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Title: The History of the Rifle Brigade (the Prince Consort's Own) Formerly the 95th
Author: Cope, William Henry
Language: English
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TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.
Old English font is denoted by =equals signs=.
In the original text a narrative change from one battalion to another
was indicated by some additional blank space. In this etext two blank
lines similarly indicates this transition.
Footnote anchors are denoted by [number], and the footnotes have been
placed at the end of each chapter or section.
A superscript is denoted by ^x or ^{xx}, for example Capt^n or
27^{TH}. The original text had a dot under the superscripts; this dot
has been removed in the etext.
Six town names with āo ending have been changed to ão for consistency.
Some other minor changes to the text are noted at the end of the book.
THE RIFLE BRIGADE
LONDON: PRINTED BY
SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE
AND PARLIAMENT STREET
[Illustration:
Plate I.
RIFLE CORPS, 1800.]
THE HISTORY
OF THE
RIFLE BRIGADE
(_THE PRINCE CONSORT’S OWN_)
FORMERLY THE
95th
BY
SIR WILLIAM H. COPE, BART.
LATE LIEUTENANT RIFLE BRIGADE
[Illustration]
_WITH MAPS AND PLANS_
=London=
CHATTO & WINDUS, PICCADILLY
1877
TO
FIELD-MARSHAL
HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS
THE PRINCE OF WALES, K.G.
_&c. &c._
COLONEL-IN-CHIEF
THIS RECORD OF THE SERVICES OF
THE RIFLE BRIGADE
IS
BY HIS GRACIOUS PERMISSION
MOST RESPECTFULLY
DEDICATED
PREFACE.
A wish had long been entertained and often expressed by Riflemen,
both by those serving in the Regiment and by those who had formerly
served in it, that a detailed record of its services should be
compiled. It was suggested to me by many of my friends that I should
undertake this task. The will certainly was not wanting; but the
ability to carry out their wish has not, I fear, been equal to their
partial opinion, or to my own desire to do justice to the subject.
The materials for such a compilation were not wanting. The late
Colonel Leach published a very brief sketch of the Services of
the Regiment,[1] and his ‘Rough Notes’[2] give many and accurate
particulars of events during the time he served in it. The
Autobiography of Quarter-Master Surtees[3] is a most valuable record
of the events in which he took part. Surtees came as a private into
the 95th from the 56th Regiment in 1802. His good conduct raised
him through the various grades of non-commissioned officer to
Quarter-Master of the old 3rd Battalion. His book I have found, on
comparing it with other records, most accurate in every particular.
As the 3rd Battalion was disbanded before the order for drawing up
and preserving regimental records issued from the Horse Guards, no
formal record of its services exists;[4] and had it not been for the
facts and dates preserved and recorded by Surtees, I should have
found it difficult, if not impossible, to have given any detailed
account of the actions of that Battalion in the Peninsula and at
New Orleans. Though tinged with the peculiar religious opinions
which Surtees adopted, and which perhaps scarcely have place in a
military record, his work is written with a distinctness and in a
style which do him honour. And the high character of the man which
breathes through his work has led me to place every confidence in his
statements.
Very different are Sir John Kincaid’s two books.[5] These, though
written in too jocular and light a strain for regular history (‘ad
jocos forte propensior quam decet’) contain many anecdotes and facts
of which I have gladly availed myself. And I have found his dates and
statements confirmed by other and more formal materials to which I
had access.
Costello’s little work[6] has also afforded me much information; and
he has recorded many circumstances unnoticed or lightly touched upon
by others.
The ‘Recollections of Rifleman Harris’[7] have also been of
considerable service to me in compiling this record, especially as
preserving many particulars, elsewhere unnoticed, of the retreat to
Corunna and of the expedition to Walcheren. His editor, however,
seems to have used the materials Harris wrote or dictated without any
attempt at arrangement; so that it is difficult, and in some cases
almost impossible, to disentangle the narrative, or to arrange the
events he describes in chronological order.
The valuable List of the Officers of the Regiment, compiled by Mr.
Stooks Smith,[8] has also been of much use to me; and I have to thank
that gentleman for some additional information, and for permission to
republish that list with continuation to the present time, of which
I hope at some future period to avail myself.
Nor can I close this list of printed works bearing on the history of
the Regiment without mentioning the ‘Recollections of a Rifleman’s
Wife,’ by Mrs. Fitzmaurice, to which I am indebted for many facts and
anecdotes, many of them especially valuable because they relate to
the less stirring times of peace; nor without expressing my thanks
for her permission to use the materials she has thus preserved.
* * * * *
When I proceed to acknowledge the personal recollections and the
journals of services in the Regiment which have been placed at my
disposal, I scarcely know how adequately to express my obligations
to those who have aided me. Everyone who has worn the green jacket,
from Generals to private Riflemen, to whom I have applied, or who has
heard of my endeavour to preserve a record of the services of the
Regiment, has, almost without exception, most kindly placed journals
and letters in my hands, or assisted me by personal reminiscences.
The aid of my friend Lieutenant-General Sir Alfred Horsford
procured for me the transcript of many valuable records and the
elucidation of many points which I could not otherwise have obtained.
Lieutenant-General Sir Arthur Lawrence not only communicated to me
many particulars of the services of the 2nd Battalion in the Crimea,
but placed in my hands his private letters written from thence, which
afforded me most valuable information. Major-General Hill was so
good as to draw up for me a detailed statement of the services of
the 2nd Battalion, which he commanded during the Indian Mutiny. To
Major-General Leicester Smyth I am indebted not only for a narrative
of the battle of Berea, but also for the perusal of a private letter
written by him directly after, and describing that engagement, and
for much valuable information. By permission of Brigadier-General
Ross, Lady Ross transmitted to me his letters to his family both from
the Crimea and from India, to the perusal of which I cannot attach
too great importance.
Colonel Smith, now I believe the oldest officer of the Regiment
living,[9] has freely and kindly communicated to me his recollections
of services in the Peninsula and elsewhere, and has patiently borne
with my many enquiries which his accurate memory has enabled him to
answer. To Colonel Dillon I am indebted for much valuable information
which he kindly obtained for me. Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander was
so good as to write out for me from his journals a detailed account
of the movements and actions of the 3rd Battalion in India, in
which he took part. Lieutenant-Colonel Sotheby had the kindness
to transcribe for me his journal during the Indian Mutiny, and to
illustrate it with sketch-maps. Lieutenant-Colonel FitzRoy Fremantle,
Lieutenant-Colonel Eyre, Captain Percival, Captain George Curzon, and
Major Harvey placed in my hands their valuable journals and diaries.
Colonel H. Newdigate and Captain Austin favoured me with detailed and
important particulars as to the services of the companies of Riflemen
who formed the Camel Corps. To Lieutenant-Colonel Green I am indebted
for his own narrative and that of Mr. Mansel (drawn up at the time)
of the affair at Jamo in which he was so desperately wounded. I have
to thank Captain Boyle for allowing me to see his continuation to
the year 1860 of Mr. Stooks Smith’s List of Officers, and for much
other information. To Captain Moorsom I am under great obligations,
not only for the three plans (of New Orleans, of Cawnpore, and of
Lucknow) which he has contributed to this work, but for materially
aiding me in obtaining important information. And to Surgeon-Major
Reade I am indebted for an accurate and interesting account of the
march to Cawnpore of Colonel Fyers’ detachment, to which he was
attached.
Sergeant-Major Bond, of the Sligo Militia, and formerly of the 1st
Battalion, gave me a detailed account, from his journal, of the
Kaffir War of 1847-9; and Corporal Scott, late of the 1st Battalion,
communicated to me a most minute and accurate journal which he kept
in short-hand during the Kaffir War of 1851-52, during the Crimean
campaign, and during his service in Canada. It is not too much to say
that without the valuable contributions of these two non-commissioned
officers it would have been impossible to give any detailed account
of the doings of the 1st Battalion during these wars. Sergeant
Fisher, late of the 2nd Battalion, placed in my hands an interesting
journal kept during the Indian Mutiny; and Sergeant Carroll, of that
Battalion, has communicated many particulars respecting the Camel
Corps.
To these and to other Riflemen I owe my thanks, not only for the
documents they have communicated to me, but for the kindness with
which they have entertained, and the courtesy with which they have
replied to my many questions for further information or details.
The officers commanding the four Battalions have given free access
to, or transcripts of the several Battalion Records. These, though
drawn up in obedience to an order issued in 1822, do not seem to have
been compiled till some years afterwards.
That of the 1st Battalion appears to have been written by, or under
the eye of, Sir Amos Norcott, who then commanded it, and by whom the
transcript transmitted to the Horse Guards is signed. For it is very
full and explicit in relating the actions in which he was personally
engaged (as, for instance, the account of the engagement at Buenos
Ayres, which bears internal evidence of having been drawn up by an
eye-witness) but is rather slight and meagre in the narrative of many
Peninsular and other victories.
The Record of the 2nd Battalion, transmitted to the Horse Guards,
and dated March 10, 1831, is a model of what such a document should
be. It has been compiled with great accuracy; and the movements and
engagements of the Battalion, the lists of killed and wounded, and
the distinctions won by its officers and men, are recorded under
separate heads and with great minuteness.
These Records have been continued to the present time, for the most
part with great accuracy and precision.
The Records of the 3rd and 4th Battalions have also been placed in
my hands. The latter, containing, of course, only the movements of
the Battalion, calls for no comment; that of the 3rd Battalion has
been, in the earlier parts, kept irregularly, probably in consequence
of the Battalion being broken up and constantly in the field; and
no one perusing it could form an idea of, or trace accurately the
distinguished service of that Battalion during the Indian Mutiny.
Nor is it to Riflemen alone that I am indebted for assistance. I
have to thank Major-General Sir John Adye for permission to use the
plan of Cawnpore, published in his account of those eventful days;
Major-General Payn for an interesting letter on the same subject;
the author of the articles on Ashantee in ‘Colburn’s United Service
Magazine’ for his liberal and unsolicited authority to use them as
materials for my narrative; and especially Lieutenant-Colonel Home,
R.E. for his kindness in giving me tracings of the plans of the
operations at New Orleans deposited in the Quarter-Master General’s
Office, and for permission to have copies made of the plans prepared
in the topographical department of that office for the Record of the
52nd.
I have expressed in another place the assistance I have derived from
the accurately kept journal of the late Major George Simmons, and
from his separate memoir on Waterloo, which were placed in my hands
by his widow.
* * * * *
I have not attempted to trace the strategical or tactical movements
of the armies of which the Battalions have formed part, for two
reasons: my own inability to record what has been so well described
by abler pens; and also because any attempt to have done so would
have swelled this book to an extent altogether disproportionate to
its object.
For it must be borne in mind that I profess to be the historian, not
of wars, but of this particular Corps only, and of that part it alone
bore in them.
So, in like manner, I have not recorded the deeds of other regiments
which may have acted with the Riflemen, save in a very few instances
where it was impossible to separate the narrative of their movements
from that of the movements of regiments which fought beside, or
supported them. In the case of their old and most frequent companions
in arms, the 43rd and 52nd, it was unnecessary that I should record
their actions, since the histories of both these distinguished
Corps have been fully and well written.[10] And if others who have
fought, and fought well, beside the Riflemen are here unnoticed,
and as yet without a special history, they must believe that their
gallant deeds, albeit unrecorded here, live in the recollection and
the praise of many Riflemen.
To some readers some of the facts and anecdotes I have here recorded
may appear trifling and unworthy of mention. But it must be borne
in mind that I write for Riflemen, at the desire of Riflemen, and
to preserve the memory of the deeds of Riflemen. By them I am sure
nothing will be considered trivial, nothing out of place in a history
of the Regiment, which records the valour, the acts, the sufferings
or even preserves an anecdote of any (of whatever rank) of the
members of that brotherhood.
W. H. C.
BRAMSHILL: _December 1876_.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] ‘Sketch of the Field Services of the Rifle Brigade from its
Formation to the Battle of Waterloo.’ London, 1838, pp. 32.
[2] ‘Rough Sketches in the Life of an Old Soldier.’ London, 1831.
[3] ‘Twenty-five Years in the Rifle Brigade.’ Edinburgh, 1833.
[4] The order for keeping regimental records is dated September 1822.
The 3rd Battalion was disbanded in 1818.
[5] ‘Adventures in the Rifle Brigade’ and ‘Random Shots from a
Rifleman.’
[6] ‘Adventures of a Soldier.’ London, 1852.
[7] Edited by Henry Curling. London, 1848.
[8] ‘Alphabetical List of the Officers of the Rifle Brigade from 1800
to 1850.’ London, 1851.
[9] He joined the 1st Battalion in April 1808.
[10] ‘Historical Records of the 43rd Regiment.’ By Sir Richard G. A.
Levinge, Bart. 1868.
‘Historical Records of the 52nd Regiment.’ Edited by Capt. W. S.
Moorsom. 1860.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
PAGE
Formation of an Experimental Corps of Riflemen--Expedition to
Ferrol--Re-formation of the Rifle Corps--First list of officers--
Account of Lieut.-Colonel the Hon. W. Stewart--Standing orders--
First Expedition to Copenhagen--Nelson’s testimony--He gives a
medal to the Riflemen--The Rifle Corps numbered 95--Camp at
Shorncliffe under Sir John Moore--Formation of the 2nd Battalion
--Account of Lieut.-Colonel Wade--Sidney Beckwith’s magnanimity--
Expedition to Germany--Attack on Monte Video--Attack on Buenos
Ayres--Second Expedition to Denmark--Battle of Kioge--Three
companies proceed to Sweden--Arrival of Riflemen in Portugal--
Affair at Obidos--Battle of Roleia--Battle of Vimiera--Both
Battalions in Spain--Meeting of the Riflemen at the Trianon--
Retreat--General Craufurd’s stern discipline--2nd Battalion
embarks at Vigo--Fight at Cacabelos--Tom Plunket shoots a French
General--Battle of Corunna--Embarkation of 1st Battalion--
Casualties-- Arrival in England--Death of Colonel Manningham 1
CHAPTER II.
Formation of the 3rd Battalion--1st Battalion again proceed to
Portugal--Join the Light Division--March from Calzada to Talavera
--March to the bridge of Almaraz--Scarcity of food--Winter
quarters at Campo Major--2nd Battalion embark for Holland--Humbley
seizes a French picquet--Siege of Flushing--Walcheren fever--1st
Battalion on the Coa--Fight at Barba del Puerco--Craufurd’s
Divisional Order--Beckwith’s system of command--Night march to
Gallegos--Fight at the Coa--Casualties--Battle of Busaco--Lines
of Torres Vedras--Fight at Sobral--Simmons takes some French
prisoners--Massena’s retreat--Fight near Valle--Winter quarters--
A company of the 2nd Battalion with Ballesteros--Defence of
Tarifa--Defence of Cadiz--Battle of Barrosa 42
CHAPTER III.
Massena’s retreat from Santarem--Skirmishes at Paialvo; at
Pombal; at Redinha--French politeness--Skirmishes at Casal-nova;
at Foz d’Aronce; at Ponte da Murcella; at Freixadas--Lieutenant
James Stewart--Combat at Sabugal--Skirmish at the bridge of
Marialva; at Fuentes d’Onor--Battle of Fuentes d’Onor--Night
panic at Sabugal--March to the Alemtejo--Cantonments on the
Agueda--Retreat to Soita--Siege of Ciudad Rodrigo--Assault of
San Francisco--Storming of Ciudad Rodrigo--Casualties--Anecdotes
of General Craufurd--Military Executions--Siege of Badajos--
Capture of La Picurina--Storming of Badajos--Casualties--Harry
Smith’s romantic adventure 71
CHAPTER IV.
Character of Sidney Beckwith--Riflemen reviewed by Lord
Wellington--Skirmish near Rueda; at Castrejon--Manœuvring near
Salamanca--Battle of Salamanca--March to Madrid--2nd Battalion
companies fight at Seville; at Puente Larga--Departure from
Madrid--Death of Lieutenant Firman--Retreat to the frontier of
Portugal--Sufferings of the Riflemen--Their high state of
discipline--Spanish recruits--Campaign of 1813--Affair at the
Hormuza--Skirmish at San Millan--Battle of Vittoria--The 95th
capture the first gun; and the last at the Araquil--March to
intercept Clausel; to Pamplona; to the Pyrenees--Skirmish at
Santa Barbara--Night marches--Fight at the bridge of Yanci;
at Echalar--First Regimental dinner--Storming of S. Sebastian--
Fight at the Bidassoa--Cadoux’s picquet at the bridge of Vera--
Forcing the pass of Vera--The Arrhunes 112
CHAPTER V.
Battle of Nivelle--Fight at Arcangues--Good feeling between the
Riflemen and the French outposts--Battle of the Nive--Outpost
courtesies and discourtesies--Gave d’Oleron--March to Orthez--
Battle of Orthez--Battle of Tarbes--Fight at Tournefeuille--
Battle of Toulouse--Suspension of arms--Embarkation for England
and arrival there--Expedition to Holland--Investment of
Bergen-op-Zoom--Skirmishes before Antwerp; at Donk--Fight at
Merxem--Failure of Graham’s attempts on Antwerp--Bergen-op-Zoom
--Sorties from Antwerp and alarms--The companies in this
expedition occupy Belgium, and eventually join the Battalions
in the Waterloo campaign--Expedition to New Orleans--
Disembarkation--James Travers captures an American picquet--
Attack on the bivouack of the Riflemen--Hallen’s picquet--
Advance towards New Orleans--Attacks on the American lines--
Truce to remove dead and wounded--Dishonourable conduct of the
Americans during the truce--Difficult march to the shore--
Re-embarkation--Arrival at Île Dauphine--Sergeant Fukes turns
the tables on a Yankee officer--Fort Boyer surrenders--Return
to England 154
CHAPTER VI.
Embarkation for the Netherlands--Advance of the 1st Battalion to
Brussels--March to Quatre Bras--Battle of Quatre Bras--Riflemen
the first English engaged; under the eye of the Duke of
Wellington--Retreat through Genappe to Waterloo--Battle of
Waterloo--Casualties; and Anecdotes--Charles Beckwith--March
to Paris--Army of occupation--The 95th made ‘the Rifle Brigade’
--Return to England--Death of Amphlett--The 3rd Battalion
disbanded 195
CHAPTER VII.
Home Service--1st Battalion sent to Glasgow to suppress riots--
2nd Battalion proceeds to Ireland--The Duke of Wellington
Colonel-in-chief--Address to him on that occasion--Both
Battalions in Ireland--Names of victories to be borne on the
pouch-belt--Outrage on some women of the Regiment--Engagement
with Irish insurgents at Carrigamanus; and at Dasure--Embarkation
of the 1st Battalion for Nova Scotia; and of the 2nd Battalion
for Malta--The Depôt engaged against rioters in Ireland--Death
of Sir William Stewart--The Depôts of both Battalions reviewed
by the Duke of Clarence--Service abroad and at home--A Depôt
Company of 1st Battalion suppresses smuggling at Hastings--
Return of the 1st Battalion to England--Riflemen sent to Persia
--Death of Colonel Eeles--Return of the 2nd Battalion to England
--Coronation of Queen Victoria--Review in Hyde Park--Inspection
by the Colonel-in-Chief and Marshal Soult--Birmingham Riots--The
1st Battalion embarks for Malta--Guards of Honour to Queen
Victoria--Riots in South Wales--Embarkation of 2nd Battalion for
Bermuda--Reserve Battalion formed--1st Battalion ordered to the
Cape--Speech of Lord Seaton 217
CHAPTER VIII.
Landing in South Africa--Marches to Kaffraria--Death of Captain
Gibson and Assistant-Surgeon Howell--Bivouack on Mount Misery--
Fording the Kei river--Attack on the Kaffirs--Fire at King
William’s-town--Expedition to the Amatola Mountains--Surrender
of Sandilli--Arrival of Sir Harry Smith--War against the Boers--
Crossing the Orange river--Battle of Boemplaats--Death of
Captain Murray--Submission of the Rebels--Riflemen employed in
building--2nd Battalion in Canada--Shipwreck at Sault Ste. Marie
--Embarkation of the 1st Battalion--Sir Harry Smith’s General
Order--Return to England--The Reserve Battalion done away with 245
CHAPTER IX.
Last review by the Duke of Wellington--1st Battalion again
embark for Kaffraria--Disasters of the ‘Megæra’--Landing at
Algoa bay--Marches up the country--Skirmishes at Mundell’s
Krantz; at Ingilby’s farm--Reconnaissance to the Waterkloof and
Blinkwater--Patrols and reconnaissances--Attack on the
Waterkloof--General Cathcart’s General Order--Escorts--Final
attack on the Waterkloof--Road-making and patrols--Expedition to
Moshesh’s country--Battle of Berea--Death of the Duke of
Wellington--Riflemen guard and escort his body--His funeral--
Return of the 2nd Battalion to England--The Prince Consort
appointed Colonel-in-Chief--Return of the 1st Battalion--General
Cathcart’s order on that occasion--Camp at Chobham 269
CHAPTER X.
Embarkation for the East--The 2nd Battalion in Turkey and
Bulgaria--Disembarkation in the Crimea--Kindness of Sir George
Cathcart--Advance to Kentúgan and Kamishli--Popularity of the
Riflemen with the inhabitants--False alarms--Advance to the
Búlganak--Battle of the Alma--March to the Katchka and the
Belbek--Russian baggage captured at Mackenzie’s farm--Attack
on Balaklava--Both Battalions before Sebastopol--Wheatley
disposes of a live shell--Remarkable shot by a Rifleman--Attack
on Fyers’ picquet--Hugh Hannan’s single combat--Battle of
Balaklava--Markham’s picquet at the Magazine Grotto--Wing of 2nd
Battalion sent to the heights of Balaklava--Battle of Inkerman--
Exploit at the Ovens--General Canrobert’s ‘Ordre Général’--
Severe duty--Sufferings and sickness--Russian attempt to retake
the Ovens--Reconnaissance on Kamara--Increased suffering and
disease--Huts erected--Death of Sir Andrew Barnard--Second
reconnaissance on Kamara--A 3rd Battalion added--Attacks and
volunteers--Victoria Cross won by three Riflemen--New clothing--
Wing of the 2nd Battalion embark for Kertch, but return
countermanded--Queen Victoria distributes the Crimean Medal to
24 Riflemen (officers and men)--Capture of the Quarries--Attack
on the Redan--Death of Lord Raglan--Thirteen Riflemen shot down
coming off picquet--Captain Balfour’s affair in the trenches--
Final attack on Sebastopol--Captain Hammond--Explosion in French
lines--The armistice--Reviews by French and Russian Generals--
Embarkation for England--Corunna in 1809 and 1856--Both
Battalions at Aldershot--Reviewed by the Queen--Formation of
the 3rd Battalion--The 1st Battalion proceeds to Scotland--Fire
and riots--2nd Battalion reviewed by the Queen in Hyde Park,
when Her Majesty gave the Victoria Cross to eight Riflemen
(officers and others)--Afterwards proceeds to Dublin--A 4th
Battalion added to the Regiment 298
CHAPTER XI.
The Sepoy Mutiny--2nd and 3rd Battalions embark for India--
Woodford’s detachment arrives at Calcutta--March up the country
--Arrival of Fyers’ detachment--Woodford’s party reach Cawnpore
--Fight at the Pandoo Nuddee--Battle of November 27--Fyers’
march from Futtehpore to Cawnpore--Atherley’s company (3rd
Battalion) reach Cawnpore--Battle of November 28--Death of
Colonel Woodford--The Riflemen take two guns--Fight on
November 29--Woodford’s body recovered and buried--Arrival of
the 3rd Battalion at Calcutta--Marches up the country--Final
battle of Cawnpore--Attack on the Subhadar’s tank--Arrival of
the 2nd Battalion Head-quarters--Marches and expeditions--
Capture of the fort of Etawah--Operations on the Ramgunga--
Return to Cawnpore--Formation of the Oude field force--
Expedition to intercept the Nana--Return _re infectâ_--Escorts
--Advance towards Lucknow--The Riflemen join Outram’s force--
Operations on the left bank of the Goomtee--First engagement
there--Attack on a picquet of Riflemen--Capture of the Yellow
Bungalow--Escort of mortars--Reconnaissance in force--The iron
and stone bridges--Wilmot’s fight near the iron bridge--Deaths
of Captain Thynne and Lieutenant Cooper--Capture of Lucknow--
Expedition to Koorsie--Formation of the Camel Corps--Sickness
in the 3rd Battalion--Fight at Baree--Expeditions--Pursuit of
Beni Madhoo--March to Nuggur--Sufferings from the heat--Fight
at Nuggur--Night panic--Pursuit of rebels--Camp at Chinhut--
Night march to Nawabgunge--Sufferings of the Riflemen from
fatigue, dust, and thirst--Battle of Nawabgunge--Sir Hope
Grant’s opinion of the enemy--Shaw’s combat with a Ghazee--
Casualties from wounds and sunstroke--Sir Hope Grant’s
despatches 347
CHAPTER XII.
Return of the 3rd Battalion to Lucknow--Distressing march of the
2nd Battalion to Sultanpore--Cross the Gogra--A company of the
3rd Battalion proceed to Sundeelah--Green’s fight at Jamo--
Capture of Birwah--Death of Ensign Richards--Expedition to the
fort of Amethie--March to Shunkerpore--Escape of Beni Madhoo--
Expedition to Koilee--Fight near Hydergurh--Pursuit of rebels--
Riflemen mounted on gun-limbers--Trans-Gogra campaign--March to
Baraitch--Christmas dinner at Jeta--Skirmish near Churdah--
Capture of Mejidia--Night march to Bankee--Fight at the Raptee--
Renewed pursuit of Beni Madhoo--Capture of Oomria--March to
Gonda--Expedition into Nepaul--Fight at Sidka Ghât--Expeditions
near the Raptee--Fight at Akouna--Clearing the Jugdespore
jungles--Patrols near the fords of the Raptee--End of the Mutiny
--2nd Battalion return to Lucknow--Marches, services, and
casualties of the 2nd Battalion--Inspection by Lord Clyde--3rd
Battalion moves to Tulsipore to receive captured guns--Proceeds
to Agra 394
CHAPTER XIII.
The Camel Corps--Riding drill--Move to Cawnpore--Proceed to join
Sir Hugh Rose--Cross the Jumna--Battle of Goolowlee--Capture
of Calpee--Return to Cawnpore--Move to Allahabad and Benares--
Cross the Ganges--Expedition to Mohaneea--Standing camp at
Kurroundea--Expedition to Nassreegunge; to Bikrumgunge; to
Kochus--Fight at Sukreta--Various expeditions in pursuit of
rebels--March to Fyzabad--Ordered to Lucknow--Pursuit of Tantia
Topee--Capture of Tantia Topee--Camel Corps cross the Chumbul--
March to Saugor--Operations in the jungles--Fight at Mitharden--
Chase of rebels near Shahgurh--Move to Agra--Camel Corps broken
up--Colonel Ross’ testimony to their zeal and discipline 429
CHAPTER XIV.
Home service--1st Battalion inspected by Sir Harry Smith--His
speech--4th Battalion embarks for Malta--Death of Sir Harry
Smith--Marches in India--1st Battalion in Ireland--The Rifle
Brigade exempted from being required to carry a colour on
guards--The ‘Trent’ affair--Embarks for North America--Dangers
of the voyage--Death of the Prince Consort--The designation
‘The Prince Consort’s Own’ granted to the Regiment--Journey from
St. John’s New Brunswick to Rivière de Loup--Service abroad--Sir
George Brown Colonel-in-Chief--Expedition against the Mohmunds--
Battle of Shubkudder--Testimonies to the good conduct of the 1st
Battalion in Canada--4th Battalion proceeds to Canada--Death of
Sir George Brown--Bravery of two Riflemen--Fenian raid--Return
of the 2nd and 4th Battalions to England--The Prince of Wales
Colonel-in-Chief--Prince Arthur joins 1st Battalion as
Lieutenant--Two Battalions at Aldershot--Flying columns--Return
of the 1st Battalion to England--Autumn manœuvres--Return of the
3rd Battalion to England--Illness of H.R.H. the Colonel-in-Chief
--Autumn manœuvres, 1872--Thanksgiving for the recovery of the
Prince of Wales--2nd and 4th Battalions move to Ireland--Review
before the Shah--Ashantee Expedition--2nd Battalion embarks for
the Gold Coast--Autumn manœuvres of 1873--4th Battalion proceeds
to India--Entry of the Duke and Duchess of Edinburgh into London 451
CHAPTER XV.
Disembarkation at Cape Coast Castle--March to the Prah--Meeting
with a supposed rhinoceros--African fever--Death of Captain
Huyshe--Advance beyond the Prah--First contact with the
Ashantees--Battle of Amoaful--Defence of Quarman--Advance from
Amoaful--Fight near the Ordah--Crossing the river--Fight at
Ordahsu--Advance to Coomassie--Return towards the coast--
Aggemamu fortified--Arrival at Cape Coast and return to England
--Reception at Portsmouth and Winchester--Reviews--2nd
Battalion proceeds to Gibraltar--Death of Lieutenant-Colonel
Nixon--The Colonel-in-Chief in India--The Duke of Connaught
takes command of the 1st Battalion--Conclusion 482
APPENDIX I.
Succession of Colonels-in-Chief and Colonels-Commandant 513
APPENDIX II.
On the Armament of the Regiment 515
APPENDIX III.
Actions and Casualties of the Regiment 518
APPENDIX IV.
Rewards for Distinguished Service 523
INDEX 529
LIST OF PLATES.
UNIFORM OF THE RIFLE CORPS _Frontispiece_
PLAN OF THE COA _to face page_ 56
PLAN OF BUSACO ” 60
PLAN OF BARROSA ” 68
UNIFORM OF THE 95TH ” 71
PLAN OF SABUGAL ” 81
PLAN OF FUENTES D’ONOR ” 85
PLAN OF BADAJOS ” 105
PLAN OF VITTORIA ” 135
PLAN OF VERA ” 151
PLAN OF NIVELLE ” 155
PLAN OF NEW ORLEANS ” 187
PLAN OF WATERLOO, I. ” 202
PLAN OF WATERLOO, II. ” 206
UNIFORM OF THE RIFLE BRIGADE ” 217
PLAN OF BEREA ” 292
UNIFORM, 1856 ” 347
PLAN OF CAWNPORE[11] ” 350
PLAN OF LUCKNOW ” 374
UNIFORM, 1872 ” 474
PLAN OF AMOAFUL ” 488
⁂ I have not inserted plans of the Crimean actions, as accurate
and detailed plans of these battles are to be found in Mr.
Kinglake’s ‘Invasion of the Crimea,’ and in other works of the
period, which are generally accessible.
FOOTNOTE:
[11] The position of the troops on this plan is that of November 27,
1857; but the plan will explain the actions on the other days.
_Erratum._
Page 337, line 31: the name of the sergeant who distinguished himself
is James Harrywood.
THE RIFLE BRIGADE.
CHAPTER I.
Towards the close of the last century Colonel Coote Manningham
and Lieutenant-Colonel the Honourable William Stewart addressed a
representation to the Government, pointing out the importance of
having a corps furnished with arms of precision, and the advantage
of training such a corps in the special duties of Riflemen. It would
have been interesting to preserve the text of this document; but I
regret that it does not now exist. Every search has been made in
the records of the War Department, by the kindness of Mr. Denham
Robinson, of the War Office, but, I regret to say, without success;
and it has been suggested that it may probably have been transferred
to the Small Arms Department, and may have perished with the records
of that office in the fire at the Tower of London in 1841.
However, in consequence of the suggestions it contained, the
following Circular was issued to the commanding officers of fourteen
regiments of infantry:--
CIRCULAR.
HORSE GUARDS: _January 17, 1800_.
_Addressed to Officers Commanding the 2nd Battalion Royals, the
21st, 23rd, 25th, 27th, 29th, 49th, 55th, 69th, 71st, 72nd, 79th,
85th, and 92nd Regiments._
Sir,--I have the honour to inform you that it is His Royal
Highness the Commander-in-Chief’s[12] intention to form a corps
of detachments from the different regiments of the line for the
purpose of its being instructed in the use of the rifle, and in
the system of exercise adopted by soldiers so armed. It is His
Royal Highness’s pleasure that you shall select from the regiment
under your command 2 sergeants, 2 corporals, and 30 private men
for this duty, all of them being such men as appear most capable
of receiving the above instructions, and most competent to the
performance of the duty of Riflemen. These non-commissioned
officers and privates are not to be considered as being drafted
from their regiments, but merely as detached for the purpose
above recited; they will continue to be borne on the strength
of their regiments, and will be clothed by their respective
colonels.
His Royal Highness desires you will recommend 1 captain, 1
lieutenant, and 1 ensign of the regiment under your command, who
volunteer to serve in this corps of Riflemen, in order that His
Royal Highness may select from the officers recommended from the
regiments which furnish their quota on this occasion a sufficient
number of officers for the Rifle Corps. These officers are to be
considered as detached on duty from their respective regiments,
and will share in all the promotion that occurs in them during
their absence.
Eight drummers will be required to act as bugle-horns, and I
request you will acquaint me, for the information of His Royal
Highness, whether you have any in the ---- Regiment qualified to
act as such, or of a capacity to be easily instructed.
I have, &c.
HARRY CALVERT.
A. G.
Thus we see that the Regiment was formed as a _corps d’élite_; and
as regards the officers there was a double selection, eight of each
rank of company officers being selected from the fourteen originally
recommended.
The detachments so selected assembled at Horsham, in Sussex, in March
1800, and their first parade as ‘An Experimental Corps of Riflemen’
took place there on April 1 in that year; Lieutenant-Colonel the
Honourable William Stewart being apparently in command.
The following is the Return of the state and strength of the Corps on
this its first formation:
+----------+-------+--------+------+-------+---------+--------+--------+
| |Lieut.-|Captains|Lieut-|Ensigns|Sergeants|Drummers|Rank and|
| |Colonel| |enants| | | | file |
+----------+-------+--------+------+-------+---------+--------+--------+
| 1st Foot| | 1 | 1 | 1 | 2 | 1 | 32 |
| 21st ” | | | 1 | 1 | 2 | 1 | 32 |
| 23rd ” | | | | | 2 | 1 | 32 |
| 25th ” | | | 1 | | 2 | | 32 |
| 27th ” | | 1 | 1 | 1 | 2 | 1 | 32 |
| 29th ” | | | 1 | 1 | 2 | 1 | 32 |
| 49th ” | | 1 | 1 | 1 | 2 | 1 | 32 |
| 55th ” | | | 1 | | 2 | 1 | 32 |
| 67th ” | 1 | | 1 | | | | |
| 69th ” | | 1 | 1 | | 2 | 1 | 32 |
| 71st ” | | 1 | | | 2 | 1 | 32 |
| 72nd ” | | 1 | | 1 | 2 | 1 | 32 |
| 79th ” | | | 1 | 1 | 2 | 1 | 32 |
| 85th ” | | | | | 1 | | 27 |
| 92nd ” | | | 1 | 1 | 2 | 1 | 32 |
| +-------+--------+------+-------+---------+--------+--------+
| Total | 1 | 6 | 11 | 8 | 27 | 12 | 443 |
+----------+-------+--------+------+-------+---------+--------+--------+
|Wanting to| | | | | | | |
| complete | | | | | 1 | 1 | 5 |
+----------+-------+--------+------+-------+---------+--------+--------+
|Establish-| | | | | | | |
| ment | 1 | 6 | 11 | 8 | 28 | 13 | 448 |
+----------+-------+--------+------+-------+---------+--------+--------+
The Corps being now formed marched to a camp of exercise at
Swinley in Windsor Forest in May, and proceeded actively with their
training as Riflemen. They are mentioned with great approbation
by Mr. W. H. Fremantle in a letter, dated July 15, 1800, to the
Marquis of Buckingham, as being ‘good, and much more useful’ than
some other regiments then in that camp.[13] The camp broke up at
the end of July, and at the request of Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart
three companies of the corps (Captains Travers’,[14] Hamilton’s,
and Gardner’s) were ordered to embark, under his command, with the
expedition against the north coast of Spain, under Lieutenant-General
Sir James Pulteney, Bart., and Admiral Sir John Borlase Warren, K.B.
The expedition arrived before the harbour of Ferrol on August 25, and
immediately commenced its disembarkation. This was effected without
opposition in a small bay near Cape Prioriño; but on the troops
proceeding to occupy a ridge of hills adjoining the bay, the Rifle
Corps, which covered the advance, just as they gained the summit fell
in with a party of the enemy which they drove back. In this skirmish
Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart was dangerously wounded through the body.
On the next morning, at daybreak, the position was attacked by a
considerable body of the enemy, who were repulsed with much loss, and
the English troops remained in complete possession of the heights.
But in this action Captains Travers and Hamilton, and Lieutenant
Edmonston, attached to the Rifle Corps, and eight rank and file were
wounded. Sir James Pulteney being, however, of opinion that Ferrol
could not be taken, or the ground he occupied be held, re-embarked
the troops.[15] It was subsequently stated in the House of Lords that
at the very moment he did so the proper officer was on his way with
the keys of the place, to surrender it. And Mr. Ford affirms that
‘had the expedition sailed boldly up to the Ferrol, the Gallicians
were only waiting to surrender, being, as usual, absolutely without
means of defence.’ He attributes the failure to the combined
indecision of the leaders.[16]
Of this, the first affair in which the Regiment was engaged, it may
be observed that it has the high honour of having shed its first
blood before its actual embodiment, and while it consisted only of
detachments experimentally assembled for instruction. It was the only
corps engaged on the day of disembarkation, and (with the exception
of one officer of the 52nd) the only officers wounded were attached
to it. August 25, the day on which it was first engaged, was the
date of the commissions of its first officers when it was formally
embodied.
The expedition then proceeded to Malta; and an order was issued by
the Commander-in-Chief for all officers and men of the Rifle Corps,
whose regiments formed part of the expedition, to rejoin them, and
for those whose regiments were not so employed to be attached to
corps serving with the expedition.
Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart, Captain Travers, and Lieutenant Edmonston
returned to England.
The Rifle Corps was immediately re-formed, principally from
detachments of fencible regiments serving in Ireland, and I presume
also, on the return of the expedition, from the men originally
selected as Riflemen. These detachments began to assemble at
Blatchington in Sussex, near Lewes, about the end of August, and
continued to join during the autumn. The whole of the officers
who had been attached to the experimental corps were appointed to
it; their commissions being ante-dated, as I have observed, to
August 25, the anniversary of which has been since observed as the
foundation-day of the Regiment. A second lieutenant-colonel and two
majors were appointed, and some others were added to complete the
Corps to eight companies, with a captain and two subalterns to each.
The establishment was, therefore, on December 25, returned as follows:
Colonel 1
Lieut.-Colonels 2
Majors 2
Captains 8
First Lieutenants 8
Second Lieutenants 8
Paymaster 1
Adjutant 1
Quarter-Master 1
Surgeon 1
Assistant Surgeon 1
Staff-Sergeants 5
Sergeants 40
Buglers 18
Corporals 40
Privates 760
The officers on its formation were:
_Colonel._
COOTE MANNINGHAM.
_Lieutenant-Colonels._
THE HONOURABLE WILLIAM STEWART. ALEXANDER HOUSTON.
_Majors._
GEORGE CALLANDER. HAMLET WADE.
_Captains._
ROBERT TRAVERS. THOMAS SIDNEY BECKWITH.
CORNELIUS CUYLER. TIMOTHY HAMILTON.
THOMAS CHRISTOPHER GARDNER. ALEXANDER STEWART.
HENRY SHEPHERD.
_Captain-Lieutenant._
ALEXANDER D. CAMERON.
_First Lieutenants._
BLOIS LYNCH. JOHN ROSS.
J. A. GRANT. EDWARD BEDWELL LAW.
JOHN STUART. HENRY POWELL.
PETER O’HARE. WILLIAM COTTER.
THOMAS STIRLING EDMONSTON. JOHN CAMERON.
ROBERT DUNCAN. ---- DOUGLAS.
ALEXANDER CLARKE. L. H. BENNET.
NIEL CAMPBELL.
_Second Lieutenants._
HENRY GOODE. PATRICK TURNER.
JAMES MACDONALD. SAMUEL MITCHEL.
THOMAS BRERETON. GEORGE ELDER.
LOFTUS GRAY. JAMES PENDERGAST.
JOHN JENKINS. JOHN BURTON.
_Paymaster._
JAMES INNES.
_Adjutant._
J. A. GRANT.
_Quarter-Master._
DONALD MACKAY.
The Regiment, as it has existed since, and as it has won lasting
renown in so many fields, as ‘a Corps of Riflemen,’ ‘the Rifle
Corps,’[17] ‘the 95th,’ and ‘the Rifle Brigade,’ was then and thus
organised under Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart. For though Manningham was
the colonel, and justly shares the honour of its formation, he seems
seldom to have been present with it; for he was equerry to George
III., and often at Court.
William Stewart was the fourth son of John, seventh Earl of Galloway,
and at the early age of thirteen was appointed Ensign in the 42nd
Regiment; but subsequently served in the 22nd and 67th, and with
the former had seen service at the capture of the French West India
Islands in 1793. We have seen that it was owing to Manningham’s
and his suggestions that the Rifle Corps was formed; and after its
embodiment he also addressed a long letter to the Adjutant-General
on the discipline and internal economy of such a corps. His
recommendations (which were adopted) were: that it should first be
formed of volunteers from infantry battalions which best could spare
them, and by men from the undrafted part of the Irish militia; and
he added the (rather singular) opinion that Irishmen were preferable
for Riflemen, as ‘perhaps from being less spoiled and more hardy than
British soldiers, better calculated for light troops.’[18]
He now set himself vigorously to organise and discipline the Corps
thus formed at his suggestions. The standing orders of the Regiment,
which, though issued of course in Manningham’s name, were probably
principally compiled by Stewart, testify not only to his capability
for organising and disciplining it, but in a most remarkable way
to his pre-eminence above and beyond the military ideas of his
time. The germs, if not, indeed, the actual existence of most of
the late improvements for the training and advantage of the soldier
are found in these orders. The good-conduct medal; the medals for
acts of valour in the field; the attention given and the methods
adopted to secure accurate shooting, dividing men into classes
according to their practice at the target, and instituting a class
of Marksmen; the rules for a regimental school, and for periodical
examination of its scholars; the institution of a library; the
provision for lectures on military subjects, tactics and outpost
duties; the encouragement of athletic exercises; these and many other
plans, carried out in the British army only after the middle of the
nineteenth century, are inculcated in the original standing orders,
and were adopted in the Regiment from its formation.[19]
Sir Charles Napier, who was appointed to a lieutenancy in the Rifle
Corps, December 25, 1800, and joined it at Blatchington, in his
letters to his family, bears high testimony to Stewart’s ability in
organising the Corps; though he seems not to have liked him, and
eventually to have quarrelled with him. ‘Stewart makes it a rule
to strike at the heads. With him the field-officers must first be
steady, and then he goes downwards: hence the privates say: “We had
better look sharp if he is so strict with the officers.”’[20]
In 1801 Colonel Stewart was selected to command the troops (the 49th
Regiment and a company of the Rifle Corps) ordered to embark on board
the fleet commanded by Admiral Sir Hyde Parker. And on February 28
Captain Beckwith’s[21] company, consisting of 1 captain, 2 first
lieutenants, 1 second lieutenant, 5 sergeants, 2 buglers, 1 armourer,
and 101 rank and file, embarked at Portsmouth on board H.M.S. ‘St.
George,’ bearing the flag of Vice-Admiral Lord Nelson. On arrival
in Yarmouth Roads the right platoon of Captain Beckwith’s Riflemen
was shifted to the ‘London,’ Sir Hyde Parker’s flag-ship. But the
men of the Rifle Corps seem to have been distributed, on arrival in
the Baltic, among the ships of Nelson’s squadron, which on April 2
attacked and reduced the Danish fleet at Copenhagen.
In this action First Lieutenant and Adjutant Grant was killed
‘whilst gallantly fighting the quarter-deck guns of H.M.S. “Isis.”’
He was the first officer of the Regiment killed in action. He had
volunteered for this service. His head was taken off by a cannon-ball
as clean as if severed by a scimitar. Stewart recommended Second
Lieutenant Pendergast, who was in the expedition, for the vacancy,
and he was accordingly promoted on May 9. Two rank and file were also
killed; and 1 sergeant and 5 rank and file wounded, of whom some
subsequently died of their wounds.[22]
Lord Nelson, in his despatch, says: ‘The Honourable Colonel Stewart
did me the favour to be on board the “Elephant;” and himself, with
every officer and soldier under his orders, shared with pleasure the
toils and dangers of the day.’
It is said in the Record of the 1st Battalion that ‘an appropriate
medal was issued upon this occasion by Admiral Lord Nelson to the
non-commissioned officers and several soldiers.’ I have not been
able to find any trace of this medal, which does not seem to have
been given to the officers. For it appears from a correspondence
between Stewart (then Lieutenant-General Sir William Stewart), Earl
St. Vincent, and Lord Sidmouth in 1821-2, that Nelson had been
desirous of obtaining a medal for the captains of his squadron who
were engaged at Copenhagen, and had recommended Stewart for one; but
that Lords St. Vincent and Sidmouth opposed the issue of any such
medal, on the ground that it would be a very invidious distinction
from those captains who, being with Parker’s fleet, were not engaged.
