute, commerce, or any thing of this nature, which priviledges they
for a long time enjoied, as is confirmed by the Letters wrote by _Cnute
Joanson_, in the time of King _Smecke_, in which it was provided that
the _Birkarli_ should not be molested either in their passage to or
from the _Laplanders_. This priviledge they maintained till _Gustavus_
the first, who made a Contract with them at _Upsal_ on the 4^{th} of
_April_ 1528, concerning the yearly tribute they were to pay to the
Crown, for the great advantages they received from the _Laplanders_.
This tribute was only in respect of the priviledges the _Birkarli_
had from _Ladulaus_’s time till then, these were so largely granted,
that they setled them as hereditary upon their children, and none but
those descended from the _Birkarli_ could enjoy them. This _Gustavus_
also confirmed according to the former grants made to their ancestors,
but with this alteration that they should pay half as much more, as
they did formerly. This Government the _Birkarli_ exercised over the
_Laplanders_ which they got by subtility, had their autority from the
King of _Sweden_, preserved it in their own family, and delivered it
down to their children for near 300 years, till _Gustavus_ the first,
by reason of their insulting over the common People, deprived them
of this state; for when their riches encreased they oppressed the
poorer sort, and extorted so much from them that they left them very
little, but that which was worth nothing. Upon this, complaint was
made to _Gustavus_, who thereupon committed _Henricus Laurentii_ to
prison, and confiscated most of his estate, taking then the tribute
from the _Laplanders_ into his hands, and granted to all People free
trading with them. This _Henricus Laurentii_ was without doubt in that
time the head of the _Birkarli_, and I believe the brother of _David
Laurentii_, who, together with _Jonas Nicolas_, concluded the Treaty
with _Gustavus_ in the name of the _Birkarli_, in the year 1528, for
setling the tribute, and other affairs. From hence we may collect
they lost their priviledges, not long after this Contract; now it was
not only just to deprive them of those priviledges, which they abused
in oppressing others, but prudent, as well from the jealousy of too
great a power granted to private persons over so large and populous
a part of the Kingdome, as out of consideration of its wealth, which
was more necessary to the Kings, for driving out the common enemy,
ane establishing the Kingdomes liberty, then to maintain the pride
of the _Birkarli_, who besides their injustice, were inconsiderable
both in number and strength. _Gustavus_ the first having thus deposed
the _Birkarli_, sent Deputies to gather the tribute, and manage all
things in the Kings name; the Deputies are called by the _Swedes_,
_Lappfougder_, by the _Laplanders_, _Konunga Olmai_, that is the Kings
men; of these there is mention made in the patent granted by _Gustavus_
the first to M^r _Michael_, the first Priest in _Lapland_ in 1559, the
words are to this purpose, _We commend all the Inhabitants of_ Lapland,
_as well Deputies, as others_, &c. These had at first the charge of
all public affairs, as will appear in the following Chapter, as for
collecting taxes, as executing justice among them. But afterwards,
when _Charles_ the ninth divided the Countrey into several parts,
and formed it into better order, more were added to the former, for
examining causes, convicting of criminals, and other such like things,
till at last the state of Government was little different from what it
is now. Next under the King, they have a Provincial Judge called by
the _Swedes_, _Lagman_, under him one of the Senators, _Underlagman_,
next an Interpreter of the Laws, _Laglæsaren_, and divers others
which enquire into causes, and do justice; then they have a Governour
of the Province, _Landzhœfdingh_, a head over the _Laplanders_,
_Lappafougten_, their Officers who perform all other duties. In this
manner the _Laplanders_ are now governed by the _Swedes_.


_Of the Judicatures and Tributes of the_ Laplanders.

After the manner of their Government, and the discipline they live
under, we descend to those affairs that are managed by it; which
belong either to the Courts of Judicature, or to the Tribute. I can
scarce find any mention of the former. Their own Kings, when they were
a free Nation, exercised this autority, and kept the jurisdiction
in their own hands; but when the _Birkarli_ ruled them, it depended
altogether on their plesure. _Zeigler_ makes no mention of any Judges
among them, but saies that if any dispute happened that was dubious,
it was referred to the Courts in _Swedland_; I suppose he means the
more weighty controversies, which the _Birkarli_ could not, or did not
dare to decide. But these were very rare with them, for great crimes,
as theft, rapine, murder, adultery, or such like are seldom committed
and scarce known by the _Laplanders_. They neither borrow nor lend
mony, being content with what they possess of their own, which are
commonly the occasions of quarrels in other Nations, and maintain
so many Lawyers. The chief sin they are guilty of is their magical
superstition, which since their embracing Christianity, is forbidden
by the Laws, and is not so frequent as formerly. After that _Gustavus_
the first had deposed the _Birkarli_, and given them Governors of their
own, they lived under better discipline, and greater diligence was used
in seeing Justice done, but _Charles_ the ninth was the first that
took care to have them instructed in the Swedish Laws, and that they
should regulate themselves accordingly. This charge was given by the
same King in his instructions to _Laurentius Laurentii_, Governor of
_Lapland_, dated from _Stockholm_ on the 10^{th} of Oct. 1610, wherein
he commanded him to govern those of _Uma_, _Pitha_, and _Luhla_,
according to the Swedish Laws, and to protect them from all injuries.
There are at present in _Lapland_ three Governors, and as many Courts
of Judicature: the first is called _Anundsiœense_, or _Angermansian_,
the other _Uhmensian_, _Pithensian_ and _Luhlensian_, the other is the
_Tornensian_, and _Kiemensian_. Over these are particular Governors,
who in the Kings name pass Sentence, but in the presence of a Judge
and a Priest; where it is observable that they added Priests to the
Governors, to restrain them from doing injustice by the autority of
their presence. Now as to the time when these Courts were called, it is
a doubt, but I believe it was at the Fair times, when they met about
all public business; this was commonly twice in a year, _viz._ in
Winter and Summer, according to an order of _Charles_ the ninth’s. It
is now in _January_ and _February_. They were held in the same places
where they kept their Markets and Fairs, which were determined in each
particular County, as will appear by and by.

Now we come to the Tribute they paid, which at first was only skins
of beasts, paid not by the _Laplanders_, but the _Birkarli_, yet only
as an acknowledgement of their subjection to the Crown of _Sweden_.
_Buræus_ calls it _naogra timber graoskin_, _graoskin_ signifies gray
Squirrils skins, of which color the Squirrils were constantly in the
Winter; _timber_ denotes the number of the skins, which were fourty,
tied together in a bundle. It is uncertain how many of these bundles
the _Birkarli_ gave, but in the Contract with _Gustavus_ the first,
those of _Luhla_ and _Pitha_ were engaged to pay 8, which makes in
all 360 skins, besides two Martins skins. Those also of _Torne_ were
taxed with the same number; and shortly after this number was doubled,
by an agreement made in 1528. But after the _Birkarli_ had lost their
priviledges, for the forementioned reasons, and the King received
the tax by Commissioners for himself, it is very probable some more
alteration were made. In the year 1602 they paid instead of skins
every tenth Rain-deer, and one tenth of all their dried fish; which
is clear from the commands given by _Charles_ to his Deputies _Olaus
Burman_ and _Henry Benegtson_, at _Stockholm_ on the 22^d of _July_
in the same year, to require the tribute in this manner, that so the
_Laplanders_ might know what and how much they were to pay: for it
seems that from _Gustavus_ the first’s time, till then, the Governors
used no constant method in raising it, but sometimes demanded skins,
at other times other sorts of goods that seemed most necessary for
present use; so that by this uncertainty the tribute grew very heavy
upon the Inhabitants, and their Governors took occasion from it to
exact what they pleased under pretence of the public account, for their
own proper uses. Yet this custom continued not long, being thought
perhaps too burthensome to the _Laplanders_, and very prejudiciable to
their herds; wherefore it was ordered in 1606, that every one which
was then 17 years of age, should pay either two Bucks, or three Does
out of their herds of Rain-deers, and eight pound of dried fish; as
also every tenth Fawn out of their stock, and every tenth tun from
their fishery. This tax was also imposed on the _Birkarli_ that had any
trafic with them. This order was kept a long while, and renewed again
by the same King in 1610. The tribute they pay at this time is either
mony, Rain-deers, or skins, either plain or fitted up for use. These
they pay according to the largeness of the Provinces in which they
dwell, the largest of which, they say, are _een heel skatt_, that is,
they pay the full tribute; the lesser _een half skatt_, that is, half
tribute; and so likewise for the rest. He that possesseth a Province of
the whole tribute, pays two _Patacoons_, which they call _Skattadaler_,
and others that have lesser possessions and half tribute, give one
_Patacoon_; those which want mony, pay fish or skins, which are
commonly of Foxes or Squirrils, of these 50, of the others one with a
pair of _Lapland_ shoes, are equal to a _Patacoon_: two pounds also
of dry fish are of the same value; now to every pound of dried fish
they allow five over, because so much is commonly lost in the drying.
They call this pound with its addition _Skattpund_, that is the pound
for tribute. They value their Rain-deers at 3 Dollars a piece, and pay
the tenths of them, not each family, but every hundred. I have set the
prices down here, because if any one had rather keep his Cattel, he can
be forced to no more then after this rate. Now concerning the tenths
they pay of skins, every housholder is taxed one white Foxe’s skin, or
a pair of _Lapland_ shoes; if he hath neither of these, half a pound
of dried Jack. This is the Tribute yearly received by the Crown of
_Sweden_ from _Lapland_, of which the greatest part is commonly by the
Kings gracious favor allowed for the maintenance of their Priests, as
was shewn in another place. Now because it is so far both by Sea and
Land, before these commodities can be brought to the Kings Storehouses,
besides the ordinary tax they give a pair of _Lapland_ shoes, which
they call _Haxapalka_, that is the price for carriage. This is all they
pay to the King of _Sweden_, but besides they are tributary to the
Crown of _Danmark_, and the great Duke of _Moscovy_, not as Subjects
to these Princes, but upon the account of their receiving several
advantages from their Dominions in their hunting and fishing. Those
that are thus, are all the allotments of _Torna_ beyond the mountains,
who by reason of the liberty they have to bring down their Cattel
from the mountains into the vallies in the Summer time, near the Sea
shore, and taking the opportunity from thence of fishing, are taxed
by the _Danes_, but not at above half the rate that they pay to the
_Swedes_. These allotments are called _Koutokeine_, _Aujouara_, _Teno_,
and _Utziocki_. The _Laplanders_ also of the allotment of _Enare_ in
_Kiemi_, are in the same condition, who for fishing and hunting pay
both to the _Danes_ and _Moscovites_ as well as to the _Swedes_: to the
first one half, to the other a third part of what the _Swedes_ receive.
The tribute was in former time gathered when the Governor pleased, but
afterwards only in the Winter, against which time it was all brought
into Storehouses, each County having its proper place for that purpose.
But when the place for their Markets and Fairs was determined, the
Governor came thither and received it, which course they still take
in this business. That this was also the time for receiving it, will
appear from the account I shall give of their Fairs in the next Chapter.


_Of the_ Laplanders _Fairs, and Customs in Trading._

That we may not yet leave the Public concerns of the _Laplanders_, of
which we have treated, let us proceed in the next place to consider
their Fairs and common Markets, in which what Customs they anciently
used is not so well known. _Paulus Jovius_ saies that among the
_Laplanders_ he that had any thing to sell, after he had exposed his
Wares, went his way and left them, and that the Chapman coming, and
taking what was for his turn, left in the place the full value thereof
in white furrs or skins. The reason why they did not speak and bargain
with their Chapmen, he saies was, because they were a rustic People,
extreamly fearful, and ready to run away from the very sight of a ship,
or stranger. Others, that are of a more probable opinion, confess
indeed that they used no words in their trading, but that it was not
out of rusticity, want of cunning, or the like; but because they had
a language quite different from others, and so peculiar to themselves,
that they could neither understand, nor be understood of their
neighbours: so that it was rather the barbarism, and roughness of their
speech, then manners, that made them use this dumb way of traffiking.
But of their language we shall treat in its proper place.

Concerning their trading with their neighbours, it is most certain
that it was performed without words, by nods and silent gestures:
neither was it properly a buying and selling (for they did not of old
use either gold or silver) but rather an exchange of one commodity for
another. So that whereas _Zieglerus_ tells us they did _permutatione
& pecunia commercia agere_, we may justly doubt whether it be not
rather to be read _nec pecunia_, (unless happily he intend _pecunia_
in the primary sense, and hath more respect to the original of the
word, then to the acception now in use.) And truly this way of exchange
among them, in those ancient times, was no less then necessary; when
indeed, as well the neighbouring Countries, as the _Laplanders_ were
quite strangers to any current mony; and this we may understand from
the _Swedes_, among whom there were in those daies either no coins
at all; or else only such as had bin transported out of _England_
and _Scotland_, the use of the Mint being then utterly unknown in
that Country. And if at that time there was no mony in _Swedland_,
it is certainly no great wonder there should be none in _Lapland_.
But neither in after times, and when they were under the Jurisdiction
of the _Birkarli_, could the _Laplanders_ come to the use of mony;
for they that were Lords over them, monopolizing the whole trade to
themselves, did not give them mony for their commodities, but such
other merchandise, as their Country stood in need of. In fine to this
very day the _Laplanders_ know no other mony but the _Patacoon_ and
half _Patacoon_; other coins whether of copper, silver, or gold, they
do not so much value, which will give us to understand that the use of
mony among them cannot be of any long date, for the _Patacoon_ is but
of later daies, and was never known before the discovery of the Mine in
the Vale of _Joachim_.

These _Patacoons_ they value singly at 2 onces of silver a piece,
whence it appears that as they had no other mony, so neither did this
pass currant among them, but only by weight, and as if it were in the
Mass: and I beleive was not at all in use, untill they were forced to
pay tribute in that kind, of which I have discoursed before, and shewed
that it was but of late instituted. But what _Damianus_ means by his
_permutatione tantum annonam & pecuniam acquirunt_, we cannot so easily
guess; for we do not say that men barter and deal by exchange when
mony is paid for a commodity: for to what end should those People seek
after getting mony, which was in use neither among themselves nor their
neighbours; so that perhaps here also we ought to read _nec pecuniam_,
and then the sense runs, that they were not so sollicitous in getting
mony, as in providing the more necessary things of life: altho neither
is that true which he delivers of their provisions, as will appear from
what follows.

But whatsoever _Damianus_ means, it is most certain that in all their
commerce they did but exchange one thing for another; and that to this
day the same custom remains among them, who are now concern’d for no
more mony then what is sufficient to pay their tribute. Only if there
is any commodity among them of great and extraordinary value, that
indeed is to be bought with mony.

Their custom is now, not as formerly, to bargain by signs and nods,
but either they use speech, (for there are many of them now that
are skilled in that of their neighbours) or Interpreters, of which
there are plenty enough among them. They with whom they trafic are
for the most part their neighbours, on the one side the _Swedes_
and _Norwegians_, on the other the _Finlanders_, _Russians_, and
_Moscovites_. Neither was it otherwise in old times, unless when they
were under the power of the _Birkarli_, who endeavouring to get all the
trade into their own hands, did more narrowly watch those that were
nighest _Sweden_, that so they might exclude all but themselves from
trafficking in any part of _Lapland_. The power that we read was given
the _Birkarli_ over the _Laplanders_ by _Ladulaus_ the great King, I
suppose, chiefly consisted in this; for the other speciall rights and
priviledges, which they and their ancestors for a long time possessed,
_Gustavus_ the first hath set down, as I have in another place declared.

And this we may also gather from the prohibition of _Charles_ the
ninth, denying the _Birkarli_ the priviledge of trafficking in
_Lapland_, as they had formerly done. The words of the injunction
published in the year 1602 are to this purpose; _And we do utterly
forbid the_ Birkarli _any more to trade for skins or other commodities,
as they have formerly used_. Before this time therefore they were
either the only, or chief Merchants in _Lapland_, whither when they had
brought their merchandise, they went round the Country purchasing all
the skins they could, of which afterwards they made great sums of mony.
And this they continually did till the time of _Gustavus_ the first,
when that priviledge began to be denyed them; by which they were grown
so rich and powerfull, and what is the common consequent thereof, proud
and haughty.

But neither could _Gustavus_ provide against all their arts and
evasions; for tho he took from them all power over the _Laplanders_,
yet they being better skilled in the commodities of the Country and
constitution of the People then others, did still, tho not so openly,
keep correspondence and trafic with them, till in the year 1602, in
the time of _Charles_ the ninth, they were forbid by the forementioned
injunction, at any time, or in any place, to hold any commerce with
them, and the monopoly of all skins was annext to the Crown; a certain
rate being set at which they were to be sold. The words of the Edict
are thus: “Whatsoever skins are found in _Lapland_, we do command and
enjoyn our Governors to buy up for our use, according to the statute
and rate in that case provided.” And this was also again enforced in
the year 1610, only in this there was a clause inserted, that the
skins of _Elkes_ should be brought into the Kings tresury _gratis_.
The clause runs thus: “And we do command all _Laplanders_ in our name
to bring to our Governors all saleable skins, for which they shall
return the worth in other commodities, as is by statute provided; but
the skins of _Elkes_ they shall seize upon for our use, not giving any
consideration for them; if any man shall take this beast, it shall be
lawfull for him to keep the flesh for his own private use, but the skin
shall belong to Us and our Crown.” But their trading is now grown more
general, and they have of late years learned to deal more freely and
openly with other Nations; for they that dwell among the mountains
that divide _Norway_ and _Swedland_, deal both with the _Norwegians_
and _Swedes_, and they that live more Northerly and Easterly with the
_Russians_ and _Finlanders_.

But I come to the commodities themselves, which _Jovius_ saies are
only white skins, or furrs, called _Ermines_. _Zieglerus_ reckons
fishes also, of which they have so great draughts, that they are forced
to keep them in trunks and ponds till they can transport them into
_Northbothnia_ and _Russia alba_. But there are several other sorts
of skins, which _Olaus Magnus_ comprehends under a more general term,
and calls _pelles pretiosas_. _Sam. Rheen_ gives us this catalogue of
them, the commodities of the _Laplanders_ are, Raindeers, skins of
Raindeers, skins of black, yellow, blew, white Foxes; skins of Otters,
of _Gluttons_, or Badgers, of Martins, of Beavers, of Squirrils, of
Wolves, and of Bears, Laplandish garments, Boots, shoes, Gloves,
dried Pike, and Cheeses of Rain-deers. With these commodities the
_Laplanders_ traffic for Silver, Patacoons, Wollen and linnen Cloth,
Copper, Alchimy, Salt, Corn, Bulls hides, Sulphur, Needles and Pins,
Knives, Spirit of Wine, and which is more strange for Tobacco, of which
as I said before they are great admirers.

Upon all these things as was but now declared, there was a certain
rate set by _Charles_ the ninth, according to which they were to
be bought up for the use of the Crown; and the same custom is so
far yet observed, that to this very day, with whomsoever they deal,
they have a certain estimate, whereby they prize both their own and
others commodities: the proportion of which rates is according to the
Patacoon, or which is the same thing with them, 2 ounces of silver. For
example, an ordinary Rain-deer they value at 2 Patacoons, or 4 ounces
of silver, the skin of a wild Rain-deer at one Patacoon and 1/2, or 3
ounces of silver; the skin of a tame male Rain-deer at one Patacoon,
but if castrated, at 1/4 of a Patacoon, and if a female at 1/2. So
likewise an ordinary Fox skin is worth a Patacoon, 40 gray colored
Squirril skins are valued at the same price, which number of those
skins they call _timber_. The skin of a Martin at the same price, 3
white Fox skins at the same price, a Bears skin is worth 2 Patacoons,
and a Wolves skin as much, an ordinary Laplandish garment, which they
call _Mudd_, is worth 3 Patacoons, a pair of Boots half a Patacoon, and
4 pair of shoes, 4 pair of gloves, and one pound of dried Pike, each of
them are valued at the same price.

Now on the other side, of the commodities for which they traffic, an
ell of ordinary cloth, commonly called _Silesian_ or _Tangermyndense_,
they esteem at the rate of a Patacoon, or 2 ounces of silver; 3 pound
of Copper at the same rate, and one tunn of Corn at 2 Patacoons and
1/2, or 5 ounces of silver, 2 pound of Salt at 1/2 of a Patacoon, 10
yards of course cloth, such as we call _home-spun_, and they call
_Waldmar_, is worth a Patacoon, a Can of spirit of Wine half as much;
but if they chance to light upon any commodities of a lower price,
they value them by gray colored Squirril skins, proceeding from one
to 10, which number of skins they call _Artog_, and value at 1/4 of a
Patacoon, and these are the commodities that drive the trade between
the _Swede_ and _Laplander_. But to those of _Norway_ they carry all
sorts of coverlets, made of the skins of Rain-deers, also the beasts
themselves, their skins and cheeses, and the feathers of Birds;
moreover those things for which they trade with the _Swedes_, are
Copper and Alchimy vessels, ordinary cloth woven by the Swedish Boors,
these they change for Bulls, and Cows, whose milk they live on in the
Summer, and on their flesh in the Winter, also for Goats and Sheep,
out of whose skins they make themselves coverlets, for silver, for the
skins of black Foxes, and Otters, for woollen blankets, and for fish,
which they sell again to the _Swedes_, as Herrings, dried Codfish,
Skails, and such like. _Johannes Tornæus_ comprehends them in a shorter
catalogue, the _Laplanders_, saies he, traffic with those with _Norway_
and _Bothnia_, Subjects of the Crown of _Sweden_, for ordinary woollen
cloth, linnen cloth of both sorts, as well the finest as coursest, for
corn, bread, brass, iron, and all sorts of Country utensils. But above
all things it was their chiefest care to get beasts out of _Norway_,
which in the Autumn, they used to Sacrifice to their Idols.

Whether there were anciently any set places or times in which they
did trade, I cannot certainly pronounce, tho _Olaus Magnus_, Lib. 4.
Cap. 5. seems to affirm it, and saies, there were certain set places,
some in open fields, and some upon the Ice, in which they did every
year keep their Fairs, and exhibit to the public view what they had
by their own industry gained, either at home or abroad. But for all
this he proceeds not to tell us where those Fairs were kept, or where
those places were. And _Charles_ the ninth forbidding the _Birkarli_
continually, and at all times to make their circuits round the Country,
did nevertheless appoint certain times and places, in which, as at
public Fairs, all traffic should be free and open as well to them as
others. The words of the Edict published in the year 1602 I will give
you, which run thus: “Wherefore seeing we have forbidden the _Birkarli_
to trade in _Lapland_, according to their old custom, and in manner
aforesaid, We do will and command to be appointed two Fairs every year
in every Province, one in the Winter, the other in the Summer, as it
shall seem most convenient, and We do will and command our Governors to
take care that certain fit places be looked out, in which these Fairs
may be kept, and to appoint set times, at which most conveniently as
well all _Laplanders_, _Birkarlians_, _Moscovites_, as others, may resort
unto them. Furthermore our Will and pleasure is, that each Fair last
for two or three weeks, during which time, it shall be lawfull for
every one to make such bargains as may be most for his own profit.
And we do also command our Governors, that certain Boothes and Sheds
be provided after the most convenient manner.” Now by all this it may
appear that in former times there were no such things either observed
or known, seeing the King here speaks of them as first instituted by
him; neither indeed in the Edict it self doth he set down any certain
time or place, but names them only as things intended, and which he
leaves to the discretion of his Governors, which also _Andr. Buræus_
seems to intimate was performed, when he saies that when they were to
pay their tribute, they were at a certain time and in certain places
gathered together, as into a _Store-house_, where those Merchants, we
before called _Birkarli_, exhibited their wares. But now he also leaves
us in the dark as to a certainty either of time or place, so that it
may seem these Fairs and constitutions did not find so good success as
it was hoped they would, untill at length the Queen _Christina_ taking
the business into consideration, brought it to greater perfection.
There is an Edict of hers, published in the year 1640, in which two
Fairs are appointed, one at _Arfwisjerf_ in _January_, the other at
_Arieplog_ to be kept in _February_. The words are to this purpose:
“Furthermore We have given and granted, and by these presents do give
and grant 2 solemn Fairs, one at _Arfwisjerf_ on the Feast of the
Conversion of S. _Paul_, being the 25 of _Jan._ the other at _Arieplog_
on the Feast of the Purification of the B. V. _Mary_, being the 2^d
of _February_, each to be held for 3 daies, at which times it shall
be lawfull for the _Pithenses_ and all _Laplanders_ to exercise all
sorts of traffic, and these Fairs shall first be holden the next year
1641.” From this time they began to be more diligently observed, and
are kept upon those Feasts to this very day, for in all Provinces
there are every Spring 3 Fairs kept; the first in _Lapmarkia Umensis_
upon the Feast of the _Epiphany_, the 2^d in _Lapmarkia Luhlensis_
on the Conversion of S. _Paul_, the last in _Lapmarkia Pithensis_,
_Tornensis_, and _Kimensis_ on the Feast of the _Purification_. These
are the Fairs which _Christina_ instituted, only that in _Umensis_ I
beleive was observed from the time of _Charles_ the ninth, and the
rather because that _Lapmark_ is nighest _Swedland_. Into _Norway_
they resort and keep Fairs twice a year, the first at Midsummer on the
Feast of S. _John_, the other in the Autumn on the Feast of _Simon_ and
_Jude_, or _All-Saints_ day. And so much for the times and places of
their Fairs.

As for their way of dealing they were of old in all their bargains
very faithfull and just, tho _Damianus à Goes_ seems to note some
craftiness in them, and saies they were very cunning in all their
tradings. And _Sam. Rheen_ in plain terms call them cheats, and saies
they were so deceitful, that one that did not know all their tricks,
could hardly escape being over-reached by them. So that we may suppose
that as long as others dealt fairly with them, so long they were
trusty and faithfull, but in after times coming to learn how others
had served them, by understanding how they had been cheated formerly,
they themselves learned to deceive others. But of this we have spoken
before: and these thing may serve to give us some light into their
customs in trafficking.


_Of the Language of the_ Laplanders.

In the former Chapter we told you that the Language of the _Laplanders_
was such as did very much differ from that of their neighbours, our
next business shall be, as well as we can, to discover what it is.
Now whatsoever is received, used, commonly, and publikly spoken in
any Country, is certainly a Language, but of this of the _Laplanders_,
_Zieglerus_ in general observes only that it was peculiar to themselves,
and not understood by their neighbours. _Damianus_ speaks more plain,
and accuses them of barbarism and roughness of speech. Our modern
Writers say their speech is a confused miscellany of the Language of
their neighbours, and that it was called _Lingua Lapponica_, quasi
_corrasa_, _eet Lappatspraock_, and that it is made up of many other
Tongues, as of that of _Finlanders_ and _Swedes_, as for instance;
the _Laplanders_ say _stour_, the _Swedes_, _stoor_; the one _Salug_,
the other _saligh_. And that there are also some Latine words, as
_Porcus_, _Oriens_, &c. But tho these Writers suppose that they have
borrowed many words from their neighbours, yet they confess that much
of their Language is their own, and neither used, or known by any other
Naitons, but that as well the original of the words, as propriety of
the Phrases, is peculiar to themselves. Others suppose it took its
rise and was derived from _Finland_: and indeed it is confessed on all
hands that there are many words in both Languages that seem no great
strangers. So that there is little doubt but there are many words in
both Languages which very much agree, which any one that is a little
skilled in them must needs confess: and to make this more clear, I
shall here insert some words of both Languages not much unlike.