Stewart advanced a request for this medal in 1821, on the plea that,
being a military man, his case was essentially different from that of
the captains. But though his application was then supported by Earl
St. Vincent, it was refused (in very flattering terms however) by
Lord Sidmouth.[23]
The Regiment marched to Weymouth in the early part of the summer, and
was encamped there. Their being near Windsor the year before, and now
at Weymouth, the summer residence of George III., was probably due
to Manningham’s being attached to the person of that sovereign. They
returned to Blatchington barracks in the autumn.
On June 25 the establishment of the Corps was again changed, and
companies were given to the field-officers, as was then the case in
line regiments. But this arrangement was of short duration, for on
March 27 following field-officers’ companies were abolished, and
effective captains were appointed in their place.
In the autumn of 1802 the Regiment marched to Chatham. On this march,
at Maidstone, some of the men broke open the plate-chest of the
officers’ mess. One of the offenders was discovered, and being tried
by court-martial, was sentenced to receive 800 lashes, the whole of
which were inflicted at one time.
The Regiment appears, even at this early period, to have been a
favourite one with volunteers from the line and militia; and Surtees
mentions four men in the ranks who had been commissioned officers;
one of whom, indeed, was drawing half-pay, and was eventually
recalled to full pay as lieutenant.
After a short stay at Chatham, the Regiment was moved for the winter
to Shorncliffe and forts in the vicinity.
On December 25, 1802, the Rifle Corps was ordered to be numbered as
the 95th Regiment, and thus assumed the name under which it was long
known, and which its services on the continent of Europe made famous.
In May 1803, the head-quarters, with five companies, returned
to their old quarters at Blatchington, and in November moved to
Colchester, and eventually to Warley and Woodbridge barracks; the
other five companies, under Colonel Beckwith, remaining during the
summer at Shorncliffe, where, on Colonel Stewart’s promotion to
Brigadier-General and command of a district, the head-quarters and
other five companies joined them. Here they formed part of that
camp of instruction under Sir John Moore, the marvellous results of
which have been so truly and eloquently described by Sir William
Napier;[24] and here they first met and were brigaded with their
compeers, the 43rd and 52nd, in united action with whom, as the Light
Division in the Peninsula, so many of their laurels were won.
During the time the Regiment was encamped at Shorncliffe, Colonel
Manningham, carrying out the intentions of his own standing orders,
delivered a course of lectures on the duties of Riflemen in active
service, which he published.[25]
On the breaking up of that camp, the Regiment moved into Hythe
barracks till April 1805, when it appears to have returned to
Shorncliffe.
On May 6, 1805, the 2nd Battalion was formed by the transfer of
21 sergeants, 20 corporals, 7 buglers, and 250 privates from the
original Corps (now the 1st Battalion); the remainder of the proposed
establishment being made up by volunteers from the militia; 1 major
(Gardner), 6 captains and 3 first lieutenants being promoted from
the 1st Battalion, which also supplied the adjutant. The command and
formation of the Battalion was conferred on Wade,[26] of the 1st
Battalion, who was promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel; and
so vigorously did he proceed in its organisation, that in less than
three months it wanted only 7 sergeants, 6 buglers, and 98 privates
to complete its full strength. It was formed at Canterbury, but moved
to Brabourn Lees, near Ashford, in June, where it was brigaded with
the 1st Battalion.
It was while the two Battalions were stationed at Brabourn Lees
that a singular instance of self-control and magnanimity was shown
by Sidney Beckwith, then commanding the 1st Battalion. Some men,
volunteers from the Irish militia, meeting Mrs. Beckwith, with her
child and nurse, on the Ashford Road, most grossly insulted them,
proceeding to such lengths (Surtees says) as delicacy forbids to
mention. The culprits were discovered, but not punished; for Beckwith
next day on parade forming the Battalion into square, addressed them;
and, after relating the outrage, added: ‘Although I know who the
ruffians are, I will not proceed any further in the business because
it was my own wife whom they attacked; but had it been the wife of
the meanest soldier in the Regiment, I solemnly declare I would have
given the offenders every lash to which a Court-Martial might have
sentenced them.’ It is no wonder that by such acts of generosity, as
well as by his leading them in the field, this man ‘won the heart of
every soldier in the Battalion;’ as Surtees tells us, who served in
the ranks under him.
So rapidly and effectually had the 2nd Battalion been organised, that
it was in September of this year ordered on service; the right wing
being marched to Dover to embark for the Continent, and the left wing
to Winchester, to prepare to embark for the Mediterranean. However,
it was subsequently countermanded; the right wing, from Dover, being
marched to Hailsham in October, and the left from Winchester to
Eastbourne; and both in November assembled at Bexhill, where they
were quartered till March 1806.
In October 1805 the head-quarters and five companies of the 1st
Battalion, under Beckwith, marched to Deal, and embarked at Ramsgate
for Germany, in the expedition commanded by Lord Cathcart. After
a stormy passage, in which some part of the Battalion seems to
have been in great danger from the misconduct of the master of a
transport,[27] they reached the Elbe in November, and on the 18th
disembarked at Cuxhaven, and marched at once for Dorum, a village
twelve or fourteen miles distant, and proceeded by Osterholz and
Bremerlehe to Bremen, the Riflemen forming the advanced guard. On
their arrival before Bremen on the 24th, the barriers were shut, and
the commandant of the Prussian garrison refused to let the troops
enter; the Senate of Bremen also demurring to General Don’s request
for a passage through the place, on account of its neutrality.
However, Beckwith, who commanded the advanced corps, was not the
man to be daunted by such refusals. He accordingly informed the
Prussian commandant that unless his corps was admitted he should
force an entrance. This he did on the morning of the 26th, opening
the barriers by force, apparently without any armed resistance;
and the refusal of the Senate seems to have been prompted rather
by coyness than dislike, for the authorities of the town and the
inhabitants generally received the advanced guard with expressions
of friendship and satisfaction, the Prussian garrison alone looking
on these tokens of welcome with great dissatisfaction. The Riflemen
passed on, still in advance, to Delmenhorst, a Prussian regiment
accompanying them through the city and across the bridge over the
Weser, in order to guard their magazine of corn at Bremen for the
use of their army on the Weser. From Delmenhorst the Riflemen were
detached: three companies at Oldenburg, and two, under Major Robert
Travers, at Wildeshausen, on outpost duty. These last were soon moved
back to Delmenhorst, and shortly after reunited to the other three
companies at Oldenburg. Here they were welcomed and entertained by
the inhabitants, and by none more than by the reigning Grand-Duke
of Oldenburg, who became extremely fond of the Regiment, officers
and men. In consequence of the battle of Austerlitz in December, and
the powerful armies set free by that event, and by Mack’s surrender
of Ulm, to act against us in the North of Europe, the outposts were
withdrawn to Delmenhorst, and eventually into Bremen; and on their
march from Oldenburg the Duke sent forward plentiful refreshments for
the Riflemen, both officers and men.
They continued at Bremen till February 1806, when the army moved
towards a place of embarkation, Beckwith’s force covering the
retreat; but as great numbers of the Germans, who formed part of the
British army there, were deserting, the 95th were directed to remain
in the villages in order to intercept them. However, eventually
Beckwith’s Riflemen also retreated, and embarking at Cuxhaven,
arrived and landed at Yarmouth on the 19th; thence they marched, by
Lowestoft, to Woodbridge barracks, where they rejoined the remainder
of the Battalion. During this abortive expedition they had never, I
believe, been engaged with the enemy.
From Woodbridge the Battalion marched, in the spring of 1806, to
Deal, and afterwards to quarters at Ospringe and Faversham, where
they joined the 2nd Battalion, which had moved there from Bexhill.
On June 13 three companies of the 2nd Battalion (Captains
Macdonald’s, Elder’s, and Dickenson’s), under the command of Major
Gardner, marched from Faversham and embarked at Portsmouth, as
part of the force under Sir Samuel Auchmuty, destined for service
in South America. The transports in which the troops were embarked
were in such bad condition that they were obliged to put into Rio;
and it was not until January 16, 1807, that a landing was effected
at Maldonado, near the mouth of the river La Plata. This operation
was not accomplished without opposition, in which one bugler was
killed and Lieutenant Chawner wounded. The General moved forward
and occupied the suburbs of Monte Video, with a view to investing
the place. On the morning of the 20th the enemy made a sortie, and
attacked our troops with a force of 6,000 men. They advanced in two
columns, one of which pressed our picquet so hard, that Colonel Gore
Browne, of the 40th, who commanded the left of our line, ordered up
three companies of that regiment in support. These companies fell
in with the head of the enemy’s column and very bravely charged it.
The charge was as bravely received, and great numbers fell on both
sides. At length the column began to give way, when it was suddenly
and impetuously attacked in flank by the Riflemen and by a light
battalion which Auchmuty had ordered up. The column then gave way
on all sides, and was pursued with great slaughter to the town. The
other column, observing the fate of their companions, retired without
coming into action. In this sortie the Riflemen lost 5 men killed and
25 wounded.
A breach having been effected, Auchmuty resolved to assault the
place; and an hour before daybreak on the morning of February 3 the
attacking column moved forward. It was headed by the Riflemen under
Gardner; the storming party being led by Captain Dickenson at the
head of his own company. They got near the walls before they were
discovered, when a destructive fire was opened from every gun that
could bear on the column and from the musketry of the garrison. The
enemy had piled up hides in the breach; and unfortunately, in the
darkness, its situation was not immediately discovered, and the
troops remained under a heavy fire for a quarter of an hour. At
last the breach was discovered and pointed out by Captain Renny, of
the 40th (which formed part of the attacking column), who fell in
the assault. Our troops at once mounted it, led by Dickenson and
the Riflemen, and forced their way into the town; and though cannon
placed at the head of all the principal streets opened a destructive
fire, the place was taken and occupied.
In this gallant affair Dickenson fell gloriously at the head of
his company; 10 rank and file were killed, and Lieutenants Scanlan
and Macnamara, 4 sergeants, and 15 rank and file were wounded. The
Riflemen engaged were specially thanked in General Orders; and eleven
sergeants received silver medals under the sanction of the Duke of
York, Commander-in-Chief, for their gallantry on this occasion.
The three companies under Gardner remained in La Plata until they
were joined in May by a wing of the 1st Battalion.
This force, consisting of five companies (Norcott’s,[28]
O’Hare’s,[29] Jenkinson’s, Ramage’s, and Bennett’s), under the
command of Majors M’Leod and Travers, and numbering 25 sergeants
and 370 rank and file, marched from Faversham on July 23, 1806, and
embarked at Gravesend on the 26th on board the ‘Chapman,’ armed
transport. Their voyage was a slow one. They sailed on the 27th,
remained at anchor in the Downs from the 30th till August 4, arrived
on the 21st in Plymouth Sound, were disembarked on September 2, and
encamped on Buckland Down till the 13th, when they re-embarked,
Norcott’s and Bennett’s companies being placed on board the
‘Alexander’ transport. They did not sail, however, till October 6,
and then only to Falmouth; the other ship, with the head-quarters,
having preceded them on September 28.
On October 24, Brigadier-General Robert Craufurd (under whom the
Regiment served subsequently so long and so gloriously in other
fields) arrived at Falmouth and took command of the troops assembled
in that harbour for (as it was then called) ‘the remote expedition.’
It sailed on November 12, and arrived in Porto Praza Bay, in the
island of St. Jago (Cape Verde) on December 14. Here Craufurd, with
the zeal for discipline which always distinguished him, minutely
inspected the troops forming the expedition, on board the several
transports. The companies of the 95th were frequently landed for
exercise during their stay at this island. They sailed from St. Jago
on January 11, 1807, and anchored in Simon’s Bay, Cape of Good Hope,
on March 14, and in Table Bay on the 20th.
Here General Craufurd received instructions to proceed, not to the
coast of Chili, to which the expedition was originally destined, but
to the river La Plata to join the force under Sir Samuel Auchmuty.
The troops therefore sailed on April 6, and arrived at St. Helena
on the 21st; sailed again on the 26th, and anchored in the river
La Plata on the 27th. They were not, however, disembarked; and on
June 4 a most violent gale drove the ships out to sea, and they did
not reach Monte Video till the 14th. Every preparation having been
completed for the service on which it was about to be employed, the
expedition, comprising the troops under General Craufurd and those
already at Monte Video under Sir Samuel Auchmuty, sailed on June 17.
General Whitelocke had been appointed to command the whole force,
most unfortunately, as the event proved, and assumed his command at
Monte Video. On the 27th they arrived at Ensenada de Barragon, about
thirty miles to the eastward of Buenos Ayres, where they disembarked
on the morning of the 28th, at nine o’clock.[30] After some fatiguing
marches through a country much intersected by swamps and muddy
rivulets, the army reached Reduction, a village nine miles distant
from the bridge over the Rio Chuello, on the opposite bank of which
the enemy had constructed a formidable line of defence. The General
resolved to cross the river higher up and to turn this position. On
the evening of July 2, the light division of General Gower’s column
crossed at the ford of Passo Chico; the Chuello was about waist-deep,
and the Riflemen carried their pouches on their shoulders. They were
soon seriously engaged with the enemy. They charged rapidly, and
overthrew their opponents in a few minutes, with great loss, taking
twelve guns. In this affair Major Travers and the officers and men
of both Battalions serving with this force greatly distinguished
themselves. One sergeant and 1 private of the 1st Battalion were
killed, and 2 sergeants and 10 rank and file wounded; and 1 private
of the 2nd Battalion was killed, and Captain Elder and 10 rank and
file wounded.[31]
The left column, with the Commander of the Forces, united with that
under Major-General Gower in the suburbs of Buenos Ayres on the
afternoon of July 3, and the whole army was placed in position. Two
companies of the 1st Battalion, under Major Norcott, were immediately
detached to occupy an advanced post, and became warmly engaged until
dark; by which time they had completely dislodged a very superior
force of the enemy from every point in their front which they were
ordered to occupy.
On the morning of the 4th this picquet was furiously attacked by
several hundreds of the enemy, whose continued exertions to dislodge
it proved fruitless. Major M’Leod joined the post about the middle
of the day, and distinguished himself by his gallantry and judicious
arrangements. This affair lasted until dusk, and our loss amounted
to 2 officers (Lieutenants James Coane and Charles Noble) severely
wounded, 1 sergeant and 1 rank and file killed, and 2 sergeants and
2 rank and file wounded. The two companies were relieved at night by
a detachment of the 36th, and joined the army in its position.
Orders were received during the early part of the night for the
attack of the town at daylight on the 5th. The five companies of
the 1st Battalion formed a part of the column of attack under
Brigadier-General Craufurd and Lieutenant-Colonel Packe, leaving one
company as an advanced guard to each division, supported by a light
company. Major Travers commanded the advance of the right column and
Major Norcott that of the left.
The companies of the 2nd Battalion seem to have been attached to Sir
Samuel Auchmuty’s division, the light battalion of which was divided
into wings, each followed by a party of the 95th. These troops were
all unloaded, and were directed not to fire until the columns had
reached their final points and formed.
At the appointed signal the troops were in motion. The right column
proceeded down the line of street it was directed to take, until it
nearly reached the river; when, turning to the left, with the view
of making for the Franciscan Convent and taking possession of it, it
was assailed from the parapets and windows of every house along the
whole street in so vigorous a manner as to render it impossible to
penetrate further without the probable loss of every officer and man.
Orders were at this moment given to retire; and General Craufurd took
post in the great Convent of St. Domingo, occupying as many houses as
his means enabled him to break into, on the flat parapetted tops of
which the troops formed. Every possible effort was made to assail the
enemy from all parts of the Convent, but without success; for those
points which the men were enabled to reach were mostly commanded by
the neighbouring houses on one side, which the Riflemen had not been
able to force open, and from which fire they suffered dreadfully.
With the exception of the operations of the force under Sir Samuel
Auchmuty, and of the 45th Regiment, every point of attack failed.
The capture of the 88th Regiment, together with the Light Brigade
under Lieutenant-Colonels Packe and Cadogan, and the immense loss of
killed and wounded, furnished the enemy with such powerful means of
attack that at three o’clock he had dislodged our force from every
house they occupied, and confined our operations entirely to one or
two points of the Convent. The loss of officers and men at this
time increased most considerably. Every effort was made to preserve
the posts; but, finding his troops deprived of all means of succour,
or prospect of success in holding out, having ascertained the fate
of the neighbouring columns, and further resistance proving quite
useless, the Brigadier surrendered with his column at four o’clock
in the afternoon, and the officers and men were immediately marched
as prisoners to the citadel and other buildings. Major M’Leod, of
the 95th, however, on Craufurd consulting the field-officers in
the Convent, was the only one who demurred to the necessity of
surrendering. But when Craufurd offered, if M’Leod was decidedly of
opinion that they could force their way out, to head the column with
him, he declined the responsibility.[32]
The left column moved as directed until it came in view of the river;
it had scarcely approached the Franciscan Convent when, by an almost
invisible fire, it lost nearly half its officers and men. Finding it
impossible to penetrate to the objects of attack, Lieutenant-Colonel
Packe acceded to Lieutenant-Colonel Cadogan’s taking possession of
some houses. This was effected, and they were afterwards defended
to the last extremity by that officer and Major Travers; but they
were at length compelled to surrender, having suffered most severely
in killed and wounded, and all chance of further resistance being
deemed useless on account of the capture of the column on their left.
Nothing could exceed the persevering gallantry and conduct of every
officer and man of the Regiment engaged on this unfortunate day.[33]
The loss of the five companies of the 1st Battalion was Captain
Jenkinson, 2 sergeants, 2 buglers, and 36 rank and file, killed;
Captain O’Hare, Lieutenants Cadoux, Macleod, and Turner,[34] wounded
severely; Majors Travers and M’Leod, and Lieutenant M’Cullock,
wounded slightly; and 8 sergeants, 2 buglers, and 73 rank and file
wounded; and 2 sergeants, 2 buglers, and 39 rank and file missing.
Of the three companies of the 2nd Battalion the loss was 3 sergeants,
1 bugler, and 46 rank and file killed; and Lieutenants Hill[35] and
Scott, 6 sergeants, and 40 rank and file wounded.
In consequence of the treaty which had been concluded on the 7th, the
prisoners were released on the morning of the 8th July, and joined
the different posts occupied by the army.
Every arrangement having been completed for the evacuation of the
country on the south side of the river La Plata, the army was
embarked by the 12th, sailed on the 13th, and anchored at Monte Video
on the 15th.
On August 8 the five companies of the 1st Battalion sailed for
England, and arrived at Falmouth on November 9. They proceeded to
Dover by sea about the end of January, 1808, whence they marched to
Shorncliffe barracks, and soon after to Colchester to join the other
five companies of the Battalion, to which station they had moved
after their return from Germany.[36]
The three companies of the 2nd Battalion embarked also, under Major
Gardner, on July 12th. They landed at Portsmouth on December 2, and
joined the Battalion at Hythe on the 18th.
But we must return to the companies of both Battalions which remained
in England. In July, 1807, five companies of the 1st Battalion,
under Colonel Beckwith, and five companies of the 2nd Battalion,
under Colonel Wade, embarked at Deal with the expedition to Denmark
under Lord Cathcart. They arrived in the Sound on August 18, and
disembarked at Veldbeck, about ten or twelve miles from Copenhagen,
on the 16th. Immediately on landing, the Riflemen of both Battalions
were sent on in advance towards Copenhagen. And here first they
served under the immediate command of the great chief, who commanded
the advance; under whose eye they were so often to fight; whose
praise they were so often to receive: their future Colonel, then
Major-General Sir Arthur Wellesley.
To this march no opposition was offered by the enemy; a small patrol
of cavalry appeared in their front, but retired on the approach of
the Riflemen. They halted for the night at Lingbye, rested on their
arms all night, and early next morning again advanced, and about
mid-day took up a position within a long gunshot of Copenhagen, and
invested the place.
About three o’clock on that day (August 17) a considerable body of
the enemy advanced from the town and attacked the picquets on the
left of the line towards the seashore. This small force, consisting
of four companies of the 2nd Battalion and six of two line regiments,
in all not more than 1,000 men with two light field-pieces, were
opposed to about 3,000 of the enemy. But almost as soon as they came
in contact the Danes gave way and retired into the town, leaving a
good many dead and wounded. The detachment of the 2nd Battalion lost
1 man killed, and 2 men were wounded.
On the 19th the 2nd Battalion was moved further to the right, and
nearer to the town; and from this day till the 24th a constant fire
was kept up between the advanced posts and the place; by which,
however, no loss seems to have been inflicted on the Riflemen.
On the 24th they were under arms at two o’clock in the morning,
and immediately advanced, driving in the Danish outposts; in this
operation they encountered considerable opposition, and had some
skirmishing among the gardens and suburbs. During the 25th a constant
fire both of artillery and small arms was kept up from the place,
by which a battalion of the German Legion suffered rather severely.
They were relieved on outpost duty a little before dark by the
2nd Battalion, who did not lose a man at this post. On the 26th a
division was formed, under Sir Arthur Wellesley, to which the two
Battalions of the 95th were attached; and they were ordered to
proceed into the interior to disperse a large body of militia and
armed peasantry. They marched about three P.M., and made their way
through the country on the left of the great road to Roeskild. They
halted that night at Cagstrup; and next morning continued to advance
towards Kioge, halting in the evening at a village near Roeskild.
The troops were now, or just previously, formed into two brigades,
the five companies of the 1st Battalion being attached to that under
the immediate command of Sir Arthur Wellesley, and those of the 2nd
Battalion to General Baron Linsingen’s brigade.
On the 29th Sir Arthur Wellesley attacked the Danish army, which was
established in position on the north side of the town and rivulet
of Kioge. He sent round Baron Linsingen’s brigade to cross the
rivulet at Salbye and fall upon the enemy’s left flank, while Sir
Arthur himself advanced on his front, covered by the 1st Battalion
skirmishers. The enemy gave way at once before an attack by the
92nd, and retreated in disorder, ‘followed in the most gallant style
by the 1st Battalion of the 95th,’[37] and eventually by the whole
infantry. Major-General Oxholm, the second in command of the Danish
army, attempted to make a stand with the rear-guard in the village
of Hervolge, but was briskly attacked by some German hussars and a
company of the 2nd Battalion; and though he took up a strong position
in the churchyard, which was considerably higher than any other
part of the village, he was, after a short resistance, compelled
to surrender with several officers and about 400 men. In this
action at Kioge the loss suffered by the 95th appears to have been
inconsiderable; no mention of casualties appears in the 2nd Battalion
Record; Sir Arthur Wellesley says that ‘a few men of the 95th
fell.’[38] They must have belonged to the 1st Battalion. The conduct
and steadiness of the 1st Battalion of the 95th, under Colonel
Beckwith, are ‘mentioned particularly’ in Sir Arthur Wellesley’s
despatch.[39]
The two Battalions were engaged all the remainder of the 29th and
during the 30th in scouring the woods near Kioge, in order to
complete the dispersion of the Danish force and to prevent its
reassembling. They reached Ringstæd on the 31st; and as the regular
portion of the troops of the enemy had retired into one of the
islands, and the militia had entirely disbanded itself, they halted
here till after the surrender of Copenhagen on September 7. But
during this halt detachments were occasionally sent out to search for
and disperse any lurking parties of the enemy, and to bring in arms
or stores. One of these detachments, consisting of 100 men of the 2nd
Battalion, mounted in light German waggons, scoured a considerable
tract of country, and took possession of ten guns of small calibre,
forty rifles, and a number of muskets.
The terms of the capitulation of Copenhagen extended only to the
British and Danish forces in the Island of Zealand, and the troops
were, therefore, still liable to attack from any Danish force which
might be reassembled on the mainland or in the other islands. Strong
outposts were therefore established in the towns and villages along
the Belt, and the two Rifle Battalions were employed on this service;
the 1st Battalion occupying Callundborg, Slagelse, Corsoer, and
Skielskior; and the 2nd Battalion, Nestved, Lundbye, Wordingborg, and
Præstoe. They remained in their cantonments till October 15, when
they retired towards Copenhagen, which they reached on the 17th.
The two Battalions embarked on board the ‘Princess Caroline,’ 74,
a Danish prize, sailed on the 21st, arrived in Yarmouth Roads in
November, and (after a stormy passage) at Dover on the 15th, landed
next day at Deal, and joined their Battalions at Hythe.[40]
On April 8, 1808, three companies of the 1st Battalion (Major
Norcott’s, Captains Ross’[41] and O’Hare’s), under the command of
Major Gilmour, marched to Harwich, embarked the next day, sailed
the following day, and joined the troops assembled in Yarmouth
Roads destined for the Baltic, under Sir John Moore, to co-operate
with Sweden. They arrived at Gottenburg on May 17, but owing to
misunderstandings with the King of Sweden they never landed; and
having remained on board their transports nearly ten weeks, they
sailed at the latter end of July, and eventually landed in Portugal,
at Peniche, at the end of August, and formed a junction with the
force under Sir Arthur Wellesley.
But previously to their arrival there, two companies from those of
the Battalion remaining in England (Captains Cameron’s[42] and
Ramage’s), under Colonel Beckwith, embarked at Harwich early in July.
The strength of this detachment was about 180 men;[43] these landed
on August 19, a few days before Major Gilmour’s force, which was
immediately united to it.
About the same time four companies of the 2nd Battalion, under the
command of Major Robert Travers, had embarked at Dover on June
8, and formed part of the force destined for Portugal under Sir
Arthur Wellesley. The transports assembled in Cork harbour early
in July. The strength of the detachment of the 2nd Battalion was 1
field-officer, 4 captains, 13 subalterns, 1 staff, 20 sergeants, 8
buglers, and 399 rank and file.[44] These disembarked at Figueira, in
Mondego Bay, on August 1, 1808.
These four 2nd Battalion companies were attached to General Fane’s
brigade; and, immediately after disembarkation, pushed on, keeping
their right towards the sea, several miles over an unbroken plain of
white sand. The men, who had been many weeks on board ship, were much
fatigued by this their first day’s march, as the weather was hot, and
the sand so loose that they sank ankle-deep every step. They encamped
at night near the village of Lavaos, to which the rest of the army
moved up as soon as they disembarked. On August 9, these companies,
forming part of the advance, marched from Lavaos about three o’clock
in the morning. Their destination was Leiria, and their orders were,
if the enemy were in strength at Leiria not to drive him out till the
10th, but to halt in the pine-woods which cover the country between
Lavaos and Leiria. And General Hill was ordered to let 200 Riflemen
and a few dragoons feel their way into Leiria, and if they obtained
possession to support them with his whole corps.[45] However, the
French had evacuated Leiria before the Riflemen entered it, and it
bore terrible marks of their cruelty and excesses.
The army marched hence towards Lisbon, the Riflemen still forming
the advance, and daily expecting to fall in with the enemy, who
were gradually retiring before them. The first meeting took place
at Obidos on the evening of August 15, where, after a long march,
a party of French cavalry and infantry were found. These were
immediately attacked by the Riflemen under Major Travers, together
with some of the 60th, and forced to retire. In the eagerness of
this first encounter the pursuit was continued too far, and the
Riflemen pushed on to a distance of three miles from Obidos, and
quite away from any support. They were then attacked by a superior
body of the enemy, who attempted to cut them off from the main body
of the detachment to which they belonged, which now advanced to their
support. Larger bodies of the enemy appeared on both flanks, and it
was with some difficulty that General Spencer, who had gone out to
Obidos, when he heard that the Riflemen had advanced, was able to
extricate them.[46] In this sharp skirmish Lieutenant Bunbury and 2
men were killed, and Captain Pakenham[47] and 6 men wounded. Ralph
Bunbury was the first English officer who fell in the Peninsula.
Harris says that he was ‘the first man that was hit;’ and he was
much regretted by his brother officers. It is painful to add that
this first blood was spilt, in Sir Arthur Wellesley’s opinion,
unnecessarily. ‘The affair,’ he writes to Lord Castlereagh, ‘was
unpleasant, because it was quite useless; and was occasioned solely
by the imprudence of the officer and the dash and eagerness of the
men; they behaved remarkably well, and did some execution with their
rifles.’[48] And to the Duke of Richmond he says, ‘that it was
foolishly brought on by the over-eagerness of the Riflemen in the
pursuit of an enemy’s picquet; the troops behaved remarkably well,
but not with great prudence.’[49]
They held possession that night of an extensive knoll near the road
by which the enemy had retired, and were under arms till morning,
when they occupied the village of Obidos till the morning of the 17th.
Early on that day they advanced towards Roleia,[50] where, after
a march of two or three hours, they found the enemy, under General
Laborde, posted in a strong position on high ground, having Roleia
and several passes into the mountains in his rear. The four companies
formed part of General Fane’s brigade, which attacked the enemy’s
position in front; but some were detached to cover the advance of
General Ferguson’s brigade, which operated on the right of Laborde’s
posts at Roleia. As soon as the army moved, the Riflemen of Fane’s
brigade were sent into the hills on the left of the valley, in order
to keep up the communication between the centre and the left columns,
and to cover the advance of the former; and the enemy’s outposts
were rapidly driven in. He was pressed by the attacking force in his
front; Hill’s division advanced against his left, and the Riflemen
were in the hills on his right. From this position he extricated
himself by a rapid retreat by the passes into the mountains, where
he took up a formidable position. The Riflemen were already on his
right, and no time was lost in supporting them and attacking the
different passes. These were all difficult of access, and it is well
known that they were forced with great courage and impetuosity,
especially by the 9th and 29th Regiments. Here, however, I have only
to do with the part borne by the 95th; and their conduct during the
day elicited the approval of Sir Arthur Wellesley. They were almost
all young soldiers, and few of them had ever been under fire; yet,
engaged with the French light troops during an intensely hot day,
they succeeded in driving them before them from pass to pass, and
mountain to mountain, in spite of a destructive fire from thick heath
and brushwood, which hid their opponents from them. During this fight
the Riflemen were fearfully galled by the fire from two houses which
the French light troops occupied, and some high ground in front of
the buildings gave them a further advantage. At last the Riflemen
could stand it no longer; and one of them, jumping up and rushing
forward, exclaimed, ‘Over, boys! over, over!’ In a moment every
one of them was dashing forward, repeating the cry, ‘Over, over!’
and fixing their sword-bayonets as they ran up the rising ground.
The voltigeurs could not stand this, but turned and fled; and the
Riflemen soon entered and cleared out the houses. Their loss was 17
rank and file killed, and Captain Creagh and Lieutenants Hill and
Cochrane, and 30 rank and file wounded. It was during this action
that an incident occurred, which I give in Leach’s own words, who
records it[51]:
‘Having driven the enemy from one of the highest mountains, and
in the act of collecting our men on its summit to renew the
attack on a second position to which they had retired, one of
my brother officers, whilst holding his canteen to my mouth to
give me some wine, well mulled by the sun, received a musket-shot
through his hand and through the canteen, which latter it split,
splashed my face thoroughly with wine, spoiled my draught, gave
me a sharp blow, which cut my mouth, and spun me round like a
top. For a few moments I concluded that I was wounded; but the
mystery was soon explained by my seeing my friend on the ground
bleeding profusely, and the broken canteen at his side. I sent a
soldier with him to the rear; and notwithstanding that his wound
was for a length of time afterwards painful and troublesome,
we had the pleasure to see him rejoin us in a few weeks. A
more gallant soldier, sincere friend, or a more independent,
straightforward, manly fellow than Cochrane, never wore His
Majesty’s uniform. In proof of the high estimation in which
he was held by his Corps, suffice it to say, that his brother
officers erected a monument to his memory in Ireland,[52] where
he died a few years after the termination of the war in the
Peninsula and Waterloo, in both of which he was actively engaged.’
On the 20th the two companies of the 1st Battalion which had embarked
at Harwich, and had landed at Maceira on the day before, joined the
army, which was then in position near Vimiera.
On the night of the 20th, a detachment of the 2nd Battalion, with
some of the 60th, in all about 200 men, were on picquet in a large
pine wood, on the road from Lourinha to Torres Vedras. About eight
in the morning of the 21st, a cloud of light troops, followed by a
strong column of the enemy, entering the wood, vigorously attacked
this picquet and drove it in on the 97th, which was in support. As
soon as the Riflemen had cleared the front of this regiment, passing
by its right flank to the rear, the 97th poured a steady fire on
the advancing column and held it in check, while the 52nd took it
in flank and drove it back in confusion.[53] This picquet, on being
driven in, rejoined the other 2nd Battalion companies. With this
attack began the Battle of Vimiera. The Riflemen were soon assailed
by a swarm of light troops, who covered the advance of large masses
of infantry. These pressed on up the hill on which the Riflemen were
posted, in spite of a deadly fire which they poured upon them; until,
the Riflemen running in, the 50th received them with a destructive
volley and a furious charge, which sent them, broken, down the hill
in confusion, with the loss of seven guns and many prisoners. In
this fight, three brothers of the name of Hart, privates in the 2nd
Battalion, pressed on the French with such daring intrepidity, that
Lieutenant Molloy, who himself was never far from his opponent in
action, was obliged repeatedly to rebuke them: ‘D--n you!’ he cried,
‘keep back and get under cover. Do you think you are fighting with
your fists, that you run into the teeth of the French!’
In the meanwhile the enemy were attacked in flank on our left by
General Acland’s brigade, to which the two 1st Battalion companies
were attached.
In his despatch of this victory and in General Orders Sir Arthur
Wellesley particularly notices the valour and discipline of the 2nd
Battalion of the 95th under Major Travers.[54]
In this battle the 2nd Battalion suffered severely; 3 sergeants
and 34 rank and file having been killed; and Lieutenants Manners,
Hill, James Johnson, William Cox, 3 sergeants, and 40 rank and file
wounded. As they had left England about 400 strong, and had suffered
at Obidos and Roleia, about one-fourth of their effective strength
was put _hors-de-combat_ at Vimiera.
No record exists of the casualties, if any, of the 1st Battalion
companies on this day.
The two 1st Battalion companies, which had landed with General
Acland’s brigade, were immediately after the action transferred to
General Fane’s brigade, where they joined the four 2nd Battalion
companies.
As I am the historian not of the War but of the Regiment, I need only
add that, owing to the evacuation of Portugal by Junot’s army, and
the Convention of Cintra, the portion of the Corps in the Peninsula
was not actively employed for some months.
But at the end of August, the three companies of the 1st Battalion,
which had been to Sweden with Sir John Moore, and had been
disembarked in the Mondego on the 28th, joined their comrades in camp
at Torres Vedras. There were now, therefore, five companies of the
1st and four of the 2nd on active service.
Early in September the five 1st Battalion companies moved across the
Tagus to Villa Viciosa, where they were quartered; and the four 2nd
Battalion companies soon after drew towards Lisbon, and encamped
near it. The French army had not yet embarked, and the best feeling
existed between our men and their late opponents; Riflemen and French
soldiers walking about the streets of Lisbon and drinking together in
the wine-shops.
Sir John Moore soon after assumed the command of the army; and moved
from before Lisbon at the end of October. The Riflemen, marching
with the central division, under Moore himself, on the 27th, by way
of Abrantes, crossed the frontier into Spain on November 12, and
proceeded by Ciudad Rodrigo to Salamanca, where they arrived about
the 13th.
Meanwhile, five companies of the 1st Battalion still at home,
embarked, under Major Norman M’Leod, to join the other companies
already in Portugal; and four of the remaining companies of the 2nd
Battalion embarked at Harwich, under Colonel Wade. After a short
detention at Falmouth, they sailed for Spain, and disembarked at
Corunna on October 26.[55] They were attached to the force under
the command of Sir David Baird, and the Riflemen of both Battalions
formed the advanced guard. A day or two after landing they marched
to Betanzos, and thence through Lugo, Villa Franca, and Cacabelos,
to Astorga, which they reached on November 26. Already on this
march they experienced great privations, owing to the defective
arrangements of the Commissariat; and it was not until they reached
Celada, a village a few miles in advance of Astorga, where they
halted for some days, that they were sufficiently supplied with
provisions. They were then sent forward to La Bañeza; but after a
few days’ halt they were, on account of a report that the enemy were
in force in their front, recalled to Celada. Hence, on account of
the utter rout of the Spanish armies, under Palafox and Castaños, at
Tudela, Moore ordered Baird’s force to retire again to Corunna; and
they retreated, the Riflemen now forming the rear-guard and halting
at Cacabelos, while the army moved on to Villa Franca. But after a
few days, Baird’s force was again ordered forward; and the Riflemen,
now again forming the advanced guard, moved up through Astorga and
La Bañeza to Benevente, which they reached on December 15. They
marched again on the 17th, through Valderas, Mayorga, and Sahagun,
and reached the Convent of Trianon, about a league from the latter
place, on the 20th.
The companies of Riflemen were here reunited with those already
in the Peninsula; the five companies under Major M’Leod joining
the five head-quarter companies of the 1st Battalion under Colonel
Beckwith; and the four companies of the 2nd Battalion, under Major
Travers, which had served at Roleia and Vimiera, uniting themselves
to the head-quarter companies under Colonel Wade, which had come
out with Sir David Baird. When these men met, a few miles from the
Trianon Convent, the new comers gave a loud cheer to the ‘heroes of
Portugal,’ as they called their comrades who had fought at Roleia
and Vimiera; which was heartily returned.[56] The worn and sunburnt
appearance of the one set of Riflemen contrasted strangely with the
trim and neat look of the other. They were soon all to be alike in
the tokens of toil, want and suffering. A new distribution of the
army taking place, consequent on the junction of Moore’s and Baird’s
forces, the 1st Battalion were attached to the reserve, under Sir
Edward Paget; and the 2nd Battalion, with a battalion of the 43rd
and one of the 52nd, formed a brigade under Brigadier-General Robert
Craufurd.
I will first trace the services of this Battalion till their
separation from Moore’s army. On the evening of December 23 the
Battalion was called to arms, with a view it was believed of
attacking Soult in his position on the Carrion. In a cold and bitter
night they moved forward; but had not marched far when they were
countermanded, and returned to the quarters at Trianon. Surtees
records an instance of Craufurd’s severe and impartial discipline
during this night march. An officer of the Battalion, who was unwell,
in passing a brook, of which there were many on the road, left his
section and went round it. Craufurd, who happened to be by, recalled
him, and made him walk through and through it several times.[57] The
retreat commenced on the 25th, in terrible weather and over ground
covered with snow. On that night they fell back to Mayorga; and the
next day, though they started early, the state of the ground they
had to get over was such that they did not reach the village of San
Miguel till midnight. The day following they marched to Castro Pipa,
near Castro Gonzalo. Here there was a bridge, the passage of which
Craufurd was to guard until the army, the stragglers and the baggage
had passed over, and then to destroy it. During this operation, while
half the brigade worked at its destruction, the other half held
the enemy at bay; for his cavalry hovered all round and frequently
attacked them, and the Riflemen had some smart skirmishing. At last,
at midnight on the 28th, the brigade passed over in single file by
planks laid over the broken arches, and fell back to Benevente.[58]
On the next morning the 2nd Battalion left Benevente, and after a
toilsome march of thirty miles, reached La Bañeza late at night; and
on the following day moved on to their old quarter, Celada. On the
31st they marched into Astorga, and halted for an hour or two there
while the magazine was destroyed; observing the road from Astorga to
Leon, by which it was thought the enemy were advancing. However, they
did not appear; and the Battalion moved on another wearisome march
of twenty miles to Foncevadon. Here Craufurd’s brigade, which had
hitherto formed the rear-guard, was detached, and proceeded by Orense
to Vigo, in order to seize the passage of the Minho should Moore’s
army find it necessary to retreat by that route. On January 1, 1809,
therefore, the Battalion marched by most difficult mountain roads to
Ponferrada. Here the men suffered great privation, the Alcalde having
given all the bread to his countrymen of Romana’s army, which was
marching with ours, and thus left our people without provisions after
their wearisome march.
On the next day they marched over rugged snow-clad mountains; and
while they were toiling over them another instance of Craufurd’s iron
discipline occurred. The word being passed to open out to allow the
General to pass, a hungry Rifleman called out that ‘he had more need
to give them bread.’ This, unhappily, reached the General’s ears,
who at once halted the brigade, ordered the offender to be tried by
drum-head Court-Martial, and flogged on the spot: a terrible, perhaps
a necessary, check to murmuring under such privations. So, labouring
in hunger and fatigue, the Battalion toiled on to San Domingo-Flores,
which they reached at ten o’clock at night, and after a scanty ration
of black bread, lay down, wet and weary, till dawn, when another long
and difficult march brought them at night to La Rua. These terrible
marches caused many stragglers; many perished on the inhospitable
hills; many fell into the hands of the yet more cruel enemy; and
some, with the help of some refreshment from the sparse and poor
population, dragged on wearily and rejoined the Battalion at Orense
or Vigo.
In such want and sufferings the Battalion reached Orense on January
7, having pushed on a detachment by forced marches to secure the
bridge over the Minho there. A halt on the 8th enabled the men to
wash their linen and take off their clothing and accoutrements; a
relief they had not had for many days; and a supply of provisions
much refreshed the starving soldiers.
On the 9th they resumed their retreat, marching that day to
Rivadavia, through roads inundated by the overflowing of the Minho
and Avia, swollen by the incessant rains and melting snow. Three more
such toilsome marches brought them to Vigo. And when they crowned
the hills at some distance from the town, and, looking down on the
bay and _ria_ of Vigo, saw the ships which were there waiting to
convey them home, the hearts of the weary, foot-sore Riflemen bounded
for joy, and the rest of the day’s march was performed with a long
unwonted cheerfulness. They immediately embarked; and after waiting
in the bay a few days to give a chance to stragglers to come in,
sailed on the 21st, and landed on February 1 at Portsmouth, whence
they marched to their old quarters at Hythe barracks.
Meanwhile, the 1st Battalion continued with the force under Sir John
Moore; and being in the reserve, under Sir Edward Paget, which formed
the rear-guard, besides the almost unparalleled sufferings from
hunger, fatigue and exposure to unusually inclement winter weather,
were daily engaged with the enemy.
On December 28 the reserve passed the Esla at Castro Gonzalo and fell
back on Benevente, and the bridge (as we have seen) was destroyed.
During the whole day and night there was sharp skirmishing between
the picquets of the Battalion and the enemy, who came up with the
rear-guard for the first time on this day.
On the next day the outposts were withdrawn, and the infantry
marched; but the cavalry was left in Benevente, with outposts on the
bank of the river.
On January 3 the enemy again came up. The Battalion, forming the
rear-guard of the reserve, was formed in front of the village of
Cacabelos. This place, scarcely more than a hamlet, is situated on
the declivity of a high hill, sloping down to a deep stream, a
branch or tributary of the Sil, which is crossed by a bridge at the
foot of the village street. Two companies (Captains Norcott’s and
O’Hare’s) and a small party of the 15th Hussars were detached to
cover the retreat of the Battalion. These troops were soon warmly
engaged with a very large body of cavalry, advanced by the enemy as
a reconnoitring party; but, as this was soon after joined by a still
more formidable force, they were directed to retire and follow the
Battalion through the village, and to take post on the other side of
the river and bridge, situated at the extremity of the street.
During the execution of this movement the enemy’s cavalry pressed
forward so rapidly and in such large masses that they compelled the
15th Hussars, who were in rear of the two companies, to retreat at
full gallop. And Sir John Moore and his Staff also dashed past. The
Riflemen, having opened to let them pass, immediately faced about,
and forming across the whole breadth of the street of the village
which they had now entered, poured on the enemy’s cavalry such a
rapid and well-aimed fire that many saddles were emptied and the
pursuit instantly checked. But it was still necessary to go through
the village to pass the bridge, and to gain the opposite bank of the
river; and this was at length effected, not without great exertion
and fatigue, and the loss of about 40 men, killed, wounded, or
prisoners.
The Reserve formed in position on a range of heights about five
hundred yards from the river, the 95th being advanced as a support to
their rear-guard, and in that position awaited the enemy’s attack. He
was not long in fording the river to our right and left with a large
body of cavalry and about a thousand Voltigeurs, which latter had not
until then come up with the retreating army. They had been passed
over the river on the horses of the cavalry.
The attack by this infantry began at about four o’clock in the now
rapidly approaching evening, on the flanks of the Rifle picquets and
on the Battalion of Riflemen formed for their support; and the enemy
moved at the same time a large force of cavalry over the bridge on
the high road to Villa Franca. After some severe skirmishing both
with the picquets and the Battalion, these were obliged to fall back
and occupy a more defensible position; and five companies extended
behind the banks, and in the vineyards on each side of the road,
on which the British cavalry and some guns were posted. Scarcely
had this movement been effected when a warm attack was made by the
Voltigeurs and cavalry against the Riflemen, the dragoons, and the
guns. After an hour’s hard fighting it was found impossible to
withstand the superior force of the enemy, and the advanced wing of
the Battalion was withdrawn, and joined the other five companies,
with the view of following the main body of the Reserve, which had
just before been ordered to retire.
It was now nearly dark; and General Colbert, who commanded the
enemy’s cavalry, conceiving probably that the Riflemen had retired,
and that the English cavalry and guns were unprotected, made a most
rapid and furious charge upon them with a mass of cavalry. The
Riflemen again instantly threw themselves into the vineyards, and
from the banks lining the road poured so hot and well-aimed a fire
that the attacking cavalry were instantly checked. It was at this
moment that Thomas Plunket, a private of the Battalion, noted for his
excellent shooting, crept out with some expression that he ‘would
bring that fellow down,’ and throwing himself on his back on the
snow-covered ground he caught the sling of his rifle over his foot,
fired with deliberate aim, and shot General Colbert dead. His orderly
trumpeter rode up to assist him, but Tom Plunket had reloaded, and
he also fell before his unerring rifle.[59] He had just time to jump
up, and, amidst the cheers of his comrades, by running in upon one
of the rear sections, to escape the sabres of a dozen troopers who
spurred after him in pursuit.
By the fire of the Riflemen the enemy’s cavalry suffered severely.
Besides their General, some two hundred horsemen were killed,
wounded, or prisoners.
Night had now fallen, and no further attack was attempted: the
Riflemen retained the position till about ten at night, in order
to give the rest of the army time to fall back. They then retired,
marching all night, a most difficult and fatiguing march, part of it
through vineyards, and arrived at Curtro about daybreak.
This most gallant action may be said to have been fought altogether
by the 1st Battalion; for no troops assisted them except a few of
the 15th Hussars, who, being hard pressed by the enemy, rode through
the two rear companies at the first onset, and formed on the rising
ground beyond the bridge on the Villa Franca road; and ‘a few of
the 52nd,’[60] who, as night fell, appeared on that ridge to their
assistance; but Colbert’s final charge had then been checked by
the Riflemen. Mr. Moore, in his Life of his brother, says that ‘to
arrest the enemy, four hundred Riflemen, with a small detachment of
horse, were posted,’ while the Reserve crossed the bridge; but in
fact scarce half that number remained on that side of the river. Only
two companies (Norcott’s and O’Hare’s) were there posted; and their
strength would not have been a hundred men each after the casualties
of several days’ march, in weather of unusual severity, and amidst
almost unparalleled toils.
The march was resumed in a few hours; the weather was intensely
cold, the road rugged and difficult, and the snow knee deep, and the
fatigue and exhausted state of the men were extreme; yet amidst all
these sufferings the Reserve preserved order, ‘covered the retreat,
and protected, as much as lay in their power, the stragglers.’[61]
On the road from Villa Franca to Herrerias the French patrols during
the night attacked the Rifle picquets, and wounded a few men; but
the Riflemen drove them back, and the enemy did not ascertain that
the retreating army had abandoned the position. After a march of
eighteen miles the Reserve reached Herrerias on the morning of the
4th. A forced march of thirty-six miles brought them on the 5th to
Nogales. Thence they started again, and towards evening of that day,
when near Constantino, the enemy came up with them. Moore was with
them, and his position was difficult. A river was to be crossed, and
a hill overlooking and close to the bridge would, if the enemy should
occupy it, give him such an advantage as would render the passage of
the Reserve very difficult. Moore posted a battery on the top of the
hill, ‘and guarded it, as usual, by the brave Rifle Corps.’[62] They
held the enemy in check while the Reserve defiled over the narrow
bridge; as soon as they were safely over, the guns were limbered
up, and trotted down the hill; the Riflemen followed at the double,
and passed the bridge without the loss of a man. The French rushed
on in pursuit; but when they reached the bridge the Reserve were in
position, and after maintaining the post till nightfall General Paget
fell back towards Lugo.
During all this retreat Moore accompanied the Reserve, and rode
beside his friend General Paget, their chief. His cheerful demeanour
sustained the spirits of the way-worn, suffering soldiers; he praised
their superior discipline on the march, and warmly applauded their
gallant conduct in action.
The whole of Sir John Moore’s forces were now in position in front
of Lugo. On the 6th the French came in sight, and collecting in
considerable numbers, took up a position in front of the rear-guard.
On the next day the outposts were attacked, and the enemy repulsed.
And on the 8th another attack was made, and with a similar result.
On the 9th Sir John Moore drew up his whole force in position, and
offered battle. After waiting in line of battle till towards evening,
the General ordered the army to retire in the night, the Reserve
covering their march. They kept up bright fires to deceive the enemy,
and then, in a night of terrific weather, and in drenching showers of
rain and sleet, they fell back towards Betanzos. Near this town the
enemy came up with them, and attacked them during their passage over
a bridge, with some loss.
The sufferings of the Battalion in the next few days were terrible.
The men were in a state of starvation; many without shoes, and almost
all in rags. The officers were, many of them, barefooted; and some,
from hunger and fatigue, so incapable of further exertion that they
had to be carried on mules. In this state they arrived, on the 11th,
at El Burgo (the main body of the troops having entered Corunna),
their discipline unimpaired and their courage undismayed. ‘For
twelve days,’ says Napier, ‘these hardy warriors had covered the
retreat, during which time they had traversed eighty miles of road
in two marches, passed several nights under arms in the snow of the
mountains, were seven times engaged with the enemy, and now assembled
at the outposts, having fewer men missing, including those who had
fallen in battle, than any other division of the army: an admirable
instance of the value of good discipline.’
As soon as they had passed the river at El Burgo the bridge was
blown up, and two companies of Riflemen, under Major Norcott, were
posted in the village; the remainder of the Battalion being, with the
Reserve, cantoned upon the high road to Corunna, at a little distance.
The enemy’s cavalry again came in sight on the morning of the 12th,
and, after reconnoitring, dismounted a part of their force, and
attacked the companies at El Burgo vigorously. This skirmishing
continued during the day; but their efforts to drive the Riflemen
from the post were ineffectual.
On the 14th, however, this post was withdrawn, as the enemy had
forded the river on our left. The Battalion therefore joined the
Reserve in the position taken up by the army on the heights about
two miles in front of Corunna; while the enemy was employed in
concentrating his forces on a very strong range of hills opposite and
nearly parallel to the British line, and distant from it about five
hundred yards.
The Battalion was advanced, in the course of the morning, about
half-a-mile in front of the Reserve, in order to occupy several
detached and commanding pieces of ground, on the right of Lord
William Bentinck’s brigade, and just opposite a battery of guns on
the left of the French position.
The enemy’s troops continued to pour into his position during the
whole night. Their bands played, and shouts, plainly heard by the
Riflemen, announced their joy at the certainty of a general action
on the morrow, and the anticipated destruction or capture of the
British army.
On the 16th several movements of cavalry, artillery and infantry were
observed in the French lines, and about two o’clock in the afternoon
the Riflemen could distinctly see their first line getting under arms
on the brow of the hill. The assault was not long in coming. At three
o’clock a furious onset of three thousand skirmishers burst upon the
whole line of English picquets; which, although at first driven back,
rallied under cover of the numerous stone walls which intersected
the valley, and kept the enemy in check for a considerable time;
particularly at the village of Elvina, which was watched by the
brigade under Major-General Coote Manningham.
The enemy finding his first efforts to drive in our picquets
unavailing, reinforced his first line with several battalions, and
compelled them to fall back to their respective brigades. The action
immediately became general, and the attacks particularly severe from
the Corunna road to the extreme British right (comprising about
half the English forces). It was evidently Soult’s great object
to turn the right, whilst on the left and left centre the attack
was not pushed with much energy, and was intended only as a feint.
Lord William Bentinck’s brigade was so roughly handled about five
o’clock, and was losing so many men by the fire of the enemy’s guns
on our right (by which Sir John Moore fell at this time), that
Colonel Beckwith pushed on with the whole Battalion; and dashing
into the very midst of the enemy’s artillery, would inevitably have
captured or destroyed them in a few minutes, had not two battalions
of Voltigeurs moved out so rapidly from the second line to their
assistance, that the Riflemen were obliged to fall back for the
moment. They were checked, not quelled; a sharp skirmish, kept up
for two hours between the Riflemen and the Voltigeurs, ended in the
complete repulse of the latter, with considerable loss, leaving seven
officers and one hundred and fifty-six men prisoners in the hands of
their opponents, whom the Battalion took on ship-board and brought to
England.
By this time the enemy had been completely defeated at all points,
and retired to his position.
The troops embarked during the night. The 1st Battalion of the 95th
was the last corps that entered the gates of Corunna, having acted as
the rear-guard; and scarcely had it reached its ship, when the enemy
made his appearance, with several guns, on the heights commanding the
bay, from which he fired on all the vessels within range. The fleet,
however, was soon under sail, and arrived at Spithead on the 21st.
The Battalion was landed and marched to Hythe.
I have reserved till now the details of its losses during that
memorable retreat.
At Cacabelos, on January 3, 2 sergeants and 17 rank and file were
killed; and Captain Bennett, who died of his wounds on the 11th,
and Lieutenant Eeles were wounded; and on that occasion 4 sergeants
and 44 rank and file were taken prisoners. In the skirmish on the
5th, 1 man was killed and 1 man also on the 10th. One sergeant, 1
bugler, and 13 rank and file died of want, sickness, or fatigue
during the retreat; and 31 men, wounded or exhausted, fell into
the enemy’s hands. In the final fight before Corunna on the 16th,
Lieutenant Charles Noble, 1 sergeant, and 10 rank and file were
killed, and 8 rank and file were taken prisoners. Thus the total
loss of the Battalion in twenty days was 2 officers, 8 sergeants, 1
bugler, and 125 rank and file dead, or prisoners in the hands of the
enemy. Lieutenant Eeles, 1 sergeant, and 33 rank and file wounded
disembarked in England.
But the condition of the survivors and unwounded was deplorable. The
appearance of the Battalion was squalid and miserable. Most of the
men had lost some of their appointments; many were without shoes; and
their clothing was not only tattered and in rags, but in such a state
of filth and so infested with vermin, that on new clothing being
served out it was burnt at the back of Hythe barracks.
Among the losses of the Regiment consequent on the retreat to
Corunna, not the least conspicuous was that of their first Colonel,
Major-General Coote Manningham, who died at Maidstone on August 26,
1809, in his forty-fourth year. A short sketch of the life of one who
may be called the originator of the Regiment, may well be given in
this place. He was the second son of Charles Manningham,[63] Esq., of
Thorp, in Surrey, who was Governor of Bengal in 1758, by the daughter
of Colonel Charles Hutchinson, Governor of St. Helena, through whom
he was nearly related to two distinguished Generals, Sir Robert Boyd
and Sir Eyre Coote, who had married her sisters. Under the former,
and in his Regiment, the 39th, his services commenced at the siege of
Gibraltar. On the breaking out of the war of 1793, Manningham, then
a Major in the 45th, was appointed to a light infantry battalion,
formed in the West India Islands, in order to join Sir Charles Grey,
on his coming out to attack the French West India possessions. With
it he took part in the reduction of Martinique, St. Lucia, and
Guadaloupe. He soon after became Lieutenant-Colonel of the 41st, and
in 1795 was appointed Adjutant-General to the force under General
Forbes at St. Domingo. While on this service he was severely wounded
by an ambuscade of the enemy. On or soon after his return to England
he was, in 1798, appointed Aide-de-Camp to King George III., with the
rank of Colonel, and soon after one of His Majesty’s Equerries. He
was promoted a Major-General in 1805; and after serving some time on
the home staff, he was appointed to command a brigade in the division
which went out with Sir David Baird in 1808. On the junction of this
force with that under Sir John Moore, he had a brigade under Moore,
and took part in the retreat; and, as we have seen, held the position
of Elvina in the final action at Corunna. The fatigues and sufferings
he had undergone during this campaign, acting on a constitution
impaired by service and by wounds in the West Indies, brought on,
soon after his return to England, an illness from which he never
rallied. He is buried at Little Bookham,[64] in Surrey, where this
inscription to his memory remains:
In this vault are deposited the remains of
Major-General COOTE MANNINGHAM, equerry to the king
and colonel of the 95th or rifle regiment of foot;
This corps he originally raised and formed, and by his
unvaried zeal and exertion, as well as excellent discipline
and good example, brought to the highest state of
military reputation and distinction.
He died at _Maidstone_, on the 26th day of August 1809
in the 44th year of his age.
An early victim to the fatigues of the campaign in _Spain_
operating on a constitution already enfeebled
by long service in the _West Indies_
and honourable wounds received in that climate.
A monument to his memory was also erected in the North Transept
of Westminster Abbey, by his friend Lieutenant-General Sir Thomas
Hislop, in 1813; which records that ‘In him the man and the Christian
tempered the warrior;’ and that ‘He was the model of a British
soldier.’
His only surviving child married Sir Edward Buller, Bart., and more
than one of her sons has served with distinction in the Regiment,
in which they may be said to bear the honourable distinction of
‘founder’s kin.’
FOOTNOTES:
[12] Frederick, Duke of York.
[13] ‘Memoirs of the Court and Cabinet of George III.,’ vol. iii. 88.
[14] Major-General Sir Robert Travers, C.B., K.C.M.G., died at Cork,
December 24, 1834.
[15] Sir James Pulteney’s Despatch, August 27.
[16] ‘Handbook of Spain.’
[17] It was popularly known as ‘Manningham’s Sharpshooters.’
[18] ‘Cumloden Papers,’ 23.
[19] ‘Regulations for the Rifle Corps formed at Blatchington Barracks
by Colonel Manningham:’ London, 1801. Stewart also published
‘Outlines of a Plan for the General Reform of the British Land
Forces:’ a pamphlet, of which a second edition, enlarged, appeared in
octavo. London, 1806.
[20] ‘Life of Sir C. J. Napier,’ i. 19.
[21] Lieutenant-General Sir T. Sidney Beckwith, K.C.B., died January
19, 1831.
[22] Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart’s Despatch, ‘Cumloden Papers,’ 41.
[23] ‘Cumloden Papers,’ 50, 51, 52. This service seems to have
established a friendship between Stewart and Nelson, which terminated
only with the great admiral’s life. Several letters from him, written
in very affectionate terms, to Stewart, are printed in the ‘Cumloden
Papers;’ the last dated only thirteen days before his death off
Trafalgar. Stewart also mentions incidentally that his son Horatio
(who served in the Regiment) bore that name ‘by the express wish of
that great man who fell off Trafalgar.’ He must have wished him to
call his first son after him, for Horatio Stewart was not born till
after Nelson’s death.
[24] ‘Life of Sir Charles Napier,’ i. 58, 59.
[25] ‘Military Lectures delivered to the officers of the 95th (Rifle)
Regiment, at Shorn-Cliff Barracks, Kent, during the Spring of 1803.’
By Coote Manningham, Colonel of the 95th (Rifle) Regiment. Octavo,
London, 1803, pp. 70. And see p. 7.
In the same year appeared ‘Regulations for the Exercise of Riflemen
and Light Infantry in the Field,’ octavo, pp. 70, with diagrams and
two pages of bugle sounds. What share, if any, Manningham or Stewart
had in these books, I am unable to trace. A preface (signed by the
Adjutant-General) states that it is founded on a work written by a
German officer of distinction.
[26] Hamlet Wade was one of the original members of the Regiment,
having been promoted to a majority on its formation, from captain in
the 25th Foot. He was an extraordinary, gallant, dashing Irishman (he
was one of the Wades of Clonabraney, County Meath), and anecdotes
of him were still rife when I was in the Regiment. Surtees mentions
Wade’s praise and his rewards to him for his good shooting, when
he joined as a volunteer. He was an admirable shot with the rifle
himself. He and a private of the name of Smeaton used to hold a
target for each other at 150 yards; and it is said (Smith’s ‘List of
Officers,’ 58) that he and John Spurry, a private in the Regiment,
held the target for each other at 200 yards: a wonderful feat, while
the Baker rifle was still in use. There used to be a story of him at
an inspection by the old Earl of Chatham, who expressed a wish to
see some practice with the rifle; and having made some remark on the
danger of the markers, Wade said: ‘There is no danger;’ and calling
one of the men (no doubt Smeaton or Spurry), bade him hold a target,
and he himself taking a rifle fired and hit it. Lord Chatham’s horror
at this was extreme, on which Wade said: ‘Oh, we all do it.’ And
bidding the other to take a loaded rifle, he ran out himself and
held the target for the soldier’s fire. Probably no other men in the
Regiment but themselves could have done this. Colonel Wade, C.B.,
died February 13, 1821, having retired from the army.
[27] Surtees gives the story at length, 53-55.
[28] Major-General Sir Amos G. R. Norcott, K.C.H., died January 8,
1838.
[29] Major O’Hare was killed at Badajos.
[30] The five 1st Battalion companies had thus been _eleven months_
on board ship.
[31] The three companies of the 2nd Battalion at Monte Video had
been engaged, on June 7, at San Pedro, when Major Gardner and
Assistant-Surgeon Turner, 1 sergeant and 26 rank and file were
wounded. I find no particulars of this affair beyond the mention of
it, and the casualties, in the Record of the 2nd Battalion.
[32] ‘Brigadier Craufurd’s Evidence on Whitelocke’s Court-martial,’
p. 335-6.
[33] Two majors, 5 captains, 19 subalterns, 3 staff, 24 sergeants,
12 buglers, and 495 rank and file of the Rifle Corps (including
the wounded) surrendered to the enemy. ‘Return in Whitelocke’s
Court-Martial,’ Appendix, p. 45.
[34] Lieutenant Patrick Turner died of his wounds.
[35] Major-General Sir Dudley St. Leger Hill, K.C.B., died February
21, 1851.
[36] ‘Annual Register,’ xlix.; ‘London Gazette,’ September 13, 1807;
and Record of the 1st Battalion. This narrative is evidently drawn up
by an eye-witness: no doubt Sir Amos Norcott, by whom the regimental
Record is signed.
[37] ‘Wellington Despatches,’ iv. 4.
[38] ‘Supplementary Despatches,’ vi. 10. It is strange that no
mention of their services in this expedition appears in the 1st
Battalion Record. That of the 2nd Battalion mentions only the
casualties on the 17th before Copenhagen.
[39] ‘Wellington Despatches,’ iv. 4.
[40] Surtees, 60-72. Leach, 28-38. ‘Wellington Despatches,’ iv. and:
Supplementary Despatches,’ vi.
[41] Major-General Sir John Ross, K.C.B., died April 31, 1835.
[42] Major-General Sir Alexander Cameron, K.C.B., died July 20, 1850.
[43] ‘Wellington Despatches,’ iv. 28.
[44] Ibid. iv. 27.
[45] Ibid. iv. 77.
[46] ‘Wellington Despatches,’ iv. 94.
[47] Afterwards Major-General Sir Hercules R. Pakenham, K.C.B.
The Duke of Wellington, applying for his promotion on October 15
following, mentions his being wounded in this affair, and adds ‘that
he is really one of the best officers of Riflemen that I have seen.’
(‘Supplementary Despatches,’vi. 160.) He was his brother-in-law. He
remained in the Regiment till 1810.
[48] ‘Wellington Despatches,’ iv. 95.
[49] ‘Supplementary Despatches,’ vi. 115.
[50] Properly _Roliça_. I retain the name granted to the Regiment,
and borne on its badge.
[51] Leach, 47.
[52] At Kinsale, where is this inscription in the church:
SACRED TO THE MEMORY OF
LIEUTENANT THOMAS COCHRANE
OF THE RIFLE BRIGADE.
HE DIED IIND OF JULY MDCCCXXIII., AGED XXXIV. YEARS.
AS A SOLDIER
HIS ZEAL, GALLANTRY, AND INTELLIGENCE
RENDERED HIM VALUABLE TO HIS COUNTRY;
AS A MAN
HIS PRIVATE VIRTUES, EMBRACING EVERY ENNOBLING AND ENDEARING
QUALIFICATION,
SECURED TO HIM THE ESTEEM AND LASTING ATTACHMENT OF HIS BROTHER
OFFICERS, WHO HAVE RAISED THIS MONUMENT TO HIS MEMORY.
[53] Leach, 50, who was on this picquet.
[54] ‘Wellington Despatches,’ iv. III; and ‘Supplementary
Despatches,’ vi. 121.
[55] Surtees, 74. I take the dates from Surtees, who was with this
force. The dates in the 2nd Battalion Record are here in inextricable
confusion.
[56] Harris, 160.
[57] Surtees, 80.
[58] Surtees mentions that he crossed the Esla, at a ford a little
way from Castro Gonzalo, in a bullock-cart loaded with biscuit, while
the brigade were occupied in destroying the bridge. The time lost in
its destruction might have been saved had Moore or Craufurd known the
river was fordable.
[59] I note Costello’s assertion that General Paget offered his purse
to any Rifleman who would bring down the French General, only to
point out its improbability, not to say its impossibility. No one
who knew the gallant Sir Edward Paget will believe that he bribed
a soldier to slay a chivalrous and brave enemy; of whom Napier
writes, ‘his fine martial figure, his voice, his gestures, and, above
all, his great valour, had excited the admiration of the British,
and a general feeling of sorrow was predominant when the gallant
soldier fell.’ It is quite possible that, as Costello says, General
Paget flung his purse (or some of its contents) to Tom Plunket, in
admiration of two such unerring shots in the midst of a hot fight.
But this is a very different matter from the previous offer of it. It
is to be observed that Costello was not at Cacabelos, but was then
a recruit at the Depôt; and no doubt the story did not lose, in the
barrack-room or at the camp-fire, where he probably had heard it.
[60] ‘Napier,’ Book iv. chap. v.
[61] ‘Life of Sir John Moore,’ ii. 210.
[62] ‘Life of Sir John Moore,’ ii. 201.
[63] His grandfather was Bishop of Chichester. See a full account of
the family in Nichols’ ‘Literary Anecdotes,’ i. 207-11.
[64] He had married the daughter of the Reverend George Pollen,
Rector of Little Bookham.
CHAPTER II.
The two Battalions, then stationed at Hythe, were ordered to be
completed to a strength of a thousand men each; and active steps were
taken to supply the losses occasioned by the retreat by obtaining
volunteers from the Militia. The Regiment had already become so
famous and so popular, that not only were the deficiencies filled up
in a very short time, but more than a thousand volunteers presented
themselves beyond the numbers required.[65] It was therefore resolved
by the authorities to add a 3rd Battalion to the Regiment. Colonel
M’Leod was promoted to the Lieutenant-Colonelcy of it, and soon
afterwards exchanged with Colonel Andrew Barnard, of the 1st Royals,
afterwards Sir Andrew Barnard: a name indelibly connected with the
subsequent achievements of the Regiment. Only two or three other of
the steps consequent on the formation of an additional Battalion were
given in the Regiment, the services of those by whose valour and
sufferings the Regiment had obtained the fame which attracted these
volunteers and to whose exertions in recruiting their great number
was due, being, with the usual injustice of the British Government
to its military defenders, ignored. General Sir David Dundas, then
Commander-in-Chief, became Colonel-in-Chief on August 31, 1809, in
place of Manningham; and the Colonelcies of the three Battalions were
bestowed on Major-Generals Forbes Champagné, Sir Brent Spencer, and
the Honourable William Stewart, thus restoring to the roll of the
Regiment the honoured name of its first Lieutenant-Colonel.
I now resume the history of the services of the 1st Battalion, which
having been completed to 1,010 rank and file, marched from Hythe,
under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Beckwith, at two o’clock in
the morning of May 25, 1809, and arriving at Dover about six, soon
after embarked in three transports, the ‘Fortune,’ the ‘Malabar,’
and the ‘Laurel,’ and sailed immediately for the Downs. Here they
were joined by a battalion of the 43rd and by the 52nd, which were
to form the Light Brigade under Major-General Robert Craufurd, who
embarked in the ‘Nymph’ frigate. Contrary winds kept them in the
Downs till June 3, when they made sail; and arriving in the Tagus on
the 28th anchored off Lisbon. Here they remained until July 2, when
about midnight they were put into flat-bottomed boats, and towed up
the river. The men and officers were very crowded, and experienced
great inconvenience for twenty-four hours, until they were landed at
Vallada on the right bank of the river, at or near which place they
bivouacked on that night. On landing they were definitively formed,
with the 43rd and 52nd Light Infantry Regiments, their constant
companions in arms, into the Light Brigade, whose deeds of arms in
Portugal, Spain and France, can never be forgotten while England has
an army.
The Battalion marched on the 4th to Santarem, where they halted
till the 7th, to allow the baggage animals, the ammunition, and the
Commissariat to come up. On that day they marched to Golegão, and on
the 8th to Punhete and Tancos, still on the Tagus; on the 9th they
passed through Abrantes, but, not halting there, crossed by a pontoon
bridge to the left bank of the river, and bivouacked in extensive
woods. All these marches were, in consequence of the extreme heat of
the weather, performed in the night; the Battalion generally falling
in about midnight, and arriving at their bivouack about eight or nine
in the morning.
It was about this time that Craufurd issued standing orders to his
Brigade of extreme strictness, not to say severity. This Draconic
code made him at first very unpopular; but as time went on, its
usefulness in maintaining discipline and repressing offences became
manifest. It produced a perfection in the Brigade which the officers
and the men themselves could not but recognise; and this, added to
his own personal valour and reckless daring, eventually endeared him
to the soldiers who followed him.[66]
At midnight on the 10th the Battalion moved to Gavião, a march of
thirteen hours, the greater part under a blazing sun. On the 12th
they reached, through a bleak and high country, Niza. On the next
day they marched through the pass of Villa Velha, and crossing the
Tagus by a bridge of boats, bivouacked on the opposite bank. On the
14th they advanced by mountainous and difficult roads to Sernadas,
and on the 15th reached Castello Branco. Here they halted on the 16th
and 17th to enable the 43rd and 52nd to join them. On the 18th the
Brigade thus complete marched soon after midnight and bivouacked in
the woods near Ladouira; on the 19th they moved through a desolate
country to Zebreira; and on the 20th, crossing the Elgas, passed into
Spain and encamped near Zarza Major. On the next day, after a long
and oppressive march, they reached Moralegua, and on the 22nd arrived
at Coria, where they halted during the 23rd.
On the 24th the Battalion marched to Galisteo, on the river Alagon;
on the 25th over a burning plain, with the Sierra de Gata, topped
with snow, in view, to Malpartida, a village on the Calzones. On the
next day, the 26th, crossing the river Tietar by a flying bridge,
they had a most fatiguing march to Venta de Bazagona, and on the 27th
arrived at Navalmoral, the heat being oppressive.
On the 28th they marched at daylight to the town of Calzada, where
tidings reached Craufurd that an action was imminent between Sir
Arthur Wellesley’s army, with General Cuesta’s Spanish troops,
and Marshal Victor’s army, then in close proximity. He determined,
therefore, if possible, to unite his Brigade to Sir Arthur Wellesley
before it should take place; and undertook the forced march which
has rendered the name of the Light Division famous. Accordingly,
after a short rest at Calzada, he pushed on to Oropesa, two leagues,
which he reached about noon. A distant cannonade began to be heard,
which, increasing as they approached it, acted as an incentive
to speed and endurance. They marched on under a scorching sun to
Oropesa, where they halted for four hours to cook. Here Craufurd
desired the commanding officers to pick out of the ranks such men as
they considered unable to continue a further march. Very few men of
the Battalion fell out; these were left at Oropesa in charge of a
subaltern. After this was done the bugles sounded the ‘_fall in_,’
and the Riflemen moved onward till about ten at night; when, passing
a cattle-pond, Craufurd halted to allow the men to drink. The parched
soldiers eagerly drank the water, filthy and nauseous though it was.
As soon as they had satisfied their thirst, the march was resumed
and continued through the night, without check, through deep, sandy
roads. Early on the morning of the 29th the Light Division marched
across the field of Talavera, giving three hearty cheers for the
victory of the day before.
They had thus, in heavy marching order, under a burning sun, and with
a most insufficient supply of food, marched upwards of fifty miles,
with only two short halts, in twenty-five hours. They thus arrived
the morning after the fight at Talavera; but though the Battalion
itself was not present, a detachment of the Regiment left in the
Peninsula in 1808 took part in the action, and was mentioned in Sir
Arthur Wellesley’s despatches as having particularly distinguished
themselves.[67]
As soon as it arrived at Talavera the Battalion was immediately
ordered to occupy some woods in advance of the British position and
to furnish the picquets, the sentinels of which were facing the
position of the French army. Here the Battalion remained till August
3. During that time it suffered much from want of provision, not more
than one ration of bread, and but little of other food, having been
issued.
On the 3rd the British army began to fall back in consequence of
information that Soult with a large force was moving towards the
rear of the English with a view of cutting off their communications
with Portugal. Before daybreak they marched and arrived at Oropesa,
the 95th forming the rear-guard with the cavalry. On the 4th they
crossed the Tagus by the bridge of Arzobispo. It was during this
march that Craufurd, knowing that his Division were famishing,
allowed them to kill any animals which might be in the woods in which
they halted that evening. A large herd of pigs being discovered was
instantly set upon by the hungry soldiers, killed, cut up and eaten
in an incredibly short time. About midnight they started again, thus
refreshed, and pushed forward to secure the bridge of Almaraz, the
rest of the army moving on Truxillo. It was of vast importance to
secure this bridge, as it was feared Soult might occupy it. The Light
Division, therefore, was pushed on with great rapidity. The Riflemen
marched for fourteen hours through a hilly and barren country, still
without food, except a kind of pea parched by the sun, and wheat
found in such fields as remained ungleaned; suffering also from want
of water, the streams being almost all dried up; and on the evening
of the 5th the Battalion bivouacked in some woods in advance of the
rest of the Division. Before dawn on the 6th they resumed their march
under a burning sun, and with the same scanty provision, and after
fifteen hours’ march, during which there were many stragglers, faint
from heat and want, they reached the bridge of Almaraz. Two companies
of the Battalion were immediately sent on picquet at a ford a little
below the bridge; and the remainder bivouacked near, in order to
support the picquets in case of an attack. Here they remained till
August 20, the Battalion being always in advance, and bivouacking
in an olive wood near Rio Gardo, and furnishing the picquets at
the ford. Every evening at sunset they moved out of the olive wood,
and lay down with their arms on the bank of the river, and returned
to the camp at sunrise. The remainder of the Light Division were
encamped near the village of Las Casas del Puerto.
During this whole fortnight the scarcity, or rather the absolute
want, of provision continued. Scanty rations of goat-flesh were
issued during this time; and a coarse kind of pea-flour, with
bran and chopped straw, provided by the Commissariat, which the
officers and men made into a kind of cake with water, and cooked
on a camp-kettle lid or on a stone, was the only provision. Unless
when the men found some ears of corn in a field, and by rubbing them
in their hands and grinding the grains between stones, in this way
supplemented the Commissariat allowance.
On the 12th the French picquets appeared on the heights opposite the
bridge and the ford, but no shots were exchanged between them and
the two companies of Riflemen always posted at the ford. And indeed
then, as throughout the war in the Peninsula, the best understanding
existed between the Riflemen on outpost duty and the advanced posts
of the French; the officers frequently saluting each other. And so
far did this go that the Riflemen, when ordered to advance to drive
in the French picquets, used to hold up their rifles and tap the
brass bullet-box in the stock of the Baker rifle then in use, to show
their opponents that they were in earnest, and that their adversaries
were to stand on their defence.
The insufficient food and the unwholesome position of their camp near
the Bridge of Almaraz, in a damp situation, with poisonous vapours
arising from vegetable matter decaying, and swamps half-dried under
a burning sun, soon began to tell on the men of the Battalion; and
fever and dysentery became prevalent among them.
At midnight on August 20 the Light Division marched from Almaraz
and arrived at Deletosa on the following day, where a large portion
of Sir Arthur Wellesley’s force was encamped. This and the whole
British army (except the Light Division) marched on the 21st for
Truxillo. On that evening the Battalion marched; and about midnight
lay down with their arms until daybreak, when they started again for
Caceres, where they arrived on the 23rd. And on the three following
days they continued their march towards the Portuguese frontier,
starting in the night and proceeding during many hours of the day.
During this march the men suffered much both from the heat of the
sun in a barren, treeless country, and the constant insufficiency of
provisions. And it was not until they reached Valencia de Alcantara
on the 26th, where they halted during the 27th, that they were
able to procure bread, and the luxury of fruit and vegetables from
the neighbouring gardens. Late on the 28th they started again, and
marching during most of the night crossed the rivulet which here
divides Spain from Portugal on the 29th, and proceeding by Maravão,
after a march of many miles encamped at Castello de Vide, where
the Battalion halted for a week. On September 7 they marched to
Portalegre, where they halted two days, after which, resuming their
march, they arrived at Arronches on the 10th, whence one more march
on the next day brought them to Campo Major, their winter quarter,
where they remained three months. During these, sickness and death
ravaged the Battalion; fever, ague and dysentery, the fruits of
exposure, of want, and of the proverbially unhealthy climate of
Alemtejo, in which Campo Major is situated, sent numbers into
hospital; and it is said[68] that nearly three hundred men of the 1st
Battalion died during their stay there.
I now return to the narrative of the services of the 2nd Battalion,
which we left at Hythe barracks; whence, after a rest of five
months after the fatigues of Moore’s retreat, their losses being
replaced by volunteers from the Militia, and their clothing and
accoutrements renewed, they marched, about July 20, 1809,[69] about
a thousand strong, under Colonel Wade, to Deal, and there embarked
in the ‘Superb,’ 74, to join the expedition destined for Holland,
under the Earl of Chatham. Subsequently they were shifted into
the ‘Namur,’ on the 22nd, and formed part of the brigade of their
former Lieutenant-Colonel, the Honourable William Stewart, with
the 2nd Battalions of their constant companions in arms, the 43rd
and 52nd. They sailed on July 30, and arrived off Flushing on the
following day. Two companies were immediately detached to act with
the force under Major-General Baron de Rottenberg; and on that night
Lieutenant William Humbley, being in charge of an advanced picquet,
while going his rounds, was informed by a peasant that a party of
French soldiers were at that moment plundering his house. Humbley,
with great promptness, suspecting that while intent on plunder the
look-out would not be very good, at once took with him a corporal and
eight men of his picquet; and, under the guidance of the peasant, the
night being very dark, made his way to the house, about 200 yards
from his post. They moved in perfect silence, and arrived at the
place without a ‘_qui vive_’ from the only sentry there posted. Him a
Rifleman knocked down at once with the butt of his rifle; the others
instantly surrounded the house, and made prisoners the whole picquet,
consisting of 2 sergeants, 2 corporals, and 20 privates. The officer
in command of it alone escaping, by getting out of a back window,
and in the darkness of the night getting away. The Riflemen broke
the whole of the muskets of the French picquet, and conveyed their
twenty-four prisoners into the British lines and forwarded them to
head-quarters.[70]
The two companies to which Humbley’s picquet belonged, on the next
day repulsed a sortie made from the place; and in this affair
Humbley received a severe wound in the head from a musket ball, and
1 sergeant and 9 rank and file were also wounded.
During the subsequent siege, a Rifleman named Jackman got close up
to the walls of Flushing, and scooping out a pit with his sword,
entrenched himself in it, and began to fire deliberately at the
French gunners. He is said to have picked off eleven artillerymen,
as they showed themselves at the embrasures; and having done so,
he sprang out of his pit, ran across the open, and rejoined his
Battalion unhurt.[71]
Five companies, with the rest of Stewart’s brigade, were not landed
till the 9th, when they disembarked on the Island of South Beveland.
The other companies, on the Island of Walcheren, took an active part
in the siege operations until the capitulation on the 15th. During
these operations the Battalion lost 11 rank and file killed, and
Lieutenants Manners and Clarke, and 21 rank and file wounded. But
the casualties from engines of war were trifling compared to the
devastating effects of the climate of Walcheren and South Beveland.
The officers and men were struck down by fevers; and on the 27th
Stewart writes that the increase of the sickness in the 95th was
at the rate of twenty cases daily. On September 8 the Battalion
re-embarked, and this useless, abortive and mismanaged expedition
came to an end. They landed at Dover on the 14th, and on the 18th the
Battalion which had left Hythe barracks less than six weeks before,
a thousand stalwart and hale men, staggered into them a gaunt and
fever-stricken band of about seven hundred: many to be carried at
once to hospital, and not a few to their grave. Thus in the space
of nine months had the Battalion been twice more than decimated by
fatigue, want and pestilence.[72]
The 1st Battalion having remained at Campo Major three months
marched on December 12, forming the advance of the Light Division,
to Arronches; and thence by Portalegre, Crato, Ponte de Sor,
Abrantes and Punhete, to Thomar, which they reached on the 23rd.
They continued their march through Leiria, Pombal, Condeixa, and
arrived at Coimbra on the 29th, and halted there during the next
day. Resuming their march on the 31st, they passed through Ponte
da Murcella, to Venda and Gallizes, in which villages they were
quartered on January 1, 1810, arrived at Celorico on the 3rd, and at
Pinhel on the next day; and crossing the Coa on the 6th, occupied the
villages of Villar Torpim, Regada and Cinco Villas. In this position,
with occasional shifting of quarters with the other regiments of the
Division, they continued during the remainder of January, February
and the early part of March. The Riflemen, with a few German hussars,
were the only troops pushed across the Coa to observe the French
outposts at St. Felices, immediately opposite the bridge and pass of
Barba del Puerco; the remainder of the army being quartered on the
left bank of the Coa.
On February 27 Captain Creagh’s company was ordered to reconnoitre
the village of Barba del Puerco, which he found occupied by a strong
detachment of French cavalry; and after a skirmish with them fell
back, according to his orders, to Escarigo, where he was joined
by Captain Leach’s company, while a third was moved in support
from Villar Torpim to Vermiosa. On the 28th Leach[73] made a fresh
reconnaissance; and finding that the enemy had left Barba del Puerco,
occupied it, sending a party to the bridge which spanned the Agueda
at the foot of the pass. It was ascertained that the French occupied
St. Felices with about 3,000 men of all arms, under General Ferey,
having a picquet of cavalry and infantry at their side of the bridge.
Thus it continued, three companies being posted in the village, and
one on picquet at the bridge, on which were double sentries. At the
same time the whole of the Battalion was pushed up to the Agueda,
the whole line of which they (with the German hussars) occupied,
with four companies at Villa de Ciervo on the left, one company at
Almofela, and another at Escalhao on the right of the position of
Barba del Puerco.
On March 19 the French General Ferey attempted to surprise the
post of Barba del Puerco. About midnight, leaving a strong force
in support, at the head of six hundred grenadiers, chosen for this
service, he approached the bridge, as the moon, rising behind him,
threw a shadow from the high ground and made his approach invisible.
The roaring torrent of the Agueda, swollen by recent rains and
melting snow, overpowered the tread of the advancing column. Thus
he came, unperceived, on the double sentries on the bridge. They
had just time to fire their rifles, when they were both wounded and
made prisoners. Ferey at once dashed across the bridge with his
grenadiers, sweeping before him a sergeant’s party at the bridge,
and made for the pass. Here he was met and checked by O’Hare,[74]
whose company happened to be on picquet, who defended the face of
the hill, step by step and muzzle to muzzle, as overpowering numbers
forced him up it. Meanwhile the three companies in the village sprung
from their sleep, seized their arms, and without waiting for regular
formation, fought hand to hand with their enemies as they met them.
One company, Colonel Sidney Beckwith, who was in command of the post,
immediately sent away to the right, thinking that the enemy might
attempt to climb the hill by a pathway there and turn his flank; with
the other two he reinforced O’Hare’s picquet; and so they fought for
half an hour, with such daring and such fury that the French turned
and fled across the bridge, leaving 2 officers and 7 men killed, 6
prisoners and 30 muskets in the hands of their opponents.
In this affair great deeds of valour were done. Beckwith, while
lowering a piece of rock to hurl down on the advancing Frenchmen,
received a musket-ball through his shako, without its wounding him.
And James Stewart, then the Adjutant, was engaged in a hand-to-hand
fight with two of the grenadiers, when a Rifleman named Ballard shot
one, on which the other was overpowered by, and surrendered to,
Stewart, who was specially mentioned by Sir Arthur Wellesley in his
Despatches, and recommended by Beckwith for promotion; but it never
came, and he was killed a year after in the advance from Santarem.
Lieutenant Mercer and 3 Riflemen were killed, and 10 were wounded.
In repelling this night attack the Riflemen stood against more than
double their numbers. Six hundred grenadiers crossed the bridge, and
only three companies repulsed them, O’Hare’s picquet and two under
Beckwith; the fourth company occupying the post being detached to
defend the path on the right, which was not attempted, never having
been engaged.
This fight opened the campaign of 1810. The stern Craufurd, ever
sparing of praise, issued the following divisional order:
Villa de Ciervo: _March 25, 1810_.
D. O.
Brigadier-General Craufurd has it in command from the
Commander-in-Chief to assure Lieutenant-Colonel Beckwith and
the officers of the 95th Regiment who were engaged at Barba
del Puerco that their conduct in this affair has augmented the
confidence he has in the troops when opposed to the enemy in any
situation.
Brigadier-General Craufurd feels peculiar satisfaction in
noticing the first affair in which any part of the Light Brigade
were engaged during the present campaign. That British troops
should defeat a superior number of the enemy is nothing new; but
the action reflects honour on Lieutenant-Colonel Beckwith and
the Regiment, inasmuch as it was of a sort which the riflemen of
other armies would shun. In other armies the rifle is considered
ill-calculated for close action with an enemy armed with a musket
and bayonet; but the 95th Regiment has proved that the rifle in
the hands of a British soldier is a fully sufficient weapon to
enable him to defeat the French in the closest fight, in whatever
manner they may be armed.
(Signed) V. GRAHAM, D. A. G.
Sir Arthur Wellesley also repeatedly mentions this gallant fight
in his Despatches and letters. Besides the message thus conveyed
by Craufurd, he tells Admiral the Honourable G. Berkeley that the
French were ‘repulsed in fine style’ by the 95th; and in his Despatch
reporting it to the Earl of Liverpool, he adds that ‘this affair was
highly creditable to Colonel Beckwith, and displayed the gallantry
and discipline of the officers and troops under his command.’
But this discipline, which thus elicited the approval of the great
commander, was not enforced by Beckwith with sternness or severity.
It is recorded how, during their halts at Campo Major and near the
Coa, during the preceding winter, he had let his Battalion repose
from the fatigues of their long marches, and their sufferings
from famine and disease; not worrying the soldiers with drills or
barrack-yard parades; but rather encouraging amusements and sports
which refreshed and reanimated them. This it was, added to their
knowledge of his valour and experience when leading them in the
field, that made him loved by the Officers and Riflemen of his
Battalion, made them ready to ‘follow him through fire and water when
the day of trial came; for they well knew that he was the last man
on earth who would give them unnecessary trouble, or, on the other
hand, would spare either man or officer when the good of the service
demanded their utmost exertions.’[75]
About this time the 1st and 3rd Caçadores of the Portuguese
army were added to Craufurd’s Division; the latter commanded by
Lieutenant-Colonel Elder, one of the original officers of the Rifle
Corps.[76] At the same time Ross’[77] troop of Horse Artillery and
the 14th and 16th Light Dragoons were attached to the Light Division.
Soon after the attack on Barba del Puerco the troops (which had been
reinforced with some of the 43rd and 52nd) were withdrawn to Villa de
Ciervo.
Early in April, in compliance with orders from home, the ten
companies of which the Battalion on service had hitherto consisted
were reduced to eight, two captains with subalterns, non-commissioned
officers, and a few men returning to England to form a Depôt. These
eight companies were of about a hundred men each, as the Battalion
which embarked a thousand and ten rank and file, had been reduced in
about nine months, principally by disease, to about eight hundred men
in all.
Craufurd now maintained a long line of posts on the right bank of the
Agueda, from Fuentes Guinaldo on the right to the junction of the
Agueda and the Douro, near Escalhao, on the left. In May the French
began the siege of Ciudad Rodrigo, distant a few miles from Gallegos,
then the head-quarters of the Light Division. The 1st Battalion had
picquets at Carpio, Molina das Flores, and Marialva. The Battalion
itself was every evening under arms, and took up a position in a
wood situated on some high ground behind Gallegos, and towards Duas
Casas; here they remained during the night, returning for the day
to their quarters. It seems that Massena observed this movement,
and supposed that these troops were reinforcements to Craufurd’s
Division. He therefore ordered Junot with a considerable force to
cross the Azarva at the bridge of Marialva. This he did at daybreak
on July 4, driving in the picquet at Marialva; the passage of his
cavalry was gallantly disputed and checked by the German hussars; but
Junot advancing in force, Craufurd resolved to fall back behind the
Duas Casas. The Battalion, with some cavalry, covered this movement,
and skirmishing with the French advanced troops, held them back until
Craufurd had established himself behind the river. Junot, probably
thinking Craufurd’s force to be much larger than it was, did not
follow up this advance; and the Battalion took up a position at Val
de la Mula, behind the River Turon, here the boundary between Spain
and Portugal, detaching two companies to Fort Concepcion in front
of the position. On July 10 Craufurd resolved by a night march to
surprise the French posts at Gallegos and Barquillo. Accordingly,
seven companies of the 95th with two of the 52nd got under arms late
on that night, together with the 14th Light Dragoons and some German
hussars. The Riflemen were ordered to load, to march in silence, and
not to light their pipes. The wheels of two of Ross’ guns, which
formed part of the column, were muffled. Thus they marched through
a good part of the night, Craufurd himself accompanying them. On
reaching some high ground, the Riflemen were ordered to lie down
in some high standing corn. Here they waited for dawn; when it
appeared, the orders to fall in and to advance to the edge of the
height were given, and the French appeared in the plain below. They
consisted of about two companies of infantry and a troop of cavalry.
Craufurd ordered Colonel Talbot to charge them with the 14th; this
he did gallantly, sabreing or making prisoners the cavalry; but
the infantry formed square, and receiving the charge, brought down
Talbot himself and several of his troopers, and then made good their
retreat. Why Craufurd did not use his guns, or let loose the Riflemen
at the French infantry, seems inexplicable. But so it was: and after
remaining on the hill inactive spectators of the combat, they marched
back to their position at Val de la Mula. But Ciudad Rodrigo having
surrendered, Craufurd fell back on July 16 to Junça, about a mile and
a half from Almeida, in Portugal, and on the right bank of the Coa.