  God                          Jubmar _or_ Immel          Jumala
  Fire                         Tolle                      Tuli
  Day                          Paiwe                      Paiwa
  Night                        Ii                         Yœ
  A River                      Jocki                      _the same_
  A Lake                       Jaur                       Jarwi
  Ice                          Jenga                      Iææ
  a Hill                       Warra                      Wuori
  Wood                         Medz                       Medza
  the Eye                      Silmæ                      _the same_
  the Nose                     Niuna                      Nenæ
  the Arm                      Ketawerth                  Kasiwersi
  the Hand                     Kiætt                      Kæsi
  the Foot                     Ialk                       Ialka
  Cheese                       Iost                       Iuusto
  Bootes         _The          Sappad       _The          Saapas
  a Show          Laplanders   Kamath        Finlanders   Kamgett
  a Shed          call_        Kaote         say_         Koto
  an Arrow                     Niaola                     Nuoli
  Warr                         Tziaod                     Sotæ
  King                         Konnagas                   Cuningas
  Father                       Atkia                      Ajæ
  Mother                       Am                         Ama
  Brother                      Wellje                     Weli
  Wife                         Morswi                     Morsian
  Dog                          Piednax                    Peinika
  a Ferret                     Natæ                       Nætæ
  a Squirrill                  Orre                       Orawa
  a Bird                       Lodo                       Lindu
  a Fish                       Qwælie                     Cala
  a Salmon                     Losa                       Lobi
  a wild Pine tree.            Quaosa                     Cuusi.

These words I suppose may serve to declare the affinity that we said
was between the Language of the _Laplanders_ and _Finlanders_: and
because the words that I have set down, do not signify any forreign
commodities, but things natural, and such as are in use among all
People alike, I am given to beleive that the _Laplanders_ had not any
peculiar Language, which did wholy differ from that of _Finland_, but
that it took its original thence. For if, as some would have it, they
had any Language, they might properly call their own, why did they
not out of it, upon things of so common occurrence and ordinary use,
rather impose their own words, then such as no man could doubt were
taken from the _Finlanders_. No People certainly were ever guilty of
so much folly as to impose forreign names upon so common things, if
they had any Language of their own to express them in: as might be
at large demonstrated from the Languages of the _Germans_, ancient
_Gaules_, _Spaniards_, _Italians_, _Greeks_, &c. neither have we any
reason to count it a hard inference if we should from hence gather,
that the _Laplanders_ themselves sprung from the _Finlanders_. For
otherwise why should they have used any other Language then what they
received from their fore-Fathers. And this seems to be the argument
_Wexonius_ uses to prove the Language of the _Laplanders_ to have taken
its rise from the _Finlanders_, when from the original of the People he
infers the same of the Speech; for in this he intimates that to spring
from any Country, and to use the same Language, are very convertible
propositions. All which indeed seems to be no more then the truth.
But now some one may object that the opinion of those men that affirm
the Language of this Country to be primarily its own, could not be
destitute of all reason, and that they must necessarily have had some
probabilities whereon they grounded their opinion; and truly it cannot
be denied but that there are many words which do not any waies agree
with the Language of the _Finlanders_, as may appear from what follows,

  The Sun                     Beiwe                    Auringa
  Heaven                      Albme                    Taiwas
  Water                       Kietze                   Wesi
  Rain                        Abbræ                    Sade
  Snow                        Mota                     Lumi
  a Man                       Ulmugd                   Ihminen
  Gent. Man                   Albma                    Mies
  Woman                       Nissum                   Waimo
  Hair      _The Laplanders   Waopt   _The Finlanders_ Hiuxi
  the Mouth  call_            Nialbme                  Suu
  the Chin                    Kaig                     Leuca
  the Heart                   Waibmi                   Sydaon
  the Flesh                   Ogge                     Liha
  a Wolf                      Seibik                   Susi
  a Bear                      Muriel                   Karhu
  a Fox.                      Riemnes                  Kettu.

And the Difference between these and the like words without doubt
was that which gave occasion to some to think that anciently the
_Laplanders_ had a Speech peculiar to themselves, and quite different
from that of _Finland_, of which ancient Language these relicts did
remain, and for this they give this reason; that the _Laplanders_ were
forced to frame to themselves a new Language, for fear, least being
understood by their neighbours the _Finlanders_, they should fall into
their snares. So _Olaus Petri_ saies that often times they found spies
about their tents in the night, hearkning after their Councels, now
for this reason, according to the Policy of their Forefathers, flying
into the allotment of _Rengo_, in the Province of _Nolnense_, they
there agreed upon, and framed to themselves a Speech quite different
from that of _Finland_. So that there are very few words found to agree
in both Languages. Now by the Spies he there talks of, he understands
the _Finlanders_, who being driven out of their Country by _Matthias
Kurkius_ and the _Tavastians_, roved up and down, seeking where they
might most conveniently settle, as may appear from what goes before in
that place. Others think that these are the relicts of that Language
which they first brought into _Lapland_, which they suppose to be no
other but that of the _Tartars_. But how false this is, may appear
from the vast difference between those Tongues, in which there is not
one word that signifies the same thing in both Languages. And that you
may not think I say this without any reason, I will give you a few

  God                Allah                        Jubmel
  the Sun            Gynesch                      Beiwe
  Heaven             Gioech                       Alm
  Fire               Atasch                       Tulla
  Air                Jusger                       Biægga
  Water              Sauf                         Tziatz
  a Lake             Dannis                       Jauur
  Ice                Büüs                         Jenga
  the Earth          Ier _or_ toprak              Ænnam
  a Hill             Dagda                        Ware
  a Man              Adam                         Aolmaitz
  Hair               Sadsch                       Waopta
  the Eye            Gios                         Tzialme
  the Nose  _The     Burnum          _The         Nierune
  a Beard    Tartars Beichlar         Laplanders_ Sæmao
  an Arm     call_   Æhl                          Kiettawerdi
  a Hand             Cholun                       Kietta
  a Foot             Ajach                        Iwobge
  a Heart            Jurek                        Waimao
  a Bow              Jay                          Taugh
  an Arrow           Och                          Niæla
  Father             Babam                        Atziæ
  Mother             Anasse                       Ænnæ
  Brother            Cardasch                     Wiælæ
  Sister             Kiscardasche                 Aobbe
  a Wolf             Sirma                        Kurt
  a Bear             Ajuf                         Kwoptza
  a Fish             Balich                       Kwele.

And indeed there is as great incongruity in all the rest of the words
as in these, so that this opinion is not only foolish, but ridiculous.
And neither is the other, which pretends they framed a Language to
themselves, grounded upon any greater truth then this former. For
first why should they only have changed some words and not all? And
then these words which do agree in both Languages are not the names
of things less known, or not so ordinarily used, as other things, but
of such as were as common as life, light, or breathing: wherefore I
am clearly of the other opinion, and do beleive that these differing
words are as much Finnonick as any of the rest. But they who from the
difference of these words infer the independency of the Speeches, do
not at all consider that, then which there is nothing more common and
incident to Languages, _viz._ to be changed and altered according to
the times, and so much the more by how much the People have greater
commerce with other Nations. And this is plain from the example of the
_Islanders_ and _Norwegians_; for that the _Islanders_ sprung from the
_Norwegians_ is by the Histories of both Nations made so clear that
no man can doubt of it. But now the _Islanders_ use many words which
those of _Norway_ are quite ignorant of; and yet I hope no man will
thence say that the _Islanders_ have a Language wholly independent and
different from that of _Norway_: for the one living by themselves,
and having little or no dealings with other People, do to this day
keep entire the same Language which they first brought, and which
they received down from their ancestors: but it was quite otherwise
with the _Norwegians_, who together with their Empire lost also their
ancient Language. The same seems to be the case of the _Finlanders_,
who being brought under the Jurisdiction of others, and holding more
frequent commerce with their neighbours, lost much of their ancient
manner of speaking, which the _Laplanders_ on the contrary living a
more solitary life, it is probable, do still keep uncorrupt. Wherefore
it is no wonder if in their language we meet with many words, which
compared with those of the modern _Finlanders_, seem to have nothing
of likeness; tho happily one that is well skilled in the dialect and
propriety of the Finnonick Language, will find enough to make him
conjecture that there are many words which, as they are now used seem
quite different, yet are very agreeable in the original. And this is
likewise the common fate of other languages, as for example of the
_German_, in which a little too rashly the learned _Olaus Wormius_ in
his _literatura Runica_, as he calls it, Cap. 27, hath taken notice
of so great a difference. For in these daies not only _nach_, but
_effter_ is used, as may appear _affterred_, _afterdam_ &c. And so
likewise the _Germans_ use not only _Gesicht_, but also _Antlitz_; not
only _Verstand_, but _Vernunfft_; and as well _essen_, _anfangen_,
_Schuss_, _Alter_, _Gefængnus_, _auffthun_, _Bett_, _Dopff_, &c.
as, _As_, _beginnen_, _keimen_, _uralt_, _haffte_, _entdecken_,
_Lægerstad_, _locken_, in all which they agree with the ancient
_Germans_. In my opinion therefore the difference of a few words, is
not authority enough to prove that the _Laplanders_ in ancient times
had a peculiar language. But it shews rather that they are not all
of the same antiquity, but that some came from _Finland_ longer ago,
who brought those obsolete words with them, and some of later daies,
who now use the new; and this I think to be the best account of the
Language of the _Laplanders_. Of which this also is observable, that it
doth not in all places alike agree with it self, but hath its several
different Dialects, and is so various, that those that live in one
part of the Country, can scarce understand those of the other. There
are especially three Dialects, the first used by the _Umenses_ and
_Pithenses_ in the West, the 2^d by the _Luhlenses_ in the North, the
last by the _Tornenses_ and _Kimenses_ in the East. And the variety
of these Dialects was doubtless caused by the difference of times in
which they came into _Lapland_; some coming sooner, some later, some
settling in one part, some in another. Now of all these Dialect, there
is none more rough or unplesant then that of the _Luhlenses_, who as
well in their life and manners, as in their way of speaking, are far
the most rustick and clownish of all the _Laplanders_. But that you may
see what a disparity there is between these Dialects, I will set down
a few example: the _Pithenses_ say _Jubmel_, the _Tornenses_, _Immel_,
the _Pithenses_ say _Jocki_, _Warra_, _Olbmo_, _nisw_, _skaigki_,
_kiist_, _nissu_, _pardei_, _seibig_, _muriet_, _reppi_; for which the
_Tornenses_ put, _virte_, _taodar_, _almai_, _kab_, _kawtza_, _raopka_,
_kaap_, _alik_, _owre_, _kops_, _riemnes_. Now as the Language of the
_Laplanders_ is varied according to the diversity of the Territories
and Marches, just as it is in other Nations, particularly in _Germany_,
where the _Swavelanders_, _Saxons_, and _Belgians_, speak all different
tongues, so hath it this also common with other Countries, _viz._ that
the nigher the Territory tends to any other People, so much the more do
the Inhabitants participate of their Language; and so the _Tornenses_
and _Kimenses_, who border upon the _Finlanders_, do at this day use
very much of their speech: nay they go yet farther, and make it their
business to learn the Language of their Neighbours, so the _Tornenses_
and _Kimenses_ get the _Finnonik_, the _Luhlenses_, _Pithenses_, and
especially the _Umenses_ the Swedish Language, and that man that is
skilled in these Tongues hath not little conceit of himself, and is
indeed much esteemed among his neighbours. It is therefore no wonder
if there be many Swedish words, found among the _Laplanders_: for it
could not otherwise happen but that this People, who were supplied
by others in many things which they had not themselves, should with
Forreign commodities receive also and use Forreign names; and of this
I could give many instances, but it is not the business in hand. Now
of this kind we ought to esteem these words following; in _Lapland_,
_Salug_ signifies _blessed_, which the _Swedes_ call _Saligh_: _Niip_ a
knife, the _Swedes_ call it _kniif_; _Fiælo_, a rafter with the _Swedes_
_tilio_, and many more of the like nature. Of all which the R. and
learned _Johan. Tornæus_ gives this account, that the use of Forreign
words was introduced partly by necessity, and partly by conversing
with Strangers; and upon this account it is that they that converse
with the _Swedes_ do oftentimes use Swedish words. The like may be
said of those that deal with the _Finlanders_, and with the _Germans_
in _Norway_, and this is the reason why one and the same thing is
often called by divers appellations, as for example, the _Swedes_ call
a Horse _Hæst_, the _Finlanders_, _Hapoitz_, the _Germans_, _Ross_,
which also is the name the _Laplanders_ give the beast, for they having
no Horses of their own were forced to borrow a name from the Country
from whence they had them. Now what _Tornæus_ observes concerning
the word _Ross_, I beleive may be applyed also to the word _Porcus_,
which I suppose they had rather from the _Germans_ then _Latines_,
for the _Germans_ call a Barrow-Hog, _Bork_, now their Swine they had
all out of _Norway_, and it is very probable they did thence borrow
that appellation also. And not to trouble our selves any farther,
this will hold true in all the rest of that kind. Wherefore setting
apart other considerations, and looking upon this Language, not as
it contains in it forreign words, but only such as they alwaies used
within themselves, and were ever received among them, it remains that
we conclude it to be not a miscellany or collection of Latin, German,
Swedish scraps, and the like, neither as a peculiar speech, different
from them altogether, but such as originally took its rise from the
_Finlanders_, tho time hath brought it to pass that perhaps few of them
understand it.

This Tongue, as well as others, hath its Declensions, Comparisons,
Conjugations, Moods, Tenses, _&c._ and perhaps it may not be amiss if
I should here insert some examples: I will therefore first decline you
a Laplandish Noun, and afterwards give you the Finnonick Declension of
the same, that by comparing both you may better understand the parity
and disparity of these Languages. This Noun shall be _Immel_, for so
the _Tornenses_ call it, tho other say _Jubmel_, the _Finlanders_ terms
it _Jumala_, and it signifies _God_.

                Lappon.              |           Finlappon.
       _Singul._        _Plural._    |        _Singul._         _Plural._
  _N._  Immel.     _N._  Immeleck.   |   _N._  Jumala.     _N._  Jumalat.
  _G._  Immele.    _G._  Immeliig.   |   _G._  Jumalan.    _G._  Jumalden.
  _D._  Immela.    _D._  Immewoth.   |   _D._  Jumalalle.  _D._  Jumalille.
  _A._  Immel.     _A._  Immeliidh.  |   _A._  Jumalaa.    _A._  Jumalat.
  _V._  ô Immel.   _V._  ô Immæleck. |   _V._  Jumala.     _V._  ô Jumalat.
  _A._  Immelist.  _A._  Immæliie.   |   _A._  Jumalasta.  _A._  Jumalilda.

I will add one more Noun, that the case may be more clear, and that
shall be _Olmai_, which signifies a man.

      _Singul._          _Plural._
  _N._  Olmai.      _N._  Olmack.
  _G._  Olma.       _G._  Olmaig.
  _D._  Olmas.      _D._  Olmaid.
  _A._  Olma.       _A._  Olmaig.
  _V._  ô Olmai.    _V._  ô Olmack.
  _A._  Olmast.     _A._  Olmaija.

And after this manner it is in all the rest.

Adjectives have their terminations in comparison, as

  _Stoure_, great, _stourapo_, greater, _stouramus_, greatest.
  _Enach_, much, _enapo_, more, _enamus_, most.
  _Utze_, little, _utzapo_, less, _utzamus_, least.

The comparative for the most part ends in _po_, the Superlative in
_mus_. They have also their Articles, but seldom use them before Nouns,
as it also in other Tongues.

In the Masc. and the Fem. Gender the Article hath the same termination,
but differs in the Neuter; for _tott_ signifies _hic & hæc_, _towt_,

Their Pronouns are _mun_, I, _tun_, thou, _sun_, he, _mii_, we, _sii_,
you, _tack_, they. The Verbs also are conjugated in their Tenses, and
Persons, as in the Indicative mood thus, Sing. _Mun pworastan_ I love,
_tum pworastack_ thou lovest, _sun pworasta_. Plur. _Mii pworastop_ we
love, _sii pworost_ you love, _tack pwrost_. And after this manner do
they decline their other Verbs.

  Sing. _mun læm_ I am, _tun læck_, thou art, _suu lia_ he is.
  Plur. _mii læp_ we are, _sii læ_ you are, _tack læ_ they are.

These will serve to give us some light into the nature of this
Language, at least as much as is to our purpose, who did not undertake
to write a Grammar, but only give some small description.

Now the _Laplanders_ have a peculiar way of pronouncing words,
according to which it is impossible to express them in letters, for
they do mouth out all their words, so that the vowels might be heard
loud enough, but the other letters come very softly out; they do also
quite cut off and drown the last syllables, especially of Nouns.
Letters they neither have, nor ever had any, and in this they agree
with their ancestors the _Finlander_: the Calendar which they use, is
no other but the Swedish in _Runick_ letters. And this also, before
they came to have commerce with the _Swedes_, and had learned of them
the observation of Holy-daies, was never in use among them. _Johannes
Buræus_ tells us that he heard from persons of good credit, of certain
grave-stones and monuments, which had sometimes bin found in _Lapland_
(more whereof perhaps might be found) on which were engraved _Runick_
Characters. But suppose we this true, it is not, I hope, therefore
necessary that we should conclude that these were formerly the letters
of the _Laplanders_, to which indeed, as well themselves as their
forefathers the _Finlanders_ are equally Strangers. But we have more
reason to think that the _Swedes_ coming thither in ancient times,
either by force of arms, or otherwise, inhabited there abouts, and left
those stones. To this day both the _Laplander_ and _Finlander_ use the
Latine letters; in the same Character the _Swedes_ and _Germans_ make
them, altho the number of them that can read among them is but very
small, and of them that can write, a great deal less, and are only such
as they call great Scholars.

Now this Speech being only used among the _Laplanders_, and there
being none that desire to learn it but themselves, in all negotiations
with others, they are forced to use the help of Interpreters, of whom
upon this account there are great numbers, as I have formerly said:
tho these Interpreters speak all Languages, but the _Finnonick_, very
barbarously, which is also the fault of all _Laplanders_, who are very
hardly brought to learn or pronounce any other Tongue, and much given
to confound one with another. So that they which traffic in _Norway_,
and border upon that Country, do in their speaking mingle together the
Speech of the _Norwegians_ and _Swedes_, as for instance, _jeghkiæmi_,
for _jag kom_, _jag gaong_, for _jag goar_. So for _hustro_, they say
_koona_, for _min myssa_, _mitt hofwud_, &c. But of the Language of the
_Laplanders_ let this suffice.


_Of the Houses of the_ Laplanders.

Hitherto we have treated of the _Laplander_ as he hath relation to the
Common-wealth, we shall in the next place speak of him as a private
person. And this we shall do first, considering the things they have
need of. Secondly, their imployments. And thirdly their leasure and
pastimes. All necessary accommodations are either such as are to defend
us from ill inconveniences, or to give us necessaries. Of the first
sort, are Houses and Cloathes, of the 2^d, Meat and Drink. We shall
begin with their houses, or places of aboad. The _Laplanders_ have
not any houses like other Northern People, it having bin their custom
to wander up and down, and so, sometimes in one place and sometimes
in another, to set up small sheds for their present use: so that they
had no certain habitations, but having eaten and consumed the fish and
beasts in one place, they march to another, carrying their sheds or
tents with them.

But this liberty of wandring up and down the Country, was in a special
Edict forbid them by _Charles_ the ninth, in the year 1602, and a
certain place of habitation assigned to every family. The words of the
Edict are to this purpose: “We do in the first place command that in
every _Lapmark_ an account be taken of all Fenns, Rivers, Lakes, _&c._
and who they are that have hitherto had the benefit and use of them,
with the names of all such: and then that the number of the families
be compared with that of the Rivers, _&c._ and so equally divided that
one family shall not possess more Rivers and Fenns then are for its
use. Lastly every _Lapmark_ being thus divided, it shall be committed
to honest and good men, who, without either favor or prejudice, shall
assign to every family its just portion: and thenceforth it shall
not be lawfull for any _Laplander_, at his plesure to wander up and
down all marches, as hath formerly bin used.” From the time of this
Edict the _Laplanders_ had their certain bounds and limits assigned
them sufficient for the sustaining of their families. Neither was it
afterward lawfull for any one to invade the propriety of another, or to
wander where he pleased.

Notwithstanding, that custom of removing their sheds from one place
to another was quite abolished, but is yet used among them, tho now
they move not out of the bounds assigned them. So that they have no
certain mansion, but as the Season of the year offers it self, either
for fishing or hunting, so do they order their habitations accordingly
on the side of some River, Wood, or Mountain, and having spent there
some daies or weeks, remove their tents again to a more seasonable
place. To this agrees also our modern writer _Sam. Rheen_. This
wandring is chiefly caused by their manner of getting their living,
for the _Laplanders_ having all their livelihood from Rain-deers,
Fish, and wild beasts, they are forced to live where they may have
sufficient pastures for their Rain-deers, and plenty of other beasts,
and fishes for themselves; and yet to take care that they destroy not
the breed. But this cannot be done if they should live alwaies in
one place, and therefore it is that _Buræus_ saies, they order their
habitations according to the seasons of fishing, hunting, _&c._ Now
this conveniency cannot be in all places at all times alike, for fish
do abound most when about the time of their spawning they are gathered
together, which some fish do at one time, and some at another, and one
sort in one Lake, and another sort in another Lake; so that they that
are of this trade cannot alwaies live in one place. In like manner it
is also with their Rain-deers: and therefore _Sam. Rheen_ saies they
take their journeys either to provide pasture for their Rain-deers,
or to fish: for at that time, when fishes generate either in this or
that Lake or River, then the _Laplander_, with his house and family,
takes his journy. But this journeying is not so as that they should
forsake and never return again to their former places; but they do, as
it were, go in a circle: so that in the space of a year, the pasture
being again grown that was before consumed, they return into the same
seats again. This is the custom of the _Laplanders_ that live in the
Mountains: but they that live in the Woods, do not only once a year,
but oftner return into the same places. For they leave and return to
their habitations severall times in a year, _viz._ as often as occasion
is offerred either of fishing, fowling, hunting, _&c._ Now they do
so order their journeys, that the Fishermen at those times when the
fishes do spawn, do alwaies live on the side of some River. They that
take care of, and trade with Rain-deers, do in the Winter live in the
Woods, but in the Summer ascend towards the mountains of _Norway_: for
in the Winter they cannot abide on those Mountains, where there are so
frequent storms, great Snows, and no Wood. At that season therefore
they descend into the nighest woods, where by reason of the depth
of the Snow they can easily keep their Rain-deers together: so that
from Christmas untill the Feast of the Annunciation they remain for
the most part in one place, at which time the Snow beginning to melt,
they march nigher and nigher again towards the Mountains, where they
remain till S. _Ericus_’s day: about which time because the female
Rain-deer use to bring forth, therefore they remain in the same place
untill the feast of _S. John_, or Midsummer-day. Afterwards, when,
as well in the Mountains as Vallies, the grass and pasture do most
florish, they proceed farther and farther, some on the tops of the
highest Mountains, where the Rain-deers are less infested with flies
and gnats, in which Mountains they wander up and down till the feast of
S. _Bartholomew_, when by little and little they betake themselves to
the Woods again, and then _Christmas_ coming they do again as we told
you in the beginning. And these are the circuits of the _Laplanders_,
and reasons why they cannot stay in one place, together with the times
of their severall removes. But now these journeys sometimes are for
many miles, and of a far longer space of time, so that sometimes they
march for 20 miles and farther. Now because some of them live in the
Mountains, some among the Trees, especially Pine-trees, nigh the Rivers
and Lakes; therefore are they accordingly called by different names.
Some are called _fiæll Lapper_, because they live in the Mountains nigh
_Norway_, which are called _fiæll_. Others are termed _Graan Lapper_,
because they live among the Pine trees, which are called by the
_Swedes_ and _Norwegians_, _Graan_. For their journeys in the Summer
they make different preparations from what they do in the Winter; in
the Winter they use sledges (of which I will speak hereafter) but in
the Summer they go on foot, the Rain-deers carrying their goods on
pannels and pack-saddles, and sometimes their Infants also. So that in
the Winter they put their houshold-stuff in one sledge, and their tents
in another, and so march from place to place, but in the Summer they
use pannels which they make after this manner:


They have two lathes something broad, but flexible, made of firr, of
which for the most part Boxes are made, these lathes they joyn together
at the top, putting the one end into a mortice made in the other end,
and so make a kind of a circle, then by that part where they are joyned
together they hang them on the Rain-deer, one on the right-side, the
other on the left, and so againe by withes ty them under the beasts
belly, that they may be the more steady. Now these are placed so
to support their dorsers made of the same wood, bended into an oval
figure much like a drum, if both ends were round. These dorsers at the
bottom they draw together with twiggs of birch, placed in the form of
a grate, and the tops of them they tye with thongs, or cords, which
they loose as often as any thing is to be put in, or taken out; and
least any thing should fall out, they cover these dorsers all over
with bark of birch, or some skins. These dorsers they hang by ropes
or thongs to the tops of the forementioned lathes, which they call
_Tobbii_; so that they may hang down on both sides the Rain-deer, the
tops being outward, and the bottoms turned inward toward the belly of
the beast. And thus they load their Rain-deers, not only with their
goods and houshold stuff, but also with their Infants, which cannot
walk themselves. For on one side of the Rain-deer they often hang their
cradles, and children in them, of which I will speak hereafter. Now in
these journeys they have a certain order which no one without cause
ought to disturb; for in the first place marches the Master of the
Family, having some Rain-deers after him, loaded after the foresaid
manner, afterwards follows his wife in like manner; then the whole
herd of Rain-deers, which his Children and Servants drive softly on.
Last of all brings up the rear, he that carries the Drum. Now these
pack-Rain-deers they do not use to drive yoked or joyned together, but
in a long line one after another, that which follows being alwaies
tied to the pannels of that which went before, and the _Laplander_
leading the foremost by a rope tied about his neck, and so they march
on till they come to the place intended, where they set up their sheds
again, and remain for some weeks, which are to them instead of houses.
But now there is some difference in the sheds of the _Laplanders_
that live in the mountains, and are called _Fiællapper_, and those
that live in the Woods, who are called _Graan Lapper_; for the one
coming to the same place but once in a year, doth not build this
shed of so durable stuff as the other: the former, when he departs,
almost destroying his habitation, and the latter leaving it standing.
The former build their sheds thus, first, at four corners they erect
four posts, upon the tops of which they place three rafters, so that
there shall be one on each side, and one behind, but none cross the
formost posts; upon these rafters they afterwards place long poles,
so that with their tops they may lean upon, and support one another,
whereby the whole form seems to be like a quadrilaterall house, which
ascending like a Pyramide, is narrower at top, and broader at bottom.
These poles so placed they cover with course woollen cloth, which we
before called _Waldmar_; but the richer sort over this woollen cloth
place linnen also, by both which they may be the better defended from
rain and storms. These are the sheds of the _Laplanders_ that dwell
in the mountains, for the most part made of clothes, &c. which when
they leave any place they take with them, and erect in another. But
your _Graanlapper_, or _Wood-Laplanders_, make their sheds for the
most part of board and posts, that at the top meet in a Cone, which
they cover with the boughs of Firr and Pine-trees, or else with the
bark of those trees, and sometimes with turff. That they covered them
with the barks of trees, _Herberstenius_ witnesseth; _Andræas Buræus_
saies that those barks were of birch trees, to whom also assents
_Olaus Petri_, who only adds, that they did a long time boil those
barks to make them more flexible. _Olaus Magnus_, Lib. 4. Cap. 3.
adds also skins, and these were the houses _Lomenius Comes_ saw, and
describes in his Itinerary to be made of long poles and barks of trees.
_Sam. Rheen_ describes the tents of the _Wood-Laplanders_ to be made
of boards with six sides or walls, covered with boughs of Firr, or
Pine-trees, sometimes with the barks, and sometimes only with turffs.
_Wexionius_ increases the number of sides, and saies that they were
octogons, somewhat broader towards the bottom, and five ells high, and
especially those tents of the _Kimenses_. _Olaus Petri_ tells us the
same of the _Pithenses_. Now these Tents they do not pull down or carry
with them, but leave them in the same place, only when they come again
they add new boughs, &c. where they were decayed, and to fit them for
their use. Besides these two sorts of Tents, _Olaus Magnus_ reckons
up another, for in this, Lib. 4. Cap. 2. he saies part of them place
their Tents in trees that grow in a square figure, least in the fenny
Countries they should be choaked with the great snows, or devoured by
the wild beasts, which come together in great troops. What he means
by trees that grow in a square figure I cannot tell, but I suppose he
intends only that they did use to erect their Tents between 4 trees
which grew so, that each of them might be the corner prop, of the four
square shed, but this sort is to us quite unknow. _Tacitus_ saies the
_Fenni_ used to dwell among a company of boughs, and perhaps that
gave occasion to our Author to talk thus. He hath also got a 4^{th}
sort which he could have no where else but from _Zieglerus_, for
_Zieglerus_ had called them _Amaxobios_, from whence _Olaus Magnus_
saies they dwelt in Waines and Carts; and therefore _Olaus_ induced
by this word of _Zieglerus_, thought the _Laplanders_ had bin such.
But this is quite false, for Waggons and Carts were utterly unknown to
the _Laplanders_, for whom it was impossible to use them, by reason
of the slipperiness of the Ice, and depth of their snows. Neither was
it indeed in that sense that _Zieglerus_ calls them _Amaxiobios_, but
because they wandred up and down like the _Amaxobii_, who are a known
Nation of the _Scythians_. There remains therefore only these two
sorts of sheds, which I have mentioned, for the 5^{th}, which _Paulus
Jovius_ reckons, was either upon sudden occasions, or used only by
those that were under the dominion of the _Moscovites_: the words of
this Author are, “These People lie in caves filled with dried leaves,
or in trunks of trees made hollow either by fire or age.” But in both
our forementioned sorts, things are so ordered that every Tent had
two doors, one, a foredoor, and the other, a backward; the former
bigger and more ordinarily used, the latter less, through which they
use to bring in their provisions, and especially the prey they took
in hunting, also Birds, Beasts, Fishes, which it was unlawfull for to
bring in at the foredoor. These are the two doors with the use of both,
especially the back-door, through which it was unlawfull for any woman
to pass, because, as I said before, women were forbidden to go into the
back part of the Tent, the reason of which I think to be partly this,
because in that part they placed _Thor_ and sacrificed to him, and
partly this, because it was esteemed an ill omen for a hunter to meet
a woman. And hither may we refer what _Zieglerus_ saies of that door,
that it was unlawfull for the Woman to go out of the door of the Tent
that day her husband was gone a hunting, which cannot be understood
of any door but the back-door, the use of which was not only that day
but alwaies forbid women. The _Laplanders_ have no Chambers, but only
certain spaces, which they determine and bound by loggs and posts laid
along on the ground, of which we shall next speak. The whole space of
ground within the Tent was so ordered, that in the middle there might
be a hearth, surrounded with stones, in which there was a continual
fire, except at midnight; behind the hearth, toward the back part of
the tent, they place three loggs, with which they bound that space,
of which we but now spoke. In the middle of this space is the little
door, at which only men must enter, which they call _Posse_; right over
against that is the common door, which they call _Ox_; but that space
we told you was bounded with these three loggs, they call, _lops_; this
place therefore is only proper to men, and it is unlawfull for any
woman to pass those loggs, and go into it. _Sam. Rheen_ saies about the
kettle hanging over the fire, they place the 3 blocks, upon which, with
a hatchet, they divide their flesh, fish, or other things they intend
to make ready. He saies here indeed the space is called _Posse_, but
understands chiefly the space of the door, for that was properly called
_Posse_; the other space being called _Lops_. The common door they used
to make towards the South, and the other towards the North. The space
on both sides, and the sides themselves they called _Loide_; here they
made their bed chambers, the husband with his wife and children lying
on one side, and the servants on the other. _Olaus Petri_ saies only
the daughters lay on the side of the husband and wife, I believe, that
their Parents might have them alwaies nigh them, and so take greater
care to secure their honesty, whilst the sons in the mean time lay
with the servants: but now the spaces that remain towards the doors
they call _Kitta_, and are ordained for the use of the women, for in
the space nigh the common door they are brought to bed. But that you
may the better understand all this, I will here insert a description
of the Area. A is the little door they call _posse_, B and C is
called _lopps_, as is the place where the men lay up their hunting
instruments. D and E are called _loide_, whereof one is the appartment
of the Master of the Family and his wife, the other of the servants.
F. G. is _kitta_, were the women are conversant. H. is the hearth, I.
the door called _ox_; those three logs upon which they divide their
flesh are the two that lay along towards I. and the 3^d crosswaies
distinguishes from other parts the mens appartment, or _posse_.


The 3^d thing we are to note in these sheds, is that they strew their
floors with branches of Birch trees, least by the rain they should be
wetted, and they use no other kind of pavement; only upon the boughs,
for cleanliness sake, they lay skins of Rain-deers, on which they
sit and lie. And these are the dwelling houses of the _Laplanders_,
besides which they have also Store-houses in which they keep their
commodities, especially flesh, fish, and such other provisions; these
they call _Nalla_, and make thus: they cut the upper part of a tree
off, so that the body remain four or five ells from the ground high,
upon this trunk they place two rafters in the figure of an X, or S^t
_Andrews_ Cross, and upon these they build their repository, making a
door to it, and covering it with boards. There is one thing peculiar
to these Store-houses, which is, that the door is not in the side, but
bottom of them, so that when the _Laplander_ is come down, the door
falls too, like a trap-door, and all things are safe. To these they go
up by ladders which they make of the trunks of trees, in which they cut
great notches like stairs. Now the reason why they place them so high,
is because of the Bears and other wild beasts, who oftentimes pull them
down, and to the great dammage of the Master eat all his provision;
they used also to cut off the bark of the tree, and anoint the stock,
so that neither mice nor wild beasts could be able to climb up for
slipperiness. And perhaps these are the houses _Olaus magnus_ meant,
when he said, they placed their houses upon trees for fear of wild
beasts. But that you may the better conceive these Store-houses also, I
shall here give you the Figure of them.



_Of the Garments of the_ Laplanders.

Among the _Laplanders_ the men and women wear different kinds of
Garments, which they alter according to the Weather, and place: for
they wear one sort of clothes in the Winter, and another sort in the
Summer, one kind at home, and another abroad. Let us first consider
the Garments of the men: These in the Summer have trouses, or brougs,
reaching down to their feet, close to their body, upon which they wear
a gown, or rather a coat with sleeves, which comes down to the middle
leg, which they tie fast with a girdle. And in this respect it was that
_Zieglerus_ in his time wrote, that they used close Garments fitted to
their body, least they should hinder their work. He calls them close
because of their trouses, and fitted to their body because of their
being girded. These they wear next their bare skin, without such linnen
shirts as the _Europeans_ use, they having no flax in their Country.
These Garments are of course home-spun woollen cloth called _Waldmar_,
of a white or gray color, such as the wool is of before it is dyed.
The wool they have from _Swedland_, and buy it of the Merchants called
_Birkarli_, but the richer sort wear a finer cloth, and not of the
same color, but sometimes green or blew, and sometimes red, only
black they abominate. Tho sometimes in dirty works, and at home they
wear the meanest clothes, yet abroad, and especially upon Festivals
and Holydaies, they love to go very neat. Their girdles are made of
leather, which the richer sort adorn with silver studs, and poorer with
tin. These studs stick out like buttons in a semicircular figure. At
this girdle they hang a knife and sheath, and a kind of square bag, tho
something longer then broad, also a leathern purse, and then a case
with needles and thred in it. Their knives they have from _Norway_, the
sheath is of the skin of the Rain-deers, sewed together with tin wire,
and in other parts with the same adornments, at the end of which they
use to hang rings: the bag is also made of the skin of the Raindeers,
with the hair on it, on the outside of which they also place another
skin, equall to the bag, and make it fast by three knots, and this
skin they cover again with red cloth or of some other color, adorned
also with wire. In this bag they keep a stone to strike fire, not of
flint, but christall, as I will shew hereafter. Also a steel, with some
brimestone to light a fire where ever they come: as also Tobacco and
other odd things. The leathern purse is also made of the same skin in
an oval figure like a pear, in which they keep their mony, and other
more choice things, and at this also they hang rings. Their needle case
is of a peculiar sort, they have a single cloth with four sides, but
the upper part is much narrower then the lower, so that it is like an
oblong triangle cut off at the vertical angle, and to make it stronger
they bind about the edges with leather, and so stick their needles
into it, this they put into a bag of the same shape, adorned with red,
or some other colored cloth, and wire, drawn together by a leathern
string, by which they hang it to their girdle. Besides these, they have
Alchymy chains, with a great company of rings of the same, these they
hang about all their body, the bag they hang before, nigh their navel,
all the rest they fling behind them. And these are the Garments and
ornaments of the body: their head they cover with a cap, over which the
richer sort wear a case of Fox, Beaver, or Badgers skin, they are very
like our night-caps, it is made of red or other colored cloth, or of
the Hares fur, first twisted into a thred, and then knit almost like
our stockins; or lastly of the skin of the bird called _Loom_, with the
feathers on it: sometimes they so order it, that keeping also the head
and wings of the bird, they make not an unbecoming cover for the head.
_Olaus Magnus_ in his 4. Book, Cap. 3. saies they make their caps of
the skins of Geese, Ducks, Cocks, which, as well as other birds, are
there in great abundance. But he doth not here mean common Cocks, but
the _Urogalli_, or Heath-Cocks; however he gives us the picture in his
17 Book, Cap. 26. They have ordinary gloves, but shoes of a peculiar
make, they are made of the skin of the Rain-deer with the hair on, out
of one piece, only where they tread they sew both ends together, so
that the haires of one part may lie forward, and the other backward,
least if they lay all one way they should be too slippery: but neither
is there any more leather on the bottom then on other parts, as it is
in our shoes, only there is a hole at the top in which they put in
their feet: the toe bends upwards, and ends as it were in a point. Upon
the seame they place some narrow pieces of red, or other colored cloth:
these shoes they wear on their bare feet, and bind them twice or thrice
about the bottom with a thong, and least they should be too loose, they
fill them up with a sort of long Hay, which they boil and keep for that

But now let us come to the garments they do not so ordinarily wear,
but only on some occasions, which both for the men and women are made
alike, and all of leather, to secure them from the gnats. But in the
Winter time the men have breeches to defend them from the weather,
and coats which they call _Mudd_. These _Mudd_ are not all alike,
but some better, some worse; the best are of the skins of young wild
Rain-deers, just when they have cast their first coat, in the place of
which comes a black one, which is about the Feast of S^t _James_, and
these are very soft and delicate. Their feet they defend with boots of
the same skins, and their hands with gloves or mittens of the same, and
their heads with a cap, which reaches down and covers part of their
shoulders also, leaving only a space for them to see through. All these
Garments they wear next their skin without any linnen underneath, and
tie them round with a girdle, only their boots and gloves they stuff
with hay, and sometimes in the Winter with wool. And this is that which
_Johannes Tornæus_ saies of their cloathing, that their garment is made
of the Rain-deer, the skin of the beast supplying them with coats,
breeches, gloves, sandals, shoes, &c. the hair being alwaies on the
outside, so that they seem to be all hairy. And hence we may understand
_Zieglerus_, when he saies their Winter garments were made of the skins
of Bears and Sea-Calves, which they tied in a knot at the top of their
heads, leaving nothing to be seen but their eyes, so that they seemed
to be in a sack, only that it was made according to the shape of their
members; and hence, saies he, I beleive they came to be supposed all
hairy like beasts, some reporting this out of ignorance, and some
delighting to tell of strange wonders they saw abroad. And truly it is
not without reason that he gathers the fable of hairy men to be raised
from their hairy Garments, which sort of monsters whether there be in
other Countries I cannot tell, but I find the _Cyclops_’s with one eye
in their forehead by _Adamus Bremensis_ to be placed here upon the same
account, because they had only a hole in their cap through which they
looked, all the rest of their body seeming hairy, and therefore this
hole they feigned to be an eye. But whereas he saies the skins were of
Bears and Sea-Calves, he is a little mistaken, for these skins were not
so common among the _Laplanders_, and are by them designed quite for
another use. However these Garments they used after their fashion to
adorn with pieces of red, or other colored cloth, and embroider them
with wire, in flowers, stars, &c. as I will hereafter declare more at

But I come to the habit of the women, which also was of one sort in the
Summer, and of another in the Winter. In the Summer they wear coats
which cover their breasts, arms, and all their body, about the middle
they are gathered, and so hang down, these they call _Volpi_. These
gowns they also wear next their skin, for the use of smocks is no more
known among women then the use of shirts among men: and they horribly
imposed upon _Lomenius Comes_, that made him beleive otherwise.
_Lomenius_ saies thus, they have smocks, not made of linnen, but of the
entrails of beasts, which they first spin into thread, and afterwards
wear them: but all this is quite false. The entrals indeed they do spin
into thred, but of that they make neither cloth nor smocks, but use it
to sew their skins; but women of the common sort wear course cloth,
and the better sort finer, as it is with the men, which for the most
part is English cloth, richly wrought. They have also a girdle, but
different from that of the men, for it is much larger, and sometimes
three fingers broad, and then also it is adorned not with studs, but
plates of a fingers length, or more, which are engraved with divers
shapes of Birds, Flowers, &c. and these they fasten upon a leathern
fillet so nigh one another, that the girdle is almost covered with
them. These plates are most commonly made of tin, from whence _Sam.
Rheen_ calls them tin girdles, but those for the better sort are made
of silver. Upon these girdles they hang many Alchymy chains, upon
one of which they hang a knife and sheath, upon another a pouch or
purse, upon another a needle case, and upon all a great company of
Alchymy rings, according to the fashion of the men: These things they
do not hang by their sides, as women among us use, but before them.
The weight of the trinkets they carry about them, doth commonly weigh
twenty pound, a pretty heavy burden, and such as a man would wonder
they should be able to bear: but they are very much delighted with it,
especially with the number of the rings, the gingling of which is very
gratefull to their ear, and as they think no small commendation to
their beauty. _Wexionius_ makes the chains and rings to be tin, which I
beleive is hardly true, commonly I am sure they were made of Alchymy,
and if they had bin of tin they had neither bin durable, nor would they
have made a noise. They have also another ornament for their breast,
which they call _Kracha_, it is made of red, or some other colored
cloth. And first it goes about their neck, and then on both sides
comes down upon their breast, and a little below their breast ends
in a narrow point. This cloth, especially before, and sometimes about
the neck, they adorn with studs, engraved with divers forms, as also
with bracelets, which the richer have of silver and gold, the poorer
of tin and Alchymy. After this manner, in short as he uses, _Johannes
Tornæus_ describes them, the women do so deck themselves with gold and
silver that their breasts shine like sheilds, but those that cannot
reach silver, use copper and Alchymy. Now these studs they use to have
not only about their neck, but upon their gowns where they draw them
together, and lace them; and not only in single but double and triple
rows. They cover their heads with a low kind of kercheif, plain at
top, round, and of red color, some of the richer sort on extraordinary
times add also a strip of linnen for ornament, as at their Fairs,
Weddings, and Feasts. Upon their legs they wear stockins, which reach
no lower then their ankles, but that only in the Summer. Their shoes
are like the mens, and so also bound to their feet with thongs. The
womens habit in the Winter is almost the same with the mens, for they
have the _Muddas_ made of the skins of Rain-deers, and at that time
wear breeches too, by reason of the deep Snows, storms, and badness of
the waies: nay and cover their head with the same caps men do, which
sort of caps they wear also sometimes in the Summer to defend them
from the gnats: these caps they tie about their heads, and the lower
part, which would otherwise fall about their shoulders, they make to
stand out like the brims of our hats. And these are the garments as
well of Virgins as married women, for both use the same attire, neither
is there any sign in their habit whereby to distinguish them. Besides
these garments wherewith they clothe themselves in the day, they have
also other which they use a nights, such as are called night-cloathes,
for they have no feather beds: and without all doubt _Olaus Magnus_ is
mistaken who in his 4 Book saies they had. Their night garments were of
2 sorts, such as they lay upon, or such as they did cover themselves
with, which also differ according to the Summer and Winter Seasons.
Those they lie upon are Rain-deers skins, 2 or 3 of which they fling
upon some birch leaves, which they use instead of matts, without beds,
upon the ground, that they may lie softer, so that they lie upon the
skins without sheets, of the use of which they are quite ignorant. They
cover themselves in the Summer with blankets, which they call _raaner_
or _ryer_, and with these blankets they cover not only their whole
body, but also their heads too, to avoid the gnats, with which they are
extremly infested in the night time. But that they may breath with more
freedom, and not be inconvenienced with the weight of these blankets,
they sometimes hang them up over their head with ropes fastned to the
top of their Hut. These are their Summer coverlets: but in the Winter
they first throw about them the skins of Sheep or Rain-deer, and on
them the blankets now mentioned. And there is one thing more worth
our notice, that they lie under these both Winter and Summer stark
naked, and make no use of linnen. And so much for the Garments of the
_Laplanders_. I shall add the Figures of both Sexes habited after their
manner. The woman hath a child in her arms, in a Laplandish Cradle.



_Of the Diet of the_ Laplanders.

Having discoursed of their Garments, I proceed to speak of their
Diet. Their food is not the same amongst them all, but different
according to the places they inhabit. The Mountaineers live almost
wholly on their Rain-deers, that furnish them with Milk, Cheese, and
Flesh: tho sometimes they buy from the neighboring parts of _Norway_
Sheep, Goats, and Oxen, which they milk in the Summer, and kill in the
Winter, because they have neither Pasture nor Stable room for them to
keep them long. And for this reason they buy but very few of them,
and feed almost altogether on their Rain-deer, which they have in
great abundance. The flesh of these they feed on in the Winter, and
that alwaies boiled, but in the Summer their diet is Milk, Cheese,
and dried flesh. Their dainties most in esteem with them are the
tongue and marrow of their Rain-deers, and with these they are want to
entertain their Priests. One odd kind of dish these of the Mountains
have, and that is the blood of their Rain-deers boiled in water to the
consistence of a hasty pudding. The others that dwell in the Woods
feed partly on Fish, and partly on Birds and Beasts, and that too both
Summer and Winter, but more frequently on Fish. The flesh of Beares
they prefer before all other, and with that they feast their dearest

They have also some kind of Sawces of Black-berries, Straw-berries,
and other peculiar ones of their own, as also wild _Angelica_, and
the inner rine of the Pine-tree. The use of Bread and Salt is almost
unknown to them, and when they have any of the later, they use it very
sparingly. Instead of bread they eat dried fish, which by grinding they
reduce to a kind of meal, and instead of Salt the inward rine of the
Pine-tree, prepared after an odd kind of manner. They pull the bark
off first, and then they take the inward rine, and divide it into thin
skins like parchment, making it very clean; these they dry in the Sun,
and then tearing it into small pieces they put it up in boxes made of
the barks of trees: these they bury under ground, and cover them with
sand. When they have bin dried about a day, they kindle a great fire
over the hole where they put their boxes, and by that means the rines
acquire a red color, and a very pleasant tast. On Fridaies they eat no
flesh, but feed either on fish, or milk, having retained this custom
from their Roman Catholic Priests. They boil all their fresh flesh, but
not very much; that their broth may be the better and fuller of gravy:
and sometimes they put also fish into the same kettle. Their milk they
either boil with some quantity of water, it being of it self to thick,
or else they let it stand in the cold, to freeze into a kind of Cheese,
that it may be kept longer for use. Their fish they eat sometimes fresh
as soon as they catch them; sometimes they dry them in the Sun, and
being hardned by the wind and air, they may be kept severall years.

Their sweet meats, which serve them instead of Apples, Nuts, and the
like, are preparations made of severall sorts of Berries. When their
Straw-berries begin to be ripe, they gather them, and boil them in
their own juice, without the addition of water, with a slow fire, till
they are very soft: then they sprinkle them over with a little salt,
and putting them into a vessell made of birch-bark, they bury it in
the ground: and in the Autumn and Winter when they have occasion for
them, they take them out as fresh as if they had bin newly gathered:
and these stand them in good stead when no other Berries are to be had.
Sometimes whilst they are fresh they put them to the flesh of Fish, and
make an odd kind of dish, after this manner. Having boiled the Fish
they first bone them, and then add Straw-berries to them, and beat
them together in a wooden pestle to a mash, and so eat it with spoons.
And this dish they make also with all other kinds of Berries. Another
Kickshaw that pleaseth them very much, they make of _Angelica_. They
take the staulks before it seed, and scraping of the outward skin, they
put the rest upon coals, and so eat it broiled. They have also another
way of preparing it, and that is to boil them in whay for a whole day
till they look as red as blood. But this sort of meat is very bitter of
it self, but by custom becomes plesant enough to them, especially since
they are perswaded ’tis a great preservative of health. They likewise
boil sorrell in milk; as also the rine of the Pine-tree, which, as was
said before, being prepared, serves them instead of salt.

I come next to speak of their drink, which is ordinarily nothing
but water; _Lomenius_ calls it _dissolved Ice_: but certainly he is
mistaken, for having such plenty of Rivers and Lakes, for all the Ice
they can hardly want water. And to prevent its freezing, they have
alwaies some hanging over the fire in a kettle; out of which everyone
with a spoon takes what he pleases, and so drinks it hot, especially
in the Winter time. Besides common water, they often drink the broth
I spoke of, made of flesh and fish, which they call _Læbma_, and also
whay, if you will beleive _Olaus_. These are their usuall drinks; for
Ale and Beer is utterly unknown to them. That which they drink for
plesure, is spirit of Wine and Brandy, with a little of which you may
win their very souls. This they buy from _Norway_ at their Fair times,
and use it especially at their solemn Feasts and Weddings. I had almost
forgot _Tobacco_, of which they are very great admirers, and traffic
for it as one of their cheif commodities.

In the next place let us see the manner of their eating. Their dining
room in the Winter time is that part of the Hut where the man and his
wife and daughters use to be, and is on the right hand as you go in
at the foregate: but in Summer without doors upon the green grass.
Sometimes too they are want to sit about the kettle in the middle of
the Hut. They use not much ceremony about their places, but every one
takes it as he comes first. They seat themselves upon a skin spread on
the ground cross-leg’d in a round ring; and the meat is set before them
in the middle, upon a log or stump instead of a table; and severall
have not that, but lay their meat upon the skin which they sit on.
Having taken the flesh out of the kettle, the common sort put it upon
a woollen table cloth called _Waldmar_, the richer on a linnen; as for
trenchers and dishes they are quite unknown to them. But if any liquid
thing be to be served up, they put it in a kind of trey made of birch.
Sometimes without any other ceremony every one takes his share out
of the kettle, and puts it upon his gloves, or his cap. Their drink
they take up in a wooden Ladle, which serves instead of plate. And
it is farther observable that they are abominable gluttons when they
can get meat enough; and yet hardy too to endure the most pinching
hunger when they are forc’t to it. When their meal is ended they first
give God thanks, and then they mutually exhort one another to Faith
and Charity, taking each other by the right hand, which is a symbol
of their unity and brotherhood. _Samuel Rheen_ tells us they lift up
their hands first, and then say Grace after this manner, _All thanks
be given to God, who hath provided this meat for our sustenance_. This
is their Grace in _Pithilapmark_. In _Tornelapmark_ their Grace is a
little different; they say in their own Tongue, _Piaomaos Immel lægos
kitomatz piergao odest adde misg mosea wicken ieggan taide ko mig læx
iegnaston_, that is, _Good God praised be thou for this meat: make that
which we have at this time eaten give strength to our bodies_. And so
much for their Diet, and manner of eating.


_Of the Hunting of the_ Laplanders.