At daybreak on the 21st the Battalion, with Ross’ battery, advanced
towards the Turon to support the cavalry who were driven from Val
de la Mula and across the Turon by an advance of the enemy in great
force. On this advance the mines which our engineers had formed under
Fort Concepcion were fired. The two companies of Riflemen posted
there, under Captain O’Hare, proceeded to rejoin the Battalion, and
had not long left their position when the work fell with a tremendous
explosion. On the 22nd Craufurd fell back to near Almeida, his left
protected by the guns of that place, and his right resting on the Coa.
During the night of the 23rd the Division was exposed to a violent
storm of thunder, lightning and torrents of rain. Day had just
begun to dawn on the morning of the 24th, and the troops, which had
assembled at their alarm posts, were expecting an order to retire, as
all seemed quiet, when the crack of the rifle of one of the advanced
sentries announced the approach of the enemy. Marshal Ney, with an
overwhelming force, was advancing by the road from Val de la Mula,
and attacked and drove in the outlying picquet under Captain the
Honourable Keith Stewart, which occupied that road. In resisting
this attack, and falling back on the supports, Lieutenant M’Cullock,
who was on this picquet, was sabred, and, with several men, taken
prisoner.[78]
O’Hare’s company were at once ordered in support, and he disposed
them behind some walls. Here they waited till Stewart’s picquet,
slowly retreating and disputing their ground, came in upon them,
followed by a swarm of French tirailleurs. A wing of the 43rd were
about a hundred yards in the rear of these Riflemen; and at this
moment a shell from Almeida, thrown of course at the French, burst
close by, and killed and wounded several Riflemen.
O’Hare’s company was now ordered to retire. Half the company did so;
the remainder, under Lieutenant Johnston, were still engaged with
the French advanced troops, when a troop or squadron of the enemy’s
hussars, whom our men, on account of the similarity of the uniform to
that of the German hussars, had not noticed, swept round their left
flank, and galloping between the Riflemen and their support the 43rd,
sabred and rode down many, and caused great confusion.
[Illustration:
ACTION ON THE COA
24^{TH} JULY 1810.
_Drawn by Lieut. G. Goodall, R.E._
_E. Weller, lith., London._
_London: Chatto & Windus._
]
It was but for a moment: for the 43rd, recovering from their
surprise, fired a volley which emptied many saddles. The action now
became general along the whole line. The French advance was for a
time checked in the broken ground; but Ney’s overwhelming force bore
back the English towards the rocky defile which led to the one narrow
bridge over the Coa. The ground was disputed inch by inch by the
Battalion, the 43rd and the 52nd, while the cavalry, the guns,
the baggage, and the two Portuguese regiments attached to Craufurd’s
Division, descended the steep defile and crossed the bridge, about a
mile to the rear.
Thus the unequal contest had long and arduously to be maintained.
As they fell back to the hill which overlooked the Coa, it was
perceived that some of the cavalry and artillery had not yet got
across the bridge. Craufurd unhappily ordered a number of Riflemen,
who occupied a position which prevented the enemy from cutting off
the passage to the bridge, to evacuate it, before the 52nd, who
were far on the right of the position, had made good their retreat.
Beckwith at once saw the mistake, and ordered the Riflemen to retake
the hill and the wall. This they did in fine style; but not without
many officers and men falling. And about this time some skirmishers
of the Battalion and a wing of the 43rd, led on by Major McCleod of
that regiment, the senior officer on the spot, not only held their
ground, but, mixed together and gallantly headed, rushed against the
French advanced troops, and checked them until the bridge was clear
and the 52nd over; then, rushing down at speed, they got across the
bridge. As soon as the regiment got over they formed along the bank
of the river, among rocks, walls, and any ground that could afford
cover. The Coa, swollen by the rain of the preceding night, and by
that which had been incessantly pouring since noon, was not fordable,
so that the only point to be defended was the narrow bridge. Twice it
was attempted by a valiant assault of French grenadiers; twice they
were sent reeling back under our fire, almost all killed or wounded;
the few who got across falling on the other side. Still a constant
fire was kept up till about five o’clock; when the French ceased,
apparently giving up all hope of forcing the bridge; and our men
ceasing fire from exhaustion after about twelve hours’ hard fighting.
The loss of the Battalion in this engagement was very severe.
Lieutenant Donald M’Leod and 11 rank and file were killed; Captains
Creagh, Samuel Mitchell, Lieutenants Matthew Pratt, Peter Reilly,
Alexander Coane, Thomas Smith, and Second Lieutenant George Simmons
were severely, and Lieutenant Harry Smith slightly, wounded; and 1
sergeant and 54 rank and file were wounded; and Lieutenant M’Cullock
wounded and prisoner, 1 sergeant and 52 rank and file missing.
Of these, Captain Creagh died the night of the fight; Reilly died the
following day at Celorico; Pratt,[79] shot in the neck, died from the
bursting of the carotid artery on August 1, on the Mondego river,
near Fordaso; and many of the wounded men also died on their way to
Lisbon.
In O’Hare’s company alone, which, as we have seen, bore the brunt
of the hussar charge, Lieutenant Alexander Coane was dangerously
wounded, 11 men were killed and wounded, and 45 prisoners. Indeed,
it is said that O’Hare’s company only mustered 11 men on parade next
morning.
A Rifleman, named Charity, in the cavalry charge received a sabre cut
in the head, another in the body, and a musket shot through the arm;
yet recovered and died a Chelsea pensioner many years afterwards.
In the Despatch reporting this action to the Earl of Liverpool,
Lord Wellington states: ‘I am informed that throughout this trying
day the Commanding Officers of the 43rd, 52nd, and 95th Regiments,
Lieutenant-Colonel Beckwith, Lieutenant-Colonel Barclay, and
Lieutenant-Colonel Hall, and all the officers and soldiers of these
excellent regiments, distinguished themselves.’[80]
As soon as night had fallen Craufurd withdrew his Division from the
Coa, and the Battalion bivouacked late on that night in some rocky
ground near Valverde, the men suffering from the heavy rains of the
preceding night and day.
Late in the night of the 25th they marched from Valverde, the rain
still continuing to fall in torrents, and bivouacked near Freixadas.
Here they were met by Lord Wellington, who came up from head-quarters
at Alverca early in the morning, on hearing of the affair at the Coa.
By him the Battalion were ordered into the village of Freixadas,
where they were housed until the 28th.
On that day they arrived at Celorico, and hutted themselves by
cutting down branches of the trees in a wood. Here, on August 4,
Craufurd’s Division was divided into two brigades; one under Colonel
Sidney Beckwith, consisting of the right wing of the 95th, the 43rd
and the 3rd Portuguese Caçadores; the other, under Colonel Barclay
of the 52nd, consisting of his own regiment, the left wing of the
95th and the 1st Caçadores. The Battalion remained at Celorico until
August 5, when it was ordered to the front to support cavalry; and
for about a fortnight or three weeks it was constantly on the move,
the latter part of the time in heavy and continuous rain for three
or four days. Early in September the army began its retreat, being
covered by the Battalion and the other regiments of Craufurd’s
Division as a rear-guard. On the 20th they marched before daylight
from Celorico, and crossing the Mondego by a ford, fell back by the
road from Viseu to Coimbra. On the 23rd, the enemy’s advanced guard
pressing the cavalry of the rear-guard, Lord Wellington, who was
present, ordered Craufurd to retire by the road leading to Busaco.
This was effected during the two following days; on both of which
the French pressed the rear-guard, composed of some companies of
Riflemen and the 52nd and of some cavalry, with cavalry and infantry
skirmishers intermixed, and some light guns; but the retreat was
effected in good order and with little loss. The Battalion on both
those nights threw forward picquets to support the cavalry.
On the 25th, when about a league and a half from Busaco, the enemy
pressed the British cavalry so hard that the rear company of the
Battalion had to face about and check them; and soon after the
left wing of the Battalion was halted in a fir-wood, behind the
village of Mora Morta, and effectually stopped them until the Light
Division drew into the Sierra of Busaco, where the rest of the army
were at this time assembled in position. This was an important and
well-performed service; for Craufurd had kept his Division too long
in an advanced position; and it was not without some difficulty that,
protected by these four companies of Riflemen, he moved the Division
into its position on the heights.
The right wing of the Battalion under Beckwith was halted in the
village of Sula, at the foot of the hill of Busaco, where they were
smartly cannonaded from the opposite heights, but without loss; and
at night they were withdrawn from Sula, leaving a picquet in that
village, and stationed among the rocks on the face of the hill, right
and left of the road leading to Coimbra.
On the 26th Massena was engaged in bringing up his forces. Some
infantry was pushed into a wood close to Sula, and skirmishing took
place between them and the picquet of the Battalion there; and the
companies attached to Barclay’s brigade, in an adjacent village,
were also attacked. This continued all the day; and as this constant
interchange of fire was very harassing, the companies on picquet
were relieved about every two hours. At last, at nightfall this
skirmishing and fire ceased, and nothing indicated the presence of
the vast hosts but the numerous watch-fires, which illuminated the
sides of the mountains, divided only by a narrow valley.
[Illustration:
BATTLE OF BUSACO.
27^{TH} SEP^R 1810.
_E. Weller, Litho._
_London, Chatto & Windus._
]
It is not for me to describe the position of Busaco, or the
particulars of the fight. It is enough for this record to note that
in the centre of the side of the Sierra projects a hill forming a
sort of natural bastion, and connected with the mountain itself by
a neck, depressed below the level of the projecting hill. Among the
rocks and broken ground on the sides of this hill were disposed the
Riflemen of this Battalion; while in the hollow behind it Craufurd
had concealed the 43rd and 52nd. Scarcely had day dawned on the 27th,
when the enemy made his advance. Loison’s division climbed the road
leading up the face of the projecting hill, though galled by the
fire of the Riflemen and Ross’ guns. Yet they came on, the Riflemen,
as the French pressed up the hill, running in on their supports and
forming in the hollow between the spur and the mountain. At last
the leading section topped the hill, and then, and not till then,
Craufurd gave the signal; the bugles sounded, and eighteen hundred
men sprang as from the earth. Instantaneously they gave a volley;
the head of the column after one destructive fire from the leading
section reeled; Craufurd ordered a charge; and soldiers, arms,
knapsacks and caps rolled in a confused mass down the precipitous
hill. The French column was wedged in the road, the leading sections
were driven back on the still advancing rear, and all turned back
in utter confusion. Then they came under the fire of the whole
Division which far overlapped their flanks; and through the narrow
street of Sula they fled, trampling the living and the dead. The
Battalion and some Caçadores were ordered to pursue them; and General
Simon, who commanded the attacking brigade, and many others were made
prisoners by the Light Division.
No further attack was made on this position; but the enemy’s
skirmishers swarmed in the valley, and kept the Battalion employed
till the afternoon, when Craufurd received a flag of truce with
General Simon’s baggage, and granted a temporary cessation of arms.
Leach mentions that, during that time, he went down into Sula, and
met officers and men of Loison’s division, who acknowledged their
loss to be very heavy; one of them asserting that his company, which
mounted the hill 120 strong, could only muster 27 men after their
repulse.
The time limited for the truce having expired, the French seemed
disposed to keep possession of the village of Sula; but Lord
Wellington, who happened to be at hand, ordered a company of the
Battalion to go down and drive them out: which they did in a very
short time, and established a picquet there.
On the 28th no movement took place; but on the morning of the 29th,
owing to an attempt on Massena’s part to turn Lord Wellington’s
position by getting round by Coimbra, the English army broke up and
fell back at a very early hour. About nine the Battalion followed,
forming, as usual, part of the rear-guard, with some cavalry; and
at night halted in a wood some miles from Busaco. On October 3 they
reached Pombal; on the 5th Batalha; and on the succeeding days, in
incessant rains, proceeded to Alemquer, where they arrived on the
9th. On the 10th they were pressed by the French advanced guard, and
after a little skirmishing fell back to Arruda in a tempest of rain.
Thus they reached the Lines of Torres-Vedras, of which no description
is needed here. The portion of the lines this Battalion occupied was
on the right centre of the position, and on the fortified heights
immediately behind Arruda, having advanced posts in front of the
town. In very wet weather the Battalion were allowed to shelter
themselves in Arruda during the day, but always returned to their
bivouack on the heights during the night.
While the Battalion remained in these lines the enemy made several
reconnaissances, which occasionally brought on affairs of picquets.
On one of these occasions, on October 14, a sharp affair took place
near Sobral between the advanced guard of the 8th _Corps d’Armée_ and
the light troops of Sir Brent Spencer’s division. In this skirmish a
company of the 3rd Battalion, which had lately arrived from England
and had been detained on its way to Cadiz by Sir Brent Spencer, as
the Regiment was his,[81] was engaged, and Captain Percival and
Lieutenant Eeles were severely wounded, and several men killed and
wounded. These young soldiers (as George Simmons observes) ‘behaved
_like Riflemen_, and were complimented.’
On the 23rd, Simmons and Hopwood, being on picquet with Mitchell’s
company near Villa Matos, observed two French soldiers entering a
house in their front in search of provisions. Taking three men of the
picquet with them, they crawled to an avenue which screened them from
a vedette who was stationed on a rising ground to give the foragers
notice of any danger. Entering the house they seized the men, who
were armed, and one of whom snapped his musket at his assailants,
but it missed fire. The Riflemen found a large barrel of wine in
the house; and the officers sending back one of the men for all the
canteens he could find at the picquet while the others kept a good
look-out, filled sixty, destroyed the rest of the barrel, and led off
their two prisoners to the picquet.
The army remained in the lines of Torres-Vedras till November 15.
Leach’s company, which furnished the picquet in front of Arruda on
the night of the 14th, discovered at daybreak on the next morning
that the French army had fallen back during the night; leaving
dummies of straw topped with a shako, and with a pole to look like
a musket, to represent their advanced sentries. Soon after this was
known at head-quarters the Battalion was ordered in pursuit; but
did not come up with the French rear-guard, and halted that night
near Alemquer. On the 16th the Battalion continued the pursuit
through Villa Nova and Azambuja; and though they never got sight of
the rear-guard, they took many stragglers prisoners. They first got
sight of the French near Cartaxo, where they found them posted on
some rising ground, having a heathy plain in their front. Craufurd,
believing that a rear-guard only was opposed to him, was on the point
of attacking; but Lord Wellington, who came up at the moment, forbade
this attack, a whole _Corps d’Armée_ being, in fact, concealed
behind the heights on which the small force visible was posted. The
Battalion halted that night in Cartaxo, and before dawn on the 18th
again started in pursuit, and came up with the enemy’s rear-guard,
which retired before them across a plain to the Rio Mayor, which they
crossed by a narrow bridge at the end of a long causeway. A company
of the Regiment was pushed on as a picquet near the bridge. The enemy
were occasionally exchanging shots with some dismounted dragoons whom
the Riflemen relieved; and Simmons, who was on the picquet, taking
three men with him, crept on the bridge; and lying down behind a
dead mule, which gave them a good rest for their rifles, they took
deliberate aim and evidently hit some of their adversaries, who
became very chary of showing themselves. As the Riflemen had had a
long march and a hard day’s work, they were relieved at night by a
company of the 52nd; and retreating to a grove of olive-trees near at
hand, for they were to remain as a reserve, they kindled their fires
and made themselves as comfortable as a rainy night allowed. But they
were not long undisturbed. For Craufurd, fancying or hoping that the
enemy were moving off, and ever anxious to be the first in pursuit,
took two or three soldiers with him, and walked cautiously along the
causeway so far that the French sentry challenged and fired; Craufurd
ordered his escort to return it. And this alarmed the enemy; who,
fancying probably that the English were crossing the bridge in force,
opened a heavy fire, the balls of which rattled among the olive trees
where the weary Riflemen were bivouacked, and rudely disturbed their
rest. However, at last the uproar ceased; and when day broke on the
19th it was found that during the remainder of the night the French
had formidably increased the strength of their position by placing
_abattis_ on the causeway and breastworks at the end of it. They had
also placed guns on the high ground which rose behind, and which they
had also fortified with _abattis_. The position, in fact, was a very
strong one: in front the Rio Mayor, and swampy ground crossed only by
the bridge and causeway; on the left the Tagus, with ground rising
in bold and hilly eminences; and the considerable town of Santarem
about a league in the rear. After bivouacking in a pine-wood near
Valle, where, as in the previous night, they suffered from torrents
of rain, they were ordered on the 20th to cross by a bridge near
Valle to the left of the enemy’s position and to attack his picquets.
The Battalion was employed to drive in the enemy’s advanced party,
which they effected in fine style, and with but slight loss, though
under sharp fire from the French light troops for about two hours.
The object of this reconnaissance was to ascertain whether Massena’s
whole force occupied the position or only a rear-guard; though, as
Beckwith observed in his north-country phrase to a staff officer who
asserted his certainty that it was but the latter, ‘It was a _gay_
rear-guard that built that _abattis_ in a night.’
However, it being evident that the whole of Massena’s army held this
strong position, the Battalion was withdrawn and placed in houses,
cottages and sheds, near the bridge. On it they had double sentries;
close to it an outlying picquet of three hundred men; a large inlying
picquet close by; and the rest of the Battalion, sleeping always
by their arms, were ready, in case of an alarm, to turn out at a
minute’s notice.
As the Battalion remained thus posted at Valle, near the bridge to
Santarem, during the winter, and there is nothing to record of them
for four months, I shall return to trace the services of the 2nd and
3rd Battalions; observing only that General Craufurd at this time
went on leave of absence to England, and that Sir William Erskine
succeeded to the command of the Light Division during his absence.
We left the 2nd Battalion at Hythe on its return from Walcheren. Its
sufferings and casualties there prevented its taking part in any
operations of the war for some time. But its losses were supplied
with energy; and within a space of five months after its return
from Flanders, two companies (Captain Cadoux’s and Captain Jenkins’)
embarked on February 12, 1810, and formed part of the force assembled
at Tarifa on February 25, under Lieutenant-General Graham, being then
attached to Brigadier-General Dilkes’ brigade. They served at Cadiz,
and under the command of Colonel Norcott distinguished themselves at
the Battle of Barrosa, as I shall more particularly mention when I
come to detail the part taken by the 3rd Battalion in that action.
Meanwhile, to trace the services of these companies.
One of these (Captain Jenkins’) was detached to act with Ballesteros’
Spanish force, and disembarked at Algeçiras early in September, and
marched to Ximena; whence on the 18th they advanced to Alcalá de
Gazules, and after some smart skirmishing with a French detachment
from Chiclana, retired to Ximena. It remained in the neighbourhood of
Algeçiras for two months; and after being constantly engaged with the
enemy, it retreated (with Ballesteros’ army) to Gibraltar.[82]
This company subsequently formed part of the garrison of Tarifa.
On December 20 it was engaged in Colonel Skerrett’s attempt to
resist the investment of the place, and both companies took part in
successfully repelling the assault on the breach which was made on
the 31st, when their distinguished gallantry was very conspicuous. On
the former of these occasions they lost 2 men killed, and had 10 men
wounded. In the fight at the breach 1 man was killed and 1 wounded.
After taking their share in this ‘great and splendid exploit,’[83]
this company rejoined the other at Cadiz.
In July 1810, another company (Charles Beckwith’s) embarked at
Portsmouth, and, having landed at Lisbon, marched to join the army,
then on its retreat from Busaco to Torres-Vedras. It joined at
Coimbra, and was attached to the 1st Battalion in the Light Division.
This company thenceforward took part in the movements and actions of
the 1st Battalion during the remainder of this and the first half of
the following year.
On July 5, 1811, another company (Captain Hart’s) embarked at
Portsmouth and joined the Light Division on the frontiers of Portugal
in September. These two companies then, as we shall see, acted
with the 1st Battalion and the Light Division, and distinguished
themselves at the two great sieges (Ciudad Rodrigo and Badajos) of
the next year.
A further reinforcement of two companies (Captains Duncan’s and
Ferguson’s) left England in May 1812, and landed at Lisbon at the
latter end of that month. They joined the army in July, shortly
before the battle of Salamanca, and were attached to the Light
Division. At Salamanca and during the advance to Madrid the four
companies of this Battalion were commanded by Major Wilkins; but soon
after they reached Madrid, Colonel Wade arrived from England with
the Staff of the Battalion, and took command. And on the retreat
from Madrid, the other two companies (Cadoux and Jenkins’), which
had been in Andalusia with Skerrett, having, as we have seen, joined
Lord Wellington’s army early in November, the strength of the 2nd
Battalion in the Peninsula consisted (as did the 1st Battalion) of
six companies until the close of the war.
I have thus brought down the details of the movements of this
Battalion to this period, because being enfeebled by the results of
the disastrous Walcheren campaign, they were enabled only to join
the army in the field by single, or at most by two, companies at a
time, as their numbers were recruited and their health was restored.
Its marches, its actions and its glories will henceforward form part
of the general history of the Regiment, as will that of the 3rd
Battalion, which, until its junction with the other Battalions, I
will now proceed to particularise. But I will in as far as record or
other information enables me to do so, distinguish the feats of arms
and the losses of each Battalion.
The 3rd Battalion on its formation in 1809 was stationed at Brabourn
Lees; and the drill and discipline of this new levy were carried
on so vigorously and effectively that it was able early in 1810
to send three companies to Cadiz. And on July 11 in that year two
more companies and the head-quarters, under the command of Colonel
Barnard, embarked at Portsmouth on board the ‘Mercury’ frigate,
and landed at Cadiz on the 29th. Cadiz was at this time besieged
by the army under command of Marshal Victor; who occupied all the
surrounding towns and villages except Cadiz itself and the Isla de
Leon, their advanced posts being pushed forward to near the river
Santi-Petri, except near the bridge of Zuazo, the only communication
with the mainland. Here the English picquets were thrown forward
beyond the bridge and on the road to Seville, which forms a causeway
across the marshy plain intersected with saltpans. And so well was it
defended by our picquets, that, as Ford observes, this bridge was the
_pons asinorum_ of the French; for they never could get over it.
Here the 3rd Battalion, and the two companies of the 2nd under
Norcott, remained until February 1811, when they embarked under the
command of General Graham on the 18th, and landed at Algeçiras on
the 24th. Having bivouacked on a height near Algeçiras, they moved
the next day to Tarifa, where they halted until the 26th. The two
companies of the 2nd Battalion were attached to the brigade of Guards
commanded by Brigadier-General Dilkes, and the four companies of the
3rd Battalion,[84] with two companies of the 47th, were brigaded
under Colonel Barnard.[85]
On March 1 they marched about twelve miles and bivouacked on some
high ground; and the following day reached Casas Viejas, where they
bivouacked on a hill, and suffered much from the bitterly cold
weather. On the 3rd, having started before daylight, they reached
about mid-day a lagoon through which was a ford. The Spaniards,
who led the column, hesitated so long in attempting to cross, that
General Graham, out of all patience, proposed to General La Peña to
let the British troops advance. The 3rd Battalion was the leading
regiment, and at once entered the ford in column of sections, and
marched straight through it, the water reaching about to their
waist. The rest of the English force followed; and the Spaniards,
shamed into imitation, followed their example. The troops marched
forward, and halted that night in an olive-wood on very high ground,
near Vejer; the soldiers suffering from the extreme cold, which
was severely felt in consequence of their wetting in crossing the
lagoon, and the scarcity of wood for firing. They halted here until
the evening of the 4th, when a little after dark they marched to the
village of Conil, and on the morning of the 5th reached the plain of
Chiclana, and halted on the eastern slope of the knoll of Barrosa.
This is a ridge running in from the sea-coast about a mile and a
half, and overlooking the plain, which is bounded on one side by the
shore, and on the other by the forest of Chiclana. In our front was
a pine-wood. About twelve o’clock General Graham put his troops in
motion, and the 3rd Battalion were ordered down the hill and into
the wood in order to take possession of the height of Bermeja. But
they had not long moved, when Graham was informed that the enemy had
debouched from the forest, and having forced the troops left on the
height, were ascending the hill of Barrosa. The 3rd Battalion were
instantly countermarched, and ordered to get to the plain and engage
the enemy as soon as possible. On emerging from the pine-wood they
found themselves in front of two battalions of the 8th Regiment, one
of grenadiers, the other of voltigeurs. Two companies under Barnard
were left to cover and protect the guns; while the other Riflemen of
this Battalion, inclining to the left, and extending as they came
up the hill, soon became engaged with their opponents. In the same
way Norcott, in command of the two 2nd Battalion companies forming
the rear-guard, as soon as he heard from a sergeant of the German
hussars of the appearance of the enemy, put his column to the right
about, and extending his two companies, made his way out of the wood;
and on getting out of it and seeing the enemy advancing, he put his
right to the cliffs to cover the British regiments then filing out of
the wood, and was soon engaged with the enemy’s voltigeurs; and the
Guards and 67th having advanced, he placed his Riflemen on the flanks
of the brigade, and with them advanced against the enemy’s line.[86]
[Illustration:
BATTLE of BARROSA.
March 5, 1811.
_E. Weller, Litho._
_London, Chatto & Windus._
]
About this time the grenadiers of the 8th French Regiment advanced,
with drums beating, and the 54th (French) entered the pine-wood
to endeavour to turn our left. Notwithstanding the fire of the 3rd
Battalion on them in column, and at a short range, the grenadiers of
the 8th pushed on and drove in our skirmishers; when the 87th, with
some companies of the Guards, charging them with the bayonet, they
gave way, and in a short time fled routed and in disorder; pursued by
the Riflemen, who were engaged with the light troops which attempted
to cover their retreat. However, as is well known, the Spaniards
giving no help, but looking on as unconcerned spectators, Graham was
unable to follow up his victory, and the Riflemen were recalled.
‘In all my fighting,’ says Surtees, ‘I never saw an action in which
the chances of death were so numerous as in this.’[87] And so the
Duke calls it ‘the hardest action that has been fought yet.’[88]
In the hour and a half during which it lasted, the two 2nd Battalion
companies lost 6 rank and file killed, and Lieutenants Hope[89] and
Thomas Cochrane (severely) and 1 sergeant, 1 bugler, and 26 rank
and file wounded; and the four 3rd Battalion companies had Captain
Knipe and 13 rank and file killed, and Lieutenant-Colonel Barnard,
Lieutenants William Campbell (severely) and Hovenden, 3 sergeants,
and 45 rank and file wounded. Barnard was severely wounded about the
middle of the action, and was carried to the rear; and while the
wound was being dressed, another shot struck him, and inflicted a
wound more severe than the first. Surtees, who went to the rear to
bring up fresh ammunition, says that the ground there was ploughed up
by the enemy’s round shot and musketry. The 3rd Battalion had four
mounted officers in the field: the horses of two were killed; of
another wounded.
In his despatch reporting this action General Graham says:
‘Lieutenant-Colonel Barnard and the officers of his Battalion
executed the duty of skirmishing in advance with the enemy in a
masterly manner.’ And he specially mentions Lieutenant-Colonel
Norcott, whom he recommends for promotion.[90]
Soon after the action the British forces moved off, and crossed to
the Isla, except the 3rd Battalion, which was left on the field to
protect the wounded, and to give notice of any return of the enemy.
But none appeared; and after dark Major Ross, who had succeeded to
the command on Barnard’s being wounded, moved the Battalion across
the field, thickly strewn with dead and wounded of both armies,
and formed it into square on a sand-hill on the beach, where they
rested on their arms during the remainder of the night. It was severe
service which fell to the lot of this young battalion; a march of
sixteen hours in the preceding night; three hours’ manœuvring, and
half of it hard fighting; and all this without food; remaining under
arms on the field till dark; and now only resting on their arms.
General Rousseau, who had been made prisoner, badly wounded, died
in the course of the night, and was buried on the beach by the 3rd
Battalion. In his pocket they found a leave of absence to return
to France on account of ill-health, which his appearance clearly
indicated, but of which this brave soldier had not availed himself.
Towards morning Ross moved off his weary and famished Battalion; and
passing by the beach and over the Santi-Petri river, they returned to
their former quarters in the Isla de Leon.
Here they remained till June 30, when, embarking at Cadiz, they
reached Lisbon (after an unusually slow passage) on July 19, and
marched up the country to join Lord Wellington’s army. They arrived
on August 21, and were attached to the Light Division, then cantoned
in villages near the Agueda. At the same time the company of this
Battalion which had been attached to Sir Brent Spencer’s division was
withdrawn from it, and joined the Battalion.[91]
[Illustration:
Plate II.
THE 95^{TH}]
FOOTNOTES:
[65] This return will show the actual numbers:
_Return of 95th, May 10, 1809._
+-------------+------------+-------------+---------+------+-----+------+
| | Effective | | | | | |
| | April 1, | Volunteers | | | | |
| | previous |from Militia |Remaining| |Left | Grand|
| | to Militia +-------+-----+ in | Total| in | total|
| |volunteering|English|Irish|Portugal | |Spain| |
| +------------+-------+-----+---------+------+-----+------+
|1st Battalion| 799 | 641 | None| 8 | 1448 | 88 | 1536 |
|2nd Battalion| 863 | 641 | None| 37 | 1541 | 38 | 1579 |
+-------------+------------+-------+-----+---------+------+-----+------+
Thus leaving an excess of more than eleven hundred men, after
completing the two Battalions to a thousand men each. This excess
formed the 3rd Battalion.
[66] For twenty years and upwards after the end of the war, every
officer of the Regiment was required to learn and to know these
standing orders.
[67] 1st Battalion Record. I do not find this in the ‘Wellington
Despatches’ or in the ‘Supplementary Despatches.’ It was probably
noticed in Divisional Orders. The detachments under Colonel Bunbury
are, however, mentioned with praise in the despatch of Talavera
(‘Wellington Despatches,’ iv. 537). It may have formed part of these,
for it appears by the return (p. 42, note) that 88 men of the 1st
Battalion and 38 of the 2nd Battalion had been ‘left in Spain;’ and
8 men of the 1st Battalion and 37 of the 2nd Battalion ‘left in
Portugal.’
[68] Costello, 24. He was himself in hospital and dangerously ill.
[69] The 2nd Battalion Record says that they embarked on the 23rd,
but as Stewart (‘Cumloden Papers,’ 56) notes that they changed to the
‘Namur’ on the 22nd, this must be an error.
[70] Humbley’s Letter, January 31, 1838, in Adjutant-General’s Office.
[71] Harris, 131.
[72] There died between the date of their return, and January 10,
1810, 5 sergeants and 128 rank and file. On February 10, 1810, the
Battalion had 161 sick; on February 25, 140 sick. The strength on
embarkation was 70 sergeants, 988 rank and file.
[73] Lieutenant-Colonel Leach retired from the army 1821.
[74] Captain O’Hare was very ill and in bed; but at the first alarm
placed himself at the head of his company, which was previously in
the charge of Lieutenant Mercer.
[75] Leach, 121.
[76] Major-General Sir George Elder, K.C.B., died December 3, 1836.
[77] Afterwards Field-Marshal Sir Hew Dalrymple Ross, G.C.B.
[78] M’Cullock refused to give his parole, and was marched towards
the French frontier; and at Valladolid, being confined in a private
house, his handsome person and his wounds excited the pity, or that
which is akin to pity, of a young lady of the family. The old story:
she laid plans for his escape; she procured him a disguise; she gave
him a supply of money; and he succeeded in rejoining the Battalion.
[79] ‘As noble a fellow and as worthy a man as I ever met
with.’--George Simmons’ MS.
[80] ‘Wellington Despatches,’ vi. 293.
[81] ‘Wellington Despatches,’ viii. 218. He was Colonel-Commandant of
a Battalion.
[82] 2nd Battalion Record.
[83] ‘Napier,’ Book xv. chap. v.
[84] The other company of this Battalion had joined the army under
Lord Wellington (‘Wellington Supplementary Despatches,’ vi. 569,
575), and was no doubt the company with Sir Brent Spencer’s Division.
See p. 62.
[85] ‘Napier,’ vol. ii. appendix ix. 2.
[86] Norcott’s Report: ‘Wellington Supplementary Despatches,’ vii.
128.
[87] P. 127.
[88] ‘Wellington Despatches,’ vii. 400.
[89] Lieutenant-Colonel John Charles Hope, K. H., died October 12,
1842.
[90] ‘Wellington Despatches,’ vii. 396.
[91] ‘Wellington Despatches,’ viii. 218; and see p. 62.
CHAPTER III.
On the night of March 5 it was ascertained that Massena had evacuated
his position at Santarem, and had commenced a retreat, and the Light
Division were ordered immediately in pursuit; and at three in the
morning on the 6th they marched. The 1st Battalion, being in advance,
on crossing the bridge came upon the dummy straw sentries (the old
trick of the retreating enemy), and pushing on, arrived at Santarem
at midday. This was found quite deserted; and after an hour’s halt
the Riflemen resumed their march, and that night occupied Pernes.
On the 7th they followed the retreating enemy to Torres Novas; and
halted at night at Arga and La Marosa. Starting at daybreak on
the 8th, the Riflemen first caught sight towards evening of the
enemy’s rear-guard, which occupied the village of Paialvo. The 1st
Battalion were at once ordered to dislodge them, which, with the
help of a couple of 6-pounders, they did very speedily. On the 9th
they advanced early, and after five hours’ march came up with the
enemy’s rear-guard at the junction of the roads from Leiria and
Lisbon and that to Coimbra. Here a large body of cavalry was posted,
and infantry in force was halted in rear. An advanced squadron of
the 11th _Grenadiers à Cheval_ was charged by the German hussars,
and some prisoners taken by them and the Royal Dragoons. About
40 prisoners, mostly stragglers, also fell into the hands of the
Riflemen.
During these marches O’Hare’s company were pushed forward, by
mounting them behind the dragoons, and were on the 9th engaged all
day in skirmishing; but without any loss.
On the 10th, the enemy having shown himself in great strength, in
order to check the advance and to take up a position, the Battalion
retired about half a league, and bivouacked in a pine-wood. On
moving forward on the 11th it was found that the French had taken
up a strong position at Pombal, occupying the old castle situated
on an eminence and the town with infantry; the rest of their force
being posted on the heights behind the town. Two companies of the
1st Battalion, O’Hare’s and another, with Elder’s Caçadores, dashed
over the bridge leading to the town, and found the enemy in some
houses near the bridge, from which they kept up a brisk fire; which
the Riflemen, entering the opposite houses, returned for some time.
Till at last Sergeant Fleming and a few men rushed into one of
the houses held by the enemy and made several prisoners. Then the
Riflemen drove them out of the houses. Lieutenant Hopwood, as he was
entering one of them, got a bad wound in the thigh; pushing on they
carried the castle, the key of the position; and pursuing the enemy,
after some sharp fighting with their voltigeurs, who obstinately
disputed ground which from its nature was very defensible, drove them
completely out of Pombal. But continuing their pursuit too far, some
were taken prisoners, and others escaped with difficulty. The combat
continued till dark, which fell before Lord Wellington could bring up
a sufficient body of troops to make a general attack. After this hard
day’s fighting the Battalion bivouacked in a ploughed field, exposed
to torrents of rain.
In this skirmish the two companies captured a grey horse, which
carried the baggage of Colonel Soult, the nephew of the Marshal; and
the contents were sold by auction by the captors in the bivouack;
except his medals, which the men presented to Captain O’Hare, whose
company had been actively engaged.
They stood to their arms before daylight, and found that the enemy
had retired in the night. They immediately followed; and found the
enemy posted in front of the town of Redinha; his right protected
by some wooded heights; his left resting on the river Soure beyond
Redinha, and well protected by ravines. In front was a large plain,
which, when the Riflemen emerged from the defile leading to it, they
found occupied by large bodies of troops. It was a bright Spring day,
and the sight of the one army advancing over the plain the other
in position on it, was splendid. The woods on the right of the
position were immediately attacked by the left wing (four companies)
of the 95th, under Major Stewart, which carried them and cleared
them from the enemy in gallant style. This enabled Lord Wellington
to form his line in front of the defile. At the same time the left
of the position was attacked by the right wing of the 95th, under
Major Gilmour, while the other regiments of the Light Division
supported their attacks. The French rear-guard made gallant attempts
to check their advance; but after a stubborn resistance they were
driven through the town of Redinha and over the bridge; the Riflemen
pressing them so hard, that they and the flying enemy passed over
mixed together. Many of the enemy were forced over the battlements of
the bridge; many threw themselves over to escape from their pursuers;
and not a few were slain in the hand-to-hand fight on the bridge. On
passing the bridge the rear-guard attempted to form on the height
beyond; but the Light Division allowed them no respite, and they
were driven towards Condeixa. The enemy’s guns occasionally gave our
skirmishers some discharges of grape; but they pressed on till dark,
when they were recalled, and bivouacked for the night on a height;
the French army in the valley beneath, and the advanced sentries not
more than two hundred yards from each other.
On this day Lieutenants Robert Beckwith and Chapman, of the 1st
Battalion, were wounded; and of the 2nd Battalion, 4 rank and file
were killed, and 9 wounded.
Lord Wellington, in his despatch, highly praises the conduct of the
Regiment on this day, specially naming Majors Gilmour and Stewart;
and in reference to driving the enemy’s right out of the wood, he
says: ‘I have never seen the French infantry driven from a wood in a
more gallant style;’[92] but by some mistake in Sir William Erskine’s
report, he gives the credit of this exploit to the 52nd, while it
was really performed, ‘to the admiration of the whole army,’ by four
companies of the 1st Battalion.[93]
After some of the 1st Battalion skirmishers had towards evening
driven the French before them, the officer commanding the latter held
up his sword with a white handkerchief tied to it; and on coming to
a parley, he told the officer commanding the Riflemen that he thought
both parties needed some rest after a hard day’s work, and proposed a
truce for the night. To this the Riflemen agreed; and asked him and
his subalterns to share their rations. They very readily accepted the
invitation; and after a scanty dinner of ration beef, and a little
rum for beverage, they separated; one party to resume their retreat,
the other their pursuit, next morning.
Three months after, Lieutenant Fitz-Maurice of the 95th, who had
been present, was on picquet at Duas Casas, near the Agueda, when
he saw a French officer limping towards him, who saluted him as an
acquaintance. ‘_Est-ce que vous ne me reconnaissez pas?_ I was one of
your guests at Redinha. One of your men wounded me next morning. No
matter. I come now not as a spy; but we have heard that you are short
of rations; and I come, in return for your kindness, to offer you
a share of ours.’ Fitz-Maurice was too old a soldier to admit that
they were in want of supplies; though indeed they were; so, thanking
him for his proffered kindness, which he declined (with great inward
longing and regret, no doubt), they parted as good friends as they
had been on the night of the fight at Redinha.
O’Hare’s and Balvaird’s companies being on picquet, an alarm was
created by a Rifleman, Humphrey Allen, shooting a French sentry,
in the hope of finding something in his mess-tin, because his own
company had refused to share their provisions with him in consequence
of his having skulked to the rear, carrying wounded, during the day.
A general alarm took place, which brought Beckwith to the front.
On the 13th the Regiment marched to Condeixa and were left
comparatively quiet on the roadside. For while some manœuvring took
place to turn the enemy’s position, he evacuated it, having set the
town of Condeixa on fire. As Lord Wellington was superintending these
dispositions to turn the enemy’s flanks from a knoll close to the
Regiment, some French tirailleurs crept near unperceived and fired at
him and his Staff without success. Several Riflemen ran up to shoot
or capture them, but they fled on their approach.
On the 14th at dawn the Light Division advanced against the enemy,
who was posted on ground presenting many obstacles near the village
of Casal-Nova. Other divisions of the army were sent to turn the
flanks, while the Light Division attacked Ney’s centre. The ground
was much intersected with stone walls, which enabled the enemy to
dispute every foot of ground. And this Battalion was skirmishing from
early morning until night; but they drove the enemy from one post of
advantage to another in spite of many checks, and eventually Ney’s
rear-guard fell back upon the main body at Miranda de Corvo. Early in
the day a section of one of the companies was thrown forward among
the skirmishers, and some rising ground being in front, Kincaid was
ordered to take a man with him and occupy it, and to give notice of
any movements of the enemy. He and the man who accompanied him, John
Rouse, an old Rifleman, on getting to the top, ensconced themselves
behind two large stones; but every time Rouse put his rifle over the
stone to get a shot, a shower of French bullets rattled near them.
After several attempts he gave it up, observing, ‘There will be no
moving among them till this shower ceases.’ Kincaid observes that
‘this was the hardest day’s fighting he had ever known.’
As the French were retreating before our skirmishers, one man was
observed to remain behind, deliberately loading and firing. Costello
covered him and shot him. On coming up with him, a French sergeant,
who lay wounded beside him, said: ‘_Hélas! vous avez tué mon pauvre
frère._’ The cause of his having remained behind was evident; it was
in the hope of protecting his wounded brother. Costello, much to his
credit, as soon as the fighting was over, returned to look for the
brothers; both were dead, stripped by camp-followers, by whom they
had probably been murdered.
Major John Stewart was killed in this fight, and Lieutenant Strode
received wounds of which he died. Stewart was a most admirable
officer of light troops, skilful in handling them, experienced
in outpost duty, and (after Beckwith’s example), while strictly
maintaining discipline, never harassing the men with matters of
minute detail. Strode, who was also an excellent officer, always
carried a rifle in action, and in the accurate use of it he excelled.
This day’s fighting lasted till sunset, when the picquets of the 1st
Battalion occupied the village of Illama, which had been set on
fire by the French; and the officers and men of the picquets saved
many of the inhabitants and their children, who were too exhausted
from famine to extricate themselves, from perishing in their burning
houses. Some, however, were only saved from one death to die, when
brought out, from want and exhaustion. Lord Wellington, in his
despatch, specially mentions the conduct of the Regiment and the
names of Colonel Beckwith and Majors Gilmour and Stewart.
The Battalion on going over the field after the action found that
they had been opposed by the French 95th Regiment; and many buttons
with that number were cut off the coats of the killed and preserved
as trophies.
On the morning of the 15th a thick fog prevented the army starting
early in pursuit. When it cleared it was found that the enemy had
evacuated their position, and the Battalion passed through Miranda de
Corvo, which was in flames, having been set on fire by Marshal Ney’s
rear-guard, which had occupied it the night before.
The Battalion were halted beyond the village on a gentle slope, when
Lord Wellington rode up; and Beckwith took occasion in conversation
with him to mention that the Battalion were suffering much from
having outmarched their supplies, and that some of his men from want
and weakness had been unable to keep up. The Commander-in-Chief at
once told them that they should have the first rations that came up.
The men were just setting about cooking some provisions they had
found abandoned by the French, when they were ordered to fall in at
once and advance. The truth is that Lord Wellington on going to the
front had observed that the enemy were in a strong position behind
the river Ceira, but had committed the fatal mistake of leaving
the rear-guard under Ney in front of Foz d’Aronce on our side of
the river, here crossed only by a narrow bridge. The Battalion at
once attacked them, and after a short but hot engagement drove them
over the river. By some mistake the bridge was destroyed before
the whole of the rear-guard had passed; and these being hotly
pressed, endeavoured to cross the river, and a large number of them
were drowned in the attempt. It was almost dark before the action
commenced and it was quite dark before it was ended. The Battalion
occupied for the night the camping-ground thus suddenly vacated by
the French rear-guard, and at their camp-fires resumed the cooking of
their suppers which had been interrupted by the hasty advance from
Miranda de Corvo; or, rather, they continued the cooking begun by the
French, for they found their pots on the fire, and a good supply of
biscuit.
In this affair Lieutenant M’Cullock was severely, and Kincaid
slightly, wounded. The general orders of the 16th contain, besides
expressions of approbation and thanks to the army in general,
the following clause: ‘The Commander of the Forces requests the
Commanding Officers of the 43rd, 52nd and 95th Regiments, to name
a sergeant of each Regiment to be recommended for promotion to
an ensigncy, as a testimony of the particular approbation of the
Commander of the Forces of these three Regiments.’[94]
In compliance with this order, Sergeant Simpson, then acting
Sergeant-Major, was recommended, and was appointed an Ensign in the
2nd (Queen’s) Regiment of Foot.
The 16th was a day of rest. The Light Division had outmarched their
supplies; the men were fatigued and weak from hunger; and the bridge
over the Ceira being destroyed Lord Wellington gave them a day’s halt.
On reaching the banks of the Ceira the Riflemen came upon a sight of
such wanton cruelty as seemed to stand out in horrid prominence in a
retreat where cruelty, rapine and slaughter were of daily occurrence.
Nearly 500 donkeys were standing in mute agony, hamstrung by the
inhuman enemy who had fled the preceding night. That they should
prevent their falling into the hands of their pursuers was natural;
that they should choose this alternative of rendering them useless,
instead of killing them, was brutal.
On the morning of the 17th the Battalion crossed the Ceira at the
ford of Alça Perna; the ford was so deep that the men with difficulty
kept their legs; and having passed it they halted on high ground
covered with wood, a little short of the Alva. The next morning
the enemy was found in a strong position on the rugged banks of
the Alva, behind the Ponte da Murcella. They had broken down the
bridge. However, the Battalion was formed up opposite the enemy,
and some 9-pounders being brought up, their fire and the advance of
the Riflemen ‘put them all in a bustle,’ to use Lord Wellington’s
characteristic language;[95] and George Simmons says he never saw
them go off in such confusion.[96] The Battalion halted on a swampy
height covered with pine-woods, and bivouacked.
On the 19th, a temporary wooden bridge having been constructed, they
crossed the Alva, and passing through Sabriera, halted for the night
in a wood of pines.
On this day, amongst many other prisoners, an Aide-de-Camp of General
Loison was taken, with a very handsome Spanish girl, dressed in a
hussar uniform, who was said to be his wife. He was a Portuguese, a
traitor to his country.
On the 20th, the Battalion advanced through Gallizes and halted in
a fir-wood near Venda Nova. Here they found quantities of carts and
waggons which had been abandoned by the enemy. On the following day
they continued their advance and halted in fir-woods near Marusa.