Having spoke of those things that relate to their Meat, Drink,
Cloathing, and other necessities, the subject of our next discourse
will be their employments, which are either rare and more solemn,
or daily and more usual: these latter too are of two sorts, either
common to both Sexes, or peculiar to one. Of those that are proper
to men Hunting is the cheif, for in this Countrey that exercise is
lawfull to none but men: _Olaus Magnus_ is of the contrary opinion,
and saies Lib. 4. Cap. 12. that there is here such a multitude of
Beasts, that the men alone, without the help of women, dare not go
out to hunt; and therefore they are as active in this sport, if not
more than men. I beleive he had not this from any good tradition, or
his own knowledg, but rather followed the authority of some ancient
Writers, as _Procopius_ Lib. 2. _Gothic._ or _Tacitus de mor. Ger._
for whatsoever they say concerning the _Fenni_ and _Scritfinni_, is
so far from being true of the _Laplanders_, that they do not permit
women so much as to touch their hunting weapons or beasts brought
home, and debar them all passage at that door thro which they go to
that sport, as will be shewed hereafter. They observe in hunting many
things with great superstition, as not to go out upon ominous daies,
such as S^t _Marks_ (whom they call _Cantepaive_) S^t _Clements_ and
S. _Catherines_, because they believe on these daies some misfortune
will happen to their weapons, and that they shall have no good success
all the year after. They think they cannot prosper, unless they have
first consulted their Gods by their Drum, which they use before their
going out, and have therefore severall beasts pictured upon it. This is
chiefly before the hunting a Bear. The third observation is that they
will not go out at the usual door, but at one in the backside of the
house called _Posse_, I suppose it is to avoid women, the meeting of
whom is an ill omen to huntsmen, and therefore they are forbidden to
come on that side of the house where this door is, as _Ol. Matthias_
assured me while I was writing this, who was very well acquainted with
this Country. _Zieglerus_ saies the same, tho something obscurely, that
a woman is not to go thro this door that day her husband is hunting:
but it is not only that day, but at no time else. All these things are
by way of preparation. The hunting it self is various according to the
time of year, and severall sizes of beasts. In the Summer they hunt
on foot with Dogs, which are very good in these parts, not only for
their scent, but that they dare set upon any thing, being still tied
up to make them more fierce. In the Winter they themselves run down
the game, sliding over the snow in a kind of scates, which I shall
describe more fully in another place. Little beasts they chase with bow
and arrows, the greater with spears and guns; tho sometimes they use
other arts. That sort of beast they call _Hermelines_, they take in
traps as we do Mice, which are so contrived of wood that the touching
of any part makes them fall; sometimes in pits and holes covered with
snow, to hide the deceit, as also with Dogs that will gripe them to
death. Squirrels they shoot with blunt darts, that they may not do an
injury to their skins, which they very much esteem. After this manner
also they take Ermines. Other beasts, as Foxes, Beavers, they kill with
Javelins spiked with iron: but if they meet with a beast that hath a
pretious skin, they are so expert at their weapons, as to direct the
blow where it will do it least harm. Foxes are frequently tempted
with baits upon the snow strowed upon twigs over deep pits, or caught
in gins laid in their usuall haunts, or else poisoned with a sort of
moss, which is peculiar for this use, but is seldome made use of where
there are abundance of field Mice, which are the Foxes generall food.
They fasten snares to boughs of trees to catch Hares in, and some of
the above mentioned beasts: and if any one find any thing fast in
these, he is obliged to give notice to the owner. I come now to the
larger beasts, of which Wolves are most commonly caught in holes, but
sometimes shot with bullets: these are their game frequently because
they have the greatest plenty of them, and suffer the most dammages by
them: and for their greater destruction, Sithes are often hiden under
the snow to cut off their legs. After this manner too Leopards and
Gulo’s are destroyed, which is now a daies almost left off, because
the Countrey is so well furnished with guns, with which they also kill
Elkes when they can find them. But with greatest care and diligence
they hunt Rain-deers and Bears, the former with all kind of weapons.
At their rutting time in Autumn, about S. _Matthews_ day, they entice
them to their tame does, behind which the Huntsman lies to shoot them.
And in the Spring, when the Snow is deep, the men themselves slide
after them, and easily take them, or sometimes drive them into traps
with Dogs: or lastly they set up hurdles on both sides of a way, and
chase them in between them, so that at last they must necessarily fall
into holes made for that purpose at the end of the work. The hunting of
the Bear follows, which, because it is done with the most ceremonies
and superstitions, will require the more care and accurateness in the
relating of it.

First of all, their business is to find out where the Bear makes his
den against Winter. He that finds it is said _hafwa ringet bioern_,
i.e. to encompass the Bear. He usually after this goes to all his
friends and acquaintance with much joy, to invite them to the hunting
as to a solemn and magnificent feast, for, as is before said, this
beasts flesh is a great delicacy. But they never meet before _March_
or _April_, till they can use their sliding shooes: at which time
he chooses the best drummer among them, and by his beating consults
whether the hunting will be prosperous or no, which done they all
march into the field in battel array after him that invited them as
Captain, who must use no other weapon then a club, on whose handle is
hung an Alchymy ring. Next him goes the drummer, then he that is to
give the first blow, and after all the rest as their office requires,
one to boil the flesh, another to divide it, a third to gather sticks
and provide other necessaries: so they strictly observe that one
should not incroach upon anothers office. When in this order they
are come to the den, they set upon the Bear valiantly, and kill him
with spears and guns, and presently sing in token of victory thus,
_Kittulis pourra, Kittulis ii skada tekamis soubbi iælla zaiiti_, that
is, _they thank the Bear for coming_, _and doing them no harm in not
breaking their weapons_, in the singing of which their Captain is the
cheif Musician. After celebration of their victory, they drag the Bear
out, beating him with staves, whence they have a Proverb, _slao bioern
med riis_, that is, _the Bear is beat_, which signifies he is killed.
Then putting him upon a sledge, they draw him with Rain-deers to the
Hut where he is to be boiled, singing _Ii paha talki oggio, ii paha
talka pharonis_, that is, _they beseech the Bear that he would not
raise tempests against them, or any way hurt them that killed him_.
This they say by way of jest, unless we will suppose them (as some
of them really do) to imagine the killing of some kind of wild beast
portends ill to the hunter. _Samuel Rheen_ speaks of a different song
from this we have mentioned, much to this purpose, that they thank
God for making beasts for their service, and giving them strength and
courage to encounter and overcome so strong and cruel a creature, and
therefore I beleive they may join them together and sing both. That
Rain-deer that brings home the Bear is not to be used by Women for a
year, and some say, by any body else. If there be materialls, near the
place where the Bear is kill’d, they usually build up a hovel there to
boil him in, or if not, carry him to a place that is more convenient,
where all their Wives stay to expect them, and as soon as the men come
nigh them they sing _Læibi ia tuoli susco_, that is they ask their
wives to chew the bark of the Alder Tree and spit it in their faces.
They use this rather then any other Tree, because when ’tis bruised
between their teeth, it grows red, and will dy any thing, and the men
being sprinkled with this, as if it were the Bears blood, seem to have
gone through some notable exploit not without danger and trouble. Then
their wives aiming with one eye through an Alchymy Ring spit upon
them: _Samuel Rheens_ opinion differs only in this, that but one woman
spits in the Captains face. This ceremony is not done in the Hut where
the Bear is kill’d, but at the back door: for they build two Tents,
one for the men where the Bear is to be drest, and the other for the
women in which they make the feast: where as soon as the men come in,
the Women sing _Kittulis pouro tookoris_, that is, they thank their
husbands for the sport they had in killing the Bear: so they sit down
men and women together to eat, but not of Bears flesh. Supper ended
the men presently depart into the other house, and dressing the Bear
provide another meal: and it is not lawful for any of those Hunters
to ly with his wife in three daies after, and the Captain in five.
The Bears skin is his that first discovers him. They boil the flesh
blood and fat in brass Kettles, and what swims they skim off and put
in wooden vessels; to which are fasten’d as many Alchymy plates as
there are Bears killed. Whilst the meat is boiling they all sit down
in order about the fire, the Captain first on the right hand, then the
Drummer, and next he that struck the first blow; on the left hand first
the Wood-cleaver, then the Water-bearer, and after the rest according
to their place. This done the Captain divides it between the Women
and Men. In the division the Women must have none of the posteriours,
for they belong only to the men; neither is it lawful for a Woman to
come and fetch their division, but ’tis sent them by two men, who say
thus to them, _Olmai Potti Sueregislandi_, _Polandi_, _Engelandi_,
_Frankichis_, _i. e._ that they came a great way off, from _Swedland_,
_Poland_, _England_, or _France_; these men the women meet, and sing
_Olmai Potti Sweregislandi_, _Polandi_, _Engelandi_, _Frankichis_,
_Kalka Kaubsis laigit touti tiadnat_, _i. e._ you men that come from
_Swedland_, _Poland_, _England_, or _France_; we will bind your legs
with a red list, and so they do. But if we believe _Samuel Rheen_
the Drummer divides the mens part to every one an equal portion.
When all the meat is eaten, they gather up the bones, and bury them
together; then the Captain hangs up the skin upon a pole, for the women
blindfolded to shoot at, they singing all the while _Batt Olmai Potti
Sweregislandi_, _Polandi_, _Engelandi_, _Frankichis_, _i. e._ we will
shoot at him that came from _Swedland_, &c. but she that hits it first
gets the most credit, and they believe her husband will have the best
fortune in killing of the next Bear. She is also obliged to work in
cloth with wire as many crosses as there are Bears kill’d, and hang
them upon every one of the hunters necks, which they must wear three
whole daies. It is the opinon of the aforesaid Author, that all the
women do the same, and the men wear them four daies: he saies also
that the _Raindeer_ that brought home the Bear must have one cross. I
cannot as yet find any other reason of this ceremony, but that they
suppose these crosses to be preservatives aginst all the dammages they
can receive from the Gods of the Woods for killing their Bear: for to
this day they are of the opinion that some Gods have taken charge of
some beasts, especially of the Bear, because he in this country is King
over all the rest. After the time of abstinence is exspired, the close
of all this solemnity, is the mens returning to their wives, which is
thus; All after one another take hold of that rope, to which they hang
their Kettle, and dance thrice round the fire, and so run out of the
mens Tent into the womens, where they are met with this song, _Todna
Balka Kaino oggio_, we will thro a shovel full of ashes upon your legs.
_Samuel Rheen_ speaking of this custome, saies the men must not go
to their wives till it be done, as if it were an expiation for their
uncleanness in killing a Bear. Thus you see with how many Laws and
superstitions they Hunt this Beast, some of which are common in hunting
of others, as the not admitting women to the sport, and debarring
them from touching the prey when it is taken, as also that the men
return home through the back door. And here ’tis observable that they
never carry in Beasts, Birds, or Fishes, but throw them in before
them, without doubt out of superstition that they may seem to drop
from Heaven and be sent by providence: tho most of them know not the
original of such superstitious ceremonies, but only follow the example
of their forefathers. In fine nothing is accounted here a greater
credit or honor to a man then the killing of a Bear, and therefore they
have public marks for it, every one lacing his cap with as many wires
as he has kill’d Bears.

I come now to their fowling, which is proper also to men, and is
alterable according to the time of year or largness of the fowl, for in
the Summer they shoot altogether, but in the Winter catch in Snares and
Springes, especially the _Lagopus_ call’d by the _Swedes_ _Sniæriper_.
They make kind of hedges with abundance of holes in them, in which they
set Springes, so that this Bird being most upon the ground, and running
about, is easily caught in them: as for the taking of other Birds there
is nothing worth a particular observation.


_Of the_ Laplanders _Weapons, and other instruments of Hunting_.

By the former Discourse it plainly appears that in hunting they use
severall Instruments and Weapons, in our next therefore it will be
requisite to give some account of them. The first and most frequent
is a bow three ells long, two fingers broad, and an inch thick, being
made of Birch and Pine (which by reason of the resine in it is very
flexible) and covered over with Birch bark, to preserve both from the
weather. What _Lomenius_ saies of its being made of Rain-deers bones,
must needs be false, since no bone can be so pliable as is required in
the making of a bow; his words are these, _Rangiferi asperantur ossa
in cultros & curvantur in arcus congeneribus feris trucidandis_, if he
had left out _& curvantur in arcus_ he had spoke more to the purpose:
but I believe he had this, besides many other things, to fill up his
Journall from _Olaus Magnus_, who among the utensils these People have
from the Rain-deers, saies the Fletchers much desire their bones and
horns, from whence _Lomenius_ collects that bows are made of them. But
it is evident that _Olaus_ meant not this bow, but a kind of cross-bow
termed by the Germans _Armbrust_, and the French _Arbalestre_, which
is impossible to be made of bone, but the handle might be adorned with
it, because in these Northern parts they have no mother of Pearle,
which other Countries perhaps make use of to this purpose. It was
then a good plain wooden long-bow, which would not require an engine
to bend it, but might be drawn with an hand only. And since I told
you it was made of two pieces of wood, we will see next how they were
joined together, which is with a kind of glew made of Perches skin well
scaled, that melts in using like ours. They have also steel-bows, which
are so strong, that when they bend them they must put their foot in a
ring for that purpose at the head of them, and draw the string up to
the nut, made of bone in the handle, with an iron hook they wear at
their girdle. From their bows I pass to their darts and arrows, which
are of two sorts, either pointed with iron to kill the larger beasts,
or blunt without it like bolts, to kill the smaller. These points are
not alwaies made of iron, but sometimes bones, which are fastned with
glew into a hole bored with a hot iron at the end of a staff, and
afterwards sharpened with a knife, or on a whetstone. But besides they
use Guns, which they (as hunters do in other places) with a great deal
of superstition enchaunt that they should never miss. These are made at
_Soederhambn_, a town in _Helsingia_, famous for weapons, from whence
the _Bothnians_ buy them, and sell them to the _Laplanders_: hence
they have Gun-powder and bullets, or at least lead to make them: and
sometimes _Norway_ furnishes them with all these. Spears they use only
in hunting Bears, and are so little different from ours that they will
not need a description. I come now to their other instruments relating
to this sport, the cheifest of which are their shoes, with which they
slide over the frozen snow, being made of broad planks extremely
smooth; the Northern People call them _Skider_, and by contraction
_Skier_ (which agrees something with the _Germans_ _Scheitter_, that
is, cleft wood) and sometimes _Andrer_ or _Ondrur_ or _Skiidh_. Their
shape is, according to _Olaus Magnus_, five or six ells long, turned
up before, and a foot broad: which I cannot believe, because I have a
pair which are a little broader, and much shorter, and _Wormius_ had a
pair but of three ells long. And those are much shorter which are to be
seen at _Leiden_, which _Frisius_ saies are just seven foot long, four
inches and a little more broad: and it must needs be so to hold with
_Olaus Magnus_, and every bodies opinion, that one shoe must be longer
than the other by a foot, as if the man or woman be eight foot high,
one must be eight foot, and the other nine. _Frisius_ saies they are
both of a length at _Leiden_, and _Olaus Wormius_ takes no notice of
any difference in his, but I believe then those were of two Parishes,
for my biggest is just such an one as _Frisius_ describes covered over
with resin or pitch, and the shorter plain. But because the larger is
of greatest use, it is no wonder that one or two of them were sent
abroad for a pattern, but since those at _Leiden_ are both the biggest,
they were not made for men so tall as _Frisius_ speaks of, they fitting
men of six foot, which is a stature sometimes met with in _Lapland_.
They are smooth and turned up before, not behind, as they are pictured
in _Wormius_, not by the fault of the Author, but the Painter, for
the original in his study shews them otherwise; I have observed in
my longer shoe that it is not quite strait, but swells up a little in
the middle where they place their foot. _Frisius_ did ill in giving
a picture but of one, and in that nothing of this bending, I will
therefore describe both, and a _Laplander_ sliding in them.


These shoes are fastned to their feet by a with, not run through the
bottom but by the sides, that it might not hinder their sliding,
or wear out with often using, which is not expressed in _Frisius’s_
Picture, this is directly in the middle, and ti’d to the hinder part of
the leg, as you may see in the figure. That which is often in _Olaus
Magnus_, and set forth by _Frisius_, is a meer fancy and figment of
an Italian Painter, that could not understand what these shoes were,
but by describing them like long wooden broags turning up with a sharp
point before: which is very idle, because the foot goes into it at
the hinder part, and agrees not with _Olaus’s_ other cuts; for if the
place of the foot were there, it could not endure so great a weight
before it, or effect that for which this shoe was first invented: for
they must tread firm upon the Snow, which they could not do if all
the weight lay at one end; but when ’tis in the middle, that which is
before and behind will keep the foot from sinking in. The way of going
in them is this: they have in their hand a long staff, at the end of
which is a large round piece of wood fasten’d, to keep it from going
deep into the Snow, and with this they thrust themselves along very
swiftly. This way of running they not only use in plain and even, but
in the most rugged grounds, and there is no Hill or Rock so steep, but
with winding and turning they can at last come up to the top, (which
Pope _Paul_ the Third could not believe) and that which is a greater
Miracle will slide down the steepest places without danger. These
shoes they cover with young _Rain-deers_ skins, whose haires in their
climbing run like brisles against the Snow, and keep them from going
back. _Wormius_ saies they were cover’d with Sea Calf’s Skins, but I
believe he talk’d of those, that the _Siæfinni_, or the Maritime people
use. And this is the first instrument of hunting, which they use as
well in other businesses in winter time, for they can pass no other way
over the Snow, at which time they can out run any wild beast. The other
instrument they use is a sledg, which altho it is fit for any journy,
they use it in hunting especially the _Rain-deeres_, the description of
which, because ’tis fit for all manner of carriages, I shall defer to
another place.


_Of the_ Laplanders _Handycraft-trades_.

Besides hunting, which is the cheifest, they have many other
emploiments relating to their lives and fortunes, of which Cookery is
the first: for what ever food they get by fishing, fowling, or hunting,
the men dress and not the women. They therefore are quite ignorant of
this Art, (which the men are not very expert at) and never use it but
upon necessity, and in the absence of men.

The second is the boat-makers, which they make of Pine or Deale boards,
not fasten’d with nails but sew’d together with twigs, as among the
ancients with thongs, _Olaus Magnus_ and _Johannes Tornæus_ sayes with
roots of trees, but most commonly with _Rain-deers_ nerves. When they
launch these boats they caulk them with moss to keep out the water,
and use sometimes two, sometimes four oares, so fasten’d to pegs in the
sides, that one man may row with two.

The third trade is the Carpenters, to make sledges, which are not all
of the same shape, those they travel in, call’d _Pulca_ being made in
the fashion of half a boat, having the prou about a span broad turned
up, with a hole in it to run a cord thro to fasten it to a _Rain-deer_,
and the poupe of one flat board: the body is built of many, which are
fasten’d with wooden pegs to four or five ribs; they never go upon
wheeles, but are convex and round, that they may roul any way, and more
easily be drawn over the Snow. This description agrees with that sledg
which I have, and the Testimony of _Herberstenius_, _Olaus Magnus_, and
_Johannes Tornæus_. The fore part of them is cover’d with Sea-Calfs
skin for about an ell, stretch’d upon hoops, least the Snow should
come in, under which they put moss to keep their feet warm. These are
about three ells long, but those that carry baggage, called _ackkio_,
_ajefive_, are not cover’d any where. The people defend their goods
from the weather, according to _Wexionius_, with raw flax: but that
is not probable, because no flax grows there, and the use of flaxen
garments is unknown, and therefore I believe they do it with skins
or bark. In _Olaus Magnus_ lib. 17. cap. 25. there is a cart painted
upon wheeles, the Author describes it in these words, _qui domestici
sunt Rangiferi curulibus plaustris aptantur_, but what these _curulia
plaustra_ signifie he does not explain. And since the Painter has drawn
other things according to his own capacity, and understanding, I do not
know whether he has not follow’d his own opinion more then _Olaus’s_
narration, but ’tis certain there are no wheele carts, for what they
carry in Summer is put in dorsers upon _Rain-deers_. These Tradesmen
make their sliding shoes, which because I have describ’d in the former
Chapter, I need not now speak of.

The fourth is making boxes and chests to lay up weapons and other
things in, which are all of an oval shape, of which sort _Lodovicus
Otto Bathoniensis_ gave me one. They are made of thin birch plancks,
which are so contrived and bent into an Oval, that the pegs or twigs,
with which they are fasten’d, are not perceiv’d. The lids are of one
board, and for ornament often inlaid with _Rain-deers_ bones in diverse
figures, which for better illustration you shall see describ’d at the
end of this Chapter in the cut markt with the letter C.

The fift Trade is making Baskets, in which Art no Nation can compare
with them. The matter they make them off is roots of Trees, which
they work not as other people do, for they make them of what bigness
they please, and if occasion require, will be so accurate in their
work as to interweave the roots so neat and close together, that they
shall hold water like a solid vessel. Their shapes are diverse, some
round with a cover and handle to carry them by, and others squares or
oblongs. Not only the _Laplanders_ and _Swedes_ use these, but they are
also for their curiosity and strength sent into farther Countries: the
figure B. at the end will give a view of a round one.

Beside these the men make all manner of houshold-stuff of wood or bone;
and particularly spoons, one of which I have with all its Rings and
Ornaments, as you may see at figure A. I have two weaving instruments,
a shuttle about two inches long or more, with an hole at one end
D. and a kind of comb or small Loom in w^{ch} they weave particular
wreaths and ornaments E.


They make also very neat Tobacco boxes carved with knifes in bone, with
many Rings and other pretty appendages about them, all which being
considered will prove this Nation not to be so dull and stupid as by
some it is supposed.

They have also one Art more worth taken notice of, as ingraving flowers
and several Beasts in bone, into which they cast several plates of Tin,
and with these figures the men and women adorn their girdles and other
things: the same way they make their molds for casting bullets. They
make instruments for all emploiments, as Cookery, &c. those for hunting
are usually made of bone, and others are commonly adorned with it.
_Zeigler_ mentions tubs, which are rather cups, or vessels cut out of a
stump of a Tree, as traies are: and _Wexionius_ mentions other vessels
made of bark, but I forbear to speak of any more, only I shall add that
they learn their art not from masters but their fathers according to
their capacity.


_Of the Womens Emploiments._

Having run thro the mens emploiments, the womens are next to be
considered. Two trades are most peculiar to them, as doing the work
of Taylors and Shoomakers, for they make and mend all the Clothes,
Shoes, Boots and Gloves; and they have a third the making all those
things that join the Rain-deer to the sledg, as collars, traces, &c.
in order to which they learn subservient arts, as making thred, which
is commonly of Rain-deers nerves, because they have no flax: of this
sort I have some by me. _Olaus Magnus_ saith _ad indumentorum usum_,
for the making of shirts, which made _Lomenius_ believe the women wove
this thred into cloth, who I perceive in his short description of
_Lapland_, hath very closely followed his words more then his sense. In
the making of their thred, which is of about 3 ells long, the extent
of the Rain-deers nerves, they first cleanse the nerves, then having
cut off all the hard parts, they dry, and hatchell them, and lastly
mollify them with fishes fat. Besides this they spin wool for swadling
clothes, and Hares fur, with which they knit caps, as in other parts
of _Europe_ they do stockins with four knitting needles, which art the
_Germans_ call _stricken_. These Caps are as soft as Swans down, and
extremly warm. In the same manner they make Gloves, which are very
beneficiall to them in the cold. The work of their fillets is very
curious, for they put in them many figures, as you may see at the end
of the foregoing Chapter, at the figure I. The fourth trade is their
covering thred with tin, which first they draw into wire by pulling it
thro little holes in horn with their teeth, which holes they fill half
up with bone, that the tin may be flat on one side, and fitter to be
put on thred. The picture of a woman drawing wire you have in the next
page. Then they put it upon the nerves by the help of a spindle, which
doth so twist them together that they seem all tin, and when they have
done, they wind it about their head or foot, least it should entangle
and be spoiled. And this is their way of making thred of tin, as in
other Countries of gold and silver, the chiefest use of which is in
adorning their clothes after the way of Embroidery, which is the womens
fifth art. _Ziegler_ adds to this _faciunt vestes intextas auro &
argento_, that they interweave in their clothes gold and silver, which
I cannot believe, because they do not do so now, and whatever is spoke
of the mettal, they weave neither linnen nor woollen, but buy it from
the _Bothnian_ or _Norway_ Merchants: so then they do not weave this
thred into their garment, but embroider them with it. Thus they adorn
all their vestments, as gowns called _Muddar_, boots, gloves and shoes,
and she that doth it neatest, is preferred before other women, and had
in greater estimation. They do not immediately put this upon the fur of
skins, but lists of blew, green, or red woollen cloth. Their gowns are
embroidered about the neck, sleeves, breast, and sides; gloves about
the tops, shoes; instep and toes; boots, about the knees; in which
work they commonly picture; Stars, Flowers, Birds, Beasts, especially
Rain-deers: and to make their clothes more glorious, they set them with
spangles, fillets, points, and knots of this thred, and wear upon their
head shreds of diverse colored cloth, the pictures of all which you
have in the former Chapter, Boots F, Gloves G, Shoes H. The Rain-deers
harness they embroider in the same manner.

Lastly they have nothing that appears in sight, but it is hereby made
very commendable and ingenious. I have by me men and womens scrips,
pin-cases, sheaths for knives, very curiously wrought. Of all which,
that I might not seem to give too a large commendation of them, I have
put the Pictures in the foregoing page.




_Of the Emploiments common to both Sexes._

The other buisinesses, which we have not treated of yet, whether they
be at home or in journies, belong to both Sexes, and that they may
be the better undertaken, men and women wear breeches, and as _Joh.
Tornæus_ takes notice, equally undergo all pains and work excepting
hunting: by which words _exceptâ venatione_ he doth not deny but men
and women have peculiar emploiments. In their travels the master of a
family goes first, with his baggage and Rain-deers after him, and next
him his wife with hers; in Summer they both walk on foot, in Winter
both are drawn in sledges, which I have described in the next page:
in these they like children are tied and bound fast with fillets and
cords, especially when in hast, having only their hands and head at
liberty, and their back leaning against the end. The Rain-deer is not
harnessed like an Horse, but hath a strong cloth about his neck, to
which is fastened a rope that goes between his fore and hind feet,
to the hole in the prou of the sledge. He therefore that drew _Olaus
Magnus_ pictures was much deceived, when he made Rain-deers joined to
the sledge with traces on both sides, and such a collar about their
necks, as is used in other Countries upon their thillers; and in
another place two yoaked together drawing a cart with wheels, which is
a thing unknown to the _Laplanders_, and men riding upon them as on
a Horse, whereas they never do so, but walk on foot, and carry their
goods only on them in dorsers. He that is drawn rules the beast, not
with a bridle, but an halter made of Sea-dogs skin tied about his head
or horns, fastned to a stick which he holds in one hand, with which he
removes the thong to either side, according as he would go or turn:
with the other he guides the sledge, for it being round at bottom is
still wavering, so that he which rides, must still with the motion
of his body, and hand, take care it overturns not, as you may see in
the picture. When they thus travel in the Winter, the _Rain-deer_ are
bravely adorned with needle work of tin-thred upon diverse colour’d
cloth, about their necks and back, and a bell, with which they are
mightily pleased. They travell in these at what rate they will; but
if upon a remove, alwaies slow, because of the weight of their goods,
in which journies the man and his wife go first, and all the family
come after. _Ziegler_ saies in 24 houres they can go 150 miles:
_Herbersternius_ saies in a day 20 _German_ miles: but ’tis not to be
believed that it is performed with one _Rain-deer_ in the day of 12
hours, except the waies be good and slippery, but they ordinarily go 12
14 or 16 _German_ miles in ten hours, which number doubled will make
out _Zeigler_’s opinion: and that not with one _Rain-deer_ which is
impossible to out so long, but that it must dy or be left to rest the
next day. In this way of travelling the Women are as expert as the men,
and _Olaus Magnus_ saies more. As the men and women travel together,
so they help one another in fishing, and at baiting time to feed their
cattle, which is evident in the _Rain-deer_, for the women take as much
care of them as the men, and equally take the trouble to milk them: and
in fishing ’tis manifest; for women in the absence of men, are very
intent for some weeks at catching fish, which they gut and dry up for
Winter. Their way of catching them is with Nets, and other instruments,
as every where else. I know not what _Paulus Jovius_ meant, when he
said they have a foolish way of fishing, except he refers to their
hooks which are nor of Iron but Wood: they make them of _Juniper_ bent
round: these they fasten to sticks, and throw them into the Rivers,
and very easily take many large fishes. If they fish with a Cane or
Whale-bone, the fisher never knows when the fish bites, but pulls up at
a venture. Their way of fishing alters with the season, in the Summer
usually with drag nets, between two boats, or else with spears like
Tridents, but that they have more teeth. With these they strike pikes,
especially when they ly sunning themselves near the top of the Water:
they do the same by Night burning dry wood at the prow, by which light
the Fish are enticed thither. In the Winter time they thrust nets under
the ice to a banck side, and then by a great noise above drive the Fish
to them; all these things the Women often do alone, which is the less
to be wondered at, because every where in this Country there is a great
multitude of Fish. Besides all these, they carry and cleave wood, and
make hedges, with such like works, which are so inconsiderable as not
to be worthy to enlarge our discourse.