On the 22nd the Battalion went into houses in the town of Momenta
de Serra in consequence of the inclemency of the weather. Here, as
indeed during this whole advance, they found the dead and mutilated
bodies of the people, and heard from the survivors heartrending
accounts of the cruelties perpetrated by the retreating enemy. On the
23rd they advanced to S. Paio and bivouacked in a wood in front of
it; on the next day they marched to and were quartered in the village
of Mello, and on the 25th bivouacked in a wood near it.
During these days the Battalion was obliged to make these short
marches in order to let the supplies come up. The men and officers
suffered the greatest privation, only one ration of bread being given
out in four days, and the country behind the retreating French being
stripped of everything.
On the 26th the Battalion marched to Celorico, which the enemy had
evacuated, and halted there the next day.
On the 28th the right wing of the Battalion by a forced march reached
Avalans de Ribeira, and 100 men under Captain Charles Beckwith were
sent to dislodge a strong rear-guard of the enemy from a mill in
front of Freixadas. They found the French busily at work, grinding
corn, and soon drove them out of the mill and the village; taking
several prisoners. In this affair the Adjutant, Lieutenant James
Stewart, having dashed into the village with a few Riflemen, was
shot, from a window, through the left breast and heart. He was acting
as Brigade-Major to Colonel Beckwith, and was universally esteemed in
the Regiment. ‘It is not too much to say,’ Leach observes, ‘that no
man in any corps ever filled the situation of adjutant better than he
did, and very few half so well. He was open-hearted, manly, friendly
and independent; a most gallant and zealous officer, and much devoted
to his own Corps. He neither cringed to, nor worshipped any man,
but did his duty manfully, and with impartiality: two qualities
inestimable in adjutants. By the soldiers he was idolised, and very
justly. When his duties as adjutant did not interfere, he was amongst
the first to enter into any frolic and fun; and a more jovial soul
never existed.’[97]
On the next morning at dawn the whole of the advanced guard,
Riflemen, cavalry, and artillery, attended his funeral; and his body,
wrapped in his cloak, and deposited in a chest, was buried in front
of Colonel Beckwith’s quarter, in the village of Alverca.
The left wing of the Battalion, with the rest of the Light Division,
had on the 28th crossed the Mondego, and occupied the villages of
Baracal and Mavashal.
On the 29th the army moved forward on the front and flanks of the
strong position of Guarda, which stands perched on a high hill, and
is said to be the most elevated town in Portugal.[98] Notwithstanding
the strength of his position the enemy did not await our onset,
but moved off in the direction of Sabugal, pursued by cavalry and
artillery only. The Light Division was not now handled by the
fiery Craufurd; and the enemy escaped with the loss of barely 200
prisoners, which fell into the hands of the pursuing cavalry.
The Battalion halted in Carapeta and other villages at the foot of
the hill on which Guarda is placed.
On April 1 the Battalion marched by Adão to Pega, where they halted
about an hour in very heavy rain; and then proceeded to Quintas de
S. Bartolomeo on the banks of the Coa, and nearly opposite Sabugal,
where the 2nd Corps of the French army, under Regnier, were posted in
great force, having picquets on our side of the river.
The Battalion furnished the picquets, which were ordered to be
extremely vigilant; not to interfere with the enemy if he did not
molest them; but if attacked, to hold their post and never to quit it.
It was a very dark and stormy night, with heavy rain. George Simmons
and Kincaid were on this picquet, and the latter relates a curious
instance of the impossibility of a man’s walking quite straight in
the dark. On going to visit one of his sentries about midnight, he
found the man absent from his post. Being an excellent old soldier
he felt assured that he had not deserted, and after searching for
him in vain he called him by name. The man’s answer was instantly
followed by the discharge of a French sentinel’s musket; and it then
appeared that on every successive walk up and down his beat he had
verged nearer and nearer to the French lines, which he was close to
when called. The man, convinced that he had kept on his post, was
astounded and incredulous that he had in the pitchy darkness edged
away from it.
On the 2nd the Battalion moved towards the right, and nearer to the
bridge in front of Sabugal, and during this movement had some slight
skirmishes with the enemy’s advanced posts.
[Illustration:
ACTION AT SABUGAL
3^{RD} APRIL 1811
_Drawn by Capt^n Moorsom, C.E._
_E. Weller, lith., London_
_London: Chatto & Windus._
]
On the morning of the 3rd a thick fog hung over the banks of the Coa.
Beckwith’s Brigade of the Light Division was drawn up in close column
behind the heights on the left bank of the river (in compliance with
the disposition for the attack[99]), when a staff officer rode up and
asked him ‘why he did not cross?’ Beckwith was not the man to whom
such a question should have been addressed, nor one to hesitate in
giving a practical answer to it. He immediately ordered his brigade
to advance. Four companies (the right wing) of the 1st Battalion
led. The banks were steep and the ford at which they crossed deep,
the water nearly up to the men’s armpits. As soon as the Riflemen
had climbed the opposite bank they advanced in skirmishing order.
The officer in command of the French picquet ordered his men to
fire as they retreated. Following the picquet, they soon came upon
a regiment, and continued skirmishing till the rest of the brigade
came up. Then they pushed the enemy through a chestnut-wood and up
the hill; a blinding rain came on, and on advancing Beckwith found
himself, when the shower ceased, confronted by the whole of Regnier’s
_Corps d’Armée_. Their fire and overwhelming numbers forced back the
four companies of the Battalion on the 43rd who were in support.
Regnier followed with three strong columns; but the 43rd received
them with such a fire that they fell back, and the 43rd charging
them, drove them down the hill and into their position. Here the
enemy made a stand, and being reinforced, again obliged Beckwith to
retire. He got his Riflemen behind some walls, where he not only
held and checked the enemy, but again drove the French back and
pursued them; but on reaching their original position, Beckwith was
attacked by infantry on the left, while cavalry on the right charged
the skirmishers. A third time the handful of men were forced back
by overwhelming numbers; but now the other brigade of the Light
Division, attracted by the fire, came up; and the fog clearing off,
the 3rd Division, under Picton, which had crossed the river lower
down, came up on the enemy’s right; and the 5th Division, having
crossed the bridge, appeared debouching from the town of Sabugal;
thus reinforced, Beckwith drove the enemy at the point of the bayonet
into and through his original position, and the French retreated in
confusion. Unfortunately, Sir William Erskine with the cavalry had
lost his way in the fog, and had gone too far to the right; so that
advantage could not be taken of the loose manner in which the enemy
left the field; yet some prisoners were made.
In this action, in which, as Lord Wellington states, ‘the operations
of the day were, by unavoidable accidents, not performed in the
manner he intended they should be,’ nothing could be more daring
or more characteristic of British courage, than the way in which
Beckwith, with a handful of men (the Riflemen, Elder’s Caçadores, and
the 43rd), withstood and thrice repulsed and pursued a whole _Corps
d’Armée_ placed in a strong position. And deservedly does the great
captain go on to say that he considered ‘the action fought by Colonel
Beckwith’s brigade principally, to be one of the most glorious the
British troops were ever engaged in.’[100]
Beckwith’s own coolness and gallant bearing in it are recorded by all
the narrators of the action. When obliged by the overwhelming numbers
and fury of the French to give the order to retire, he rode among
his own Riflemen; and seeing some disposition to quicken the pace
he would say: ‘Don’t run; I did not mean that; we will go steadily,
and give them a shot as we retire.’ When he had reached his supports
and could make a stand, he faced them about, and led them forward
again, and was obeyed and followed as calmly and steadily as if he
was marching them up and down the barrack square.
In this affair Lieutenant the Hon. Duncan Arbuthnot and 1 Rifleman
were killed. Beckwith was wounded in the forehead, and had a horse
shot under him; and Second Lieutenant William Haggup and 12 rank and
file were wounded.
And of the company of the 2nd Battalion present in this action, 1 man
was killed and 2 wounded.
During the fight, as the Riflemen were driving the enemy’s
skirmishers through a chestnut-wood, a man of the 1st Battalion of
the name of Flinn, was aiming at a Frenchman, when a hare started
out of the fern with which the hill was covered. Flinn, leaving the
Frenchman, covered the hare, and fired and killed his game. On the
officer commanding the company remonstrating with him, his reply was,
‘Ah! your honour, sure we can kill a Frenchman any day; but it isn’t
always I can bag a hare for your supper.’[101]
The fight was hardly over, when the fog dissolved in torrents of
rain; and Lord Wellington, riding up at the moment, directed the
Light Division, as an express recognition of its prowess during the
day, to house themselves in the town of Sabugal. They arrived just
in time to anticipate the 5th Division, who yielded the much-coveted
shelter, not without much murmuring. Thus the Riflemen had a roof
over their heads; but the houses were mostly shared with the former
occupants, who were dying of hunger or of ill-usage.
On the next day the Light Division moved through Quadrazaes,
Valdespina, and Alfayates, and halted for the night at the frontier
village of Forcalhos.
On the 5th the Battalion marched to Albergueria (in Spain); Massena
having crossed the Agueda, and evacuated Portugal, with the exception
of a garrison in Almeida, which was immediately blockaded.
On the 8th they marched to Fuentes d’Onor, and on the next day took
up their old line of outposts on the Agueda, at Gallegos, Espeja, and
Fuentes d’Onor.
On the 10th two companies of Riflemen, consisting of 150 men, under
Captain Cameron, were detached to San Pedro near Almeida, to shoot
the cattle grazing on the glacis of that fortress. Daily until
the 15th, before dawn, they marched to near Almeida, and taking
a position among rocks, and firing at the cattle, compelled the
garrison to withdraw them. They were daily saluted with the fire of
the guns of the place, by which, on the 12th, 1 sergeant (McDonald)
was killed. At dusk they returned to San Pedro, to resume their watch
on the next morning.
On the 23rd, a force consisting of two battalions of French infantry
and a squadron of cavalry, marched by Carpio to the heights above the
bridge of Marialva, on the Azarva, and halting there, sent forward a
party to attack the picquets of the Light Division stationed at the
bridge, then furnished by the 52nd. The pass was gallantly defended;
and another company of the 52nd and some of the 1st Battalion coming
to the assistance of the picquet, the enemy were repulsed, and
retired towards Ciudad Rodrigo. Lord Wellington, in his ‘Despatches,’
mentions Lieutenant Charles Eeles as having distinguished himself on
this occasion.[102]
On the 27th the Battalion marched early in the morning from the
villages of Sesmero, Barquella and Villar de Puerco, which they
occupied, to Alameda, and thence in rear of Gallegos, on which
occasion another attack was made on the picquets, and again the enemy
were repulsed.
And again, on May 1, six squadrons of French cavalry and a column
of infantry appeared on the old ground of the heights of Carpio and
Marialva; but after making a demonstration for some hours, withdrew.
On the 2nd the French army was concentrated, and advanced with a
view evidently of raising the blockade of Almeida, or of throwing
supplies into it; and as Lord Wellington was not disposed to dispute
their advance until they approached his position at Fuentes d’Onor,
the Light Division fell back without firing a shot, and passing
through the village of Fuentes d’Onor, took post behind the village
of Alameda.
But though the 1st Battalion were not actually engaged on this
day, the company of the 3rd Battalion which was attached to the
1st Division took part in resisting the furious attack made by the
enemy’s light troops on the village of Fuentes d’Onor; Lieutenant
Uniacke was severely wounded, and 9 Riflemen were wounded.
On the evening of the 4th, the Battalion were moved to the rear of
the centre of the British position. On this day General Craufurd
rejoined from England, where he had been on leave, to the great
satisfaction of his Division, which had experienced the want of his
leading on more than one occasion during his absence.
[Illustration:
BATTLE OF FUENTES d’ONOR
5^{TH} MAY 1811
_Drawn by Capt^n Moorsom, C.E._
_E. Weller, lith., London_
_London: Chatto & Windus._
]
On the 5th took place the Battle of Fuentes d’Onor. In the morning
the Battalion was moved to the right and posted in a wood of oaks,
throwing out skirmishers in front. Here they were hotly engaged
for some time with the French skirmishers, who, however, did not
attempt to drive them through the wood; till a large body of cavalry
appearing on their right, and the French skirmishers pressing them
sharply through the wood, they were compelled to retire, as the flank
of the 7th Division being turned, they were in great danger of being
cut off. Then it was that Craufurd moved them in close column, ready
to form square in an instant had the cavalry charged them, across a
plain nearly a mile in extent. This manœuvre was executed with all
the precision and deliberateness of a field-day, while an enormous
force of hostile cavalry hovered around them, but did not dare to
charge, so formidable was their formation, and so steady their
movement; and while a furious cannonade assailed them. They marched
to that part of the position where the Guards were formed in line,
and they wheeling back a company, the Battalion marched through, and
halting in column acted as a support to that part of the position.
They were afterwards placed at a right angle to the right of the
British position, with their own right resting on the river Turones;
and getting behind and among some rocks and broken ground, they were
menaced by a large force of French infantry, which endeavoured to
push in between the 1st and 7th Divisions, but finding the position
unassailable, and being vigorously attacked by four companies of the
Battalion under Major O’Hare,[103] withdrew. Then a tremendous fire
of artillery was opened upon the Riflemen.
About two o’clock, as the enemy did not seem to threaten any further
attack on this position, the Battalion were withdrawn, and placed in
reserve in rear of the centre. Here they remained, lying down, until
near dusk, when the Battalion moved down into Fuentes d’Onor, to
relieve the troops which had been engaged there.
While the Battalion were in position near the Turones, and the French
infantry which threatened them kept out of rifle range, Flinn, whose
sporting propensities at Sabugal I have recorded, was observed to
leave the ranks, and, with his comrade, advance towards the enemy.
The officer in immediate command, fancying they were deserting, asked
the sergeant of the company what it meant. ‘Oh no, sir,’ he replied,
‘they are only gone for some amusement.’ Accordingly, ‘on nobler
game intent’ than the hares at Sabugal, after stopping to drink at
the Turones (for the May day was hot) they crept up to the French,
and taking good aim, brought down each his man. Then, putting their
caps on their rifles to receive the return fire, while they were
well under cover, they deliberately walked back, and fell into their
places in the Battalion.[104]
In this action 1 sergeant and 6 Riflemen of the 1st Battalion were
wounded; of the company of the 2nd Battalion, 2 were killed and
4 wounded; and of the company of the 3rd Battalion, attached to
Sir Brent Spencer’s Division, Lieutenant Westby and 1 private were
killed, 2 were wounded, and 1 sergeant and 1 private were missing.
Shortly after the Battalion occupied the village of Fuentes d’Onor,
the French, whose picquets were at the other side of the bridge which
spans the Duas Casas, sent over a flag of truce, with a request to be
allowed to carry off their wounded. This was of course acceded to.
Three French officers crossed the bridge, and while the wounded on
both sides were being carried off had much friendly conversation with
our officers, preceded by polite offers of ‘_une prise de tabac_.’
They were loud in their praises of the gallantry of our troops, and
presaged hard fighting on the morrow. One of them, alluding to the
name of the place, observed to George Simmons that of that ‘Fountain
of Honour’ many of their comrades and of ours had drank deep. The
wounded having been removed, they politely wished our officers ‘good
night,’ and returned to their side of the river.
They had a captain’s picquet posted near the bridge, and a strong
column of infantry near a church, and two of their sentries were at
the foot of the bridge, while ours were stationed on our side of it.
Great vigilance was necessary, and was exercised by our officers of
the picquet, in consequence of the proximity of the posts.
A man of the Battalion of the name of Tidy, a blacksmith by trade,
having found a forge in the village, set to work to shoe some of the
officers’ horses. A French grenadier, attracted by the light, crossed
the bridge, and asked to be allowed to light his pipe, and having
done so remained talking to our men. Craufurd, who had come down to
visit the picquet (Costello says to see after the shoeing of his
horse), caught sight of the red epaulette, and sternly asked ‘What
the man was doing there;’ and being informed that he only came to
light his pipe, ordered him to begone.[105]
In the course of the night the Riflemen on picquet in the village
threw up earthworks in the gardens, and a strong breastwork across
the street. Before dawn they stood to their arms, but when day broke
they found that the French did not renew the attack; nor did any
change occur in the position of the two armies until the 10th, when
it was ascertained at daybreak, by the Riflemen on picquet, that the
French had retired, leaving only a small cavalry picquet at various
points in the line of posts they had occupied. The Light Division and
cavalry pursued them; but the superiority of the enemy in cavalry,
which covered their retreat, effectually checked the pursuit; and the
Battalion bivouacked in its old quarters at Gallegos and Espeja.
On the 12th three regiments of French cavalry moved from Ciudad
Rodrigo by the heights of Carpio, and our cavalry picquets fell back,
followed by a squadron towards Espeja. Beckwith at once turned out
his brigade, and sent forward some Riflemen as skirmishers; and the
enemy retired across the Azarva with the loss of a few horses.
On the 26th, the Battalion marched to Nave d’Aver and Aldea de Ponte,
fully expecting to proceed to the Alemtejo; but the next day they
were countermanded, and resumed from the 5th Division the line of
outposts in front of Espeja, Gallegos, &c.
On June 3, Beckwith, having heard that the French cavalry were
collecting on the Agueda, and not knowing where an attack might be
made, moved his brigade before dawn out of Espeja, and occupied a
wood in rear of it; but no attack being made he returned to his
former post at noon.
On the 5th, the Light Division broke up from the line of posts
it had occupied since the battle of Fuentes d’Onor, and marching
by Aldea de Ponte, bivouacked in a wood near Alfayates. On the
next day the Battalion crossed the Coa by the very same ford near
Sabugal by which they had advanced to the fight of April 3, and
bivouacked in a neighbouring wood of chestnut-trees. The night was
very dark, and about midnight there occurred one of those strange
panics which excite the terror even of those who never flinched in
battle. Some bullocks straying among the piled arms knocked them
over. Those awakened by the crash of the falling rifles raised the
cry, ‘The French are upon us!’ In a moment all was confusion; the
officers trying to assemble their companies; even Craufurd himself,
it is said,[106] ordering the men to fall in and load; and the camp
followers flying to the rear. After a time the panic died out; and on
the morning of the 8th the Battalion marched to Memoa, and halting
there to cook, proceeded to Penamacor in the evening.
On the 9th to S. Miguel d’Arch, and halted on the 10th.
On the 11th, by some blunder of the Staff, they were ordered to
commence their march under a burning sun, and a great many men
fell out, necessitating frequent halts. By some further mistake
the baggage and supplies did not come up, and the men were without
provisions for forty hours. At night they arrived at As Caldas de
Cima, and bivouacked in a wood.
On the 12th the Battalion passed through Castello Branco, and halted
during the heat of the day at As Cornadas de Rodão, and in the
evening advanced to the pass of Villa Velha.
On the next day, crossing the Tagus by a bridge of boats, they
marched to Niza, and bivouacked in a wood; on the 14th marched to
Alpalhão, and on the following day to Portalegre, where they halted
until the 19th, when they moved to Arronches.
On the 23rd they took up their position with the army which Lord
Wellington had concentrated, encamping on a most arid plain near
Monte Raguinga on the Caya, and about three miles from Campo Major.
Here the Battalion remained for about a month, during which time
Craufurd did not allow his Division to be idle, but frequently took
it out for drill and exercise. During the time it remained here the
Battalion suffered much from the baneful climate of the Alemtejo; and
fever, ague and dysentery were rife amongst the officers and men.
To add to the discomfort of this camp, it was infested with snakes,
scorpions and other reptiles; yet it is strange that among so many
men occupying it, no fatal or serious accident ever occurred from
this nuisance, at least among the Riflemen.
At last, on July 21, they were released from the life, to them after
active service, so monotonous and every way so disagreeable; and on
that day marching about a league and a half only, bivouacked, and
on the next day marched into Portalegre. On the 23rd they proceeded
to Castello de Vide, where they occupied several quintas round the
town. Thence they marched northward by much the same route by which
they had moved to the Alemtejo, passing Niza on the 29th, and on
the next day crossing the Tagus at Villa Velha, by a pontoon bridge,
and bivouacking in an olive-grove. Thence to Castello Branco on
August 1, to Lausão on the 2nd, Bemposta on the 3rd, Mauras on the
4th, whence they moved to the neighbouring heights on the 6th, and
continued their march towards the northern frontier of Portugal on
the 7th. On the 10th the Battalion crossed the Agueda at the ford of
Vado de Carros, and occupied the villages of Martiago with the right
wing, and Langella with the left. On the 11th they started, with Lord
Wellington, to make a reconnaissance on Ciudad Rodrigo. On their
approaching it some hundred infantry with a few field-guns, came out
of the town, but did not venture beyond the protection of the guns
of the place. The reconnaissance having been effected, the Riflemen
returned to their cantonments.
During the march from the Alemtejo the men of the Battalion had
suffered much from the heat, and many of the marches had to be
performed in the evening, or before sunrise, or during the night. On
August 21 the four companies of the 3rd Battalion which had been at
Barrosa, joined the Light Division, and a fifth company, which, as
has been mentioned, was attached to Sir Brent Spencer’s Division at
his request, as a Colonel Commandant of the Regiment, also joined,
thus forming five companies of the Battalion, under the command of
Colonel Barnard. They were placed in Beckwith’s brigade of the Light
Division. About the same time another company of the 2nd Battalion,
which had embarked at Portsmouth on July 5, and had landed at Lisbon
on the 14th, under the command of Captain Hart, also joined the Light
Division.
Sickness, no doubt contracted in the Alemtejo while encamped on
the Caya, still made great ravages among the troops of the Light
Division; three officers and many men of the Regiment having died
while it occupied these cantonments on the Agueda.
At the end of August the Regiment (or at least the 1st Battalion)
marched to Villa Rejo, on the 28th to Zamarra, and on the 29th to
Atalaya.
On that evening George Simmons was sent forward with a company, and a
corporal and three men of the German hussars, with orders, by moving
through a woody country and by a circuitous route, to strike on the
road leading from Salamanca; and then to proceed at his discretion,
in order to ascertain, if possible, whether any convoy was on its way
to throw provisions into Ciudad Rodrigo. He reconnoitred Tenebrun,
and bivouacked for the night in a wood.
The next morning he moved to Boca de Carro and S. Spiritus, and
ascertained from Don Julian Sanchez’s guerillas that a convoy
had left Salamanca for Ciudad Rodrigo, but had been compelled to
return, several parties of guerillas having formed across the road
and attacked it. The company therefore returned to its quarters at
Atalaya.
On September 9, Leach with his company and one of Portuguese
Caçadores was sent over the Sierra de Gata to occupy two villages,
Las Herrias and Aldea Juella, in the heart of the mountains, to
observe some roads by which it was thought that Marmont might attempt
to move light cavalry or infantry, and to obtain information as to
the movements of the enemy. Here they remained a fortnight, daily
patrolling and reconnoitring, but unable to ascertain anything of the
enemy’s doings.
Marmont having determined to throw provisions into Ciudad Rodrigo,
assembled his whole army and crossed the mountains from Plasencia.
The Regiment, as part of the Light Division, was posted on the
heights near Horquira. The enemy’s cavalry watched them, and entered
Atalaya on September 23. Here the Riflemen remained three days;
and on the 25th the combat at El Bodon took place between the Hon.
General Colville’s brigade and the enemy’s cavalry. At this time the
Riflemen were on the right bank of the Agueda, occupying the line of
the Vadillo, a tributary flowing through a rocky channel into the
Agueda, and falling into it about three miles from Rodrigo. Their
position was a most dangerous one; for unless the troops on the left
bank of the Agueda could hold the French in check they would have
been cut off. Their safety was further endangered by the obstinacy of
Craufurd; who though he received orders to retire, and join the rest
of the army at or near Guinaldo, at two o’clock in the afternoon of
the 25th, marched only to Cespedosa, one league from the Vadillo. On
the next morning, however, at daybreak, they marched; and crossing
the Agueda by a ford, and taking a circuitous route joined the 3rd
and 4th Divisions near Guinaldo about three o’clock in the afternoon.
On that night the whole army retired, leaving the Light Division as
a rear-guard. The Riflemen having made up their fires to deceive the
enemy, and to lead them to believe that they were still in bivouack,
followed about midnight. They marched through Casillas de Flores
to Forcalhos, and were on the march during the whole of the 27th,
with the exception of a short halt. General Craufurd having remained
behind with a troop of cavalry to reconnoitre, was sharply pressed
and pursued by the enemy’s chasseurs, and came galloping into the
middle of the Riflemen with the enemy’s troopers at his heels. But
the Riflemen, throwing themselves into rocky ground and cover, which
fortunately was on each side of the road, soon brought the French
cavalry to a check; but these dismounting and acting as infantry
skirmishers, a smart skirmish took place between some companies of
the Regiment and these dismounted men, which continued the greater
part of the day. In the evening the Regiment joined the other
Divisions at Aldea de Ponte.
Again forming the rear-guard, the Regiment marched at midnight, and
about eight o’clock on the morning of the 28th reached a position on
the height near Soita in a wood of enormous chestnut-trees, many of
which were hollow from age and of such dimensions that men might have
been and were sheltered in them. Lord Wellington was here in a very
strong position; and Marmont having effected his principal object of
re-victualling Ciudad Rodrigo, declined to give battle, and retired.
The Regiment on October 1 marched to Aldea Velha, and resumed its
cantonments on the Agueda at Castellejo de Duas Casas, Martiago,
Atalaya, Robleda, etc.
The Regiment now (with the Light Division) maintained the blockade of
Ciudad Rodrigo, and there is little to record of its movements until
the commencement of the more active operations of the siege.
On November 2, however, information having been received that a
considerable body of French troops were in motion to escort a
new governor to Rodrigo (the former one, General Renaud, having
been taken prisoner near the place by Don Julian Sanchez and his
guerillas), the Regiment moved up nearer to the fortress on this
morning; but it having been ascertained that the governor had
succeeded in entering the place, and that the escort was bivouacked
two leagues in its rear, the Regiment fell back to its former
cantonments.
On the 20th Lord Wellington inspected the Regiment (with the rest
of the Division) between El Bodon and Fuente Guinaldo. The Regiment
had marched from its cantonments in the morning and returned to them
after the inspection.
About this time, or rather earlier, Colonel Beckwith went to England
on account of his health, and Barnard (commanding the 3rd Battalion)
took command of his brigade.
On January 4 the troops intended to carry on the siege of Ciudad
Rodrigo were moved up near the place. In an incessant fall of cold
rain the Riflemen forded the Agueda; the water being nearly up to
their shoulders, the men were obliged to put their pouches on the
top of their knapsacks and to hold on to one another to prevent
their being swept away by the current. The Light Division occupied
Pastores, La Encina, and El Bodon. No sufficient arrangements having
been made for their quarters, houses were with difficulty obtained,
and officers and men were huddled together wherever they could find
shelter. Next day, however, better arrangements were made, and the
companies of Riflemen were housed separately.
On the 8th the Regiment crossed the Agueda before daylight on a
bitterly cold morning at the ford of Cantarona, near the Convent of
La Caridad; the water was about knee-deep; and passing round a hill
to the north of the town near San Francisco and out of range of the
enemy’s guns, they halted. Several French officers appeared and spoke
to the officers of the 95th with great politeness, being anxious to
ascertain, as it seemed, what this movement meant.
It was not long before they learned; for at nine o’clock that evening
a party of 300 men of the Light Division, under Colonel Colborne
of the 52nd, stormed the detached fort of San Francisco. Captain
Crampton’s company of the 1st Battalion first formed upon the crest
of the glacis, followed by Travers’s company of the 3rd Battalion,
and another company, commanded by Lieutenant Macnamara, of the 1st
Battalion. In a moment they were in the ditch and swarming over the
parapet. Three guns were taken, 2 captains and 48 men made prisoners,
and the rest of the garrison were killed. In this attack Second
Lieutenant Rutherford Hawksley, ‘a most promising young man,’ was
severely wounded, and died of his wounds. The officer commanding
this outwork, a smart, talkative little Frenchman, was, when made
prisoner, brought to General Craufurd. He had been stripped by the
Portuguese and had nothing on but trousers, and was bleeding from
the nose and mouth. Craufurd having expressed regret that he could
not furnish him with clothing, Tom Crawley, a well-known private
in the 1st Battalion, stepped forward, and saluting, said, ‘He may
have my great coat, your honour.’ Craufurd, who was much pleased,
said,’You are very good, Rifleman; let him have it.’ Almost at
the same time a sergeant was brought in, stripped naked by the
Portuguese; he embraced his captain and burst into tears. Harry
Smith, then on Craufurd’s Staff, gave him his handkerchief to cover
his nakedness.[107]
The capture of this work enabled the working parties immediately to
begin the first parallel. The garrison kept up an incessant fire of
shot and shell, but by daylight the men were well covered. Early
on the 9th the Light Division were relieved by the 1st. The French
from the old square tower of the cathedral had a good view of this
relief, and a furious fire was kept up on the advancing and retiring
Divisions.
On the 12th the Light Division again occupied the trenches, fording
the Agueda up to their waists, and continuing in this wet state,
half-frozen, till relieved next day. Some worked at the approaches;
some kept up a fire on the works of the place; and in the evening,
under cover of a fog, thirty men of the 1st Battalion, under
Kincaid, were sent forward to dig holes as near as possible to the
crest of the glacis, in which to shelter themselves, and to pick
off the gunners. This was not difficult for a good marksman; as,
by having his rifle ready, he was able to aim at an embrasure and
fire at it the moment he saw the flash of the gun. But the garrison
threw fire-balls among them; however, the men crouching in their
rifle-pits, lay hid until the fire-balls burned out, and then
springing up again, picked off their gunners in the embrasures.
At ten the next morning the Division was relieved, and marched back
to its cantonments. The fording of the Agueda, now partly frozen, on
coming to and returning from the trenches, was very trying to the
men. Not only the depth and the cold of the river; but now large
blocks of ice carried down by the current bruised and incommoded
them. In some measure to obviate this, cavalry were ordered to form
across the ford above the infantry, and under this shelter the
Riflemen crossed, if in the cold, at least unmolested by the floating
ice.
On the 16th they again resumed their place in the trenches. The enemy
had now got the range so accurately that their shells literally
dropped into the trenches. So murderous and incessant was the fire
from the place, that on their relief the next morning a new expedient
was devised to escape its effect. The relieving division came up
by small parties and the Light Division in like manner retired a
few men at a time. But strange is the confidence given by constant
exposure to danger: the Riflemen having discovered that by crossing
the river close to where they then were, and running the gauntlet of
the enemy’s fire for about a mile, instead of going round behind the
hill near San Francisco, they would save both time and distance in
getting to their cantonments, they did so.
Two breaches having been pronounced practicable on the 18th, the
troops were ordered to assemble on the 19th for the assault of
the place. The storming party consisted of a hundred men from
each Regiment of the Division. The officers of the Regiment who
volunteered for this duty were Captain Mitchell[108] of the 2nd
Battalion, and Lieutenants William Johnston and Kincaid of the 1st
Battalion. The Regiment forded the Agueda as usual, and halted for
about an hour near the Convent of La Caridad. Thence they moved
forward, and halted again behind the Convent of San Francisco.
The order of attack was as follows:
Four companies of the 1st Battalion, commanded by Major Cameron, who
were to line the crest of the glacis and keep down the fire of the
place;
Portuguese, carrying hay-bags, which they were to throw into the
ditch, and ladders;
The forlorn hope;
The storming party, commanded by Major George Napier, of the 52nd;
The main body of the Division, commanded by Craufurd.
While waiting behind the Convent for the order to advance, Harry
Smith came up to the Regiment, and said, ‘Some of you must come and
take charge of some ladders;’ George Simmons at once stepped out and
offered to go; and, having picked out the number of men required,
followed Smith to the Engineer camp and obtained them. When he
returned, Craufurd fiercely attacked him; ‘Why did you bring these
short ladders here?’ ‘Because I was ordered by the Engineers to do
so, General.’ ‘Go back, Sir, and get others; I am astonished at such
stupidity.’ Simmons returned and procured others; and on his way back
finding a Portuguese Captain wishing to be useful with his company,
he handed over the ladders to him with strict injunctions as to how
to place them, and rejoined his Battalion.
It is pleasanter to record Craufurd’s last address to his Division,
almost his last words, as they stood waiting to attack; words never
forgotten by some who heard them.
‘Soldiers,’ he said, in a voice which seemed to be peculiarly
impressive, ‘the eyes of your country are upon you. Be steady; be
cool; be firm in the assault. The town must be yours this night. Once
masters of the wall, let your first duty be to clear the ramparts,
and in doing so keep well together.’
At last the signal was given, and the leading Riflemen issued from
behind the Convent of San Francisco and turned to the left to ascend
the glacis. The night was clear enough to enable the defenders to
perceive them; and no sooner had the head of the column appeared,
than a furious fire of shot, shell and musketry lit up the ramparts
in a sheet of flame, while fire-balls enabled the enemy to direct
their aim on the advancing columns. Cameron’s Riflemen extended along
the glacis, and opened their fire. The stormers rushed up to the
ditch, and without waiting for the hay-bags or ladders carried by
the Portuguese, who were nowhere, leaped into the ditch, a descent
of ten or twelve feet, and made for the breach. Kincaid, by mistake,
turned to a ravelin which he fancied to be a bastion, and finding
one angle of it a good deal battered, thought it was the breach, and
mounted it; but soon perceiving his error, was about to return, when
a shout from the other side of the ditch announced that the breach
had been found. He dropped from the ravelin, and on coming to the
breach found the head of the storming party just ascending it.
But not the stormers only: the rest of the Regiment were pouring
into the ditch. George Simmons finding ladders reared against the
_fausse-braye_ (for the Portuguese by this time had found their way
to the ditch) mounted it with many others, fancying it to be the
breach; but discovering his mistake, slid down the other side and
mounted the breach. As he was ascending the ladders, Uniacke of
the 1st Battalion accosted him. ‘This is the way.’ ‘Impossible,’
replied Simmons, ‘here are the ladders.’ Uniacke left him, turned
to the left, and just as he reached the rampart an expense magazine
exploded, and blew him and many others up.[109]
Then was there furious fighting at this breach; but it was soon won.
The men, true to Craufurd’s orders, cleared the ramparts, and within
an hour the place was in our hands. Then began that furious tumult,
and that loosening of all the bands of discipline which mark the sack
of a place captured by assault. The town was set on fire, but by the
exertions of Barnard, Cameron and others it was extinguished. Barnard
and Cameron with some of their officers seized broken gun-barrels,
of which many French ones were found, and by force and even blows
compelled the men to refrain from brutality and madness. By one
o’clock in the morning Barnard had got the Regiment together and
formed them on the ramparts, where, kindling fires, they lay down and
slept soundly after this din of arms.
And many slept to wake no more. Captain Uniacke, as I have said, was
blown up on reaching the rampart; his arm was torn from the socket,
and he was fearfully scorched. He was carried to Gallegos, where he
died a few hours after, surrounded by the men of his company, by
whom he was beloved.’ ‘Though young in years,’ says Costello, who
served in his company, ‘he was gallant, daring, and just to all whom
he commanded. His affability and personal courage had rendered him
the idol of the men of his company.’ Fairfoot, who was Pay-sergeant
of his company, was resolved that he should be buried in consecrated
ground; but he found an obstacle in the prejudices of the clergy,
who considered him a heretic. However, Fairfoot (with pardonable
equivocation) assured the priests that his Captain was an Irishman,
which to the Spanish priests implied that he was a Catholic. Their
scruples gave way; ‘and I chose,’ said Fairfoot afterwards, ‘the
finest tree in the church-yard of Gallegos.’ At its foot he was laid;
the whole of his company attending, under the command of Thomas
Smith, his subaltern. Lieutenants John Cox and Hamilton, of the 1st
Battalion, were also severely wounded, 1 Rifleman was killed, 1
sergeant and 15 rank and file wounded; in the 2nd Battalion, Captain
Mitchell, and Lieutenants Bedell and M’Gregor were wounded, the two
former severely; 8 rank and file were killed, and 22 wounded;[110]
and 2 sergeants and 7 rank and file of the 3rd Battalion were wounded.
Besides these losses in the Regiment they had to regret the loss
of their leader in so many glorious fields, Major-General Robert
Craufurd, who, soon after starting them from the San Francisco
Convent with the inspiriting words, ‘Now, lads, for the breach,’ was
struck down mortally wounded, and died on the 24th. He was buried
with military honours at the foot of the breach his Division had so
gallantly carried, borne to the grave by four Sergeant-Majors of
his Division, and followed by Lord Wellington, his Staff, and the
officers of his Division. Though not of the Regiment, he had led
them in so many a glorious field that he seemed to be of them. At
Buenos Ayres, in the retreat to Corunna, and now in Portugal and
Spain, he had been their Brigadier or divisional General. At first
dreaded and disliked for his strict rules of discipline and for his
unswerving punishment of all breaches of them, he had come to be
beloved by men and officers, who saw to what a pitch of excellence
that code and that enforcement of it had brought the Division he
commanded, making it the admiration or the envy of the whole army;
who recognised that if he was exacting, he always was just; who felt
that he cared for their wants or their comfort; and who knew that he
always led them bravely, always to conquer.
I am not writing a memoir of General Craufurd; yet two anecdotes
connected specially with the Regiment I may here record.
On one occasion he was riding in front of the lines when two
Riflemen rushed out of a house, pursued by a Spanish woman calling
out _‘Ladrone! ladrone!’_ They had stolen bread. Craufurd with his
orderly immediately pursued them, the guard was turned out, and
they were made prisoners. The next day they were tried by a brigade
Court-Martial, found guilty, and sentenced to a punishment of a
hundred-and-fifty lashes. One, a Corporal Miles, was of course to be
reduced to the ranks. They were brought out to a wood to be punished.
As soon as the Brigade Major had read the proceedings, Craufurd
addressed the men on their cruelty to the Spaniards. Then, turning to
the Regiment, he upbraided them in no measured terms: ‘You think that
because you are Riflemen, and more exposed to the enemy’s fire than
other troops, you may rob the inhabitants with impunity; but while I
command you, you shall not.’ Then addressing Corporal Miles, he said
in a stern voice, ‘Strip, sir.’
When Miles was tied up to a tree to receive his punishment, he turned
his head and said: ‘General Craufurd, I hope you will forgive me.’
Craufurd answered: ‘No; your crime is too great.’
On this Corporal Miles, in a quiet and most respectful voice and
manner, addressed the General: ‘Do you remember, sir, when you and I
were taken prisoners, when under the command of General Whitelocke
at Buenos Ayres? We were marched prisoners to a sort of pound,
surrounded with a wall. There was a well in the centre, from which
I drew water in my mess-tin, by means of canteen-straps which I
collected from the men who were prisoners like myself. You sat on my
knapsack; and I parted my last biscuit with you. You then told me
that you would never forget my kindness to you. It is now in your
power, sir. You know how short of rations we have been for some time.’
These simple words, and the soldier’s respectful manner, affected not
only Craufurd but every man in the square. Meanwhile the Bugle-Major
gave the fatal nod, and Miles received a lash. But before a second
fell, Craufurd called out: ‘What’s that? who taught that bugler to
flog? send him to drill; he cannot flog. Stop, stop, take him down; I
remember it well; I remember it well!’ Then he paced up and down the
square, evidently much moved. In a dead silence Miles was untied; and
at last the General said to him: ‘Why does a brave soldier like you
commit these crimes?’ and calling his orderly, he mounted, and rode
off without a word more. The other man was pardoned, and Miles had
his corporal’s stripes restored in a few days.
On one occasion during Moore’s retreat, Lieutenant Thomas Smith, then
a very young officer who had but lately joined, was accompanying
ammunition which was in charge of a Quartermaster (Ross). On their
arrival at Craufurd’s head-quarters, the wily Quartermaster advised
Smith to go and report their arrival to the General. The other
demurred; saying that he was not in charge of the ammunition,
but only accompanying it. However, the Quartermaster urged him,
reminding him that he must be hungry; they had not, in fact, tasted
food for twenty-four hours; and that the General would probably ask
him to dinner. Thus counselled by his senior and impelled by his
hunger, he presented himself at the General’s quarter and saw his
Aide-de-Camp, who going upstairs returned with an order to proceed
at once a further march of some three leagues. Smith returned to
the Quartermaster with this woful order, adding that as he was in
charge of it, he might remain with it, for that he should go on and
overtake his Battalion. The Quartermaster declared he should do no
such thing; and after a sharp argument they both started and joined
the Battalion. In the morning as Smith was sitting down to breakfast,
an order came from Craufurd, who had come up, that he and the
Quartermaster should attend him. On being ushered into the General’s
presence they found him warming himself before a comfortable brazier,
while breakfast stood on the table. In a voice of great severity he
asked which of the two had received his order the night before.
‘I did, sir,’ said Smith, ‘but’--
‘No _but_, sir,’ interrupted Craufurd; ‘consider yourself under
arrest; and,’ adding a tremendous oath, ‘I will smash you.’
Poor Smith--for Craufurd would not hear a word more--returned in
dismay to his brother officers, whom he found at breakfast; but
hungry as he was and pressed by them to be of good heart, food had
now no charms for him.
Eventually Beckwith represented to Craufurd that the offender was
but a boy just joined; and his pleadings, coupled perhaps with the
fact that they were just going to fight, when every available officer
would be wanted, induced Craufurd, contrary to his wont, to relax his
severity and to release Smith from his arrest.
Long afterwards as Craufurd was standing talking with the officers of
the Battalion, round a camp fire, he turned to him.
‘Smith,’ said he, ‘did I not once put you under arrest?’
‘Yes, sir, you did.’
‘And do you know,’ he continued, ‘what became of the ammunition? I
found it steadily going towards the French lines, and had but just
time to put spurs to my horse and to turn it back. So that through
your default I had nearly lost my ammunition.’[112]
On the 20th the Regiment marched back to its cantonments. Nothing
could exceed the extraordinary appearance it presented. The men
were dressed in every possible variety of costume which they had
found in the houses. Some wore French uniforms, some breeches and
jack-boots, some cocked hats; many had pieces of salt beef, hams and
any provisions they could lay hands on stuck on their swords fixed
to their rifles. In fact so strange was their appearance that Lord
Wellington, who saw them on their march, asked ‘What regiment that
could be.’
One of the Riflemen, a day or two after, playing the game of
‘nine-holes’ with what he fancied to be a cannon-ball brought from
the place, was blown to pieces. It proved to be a live shell, which
passing over some hot ashes, exploded just as he had it between his
legs.
The Regiment soon after the fall of Rodrigo moved to Ituera. And
while here a military execution took place of some deserters of the
Light Division who had been found in the place. They had been tried
by a Court-Martial, of which General Sir James Kempt was president,
and were shot in the presence of the whole Division. Two of them were
Riflemen; one was in the highland company, which was then kept up in
the 3rd Battalion, of the name of M’Guinniss, a shoemaker by trade.
He had once been a man of good character, but had been led away by
another, named Hudson, of Uniacke’s company.
To conclude this painful subject I will add here that a month later
when the Regiment was at Castello de Vide another man of the 1st
Battalion was shot for desertion. His name was Arnal, and he was, or
had been, a Corporal. When Ciudad Rodrigo was taken he in some way
escaped and endeavoured to join the French troops at Salamanca; but
in crossing the country he fell in with some Spanish soldiers, who
made him prisoner and marched him back to the Regiment. He had been a
man of good character, and it was hoped that this might have weighed
in his favour; but discipline had to be vindicated, and so great
a crime as desertion to the enemy could not be condoned. This man
met his death with amazing firmness; settling his accounts with the
Pay-sergeant of his company, and distributing his balance among his
comrades the night before his death. When brought out to execution
he refused to have his eyes bound, saying to the Provost Sergeant:
‘There is no occasion; I shall not flinch;’ nor did he.
On February 14 the Regiment marched to Portalegre, on the 15th to
Arronches, and on the 17th to Elvas.
On March 17 the Regiment marched out of Elvas, the band playing
‘St. Patrick’s Day,’ to take up their position before Badajos, and
after dusk began to break ground. A very heavy rain came on, and the
weather continued very broken during the whole time of the siege
operations. The ground to be occupied being extensive, and the force
employed comparatively small, the men were required to be in the
trenches six hours by day, and as many in the night; and this amount
of time, with the addition of the marches to and from their camp, and
the continued inclemency of the weather, made the period of the siege
one of unusual hardship to the men and officers of the Regiment.
On the 19th the enemy made a sortie with about 1,500 infantry and
some cavalry at the moment when the relief of the working parties in
the trenches was taking place. The weather being, as usual, dull, and
a drizzling rain falling, these troops got very close before they
were perceived; and their cavalry, being mistaken for Portuguese,
made their way through the camp of the Light Division. The men flew
to their arms, and the sortie was repulsed; but the enemy succeeded
in carrying off intrenching tools from the Engineers’ camp, and in
injuring the works of the approaches. In this sortie Lieutenant
Freer, of the 1st Battalion, was wounded.
On the 22nd, the enemy having brought some field-guns out of San
Cristobal, and placed them in position enfilading the trenches, some
Riflemen were ordered out, to get as near the Guadiana as possible,
and to fire across the river, and shoot their gunners. This they did
so effectually that the guns were soon withdrawn, many of the men
working them being killed or wounded.
On the 26th Fort Picurina was attacked and carried a little after
dark; and a party of Riflemen, taken from the working party, was
ordered to carry the ladders. Lieutenant Stokes, then of the 3rd
Battalion, who was in command of this party, was the first man in
the fort; and it was owing to these men (with others of the Light
Division) that, according to Napier, the capture of the place was
effected. They were provided with axes, and broke down the palisades
and gates of the fort. It being evident that the enemy, as soon as
they knew the place was in our hands, would redouble their fire, the
working parties were urged by their officers to work hard to cover
themselves. The Riflemen did so; and so effectually, that when at
daybreak the enemy opened a furious fire of shell and grape, the men
had made such good cover that they were comparatively uninjured.