_Of their Divertisements._

Having spoken of their ordinary emploiments, it will not be amiss here
to annex something of their Divertisements: where first we may note,
that the people of this Country are generally dispos’d to idleness,
not willing to take any great paines, unless when meer necessity
constrains them to provide against want. This they seem to derive
principally from their Ancestors the Finlanders, as is elsewhere said.
To which as well their cold constitution by reason of the sharpness
of the Air in this Country (that it self is sufficient to dispose men
to laziness,) as the length of their Nights, and indulgence to much
sleep, may contribute not a little. In fine, that I may omit their
many other infirmities, whereby they are incapacitated to undergo any
considerable hardship, they are lovers of sloth and wholly given up
to it. But further, to consider how they bestow their vacant time
from business, ’tis the general and most recieved accompt, that making
and receiving visits, and familiar conversation become the greatest
part of their recreations. For whereas their manner of life so nearly
resembles solitariness, that each family seems confined to its own hut,
they can take no greater satisfaction in any thing then such mutual
entercourse. And here it may be observed, that in their discourses at
these meetings of friends and acquaintance, usually the most ordinary
affairs and daily occurrences have the chiefest place: as particularly
their welfare, emploiments, and the like. But besides ’tis their humor
to make remarks upon the transactions of all forreiners, whose names
or customes commerce has at any time brought to their knowledg. And
furthermore they can take no greater pride, then either in traducing
the management of their affairs, or imposing drollish Nick-names upon
them. Tho indeed those of the richer sort are used to entertain their
visitants with greater merriment and magnificence. Besides these visits
they use some sports wherewith they recreate themselves, especially
in Winter (when for some space of time they live as scateringly as in
Summer, but are more familiar,) or at their public assemblies in the
places of Judicature and Fairs. Again some sports are looked upon as
only peculiar to men, others the female Sex also have their part in.
Of the first sort this is one. They make a line in the Snow, in place
of a goal: behind it at some paces distance they set up a mark, from
whence each person taking a run to the goal, and there taking his rise,
throws his body as far as possibly he can, and he that at one leap
compasses the greatest space of ground, is reckon’d the Conqueror. In
this first sport they both leap and run. Another they have where the
trial of skill consists in leaping only, and that too not in length but
height; there stand two men upright, at no great distance the one front
the other, and hold in their hands sometimes a rope, sometimes a pole,
now higher, now lower, as is agreed upon by the combatants, usually
at the common height of a man: then each Person attemts to leap over
from a station assign’d, and he that performs most dextrously, gains
the applause to himself. A third sort of sport among them is with bow
and arrows. At a convenient place they set up a mark of a very small
bigness, and shoot at it with arrows from any distance prescrib’d. He
that hits either soonest or oftnest, bears away the bell from the rest.
These sports hitherto mentioned are almost instituted by them meerly
for the consideration of credit and renown: yet sometimes they play for
prizes such as they agree upon among themselves, and instantly they lay
them down in the place where they keep their games. Their prizes are
seldom mony, usually skins, especially of Squirrels, sometimes one,
sometimes more as they see convenient and agree upon it. But in those
sports wherein as well the women as men are plaiers, they commonly
play with a leather ball stuffed with hay, about the bigness of ones
fist; whatever company of men and women is there present, is sorted
into two sides, one whereof seizes on this ground, the other on another
opposite to it, and at some distance off. Then every Person of one side
in his turn, beats the ball with a club thorough the Air, those of the
contrary side catching it at the fall; and if any one chance to catch
it in his hands, before it touch ground, then the order of the play
is inverted, and this side strikes out the ball, the other is fain to
catch. Thus play the men and women, the boies and girles together,
nor do the men shew themselves more expert at it then the women. They
besides have another play at ball: in the hard frozen snow they draw
two lines at some distance from one another, then all the multitude
both of men and women parting into two sides, one applies it self to
the defence of this, the other of that line; then they meet in the
middle space between their two goals, and fling down the ball, then
each partie with bandies and clubs strives to strike the ball cross the
opposite parties line, each party still maintaining the defence of its
own line; but if one side chance to strike the ball with their bandies
over the others line (for it is foul play to fling it with their hands)
and so take their goal, that is accounted the conquering side. The
sports as yet mentioned are such as belong to the younger sort, as well
as to those of more mature age: the next is peculiar to these last and
only to men. Their custom is to separate themselves into two companies,
and attacque one another by wrestling: first each company stands like
a file of Soldiers all along in order to confront the adverse company:
then each man catches his adversary by the girdle, wherewith all
_Laplanders_ are alwaies girt, as is elswhere shown, (their girdle
goes six times round their body, and so is fast and fittest for their
purpose,) so each man having caught hold, endeavors to fling the other
down, which they are not allowed to attempt by craft or deceit, as by
any lock or the like; Any one that is found delinquent in this kind,
is branded for a fowl plaier, and excluded the lists. These are the
sports that are almost peculiar to the _Laplanders_: besides them
they use some, which they borrow from other places, such is playing
at Cards, a sport sufficiently known thorough all _Europe_, for even
the _Laplanders_ take no little satisfaction in it: they procure their
Cards of the Merchants that trade thither. They use likewise to play
at dice, which they themselves make of wood after the common fashion,
with this only difference, that whereas dice commonly have some number
of spots inscribed on every side, they have a figure made only on one
side like an X. he wins in this sport, that casting two Dies, on the
top of either can show the X. their stakes are usually Squirrils skins,
or some small trifles, and in the failance of these leaden bullets,
which they use in their hunting to charge their Guns withal: and it
happens sometimes that a fellow having lost all his bullets, in hope
of repairing his damage by winning again, not only at present will
be sensible of the harm, but being disappointed of his Hunting puts
to stake and looses his future acquisitions and hope of livelihood.
These are the usual waies, whereby the people of _Lapland_ spend their
leisure times and divert themselves.


_Of their Contracts and Marriages._

We have hitherto taken a survey of their ordinary imploiments, and such
as are almost every day in use, as well those peculiar to each Sex, as
common to both; likewise of their Divertisements and sports, wherewith
they use to intermingle those emploiments: It remains that we treat
of those businesses, which do not every day occur, but are singular
and solemn, and undertaken upon special occasions. And first of what
appertain to their Marriages; Concerning them ’tis most memorable, that
whenever any person purposes to marry, ’tis his first business, to make
search after a Maid well stock’d with _Raindeers_. For the _Laplanders_
have a custom, (as shall hereafter more particularly be mentioned) of
bestowing upon their Children soon after their birth, some certain
number of those _Raindeers_, and their increase is accounted of, not as
the Parents estate, but the Childs portion. She therefore, that is best
provided of them, is in most likely-hood of meeting with an Husband.
Nor have they regard to any thing else, as either good breeding, or
beauty, or other the common allurements of woers. For they who dwell
on a hard and barren soile are generally solicitous concerning food,
which because their _Rain-deer_ afford, every one thinks himself
best secured against want when he is best provided of them. As soon
therefore as the young man has cast about him for a wife, which is
usually done at their public meetings for paying of taxes, or upon the
account of fairs; next he makes a journy to her parents, taking along
with him his father, if alive, and one or two more whom he thinks
will be most kindly welcome, but especially one who may declare his
affections, and win the favor of the Maids parents. When they arrive
at the hut, they are all kindly invited in, only the suiter is fain
to wait at door, and bestow his time in chopping wood, or some such
trivial business, till he be summon’d in also, for without express
permission ’tis uncivil in him to enter. When they have drank of the
Spirit of Wine, which the spokes-man brings, he applies himself to the
management of his province, discloses the Suiters affections to the
Daughter, and makes his address to her Father, that he will please to
bestow her in Marriage upon him. Which that he may atcheive with more
success, he honors the Father with the greatest titles and names of
renown that he can devise, at every one bowing the knee, as if he were
treating with a prince. He stiles him with the High and Mighty Father,
the Worshipful Father, as if he were one of the Patriarcks, the best
and most illustrious Father, and no doubt if they were acquainted with
the Roial title of His Majestie, He would not scruple to call him, the
most Majestic Father. The Wine, that the Suiter is supposed to have
brought along with him therewith to pay his respects to her parents,
whom he pretends to, they call either _Pouristwyn_ (that is) the Wine
of prosperous access, or that Wine wherewith he designs to caress
his Father and Mother in Law, that are to be; or else, _Soubowiin_
(that is) the Wine of wooers which tis expedient for wooers to bestow,
thereby to procure permission of converse with the daughter, and gain
the favour and liking of the future Bride. But we must take notice,
that the business is nor proposed to the maid her self first, but her
parents; nor may the Suiter have any conference with her without their
permission. Nay ’tis the usual custom, at this time to dispatch her
away upon some sleevless arrand, either to the _Rain-deers_ pastures
in the Woods, or a Neighbors hut, so as neither the Suiter nor any of
his company may have a sight of her; but if at last either she or some
other woman procure leave for Her of her Parents or kindred, to speak
to him, their entertainment finished he gets him out of the hut to his
sledg, and then takes out his woollen Cloth-Garments, (such as they
use to spruce themselves up withal, at their public Festivals, or more
solemn affairs) and what else is requisite to the present business:
when he has trimm’d himself up, he makes his address to his Mistress
and salutes her. Their manner of Salutation is by a kiss; in which
that they mainly aim at is, that each not only apply his mouth to the
others, but also that both their noses touch; for otherwise it goes not
for a true salute. Next he makes her a present of the rarest delicacies
that _Lapland_ affords, the _Rain-deers_ tongue, the Beavers flesh,
and other dainties, which she refuses to accept of in the presence of
any body; presently after she is call’d aside to some convenient place
without the hut, then if she profess her self willing to receive them,
the Suiter farther puts it to her, whether she will grant him leave,
that he may take his repose by her in the hut; if she grant it, ’tis
concluded between them of their future marriage: withal he presents
his gifts above mentioned. If she rejects his suit, she casts them all
down at his feet. The Bridegroom usually carries them in his bosom,
before he presents them. The full approbation of the Parents, and the
celebration of the wedding is used oftentimes to be deferr’d for a
considerable while, sometimes for two or three years together; and
all that while they bestow upon courting their Mistresses. The reason
why their time of Courtship or wooing proves so long, is because the
Bridegroom is necessitated to gratifie with frequent presents, the
parents and friends nearest in blood to the Bride, without the leave
of each of which he cannot compass the possession of her. This is
expressed by _Samuel Rheen_ in these words, When any Person pretends
marriage to the Daughter of one of the richer sort, he is obliged to
make a present to her parents and nearest Kinsmen, such as is made for
state to Ambassadors or cheif Officers, as large as his means will
reach to, which present they call _Peck_, that is, Peices, every peice
at least must contain two marks of silver, that is, six ounces, there
are some too, that must contain twenty, forty, sometimes threescore
ounces a peice, such peices the Bridegroom is bound to bestow upon His
Mistresses parents and her near kindred. In what things these presents
particularly consist, I shall mention hereafter, for they do not give
barely silver, but moulded into some fashion, or other things besides;
while therefore the Bridegroom is emploied in procuring these pieces,
’tis no inconsiderable while that passes.

In this interval he ever and anon makes a visit to his Mistress, to
whom while he is travelling he solaces himself with a Love Song, and
diverts the wearisomness of his journy. And ’tis their common custom,
to use such kind of Songs, not with any set tune, but such as every
one thinks best himself, nor in the same manner, but sometimes one way,
sometimes another, as goes best to every man, when he is in the mode of
singing. An ensampel of one they use in the Winter season, communicated
to me by _Olaus Matthias_, a _Laplander_, I here annex.

    _Kulnasatz niraosam æugaos joao audas jordee skaode
    Nurte waota waolges skaode
    Abeide kockit laidi ede
    Fauruogaoidhe sadicde
    Ællao momiaiat kuekan kaigewarri.
    Patzao buaorest kællueiaur tuuni
    Maode paoti millasan
    Kaiga waonaide waiedin
    Aogo niraome buaorebæst
    Nute aotzaon sargabæst
    Taide sun monia lii aigoamass
    Saraogaoin waolgat amass
    Ios iuao sarga aoinasim
    Kiuresam katzesim
    Kulnaasatz nirasam
    Katze aoinakaos tun su salm._

The meaning of this Song is this,

    Kulnasatz _my Rain-deer
    We have a long journy to go;
      The Moor’s are vast,
      And we must hast,
    Our strength I fear
    Will fail if we are slow,
      And so
    Our Songs will do._

    Kaigè _the watery Moor
      Is pleasant unto me,
      Though long it be;
    Since it doth to my Mistriss lead,
      Whom I adore;
        The_ Kilwa _Moor,
    I nere again will tread_.

    _Thoughts fill’d my mind
    Whilst I thro_ Kaigè _past.
        Swift as the wind,
        And my desire,
    Winged with impatient fire,
    My Rain-deer let us hast._

    _So shall we quickly end our pleasing pain:
      Behold my Mistresse there,
    With decent motion walking ore the Plain._
      Kulnasatz _my Rain-deer;
        Look yonder, where
      She washes in the Lake.
        See while she swims,
    The waters from her purer limbs
        New cleerness take._

This is a love Song of the _Laplanders_, wherewith they incourage
their Rain-deers to travell nimbly along. For all delay, tho in it
self short, is tedious to lovers. They use too at other times to
entertain themselves with such Sonnets, when at some distance from
their Mistresses, and therein to make mention of them, and extoll their
beauty. One of this kind I received of the said _Olaus_, and seeing we
have lit upon this subject, I here set it down.

    _Pastos paiwa Kiufwresist jawra Orre Iawra
    Ios kaosa kirrakeid korngatzim
    Ia tiedadzim man oinæmam jaufre Orre Jawra
    Ma tangast lomest lie sun lie
    Kaika taidæ mooraid dzim soopadzim
    Mak taben sadde sist oddasist
    Ia poaka taidæ ousid dzim karsadzim
    Makqwodde roamaid poorid ronaid
    Kuliked palwaid tim suteatim
    Mak kulki woasta Iaufræ Orre Iaufræ
    Ios mun tæckas dzim kirdadzim sææst worodzæ sææst
    Æ muste læ sææ dziodgæ sææ maina taockao kirdadzim
    Æka læ Iulgæ songiaga Iulgæ, akælæ siædza
    Fauron sietza, maan koima lusad
    Dzim norbadzim.
    Kalle ju leck kucka madzie wordamadzie
    Morredabboit dadd paiwidad, linna sabboid
    Dadd salmidad liegæ sabboid waimodadd
    Ius kuckas sick patæridziek
    Tannagtied sarga dzien iusadzim
    Mi os matta lædæ sabbo Korrassabbo
    Nu ly paddæ soona paddæ, ia salwam route salwam
    Kæk dziabræi siste karrasistæ.
    In kæsæ myna, tæm airvitæm punie poaka
    Tæmæ jardækitæmæ Parne miela
    Piægga miela noara iorda kockes jorda
    Ios taidæ poakaid læm kuldælæm
    Luidæm radda wæra radda
    Ouita lie miela oudas waldæman
    Nute tiedam poreponne oudastan man kauneman._

The sense of the Song is thus,

    _With brightest beams let the Sun shine
        On_ Orra Moor,
        _Could I be sure,
    That from the top o’th lofty Pine,
    I_ Orra Moor _might see,
    I to his highest bow would climb,
    And with industrious labor try,
        Thence to descry
    My Mistress, if that there she be_.

    _Could I but know amidst what Flowers,
        Or in what shade she staies,
        The gaudy Bowers
    With all their verdant pride,
        Their blossomes and their spraies,
      Which make my Mistress disappear;
      And her in Envious darkness hide,
    I from the roots and bed of Earth would tear._

    _Upon the raft of clouds I’de ride
          Which unto_ Orra _fly,
      O’th Ravens I would borrow wings,
    And all the feathered In-mates of the sky:
          But wings alas are me denied,
    The Stork and Swan their pinions will not lend,
      There’s none who unto_ Orra _brings,
    Or will by that kind conduct me befriend_.

    _Enough enough thou hast delaied
          So many Summers daies,
    The best of daies that crown the year,
            Which light upon the eielids dart,
      And melting joy upon the heart:
    But since that thou so long hast staied,
    They in unwelcome darkness disappear.
          Yet vainly dost thou me forsake,
          I will pursue and overtake._

    _What stronger is then bolts of steel?
          What can more surely bind?
      Love is stronger far then it;
    Upon the Head in triumph she doth sit:
          Fetters the mind,
          And doth controul,
          The thought and soul._

    _A youths desire is the desire of wind,
          All his Essaies
          Are long delaies,
      No issue can they find.
    Away fond Counsellors, away,
      No more advice obtrude:
          I’le rather prove,
      The guidance of blind Love;
    To follow you is certainly to stray:
      One single Counsel tho unwise is good._

As they come to visit their Mistresses, they are necessitated to bring
along with them some spirit of Wine, as a singular and most acceptable
present, and Tobacco too. But if in the mean while, as it often falls
out, the father intends not to bestow his daughter upon the man that
hath made pretensions to her, he seldom refuses them, but defers
the positive answer till the year following, that he may the oftner
entertain himself with the spirit of Wine the Suiter brings along with
him. And thus he delaies his answer from one year to the other, till
the Suiter perceive himself cheated, and be constrained to require
at his hands his charges made to no purpose. There is then no other
remedy to be taken, then bringing the business before the Judg, where
the Maids Father is sentenced to refund either the entire sum, or half
of it, as the case stands. Where withal we must observe this, that
the expences made by the Suiter on the Spirit of Wine, at his first
arrival, do not fall under this compensation, but he alone stands to
the loss of that. But if after the downright refusal of the Maid, he of
his own accord will show his liberality, he may try what luck he will
have at his own peril. If all things happen conformable to his wishes,
then some set day is appointed for the wedding. The day before it, all
the kindred and Neighbors as well of the Bridegroom as Bride resort
to her parents hut, and the Bridegroom presents them all with wedding
gifts, about which they had agreed, and of which mention is made above.

The Bridegroom is bound to present the Father with a silver cup, to
drink in; this is the first of those they call _Stycke_. The second
is a large Kettle, either of Copper or Alchymy. The third, a bed or
at least hansom bedding. The presents for the Mother are, first a
girdle of silver, secondly a Robe of honor such as they use to call
_Vospi_. Thirdly a Whisk, which they wear about their neck, and let it
hang down to their brest, interlaced all about with bosses of silver,
and this they call _Krake_. These are the presents for the Father and
Mother: besides he bestows upon the Brothers, Sisters, and all the
near kindred, silver spoons, silver bosses, and some other such kind
of things of silver, for each of them must be presented with some
gift by the Bridegroom, if he mean to obtain his Bride. These are the
presents, which the Bridegroom is more especially bound to make to his
Father and Mother in law that are to be, and the rest of the kindred.
And he makes them in his father in laws hut, in the sight of all there.
The day following the wedding is celebrated, first by the ceremonious
joining of the Priest in the Church, afterwards by a set dinner. The
new Wife together with the Bridegroom walk along, both dress’d in the
best clothes they can procure at their own charges. For ’tis looked
upon among them as unhansom to make use of the borrowed cloths of
others, unless it be wool as I have elswhere shown. They take saies
_Tornæus_ so great pleasure in good cloth of what ever color, that as
far as their patrimony will permit, they procure their extraordinary
apparel and festival Garments of that kind: who declares expressly
that their festival apparel, or that which they wore on more solemn
daies, was not of skins but rich cloth. These Garments the Bridegroom
girds up with a silver girdle, but the Bride first looses her hair:
and the fillet wherewith she bound it up together before, she gives to
the Virgin that is next a kin to her: afterwards, on her bare head,
and loose hair she puts a kind of a silver fillet gilt over, or two,
such as is the womens custom to wear at other times besides, instead
of a Garland or Coronet, so that by how much this fillet is looser,
then to environ only her head; so much it hangs down the more behind:
likewise about her middle they put on a silver girdle. This is the
Brides apparel, unless that sometimes they put upon her head something
of linnen, instead of a veil, which at other times the women use when
they have a mind to make themselves extraordinary gallant, for as for
what appertains to their garments, we have before observed, that both
the Bridegroom and Bride wear their own, and those their best, and
such as on festival daies they deck themselves withal. We have shown
in another place, that the womens were called _Volpi_, and were made
either of wool, or the richer sort of cloth, so that neither about
this does _Olaus Magnus_ in his place a forecited, concerning the
_Lapland_ Bride, sufficiently agree with their custom at this day. They
set the Bride saies he, apparell’d in _Ermins_ and _Sables_ skins on
a _Rain-deer_. At this day both dress’d very fine are carried to the
Church or Priest, to be joined in Marriage; this was not the custom
in old times, if we give credit to _Olaus Magnus_, for then they were
joined at home, not by the Priests but the Parents, his words are
in _Lib._ 4. _Cap._ 7. in which place he treats of the _Laplanders_
weddings, as the Title of the Chapter informs us. In the presence of
friends and kindred, the Parents solemnly ratifie their Childrens
Marriages, and that too by the striking of fire with a flint and steel,
particularly there he makes the Parents joining them, and adds moreover
the manner, viz. by fire striken out of a flint, which without doubt as
some other things, he cull’d out of _Zeigler_, but as for the parents
doing it, _Zeigler_ has nothing of that, the manner of their joining
he explains in these words, They ratifie their Marriages, and begin
them in a ceremony of fire and flint, so pat a conjugal mysterie, that
they think nothing can be more agreeable, for as the flint conceals
within it self fire, which by concussion breaks forth, so in both
sexes there is life hid, which by the mutual coupling of marriage is
propagated at last to be a living ofspring. And just so _Olaus_ has
it, so that there can be no doubt made but that he followed _Ziegler_.
When they arrive near the Church, they observe in their procession a
certain order, first walk the Men, the Women follow. The Men are led
up by a _Laplander_, whom they call _Automwatze_, or foreman, then
follows the Bridegroom, after him the rest. Some number of Virgins
lead up the womens company, after them comes the Bride led between a
man and a woman, next to her follow the rest of the women. Tis here
to be observed that the Bride like one strugling against it, and
endeavoring the contrary, is dragged along by the man and woman that
are to wait upon her, and would seem to admit of her marriage with
great unwillingness and reluctancy, and therefore in her countenance
makes shew of extraordinary sadness and dejection: so afterwards in the
Church they are joined together by praiers and benediction according to
the Christian rite. After the same manner does _John Tornæus_ relate
this busines, only that he saies the Bride is led by two men, her
Father and Brother, if alive, or otherwise by her two next Kinsmen.
The portraicture of the Bride in her wedding apparel, and with her two
leaders you have in the next page. After the solemnity of the marriage
is ended, there follows a wedding feast, that is made in her Parents
hut, and as for the provision, each of the persons invited contributes
his share of the victuals, tho they bring it not thither just then,
but the day before: when the Bridegroom distributes his presents to the
Brides parents and kindred, then every one brings his victuals that
will be serviceable to the feast. But because the meat they bring is
ordinarily raw, they deliver it to a _Laplander_, on purpose appointed
to that office, viz. to receive it of every Person that brings, and
afterwards to boil it, and lastly to distribute it among the guests,
tho commonly the greatest part of the provision be made, by the
Bridegrooms as well as Brides parents. In their sitting at table they
keep this order, in the uppermost places sit the Bridegroom and Bride
next to one another, then follow in order the rest, as the parents, and
kindred. At the table no person helps himself, but receives his meat
from the hands of a _Laplander_, who is both dresser and carver of it.
First of all he serves the Bridegroom and Bride with their portion,
and in order the rest. Now they who by reason of the scantiness of
room in the hut, cannot be admitted to the feast, such are boies and
girles, climb up to the roof of the hut, and from thence let down
threds with hooks tied to them, to which they fasten pieces of meat,
and the like, so that they also enjoy their share of the banquet. The
entertainment ended, they give thanks, as at other times they use,
and shake hands one with another. The last thing wherewith they shut
up the merriment of the feast, is drinking Spirit of Wine, which if
they can light upon, they then are sure to buy; first the Bridegroom
drinks, then the Brides parents, then each man shifts for himself, and
so they make merry, but this custom the richer sort only observe, and
those too who have the opportunity of buying, by the presence of those
who sell these commodities; as for the meaner sort they are accustomed
to divert themselves with talk. When the Wedding is over, the Husband
may not take along with him his Wife with her goods and fortune, but
must remain for an whole year in service with his Father; when that
time is past, if he sees convenient he may set up for himself, and
turn housekeeper; and then the Father bestows upon his Daughter at
her departure, the _Rain-deer_, which are her due, because given her
in her younger years: he gives her also other gifts besides, and what
furniture will be requisite for the new married couple, particularly
he gives for her dowry an hundred or more _Rain-deers_, as likewise
silver, copper, Alchymy, a tent, bedding, and other houshold-stuff.
And next all the kindred, the Brothers and Sisters, and whoever have
received of the Bridegroom his gifts of respect, are likewise obliged
to return him back again some present, so that he who had received
one or two markes of silver, returns for a gift again one or two
_Rain-deers_: so that it comes to pass, that the _Laplanders_, who can
gratifie the friends and kindred with numerous presents, if they wed a
rich _Laplanders_ Daughter, come to great wealth in _Rain-deer_ by this
kind of marriage. These are the cheif things the _Laplanders_ observe
in their contracts and marriages, which before we quite leave, we may
take notice first, that it is unlawful among them, to marry a wife too
near in blood. And they have so special a regard to the degrees of
consanguinity and affinity, that they never request marriage in the
prohibited ones. And again ’tis unlawful, having one wife to marry
another, or when one is married to put her away, by Divorce. Polygamy
and Divorce were never heard of among the _Laplanders_, neither in the
time of _Paganism_, saies _Tornæus_, nor afterwards, but they alwaies
observed marriage honestly and like Christians; yet in former daies
perhaps they did not altogether abhor the communicating their wives,
whom they permitted to strangers especially and guests. So indeed
writes _Herberstenius_. But _John Tornæus_ mentions an instance of
later date, and the Testimony too of a _Laplander_ of _Luhla_, tho he
doubts to give credit to him. ’Twas reported to me, saies he, that
in the time of my Predecessor of _Luhla-Lapmark_, a certain immodest
_Laplander_, came to lodg with another, in _Torne-Lapmark_, a civil
honest man, as was his whole family, who could read books, and lived
a pious life, for which he was stiled by scorners _Zuan Bishop_. Then
the Man of _Luhla_, when he had disordered himself with drinking Spirit
of Wine, addressed himself to his hosts wife, in hope of debauching
her, but because there were there present two officers, who had
Spirit of Wine to sell, the _Zuan_ Bishop call’d for them, and told
them the fellows design, desiring likewise that they being Ministers
of the State, would apprehend and bind him: they immediately bound
him to a Tree, and left him there for a whole Winter night together,
to be frozen with cold. At last he was forced to regain his liberty
with mony; and pleaded it as an excuse, that it was the custom in
_Luli-Lapmark_, that if any person visited another, the entertainer
permitted such familiarity with his Wife. Thus saies _Tornæus_, but
doubtingly, for the fellow might have only framed this for his own
excuse; ’tis certain no other person has taken notice of it in them of
_Luhla_, and the other _Laplanders_ are so ignorant of this communion
of their wives, that they cannot endure they should look upon other
men. The _Laplanders_ dwelling towards _Norway_ at the river _Torna_
are so jealous, that if a Woman chance to meet a man, and speak but a
few words to him, they immediatly fall into a suspicion of her.