On April 4 George Simmons with a party was in an advanced sap, and
observing that some large guns of the place were doing much injury
to our artillery in an advanced battery, he selected some of the
best shots and directed them to fire steadily into the embrasures.
In half-an-hour he found that the guns were not fired so regularly
as before; and soon gabions were brought and stuffed into the
embrasures. These were withdrawn when the guns were about to be
fired. The Riflemen took note of this, and the moment the gabions
were removed fired steadily into the embrasure. Very soon the gabions
began to be replaced without the guns having been discharged. They
were thus effectually silenced. And from daylight till dark Simmons
kept up this practice with ‘forty as prime fellows as ever pulled
trigger.’ A French officer, probably a celebrated marksman, half
hidden, lying on the grass of the parapet, set up his cocked hat some
way in front of him to deceive our people, and to draw their fire.
Some soldiers by him handed him loaded muskets to enable him to fire
more rapidly. Simmons, leaning over the top of the trench, got a good
view of this man; he selected a good shot, and being anxious that
he should see the Frenchman, desired him to lay his rifle over his
shoulder and steady his aim. The Rifleman fired; and nothing more was
seen of the Frenchman, whom, no doubt, he killed or wounded, though
the cocked hat remained in position until dark. But Simmons, in his
anxiety, had forgotten that the priming of the old Baker rifle was
close to his ear, which was much burnt and the whole side of his head
singed.
Some of the best shots in the Regiment were selected also to occupy
pits which had been dug between our approaches and the crest of the
glacis, in order to pick off the gunners. This was most arduous
and dangerous work; for not only were the men exposed to a deadly
fire in running out to the pits, and in returning when relieved, but
sometimes a man was wounded or killed in the pit, and the relieving
Rifleman had to pull him or help him out before he could shelter
himself, all the time exposed to a murderous fire from the place.
[Illustration:
ASSAULT of BADAJOS
6^{TH} APRIL, 1812.
E. Weller, _Litho._
_London, Chatto & Windus._
]
The breaches being reported practicable on the 6th, the assault was
ordered to take place on that evening. It is needless, after Napier’s
magnificent description of this combat, to do more than specify
what part the Regiment took in it. The Light Division, under the
command of Barnard, formed at about eight o’clock in close column
of companies, left in front, about 300 yards from the ditch. They
were detailed to attack the breach in the Santa Maria bastion. Four
companies (the left wing) of the 1st Battalion, under Major Cameron,
were in front, with orders to extend to the left on reaching the
covered way, in order (as at Ciudad Rodrigo) to keep down the fire
from the ramparts. Next came six volunteers of that Battalion, under
Lieutenant William Johnston, provided with ropes, to endeavour to
pull the _chevaux-de-frise_, with which it was known the garrison
had defended the breaches, out of their place. Then followed the
forlorn hope;[113] and then the storming party, consisting of 100
men from each regiment of the Division. The officers of the Regiment
with this party were Captains Crampton of the 1st Battalion; Hart
of the 2nd; and Diggle of the 3rd; and Lieutenants Bedell, Manners,
Coxen, and M’Gregor, of the 2nd Battalion. The rest of the Division
followed. So noiselessly did Cameron’s four companies advance, and so
accurately had he reconnoitred the ground, that he reached the place
indicated for the head of his column, and extended along the covered
way to his left, without being perceived by the garrison. Every man
as he got into his place, silently lay down, placing the muzzle
of his rifle through the palisades, and at the edge of the ditch.
The men could see the heads of the troops lining the rampart; for
the night was clear, though a sort of haze rising from the ground
and the dark dress of the Riflemen enabled them to get into position
unperceived. Yet a French sentry challenged twice; and his ‘_qui
vive_’ being unanswered, he fired, and drums were heard, beating
to arms. Yet Cameron reserved his fire for about ten minutes, till
the forlorn hope coming up, he began while the heads of the troops
lining the rampart could still be seen immovable. Then began from the
place that murderous and unceasing fire of grape, shell, and musketry
which has been compared by more than one of those who saw it, to
the central fires of the earth, or even hell itself, vomiting forth
their fury. Surtees, who as Quartermaster of the 3rd Battalion and
a non-combatant (though he wished to be in the fray and was hardly
restrained) witnessed it from the quarries, between the Picurina and
the Pardeleras, says that it was so bright and so incessant that he
could plainly see the faces of the defenders, though nearly a mile
off. Yet Johnston with his volunteers, the forlorn hope and the
stormers advanced, slid down the ladders or leaped into the ditch.
The rest of the Division followed, tore up the palisades and ran up
the glacis. There Captain Charles Gray was shot in the mouth, and
many officers and men fell. Yet all pressed on; even the firing party
in the covered way, carried away by frenzy, seeing their comrades
fall, and their aim baffled by the smoke, leaped into the ditch,
and passing, how they could, the drain cut in it and filled with
water, in which not a few were drowned, they surged like the wave
of a raging sea up the breach. But as the wave is repelled from
the rock, so were they checked by the insuperable obstacles; the
_chevaux-de-frise_ of sword-blades fixed in beams; the murderous fire
from behind the wall of sand-bags; the planks studded with nails and
fixed at the upper end; the shells, powder-barrels, grenades and even
cart-wheels, which were hurled down upon them. Again and again as one
wave fell or melted away under that slaughtering shower, another took
its place. O’Hare fell in the breach, shot through the breast with
two or three musket balls. His sergeant, Fleming, who had stood by
him in many a bloody field, fell at his side. Many officers of the
Regiment and many valiant Riflemen lay dead or wounded, or pressed
down by those who were so, in that heap which extended from the top
of the breach to the counterscarp. At last, after two hours of this
murderous work, Lord Wellington gave orders for the Light Division
to draw off. Still the intrepid Barnard, who had more than once
himself ascended the breach, was unwilling to give way; and it was
not till after renewed attempts had been made, and till he saw all
hopeless, that he gave the order for his Division to withdraw. Even
then in that deafening turmoil the order was imperfectly heard; and
many officers were keeping their men from retiring. At last, however,
almost all that lived and could move came away, and the remnant of
the Regiment was formed a little distance from the place between
midnight and one o’clock. Here Surtees found them, having posted off
as soon as he knew (for he was near Lord Wellington when Picton’s
hurried note was brought to him) that the 3rd Division had stormed,
and was in possession of, the Castle. He was scarcely believed;
so incredible did it seem to the assailants of these impregnable
breaches, that any troops could have entered the place. The men and
the officers were lying down, in gloomy sullenness, after their
terrible conflict. A staff officer brought word, ‘Lord Wellington
desires the Light Division to return immediately and attack the
breach.’ The men leaped up, resumed their formation, and advanced
as cheerfully and as steadily as if it had been the first attack.
Proceeding past, and often over, their fallen comrades, they again
mounted the breach; but now the defenders having been called away,
the resistance was slight, and they soon established themselves on
the ramparts. Then Cameron formed his Regiment there; and told them
that when all danger from the enemy was over, he would let them fall
out; but that, until then, if a man left the ranks he would have him
put to death on the spot. They remained under arms and perfectly
steady till between nine and ten next morning; when, as the whole
garrison were prisoners and being marched out, he dismissed them,
and they joined in that madness of intemperance, rapine and lust, on
which it is more agreeable to their historian to draw a veil.
Great were the losses of the Regiment. Twenty-three officers and 292
non-commissioned officers and Riflemen fell, killed and wounded in
that fatal night.
In the 1st Battalion (eight companies), Major O’Hare and Lieutenant
Stokes, 3 sergeants, and 24 rank and file were killed; Captains
Crampton, Balvaird, Charles Gray, and M’Dermid, Lieutenants William
Johnston, Gardiner, McPherson (who died of his wounds), Forster, and
FitzMaurice, 15 sergeants, 3 buglers, and 136 rank and file were
wounded. In the 2nd Battalion (two companies), Captain Diggle, 1
sergeant and 20 rank and file were killed; Lieutenants Bedell and
Manners, 3 sergeants, and 31 rank and file were wounded. In the 3rd
Battalion (five companies), Lieutenants Hovenden, Cary, Allix, and
Croudace, and 9 rank and file were killed; and Lieutenants Macdonell
(who died of his wounds), Worsley, Duncan Stewart, Farmer, and
volunteer Lawson,[114] 2 sergeants, and 45 rank and file were wounded.
Well may Sir William Napier sum up his glowing description of the
assault with this stirring appeal: ‘Who shall measure out the glory
of ... O’Hare, of the ninety-fifth, who perished on the breach at
the head of the stormers, and with him nearly all the volunteers for
that desperate service? Who shall describe ... the martial fury of
that desperate soldier of the ninety-fifth who, in his resolution
to win, thrust himself beneath the chained sword-blades, and there
suffered the enemy to dash his head to pieces with the ends of their
muskets?’[115]
O’Hare, a gallant soldier, beloved by his men, had a foreboding of
his death. As the stormers assembled, he observed, in conversation to
Captain Jones of the 52nd, that ‘he thought that night would be his
last.’ To George Simmons, with whom he shook hands as the stormers
were moving off, his last words were: ‘A Lieutenant-Colonel or cold
meat in a few hours.’ He was found the next morning by Simmons on
the breach, naked. Cary was found by Surtees next day under one of
the ladders, shot through the head. He had, no doubt, been wounded
in ascending it, and fallen from it. He also was stripped. He still
breathed; and Surtees pressed some of the soldiers about the place to
carry him to the camp. They were so drunk that they let him fall; but
he was past all feeling, and died soon after he was laid in his tent.
Croudace also was brought out alive, but died almost immediately. Of
the wounded officers, McPherson died a few days after. He was a man
of herculean stature, and great bravery. ‘He had been true to man
and true to his God, and he looked his last hour in the face like a
soldier and a Christian.’[116]
Macdonell died a few months after he received his wound.
Some personal anecdotes of the storm may be given. George Simmons, on
going into the town, went into a house, the Spanish owner of which
told him that the French Quartermaster-General had been billeted
there. He showed him the room he had occupied; and there he found on
the table a paper on which he had made a sketch of the two breaches,
showing the line by which our columns would probably move to attack,
and the spot where our ladders might best be planted to avoid the
fire from the place and the inundation in the ditch. The owner of
the house informed him that the French officers had left it in great
alarm, on being informed of our attack. There were also a bottle of
wine and some glasses on the table; and, as Theodore Hook somewhere
observes, eating and drinking must go on, whatever the vicissitudes
of life, George Simmons sate down, ordered some eggs and bacon to be
fried, and drank the French officers’ bottle of wine.
Kincaid was acting Adjutant with Cameron’s four companies who lined
the glacis. When they were established in the place, he went to
post picquets in streets leading to the ramparts. While so engaged,
a Rifleman brought him a French officer prisoner, who he said was
the Governor. The officer at once said that he was not; but that he
had passed himself off as such to ensure the soldier’s protection
and better treatment. He added that he was Colonel of a regiment
in the garrison; that his officers were all assembled in a house
near at hand, to which he would conduct Kincaid, and who would
give themselves up as prisoners to anyone who would ensure their
safety. Taking a few men with him to guard against surprise, Kincaid
accompanied him, and found fifteen or sixteen officers assembled, who
professed great astonishment at our being in possession of the town.
As in Simmons’ case refreshment was to be thought of; and Kincaid
and his prisoners discussed some cold meat, and sundry bottles of
wine which their chief placed upon the table. At last Kincaid marched
them off; and before parting the French Colonel told him that he
had two good horses in the stable, of which he advised him to take
possession. This counsel was not lost on Kincaid, who thus became the
owner of a black mare, which carried him till the end of the war. As
he was making his way to the ramparts, many French soldiers, who were
skulking in out-of-the-way corners to escape the fury of the British
troops already in the town, joined him. And marching at the head of
this party, he was very nearly fired on by a picquet of our men whom
Barnard was placing across a street, and who, seeing so many French
uniforms together, fancied it was a rallied party of the enemy.
Happily the challenge of the picquet, which owing to the noise of his
prisoners he had not heard, was repeated and answered; and he handed
over his prisoners to be marched with others to Elvas.
Surtees was occupied in a more benevolent work. Directly the place
was in our hands, he and Percival, who was in command of the 3rd
Battalion, set about finding and removing the wounded of the
Regiment. This was an arduous work; for the wounded were numerous,
and their claims for assistance incessant. And Percival was lame,
from his wound at Sobral, and not well able to move about; yet they
were obliged to carry the wounded themselves; for of the soldiers
they called on to help them many were drunk; and even those whose
help they secured, soon went off to share in the rapine of the
town. Many are the heartrending details Surtees relates; and many
are the horrors he and all the Riflemen who were present record of
the plunder of the town. No doubt the men were furious with the
inhabitants, who had here assisted the French, while at Rodrigo they
had resisted them; no doubt they were frenzied with the difficulty
of the assault, and savage at the wholesale slaughter of their
comrades. These envenoming motives, added to the usual and (so to
say) admitted license in a town taken by storm, have made the sack
of Badajos one of exceptional violence. Yet all that men could do
to resist it was done. Barnard, commanding the Division, opposed
not only his commands but even his great personal strength to the
plunderers. He endeavoured to prevent the men from entering the town;
but they rushed past him, and while striving to wrest a musket from
a soldier of the 52nd, he fell and was very nearly thrown into the
ditch. He then, with others, went into the streets, and strove to
check the madness of his men; but in vain.
Cameron, as I have said, got the men of the 1st Battalion together
after the assault and kept them formed on the ramparts till between
nine and ten; he then thanked them for their conduct throughout. ‘And
now, men,’ he added, ‘you may fall out and amuse yourselves; but I
expect you all to be in camp at tattoo to-night.’ It was a vain hope;
and it was two days before the absentees returned, and discipline was
restored.
On the day after the assault two officers of the 1st Battalion
were talking over the events of the past night at the door of a
tent, when two ladies approached from Badajos, and claimed their
protection. They were evidently, from their appearance and manner,
of the upper class of Spanish society. Both were handsome; and the
younger, then about fourteen, very beautiful. The elder, though
still young, addressed the Riflemen, and said that she was the wife
of an officer in the Spanish service, who was in a distant part of
Spain; that the young lady with her was her sister, who, having just
completed her education in a convent, had been placed under her
charge; that yesterday she had a comfortable house and home; that
now it was in the possession of an infuriated and insane soldiery;
that they had already suffered violence, as their bleeding ears,
from which the ear-rings had been rudely torn, bore witness; and
that to escape greater violence and dishonour worse than death,
they had fled; and had resolved (however strange the step might
seem) to throw themselves upon the honour and the protection of the
first English officers they might meet. It need not be told that
it was freely given, and chivalrously observed, and that they were
conveyed to a place of safety. Nor will it seem strange to add that
the acquaintance begun in so romantic a manner ripened into a warmer
feeling; and that within two years, the younger of them, Donna Juana
Maria de los Dolores de Leon, became the wife of him who had saved
her, Harry Smith, then a Captain in the Regiment, and was long known
in English society as Lady Smith, the honoured wife of the conqueror
of Aliwal.
FOOTNOTES:
[92] ‘Wellington Despatches,’ vii. 356-7.
[93] MS. Record 1st Battalion.
[94] ‘Supplementary Despatches,’ vii. 82.
[95] Letter to Marshal Beresford: ‘Wellington Despatches,’ vii. 372.
[96] MS. Journal.
[97] ‘Leach,’ 204-5.
[98] It is said to be more than 4,000 feet above the level of the sea.
[99] ‘Supplementary Despatches,’ xiii. 609.
[100] ‘Despatches,’ vii. 445. He adds: ‘The 43rd Regiment
particularly distinguished themselves; as did part of the 95th
Regiment under Major Gilmour.’
[101] I am indebted for the particulars of this anecdote (which I had
heard old officers of the Regiment mention) to Mrs. Fitz-Maurice’s
‘Recollections of a Rifleman’s Wife.’
[102] ‘Wellington Despatches,’ vii. 515.
[103] This gallant repulse is mentioned by Lord Wellington:
‘Despatches,’ vii. 532.
[104] ‘Recollections of a Rifleman’s Wife.’
[105] ‘Adventures of a Soldier,’ 82.
[106] Costello, 87.
[107] Costello, 93.
[108] Colonel Samuel Mitchell died June 3, 1833.
[109] Just before the attack he had been twitted by a brother officer
(Fitz-Maurice) with having dressed himself in a new pelisse for such
a night’s work. ‘Never mind,’ he said, ‘I shall be the better worth
taking.’ ‘Recollections of a Rifleman’s Wife.’
[110] The following nine non-commissioned officers of the 2nd
Battalion volunteered for the forlorn hope:
Sergeant Bowley, wounded Sergeant Spencer
” Comerford, ” ” Tuite
” Derby, killed Corporal Larkins, wounded
” Ecke, ” ” Nesbitt, ”
” Fairfoot,[111] wounded
[111] Afterwards Quartermaster.
[112] This anecdote, which I had often heard in the 1st Battalion,
was related to me with graphic distinctness by Colonel Smith. As may
be imagined, his relation differed somewhat from the story, which,
passing through many mouths, I had heard in the Battalion. It was
strange to hear it from the lips of one of the actors in it, when the
other had slept more than sixty years in the breach at Rodrigo.
[113] The following non-commissioned officers of the 2nd Battalion
volunteered for the forlorn hope:
Sergeant Cairns Corporal Coward, wounded
” Fairfoot, wounded ” Derby, killed
” Kennedy, ” ” McCordell, wounded
” Taggart, ” ” Nesbitt.
” Tuite
[114] He was appointed to a second-lieutenancy in the Regiment May 9
following. He left it in 1814, and died at Sligo, March 1874.
[115] Book xvi. chap. v. This incident is also mentioned by Kincaid.
It is to be regretted that the name of this heroic Rifleman has not
been preserved.
[116] Kincaid, ‘Random Shots,’ p. 288.
CHAPTER IV.
Soon after the capture of Badajos the command of the Light Division
was given to Baron Charles Alten, and the two Brigades of which it
consisted were commanded, one by Barnard, and afterwards by Sir James
Kempt, and the other by General Vandeleur. On Craufurd’s death and
Vandeleur’s wound at Ciudad Rodrigo, the command of the Division had
devolved on Barnard. How well he handled it, and how gallantly he led
it at Badajos, has already been recorded.
I may here note that Barnard, who had hitherto commanded the 3rd
Battalion, soon after this period was transferred to the command of
the 1st Battalion, in Beckwith’s place, who had, as already noted,
gone home on account of his health, and did not again return to the
Peninsula. He was one of the original officers of the Regiment, and
a most excellent Rifleman. In here parting from him as a regimental
officer, I may add Kincaid’s testimony to his merits. ‘He was,’ he
says, ‘one of the ablest of outpost generals. Few officers knew so
well how to make the most of a small force. His courage, coupled with
his thorough knowledge of the soldier’s character, was of that cool,
intrepid kind, that would at any time convert a routed rabble into
an orderly, effective force. A better officer probably never led a
brigade into the field.’[117]
On April 11, the Regiment broke up from the camp before Badajos and
marched to the north. Before doing so the men were ordered to give
up the articles which they had plundered in Badajos; and to prevent
their secreting any of them, their packs were examined. Whatever was
found was collected in heaps and burned. But for two or three days
before, the men had been selling what they had taken; crowds of
country people thronged the camp to purchase; and it presented almost
the appearance of a fair. On the 11th, however, the Regiment marched
to Campo Major. On the next day they proceeded to Arronches and
bivouacked in a wood. The 13th they marched to Portalegre, and on the
14th to Niza. On the next day they crossed the Tagus at Villa Velha,
the 1st Battalion being in Monte de Senhora and the 3rd Battalion at
Sernadas. On the 16th the Regiment marched to Castello Branco. Here
they halted one day to allow the supplies to come up and to rest the
troops, and the day following moved to As Caldas de Cima and Loisa.
Here they came very close to the rear-guard of the French; and as
they were informed by the peasants at S. Miguel d’Arch, which they
reached on the 20th, that the enemy were in force, they moved with
great caution to Penamacor on the 21st, San Bartolomeo on the 22nd,
and passing through Sabugal on the 23rd, bivouacked near Alfayate.
The British force on the north of the Tagus being as yet small, and
the enemy falling back in force, their march had to be conducted with
great caution.
On the 24th they proceeded to Ituera, where they halted for two days,
and from thence the Regiment occupied cantonments on the Agueda; the
1st Battalion being between Ituera and Castellejo de Azarva; and the
3rd Battalion at La Encina. Here every exertion was made to get the
Regiment equipped for taking the field; the clothing was repaired,
and shoes provided; and everything was done that could be done to
turn the men out in good order for a summer campaign. Nevertheless,
when the Regiment was reviewed by Lord Wellington on May 27 between
Guinaldo and El Bodon, the clothing of the Riflemen was patched with
pieces of many colours, and the dress of many of the officers was
little better. But Lord Wellington, whose soldier’s eye measured not
the spic-and-span appearance, but the endurance and daring of the
men, told them that they ‘looked well and in good fighting order.’
On June 6 the 1st Battalion moved to El Bodon, and on the 11th the
whole Regiment left their cantonments on the Agueda, and bivouacked
in a wood near Ciudad Rodrigo; on the 13th, moving on Salamanca,
they advanced to Alba de Yeltes; on the 14th to Sancho Bueno; and
on the 15th to Matilla. On the next day they marched to within
about five miles of Salamanca; and having crossed the Rio Valmusa,
bivouacked near some low hills extending from that stream to the
city. On the 17th they moved towards Salamanca; but the enemy having
constructed forts which commanded the bridge over the Tormes, they
were obliged to cross by a deepish ford about a mile further up the
river, and bivouacked in a wood on the plain a little way from the
ford.
On the 18th the Regiment moved from this bivouac to Aldea Seca, about
a league and a half from Salamanca; and the enemy fell back after
skirmishing with our cavalry.
On the following day the Regiment was suddenly called to arms,
the enemy having appeared in force in front of the position; but
no fighting took place, and the Regiment moved from the plain and
occupied Monte Rubio.
Here they remained some days. And one evening about this time
stormers were called for from the Light Division to lead the assault
on San Vincente, the strongest of the three forts constructed by
the French near Salamanca. Two men per company, the first for duty,
were selected for this service; but after being marched down to
the fort, they were countermanded. An assault had been attempted,
and had failed on the 23rd, and on the 27th the forts surrendered.
On the fall of the forts, the enemy fell back; and the Regiment
made a forward movement, and marched to Castillonos. On the 29th
they bivouacked at Prada de Rubiales; on the next day at Castrillo
d’Aquarino; and on July 1, marching through Alejos, they were
billeted in the town of Nava del Rey, where the beds in their billets
were the first they had occupied for a very long time. On the 2nd
they moved forward to Rueda. A pretty strong force of the enemy,
of all arms, was evacuating Rueda as the Regiment entered it. This
was in fact the rear-guard, which was to hold us in check till his
column could file over the bridge, across the Douro, at Tordesillas.
But our cavalry and Horse Artillery coming up, the latter fired some
shrapnells, which did much execution, and the cavalry had a slight
affair with them. Our Regiment also sent out some skirmishers, who
made a few prisoners, amongst them a Sergeant-Major of hussars,
whose abject terror, even to tears, excited the surprise of those
who saw him. Yet this man must have been a good and probably a brave
soldier; for his exchange for one of our sergeants in their hands,
was asked for by a flag of truce, on the ground that he was about to
become adjutant of his corps. He was accordingly exchanged a few days
afterwards.
All the march hitherto from the frontier of Portugal to this place
had been through an open country, devoid of trees, abounding
indeed with corn, and near the rivers with vines; but with little
water except in the great rivers, which were far apart. The men
had therefore suffered much, marching under the full blaze of a
Peninsular mid-summer sun. Their occupation of the town of Rueda,
and the delicious coolness of its great wine-vaults, excavated in
the sides of the hills, were a great refreshment. Unhappily the wine
these vaults contained was as great a temptation, to which many
yielded. So had their enemies, who had preceded them; for many of
their bodies were found in the cellars: some hideously mutilated by
the Spaniards.
The Regiment remained here for a fortnight; the only movement in that
time being that they were on July 3 moved opposite to Tordesillas,
on the left bank of the Douro, the enemy being massed in large force
on the opposite bank. This movement was probably a feint, and they
returned to their cantonments at Rueda.
On July 16 the Regiment marched from Rueda about nine in the evening
and halted next day near Castrejon. On the evening of the 17th
Kincaid had a picquet in front of the Division. Soon after sunrise a
smart cannonade began behind a hill to the right of the picquet. In
fact Marmont had recrossed the Douro at Tordesillas, and was making
an attack on our position at Castrejon. While the picquet, alert at
the sound of cannon, were earnestly watching the ground in front
of them, no enemy being visible, a terrific turmoil suddenly arose
behind some rising ground on their left. Uncertain whence this noise
might proceed, Kincaid at once placed his picquet behind a deep ditch
about a hundred yards in his rear. He had scarcely done so when a
confused _mêlée_ of horsemen dashed over the hill: two squadrons of
our cavalry, two guns of Horse Artillery, and a strong body of the
enemy’s cavalry, all cutting at each other; and among the rush Lord
Wellington, Lord Beresford, General Bock, and their Staffs. These and
the two guns took shelter behind our picquet, who could not fire, for
friends and foes were mixed up in an inextricable tangle. The cavalry
swept past the front of the picquet; but finding a reserve squadron
of heavy dragoons, they returned again at a gallop, the French now
flying before those they had lately pursued.
Some companies of the Regiment were thrown out as skirmishers to
support the 14th Light Dragoons. One of these brought in a French
prisoner, badly wounded, who in conversation with Lieutenant
Gardiner, who was a proficient in French, was vehement in asserting
that he would not have been taken, had he had a better horse. On this
being repeated to his captor, he said to Gardiner: ‘Then, sir, tell
him if he had the best horse in France I would bring him prisoner if
he stood to fight me.’ The prisoner assured Gardiner that his horse
had not been unsaddled for a week; and the state of his back, when
the saddle was removed, too surely corroborated his assertion.
The army was now ordered to retire; and the country being an open
plain was very favourable for cavalry. The British troops therefore
were formed in quarter-distance column ready to form square at any
moment. The Regiment marched in this way for upwards of ten miles,
with all the regularity and steadiness of a field-day; taking up
distant points to march on; and avoiding the villages in order not
to lose time in passing through them. For it was a race between the
two armies to gain some high land beyond the Guareña. And the French
moved on our right during the whole day; often coming within 500
yards of our flank. Occasionally the enemy opened a cannonade; but on
the whole this day’s march was effected without fighting. The men,
oppressed by the heat, and suffocated by the clouds of dust which
arose from the sandy plain, were tormented with thirst. But there was
no time to halt, nor water at hand to quench it. At last, arriving at
the edge of this table-land, they looked down into the vale of the
Guareña, and the Riflemen hurried their pace to reach the water. The
French instantly unlimbered their guns on the height above and sent
some round shot among them. But our men drank of the muddy stream as
they passed through it, and suffered little from the cannonade; and
they bivouacked on the high ground beyond the river.
During the early part of the 19th the Regiment continued at rest on
the ground of their bivouack; but in the afternoon (with the rest
of the Division) they were suddenly called to arms, and commenced
a movement to the right, in order to defeat Marmont’s plan of
interrupting our communications with Salamanca. During this march
the enemy cannonaded sharply, and one shot knocked off the head of
a Rifleman, who had but just joined. When night put a stop to the
march and the firing, the Regiment lay by their arms, close to the
enemy’s columns. On the morning of the 20th no enemy was to be seen;
as Marmont had moved forward to turn Lord Wellington’s right flank;
and some intervening ground hid his troops from the Riflemen; they
were put in motion and soon came in sight and in close proximity to
them. Thus they marched as they had done on the two preceding days
with all the regularity of a barrack-square drill, parallel to the
enemy, and close to him. There was a short halt in the afternoon to
refresh the men: for the heat was sultry, and the dust suffocating.
With this exception they continued to march till a late hour in the
evening.
On the 21st they again started at dawn, and continued to march as
before till about two o’clock, when they halted near the village of
Villa Moresco. A little before dark they were again in motion; and
they forded the Tormes about two miles above Salamanca. The river
here was very deep, and the men were nearly up to their shoulders.
Hardly had they got across when rain began to fall in torrents;
the night grew suddenly dark; the lightning flashed with unusual
vividness, and played on the men’s arms; and the thunder crashed so
close and so loud, that scared horses broke from their picquet-ropes,
and rushed into the ranks of the enemy. In this turmoil the Riflemen
groped their way through the murky night, up to their knees in mud,
to their bivouack in a field not far from the Tormes; where they lay
by their arms, without any shelter from the rain which fell heavily
and incessantly during the whole night.
On the 22nd occurred the Battle of Salamanca, the only one of
Wellington’s great victories in which the Regiment did not bear a
prominent part. They were under arms at daylight and occupied a
position on the extreme left of the British position; and during
the greater part of the day the only duty they were called upon
to perform was to keep the French right in check. But about five
o’clock, after Lord Wellington had taken advantage of his enemy’s
blunder and driven him from the field, the Regiment was ordered to
advance in pursuit. They did so, and continued to press on the rear
of the retreating foe till about eleven at night, when they halted
near the village of Huerta. Had there been a few hours more daylight,
or had the Spaniards held, as Don Carlos de España was directed to
do, Alba de Tormes, Marmont’s whole army must have fallen into our
hands. In this action the losses of the Regiment were inconsiderable;
being 2 men of the 1st Battalion wounded, and 2 missing; and a
sergeant and 4 men of the 2nd Battalion wounded.
During the pursuit on this evening a partridge was started, and
ran between the line of the retreating and pursuing forces. George
Simmons caught it, and committing it to his havresack, found it an
agreeable addition to his supper at Huerta.
On the first streak of daylight on the 23rd the Regiment was again in
pursuit; and fording the Tormes, came up with the French rear-guard
of cavalry and infantry, commanded by General Foy. The infantry
immediately formed three squares, which their cavalry covered; but
these flying on the advance of General Bock’s German cavalry, and
leaving the squares unprotected and unprepared, the Germans dashed
into two of them, and, not without terrible loss, broke them and cut
them up. The third square being at an elbow of roads leading to high
ground, retired in good order. The Regiment was ordered to advance;
but the enemy’s rear-guard having been thus disposed of by Bock’s
Germans, their only office was to follow in pursuit; and soon after
they found the rear-guard, consisting of the three arms, posted on
some high ground near a village. Lord Wellington, who then happened
to be with the Regiment, gave immediate orders for an attack; but on
their advance the French broke up and melted away before they reached
them.
On the 24th the Regiment moved to Flores d’Avila, passing on the way
through Penaranda. After halting during the 25th to refresh the men,
as this march had been extremely hot and fatiguing, they proceeded on
the 26th to Aldea Seca; on the 27th to Montejo Viejo; on the 28th to
Pedrajo de Portellio; and on the 29th to Olmedo. A little beyond this
place was buried the body of General Ferey, who had died at Olmedo
on this retreat, of wounds received at Salamanca. This was the same
man who had attacked the 1st Battalion at Barba del Puerco in March
1810. He had been interred apparently with honour, and a canopy of
laurel had been erected over his grave. But the Spaniards, as soon as
the French were gone, had dug up his body, and mutilated it, severing
his head--noble and soldierlike even in death--from it. But his old
foes of Barba del Puerco were more generous. They re-interred his
remains, replaced the canopy of laurel which had covered his grave,
and exacted a promise from the people of the place that they would
respect the remains and the tomb of the fallen warrior.
On the 30th the Regiment forded the Douro and halted on its right
bank about six miles from Valladolid until August 1. This halt on the
bank of a large river where they could bathe and have their clothes
washed, was a great boon to men and officers; for from July 16 they
had been almost daily on the march or in action.
On August 1 they proceeded to Tudela del Douro; and passing through
Aldea Major, where they recrossed the Douro, and Matta de Qualiaz,
bivouacked on the 7th on the right bank of the Penrone.
Marching at daylight on the 8th and passing through Carbonero, they
bivouacked on the Eresma not far from Yangues. On the 9th they
marched by Madrona and bivouacked at or near a hunting place of the
kings of Spain, El Palacio del Rio Frio. On the next day they marched
to near Otiro and Madrona-Segovia, not far from the city of the
latter name.
On the 11th they crossed the Guadarrama mountains, by the Puerto de
Guadarrama, and by an excellent winding road leading over the Sierra
and descending the southern slope, and bivouacked in the Park of the
Escurial.
Scarcely had the Riflemen taken off their knapsacks when two wild
boars made their appearance; and scared at the number and the noise
of the men, dashed in among them and knocked over several. But in a
moment they had received stabs or cuts from a hundred swords, and in
a very few minutes their carcases were cut up and distributed.
On the 12th they halted; and on the 13th Lord Wellington made his
entry into Madrid, amidst the congratulations and acclamations of its
inhabitants of all ranks. On that day the 1st Battalion marched to
Rosas; and a day or two after to Gatafe, about eight miles from the
capital. Here, in or about Madrid, the Regiment remained for more
than two months.
I have now to resume the account of the two companies (Cadoux’s
and Jenkins’) of the 2nd Battalion, which we left at Cadiz. These
embarked there and landed with Colonel Skerrett at Huelvas. Thence
advancing to San Lucar la Major on August 24, and having driven the
French corps of observation from that place, they took post there. On
the 26th they marched to the heights of Castileja de la Cuesta, near
Seville, where they arrived on the morning of the 27th, about six
o’clock. They advanced to the bridge of Seville under a heavy fire of
grape and musketry, the two companies of the 2nd Battalion forming
the advanced guard. Captain Cadoux, who commanded the Riflemen, with
great judgment made a flank movement to the left; and the result
was that the enemy fled through the streets of Seville, which were
strewn with their dead and wounded. The conduct of this Detachment
of the Regiment is mentioned with praise by Colonel Skerrett in his
despatch.[118]
These companies subsequently effected a junction with the force under
General Hill, near Toledo, in October; and were engaged in repelling
the attack made by a large body of troops under Soult on Sir Lowry
Cole’s Division at the Puente Larga, near Aranjuez, on October
29. This gallant defence of the bridge fell entirely on the 47th
Regiment and our two companies; and their loss in it was 1 sergeant
and 2 rank and file killed; and Lieutenant Budgen and 8 rank and file
wounded.
After these companies joined the army under Lord Wellington, the 2nd
Battalion in the Peninsula consisted of six companies.
On October 21 the 1st Battalion marched to Rivas, and on the 22nd to
Villa Coaxa. And as a large force of the enemy was approaching, at
four o’clock on the morning of the 23rd, the Regiment was ordered to
form on its alarm post, and marched to the city of Alcalá de Henares.
On the 27th it proceeded to Arganda; but assembling at dark, marched
back during the night to Alcalá, which it reached at daylight; and
after resting in the streets made another march; and on the 30th
again moved to near Madrid and halted near the Segovia gate. It
was now determined to evacuate Madrid and to retreat on Salamanca,
as Soult’s army was approaching in force. On the 31st, therefore,
they left the neighbourhood of Madrid to the great regret of its
inhabitants; the men showing by gloomy sullenness, and the women by
contemptuous sneers, their opinion of our leaving them to the tender
mercies of the French. The regret was shared by officers and men of
the Regiment, to whom the sojourn in the capital was long one of the
most pleasing recollections of their Peninsular service. They halted,
on November 2, in the park of the Escurial, and on the 3rd recrossed
the Sierra de Guadarrama and bivouacked near Villa Castin. Here
General Hill took the command of the retreating army, Lord Wellington
being engaged on the siege of Burgos. On the 4th they bivouacked near
Lanza, and on the 5th marched to near Fuente de Baños. The next day
they fell back to the heights between Flores de Avila and Penaranda.
On the 7th the Regiment bivouacked about a league from Alba de
Tormes, and next day crossing the river at the bridge of Alba,
bivouacked in a wood. During this portion of the retreat their march
had been without any circumstances of note; and the advanced guard of
the French had not come up with them. The weather however broke up,
and rain set in, and continued during the remainder of the retreat,
with great violence.
At this time the portion of the army which had retreated from Burgos
on the unsuccessful attempts to storm it, effected a junction with
the troops falling back from Madrid, and Lord Wellington resumed the
command.
On November 10 the Regiment moved into the city of Salamanca, and
was quartered in the Irish College. While they remained here, on
the evening of the 13th, about eight o’clock, George Simmons, being
orderly officer, was ascending the stairs in order to see the men’s
lights out. He met Lieutenant Firman, of the 3rd Battalion, who was
on the same duty. As the stairs were extremely slippery, and the men
had torn out portions of the balustrade for fuel, he advised Firman
not to move further until he returned with a light. He fetched one,
and as he was ascending the stairs, he was horrified at hearing
a slip, and a crash below. Firman had fallen a great depth, and
Simmons found him with his skull frightfully fractured and several
ribs broken. He was immediately removed to his billet, where, after
continuing insensible for two days, he died.
On the 14th the Regiment left Salamanca, and crossing the Tormes,
took post on the heights near the Arapiles, and occupied the ground
of the great victory of July 22. It was thought indeed that a second
battle would be fought on the same spot; but the enemy’s forces being
greatly superior to ours, Lord Wellington resolved to continue the
retreat. And on the 15th, about three o’clock, the Regiment resumed
its march and bivouacked that night in a wood about four miles from
Salamanca. The weather still was dreadful; the rain had made the
roads ankle-deep with mud; and streams, which in better weather
might have been stepped over, had swollen to torrents which the men
had to pass through knee-deep. They were also without provisions;
and ravenous with hunger, they searched for something to eat. They
found some bullocks, dead or half dead, which had fallen on the
road, unable to drag the carts any further. These were immediately
cut up with their swords and eaten half-toasted at the camp fires.
For the soldiers were famished, and the wet wood kindled too slowly
for them to wait. Some, too, groped about the wood on their hands
and knees, searching for the acorns which had fallen from the
oaks and cork trees, and devoured them voraciously; and though
bitter and unpalatable, they stayed the pangs of hunger. Nor were
these wants confined to the men; few of the officers had even a
biscuit; and Costello relates how he saw Lord Charles Spencer, then
a Second-Lieutenant in the Regiment, standing on some branches to
keep him out of the wet, and earnestly watching a few acorns which
he was trying to roast in the embers. As the only means of keeping
themselves dry, the men cut down the branches of the trees and lay
on them. And as the Regiment formed part of the rear-guard on this
retreat, it was of course among the first under arms in the morning
and the last at night, often not reaching the bivouack till some
hours after the other regiments were in theirs.
On this and the preceding day, the French appeared in force on their
right flank, threatening the communication of the army with Ciudad
Rodrigo.
On the 16th the retreat was resumed in the same weather and under
the same privations. Many of the men lost their shoes in the sticky
slime of the roads, and had to march barefoot. The French cavalry
hovered close behind the Regiment, but did not attack; and after dark
the Riflemen bivouacked, again glad that in a wood they had at least
acorns to assuage their hunger.
On the 17th they fell in before dawn. The rain still fell in
torrents. Early in the day the French cavalry pressed the rear-guard,
and the 1st Battalion took possession of some high and broken ground
on each side of the road, and one or two companies were thrown out
as skirmishers to check their advance. But as the enemy continued
to press on, and were very numerous, the skirmishers were called
in. When running in on the Battalion they passed Lord Wellington;
he called out to them: ‘Be cool, my lads; don’t be in a hurry.’
But the French were close upon them; and they, as well as the
Commander-in-Chief, were obliged to retire.
While this was happening the Riflemen were surprised to hear the
sharp crack of rifles in their rear. The occasion of this was that
some of the French dragoons crept, under shelter of a wood, near the
baggage and made a dash across the road at it, took some, and made
prisoner Lieutenant Cameron, who was on the baggage-guard. But as
the head of the Division appeared almost immediately, they let him
go. Riflemen were immediately sent into the wood on each side of the
road, and a few shots from them soon drove off the dragoons. This was
the same party which afterwards made a similar dash at Sir Edward
Paget as he was riding alone in an interval between the 5th and 7th
Divisions, and took him prisoner.
In the afternoon the Regiment reached the edge of the table-land,
whence the ground fell with a long open slope to the Huebra. As soon
as they began to descend it, the enemy, who had assembled a large
force of infantry and artillery under cover of the wood, opened a
severe fire of cannon and musketry, while their cavalry hovered on
the flank, watching for an opportunity of dashing at them, if any
confusion had occurred. Nevertheless the Light Division went down
that hill with all the deliberation and all the steadiness of a
field-day. They forded the Huebra, which was rapid and breast-high,
near San Munoz, under this fire; followed down the slope by the
French skirmishers, whom one company of the 1st Battalion, extended,
kept in check; and these were the last men who passed the Huebra
on that day. On reaching the other side the Division formed column
of battalions, and showed such a front that the enemy evinced
no disposition to venture further. The loss of the Regiment was
considerable, and would no doubt have been larger, but the ground
was so soft from the continued rain that many of the shells buried
themselves in the mud and were harmless.
This day’s march was even more harassing than the preceding ones. The
constant marching in slushy mud, and continuance in wet shoes, had
made the men’s feet very sore; and they often struck them against the
stumps of small trees, which had been felled, but, being covered with
mud, were not seen. This added much to their sufferings: many men
fell out from sheer inability to march, and were made prisoners; and
some died.
When the Regiment had passed over, it was discovered that Lieutenant
Joseph Simmons, who was sick, was absent; and he was seen sitting
on the ground on the other side of the Huebra, too weak to walk or
to mount the mule which was beside him. His brother George at once
dashed into the ford; lifted him on the mule, and led him over,
under the fire of shot and shell which still continued from the
height.
In a forest near the steep bank of the Huebra the Regiment bivouacked
that night; the picquets being only divided by the river from those
of the enemy. The rain and the discomforts of the preceding nights
still continued. But at last the commissaries brought in a few
half-starved bullocks, and the Riflemen looked forward to a meal,
albeit a scanty one. The animals were very soon slaughtered and
divided; fires were lighted, and, with much persuasion, even the damp
wood began to burn. Then men and officers gathered round their fires,
and endeavoured to toast the meat on the points of their swords; but,
just then, the wind rose; the gusts shook the heavy drops from the
loaded leaves, and most of the fires were extinguished; and they were
obliged to resort to the now familiar food of acorns.
The other divisions were to have marched in the night, and the
Regiment being part of the rear-guard could not move till they
were on the road. But such was the state of the roads and such the
fatigue of the men, that these troops had made scarce any way when
the Riflemen stood to their arms at dawn. A thick haze hung over the
river and the high ground beyond; and they were momentarily expecting
an attack which they must have resisted at all hazards to enable the
army to make good its retreat. But none took place; and it was not
till they had retired some distance, and found no foe in pursuit,
that they ascertained that the French, overcome by the fatigue
and want which they had borne, had fallen back from the Huebra to
Salamanca.
However, though they had no material enemy to contend with, their
fatiguing march through slimy roads, and their want of food
continued; only the weather improved. The rain ceased; and the sun,
which they had not seen for many days, shone out. After a long march
they bivouacked on the side of a hill near Santi Spiritus.
During this retreat the casualties of the Regiment were: in the 1st
Battalion, 1 sergeant and 1 private killed, and 5 rank and file
wounded; in the 2nd Battalion, 1 private killed, and 5 wounded, 1
bugler and 8 rank and file missing; in the 3rd Battalion, 1 private
wounded and 9 missing.
On the 19th they marched to near Ciudad Rodrigo, and bivouacked on
the banks of the Agueda. And this put a period to their sufferings.
For bags of biscuit and other provisions were brought out to them.
Yet such was the ravenous hunger of the starved soldiers, that
sentries with swords fixed had to be posted over the provisions
during their distribution.
Great was the relief officers and men experienced by rest, and by
being able to change their clothes, which they had not done since
they left Salamanca, a week before. So swollen were the feet, and so
hard the boots from constant moisture, that some officers and men had
to cut them from their feet.
On the 25th the 1st Battalion moved to Villa de Puerco, and on the
next day to Alameda, while the 3rd Battalion were cantoned at Espeja.
These villages on the Agueda, so often occupied by them, had come to
be looked upon as a home by the Riflemen (at least by those of the
1st Battalion); and in these cantonments they continued during the
winter.
Thus closed the campaign of 1812, in which the Regiment had taken
part in the storm of two fortresses; in one general action; in three
combats, and in many skirmishes and affairs of outposts.
A good deal of sickness, the unfailing consequence of exposure, want
and fatigue, prevailed among the Riflemen on their going into winter
quarters. And the Record of the 1st Battalion makes special mention
of ‘the indefatigable exertions of Surgeon Burke’ during this time.
Many of the men, and some of the officers, suffered from a numbness
in the limbs and extremities, which was said to result from the
change from exposure to comfort, and from want to plenty.