_Of their Child-bearing, and the Education of their Children._

Next to Marriage it will be expedient to treat of their Child-bearing,
and their Children. Where we may note first, that they wish for nothing
more, and that they take no greater plesure in any thing then fruitfull
Matrimony. And hence it is, I suppose, they are so prone to lust, as
is elsewhere shown: but altho they desire this so ardently, yet they
are very seldome fruitfull in Children, for they can scarce beget
more then eight, which number is the greatest, and usually they beget
but one, two, or three. An occasion of this their barreness, _Sam.
Rheen_ imagines their bad diet, as likewise the extreme coldness of
the Country, which I think may be very true. He moreover adds Gods
anger, which he collects from this, because tho they are not worn
away with War or Plague, yet notwithstanding their Country is never
the more populous, and their Nation wasts rather daily. The motive
of this anger he supposes to be their obstinateness in maintaining
their ancient impieties. They use indeed at this very day, not only in
Child-bearing, but other affairs too, to be solicitous concerning the
events, and to search after them by their superstitious rites. Their
first care is concerning the sex, for as soon as they perceive the
wife to be big with child, they have an opinion that they can inform
themselves whether it will prove a Boy or a Girl, after this manner:
they forthwith view the Moon (for they imagine that a Child-bearing
woman bears some resemblance to the Moon, as we shall hear) if there be
a Star just above the Moon, they thence collect that the burden will
prove of the male sex, if below, of the female. But I wonder they make
a comparison between the Moon and a woman with child. For can there
be any account given of their resemblance? is it, that like the Moon,
she grows big with her burden, and when that is laid, lessens again? I
rather suppose that these are the reliques of their Pagan superstition,
which made the Moon the tutelar Goddess to women with child. For so
most of the Pagans did account other, which opinion being outdated,
they yet pretend some resemblance between them. Their second care is
touching the health or sickness of the child, which thing also they
suppose the Moon will inform them in. For if a Star be just before the
Moon, they take it for a sign that the child will prove healthfull,
and grow up to be a man. But if it comes just after her, they thence
presage that the child will be a very sickly one, and not long lived.

The woman with child laies her burden in a hut, but (which any body
may understand) a sufficient incommodious one, especially if the time
of her delivery happen to be in the Winter, for tho they have a fire
kindled in the middle of the hut, yet that can give her but little
warmth. After her delivery, her first restorative and cordial, is a
good draught of Whales fat, which they procure out of _Norway_, the
tast of which is as strong and ill savoured as of a Sea-calves lard,
when dried. The child, as soon as brought forth is washed over as in
other Countries, but it is a peculiar custom of the _Laplanders_ that
first they do it with cold water or snow, and then afterwards dip them
in hot water, when it begins to fetch its wind, and can scarcely draw
breath. And also they use to dip in the water all the other parts of
the body, the head only excepted; They heat water, saies _Sam. Rheen_,
in a Caldron, and in that they set the infant streight up to his neck,
but they let no water come upon his head, before such time as he is
baptized by the Priest. The newborn Babe is instantly wrapped up in an
Hares skin, instead of linnen swadling clothes.

The woman lying in, hath her peculiar place assigned her in the hut
where she lodges, till she recover her health. And it is just by the
door usually on the left hand: there is no other reason given for it
then that this part of the hut is less frequently disturb’d by company,
and there they have all things needfull for them administred. Tho this
seldom resort thither be rather, by reason of the womans lying in
in that place, either because they would not disturb her with their
company, or, which I rather suppose, because they look upon her at
that time as unclean. But the women of _Lapland_ seldom keep their
beds long after their delivery, and in that while are extraordinary
carefull touching the Baptism of their Infants: for after they began
more diligently to be instructed in the Christian Religion, they take
the greatest pains imaginable to have their Children baptized as soon
as possibly may be. In former times it was otherwise, most of them
then were baptized very late, and at their mature age; some deferred
it for altogether. Of this _Gustavus_ the first is a witness, in his
Charter, the words whereof I have cited elsewhere. As touching the
former _Gustavus Adolphus_ in an other Charter and Preface, premised to
that which he published _Anno_ 1634, in which the State of the Religion
in _Lapland_ is declared at large; Baptism, saies he, is administred
indeed to them but only at Winter, if their young children can live
till then, it is well; if not, they die without Baptism. Some of their
children come to years of Discretion before it, so that with those that
are grown up, there is no small paines to be taken when they are to be
baptized. The time of Baptism being the Winter time, was because they
have Sermons then preached to them, and the Sacrament administred,
and that no oftner then twice; once about New-years-day, and againe
at Lady-day, of which I have treated in another place. Before these
times there was not so much done as that, but the _Laplanders_ were
fain to come with their Children to the neighbouring Churches of the
_Swedes_ in _Angermannia_ and _Bothnia_, of which _Olaus Magnus_ must
be understood to speak, when he saies Lib. 4. c. 17. Once or twice in
a year they visit the Baptismall Churches, and bring along with them
their sucking Babes in Baskets tied to their backs, to be baptized.
But at this day those women that are able, and not impeded by some
grievous sickness, carry their Children to the Priest themselves,
about a fourtnight after their delivery, that by him they may receive
Baptism. So much good hath building Churches in _Lapland_ done, and
having Sermons there, not in a strange Tongue, but the _Laplanders_
proper own: and so zealous are they for hastening their Childrens
Baptism, that the Mother scarce lying in above a week or fortnight,
after her delivery, will undertake a most tedious journy, over the tops
of Mountains, thorough wide Marshes and high Woods with her Infant to
the Priest; for the women of this Country are naturally hardy, and able
to endure any thing without trouble, and therefore, tho they feed upon
course food in their sicknesses, and drink nothing else but water,
yet they recover again quickly. They carry their young Infants to the
Priest, one way in the Summer time, and another way in the Winter. In
Winter they lay it upon a sledge. In Summer they put it in a Pannier
fastned to the back of a Rain-deer. The Infant is not set upon the back
of the Raindeer, but is tied in his cradle, and fastned to the pack
saddle after this fashion.


_Olaus Magnus_ makes them put in Baskets, as his words afore quoted
do intimate, and those Baskets too to be tied at their backs, and
the Picture he makes of them represents not only the woman, but the
man too so laden, each with two Children a piece: so that together
they travell with four Children, and with wooden shoes on their feet;
but here I am afraid the Painter followed his own fancy too much.
Certain it is that the Baskets there represented, bear no resemblance
to those of _Lapland_. The _Laplanders_ are wholly ignorant of this
sort of Baskets, that are carried at ones back. Nor are their Baskets
like wooden square Boxes, such as his figure represents them, but of
a round compass, and one part shut down upon the other, as I have
said elsewhere. But to return to their Baptism, in it they give their
Children names, according to the names of some of their friends and
kindred. _Samuel Rheen_ adds that they affect to put Pagan names
upon them, such as _Thor_, _Guaarm_, _Finne_, _Pagge_; but that the
Priests avert them from so doing as much as possibly they can. And this
is peculiar with them, that they often change their names, and put
others upon them then those that were given them at their Baptism, for
the love they bear to some friend or kinsman deceased, whose memory
thereby they desire to preserve. _Tornæus_ too avouches the same thing,
and if at any time in their younger years they fall into sickness,
then they use the name given them in Baptism instead of a surname,
especially they observe this in boies. But altho the _Laplanders_
wives are hardy, so as to be able to undertake a journy a week or two
after their delivery, and to go about other emploiments, tho they have
made their public appearance, and have been churched by the Priest,
yet by their husbands they are looked upon as unclean, till six weeks
be accomplished, so that they admit of no familiarity or conjugal
society with them for all that space of time. And thus much of their

I proceed next to their Education of them, the first thing that occurs
here is their Nursing, which is alwaies by their own Mothers milk, for
the _Laplanders_ make no use of Nurses. And this they do not only for
some small time, but usuall for two years, three or four together;
but if sickness or any other occasion happen, so that they cannot
themselves suckle their young ones, they give them the Rain-deers
milk, which is grosser and thicker, then they can well draw out of a
suck-bottle, (as at sometimes they are accustomed to do, elswhere)
and for that reason, if the necessity be urgent they give it in a
spoon. Besides their Mothers milk, they instantly accustom their young
Infants, to eat flesh, for they thrust into their mouths a piece of
Rain-deers flesh, that they may suck the gravie out of it, and so get

The rocking the infant in his cradle, follows next, whereby they get
him a sleep. Their Cradles are made of the stock of a tree hollowed,
like a boat: these they cover with leather, and at the head they erect
an arched kind of roof, of leather likewise. In such a cradle they lay
& tie in the Infant, without any linnen clothes or sheets, instead
of which they lay him on a sort of soft moss, of a red color, which
they dry in Summer, and have great plenty of it. When the Infant is
to be rocked, they let the cradle hang by a rope from the roof of the
hut, and by thrusting the cradle and tossing it from one side to the
other, they lull him a sleep. They use likewise to please their young
children with some certain baubles, for at their cradles they tie some
rings of Alchamy, to make a noise and clinking. To these rings which
serve instead of rattles they moreover add some emblems, wherewith
their children may be timely admonished of their condition and future
duty. If it be a boy, they hang up at his cradle a bow and arrows, and
a spear made very artificially out of Rain-deers horn, whereby they
signifie, that their children must diligently practise to be expert
and ready in using the bow and spear. If it be a girle; the wings,
feet, and beak of a white Partridge, which they call _Smæripa_, and
is call’d _Lagopus_ having feet like the feet of an hare, thereby
implying, that their Daughters must carefully learn to be cleanly, and
like those birds nimble and active. As soon as the children come to
some age, they instruct them in all necessary arts, the Fathers the
boies, the Mothers the girles, for they have no School-masters among
them, but each person is his own childerns Master, and they are so far
put on by their parents as to be able to perform any works in use among
them. Their boies they cheifly teach the Art of Shooting, and hitting
marks with an arrow, because in old time they were necessitated to get
their living by the help of bow and arrows, whereas the greatest part
of them maintain themselves by hunting, and therefore when they have
practised never so little the use of the bow, the boies victuals are
kept from them, till they can hit a mark with an arrow, and as it
was the custom anciently among the _Baleares_, and so now among the
_Laplanders_, their boies earn their food every day by their dexterity
in shooting, and thereby at last they prove most excellent marks-men.
_Olaus Magnus_ makes mention of this their practice, and wonderfully
extolls their dextrousness herein, and avers that he himself has seen
some of them who could exactly hit a farthing or a nedle, set at such
a distance off as would just let them see it. On the boies, that they
may take more care to hit the mark, when they have hit it, they bestow
a white girdle, wherein they take huge delight, and sometime a new
bow. But as the _Laplanders_ do look to their children in time to
teach them arts requisite to get their living, so also to provide them
means to maintain themselves withal, where it will not be impertinent
to mention, that tis a custom with them to bestow upon their infant a
female Rain-deer, soon after its birth or Baptism, if it be of female
Sex, and upon the horns of it they ingrave her mark, so to prevent all
controversies or quarrels, that may arise concerning her right. She
receives likewise another, when she cuts her first tooth. Which they
call _Pannikeis_, that is, the tooth Rain-deer. _John Tornæus_ writes
as if these gifts were given only by women. The Woman saies he, that
first spies a tooth in his mouth, is fain to honor him with a present
of a Rain-deers Calve. This custom might probably have its rise thus,
because, when the infants have gotten teeth, they have need of more
solid meat, therefore they stock them with Rain-deer as being their
cheifest food. That Rain-deer then, and whatever encrease comes of
it, are preserv’d to the future uses of the child, as may appear by
what we have elsewhere said, in the Chapter of their marriages, and so
likewise of the other Rain-deer which parents give the child besides,
for tis usual among them to superadd one to the former, and this they
call _Waddom_, that is, the given one. And this is the chief care of
the Parents towards their children, but if they die, instead of them
are substituted Guardians, as among other nations, out of their nearest
kindred, who manage all these affairs for them.


_Of their Diseases, Death and Burial._

Tho the _Laplanders_ lead a miserable and hardy kind of life, yet they
enjoy their health perfectly well. They have not so much as heard of
most diseases, and are not all infected with those, that elswhere use
to depopulate whole Countries. There are no acute and burning feavers
among them, no plague. And if any infection be brought among them, it
instantly loses its force. Some years since an infection was brought
into _Lapland_ in hemp, but none were hurt by it, besides the women
that in spinning chewed it, for the Northern cold easily dissipates the
poisonous vapors. The ordinary and frequent disease among them is, sore
eies, from whence not seldom proceeds blindness. The cause of this may
be, that from their infancie they for the most part are forced to be
in smoak, wherewith their Huts are fill’d both in Summer and Winter.
_Ericus Plantinus_ gives the same reason, and moreover adds the light
of the fire to be a cause of it. And this gives them the greatest
trouble imaginable, that their old age usually ends in blindness. They
are often troubled also with the Pleuresy and inflammation of the
lungs, stiches in the back, and dizziness in the head. The small Pox
likewise sometimes takes them. Now as diseases are rare among them, so
Physick is altogether unknown. Against all diseases inwardly they use
the root of a kind of Moss, which they call _Jereh_, or in the failance
of that, the stalke of _Angelica_, which they call _Fadno_, and is any
where to be found. For this use they boil the _Angelica_ with the whey
of Rain-deers milk, as I said it was a custom among them before, in the
Chapter of their food, and so prepared it is made use of as a special
Medicine. If they feel any pain in their joints, they apply some fired
chips to the place ill affected, that the ulcer then made may attract
the vicious humors, and so mitigate the paine.

They cure wounds with no other ointment or plaister then of resin,
which the trees sweat out: if a member be benummed with cold, the
Cheese made of Rain-deers milk affords the presentest remedy to it;
they thrust a red-hot iron into it, and with the fat of the Cheese
that instantly distills from it, they anoint the part affected with
incredible success. Others apply the Cheese it self, slicing it thin
like a plate or leafe. This Cheese so boiled in milk is extraordinary
good for a cough, and what other distempers, either of lungs or breast
arise from cold, if it be taken so heated. It helps the stomach when
disaffected by their drinking water. Because diseases are so rare among
them, most of them come to extreme old age. Nay _Sam. Rheen_ saies
there are some among them that live to be above an hundred years old,
and that most of them usually reach 70, 80, and 90 years, and at this
age he saies many of them are still sufficiently brisk and lively;
able to manage their business with expedition, to take a journey, to
course thorough Woods and Mountains, and to perform other such labour:
and lastly that they grow not grey-haired either soon or easily; so
that old age dispatches more of them then diseases do. But if any be
so dangerously sick as to keep his bed, either worn with age, or some
distemper, they first enquire concerning him by their Drum, whither
he will recover his health againe or die, as I have in another place
shewn this to be one of the uses of the Drum, and _Cl. M. Matthias
Steuchius_ in his Letter to me tells us the same; _I remember_, saies
he, _I was once told by a_ Laplander _that they can tell the very houre
and manner of any mans death by those their Drums_.

When they perceive any one neer death, then if there be present any
well disposed persons, and versed in the Christian Religion, they
exhort him in his agonies to think of God and Christ. If they are
regardless of Religion, they instantly abandon the sick person,
carefull only about the funeral banquet, which they begin sometimes
to celebrate before the person departing is quite dead. _Steuchius_
confirms this by a Story; There was a rich _Laplander_ named _Thomas_,
who when he was taken with a dangerous fitt of sickness, so as to
loose all hope of recovery, he summond before him his friends and
acquaintance; they when they perceived him to be desperate, they hasted
to the Victuallers that keeps the Inn towards _Norway_ and _Jamptland_,
and of him they bought Ale and spirit of Wine ready to sacrifice
over their friend, whilst he was alive: when they had spent a whole
day in quaffing, they camme to the sick mans Hut, and by that time
found him quite dead. This is an example of the latest date, that hath
happened in these our daies, from whence we may learn how just and
reasonable the complaints were, which were premised to the Charter of
_Gustavus Adolphus_, concerning the _Lapland_ School. Furthermore, it
is customary if any die, of whatever distemper, all instantly forsake
the Cottage where the departed person lies; for they imagine (which is
elsewhere shewn) that there survives something of the deceased, such
as the ancient _Latins_ called _Manes_, and that that was not alwaies
benign, but sometimes hurtfull: for this reason they are afraid of the
corps of the deceased. And if the person departed were of the richer
sort: they wrap his corps in a linnen garment, if a poor mean man, in a
woollen tattered one, so as to cover over as well the head, as all the
other parts of the body, this they call _Waldmar_. So indeed do they
that are more observant of the Christian rites then ordinary there; as
for the others, they cover their dead with their own vestments, and
those too the best they had when alive, as _N. Matthias Steuchius_
assures me by a Letter, and confirms it too by a late example that
a person worthy to be credited, related to him by an Inhabitant of
_Undersaok_, a near neighbour to _Lapland_. _The body of the dead_,
saies he, _they cover with the best garments he had alive, and shut
it up in a Biere_. They lay the corps so wrap’d up in a Coffin, or
funeral Chest, which is done by one peculiarly intreated to undertake
the employment, and who must receive of the nearest kinsman to the
deceased person a ring of Alchimy, and wear it fastned to his right
arm. The reason of so tying this ring is, because they beleive it to
be a preservative against the harm the Manes of the deceased person
may otherwise bring upon them, for this reason he is fain to wear this
same ring till the Burial be over, I suppose, because then they think
the ghost may be more quiet, which is the ancient superstition as well
of _Greeks_ as _Romans_. The Coffin is usually made of the hollowed
trunk of a tree, when they have not wherewithall to make a Coffin, as
is common with them that dwell in the barren Mountains near _Norway_,
they lay the corps of the deceased on a Carr or Sledge, which they call
_Akia_, instead of a Coffin. The place of their Buriall in ancient
times, before they turned Christians, was the first convenient place
they met withall for that purpose, especially a Wood. As for them that
dwell at a considerable distance from the Church at this day, they
leave not off the custom of burying them any where where they first
light, with the Sledge too, especially if there are only bare Rocks,
and no Trees to be seen. Others on every side beset the Sledge with the
corps too with stocks of Trees, both above and below, on each side, so
as that it may not contract filthiness or moulder, nor the corps be
torn in pieces, or devoured by wild Beasts.

There are some besides that lay them in Caves, and stop up the mouths
of them with stones. But what _Peucer_ writes that they dig a hole,
and lay their dead bodies under their hearth, thereby to escape
the hauntings of Ghosts, that is neither known nor heard of by the
_Laplanders_: “Whereas saies he, they are strangely frightned and
haunted with the Ghosts of their kindred after death, they provide
against that by burying their bodies under their hearths: by this
only remedy they guard and protect themselves against the hauntings
and affrightments of Demons, this if they do, no ghosts afterwards
appear; if they neglect to do it, they are perpetually interrupted and
infested with the apparitions of their too officious kindred.” They
are so far from burying the corps under the hearth that they rather
remove them to as great a distance as they can, But it is a singular
and memorable passage, that those especially who are less observant of
Christian rites, do use to bury with their deceased, first an hatchet,
and next a flint and steel, of which ceremony they give this account,
that if they ever come to rise againe in that darkness they shall have
great need of springing a light; to which the flint and steel may help
them, as likewise there will be occasion for a ready way, wherein they
may travell to Heaven, to which purpose their hatchet may stand them
instead, them especially that are buried among thick Woods, that if
any Trees obstruct their passage, they may cut them down. And this
do they themselves at this day affirm, now they have heard of a last
day, and a Resurrection of the dead. But I suppose it rather to be an
ancient superstition remaining still in these Countries, nor used only
by the _Laplanders_. I my self saw some few miles distant from _Upsal_,
raked out of the Sepulcher of a famous person, the great Treasurer of
this Kingdom, _M. Steno Bielke_, a steel and flint; which that it was
a relique only of Paganism, not the place only, but Tomb over him did
sufficiently testify. It is certain that it was the ancient persuasion
of Pagans, that there was no other way for the dead to arrive at the
abodes of the Blessed, but thorough darkness, which they are the more
afraid of, because it is the nature of their Country to have thicker
darkness and of more durance then is usual among others. As concerning
the hatchet, it is no wonder, whereas in other places it is a received
custom to lay by dead People their Weapons, of which the principal one,
among the _Laplanders_, is the hatchet. As for what appertains to the
modern _Laplanders_, _Olaus Petri_ imagines that they bury these things
with their dead, because they beleive that after the Resurrection they
shall take the same course of life they lead before, and for that
reason they furnish them with the same utensils. Thus do they who are
less observant of the Christian ceremonies, and dwell farthest off from
the Christian Churches. The others take special care to have their
dead carried to the Church-yard, which too the Priests do earnestly
request of them. It is said too that some of them, when they have bin
accustomed to bury in such a place are so ambitious as to give money to
have their deceased buried not in the Yard, but the Church.

But here none of the _Laplanders_ will willingly dig up a grave, unless
he be extraordinary poor, such whom the richer of them hire at a
considerable rate to such an emploiment, or some other of _Swedland_,
whom they can procure. So the deceased person is buried according to
the Christian rite, when they have mourned for him, putting on the
worst clothes they have, that is peculiar to them, that they leave
behind them the sledg whereon the course was brought to the Church-yard
and all the vestments wherein the deceased lay during sickness, these
they bring to the Sepulcher, for fear I suppose lest any deadly thing
should cling to them, and that cannot be used by others without harm.
So when the Person is buried, a funeral banquet is provided, the
time of it is usually, the third day after the burial, the banquet
is furnished out of the flesh of the Rain-deer; that drew the person
departed to his Burial place. That they sacrifice in honor of him; and
all the kindred and acquaintance feast upon it. At this feast they
take special care, not to loose the bones, but gather them all up
diligently, and lay them in a coffer and bury them under ground; if
they have the opportunity of procuring Spirit of Wine, they drink it
about to the memory of the person deceased, and call it _Saligawiin_,
that is the Wine of the blessed, meaning, I suppose that they drink
it to the memory of him, that is happy by his departure from earth:
however it happened, that those kinsmen of _Thomas_ the _Laplander_, as
was above mentioned, made this feast before the due time. They fasten
upon the coffer, wherein they shut up the Rain-deers bones, the image
of a man fashioned out of wood, bigger or less in proportion to the
deceased person; thus much of their funeral rites. Only some of the
richer sort repeat the feast every year, in the manner aforesaid, where
may note, that the Rain-deers are not only slain for their business
of the feast, but likewise in manner a Sacrifice, and that the bones
are offered to the Manes of the deceased, at tis more largely treated
of in another place. It moreover is apparent that the _Laplanders_
time of mourning is not used to be short, but of a long continuance,
especially for the loss of married persons or children, and consists
not in ostentation, or appearance, but only in inward sorrow. I come
now to their manner of inheritance and division of their goods, which
follows upon the death of any one, for the _Laplanders_ likewise have
their sort of riches, consisting most in moveables as cattle, silver,
brass and copper vessels and the like, but there is nothing for which
they are more esteemed then plenty of Rain-deer. Some of them have a
hundred, some a thousand or more; _Olaus Magnus_ makes mention of but
half these numbers _Lib._ 17. _Cap._ 28. but what may be read in the
papers of _John Buræus_, confirms their number to be much greater.
_Oroveen_, tis there said, was so rich in Rain-deer, that their number
could not be known. _Arent Justinus_ stole a hundred of them, and
yet they could not be missed. And other things which serve for daily
uses, they keep in public, or else lay up in their cupboards, as I
have elsewhere shown, but they bury under ground either silver plate
or mony, and the place they call _Roggri_, they lay it first in a
close box, that in a copper kind of kettle, and that they cover over
with boord, and so strew it over with earth and moss, that no body may
perceive any thing to be hid there, this they do so privatly, that
neither their wives nor children can tell any thing of it, so that it
sometimes chances, that, when they dy suddenly, all these things ly
buried and never come to the heirs, but what come to their hands are
thus divided among them, if they be moveables, the Brother receives
two thirds, the Sister one, as was appointed by the Provincial Laws
of the _Swedes_. The two _Rain-deers_ given to the children in their
tender years, the one the Tooth Rain-deer, the other the Parents
free gift, are exempted from this common division, as likewise their
increase, which sometimes comes to a considerable number. If the goods
be not moveables, as territories, lakes, mountains and such like, the
children of either Sex, possess them with equall right, and make use
of them indifferently, tho this be not a bare permission, but founded
in the division of _Lapland_, made by _Charles_ the Ninth, in which to
every family were given its own territories, Lakes, Woods, Mountains,
and the like, as has been mentioned in another place, from whence I
suppose tis, that they remain still to each single family, and are not
liable to division or to be distributed among the heirs as other goods;
for these are not their own proper possessions, as other goods are,
but only granted from the crown of _Swedland_ to them to receive the
profits, and upon that score every year they pay a certain tribute,
which we have treated of before, so that there remains nothing else to
be added here.


_Of their Cattel._

After our discourse of the inhabitants of _Lapland_, their Nature and
manners, something is to be said of other things there remarkable.
First of their Cattel, of which they have some common to other Nations,
some proper only to themselves. They have no Horses, nor Asses, Oxen,
nor Bulls, Sheep nor Goats. The inhabitants do not regard Horses, for
the little use they have of them; Oxen, Sheep, Goats, they procure
from their Neighbors, for the provision of meat, wool, and hides, and
they keep them but one Summer, still killing them a little before
Winter. The Beasts proper to _Lapland_ which no other Nation has, are
Rain-deers, _Peucerus_ stiles them _Tarandi_, but without reason, for
the Rain-deer compared with _Tarandus_ as ’tis described by _Pliny_,
have scarce any thing a like, the _Tarandus_ having the bulk of an Ox,
an head bigger than a stags, and hair as thick and rough as a Bears,
which he can change into any color, as he shews in his 8^{th} book,
but nothing of this agrees to the Raindeer, as we shall shew anon.
Likewise _Gesner_ did erre in bringing this Animal from two divers
species. ’Tis not known who imposed the name; but whatever become of
the Etymology or imposition of the name, tho it seem to be of late
times, the beast it self was long before known. The first that wrote of
him was _Paulus Warnefrid_: he speaks there of a people which he calls
_Scritobini_, which were doubtless the _Laplanders_, for he describes
their cloths to be the same with those which the _Laplanders_ call’d
_Mudd_, he affirms that the beast of which they had their hides was not
unlike a Stag, which serves to prove that they were the _Rain-deer_,
for so they are call’d by _Herbestenius_, _Damianus_, and _Olaus_,
who tells us that they are something taller then a Stag: those which
have broad horns (found most in the North) are less than others. But
tis not the same thing to talke of tallness and bulk; for tho other
Stags owe their height to their long legs, they have less bodies than
the Rain-deer. They have 3 horns, 2 branching out backward, the third
sprowting down their foreheads (which _Olaus_ observes is to guard
them from the wild Beasts especially the Wolves.) _Lomenius_ speaks
of 4 horns, 2 backwards and 2 forwards, as appears by his picture, in
which the Artist falls short of the matter, as my draught which is more
accurate will show: but _Albertus Magnus_ makes them have three rows of
horns, for so _Jonstonus_ out of him, they carry saies he 3 horns, each
breeding 2 horns more, which makes his head seem bushy. Two of these
are bigger then the rest, which answer to the Stags horns, growing
sometimes to that bigness as to be 5 cubits high, and are adorned with
25 branches. The Doe has 2 short horns, one being fixt in its forehead
which it uses in conflict with other beasts. These horns are proper
only to the Buck, the Doe having much less and fewer branches. They
are commonly covered with a kind of Wool, which is most frequent after
they are cast and begin again to shoot; so _Olaus_. In the spring, they
begin to sprout, tender, but rough and full of blood: when they come
to a sufficient growth, they cast their hair in Autumn. The Rain-deer
differ from a Stag, that their feet are thick like a Bulls; hence
_Olaus_ took notice of their round hoofs: when they walk, the joints
of their feet make a noise like the clashing of flints, or cracking of
nuts, which is peculiar only to these beasts. Lastly their color is
different from a Stags, for it comes nearer an Ash: besides they are
white not only on their belly but on their haunches, which _Damianus_
observes does render them more like Asses then Stags, and _Zeigler_
agrees with him. But I cannot see on what account _Olaus_ attributes
a main to this beast: they have indeed, especially under their necks,
hair longer then ordinary, such as Goats and other beasts have, but
nothing agreeable to an horse main: tis farther observeable that tho
they are cleft they do not chew the cud. Likewise instead of the
bladder for their gall they have a black passage in their liver. This
is the picture of one drawn to the life.


Moreover the beast is naturally wild, and such still abound in
_Lapland_, but now multitudes are tamed for domestick service; those
that are bred of tame ones, remain so, of which there is great plenty.
There is a third sort bred of the wild and tame, for they use, as
_Sam. Rheen_ observes, to set out tame Does about rutting time, for
the better conveniency of catching the wild ones. Thence it happens
that sometimes the tame ones breed that third sort, which they call
particularly _Kattaigiar_ or _Purach_, and are bigger and stronger
than the rest, and fitter to draw Sledges. He saies too that they
retain something of their primitive wildeness, sometimes being very
headstrong, and kicking at him that sits on the Sledge. The driver hath
no remedy then but to turn his Cart, and lie under it, till the Beast
ceases to be unruly, for they are strong, and will not be governed with
whips. They go a rutting about S. _Matthews_ tide, in the same manner
that Staggs do: if any Buck be killed in that Season, the flesh stinks
like a Goats, which makes the Inhabitants desist from killing them
at that time, but at other times they are good meat. The Does (which
they call _Waijar_) are big ten months, they calve about _May_, when
they can recruit themselves with the Sun, and fresh grass. They breed
but one a piece, but are so fertile, that of an hundred there is not
ten barren. Those that have calved are stiled _Raonæ_, which become
exceeding fleshy, as if they were fatned against Autumn, at which time
they are usualy killed.

Those that have young ones never are housed, but give suck without,
and in this case the great multitude breeds no confusion, for each Doe
knows her proper Calf, and is known by it; so saies _Sam. Rheen_, who
affirms that they know one another after two or three years absence.
When the Calves are grown they feed on grass and leaves, and what
the Mountains afford: their color is mixt of red and yellow. About
S. _James_ tide they cast their hair, which in the next growth turns
blackish. They are at their full growth in 4 years, each year changing
their name; the first, they are stiled _Namiloppa_, i. e. nameless.
_Tornæus_ calls the Buck _Hiroas_, but _Rheen_ gives him the name of
_Herki_. When they are able to work, they are tamed; one sort being
condemned to the Sledge, and thence named _Vaijom-herki_, others to
carry burdens, thence called _Lykam-herki_. Those that are design’d for
labour they commonly gueld, which renders them more tractable: this is
done when they are a year old. Those which are reserved for breeding,
are called _Servi_. The Bucks are not so numerous as the Does, of
which there be an hundred for twenty, which are profitable for Milk,
Cheese and breeding. Both men and women milk them kneeling, one hand
being emploied to hold the pail, and the other the dugg. They milk
them sometimes loose, and sometimes bound to a post, about 2 or 3 of
the clock in the evening, and but once a day, the rest being reserved
for the calves: those which have Calves alwaies yield most milk: the
greatest quantity they give at once is a Swedish pint and half, that
is about the fourth part of the ordinary measure upon the _Rhine_. The
milk is fat and thick, and very nurishing, which is their chiefest
food; that which they do not boil they make Cheese of, which is thus
described by _Rheen_. The Dairy-Maids first let the milk stand to
cream, when it hath stood they take off the cream with a skimmer. When
one Cheesefat is filled, they fill another, and put it on the first,
and so till 6 or 8 are filled, then they turn the Cheesefats, that the
lowermost be in the top, and use not their hands to press the cheese,
but let them press each other. Each Cheese requires as much milk as
ten Rain-deers can spare: their shape is round about two fingers thick,
and as big as a Trencher, which we use at table, their Milk makes very
fat Cheese, but no Butter, instead of which they have a kind of tallow,
as I shew’d before.

Now the _Laplanders_ having such advantages from these beasts, take
great care in driving them to their Meadows, and defending them from
wild Beasts. They are so concerned for them, that they bring their
Wives, Children, and Servants, to watch them in the pastures, and
drive those that wander back to the Herd. When milking time comes,
they drive them into folds, which are spots of ground, hedged in with
hurdles stuck on forks, each fold having two doors, one by which they
enter, the other which carries them out into their Medows. Their meat
in Summer is the best grass the Mountains afford, with leaves of young
Trees. They avoid all hard rough grass, especially where Bullrushes
grow. The other Seasons of the year they feed on a kind of white Moss,
which abounds in _Lapland_: when the Mountains are covered with Snow,
they scrape out this Moss with their feet. And _S. Rheen_ observes that
tho they get least food in the Winter quarter, they grow whiter and
fatter then at other times, for in Summer the excessive heat makes them
worse. These Cattel too are subject to disseases, which if once begun,
spread and kill the whole Herd, but this very rarely. They are infected
with that more frequently, which _Olaus_ describes. About _March_ worms
or wornels do begin to breed in their backs, which when alive, creep
out and make the Beasts skin, if then killed, full of holes, like a
Seive, and almost useless.

The Wolves trouble them, tho they have their horns to defend
themselves; but they are not alwaies so armed, for they cast their
horns once a year, which grow again very slowly. The Does never cast
theirs till they have calved. The Rain-deers use not their horns
when they encounter the Wolves so much as their forefeet, with these
they receive them coming on, otherwise their feet defend them by
flight, which they can easily do, if not hindred by Snow. The third
inconveniency is that if they be not very carefully lookt to, they will
wander and be lost, therefore the owners put certain marks on them to
distinguish them from others; their marks they put sometimes on their
ears, and not their horns, because they cast them. But if they escape
all accidents whatever, they never live above 10 years.

And thus much for the Rain-deers, which alone supply the want of
Horses, Sheep, and other Cattel. Therefore the Inhabitants apply
themselves only to the care of these, neglecting all the rest; besides
Dogs, which faithfully watch their Houses and Cattel, and are very
serviceable for hunting, as I have mentioned in that Chapter.


_Of the wild Beasts of the_ Laplanders.

Of all the Beasts in _Lapland_ the Bear is chief: him saies _Sam.
Rheen_, they stile King Of the Woods, and gives this reason, because
in strength and fierceness he exceeds all the rest. They are very
numerous, some fiercer than others, especially those which are mark’t
with a white wreath about their necks, many of which are found in the
North. These annoy the Inhabitants Cattel, and overturn their Stores;
which they fix on the top of a Tree, to preserve their flesh and fish,
and all that concerns provision: but in one night the Bear destroys all
the food they have laid up.

Next the Bear the Elk is remarkable, which _Olaus_ calls the wild
Asse, _Scaliger_ confounds it with the Rain-deer, for he saies, tho
it had Asses hair, it was called by the _Swedes_, _Ranger_, by the
_Goths_, _Rangifer_, by the _Germans_, _Ellend_, by the _Moscovites_,
_Lozzi_, and some Books say that in _Norway_ they were named _Rehen_:
what Books he means I am ignorant, but I am sure the _Elks_, which
the _Germans_ call _Ellend_, were never called _Rehen_, but _Ælg_, or
_Ælgar_, which is now the common name through all the North; neither
can I think otherwise of the _Moscovites Lozzi_, for it is the same
with the _Lithuanian Losso_, as _Herbestenius_ observes. That which
the _Lithuanians_ call _Loss_, the _Germans_ call _Ellend_, and many
in Latin _Alce_. So that _Loss_, _Lozzi_, _Ælg_, _Ellend_ is the
same Beast, but quite different from the Rain-deer, contrary to what
_Scaliger_ thought. For first it excells the Rain-deers in bulk not a
little, being as high as any Horse; its horns are shorter, but above
two palms in breadth, shooting out a few, tho not many young sprouts.
His leggs are not round, but long, especially the foremost: he engages
very smartly, and his sharp hoofs enable him to encounter all Men and
Dogs that oppose. He hath a long head, and huge thick lips alwaies
hanging down; his color is not so white, but all over his body it
inclines to a dark yellow mixt with ashen: when he walks he makes no
noise with his hoofs as all Rain-deers do; whoever sees both Beasts (as
I have often) will perceive such difference, that he will wonder how
any one should mistake. There is no great breed of these in _Lapland_,
but they have them from other places, especially _Lithuania_. _Charles_
the ninth, by a public Proclamation claimed all the skins of those that
were killed for his Exchequer, as I mentioned in another place. _Olaus_
saies that they continue altogether in the South of _Lapland_, and are
taken most frequently by running them down, or hunting; in other places
they are rarely found: but it is manifest that twice a year they swim
in great Herds out of _Carelia_, over the River _Niva_, to wit, in the
Spring to go into _Carelia_, and in Autumn to return into _Russia_.
Some few Stags have bin seen in _Lapland_. _S. Rheen_ mentioning the
chief Beasts which have bin found there, reckons severall species
of four footed Beasts, as wild Rain-deers, Bears, Stags, Wolves,
Gluttons, Beavers, Otters, Martins, Squirrels; but these Stags are but
few and little, such as they call _Damacervi_, or _Platicerotes_, which
since they have nothing peculiar from those in other nations, let it
suffice that they are named. To these I may add wild Rain-deers, but
because they differ from the tame ones only in bulk, being bigger,
and in color somewhat blacker, I will likewise pass them over. _Sam.
Rheen_ after the Stags mentions Wolves, of which there is a great
number, distinguisht from those in other Countries only by their color,
something whiter, whence they are often called white Wolves: their
hair is thicker, longer and rougher. These most of all molest the
Rain-deers, which are armed against them with their horn.

I find in some Papers of _Euræus_ that the Wolves did never assault
the Rain-deer if it was bound to a stake: the reason may be because
he fears some trap when he sees the rope that binds the Raindeer:
for the Wolf is a very suspicious creature, and thinks every thing
he sees to be a snare to catch him. Besides he may suspect that men
lie hidden to kill him, whereas the Rain-deers are only bound for the
better conveniency of milking them. Nevertheless, the Wolves venture
not only on Beasts, but on Men and Women, especially those that are big
with child. Travellers are forced to go armed, particularly Women near
their time, for the Wolves take their scent and watch more greedily
for them, therefore no Woman is permitted to travel without a guide
assisting her. The next are the Gluttons, which are frequent here,
they have a round head, strong and sharp teeth, like a Wolfs, a plump
body, and feet shorter than the Otters: their skin is of a very dark
color, some of them resemble Sables, only they have softer and finer
haire; this Beast lives not altogether on Land, but many times in the
Water, like the Otter, tho much bigger and stronger: some compare it
to the Otter, but it is far greedier than he, for thence it gets its
name. For _Olaus_ tells us that it is called by the _Swedes_, _Jerff_,
by the _Germans_, _Wildfras_: but this German name doth not denote the
Beast to eat much, but to devour what it finds in the Woods, for _wild_
signifies any thing in the Woods; wherefore either _Scaliger_ did not
understand the word, or else the Printer did not follow his copy: which
appears more plainely, from that the _Gulo_ doth not only infest wild
Beasts, but tame (as hath bin often known in _Swedland_) and Water
creatures too, being it self accustomed to the Waters.

There are abundance of Beavers in _Lapland_, because the Nation abounds
with plenty of Fish, whence they have store of food: _Olaus_ thinks
that the plenty of them proceeds from the quietness of the Waters,
which are never troubled with Ships, as the _Rhine_ and _Danow_ are. I
add nothing of these because they are not distinguish’d from the vulgar
sort, neither are the Otters. Next to these _Sam. Rheen_ speaks of the
Foxes, as being numerous, and of severall sorts over all _Lapland_.
He reckons up, besides the common ones, those that are black, brown,
ash-colored, white; and those that are marked with a cross. The black
are most valued because they are rare: in _Moscovy_ Men of honor
and preferment have their Caps made of their skins, which are sold,
as _Herberstenius_ observes, for 10, sometimes 15 pieces of gold.
Those that are marked with a cross, _Johnston_ calls _Crucigeræ_, and
describes them thus: they have from their mouth, over their head and
back to their tail a black streak, another crossing their back, and
down to their forefeet, which two lines do resemble a cross. These
are preferred before the common red Foxes, being bigger, and having
thicker hair. The ashen-colored Foxes are those which _Johnston_ calls
_Isatidæ_, their color is mixt of ash and blew, such as is the color
of the woad, tho this color is not spread all over his body, nor is
any single hair wholly of this color, for the longest hairs are black
at the end, the shortest white, from both which this color results.
_Olaus_ calls these _Celestine_, or sky-colored Foxes, where too he
tells us that they are of less worth than the rest, and the white ones
too, because their color is so, without the tincture of any other, such
as Conies use to have. The reason is because their number is great, and
their hair not durable: but that there is such abundance of these skins
happens because the Foxes are more easily taken, not living in the
Woods, but on the naked Mountains between _Norway_ and _Swedland_.

After the Foxes the Martins are mentioned. These too are frequent in
_Lapland_, and indeed no Nation doth afford more or better skins than
this doth. But these differ too, those that have yellow on their throat
being preferred before the white: but this is observable that the
_Laplanders_ have no Martins but in the Woods, and they have also a
particular sort of meat, for they feed on Squirrels and Birds. In the
night time, saies _Olaus_, by the advantage of their sharp claws they
can easily climb any Tree, where they make a prey of the Squirrell,
who is quite as nimble, tho not so strong, and therefore can sometimes
save himself by skipping round the arm of a Tree: this the enemy cannot
imitate, especially if the Squirrell leads him up to the top branches,
otherwise he cannot escape, and leap from the top of one Tree to
another. The Martin is not injurious only to the Squirrel, but to both
small and great Birds, which he seizes on as they are at roost: if they
be the greater Birds they presently betake themselves to flight with
him sitting on their backs, and persisting to bite so long, till they
drop down dead.

Next are the Squirrels, which are incredibly numerous. These
particularly change their color every year. When Winter draws on they
turn from red to grisle, which color is valued in the skin; this color
the further the Beasts are Northwards, is the purer, and less mixt with
red, and is so too the farther the Season is from Summer, at which time
they are never hunted, but all in the Winter. Tho they do so abound,
yet they are wont to go away in such troops, till there are scarce any
left. The reason of their departure is not known: some think it is
because they fear hunger and foresee the want of meat. Others think it
is to avoid the injury of the weather. _Rheen_ and _Ol. Pet._ describe
their march on this wise. They go to the brinks of a River, where they
find the bark of Pine, or Birch trees, on which they trust themselves,
and venture to launch forth, pricking up their tailes for sailes. Thus
they are carried at the mercy of the wind till it overturns them and
their bark. Their body is of that nature that it will not sink, but
being drowned, is driven to shore, where very often great numbers are
taken up, and their skins, if they are found soon enough are as fit for
use as ever: but, tho such an accident, as this, sweeps away most of
them, yet the few that are left preserve the species, and multiply very
soon, for each Squirrel brings forth 4, 5, or more at a time. And those
are all the Beasts which _S. Rheen_ mentions.

But besides these, there are others, such as are the _Sables_ which
_Olaus Magnus_ calls _Zabelli_, their skins _Johnston_ in his History
of Animals commends. _Olaus_ saith that their skins were made use of
by the _Lapland_ Women, especially by the Brides to adorn themselves
with them; and that there is but small plenty of them in these parts.
Some make this beast like a weezel, others especially _Scaliger_ like
the Martin, and indeed he seems to be in the right both to the bulk
and shape of it. Their color the nearer it comes to black is the more
esteemed. There are found several all white, such as we have often
seen the _Muscovian_ Embassadors bring over to the King for a most
singular present. By which _Adamus Bremensis_ in his _Scandinavia_
seems to have understood white Martins. There are also Ermins which
are found only among the _Laplanders_. _Jovius_ first wrote of them
that they were good exchange for any sort of Merchandize. These Ermins
are nothing but white weezels having the end of their tails black,
_Johnston_ takes notice thereof out of _Albertus Magnus_, he calleth
the beast _Erminius_, which is the same thing with _Armelinus_ and
_Hermelinus_, differing neither in bigness nor nature from the weezel,
the color argues nothing, for he has that only in Winter, but in Summer
is of a bright yellow. It is as greedy of Mice as the Weezels are,
whence the _Sweeds_ call it _Lekat_. I am unwilling to call it with
_Scaliger_ a _Swedland_ Mouce. Among these I had rather reckon a little
sort of beast which they call _Lemmus_, which _Olaus Magnus_ saith
the Ermins feed on, _Samuel Rheen_ speaks of a sort of Mice found in
Lapland which they call Mountain Mice or _Lemblar_, which _Wormius_
describes with short tails and staring hair, and not unlike a Mouce.
I will speak little of their color, which _Olaus_ saies is various,
_Samuel Rheen_ affirms it red, who observes too that they come of a
sudden, and cover the ground with their multitude. _Olaus_ observes
that this is alwaies in stormy weather, and thinks that it rains these
creatures, but is all together in a doubt, whether they are brought
thither by the Winds, or bred in the clouds. _Wormius_ thinks plainly
that they are bred in the clouds: but the learned _Isaac Vossius_ in
his notes to _Pomponius Mela_ corrects him, and saies the reason why
these animals are supposed to fall from the Clouds is because they use
not to appear, but immediatly after rain they creep out of their holes,
either for that they are fill’d with water, or because this creature
thrives much in rain, which opinion seems most probable to me. These
creatures are very bold, never making their escape when Passengers come
by, but keep on their way, and make a noise like the barking of a dog:
they fear neither club nor sword, but if any one strike at them, they
turn again and bite. It is observable in them that they never go near
or do any mischeif in any hut, sometimes they set upon one another,
being divided as it were into two armies, this the _Laplanders_ take
to be an omen of future war in _Swedland_, and gather whence the enemy
will come, by observing whence those animals first moved that provoked
the rest. These creatures have their enemies too, first the Ermines as
I mentioned before, then the Foxes, which bring a great number of these
into their holes: hence the _Laplanders_ have no small disadvantage,
for the Foxes using this sort of food most, regard not the baits which
they lay to catch them. Thirdly the Rain-deers devour them, and lastly
the dogs which eat only the fore part of them. These creatures never
live, if they chance to eat any herb grown after they had tasted it
before: sometimes they perish otherwise, as being choaked in the
Hedges or dropping into Water. The last sort of beasts are hares, which
are esteemed for their white skin, especially in the winter, at which
time they are as white as the Foxes; they change their color every
year, alwaies turning white towards this season; for which tho many
reasons may be given, I think this is most considerable, that Nature
and Providence designed it, least when the ground was quite cover’d
with Snow, their color might easily discover them, and they being
equally oppressed by man and beast should be quite destroy’d. For which
reason too, probably some birds at that time are White. _Olaus Magnus_
testifies the same of hares, that immediatly after Autumn they begin to
grow white, and at that time are frequently taken half white and half
not, but in the midst of the Winter they are all white as before.


_Of their Birds and Fish._

I come now to the Birds, of which here is great store. _Samuel Rheen_
mentions these, Swans, Geese, Ducks, Lapwings, Snipes, all sorts of
water Birds, and wild fowl, as Heathcocks, Stock-doves, Partridges,
Woodcocks; he makes a distinction between water fowle and those that
are bred in Woods, and proves that they abound with each sort, because
the country has so many pools, ponds, and woods. Of these birds, some
are in other countries, some only in these Northern parts. Swans,
Geese and Ducks, are known every where: he means wild ducks, for they
have no tame ones. _Olaus Petri_ takes notice of the same thing. It is
remarkable in these wild foul, that they come from the South into the
North, where they build their nests, hatch and breed up their young
ones, which is not frequent elsewhere. I believe it is because they do
not find such security nor plenty of food in other places. The Snipes
I suppose are scarce found any where else, their back and head are
black, and most part of their wings, white on their breast and belly,
red bills, very long, and set with teeth, short feet and red with skin
between their claws, as all water fowle have. As you may see in the
next page.


To this we may add that sort of Bird called _Loom_, which _Samuel
Rheen_ omitted, unless he comprehended them under the water-fowle in
general, for there is such a number of them, and so various, that
the particulars would take up too much time: _Olaus Wormius_ has a
draught of this bird, it is no sort of duck, as appears by its bill,
which is not broad but sharp. This bird peculiarly goes not upon land,
but alwaies either flies or swims, it hath feet very short for the
proportion of its body, and standing so much back, that tho they are
very convenient for swimming, yet it cannot so poise its body on land
as to be able to go: hence it is called _Loome_, which signifies lame
or unable to go. Of the wild fowl that which _Samuel Rheen_ calls
_Kiæder_ and we render _Wogallon_, intimating the biggest sort, is
named _Cedron_ near _Trent_, if _Gesner_ may be credited, who describes
the rest very probably: but as to the color of the Hen, which he
affirms does differ nothing from the Cock, he is mistaken; for the
color is quite yellow with black specks. The same may be observed of
the Stock-doves which he calls the lesser _Urogalli_, for the hen
differs from the cock, he being all black, and she yellow, like the hen
of the Heathcock, from which she is distinguist by nothing but bigness.
_Olaus Magnus_ because the Color was not exactly yellow, called it
ashen, for sometimes it is composed of both these, most enclining to
an ash. There are no other sort of wild cocks, then those the _Sweeds_
call _Orrar_ and the Latines _Tetraones_ or _Urogalli minores_: their
combs are the same with the _Urogalli_, placed not on the top of their
heads, but above each eie, which the painter not understanding drew
them from his own tame cocks. Some call these birds Pheasants, but
whoveer compares them, will discern two distinct species. Both sorts
are found in _Lapland_, but the latter not so frequent; nor are the
others equally plentiful every year, for in some there are none. I come
now to the woodcocks, which I think is the right name; the _Swedes_
have a bird which they call _Jærpe_, and the _Germans_ _Haselhun_, but
it is doubted whether these are the same with the woodcock, for they
do not frequent marshes as the woodcocks do, but live altogether in
woods and groves, whence _Rheen_ reckons them among that sort of fowle
which inhabit the woods. However, there is plenty of these birds in
_Lapland_, and they afford good meat for the inhabitants; but no bird
abounds there more then the White Partridge, not only in the woods but
on the highest Mountains, even then when they are covered with Snow.
I call it _Lagopos_ which _Samuel Rheen_ sometimes _Fialriipor_ or
_Snioeripor_, the _Germans_ and especially the _Helvetians_ term is
_Schnæhuner_, _i. e._ Snow-hens, or _Shnævoigil_, _i. e._ Snow-birds,
because they delight in Snow and to dwell on the top of the Alpes.
They have a kind of hair instead of Feathers, and hears feet, whence
they are called _Lagopodes_. _Samuel Rheen_ describes them thus, that
in the Winter they are as white as Snow, having not one black feather,
but that which the Hen has under her wing: when spring comes they
turn grey like hen pheasants, and keep that color till Winter. _Olaus
Magnus_ mentions a sort of snow birds, which naturally changes its
white into ashen, but I can scarce believe he means the _Lagopodes_,
because he speaks of their red feet, such as Storkes have, whereas
the _Lagopodes_ much differ. Another thing _Samuel Rheen_ observes,
that the _Lagopodes_ never sit on trees, as _Olaus_ his Snow-birds are
painted, but are alwaies on the ground very active, scarce ever sitting
still. Their shape is this.