Soon after their entering their cantonments a circular was issued by
Lord Wellington to Officers Commanding Divisions and Brigades[119]
commenting in very strong terms on the bad conduct of the men, and
the neglect of duty of the officers, during the late retreat. This
caused great dissatisfaction and regret in the Regiment, for it was
felt to be undeserved. That many irregularities took place, and much
duty was neglected in some divisions and corps, may be as freely
admitted, as that armies become disorganised in retreats. But in the
Light Division Craufurd’s strict orders were still observed. ‘Being
dead he yet spoke:’ and in the Regiment, Manningham and Stewart’s
standing orders so strictly defining the duties of company officers
were still observed; and Beckwith’s and Barnard’s admirable system
prevailed; and among them no such irregularities took place. The
circular also stated that the army had ‘suffered no privations which
but trifling attention on the part of the officers could not have
prevented,’ and had ‘not suffered any hardships but those resulting
from the inclemencies of the weather.’ Yet anyone who reads the last
few pages, compiled from Journals of Riflemen who were present, may
think the sufferings of the troops are under-estimated by their great
Leader. Still less did the sweeping accusations of want of discipline
and neglect of duty seem deserved. Both Leach and Kincaid state that
not a man of the Regiment (nor, as they believe, of the Division)
was left behind, except those too badly wounded at San Munoz, or too
utterly exhausted and moribund from hunger or fatigue, to be brought
over the Huebra. Had the great Commander, like Moore, exempted from
censure those who deserved praise, he would not have wounded the
feelings and the _esprit de corps_ of men who had so bravely fought
and suffered, and were yet to fight and suffer, under his eye and at
his side.
While on the subject of discipline I may perhaps mention an incident
which occurred while the Regiment was in these cantonments, as
well because it shows the confidence of the officer in the right
judgment of the men, as because it evinces the opinion of the soldier
concerning deserved punishment.
A man of the 1st Battalion, a _vaurien_, had robbed his comrades and
deserted. He was intercepted and brought back by some guerillas; and
having been tried by a regimental Court-Martial was sentenced to
receive 150 lashes. As soon as the Adjutant had read the proceedings
of the court, Colonel Cameron, who then commanded the Battalion,
observing on the infrequency of corporal punishment in it (Costello
says that not more than six men were punished in the six years they
were in the Peninsula), said that he would forgive the culprit if the
Battalion would be answerable for his good behaviour. After a pause,
during which not a man spoke or made a sign, Cameron ordered him to
strip, and he received twenty-five lashes. Before the next bugler
began, Cameron again addressed the men: ‘If,’ said he, ‘this man’s
company will speak for him, he shall be no further punished.’ Still
not a word was said, nor a man moved; and twenty-five more lashes
were inflicted. A third bugler was about to begin, when Cameron again
spoke, and said that if one man of the Battalion would come forward
in his behalf he would forgive him. No one answered, and the bugler
laid on three or four strokes, when a man called out: ‘Forgive him,
sir;’ and, being ordered, stepped out of the ranks. ‘Is it you,
Robinson?’ said Cameron; ‘I thought as much; a man no better than
himself. But I will keep my word. Take him down.’ When the prisoner
had been released, Cameron spoke again: ‘Your bravery in the field,
men,’ he said, ‘is known to me and to the army. Your moral worth
I know now. I am glad that not a man of the Battalion would come
forward for that prisoner, except one; and what he is you know as
well as I do.’
At Alameda the officers of the 1st Battalion, for the first time for
some years, resumed their Battalion mess. A large barn formed the
mess-room, in which they constructed two fire-places and chimneys;
and dishes, plates, platters, and cups, which had been used by the
different company messes in the field, brought into common stock,
formed a sufficient if not a very magnificent service.
About this time a number of Spaniards joined the Regiment as
recruits. An order had been issued in the May preceding[120] to
enlist 100 Spaniards in each Battalion, and Surtees had been sent
into the country about to endeavour to obtain these recruits. But
unsuccessfully; for though many gave their names, and promised to
come in and be attested, yet none appeared. But now it seems they
were obtained. They told Costello that they were compelled by their
government to serve, and that they preferred enlisting with us. They
were divided among the different companies, furnishing about ten
or twelve to each company. They made excellent Riflemen, and were
distinguished for their bravery, degenerating often into ferocity,
prompted by revenge for the injuries they and their families had
suffered from the French. Some of them were made corporals; and
all these men, according to the terms of their enlistment, were
discharged when the Regiment passed the Spanish frontier in 1813.
Great exertions were made to equip the Regiment for the ensuing
campaign. The clothing was got up from Abrantes; not before needed;
for the Regiment had become, during the campaign and after the
retreat, ‘a thing of shreds and patches.’
For the first time, too, in this war tents were provided for the
Regiment, three per company for non-commissioned officers and
privates, and one for the officers of the company. In the last
campaign indeed a sort of ‘_tente d’abri_’ had been extemporised
by making the men sew loops on the corners of their blankets. Two
blankets being looped together, and the ends fixed to stands of arms,
four men could creep under them. But with this disadvantage, that as
two blankets were used for the covering, the four men had only two
blankets to wrap themselves in. Yet they were ordered to pitch these
new company tents always behind rising ground and out of sight of the
enemy.
The Light Division was divided into two brigades. The 1st and 3rd
Battalions of the 95th, consisting respectively of six and five
companies, with the 43rd and some Portuguese, formed the 1st brigade
under the command of Major-General Kempt.
The 2nd Battalion, consisting of six companies, were with the 52nd,
and some Portuguese regiments in the 2nd brigade, commanded by
Major-General Vandeleur.
On May 21 the Regiment broke up from its cantonments, and marching
to Molina des Flores and fording the Agueda near the mill, encamped
that night near San Felices el Chico. Marching at daylight next
morning, they passed S. Espiritus and Martin del Rey, and encamped
near it on the banks of the Yeltes. On the 23rd, after a long march,
they encamped on the left bank of the Huebra at San Munoz, which
they repassed by the very ford where they had their hard fight with
the French six months before. But the face of nature and their own
feelings were indeed different. The slushy swamps were now green
meadows; the then sullen, swollen river now glistened under a
bright sun; the constant, chilling rain was replaced by warm spring
sunshine. And they, then fatigued and faint, now rested and restored;
then famishing with want, now amply supplied; then depressed by the
pursuit of an enemy, now gallantly going to seek that enemy, and
exulting at the prospect of driving him before them. Here they halted
during the 24th; and on the 25th, passing through Aldea Quella de
Penida and Castro, and crossing the Matillo, encamped near Robleza.
On the next morning they marched to the banks of the Valmusa, where
about mid-day they halted and cooked. And then resuming their march,
arrived in the evening at the ford of El Canto on the Tormes, about
two leagues below Salamanca, where they encamped that night and
remained during the following day. On the 28th they moved, and having
forded the Tormes, passed through Monte Rubio, and after a march of
twenty-four miles encamped at Aldea Nueva de Figueira, where they
remained until June 2. On that day marching early they arrived at
Villa Buena, where they cooked and rested; and in the afternoon
proceeded to Toro; where finding that the enemy had blown up the
principal arch of the bridge, they encamped in some fields on the
left bank. Marshal Jourdan now abandoned the line of the Douro, and
fell back on Palencia. And in order to follow the line of retreat of
the enemy, the Regiment on June 3 crossing the Douro by the bridge
of Toro, which had been hastily made passable by planks laid across
the broken arch, advanced to Terra Buena, where they encamped. On the
next day they moved by Casa Sola and La Mota de Toro, and after a
march of about eighteen miles encamped at night on some high ground
overhanging the Convent of Espinaz.
On the 5th, passing through Castromonte, where they halted an hour,
they encamped at Muderra; and on the next day they marched through
Villa Alba to Ampudia, their camping place. On the 7th, marching
early, they reached the city of Palencia, and passing through it
amidst the acclamations and rejoicing of its inhabitants, encamped
close under the walls on the banks of the river Carrion. On the 8th,
advancing through Valdepero and Mongen, they encamped at Tamara.
The weather now broke up, and from having been hot and fine, now
became chilly with much rain. The next day they moved to La Peña de
Campos, and encamped near the Rio Cieza. On the 10th they crossed the
river by a stone bridge, and passing by the villages of La Peña and
Francoen, and across the canal of Castile, encamped near Lantadilla
on the right bank of the Pisuerga. During the last few marches the
weather had been unfavourable, and the supply of food scanty. The
country was devoid of wood, and fuel was with difficulty procured
for cooking. The peasantry, too, seemed poor, and their dwellings
inferior to those in other parts of Spain. Yet the villagers
everywhere welcomed our men with shouts of joy, and the women danced
before them, in their national manner doubtless, but it seemed absurd
and ridiculous to our people. Yet this amused the tired soldiers,
whose heavy load and rapidity of march were lightened by the antics
of the rejoicing peasantry.
On the 11th they crossed the Pisuerga by a stone bridge, and passing
by Pallacio encamped near Villa Sandino on the river Brullo.
Since leaving Toro in pursuit of the enemy they had never seen a
French soldier; but on the 12th, after marching a few miles, and when
near the village of Isar, they came upon a rear-guard, composed of
a pretty large body of cavalry drawn up on some high ground, and a
division of infantry formed in squares. On the cavalry attached to
the Light Division advancing, the enemy’s cavalry at once withdrew.
The Regiment was drawn up on some high ground over the river Hormaza,
and when the squares of the infantry were cannonaded by our guns,
though without much effect, they retired towards Burgos. But when
passing under the height our men were on, they halted and gave them
a volley. This they could do, being in square, and the 95th so much
above them. Yet their fire was ineffectual by reason of distance.
They moved across the plain, and as soon as they were clear of their
guns, these opened a smart cannonade, without, however, doing any
harm. The Regiment then continued its route, and encamped at Hornilla
de Camino, near the river. On the 13th, as the Regiment was starting
early on the march, a tremendous explosion, which seemed to shake the
ground on which they stood, and which the soldiers fancied was an
earthquake, was heard. This was, as they subsequently found, caused
by the enemy blowing up the castle of Burgos, on their evacuating
that place. Continuing their march through Villa Nueva, Organda and
Villa Rejo, they encamped that night at Tovar.
On the next day, passing through Guermathes, Quintanaleia sobre la
Sierra, to Quintanajuar and Poza, they encamped in a wood near these
two villages.
On the 15th, after a long and wearisome march through Villa Alta,
Pesados and El Almune, and over a most uninteresting country, they
came to the edge of the heights overlooking the vale of the Ebro.
And the sight of that noble river, fringed with verdant meadows
and fruitful orchards, and dotted with farms and country-houses,
inspirited them. For from the day they had left the neighbourhood of
Salamanca till now, their route had lain through an unwooded, arid
country, sometimes indeed bearing great crops of corn, but always
uninteresting. Wood for firing could scarcely be found; provisions
ran short, and when they were issued, consisted only of tough ration
beef and hard biscuit. But now they were descending into a fruitful
valley, teeming with everything which could supply their wants. The
spirits of the men were elated, and coming to the village of Puente
Arenas, they crossed its long stone bridge, the band of the 1st
Battalion playing ‘The Downfall of Paris,’ and encamped close to the
village.
At dawn of the 16th they started again, and winding along the left
bank of the river for about a league, and then ascending the heights
which shut it in, marched through a mountainous country, the rugged
hills clothed with wood to their summits, and passing the villages
of Encinillas and Bisquesas, and crossing the river Nela, encamped a
little beyond Medina de Pomar, on the Trueba river.
On the 17th their march was through mountain tracks impassable for
artillery. They were in fact striking across the country to the great
road from Burgos to Vittoria, in order to intercept the enemy who
were proceeding by that road; and after a fatiguing march encamped
in a woody height near the river Loza. Picquets were thrown out, as
the enemy was supposed to be not far distant, and the Regiment was
placed in thick wood, where there was hardly room to pitch the tents.
On the 18th they moved very early. A troop of German hussars led,
and then came the 1st Battalion, one company being in advance. After
marching about two leagues they arrived at the point where the road
by which they were moving struck into the great road, which by a
steep descent between high banks, enters the village of San Millan.
Here they came upon a strong rear-guard of the enemy who were coming
down the hill towards San Millan. The German cavalry first attacked
a force of cavalry which was with the rear-guard, and which made a
stand; but they soon routed them, and brought in many prisoners. Then
Barnard extending the 1st Battalion came down upon the infantry,
through the wooded height which overhung the road, and with a sharp
and destructive fire put them into confusion. The 3rd Battalion also
became actively engaged; and the enemy being broken, retired rapidly,
through San Millan and up the hill beyond it, closely pursued by our
people. When the Riflemen were beginning the attack Lord Wellington
rode up, and directed their movements. As he had another division
ready to intercept the French, at Espejo, some distance in advance
towards Vittoria, he desired Quartermaster Surtees to go and fetch
a peasant who was supposed to be with the 1st Battalion, to guide
him to Espejo. But the guide not liking the fire, was nowhere to be
found; and on Surtees reporting this to him, Lord Wellington galloped
off towards Espejo, without a guide. The Riflemen continued the
pursuit of the enemy; who on getting on the height above San Millan,
again showed front, and formed up some battalions. But the inexorable
Riflemen again pressed them so hard, that they fled through Villa
Nueva and Villa Naña; and the country being admirably suited for
Riflemen, they inflicted on them great loss.
During this fight an officer of the 3rd Battalion was chased round
and round a tree by a French hussar, who cut at him repeatedly,
and would undoubtedly have cut him down had he not spied the rifle
of a man who had been killed; and as it was fortunately loaded, he
shot his antagonist. 1 sergeant and 2 privates of the 1st Battalion
were killed; Lieutenant Haggup was desperately, and it was thought
mortally wounded, being shot through the belly; yet he recovered; and
10 privates of the 1st and 2 of the 3rd Battalion were wounded.
While the 1st and 3rd Battalions were pursuing the enemy, the second
brigade of the Light Division came up to San Millan; and as the rear
brigade of the French rear-guard, following their companions, arrived
there at the same time, they were attacked by the 2nd Battalion, and
handled much as their first brigade had been by the 1st and 3rd.
They broke and fled at once, abandoning their baggage, and took to
the mountains, where they were pursued and many of them taken by the
Spaniards. The 2nd Battalion had 1 sergeant killed and 1 private
wounded, in this affair. This was the first time the Regiment had
been actually engaged in this campaign.
The 1st and 3rd Battalions having returned from their pursuit, the
Regiment encamped on the Jumillo, between San Millan and Villa Nueva.
On the 19th they proceeded by the same road by which their opponents
on the preceding day had fled; and halted at the village of Salinas.
The day was hot; the march ascending the hill fatiguing; and the
clear sparkling rills at Salinas were eagerly resorted to. Every
man dipped his mess-tin; every man, when he had tasted it, made
a wry face. The water was salt. The earth all around is strongly
impregnated with saline matter. And one of the men observed: ‘We must
be near the sea now; for we have got to the salt water.’
Continuing their march they encamped that night, after crossing the
river Bayas by a moveable bridge, at Pobes, on the bank of that river.
On the 20th the Regiment did not move, but continued in the same
encampment.
[Illustration:
BATTLE OF VITTORIA
21^{ST} JUNE 1813
_E. Weller, lith., London._
_London: Chatto & Windus._
]
General Alten directed the baggage taken from the French at San
Millan to be sold by auction, and the proceeds to be divided among
the soldiers. Not only horses, mules and carts, and the usual baggage
of an army were thus disposed of, but a variety of female attire was
also found and sold; several Spanish ladies, the wives or _chères
amies_ of French officers, having been among the prisoners taken.
The proceeds of this sale were divided only among the men of the
second brigade, who were in fact the actual captors; very much to
the discontent of the soldiers of the 1st and 3rd Battalions, who
maintained that, if it had not been for their attack and discomfiture
of the first French brigade, this booty would never have been taken.
On the 21st the Regiment fell in at daylight and advanced, the 1st
Battalion leading, over some high ground; and having arrived early
near the river Zadorra, which flowing from near Vittoria turns at
nearly a right angle towards Miranda, were ordered to pile arms.
The river was thus in their front, flowing from their left to
their right, and then again turning round their right flank. While
they were thus resting with piled arms, Lord Wellington rode up,
and advancing to the very bank of the river, observed the enemy’s
position. This was not unnoticed by the French, who detached a
cloud of voltigeurs, who, rushing across a bridge at the village of
Villodas, seized a woody height on the side of the river our men
occupied, and opened a fire on the Staff. The 3rd Battalion and
two companies of the 1st Battalion which stood next to them, were
immediately ordered to stand to their arms, and drive them back.
This they did in a very short time; and thus they, and not General
Hill’s division, as has been generally said, began that memorable
battle.[121] They drove the French out of the woody height, through
the village and over the bridge; but not having orders to cross,
they extended along the river’s bank, as did the voltigeurs on
their side, and many men fell; for the river was not broad, and a
desultory fire was kept up. And as soon as the French were clear of
the village a cannonade was opened from a battery on some high ground
beyond the Zadorra, by which many men were killed. For the ground was
rocky, and our men were dispersed among the rocks, and the fragments
splintered off by the cannon-balls wounded them almost as much as
the balls themselves. One shot took some Riflemen, who were lining a
garden-wall, in flank and swept off several men at once.
Their task having been accomplished by clearing the village, some
of the officers and half a company of the 3rd Battalion took post
at the church of Villodas, and observed the course of the battle.
General Hill’s force had now possession of the range of hills on the
enemy’s left; while the smoke and booming of cannon on the right of
their position showed that Sir Thomas Graham had commenced his attack
on that flank. At this moment, about twelve o’clock, a peasant gave
information that one of the bridges over the Zadorra was undefended,
and the 1st and 3rd Battalions, moving to their left along the bank
of the river, crossed by it (the bridge of Tres Puentes) at the
point where the Zadorra bends with a right angle, and ascending the
high ground halted just under the brow of the hill. While they were
there the 3rd Division were seen advancing to the bridge of Mendoza
next on the left to that by which the Riflemen had crossed; and the
French observing them sent down some cavalry and light troops to
oppose them, while a battery of French guns opened fire upon them.
At this moment Barnard, with great promptitude, led his Battalion
to the left, between the French cavalry and the river, and took the
light troops and artillerymen in flank with such a severe fire, that
he drove them off and enabled the 3rd Division to cross the river
without opposition or loss. But the English gunners, who from the
opposite bank were replying to the fire of the French battery, not
distinguishing the dark dress of our men, who were in close contest
with the enemy’s skirmishers, continued to pound them, and several
men thus fell by the fire of our own guns. Nor was it till the head
of Picton’s Division came over the bridge and joined the Riflemen
that they ceased their fire.
The Light Division covered by the skirmishers of the 1st and 3rd
Battalions, and the 3rd Division covered by two companies of the
1st Battalion, now advanced and pushed up the conical hill in front
of Arinez, the centre of the enemy’s position. In this advance Lord
Wellington rode close behind the two 1st Battalion companies, which
were heading the 3rd Division,[122] calling out to the men ‘That’s
right, my lads; keep up a good fire.’ The Battalion soon cleared the
hill, and were going down the other side, when they were stopped by
a wall at the entrance of the village of Arinez, behind which the
enemy had posted some battalions of infantry, who on our men coming
over the hill opened a sudden blaze of fire, which checked them.
But only for a moment; for running forward they occupied one side
of the wall while the enemy held the other. And in the few minutes
they were there two officers and thirty men of the Battalion fell.
Then some of the 3rd Division, having deployed into line, gave the
French a volley, which dislodged them; and the Riflemen clearing the
wall, rushed into and through the village, and took three guns, the
first which were captured that day. The first of these was taken
by Lieutenant Fitz-Maurice and two privates of the 1st Battalion.
Observing that the French artillery, a battery of six guns, was
retreating, and believing that he could intercept it, Fitz-Maurice
started with his company; but they being in heavy marching order,
were not able to keep up with him. Five guns had passed before he
reached the road; he caught the leading horses of the sixth, and
stopped them. The driver drew a pistol and fired at him, but the
bullet passed through his cap. He called on the two men who were with
him to fire, and one of the horses fell, which completely checked the
gun. Then the rest of the company came up, cut the traces, and made
the three drivers and four gunners prisoners. However, just beyond
Arinez the enemy rallied a strong battalion, who advancing on the
Riflemen forced them to retreat about a hundred yards, and to give up
possession of the captured guns. But as our men had cut the traces
with their swords, taken away the horses, and killed many of the
gunners, when they saw the head of the 3rd Division advancing, they
went forward again; and thus reinforced, drove the enemy finally from
the village, and recaptured and retained possession of the guns.
In the meantime the 2nd Battalion with the 2nd brigade of the Light
Division were hotly engaged at the village of Margarita, to the left
of Arinez; but that village being carried and the enemy being driven
off, they also advanced on the left of the other two Battalions.
The whole Regiment then continued to advance in the direction of
Vittoria. On their right a large body of the enemy, which had been
driven by General Hill from the high ground on that flank, were
marching in a parallel direction. They were at first supposed to be
Spaniards; and on its being ascertained that they were French, it was
a question with the commanding officer of one of the Rifle Battalions
whether he should not attack them. But his orders were to make the
best of his way to his front; and he did not like to depart from
them. Moreover the intervening ground was bad, and it might not have
been easy to close with them. So hurrying on and outstripping our
people, they joined their main army in retreat.
As the Riflemen advanced they came to a village where there was a
French battery which cannonaded them severely. They formed lines of
Battalions and lay down in some ploughed fields, still exposed in
some degree to the enemy’s fire. In about half-an-hour they moved
on; and with little check passed through the city of Vittoria and
proceeded about three miles beyond it, the enemy having abandoned all
their positions and flying before them. Here they bivouacked, having
been on foot since three o’clock in the morning, and having fought
almost all that time, over about twenty miles of ground.
Surtees being the only quartermaster up with the Regiment, was sent
back to look for its baggage. He repassed Vittoria, and after a long
search amongst the carriages of all descriptions which blocked up the
road, at last found it. But it was impossible to get it forward, or
to extricate it from that wonderful tangle of every kind of vehicle
and impediment which blocked the road to and through Vittoria.
Wherefore, directing those in charge of it where to find the Regiment
next morning, he returned through Vittoria and joined the bivouack.
For the tents had not come up. And men and officers slept by the camp
fires, having supped on provisions obtained from the well-filled
stores of the flying foe.
On this day 1 sergeant and 3 rank and file of the 1st Battalion were
killed; and Lieutenant-Colonel Cameron, Lieutenants Cox, Hopwood, and
Gairdner were severely, and Lister slightly, wounded; 1 sergeant and
36 privates were also wounded: of the 2nd Battalion, Captain Jenkins
and 8 men were wounded: of the 3rd Lieutenant Campbell and 7 privates
were killed, and 16 wounded.
One of the first who fell was Lieutenant Leckie Campbell, who was
shot through the forehead at the affair in the early morning at
Villodas. Colonel Cameron was so severely wounded in the thigh that
he was obliged to proceed to England.
A man of the name of Hudson of the 1st Battalion (one of the
deserters found in Ciudad Rodrigo, who had been pardoned) received a
shot in the mouth, which knocked out several teeth, and passed out
at the back of the ear; yet from this wound he recovered. I have
mentioned the Spanish recruits who joined the Regiment. One of them,
by name Blanco, in this battle was distinguished not only for his
bravery, but for his cruelty; stabbing and cutting the wounded French
whenever he came upon them. This so exasperated an old Rifleman that
he felled him with the butt-end of his rifle. The other men could
scarce withhold Blanco from stabbing him on the spot.
On the 22nd, about mid-day, the Regiment moved in pursuit of the
French, but did not come up with them; and they bivouacked that night
near Salvatierra.
On the 23rd the Regiment again started in pursuit at daylight, and
arriving at the river Borunda, found the enemy posted on it. The
wooden bridge over it had been set on fire. But some shrapnell shells
fired by Ross’ guns soon made them move off. The Regiment then
forded the river, and pressed the rear-guard so hard that they could
not destroy the bridges they passed. They now set every village on
fire, with a view of delaying our pursuit; the passage through the
flaming villages and falling houses not being easy, and the country
round them being generally enclosed. But this did not much delay the
Riflemen. At Echarri-Aranaz they had a skirmish with the enemy’s
voltigeurs; but they soon moved off. They came up with them again at
the village of La Cuenca; here they drew up, but our Horse Artillery
having opened upon them, they resumed their retreat through Huarte.
The Regiment encamped at La Cuenca.
On the 24th at daylight they marched, the 3rd Battalion leading; and
after proceeding eight or ten miles found the French rear-guard in a
strong position on the side of a mountain behind the river Araquil.
The banks were rocky and rugged, and the stream swollen by recent
rains. A narrow bridge, therefore, afforded the sole passage. The
1st and 3rd Battalions of the Regiment were the only infantry up at
the time. The two Battalions were halted; and the men were ordered
to put their knapsacks behind the troopers of the German Legion (who
accompanied them) in order that they might move more rapidly. Then
the 3rd Battalion were ordered by General Alten to mount a hill to
the left of the road in order to fire down upon the right of the
French, while the 1st Battalion lined the banks of the river and
opened a smart fire. Under this attack the enemy gave way; and our
people crossing the bridge, pursued them in a kind of desultory
skirmish for about two miles. But they retired slowly, and fighting
hard, to enable the troops behind them to make good their retreat.
The road by which they were moving soon struck the great road, the
‘Camino real,’ leading from Madrid to Pamplona. The enemy detached
one battalion to the right, which moved down a valley and was soon
out of sight. It was ascertained afterwards that they fancied that
this valley had an outlet to the road further on, where they might
take up a position to receive our people. At the end of about two
miles, where there was a narrow pass between two overhanging rocks,
the enemy halted, and soon advanced upon our two Battalions. A
sharp attack now again took place; and the battalion which had left
the road emerged from a wood among our skirmishers. It was roughly
handled, and suffered severely before it regained the road. It
seems that, finding no way out of the valley they had entered, they
returned to help their companions.
At this moment two of Ross’ guns came up, and opened on them; and a
general fight of all three arms (the Riflemen, the German hussars,
and Ross’ guns) took place, which drove the French from their
position, through the pass and on to the open country beyond. Here
the road is carried on an embankment with very steep sides. And when
they had proceeded about two miles, the fire of Ross’ guns killed two
and wounded one of the horses of the French gun, an 8-pounder.[123]
They were so hard pressed that they had no time to disentangle the
horses, and they flung the gun, with the horses, over the embankment,
here about fifteen feet deep. Thus the Riflemen, who had taken
the first gun at Vittoria, took the last and only gun which the
French carried off from that field. ‘The French entered Pamplona,
therefore, with one howitzer only.’[124] The Riflemen (some of them
mounted behind the troopers of the Royal Dragoons)[125] continued
to pursue them till they were under the walls of that fortress; and
they occupied that night the villages of Aldava, Santa Barafra, and
Berrioplano.
On the 25th, at an early hour, the Regiment advanced towards
Pamplona, and arriving about a mile and-a-half from it, they moved to
the left, just out of range of the guns of the place, and proceeding
by a mountain road to Villaba, encamped near that village.
On the 26th Lord Wellington intending to intercept General Clausel,
who having learnt the rout of the main French army at Vittoria, was
endeavouring to make good a retreat into France by the east of Spain,
the Regiment (with some other divisions of the army) moved to Noain
and past the aqueduct of Pamplona, and encamped near Muro, at the
junction of the roads from Tudela and Zaragoza.
Next day they started early, and near Barasoain halted to cook and
refresh. Then passing through Tafalla, where they crossed the Zadacos
river by a stone bridge, and where the inhabitants received them with
acclamations of joy, they encamped in an olive-grove near Olite.
On the 28th passing through the town of Olite and striking out of
the Zaragoza road they took that to San Martin. And after crossing a
barren plain, halted to cook in a pine-wood near Murillo del Fruto.
They had then marched about four leagues; but their labours were not
nearly over. For starting again they skirted the river and got to
Gallepienza, where they crossed it by a stone bridge; and proceeding
by a mountain track, where darkness overtook them, they encamped in
a ploughed field, near Caseda, about midnight in tremendous rain.
The whole march had been about twenty-four miles; and they had been
pushed on in the hope of intercepting Clausel; but it was here
reported that the Alcalde of Tudela had given Clausel notice of the
movements of the column, and that he had effected his retreat by
another road.
Therefore the Regiment halted on the 29th; and on the 30th beginning
its return to Pamplona, crossed the Aragon at Caseda and marched to
Sanguessa, near which they encamped, and halted during July 1.
On the 2nd they resumed their march towards Pamplona; passing Narden
and Andoain, and encamped near Monreal.
On the 3rd the Regiment returned by Noain to Villaba, and moving past
it, encamped at the village of Berissa near Pamplona. On the next
day it furnished working parties to throw up works to shelter our
picquets from the fire of the place, or from a sortie of the garrison.
On the 5th the Regiment commenced its march into the Pyrenees; and
proceeding up a narrow valley to Ostiz, encamped near a rivulet.
And on the 6th, penetrating into the mountains, they marched by
Olague to Lanz, which is situated at the foot of the Pyrenean range.
At daybreak on the 7th the Regiment began to climb the mountains and
halted on a mountain side near Gustella and Lagassa, where they were
about to encamp for the night. But in three hours they got a fresh
route and were ordered to move into San Esteban.
Here they halted in very pleasant quarters until the 14th. During
this time Major-General Skerrett was appointed to the command of the
second brigade of the Light Division, in which was the 2nd Battalion,
in succession to General Vandeleur, who was transferred to the
command of a cavalry brigade.
On the afternoon of the 14th the Regiment marched from San Esteban,
and encamped on the heights above Sumbilla.
On the 15th at daylight they marched down the Bidassoa, by a road
which sometimes skirted its bank, and sometimes rose upon the
mountain side over it. On getting near the bridge of Lezaca the
enemy’s advanced post was discovered near it, on the heights of Sta.
Barbara. And the 1st Battalion was ordered to dislodge them. They
climbed the mountain slowly; for it was very steep, and they were
obliged to husband their strength for the fight which might take
place at the top. The French gave them some shots; but when they
arrived on the crest, they quickly drove them down the other side.
And as they stood on the top the Riflemen had a view of the enemy’s
position; and of the Bidassoa, which here makes a sharp bend to the
left, and flows thence through a rocky channel to the sea. Below them
was the town of Vera and the road which, leading into France through
Vera, is called La Puerta de Vera. To defend this pass the French had
thrown up strong works. And here also the Riflemen looked, far to the
left, upon the sea; and a simultaneous cheer burst forth at the sight
of that ocean which seemed to connect them with their native land,
and which, for some years, most of them had not seen.
The 43rd drove the enemy out of the town of Vera; but they still kept
a picquet in some outhouses near it, and our picquets were posted in
Vera. The Regiment encamped on the heights they had gained.
It remained in this position, furnishing the picquets, and keeping up
the communication between the army under Sir Thomas Graham, which was
besieging St. Sebastian, and that under Sir Rowland Hill, which was
investing and covering Pamplona.
On July 25 Marshal Soult, who had assumed command of the French
army, attacked the positions of Roncesvalles and Maya, with a view
to raising the siege of Pamplona or throwing provisions into it; and
after several hardly-contested fights had obliged Hill to fall back.
It therefore became necessary for the Light Division also to retire,
though the enemy in front made no sign of advancing. Accordingly on
the 26th the Regiment marched from their encampment, and crossing
the Bidassoa, and passing through Lezaca and Jansi, encamped for the
night on high ground near Sumbilla.
They did not move from this till nightfall on the 27th, when they
resumed their retrograde movement; and marching all night did not
reach Zubieta (a march of only two leagues and-a-half) till after
daylight. For the route was by mountain tracks and in the dark, and
was accomplished with difficulty and fatigue. So dark and dangerous
was the way, that at a stream on the road, which dashed down from
the mountain side, a Corporal of the Regiment placed himself in
mid-stream, and taking each passer by the hand guided him to the
other side. On arrival at Zubieta, about a league to the right of San
Esteban, their late quarter, they encamped for the day; and starting
again at nine in the evening arrived at Salin next morning. This
night march, though not so harassing as the last, for the road was
less difficult, was yet not free from danger. For Lieutenant William
Eeles, the Adjutant of the 3rd Battalion, having had his cap knocked
off by the bough of a tree, in endeavouring to catch it as it fell,
pulled his horse off the road, and both rolled down a precipitous
declivity. Fortunately it was not very deep; and horse and man were
recovered unhurt. At Salin they encamped for the day. And on the 30th
proceeded by a long march, by day, to Lecumberri, and were moved
into a wood _à cheval_ on the great road from Pamplona to Bayonne,
and about equidistant from the former and Tolosa. They were again
to keep up the communication between Hill’s corps and that before
St. Sebastian; and also to bar the way to any of the enemy’s troops
which might move by that road. During the last few days they had
heard heavy firing in the direction of Pamplona, but were without
intelligence of the result of the fight. But late on the 31st, their
anxiety was relieved by the arrival of a staff officer, who informed
them of the complete defeat and repulse of the French in the battles
of the Pyrenees; and who also conveyed orders that they were to
advance over the ground by which they had retired. Wherefore, falling
in on the evening of that day, they marched to Larissa and encamped
there.
On the 1st August they marched early, and passing by Esema, Zubieta
and Irurlia, heard that they were to push forward to intercept the
retreat of the French. They proceeded by a mountainous and rough
road, under a burning sun, and about three o’clock reached some high
ground on the left bank of the Bidassoa. It was a long march and the
heat was oppressive. They had marched about thirty miles, when, about
three o’clock, they arrived on the heights overhanging the river
near the bridge of Jansi. Then the knowledge that they were near the
enemy revived the spirits of the wearied Riflemen; and declaring that
they ‘would knock the dust out of their hairy knapsacks,’ the 1st
Battalion descended the hill on the left, while the 3rd Battalion
held a wood above. Then the disordered column of the enemy was seen
approaching on the opposite bank, faint and weary; and the 1st
Battalion, concealed among the brushwood at the foot of the hill,
received them with a raking fire. Many, pointing to the wounded who
were borne with them, by their gestures implored quarter, and the
generous Riflemen withheld their fire, and called to one another to
spare them. Yet many, as they passed, fired at our men, but without
much effect; for they were so effectually concealed in the brushwood,
that the flash of their rifles was the only guide for the aim of the
enemy. Thus pursued by the 4th Division, they had to pass this fiery
ordeal. Some throwing off their knapsacks, and casting away their
arms, strove to climb a hill on their right; but it was inaccessible;
and on the hill-side the fire of our men picked them off. Then they
pushed some light troops across the river, who became engaged with
the 3rd Battalion; but they were soon driven down, and across the
bridge. In the evening two of our companies got possession of the
bridge, and then the rear of the column had to pass in front of their
fire. At last they got a battalion into line behind a stone wall
beyond the river; this somewhat checked our fire, and the remainder
of the flying enemy passed with less loss. Yet arms, knapsacks,
baggage and wounded were abandoned.
In this affair the Regiment lost but few men. Captain William
Percival of the 3rd Battalion was wounded, being at the very close of
the day shot through the right wrist. The left hand had been before
contracted by a wound in that wrist; and he was also lame from a
wound in the hip.
This day’s march was most fatiguing, being made under a hot sun,
and with frequent want of water. The whole distance was about eight
leagues; and considering that it was made in the heat of an August
sun, and that at the end of the march the men had four or five
hours’ hard fighting, it may hold its place with the famous march
from Calzada to Talavera. Napier gives a frightful picture of the
sufferings of the men. It was said that 200 men of one regiment of
the second brigade of the Light Division fell out. But the Riflemen
had a resolution to excel; and many held on till they died. Yet when
the roll of the 3rd Battalion was called just before the fight began,
only _nine_ men were absent.
On the 2nd, the 1st and 3rd Battalions moved after the French by the
road to the pass of Vera; the 2nd Battalion by Jansi and Lezaca; and
the Regiment took up the line of picquets it had held a week before
without firing a shot. On the march they met Lord Wellington, who,
in recognition of their long march and hard fight of the day before,
honoured them with an approving nod and smile, which much pleased the
soldiers.
In the afternoon, it being observed that the enemy held the mountain
of Echalar, which standing on the right of our position was in fact
in our line of posts, it was resolved to dislodge them. And the
1st and 3rd Battalions supported by the 43rd were ordered to take
the position. The 1st Battalion extended to the right, and the 3rd
advanced up the face of the hill. A thick fog came on, and though the
French kept up a pretty brisk fire they did the Riflemen no harm. For
their aim being probably rendered uncertain by the mist, they fired
over their heads, and any of their shot which took effect, fell on
the 43rd, who were much lower on the hill-side. The 3rd Battalion,
advancing up the hill in the fog, found themselves against a rock
the top of which was thronged with Frenchmen, who gave them a biting
fire. As the Riflemen were unable to climb the precipitous face of
the rock, the Frenchmen called upon them with gibes, in the Spanish
language, to come on. The Riflemen retreated for an instant to the
rocks around, among which finding cover, they kept up a telling fire
on the occupants of the rock. And one of the Spanish recruits before
mentioned, enraged at the insults of the French, replied to their
sneers in most bitter words, which he accompanied with constant
shots. But he was soon killed. Now gathering courage they made an
advance against the 1st Battalion; but the Riflemen with a shout of
defiance repelled them, and they turned and fled; and descending
their side of the mountain retreated to their own position.
The men, while the Regiment remained in the neighbourhood, called
this mountain ‘Barnard’s Hill;’ in memory of the valour with which
Sir Andrew, who commanded on the occasion, had carried it.
An officer of the 1st Battalion had a strange escape in this fight.
When the enemy advanced on that Battalion, they made a rush at him,
which in trying to avoid, he fell into a bush. They seized his sword,
which was not drawn, to drag him out; but it broke away from the
belt, and he escaped.
A Portuguese regiment took up the ground the Riflemen had gained; and
they encamped near Vera and the Bidassoa.
On the 3rd another division having relieved them, the Regiment
returned to their old encampment on the heights of Sta. Barbara,
where they remained for about two months.
On August 25, the three Battalions being together, it was resolved
to commemorate the anniversary of the formation of the Regiment. A
trench was dug round a parallelogram of greensward, which served
for the table, while the _convives_ sat on the opposite bank, with
their legs in the trench. Many patriotic toasts and many healths
were drunk. And the cheering that followed them must have astonished
their French neighbours. Indeed they are said to have remained under
arms part of the night, expecting an immediate attack. This was, I
believe, the first ‘Regimental Dinner.’
On the 31st the storming of St. Sebastian took place. Fifty men
under a subaltern of each Battalion of the Regiment were allowed
to volunteer for this duty. Lieutenant James Perceval of the 1st
Battalion claimed this duty by right of seniority, but William
Hamilton, a Second Lieutenant, obtained Sir Andrew Barnard’s
permission to accompany the stormers also. Lieutenant Eaton commanded
the stormers of the 2nd Battalion. I regret that I am unable to
ascertain who led those of the 3rd.
About noon, they moved forward from the trenches, and after five
hours’ desperate fighting--for the breaches were found to have
fallen in such large fragments as to be almost impregnable, and the
resistance of the enemy was most gallant--they entered and took
possession of the place. Perceval was severely wounded at the foot of
the breach; and Hamilton was also desperately wounded in two places;
one ball entered the eye, passed down through the mouth, and was cut
out at the shoulder-blade. Both recovered; but Hamilton was never
again able to join the Regiment, and was placed on full-pay of it
(as First Lieutenant) some time afterwards. Of the 1st Battalion,
besides these officers, 2 Riflemen were killed, and 2 sergeants and 4
Riflemen were wounded; of the 2nd Battalion, 3 Riflemen were killed,
and 6 wounded; and of the 3rd Battalion, 2 Riflemen were killed and
2 wounded.[126]
But on that same day the Battalions from which these volunteers had
been detached had also hard fighting. They had, as usual, been under
arms before daybreak; but after dawn the mountains were covered with
a thick mist, and as nothing appeared they broke up, and had just
returned to their encampment, when the bugles sounded the ‘assembly;’
and a breeze having carried off the mist, the hills on the French
side of the river were seen covered with troops. These soon began to
descend, and forded the Bidassoa a little below Vera. Some columns
also approached Vera in order to cross by that bridge; but the 2nd
Battalion were posted here, having two companies at the bridge and
in a loop-holed house near it, and the other four in the town. They
resisted and defeated the attempt to cross at that point. Meanwhile
the 1st and 3rd Battalions, seeing the enemy advancing, thought the
attack would be on them. For the French crossed in force, preceded
by numbers of skirmishers under cover of the fire of some mountain
guns. This fell short at first; and instead of reaching our people
some shells fell among their own skirmishers, and caused no little
confusion; while the Riflemen, who were looking down upon them, burst
forth into a loud and derisive cheer, as each shell fell among them.
But when they came across, and our people were to receive them,
they turned to their right, and proceeded towards St. Sebastian to
attack some Spanish troops on the left of the position the Riflemen
occupied, leaving some troops about Vera to keep them in check.
Thus matters remained till the afternoon; the 1st and 3rd Battalions
suffering, but a little, from the fire of the enemy’s mountain guns.
About three o’clock three companies of the 1st Battalion with part
of the 43rd, crossed by the bridge of Lezaca, and proceeded along
the heights above the river, in a direction parallel to the French;
they were afterwards followed by the remainder of Kempt’s brigade,
and moved from hill to hill, in the evening occupying a height above
Lezaca where they remained for the night. But a picquet was left on
the heights of Sta. Barbara, with orders, as soon as it was relieved
by a Spanish regiment, to follow the Battalion across the Bidassoa.
But this was no easy matter. For a tremendous storm of wind, thunder
and lightning came on; and it was extremely difficult for the picquet
to thread their way by mountain paths along the hill-side.
The rain also fell in torrents. And as is always the case in these
mountains every rill rapidly became a torrent, and the Bidassoa rose
and ere long became unfordable. That portion of the enemy to the
left of the British position had, on being defeated, recrossed the
river. But General Clausel’s force, which was nearer to Vera, was
unable to do so. Clausel himself, indeed, with two brigades, did
repass the river early in the evening, leaving General Vandermaesen
with the other divisions on the left bank. Then the Bidassoa rose
rapidly, and night set in. Some of his troops attempted to ford the
angry river, but were swept away and drowned. Then the only chance
was to force the bridge of Vera. Here Cadoux’s company and part
of Hart’s company of the 2nd Battalion were posted under command
of the former, in a loop-holed house about thirty yards from the
bridge, having double sentries posted on the bridge itself. Thomas
Smith, the Adjutant of the 2nd Battalion, having reported to General
Skerrett that the bridge was held by this detachment, Skerrett sent
his Brigade-Major, who was sleeping in the same room with him, to
Cadoux, desiring him to evacuate it, probably in consequence of
Vandermaesen’s overwhelming numbers. This Cadoux refused to do;
saying that he could hold the bridge-house. Meanwhile, about two
o’clock in the morning, the French, silently drawing near the bridge,
made a rush. The two sentries on the bridge snapped their rifles to
give the alarm; but the priming was wet from the heavy rain, and
they were at once shot down or bayoneted. Cadoux, by his fire from
the bridge-house, kept the head of the advancing column in check. At
this fatal moment General Skerrett sent a fresh order to Cadoux, and
in such terms as he could not disobey, to leave the bridge-house and
join his Battalion. He of course complied; but with the memorable
words that ‘but few of his party would reach the camp.’ Even so
it was. They at once became exposed not only to the fire of the
troops on the bridge, but to a cannonade from the guns of the French
reserve on a height near Vera. Cadoux was killed; 2 sergeants and 14
rank and file were killed; and Captain Hart, Lieutenants Llewellyn
and R. Cochrane, 9 sergeants and 34 rank and file were wounded. So
that every officer present was either killed or wounded besides 11
sergeants and 48 rank and file, out of a total strength of about 100
men. And it is to be noted that until the party left the bridge-house
Cadoux had not lost a man, except the double sentries on the
bridge.[128] The opposition being thus withdrawn the French crossed
the bridge, and returned to their position. Whereas had Skerrett
not only left Cadoux at the bridge-house, but supported him with
the remainder of the Battalion, or with the 52nd, who were close at
hand, not a man of Vandermaesen’s division could have recrossed the
Bidassoa. One company of the 3rd Battalion indeed and some Portuguese
troops came up about daylight, but it was then too late, and the
passage had been effected.[129]
For this neglect and for the sacrifice of Cadoux and his gallant band
General Skerrett has been greatly and deservedly blamed; in which
censure Sir William Napier (though apparently not fully aware of
Skerrett’s fault) concurs.
[Illustration:
ACTION NEAR VERA
7^{TH} OCTOBER 1813
_Drawn by Capt^n H. M. Moorsom, Rifle Brig^e_
_E. Weller, lith., London._
_London: Chatto & Windus._
]
Besides the great loss of Cadoux’s party at the bridge-house,
Lieutenant Nicholas Travers, who commanded the company of the 3rd
Battalion which came up at dawn, was also wounded; and 2 men of it
were killed and 10 wounded.
But if the Riflemen suffered, the loss they inflicted on their
assailants was enormous. The bridge next morning was strewn with
their bodies; and the river full of them; while many wounded had been
removed. General Vandermaesen, who commanded the force, was killed.
In the course of the following day the Regiment returned to their
former encampment, and took up the line of picquets they had
previously furnished. Here they remained in quiet until October 6,
on which evening Barnard arrived from head-quarters with the welcome
intelligence that they were to force the pass of Vera on the ensuing
morning. Early in the night a thunderstorm set in; but it rolled
away in the course of the night, and the morning was fine when the
Regiment fell in. Leaving the tents standing to deceive the enemy
as to the object of the movement, the three Battalions, with the
other regiments of the Division, formed at the foot of the heights
behind the town of Vera. A little to the right was an isolated hill,
standing out in front of the great Pyrenean chain on the north of the
valley of the Bidassoa, to which the soldiers had given the name of
‘the Boar’s back.’ This was to be occupied as a preliminary measure.
And Colonel Ross, extending the 3rd Battalion, began to ascend it.