The next is their Fish, of which they have incredible store;
_Zeiglerus_ saies their draughts are so great, that they are forced to
transport some of them into other Countries. _Jovius_ speaks too of
great plenty they reap from the Seas, because he is describing those
_Laplanders_ which live near _Muscovy_: whereas the rest can have
plenty enough out of the rivers. The best sort they have is Salmon, for
which _Olaus Magnus_ saith there is not better fishing in any part of
_Europe_, then in the Bothnic towards _Lapland_; whose mountains send
down vast rivers of fresh water, against which the Salmons come in such
shoales, and with such vigor, that the Fishermen find them at the head
of the river on the top of the mountains. _Samuel Rheen_ too prefers
these fish before all the rest, and saith that they swim up all rivers
that they are able, and come down again about S^t _Matthews_ tide. And
that is much worse when it returns, then when it went up, which seems
to be, because tis wearied and spent in strugling against the stream,
and engendring; which it alwaies does in those parts of the river which
are most remote from the Sea: when he comes up the river they call him
_Salm_, at his return _lax_.

The 2^d sort of fish are Pikes, _Olaus Magnus_ speaking of this saith,
that in _Lapland_ there are marshes of fresh water, 400 _Italian_ miles
in length, and 100 in bredth, in which there is such abundance of Pike
and other fish, that they do not only supply 4 Kingdomes, but are dried
and transported farther into _Germany_ to be sold: these fish alwaies
use fresh water, and are every where known having long heads, the lower
jaw hanging out, many sharp teeth, which the Germans call _Hecht_. They
are found sometimes to exceed men in length. _Olaus_ affirms, that if
they have fresh water and food enough, they will attain to 8 foot in

The 3^d sort are those which the _Swedes_ call _Syck_, not much
differing from the Carp; only they have longer mouths, and not so
broad, they are commonly not so big as carps, but in _Lapland_ they are
found extraordinary, sometimes weighing 10 or 12 pounds.

The 4^{th} sort is _Abbor_ which is with us a perch: this is very
plentiful too, and frequently of an incredible bigness. There is to
this day in a Chappel at _Luhlah_, kept one of their heads dried,
which is from the top to the under jaw 2 spans thick. There are found
water-weezels red and white, chiefly in the pools near the Sea.
_Samuel Rheen_ speaks of 2 sorts which the _Swedes_ call _Ræding_, and
_Ærlax_; whether they are any where else found I know not. _Rheen_ thus
describes the first sort. _Ræding_, has its name from the red color
on the lower part of its belly. The latter is very like a Salmon but
not so big. Some take them for Salmons not come to their full growth,
but this is an error, for these fishes are taken in pools, which are
on every side parted from the Sea, and are known never to have any
Salmons. I had rather refer them to the trout, or _Trutta_, because it
scarce differs in shape, only the Trouts flesh is redder and softer.
Besides these there are many other fish in _Lapland_, but not regarded,
because they serve not for food, for which reason I pass them over:
only _Olaus Petrus_ gives us this doubtful account of their names,
_Salario, Cobitis, Barbatula, Rubellio, Borbocha ocutala, Prasinus,
Cyprinus, Cobitis aculeata_. This Country breeds not many reptiles, no
serpents: but this is meant of the upper Regions towards the _Norway_
Mountains, for in the low woody places they are found tho not many.
There are but few insects; as for fleas they are quite unknown; but
they receive much injury from gnats, which infest man and beast,
especially the Rain-deers, which upon that account are driven away to
the top of the highest Mountains. The men arm themselves against them
by keeping a continual smoak in the house. If they sleep, they put a
blanket over their body and head: when they go abroad they put on a
garment made of hides, and on their heads cloth caps. I have bin told
by the Natives, that many to defend themselves from this insect, dawb
their faces all over, except their eies, with resine and pitch.

Besides these, there are great wasps which trouble the Rain-deers,
and sting them so deep, that sometimes they leave marks behind them
even when the beast is flayed: those little holes which they make with
their stings the vulgar call _Kaorme_. The only remedy for the Raindeer
against these, is smoak, which if not present they dip themselves in
water: and let this suffice for their Animals.


_Of the_ Laplanders _Trees and Plants_.

I descend from their Animals to their Trees and Plants, with which they
are well stored, tho _Jovius_ observes that they have no fruit Trees,
as Apple, Pear, &c. neither have they any wild Trees which will not
bear the cold, as Oak, Beach, which _Ol. Pet._ takes notice of, but
adds that they have plenty of Pine and Fir, Juniper and Birch, Service
tree, and Willow, Alder and Dog-tree, the Asp and Ollar: but these
Trees do not grow every where, for the Mountains called the _Fells_,
between _Norway_ and _Lapland_, bear no Trees at all: _Pet. Claud._
thinks the reason of that to be the continual storm of wind that is
on them, but perhaps a truer reason may be the extremity of cold. The
ground that lies near the Mountains is thick set with Woods, with this
distinction that the parts next them bears nothing but Birch tree,
remarkable for their thickness and height, and pleasant prospect,
Nature having contrived them so regularly that they seem afar off to be
some pleasant Garden. The soil more distant from those Hills, besides
Birch-trees, hath Fir and Pitch, which seems like some new kind of
wood, composed of these three sorts.

Besides these, there are very few others found in _Lapland_. Shrubs,
especially Currans, or Ribes are very frequent, but they regard not
these because perhaps the tast is unpleasant, especially of those
which bear Black-berries, which are more numerous than the others. The
Junipers grow thick, being very tall and comely. This Country yields
all manner of Berries, the chief are those which the _Swedes_ call
_Hiortron_, some Dew-berries, or the _Norway_ Berry, whose species is
the same that grows on Brambles, each Berry being divided as it were
into graines of a pale yellow color, beginning to be red as they ripen.
These commonly grow in marshy places. They creep on the ground, and
are sustained by little props, so that they ought not to be reckoned
among shrubs. The Berries are very wholsome, and are a present remedy
for the Scurvy. The Inhabitants delight to eat them with their flesh
and salt meats, as I mentioned before. They have a sort of black
Berries, called by the _Swedes_, _Halton_, according to _Olaus Pet._
also the thin leaved heath, that bears a Berry, which some call ground
Ewe, the _Swedes_, _Kraokebær_, the lesser black Berries called in
_Swedland_ _Lingon_, and the lesser black Berries called _Blaobær_,
all which _Olaus Pet._ takes notice of, speaking of their manner of
dressing meat, particularly of the Heath-berries: whence it appears
that these Berries were as plentifull with them as the former. They
have all sorts of other Berries, tho the Natives do not so much value
them. This Country affords very usefull Herbs, such as are Angelica,
which the Inhabitant value so much that they call it the _Lapland_
herb, or Samigraes: they are much pleased with it in their meat: it
grows with a short stalk, but thick. In the same place is found Sorrel,
which they use too in their food. Some particular herbs they have
which are not found any where else, as _Calceolum Lapponicum_, or
_Brassica Rangiferorum_: what sort of herb it is _Sam. Rheen_ expresses
in these words, which, tho tedious, I thought fit to transcribe that
we might have his exact opinion it. There grows (saith he) an herb
which they call _Calceolum Lapponicum_ because its flower is like the
_Laplanders_ shoe, it is of a blew colour with three rowes of seed
in the pod, it has larger leaves than the vulgar cabbage, its stalk
is a finger thick and the root bitter: it grows extraordinary fast,
and rises to three cubits in height, and somtimes more: it is thought
a bad and unprofitable herb because no beast will tast of it. There
is another herb very usefel and wholesome, and of great esteem among
them, which _Olaus Pet._ take to be like a carrot, he says it is called
_Mosaraoth_, haveing the tast and flower of Pimpervel growing in marshy
grounds to an ell in height. That _Mosaraoth_ is not a _Lapland_ but
_Swedish_ name, from _maosa_ which signifies marshy places where mosse
grows, what the inhabitants call it, I cannot yet learn. And these are
the peculiar herbs which this country hath: I have not met with any
one that could help me to the exact shape of them. But altho this soil
beare some peculiar herbs, yet there are not many species of them,
which _Olaus Pet._ gathers from the _west-Bothnia_, which borders on
_Lapland_, for in that place there are found but very few.

I come now to Mosse, which is of diverse sorts. The first is tree
Mosse, with a kind of long wool, hanging down from the boughs,
especially of the Pitch tree, and somtimes from others. The 2^d. which
is very plentiful and affords food for the raindeers in the winter is
ground Mosse, of a white colour, with long thin leaves growing a foot
high. The 3^d. is ground mosse, but softer of a more delicate yellow
green: this is pernicious to the foxes, which the inhabitants cut small
and mix with their baits to catch them. The 4^{th}. is also ground
mosse, short and soft, of a very fine colour, which because it is so
fine they use instead of feathers to lay under Infants new born. I
hear of a 5^{th}. sort with larger and longer leaves, which they call
_Fathne_, good against fainting if it be bruised and drank in broth,
but I doubt whether this be Mosse, I had rather believe it _Angelica_
cut small prepared and boiled under ground. The last thing which is to
be mentioned is Grasse, which is of diverse kinds, the best sort is
that which is found in the vallies near the mauntains called _Fells_,
being short, soft, and juicy; that which grows in other places is
thicker, rougher, and dryer. There is a 3^d sort thin and slender which
the inhabitants use for stuffing of their shoes, and gloves, to defend
their feet and hands from the weather. And these are all the trees,
shrubs, and herbs of _Lapland_.


_Of their Mettals._

That mettals grow in _Lapland_ and the outermost parts of
_Scandinavia_, is only a conjecture of the Antients, and there is no
certainty of it, therefore none of them make any mention of them.
_Olaus M._ flatly denies that to his age there were any Iron, Copper,
or Silver mines found, therefore they were forced to fasten their
boats with osiers, without any nails because they had no Iron, but in
the 35. year of this age, in _Queen Christina’s_ reign, a silver mine
was discovered by the Inhabitants of _Pitha_ near _Nasafialo_ not far
from the mountains which divide Swedeland from Norway, this was the
first mine known in _Lapland_, found by _Loens Person_ an inhabitant of

In the year 1645. _The most Illustrious Ericus Flemming L. Baron of
Lais, now Senator of the Kingdome, and President of the company of
Mines_, first caused it to be opened, and a melting-house built with
convenient necessaries. There is also a vein of Lead richer then the
Silver and easier work’t. _Rheen_ saith that the mountain is opened,
not with Pickaxes or any Iron instruments: but they bore a hole, which
must be fill’d with Gunpowder; when the mouth is well stopt they apply
fire thro another little hole, which touching the powder breaks the
hardest stones in pieces. But the use of this mine lasted no long time,
for in the war between the Swedes and Danes in _Carolus Gustavus_
his reign about the year 1658. it was spoiled by one _Van Anen_ the
Danish Kings Governour, from which time no man would go to the expence
of cleansing and repairing the mine, because it would require a vast
charge, before they could get any profit by it, which was too much for
men of mean estates to undertake.

The 2^d Silver mine is in _Luhla-Lapmark_ named _Kiedlkievasi_
found by _Jonan Petri_ living in _Torpenjaur_ about the 60. year of
this age. It is in the middle of the Village _Torpenjaur_, on an high
mountain 2. miles from the top, 6. miles from _Rædstad_ a village of
_Norway_, between _Rædstad_ and _Keidlkievasi_; there is a famous high
hill called _Daorfiæl_ in the road that leads from the mine to _Norway_:
the foul weather in the winter stops all passage over this mountain.
The mine is rich enough and very broad, continuing the same all over,
lodged in a hard Marcasite. It has this inconvenience that there are
no woods near it, but they are forced to fetch their fuel a mile
and a half off: they use powder instead of digging it, (as before)
the melting-house stands 5. miles off in a pleasant place near the
concourse of several Rivers, especially _Darijock_ and _Quickjock_,
which last gives the house its name. Here is a very spacious wood and
great plenty of shrubs, especially currans, and all sorts of herbs.
The river affords abundance of the best sort of fish as Salmon, Trout,
Perch, &c. distant 27. miles from _Taorne_ discovered in 1655. by an
inhabitant who was showing the ore to _Ericus Ericsonius_ who first
discovered it. It is very rich and not drossy, only necessary’s are
conveyed thither with some difficulty. There is another 3. miles
northward called _Wittange_, found by a _Laplander_ in 1668. The vein
is not so good because mixt with Iron, wherefore they do not dig it so
willingly as the Other; from these mines the ore is shipt away to the
melting-house at _Koenge_ to be melted and thence brought to _Torna_.
There are Iron mines too, one in _Torne-Lapmark_ joyning to the
Copper mine, another in the same _Lapmark_ called _Junesuando_ found
in 1640. by _Laurence_ an inhabitant there, about 22. miles distant
from _Torna_, whether it is carried to be beaten into bars and rods
at the forge at _Koenge_. A 3^d vein of the same mettal is found in
_Pelziwachin_ at _Lulha_, but of these the two first only are digged.
I heard in 1671. of a Golden mine: but because there was no certainty,
I will not insist upon it. I mention it because there are some that
affirm that it was found in _Swedeland_ in the time of _Gustavus_ the
first, but this was divulged by an uncertain Author, as appears by the
event, for to this day nothing more has bin heard of it.


_Of their Stones, Jewels, and Pearls._

I come now to their stones, which are very large and many, of an
ash colour but rough hard and intractable, not to be reduced by any
instrument to shape for use. Besides these there are others often
found on the shores which represent the shape of an animal. These the
inhabitants esteem much and adore them for Gods, under the name of
_Stoorjuncare_. In _Torne-Lapmark_, near the mine _Junesuando_, on the
banks of _Torno_, there are found yellow plain stones of a circular
figure like mony, about the bigness of a half crown, which look like
dirt, but are as hard as flints. _Dn. Grape_ in his papers makes
mention of them. I will set down a draught of them marked with the
letter B. In the mine it self there are found stones in the perfect
shape of _Octaedra_, polished and worked by nature herself, but very
small not exceeding the bigness of a nut, and somtimes less, I have
put down their figure with the letter C. It is not certain whether
the loadstone be found in this Country, tho _Olaus Mag._ speaks of
mountains under the pole which some have thought do breed the stone:
his words seem to intimate loadstones as big as mountains, but ’tis
certain he cannot mean _Lapland_, for that has none such, yet there are
those who affirm that the loadstone is found there. As for pretious
stones they have them frequently, _Buræus_ mentions jewels, and
afterwards he adds _Diamond_, _Amethyst_, and _Topaz_. By diamonds he
means transparent stones or Chrystal, they are found big and little
sticking up and down upon the rocks and craggs: some are as big as
Childrens heads, such as I saw the _Illustrious Gabriel de la Gardie_
Chancellour of this kingdom have; they have six sides ending like a
pyramid, tho some of them are imperfect; the colour in some is bright
and clear not inferior to Chrystal, in other dull and spoiled with
flaws, some are pure, others have veins like cracks branching out every
way, they serve the inhabitants for flints when they have occasion
to light a candle, and yield more fire if striken with a steel than
the flints themselves. I have now in a _Lapland pouch_ some Chrystal
which they made use of for flints. The Jewellers polish and cut their
Chrystals with such art that somtimes they are taken for true Diamonds
by those that have skill. I have drawn the greater sort of Chrystal in
the native bigness & shape, marked with the letter _A_. _Buræus_ mentions
_Amethysts_ next, some of which I saw brought out of _Lapland_, but
so pale and spotted that they were scarce comparable to those that
come out of _Bohemia_ tho I hear since that there are much better
found, cut rarely. The same thing is to be said of the _Topaz_, one
of which I have in my study, in every thing like a Chrystal, only the
colour inclines to a yellow. I am told that none of the rest doe shine
so much as those that come from other places, which is the fault of
almost all the jewels of this Nation, not being so apt to bare lively
brisk colours as the eastern jewels doe. To this head I reduce all
Pearls and Margarites, tho they be not stones. Some rivers in _Lapland_
produce these, therefore there are certain inhabitants appointed to
dive and search for them, such as was _John Peterson_, mentioned by _S.
Rheen_, who first found the Silver mine at _Nasafiæl_, he is called
_een diamontzbrycare sampi partefoekiare_ _i. e._ one that finds and
cuts pearls. Which (tho out of this Country) are not contemptible, it
cannot be denied but that most of them want that liveliness which the
oriental Pearls have, tho some are found as good, and in bigness and
shape exceeding them. There are found some not come to perfection, half
round and half flat, the round part being bright the other yellow and
dull. I saw one a few years agoe brought out of _Bothnia_, so exactly
round with such fresh colours, that a certain woman offered an 120.
crowns for it, a Jeweller assured me that if he had another as good, he
would not sell both for 500. They are bred not of such shells as are in
the east broad, plane, and almost circular like Oister, but longer and
hollower like Muscle shels, and not in the Sea but in Rivers, as may
be gathered from _Olaus Magnus_. Those that are not come to perfection
stick within the shells, but those that are perfect, are loose and drop
out when the shell is opened.



_Of their Rivers._

Lapland if any Country is well watered with springs and rivers: the
most noted are those from whence the particular marches and regions
have their names, as _Umeao_, _Pitheao_, _Luhleao_, _Torneao_, and
_Kimeao_, these spring from the _Norway_ mountains, and are encreased
by several less rivers, unburdening themselves at last into the
_Bothnick_ Sea. _Vindela_ fills _Umeao_ and _Skiellefle_ _Pitheao_,
_Luhleao_ swallows a less river of the same name, and _Kimeao_ is
encreased by _Avilaiocki_, which it self is no small river, for there
are numberless rivulets which run into it. So _Luhleao_ which has a
double stream, the lesser receives _Pyrrijaus Kardijoch_, and it is the
same case with the greater called _Stoor-Luhleao_, and _Tornæo_ which
is filled with the river _Kæungemæ Tængeleao_ and others. And so it is
with all the great rivers, which upon that account are so impetuous and
big, that they yield to few in the world: and because they run through
hilly and uneven Countrys, and are stopt by several dams & weares,
they force their way over precipices, with a great noise, and in those
places are not navigable. Such is the sluce at _Lughlens_, called
_Muskaumokke_, and another named _Sao_, likewise _Niometsaski_ i. e.
an Hares leap, so called because the river _Lughla_ runs between two
mountains so near that an Hare may leap over.

The like _Cataracts_ are found at _Torna_, the most remarkable
is called _terrafors_ near the _Norway_ mountains. Next
_Cængerbrooks-fors_ then _Lappia-fors_, then three more meeting
in an head called by one name _Pælloforser_, next _Kettille-fors_
and lastly _Kukula-fors_ near _Torna_. Although these _Cataracts_
are a great hindrance to sailers, yet they are advantagious to the
mettal-melters, and afford an incredible plenty of Fish. Besides these
rivers there are abundance of pooles, so numerous that but few can be
named, one is _Lulafræsk_ by _Lughla_, by which _Lughleao_ the greater
runs. Next _Lugga_ and _Sabbaig_ all abounding with Salmons. By the
lesser _Lughleao_ are _Saggatt_, _Ritfack_, _Pirrijaur_, _Skalka_,
_Sittijock_, _waykijaur_, and _Karra-green_ which exceeds them all,
each affording plenty of Fish. _Pitha_ has these remarkable ones near
it, _Hornafvandijaur_, _Arfussierf_, _Pieskejaur_, but especially
_Stoorafuan_ in which there are as many Ilands as daies in the year;
but above all _Enarefræsk_ near _Kimus_. _Wexionius_ saith the Hills
and Ilands in it are innumerable, and without an hyperbole, for
_Tornæus_ affirmes that never any inhabitant lived long enough to
survey them all.

There be some Marshes, little but full of Fish, in that language called
_Suino_ i. e. holy, and they account it a sin to foul them. These
marches have two Channels one above the Other: somtimes it happens that
the fish leave the upper and retreat into the lower, upon which account
the superstitious natives bring sacrifice to appease the _Dæmon_ of
that marsh whom they suppose to be angry.


_Of their Mountains._

Their land which I treat of last, is not in the same condition all
over, for that which is near _Bothnia_ is wholsomer and more fertile
for all sort of pot-herbs, as those can witness who have made gardens
in both soils. They found that some places would bear coleworts,
raperoots, parsnips, radishes and the like. In other places by reason
of the abundance of rocks and rivers, the ground is too moist and
stony, and sandy in many places, which being scattered by the wind
covers the ground like snow, such are those places near the mountains
of _Norway_. These sands make a very dangerous passage for travellors,
especially when they are covered with snow, because then they cannot
tell what they are to avoid, somtimes falling in and being overwhelmed.
Towards _Norway_, are very high mountains which the _Swedes_ call
_Fiæl_ the _Laplanders_ _Tudderi_. _Cluverius_ calleth the top of the
mountains _Sevo_ which he took from _Pliny_ l. 4. c. 13. By _Adamus_
they are called _Riphæi_, but he was to careless in looking over
_Pliny_, _Solinus_, and _Orosius_. But whatever the name is, what _Pliny_
saith is true of the mountain, that it is no less than the _Riphæan;_
the top is perpetually covered with snow. Moreover the ascent and rise
of this mount is thus described by _Pet. Nevren_: the mountain which
separates _Norway_ from _Lappia_ begins to rise about _Zemptland_;
thence with continued ascent towards the north it reaches a hundred
miles, till it comes to _Titusfiord_, which is a bay of the frozen
sea. By this mountain the provinces of _Swedeland_ are divided from
_Norway_, as by a wall designed by nature herself. But altho these
mountains are one continued tract, yet they swell higher in some places
than others, called by these distinct names, which _Samuel Rheen_
mentions. _Waesawaari, Skipoive, Nasawari, Ceruioiue, Kioldawaari,
Niottuswagg, Keidtkiwaari, Zeknawaari, Fierrowaari, Cardawaari,
Steikawaari, Skalopacht, Darrawaari, Woggousaari, Niynnas, Kaskaoiue,
Wallawaari, Skieldawaari, Harrawaari, Portawaari, Kafla, Seggock
Ultivis._ In like manner there are many other of their names in the
other parts of this Country, but because it is hard to meet with them
all, and not so much to our purpose, wee’l end now.




  _Of the Name of_ Lapland.                                     Pag. 1.
  _Of the Situation of_ Lapland.                                  p. 3.
  _Of the Temperature of the Air, and soil of_ Lapland.           p. 7.
  _Of the Division of_ Lapland.                                   p. 9.
  _Of the_ Laplanders _in reference to the inclinations, temper
          and habit, of their minds and bodies_.                 p. 12.
  _Of the Original of the_ Laplanders.                           p. 15.
  _Of the Religion of the_ Laplanders.                           p. 21.
  _Of the second, or Christian Religion of the_ Laplanders.      p. 24.
  _Of some remains of Paganism in_ Lapland _at this time_.       p. 34.
  _Of the heathenish Gods of the_ Laplanders, _and their manner
          of worship at this day_.                               p. 37.
  _Of the magicall Ceremonies of the_ Laplanders.                p. 45.
  _Of the Government of the_ Laplanders.                         p. 60.
  _Of the Judicatures and Tributes of the_ Laplanders.           p. 65.
  _Of the_ Laplanders _Fairs, and Customs in Trading_.           p. 67.
  _Of the Language of the_ Laplanders.                           p. 72.
  _Of the Houses of the_ Laplanders.                             p. 80.
  _Of the Garments of the_ Laplanders.                           p. 87.
  _Of the Diet of the_ Laplanders.                               p. 91.
  _Of the Hunting of the_ Laplanders.                            p. 94.
  _Of the_ Laplanders _Weapons, and other instruments of
          Hunting_.                                              p. 98.
  _Of the_ Laplanders _Handy-craft-trades_.                     p. 100.
  _Of the Womens Emploiments_.                                  p. 103.
  _Of the Emploiments common to both Sexes_.                    p. 105.
  _Of their Divertisements_.                                    p. 107.
  _Of their Contracts and Marriages_.                           p. 110.
  _Of their Child-bearing, and the Education of
          their Children_.                                      p. 120.
  _Of their Diseases, Death and Burial_.                        p. 124.
  _Of their Cattel_.                                            p. 129.
  _Of the wild Beasts of the_ Laplanders.                       p. 133.
  _Of their Birds and Fish_.                                    p. 137.
  _Of the_ Laplanders _Trees and Plants_.                       p. 141.
  _Of their Mettals_.                                           p. 143.
  _Of their Stones, Jewels, and Pearls_.                        p. 144.
  _Of their Rivers_.                                            p. 146.
  _Of their Mountains_.                                         p. 147.


Transcriber's Note

Images have been moved to paragraph breaks, and may no longer match the
locations mentioned in the text.

In the printed text, closing quotation marks were not used; these have
been added and are included in the list of changes below.

The following changes have been made to the printed text:

p. iv "R A. BATHURST" changed to "R. A. BATHURST"

p. 4 footnote marker added to "language is from leaping,[4]"

p. 5 removed duplicated line "lities that usually commend Lands for
Agriculture. Then as to his urging its"

p. 11 "are equivavalent" changed to "are equivalent"

p. 11 "L_ochteby_" changed to "_Lochteby_"

p. 19 "said of their second" changed to "have said of their second"

p. 26 "_Arwitfierfs_" changed to "_Arwitsierfs_"

p. 43 "1 daies" changed to "14 daies"

p. 44 "same wirh those" changed to "same with those"

p. 48 was numbered as page 50

p. 48 "Storjnnkare" changed to "Storjunkare"

p. 53 "saies that the" changed to "saies that “the"

p. 53 "Latine T." changed to "Latine T.”"

p. 53 "Lambskin, and and" changed to "Lambskin, and"

p. 57 "recover out" changed to "might recover out"

p. 60 "particular art?" changed to "particular art;"

p. 61 "shonld refuse" changed to "should refuse"

p. 63 "_Tavastia_,and" changed to "_Tavastia_, and"

p. 69 "case provided." changed to "case provided.”"

p. 69 "our Crown." changed to "our Crown.”"

p. 71 "convenient manner." changed to "convenient manner.”"

p. 72 "year 1641." changed to "year 1641.”"

p. 73 "_eorrasa_, _eet Lappatspaock_" changed to "_corrasa_,
_eet Lappatspraock_"

p. 80 "used. From" changed to "used.” From"

p. 84 "fire or age." changed to "fire or age.”"

p. 88 "But he doth doth" changed to "But he doth"

p. 100 "must rugged" changed to "most rugged"

p. 111 "(that is the Wine" changed to "(that is) the Wine"

p. 124 "were burt by" changed to "were hurt by"

p. 125 "good fora cough" changed to "good for a cough"

p. 125 "themare still" changed to "them are still"

p. 126 "whole day in qnaffing" changed to "whole day in quaffing"

p. 126 "Aldophus" changed to "Adolphus"

p. 126 "Twe reason" changed to "The reason"

p. 127 "kindred. They" changed to "kindred.” They"

p. 135 "resembleacross" changed to "resemble a cross"

p. 141 "acccording to" changed to "according to"

p. 143 "_Scandivavia_" changed to "_Scandinavia_"

p. 143 "nhabitant" changed to "inhabitant"

p. 144 "CHAP XXXIII." changed to "CHAP. XXXIII."

p. 144 "Gaidie" changed to "Gardie"

p. 145 "for 500," changed to "for 500."

Errors, inconsistencies and archaic language have otherwise been kept
as printed.

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