Without firing a shot, though exposed to the fire of the enemy who
crowned the crest, the Riflemen climbed to a pine-wood more than
half-way up the mountain side; whence, after they had rested for
a few minutes, they issued again. At this time the French crowded
behind the crest; and it was thought by their brother Riflemen in the
plain below, who could see the ground beyond, that the enemy would
charge down the slope. But it was not so; for pursuing their way with
all the steadiness of a field-day, Ross and his gallant Battalion
gained the ridge. Then its defenders turned and fled; and then the
Riflemen plied their rifles, which they had not before discharged,
and poured a fire into them as they hurriedly descended the reverse
slope. This exploit and the manner in which it was executed excited
the admiration not only of their own comrades still standing in the
plain below, but of the whole 4th Division, which had been moved up
as a support to the Light Division.
This being accomplished, the other two Battalions moved forward. The
1st, with General Kempt’s brigade, advanced into the pass, and though
at first sight their task seemed a difficult one, yet the steadiness
and gallantry of the men carried all before them; and with little
loss they stood on the top of the pass. Some descended the other
side. For George Simmons and Cox with about sixty Riflemen, following
the retreating enemy down the pass, took some prisoners, among whom
were a commissary and two bandsmen. These the soldiers ordered to
play some French tunes; but from the alarm and the pace at which they
had retreated, their music was neither very coherent nor melodious.
But the 2nd Battalion had a more difficult task to perform. The
second brigade was on that day under the command of Colonel
Colborne[130] of the 52nd (Skerrett being absent from the field on
account of ill-health), and to them was allotted the duty of carrying
a high hill on the left called La Bayonette, which bristled with the
enemy’s entrenchments. The Riflemen ascended the lower slopes of the
hill, and coming out of a wood which there girded it, advanced with a
quick fire to a redoubt. The French who filled it, waiting until the
Battalion was within a few yards, then opened a murderous fire, which
checked the Riflemen and obliged them for a moment to retire. But the
52nd at that moment coming up in support, they again advanced, and
together they cleared the redoubt of its defenders and drove them
before them to a second line of works. Here they did not experience
any serious resistance. But at the crest the enemy had constructed
a formidable work, from which they not only poured forth a blaze of
fire, but rolled great pieces of rock on the climbing soldiers. While
these were endeavouring to storm the work, the 1st Battalion, with
the first brigade, gained the top of the pass on their right; and the
enemy’s left flank being thus turned, and his retreat threatened, he
abandoned the entrenchment and retired down the reverse slope of the
mountain.
As the French were retiring a curious circumstance took place.
Colonel Colborne, accompanied by a small escort of Riflemen of the
2nd Battalion, came suddenly on a battery of mountain guns and some
three hundred men, who were retreating from the right flank of the
French position. He called to them peremptorily to lay down their
arms, which they did, thinking he had a large force at hand.
The loss of the 2nd Battalion was very severe, amounting to nearly
one-third of its strength. They fell principally at the Star redoubt,
which they first attacked. Captain Gibbons, Lieutenants Alexander
Campbell and John Hill, 4 sergeants, and 23 rank and file were
killed; Captain Hart, Lieutenants Budgen, Ridgeway, Fry and Madden,
6 sergeants, and 128 rank and file were wounded; and 1 Rifleman was
returned ‘missing.’ The 1st Battalion had 10 Riflemen wounded; and
the 3rd Battalion 4 killed and Lieutenant Vickers and 17 wounded.
The Regiment, now encamped on the ridge, looked over the steppes of
the Pyrenees and the vast plain at their feet. St. Jean-de-Luz seemed
also beneath them, and Bayonne could be seen in the distance; while
the Bay of Biscay bounded their view to the left, and a richly-tilled
and well-wooded country stretched away far to their right.
Towards evening the 3rd Battalion went down into the plain below on
outpost duty, relieving Longa’s Spanish troops.
The whole range of mountains was now in our occupation, except one:
the extreme projection on the right called La Montagne d’Arrhune.
This the French retained till the 8th; the Spaniards not having
succeeded in dislodging them. On that day the second brigade of the
Light Division having been sent to assist in carrying it, the enemy
evacuated it, and it was thenceforth occupied by a picquet of three
companies of the Light Division.
Beyond it was an outlier separated by a valley, and called ‘La Petite
Arrhune,’ though itself a mountain of very considerable elevation.
This the French occupied; and their advanced sentries were posted at
the foot of the slope, and ours on the opposite slope of the valley,
not more than 200 yards apart.
FOOTNOTES:
[117] ‘Adventures,’ 143.
[118] ‘Supplementary Despatches,’ Appendix xiv. 108-9.
[119] See it in ‘Wellington Despatches,’ ix. 582, Nov. 28, 1812.
Leach and Kincaid both mention this regret and dissatisfaction.
[120] ‘Wellington Despatches,’ xi. 153.
[121] Surtees, 203, 4. Costello, 153.
[122] See his private letter to Sir Thomas Picton, ‘Despatches,’ x.
529. He says, ‘The Riflemen of the Light Division were the first to
ascend the hill, and I went up immediately after them.’ He mentions
that these were the 95th.
[123] Letter from Field-Marshal Sir Hew D. Ross, G.C.B.
[124] ‘Wellington Despatches,’ x. 456.
[125] Letter from Sir Hew D. Ross.
[126] ‘London Gazette.’ Either, however, this list is incomplete,
or the Record of the 2nd Battalion erroneous: for that Record gives
the names of Sergeant-Major Adams, Corporal Port and 14 privates
who volunteered on the forlorn hope. Of these Corporal Port and
5 Riflemen were killed and 6 wounded: 12 disabled out of 16.
Nevertheless, even this list is not perfect. For Mr. Kenneth Stewart
Mackenzie of Seaforth is in possession of a medal with clasp granted
to Sergeant John Himbury of the 2nd Battalion for gallant conduct
on the forlorn hope at St. Sebastian. This medal was presented to
him by the General commanding his brigade. It bears on the _obverse_
‘ST. SEBASTIAN, 31 DE AGOSTO DE 1813;’ on the _reverse_, a bugle,
the cords attached to a crown, ‘95’ in the centre, ‘RIFLE CORPS’ on
a ribbon above.[127] And the clasp is inscribed ‘FORLORN HOPE’ J. H.
SERGEANT.
[127] This was the old badge of the Regiment before the Maltese cross
was adopted.
[128] The particulars of this affair of the bridge of Vera have been
related to me by Colonel Thomas Smith.
[129] Lord Wellington, in his despatch (‘Despatches,’ xi. 69) states
that the passage of the bridge ‘was made under the fire of a great
part of Major-General Skerrett’s brigade.’ This mistake has been
pointed out by Napier (Book xxii. chap. 3); the truth is, only the
two 2nd Battalion companies resisted it.
[130] Afterwards Lord Seaton; and Colonel-in-Chief.
CHAPTER V.
The Regiment remained now encamped for more than a month on the slope
of l’Arrhune. Extremely inclement weather set in; rain, wind, and
sometimes snow. Occasionally tents were blown away, or falling on
their sleeping occupants buried them under the wet canvass. The men
on picquet also suffered severely. But notwithstanding the altitude
and exposure of their camp and the severity of the weather, the
health of the Regiment was uncommonly good; not one man, in the 1st
Battalion at least, being sick. But this immunity from illness did
not extend to all the officers; for Colonel Ross was obliged to leave
the camp and the command of the 3rd Battalion, and to take up his
residence in the village of Renteria.
During this time the French were busily employed in fortifying and
throwing up entrenchments on La Petite Arrhune. The officers with
these working parties frequently interchanged civilities with our
officers, saying: ‘You will not be able to remain on these bleak
mountains. You will have to retire into Spain.’ To which the reply
was: ‘We will do so, if we are ordered.’ At last La Petite Arrhune
exhibited a truly formidable appearance. Stone walls were built with
loop-holes to fire through; the ground was escarped where it appeared
accessible; and redoubts were built at intervals.
[Illustration:
BATTLE OF THE NIVELLE
10^{TH} NOV.^R 1813
_E. Weller, lith., London._
_London: Chatto & Windus._
]
Pamplona surrendered at the end of October; and Lord Wellington
being thus relieved from any enemy in his rear, immediate measures
were adopted to advance into France. Heavy rains and the consequent
impracticability of the roads postponed this movement, which was
resolved upon in the first days of November, until the night of the
9th. On that day the commanding officers of the three Battalions had
been taken up to the top of l’Arrhune, and from that commanding
position the task laid out for each of the Battalions, and the
ground over which they were to move, had been pointed out to them.
After nightfall on that evening the Regiment moved to its ground,
and about midnight took up its position, crouching behind the rocks
within half-musket shot of the enemy’s picquet. All this was done in
profound silence. No horse, nor even a dog, was allowed to go with
the Regiment, lest their neighing or their barking should reveal the
movement.
The signal for attack was a gun on the left. A little before daylight
the Riflemen assumed their arms, and watched with anxiety the first
tinge of sunlight on the peaks of the mountains. At last that streak
appeared, the gun pealed forth among the hills, and the Riflemen
sprang up from their lair. The enemy, though surprised (for their
picquet was found seated round the fire), were not unprepared; but
flew to arms and to man their works. The 1st and 3rd Battalions
crossed the valley separating the two Arrhunes, and ascended and
forced the steep sides of La Petite Arrhune. The 2nd Battalion, with
the mountain guns, was stationed near the hermitage at the top of
the greater Arrhune; but when the other two Battalions had advanced,
they also moved forward and took their part in the fray. The French
fought here with great determination, and clung to the works they
had constructed with resolute tenacity. The officers were observed
by the Riflemen to stand on the walls, and urge their men by their
gesture and example to remain. One young man in particular excited
their admiration by prodigies of valour; and refusing to the last
to retire, fell forward pierced by a bullet. Later in the morning,
when La Petite Arrhune had been carried and cleared of its defenders,
General Alten led his Division across and attacked the enemy’s
entrenchments on the opposite range. These were carried with less
difficulty than those they had fought for in the morning. But towards
the close of the day the 1st Battalion charged the right flank of the
French, near a redoubt called the Signal redoubt; and the enemy being
taken in flank at the same time by other troops, turned and fled,
closely pursued by the Riflemen.
At this moment Barnard, who led them, fell from his horse, wounded
through the right breast by a musket-ball. George Simmons, who was
close to him, was at once at his side, and placed his head on his
breast. It was evident that the lung was penetrated; for blood and
air issued from the wound, and blood came from the mouth also. His
first words were: ‘Do you think I’m dying? Did you ever see a man
so wounded recover?’ Simmons assured him that though his wound was
dangerous, yet that there were many instances of recovery from such
wounds; and that his pulse indicated no appearance of sinking.[131]
‘Then,’ said the gallant chief, ‘you give me hopes. If any man can
recover, I know that I shall.’ While he lay here, as at Barrosa, the
enemy seeing they had brought down an officer of rank plied their
fire on him and those who surrounded him. He was at once carried by
four soldiers into a farm-house, whence three days after he was borne
by his band of the 1st Battalion through the pass to the town of
Vera, where he slowly recovered.
The loss of the Regiment in this action, known as the Battle of the
Nivelle, was very severe. Of the 1st Battalion, Lieutenant-Colonel
Barnard, Captain Charles Smyth, Lieutenants Haggup and Fensham were
severely wounded; 2 sergeants, 1 bugler, and 3 Riflemen were killed;
and 42 wounded.
Of the 2nd Battalion, Captain William Cox was slightly, and
Lieutenants Charles Eaton, Henry Scott, and Doyle were severely
wounded. Doyle died of his wounds. Five Riflemen were killed; 3
sergeants and 23 Riflemen wounded; and 3 missing.
Of the 3rd Battalion, there were Lieutenants Kirkman slightly, Loftus
Jones severely, and 8 Riflemen wounded.
The Regiment bivouacked that night on the ground it had taken in
front of Sarre. It rained hard all the following day, and for some
days subsequently, and the troops suffered severely from the state
of their camp. On the 15th the Regiment moved to Arbonne, where the
men were quartered in houses, and on the 17th proceeded to Arcangues.
Here the 1st Battalion occupied the château and some houses near it;
while the 3rd Battalion were placed in some houses near the church,
about a quarter of a mile to the rear. The village of Arcangues is
built on high ground, from which three tongues or spurs run out like
a trident. The enemy’s picquets were at the village of Bassussari,
about 400 yards from our picquets posted on these tongues of land;
and in fact the sentries of the opposing armies were so close that
the reliefs passed each other. There were some houses in this line of
posts in the possession of the enemy which it was important to take
from them, and so to connect our picquets on the tongues by a line of
sentries extending across the valleys between them.
Accordingly, on November 23 the Light Division was ordered to attack
the houses. This task was given to the 43rd. They at once attacked
and carried these houses; but unfortunately the officer commanding
the company engaged went beyond, and attacked a fortified house
which the French occupied in strength on their reinforcing their
post there, and the 43rd became seriously engaged. The 1st Battalion
were then ordered to move forward and cover this officer’s retreat.
But he was made prisoner with many of his men, and his Lieutenant
was killed. The 1st Battalion then held the houses which it was the
object of this movement to secure.
While this was happening on the left projection, there were some
houses also on the right in the possession of the enemy, which it was
essential to take in order to secure access to a causeway, which ran
along a marsh, and to some high ground near the Nive, occupied by
another Division of the army; and on which stood a château, called,
from the owner of it, ‘Garrat’s House.’
This task was also assigned to a company of the 43rd, supported by
some other companies of that regiment, and by the 3rd Battalion.
The houses were at once taken; but an order immediately arrived to
evacuate them, and the 43rd retired. But ere long a counter-order
was issued that they were to be held; when a company of the 3rd
Battalion took possession of them. They had not, however, been long
in them when a third order was given that they were to retire.
Scarcely had they begun to obey it when they were charged by some
cavalry, supported by a column of infantry. The officer in command
of the company, anxious perhaps to fulfil the last orders, and not
unnecessarily to engage himself with a superior force, ordered his
company to run to the rear. He thus brought them off safely, with
the exception of one man wounded; but rather to the offence of his
brother Riflemen, who felt that he might have resisted, and punished
the cavalry, and then have slowly withdrawn before a superior force
of infantry.
One man of this company I have said was wounded. He was shot in the
head; and came to the surgeon who was with the other 3rd Battalion
companies in reserve, to have his wound dressed. As the surgeon was
sponging it with water from a mess-tin held by the hospital orderly,
a ball struck the tin, knocking it out of the hands of the orderly;
but without injuring any of the party. There were also wounded of the
1st Battalion, Lieutenant Stilwell, 1 sergeant and 3 Riflemen, and of
the 3rd Battalion, 1 sergeant and 1 other man.
The houses so often taken and evacuated were retaken next day by
another company of the 3rd Battalion, who held them in spite of all
attempts of the enemy to dispossess them. In taking them a young
officer, George Cary, then a Second Lieutenant, advanced with his men
on the enemy, who withdrew for some distance without much resistance;
but on reaching a hedge some way in front of the principal house,
they called to him to come no further, or they would fire. Cary,
having placed his men under cover, called out to them (for he spoke
excellent French) that they might begin their fire when they liked;
but that he must have the house. They made no more resistance; but
walking off planted their sentries within about forty yards of it.
This is but one of many instances of the good and chivalrous feeling
that existed between the Riflemen and the French troops on outpost
duty. On another occasion soon after, some French officers made
signs of peace to those of our 3rd Battalion on picquet. These being
courteously returned, the French officers advanced, and informed our
officers that some of the inhabitants who had fled from their homes
within our lines were desirous to return to them; and requested our
officers to pass them through our outposts unmolested. This was of
course readily agreed to, and promptly executed; and the officers on
both sides parted with mutual expressions of esteem. ‘But the most
remarkable instance’--(though it occurred a little later than the
period of which I am writing, I will give it here, in the words of
Sir William Napier)--‘happened on the occasion of Lord Wellington’s
being desirous of getting to the top of a hill occupied by the enemy
near Bayonne. He ordered the Riflemen who escorted him to drive the
French away, and seeing the former stealing up, as he thought too
close, called out to commence firing. With a loud voice one of those
old soldiers replied “No firing!” and then holding up the butt of
his rifle towards the French, tapped it in a peculiar way. At the
well-understood signal, which meant “We must have the hill for a
short time,” the French, who though they could not maintain would
not have relinquished the post without a fight if they had been
fired upon, quietly retired. And this signal would never have been
made, if the post had been one capable of a permanent defence. So
well,’ concludes the historian, ‘do veterans understand war and its
proprieties.’[132]
The well-known signal was holding up the butt, and tapping the brass
tool-box which was in the stock of the Baker, as it was also in that
of the Brunswick rifle. It signified ‘We are in earnest;’ and was
used by the Riflemen when they approached the French outposts to
drive in picquets or with other hostile intent. Without this signal
made they were unmolested.
On December 9 the Light Division was ordered to advance with a view
to the troops under General Hill passing the Nive. The 1st and 3rd
Battalions drove in the enemy’s outposts, the latter advancing along
a ridge in their front. The 2nd Battalion was also actively engaged.
A heavy fire was kept up by the French, to which the Regiment was
more or less exposed all day. In the evening the Regiment fell back
to the cantonments at and near Arcangues which they had before
occupied. On the morning of the 10th no immediate fighting was
anticipated; so little indeed that the Light Division had orders to
fall back to Arbonne about four miles to the rear, and part of the
second brigade had already marched; but General Kempt, not being
satisfied with the look of things in his front, delayed his movement.
The morning dawned with a thick drizzling rain; and the troops,
having been as usual under arms at daylight, had turned in, when
a sudden order was received to fall in and support the picquets,
for the enemy were advancing. The position of Arcangues has been
already described: the church, the château, the adjacent houses, the
three tongues of hilly land; and there was a table-land, a sort of
open common, at the top. The left tongue was occupied by picquets
of the 52nd; the centre by those of the 43rd; the right by those
of the 1st Battalion; and that near Garrat’s House by those of the
3rd Battalion. As soon as these Battalions turned out, they found
the picquets vigorously attacked. The numbers of the assailants
were overwhelming, and they had to retire. But though this had to
be effected at the double--for there was much ground to get over to
reach the plateau in front of Arcangues--and though they moved over
bad ground, yet the moment they reached the flat ground at top, these
apparently flying skirmishers resumed their formation, and presented
a steady and impenetrable front to the advancing enemy. But some of
the 1st Battalion retiring from the right-hand tongue were unable to
head the enemy, who moving by the ravine, arrived at the plain before
them. Some men[133] and one officer, Second Lieutenant James Church,
were then made prisoners.
Two companies of the 3rd Battalion were pushed forward to cover the
retreat of the picquets; and having done so, they retired gradually
as the enemy advanced. This Battalion then lined a coppice at
the foot of the high ground on which the church is situated and
connecting the church with the château, whence the 1st Battalion,
having loop-holed it and strengthened it with _abattis_ and a
kind of rude rampart, kept up a galling fire upon the enemy. This
_tiraillade_ continued till dark.
In this affair Lieutenant Hopwood of the 1st Battalion, Sergeant
Brotherton and Private Patrick Mahon were killed by one ball, which
passed through the heads of all three as they were standing one
behind the other. They fell near a hedge which the Battalion had
defended as they fell gradually back from one defensible point to
another. During the day several French soldiers came through the
hedge and approached their bodies; but as our men supposed that it
was with the intention to plunder them, they shot every man who
passed the hedge. For they were unable from the violence of the
fire to go out themselves to remove their bodies. At last towards
evening a French officer approached through the hedge waving a white
handkerchief; and when our firing ceased, he brought out some of his
men with spades, who buried Hopwood and the sergeant in one grave.
On this day the losses of the Regiment were: 1st Battalion: 4
Riflemen killed; 2 Sergeants, 1 Bugler and 21 Riflemen wounded; 2nd
Battalion: 4 Riflemen killed, 3 Sergeants, 1 Bugler and 24 Riflemen
wounded; 3rd Battalion: 1 Rifleman killed, 1 Bugler and 22 Riflemen
wounded.
On that night the 1st Battalion continued of course in its occupation
of the château d’Arcangues, while the 3rd Battalion bivouacked on the
ridge extending from it to the church.
On the 11th the Regiment was not engaged. And on that day some French
officers, continuing the good feeling which I have mentioned, and
doubtless anxious to show their confidence, brought out some chairs
and a table from a house occupied by their picquet; and having
carried them into the middle of the adjoining field, within 100 yards
of our sentries, placed some wine and glasses on the table, and
sitting down saluted the officers of our picquet; bowing and holding
up their glasses, as if drinking to their healths.
Yet this security of the outposts was sometimes broken through. For
on this night a Sergeant of the 3rd Battalion surprised the French
picquet. Taking a few men with him he stole past the sentries and got
up to the picquet house undiscovered; and seizing their arms, which
he found piled outside, broke them. And while the picquet, utterly
surprised, were turning out, he and his companions ran back to their
lines. I do not know the name of this daring soldier. He lost an arm
at the battle of Toulouse, and was consequently discharged.
On the other hand: some of the 1st Battalion were, in one of the
affairs of outposts about this time, ordered to drive in the French
picquets in front of them. Lieutenant Gardiner, who commanded the
party, observed that he would not shoot the French sentries. So,
calling to them to begone, he told them that he was going to attack
the post. I have already noted that he spoke French fluently. They
retired; but had hardly done so, when the French officer ordered his
picquet to fire on Gardiner, who was making his men fall in for the
attack. The discharge was ineffectual; and the Riflemen were glad to
hear afterwards that the officer in charge of the French picquet was
not a real soldier, but one of the national guard.
On the 12th the enemy made a show of strengthening his position;
constructing a six-gun battery on the height in front of Arcangues,
which however his gunners never could have served; as the Riflemen
would have shot them before they could have fired a second round.
While therefore our people were strengthening the château of
Arcangues by _abattis_ and throwing up a breastwork, the older
heads declared that it was all a sham. And so indeed it proved. For
though some fighting was anticipated on the 12th, and though in
the afternoon the 1st and 3rd Battalions fell in with the supposed
intention of driving the enemy’s outposts further back from the ridge
in front of Arcangues, yet nothing was done. And in the night between
the 12th and 13th, the sentries of the picquets having reported that
the enemy’s fires were burning more brightly than usual, the _ruse_
was suspected. And an officer with a patrol, having crept up to
their lines, found them almost abandoned. The truth is that Soult
had withdrawn his force in front of the Riflemen, to attack General
Hill’s force on their right.
In the morning the Riflemen moved forward to the ridge of Bassussari,
and had some little firing with the rear-guard, which had not yet
cleared off; but one of the known signals being made (an officer
holding up his cap on the top of his sword), the firing ceased; and
the Riflemen were suffered without any opposition to advance their
outposts to the ground they had occupied before the attack on them on
the 9th.
On this night an untoward event occurred, which gave the officers of
the Regiment some annoyance. After dark, a French officer accompanied
by two men, approached our position; when the Corporal in charge
of the advanced post of the picquet at the _abattis_ took up his
rifle and shot the French officer, whom the two soldiers carried
into their picquet. It was feared that this would endanger the good
understanding of the French outposts with the Riflemen. For it was
not known whether they came on a friendly visit, as they sometimes
did; or whether it was a patrol sent forward to ascertain if we had
withdrawn the picquets pushed forward in the afternoon. If the latter
(and the presence of the two soldiers makes it probable that it was),
of course those composing the patrol, risked the chances of war.
However, no retaliation was attempted, and the outposts continued as
friendly as before.
Here the Regiment remained without any other matter of moment
worth recording for some weeks, during which they were hospitably
entertained by the owners of the château of Arcangues, an aged lady
and her grandson.
On January 3, 1814, they were moved to the right; and crossing the
Nive advanced a league or two, in order to support some operations
of the army on the Adour. These being effected they fell back to the
Nive; and were cantoned in the villages of Ustaritz and Aurantz; the
3rd Battalion occupying the latter.
The weather now became very severe; rain, sleet and snow fell; and
the roads were knee-deep for foot-passengers, and up to a horse’s
girths.
On January 24 the 1st Battalion was transferred to the second brigade
of the Light Division, and the 2nd Battalion was placed in the first
brigade. This was in consequence of Barnard, commanding the 1st
Battalion, being given the command of the second brigade.
On February 16 the Regiment moved from its cantonments, and may be
said to have commenced the campaign of 1814. Crossing the Nive at
Ustaritz, they moved to within a league and a half of La Bastide de
Clarence and encamped on a wild heathy plain. Next day they marched
to La Bastide itself, and encamped on a hill beyond it.
On the 18th they were moved into houses in consequence of the
weather; which beginning with rain, changed through sleet into snow.
On the 19th the 1st Battalion marched for St. Jean-de-Luz to get
their new clothing, for they were almost in rags; and the means
of transport were not forthcoming, nor the roads easy for its
conveyance. Therefore the Regiment went down to St. Jean-de-Luz, one
Battalion at a time, to obtain it. Having received it on the 23rd
the Battalion started on the 24th to rejoin the army, and passing
though Ustaritz, La Bastide and Garris, arrived at St. Palais on the
28th. Here they were very much disappointed to find that the regiment
which occupied it had orders to move to the front, leaving the 1st
Battalion at St. Palais till a fresh regiment relieved them. For
they had heard firing on the 27th, and now the tidings of the hard
fight at Orthez had reached them. Here they remained some days, in a
state of great anxiety and excitement, until, as they were trying to
persuade some detachments which came up that they were a relieving
battalion, an order reached them to move forward. And marching as
rapidly as possible, they reached Sauveterre on the 7th March, Orthez
on the 8th, and rejoined the other two Battalions at Barcelonne on
the 11th.
But while the 1st Battalion was absent for re-equipment in clothing,
the two other Battalions had moved from La Bastide to Esturi on
February 21st, and to St. Palais on the 22nd, and on the 23rd they
encamped near La Chere and Charite. And it was found that the enemy
had blown up a bridge over the Bidouze. It was necessary therefore
on the 24th to cross two branches of that river by fords. The first,
the Gave de Mauleon, they passed at Nabes; and then moving forward
to Gave d’Oleron, they found some French cavalry drawn up on the
opposite bank to dispute the passage. A small cottage was on the
bank; and George Simmons,[134] taking a few Riflemen into it, kept
up a smart fire from the windows to cover the passage of the two
Battalions through the ford. As it was very deep, they were halted,
and made to take off their pouches and strap them on the top of their
knapsacks, and then plunge in, Captains Miller and Duncan of the 2nd
Battalion leading the way. The water was above the men’s waists, and
they were obliged to link themselves together to avoid being swept
away; while some of the men clung to the stirrup-leathers and tails
of the horses of the mounted officers. On arrival at the opposite
bank they found that the enemy had endeavoured to obstruct their
mounting it, by drawing harrows with the point upwards to the slope.
The cavalry however did not molest them. One man indeed galloped
towards the bank, but he was instantly shot down by one of the 2nd
Battalion men in the cottage. Under their fire, and that of a couple
of guns, brought up to the left bank, they gave way and retired. This
ford was near Villeneuve; and having passed through that village the
Riflemen halted till the rest of the Division had crossed and formed
up. While here George Simmons, being wet to the shoulders and very
cold, entered a respectable house, and sitting down by the fire,
asked the people to get him some wine and something to eat. Some ran
to execute his orders, while the rest watched him with terror and
aversion. A little child being present, he took it up on his knee and
fondled it, and (as the people refused to be paid for the refreshment
he had asked for) he put some money into its hand. On his setting it
down a general feeling of relief seemed to pervade the bystanders,
who then told him that Soult and his emissaries had informed the
peasantry that the English were barbarians, who would carry off and
murder their children.
On their march after crossing the Gave d’Oleron, they came in sight
of a body of the enemy’s infantry moving parallel to them, and
apparently making the utmost haste to escape from them. It was at
first proposed to fall on them; but some wiser man having observed
that their supports were probably not far off, they were allowed to
depart in peace. The two Battalions bivouacked on a bleak exposed
common not far from Orion.
The next day they passed through Orion; and on arrival there learned
that it had been occupied as Soult’s head-quarters the night before.
The wisdom of not attacking the retreating column the day before was
now apparent; for the French being in force at Orion, would have
moved out to their succour; and possibly might have overpowered, and
certainly would have harassed, the soldiers weary with a long march
and the passage of two fords.
Pursuing their march they arrived near Orthez and soon heard a loud
explosion, which proved to be the destruction by the enemy of the
stone bridge over the Gave de Pau. The two Battalions advanced to
some high ground looking over the town of Orthez. Some troops of the
enemy were observed filing through the town; and some guns being
brought up opened on them, which induced them to quicken their pace,
and their officers were seen riding up and down and urging them on.
They also brought forward some guns which returned the cannonade
without, however, doing much harm. The Riflemen bivouacked on this
height.
On the 26th Lord Wellington after reconnoitring the enemy’s position
ordered them about twelve o’clock to fall in. And they were soon
after directed to move to the right, and cross a ford a little above
the destroyed bridge. This promised to be a most deadly business as
the French infantry were massed, with heavy guns, directly in front
of the ford. However the Riflemen marched off, the 3rd Battalion
leading. On the way a staff officer overtook them, and ordered them
to conceal themselves as much as possible behind any irregularities
of the ground. This they did and crept on; and just as they got to
open ground leading down to the ford, and expected the artillery to
open upon them, they were suddenly countermanded, countermarched,
and moved far to the left. The truth is that this was a double
feint. First, to make the enemy believe that our people were going
to attempt the ford; and then, lest they should have suspected that
any open demonstration to do so was a feint, to make them fancy, by
our stealth and getting under cover, that it was hoped to conceal
the movement from them. By occupying the enemy’s attention with this
skilful manœuvre, three divisions of the army were enabled to cross
the river by a pontoon bridge at a point near Salles, below Orthez.
By this bridge the Riflemen were also to pass; and marching all day
they bivouacked near the village of Salles and close to the pontoon
bridge at night.
On the 27th they early crossed the Gave de Pau; and moved by the
great road which leads from Peyrehorade towards the town of Orthez;
and when within about two miles of it, turning to the left, they
ascended the ridge which runs parallel with the river and in front
of which the French were posted in a very strong position. Whether
it was that the Light Division was weak, two of its regiments being
absent, or that they were not needed, the two Battalions were not
actively engaged. Lord Wellington was in front of them during the
afternoon, and ordered that advance of the 52nd which, as is well
known, broke through Soult’s centre and decided the fate of the day.
Then the enemy fled, and then the Riflemen were ordered in pursuit,
but did not come up with the retreating columns. Their march
continued for about two leagues, in the course of which they passed
the river Lys de Béarn and bivouacked near the village of Bonne
Garde. They were entirely without covering and suffered much; for it
froze hard. The Commanding Officer of the 3rd Battalion (whether Ross
or Balvaird, I am not sure) did indeed contrive to get into a hut;
but there being no bed unoccupied, he lay down in a kneading-trough
or flour-bin, and appeared in the morning more like a miller than a
Rifleman.
On the 28th the two Battalions started early, and after crossing the
Lys de France, arrived at Duerse, where they halted for the night.
On March 1, they passed the Adour, and after a long march entered
Mont-de-Marsan, which the enemy evacuated just before they reached
it. Here they were quartered in good houses, and had comfortable
beds: a change very refreshing to them after their long marches,
often in very bad weather, and after their exposed bivouacks.
On the next day the 2nd Battalion marched to Bertam, and the 3rd
Battalion to St. Maurice; the march was through the pine forests and
by the sandy roads of the Landes; and being made in a snow storm was
very painful to the soldiers.
On the next day the 3rd Battalion moved on to St. Sever, where Lord
Wellington had fixed his head-quarters. Here they continued till the
8th, furnishing the guards and duties of head-quarters. On the 4th
the 2nd Battalion had marched to Bascom, where they remained till
the 9th, when both Battalions re-united near Aire, whither the 3rd
Battalion had marched, crossing the Adour on the 8th and moving to
Grenade; and next day to Barcelonne opposite Aire on the right bank
of that river.
On the 10th both Battalions marched at daylight to some poor cottages
near Arblade, and on the 11th entered Tarsac, where they halted for
the night. The 1st Battalion now rejoined the Light Division, and the
Regiment was re-united.
On the 14th, as Soult assembled a considerable force and threatened
General Hill’s corps, the Regiment was moved back through Tarsac and
formed on the high road near a wood, where they remained the whole
day expecting to be engaged; but the enemy retiring after making a
demonstration only, they marched back to Tarsac and re-occupied their
quarters there.
The enemy had left a rear-guard of cavalry, and as they remained
during the next two days, it was determined on the 16th to attack
them. The 15th Hussars were with the Riflemen at Tarsac; and
accordingly on that morning this regiment moved out to attack the
French cavalry. This consisted of the 13th French Hussars, and they
sent one squadron in advance, the rest of the regiment being formed
in support. The English cavalry adopted the same formation, and
a squadron under Captain Hancox, supported by the 2nd Battalion,
advanced to meet their opponents. The French were rapidly charged and
upset; many of them sabred; and about twenty-five made prisoners,
among whom was the French Captain. He was badly wounded, and died of
his wounds in his father’s house, to which he was taken. For he was
a native of the place, which it was said he had not visited for many
years. The rest of the French cavalry rapidly retired and escaped.
On the 18th the Regiment advanced by the road by which the French had
retreated, and crossing the Adour by a bridge at Arros (or La Rose)
proceeded to St. Germain; whence, after a short halt, to Plaisance,
where they remained for the night, three companies of the 1st
Battalion being pushed across the river.
On the next day the Regiment marched to Obregon, where they halted
for some hours; and in the evening halted at Aget.
The French were now falling back on Tarbes, and on this day the
Riflemen heard much firing on their right, which was caused by the
attack of Picton’s light troops on the retreating enemy near Vic en
Bigorre.
On the 20th the Regiment marched early, and moving along the ridge
on which they had last night encamped, arrived at Rabastens. Here
learning that the enemy had taken up a position near Tarbes, they
moved to the right, by the road leading from Auch to Tarbes. On
approaching this town the French were found posted in a formidable
position on a hill, or rather a succession of heights intersected
with ditches and hedges, which gave it almost the form of
entrenchments. It being at first supposed that no considerable force
was engaged, for on marching along the road only a small party were
observed, a company of the 2nd Battalion was sent to dislodge them.
But when it was ascertained that the position was occupied by a
considerable part of General Harispe’s division, the whole Regiment
advanced to the attack. The 3rd Battalion were on the right, the 2nd
in the centre, and the 1st Battalion on the left. The front of the
enemy was covered by clouds of light troops, whom it was not easy to
dislodge, for they had the protection of hedges and banks; and the
Riflemen had to force their way in skirmishing through some covert of
considerable growth. Then they emerged at the foot of the hill, and
the enemy’s ranks rose ‘tier above tier’ as one eye-witness describes
it, on the side of the mountain. But the Riflemen rushed forward;
and though their opponents fought desperately, and their fire was
delivered from one rank above another like the guns on the decks of
a three-decker, yet the Riflemen drove them from the hill, over it
and into the plain below. ‘The French,’ Napier relates, ‘charged
with great hardiness, and being encountered by men not accustomed to
yield, they fought muzzle to muzzle; and it was difficult to judge
at first who would win.’ It was not long to decide; for within an
hour this hill was taken; its face cleared of all but the dead or
dying, and the French in disordered flight over the plain beyond.
Napier supposes that the French mistook the Riflemen, on account of
their green dress, for Portuguese, and therefore fought with more
perseverance than was usual against English troops. Yet one would
suppose that the veterans of the Peninsula had too often fought
with the green-jackets to be ignorant of their nationality or their
endurance in fight. Be that as it may, all agree that this was an
unusually hard-fought field. Surtees says ‘the firing was the hottest
I had ever seen, except perhaps Barossa.’ And Costello observes ‘I
never remember to have been so warmly engaged as on this occasion,
except at Badajos.’
The odds too were very great. I am not able to say how many French
crowded that hill-side; but sixteen companies of Riflemen only drove
them from it. For though the other regiments of the Division were in
reserve, and would doubtless have supported the Riflemen, had they
been repulsed; yet not a shot was fired on that hill except from a
95th rifle. Lord Wellington in his despatch notes the loss of the
enemy as being considerable; that of the Regiment was 11 officers and
80 men.
Of the 1st Battalion, Captain Loftus Gray and Lieutenant John Cox
were severely, and George Simmons slightly, wounded; 2 Riflemen
were killed, and 5 sergeants and 21 Riflemen wounded. Of the 2nd
Battalion, Captain Duncan was killed, Lieutenant-Colonel Norcott,
Captain Miller, and Lieutenant Dixon were severely, and Lieutenant
Humbley slightly, wounded; 1 sergeant and 2 Riflemen were killed;
and 14 wounded. And of the 3rd Battalion, Captain William Cox and
Lieutenant Farmer were severely, and Lieutenant Sir John Ribton and
Quartermaster Surtees slightly, wounded. 1 Rifleman was killed, and
3 sergeants and 32 Riflemen were wounded.
Colonel Norcott was conspicuous, riding about on a tall black mare:
he was early in the day wounded in the shoulder. George Simmons
late in the day was wounded in the knee. When he was down the
French continuing to fire at him, his servant, Henry Short, a brave
Rifleman, ran up and deliberately placing himself in the line of
fire, said ‘You shall not hit him again except through my body.’
Amongst this carnage some curious, some almost ludicrous,
circumstances occurred. A captain of the Regiment was struck by a
ball on a flask or drinking-horn which he carried at his side. The
force of the ball knocked him down and for the moment stunned him.
The men thinking he was killed, or desperately wounded, were carrying
him to the rear, when he revived and called out ‘Stop, let me feel;’
when finding he was unhurt except by the blow, he leaped out of their
arms, and again headed his company. His return was heralded by shouts
of laughter, so ludicrous was the whole episode, though the fight was
at the thickest, and the men falling fast.
When the Riflemen were occupying their camp on the Pyrenees, an owl
had taken up its quarters with them, and always pitched on the tent
of Lieutenant Doyle, who was killed at the Nivelle. Its accustomed
haunt being gone, it transferred its perch to Captain Duncan’s tent.
The joke ran, in the rough mirth of the camp, that he must be next on
the roster; a joke of which he neither liked the point, nor saw the
wit. Yet so it was that he fell in this day of Tarbes.
This fight was a strictly regimental one; for (as I have said) the
Rifle Battalions only were engaged. It excited the admiration of
their companions in arms. One of them, an eye-witness, thus speaks
of this action: ‘Our Rifles were immediately sent to dislodge the
French from the hills on our left, and our battalion was ordered
to support them. Nothing could exceed the manner in which the
ninety-fifth set about this business. Certainly I never saw such
skirmishers as the ninety-fifth, now the Rifle Brigade. They could
do the work much better and with infinitely less loss than any other
of our best light troops. They possessed an individual boldness, a
mutual understanding, and a quickness of eye in taking advantage of
the ground, which, taken altogether, I never saw equalled. They were
in fact as much superior to the French Voltigeurs as the latter were
to our skirmishers in general. As our regiment was often employed
in supporting them, I think I am fairly qualified to speak of their
merits.’[135]
The enemy having been driven from the hill retreated across the
plain, which was covered with the pursued and the pursuers. As
they were crossing it, the Riflemen came upon a considerable body
of the French who were retreating from the town of Tarbes, whence
they had been driven by the 3rd Division; and it was proposed that
the Riflemen, quickening their pace, should fall upon their flank
and intercept them. But the French were too quick for them. For
perceiving their intention, they inclined to the right and got away.
The enemy having crossed the plain took up a strong position on
some heights at the extremity of it; but while Lord Wellington
was making dispositions to attack them, darkness came on; and the
Riflemen bivouacked that night on the plain. The French cannonaded
the bivouack from the height, but the fire was almost harmless;
and as the troops did not move from the ground on which they had
bivouacked, it gradually ceased. And in the night the enemy abandoned
the position and continued their retreat; pursued in the morning by
the Riflemen, who halted that night at Lannemazen. The next day they
proceeded, still in pursuit, to Castelnau. And starting early in
the morning of the 24th, halted that night at L’Isle-en-Dodon. And
on the next day (moving on Toulouse) reached Mont Ferrand. On the
27th they advanced to the village of Tournefeuille, a little beyond
which the enemy still held some ground, occupying some hedges and
enclosures, in front of a bridge about half a mile from the village.
The 3rd Battalion and a Portuguese regiment were ordered to dislodge
them. And the Riflemen extending to the left while the Portuguese
moved on the road, the French gradually fell back towards the bridge
and crossed it, taking the road to Toulouse; and the Riflemen did
not pursue. The loss was trifling. But a most curious circumstance
occurred during this skirmish. A Rifleman of the name of Powell was
shot in the mouth, the ball knocking several of his teeth out. One
of these struck a Portuguese and wounded him in the arm. The surgeon
of the 43rd who happened to be at hand, dressing the wound of the
Portuguese, found in it not a bullet but a tooth. On this the cry
went among the Riflemen that ‘The French were firing bones and not
bullets.’
On enquiry being made and the relative positions of the Portuguese
soldier and Powell being ascertained, no doubt remained that
his tooth had caused the wound. Powell was afterwards killed
by a cannon-ball near New Orleans. I relate this extraordinary
circumstance on the authority of Surtees, who was near Powell at the
time he was wounded, and who minutely examined into the circumstances
at the time. I ought to add that I have invariably found Surtees’
statements corroborated in every particular by the relations
or journals of others; and as he was a man of strong religious
impressions his veracity cannot I think be questioned.
On the 29th the Regiment moved forward to near Toulouse, and occupied
some villages and châteaux in the neighbourhood. On the 31st the
engineers attempted to throw a bridge over the Garonne above its
junction with the Ariège above the town, and the Regiment was
assembled to pass it; but the number of pontoons being insufficient,
and it not being possible to construct a bridge on trestles, they
returned to their cantonments. But it would seem that the 3rd
Battalion did cross (ferried over probably)[136] and were left as a
picquet in one of the villages on the bank.[137]
On April 2 all had recrossed the Garonne, and again occupied
cantonments, on this occasion the houses occupied being lower down
the river than those in which they were formerly cantoned; the 3rd
Battalion were quartered in a wine-store, amongst the casks of which
the men slept. During the time they occupied it no depredation
whatever was committed, nor was any man of the Battalion found to be
drunk. On the 6th the Regiment moved down the river towards Grenade,
and encamped near the village of Seilh. A bridge of pontoons had been
thrown across the Garonne here, and some divisions had crossed; but
the river having risen, and fallen trees having been floated down the
river, the pontoons broke away from the right bank, and were swung
round with the stream, being still fast to the left bank. Though
exertions were made to re-establish it, it was not practicable till
the 9th. And early in the morning of the 10th the Regiment with the
other troops of the Light Division crossed it, and moved up into
position in front of Toulouse. The roads were excellent, and they
quickly attained the position they were to occupy. Their right,
the 3rd Battalion, was to touch Picton’s left, and the left was to
communicate with the Spanish force under General Freyre. In front of
the Riflemen the enemy occupied some houses, and they had constructed
a battery near the bridge over the canal of Languedoc; and at the end
of the bridge stood a Convent which they had loop-holed and fortified
in a very effective manner. The Riflemen commenced by driving the
enemy from the houses, and keeping up their attention during the day.
But some of the 3rd Battalion (and of Picton’s division on their
right) pushed on too far, and getting under the fire of the defenders
of the Convent, they suffered severely. To cover themselves they
had to leap into an open sewer; and detestable as was this position,
they had to remain in it for some time, so severe was the fire of
their opponents. But on the left of the Riflemen a different scene
was taking place. The Spaniards had claimed, as a place of honour, to
lead the attack on the Calvinet. Their rout and their flight under
the fire of its defenders are well known. The Riflemen, and the
other regiments of the Light Division, were mainly occupied during
the day in covering the retreat of the Spaniards, who re-formed more
than once and advanced to the attack; but always to be repulsed by
the French fire, and to fly from it. As often as the English troops
interposed, the French retired; as often as they left the fight to the
Spaniards, the French pursued them.
When the left of the Division was thus occupied in shielding the
flying Spaniards the French rushed out again with loud cries,
in front of the 3rd Battalion, and only with hard fighting were
again driven in. So the battle raged till about four o’clock, when
Beresford having carried the heights on the left of the Riflemen, the
French withdrew within the place, and the battle ended.
Captain Michael Hewan of the 2nd Battalion was severely wounded.
14 Riflemen of that Battalion were killed; and 3 Sergeants and 23
Riflemen wounded.[138]
The Regiment bivouacked on the ground they had occupied, being
saluted from time to time by shot or shell from the place.
On the 11th the Regiment remained perfectly quiet, and on the
12th entered Toulouse, Marshal Soult having in the previous night
retreated from the place in the direction of Carcassonne. On the
same day Colonel Cooke and Colonel St. Simon, as English and
French commissioners, arrived with intelligence of the abdication
of Napoleon. This was at once communicated to Marshal Soult; but
as he refused to acknowledge the authority of those making the
communication, the Regiment with other troops was started in pursuit,
and marched on the 16th towards Villefranche. On the second day’s
march, as they were halted on the roadside, loud huzzas were heard in
front, and a carriage approached containing Count Gazan, the bearer
of intelligence that Soult recognised the abdication of the Emperor,
and acceded to a suspension of arms. The Regiment, therefore, at once
returned to Toulouse and occupied their former quarters.
Towards the end of April the Regiment moved out of Toulouse, and
descending the Garonne were quartered in Castel Sarazin and the
neighbouring villages, the 1st Battalion occupying Castel Sarazin,
and the 3rd Grisolles. The 2nd appear to have been at Castelnau
d’Estrettefons.
Here they remained until the 1st June, when they forded the Garonne
and halted at Grenade. On the next day they reached Cadours near
Cologne, at which the 2nd Battalion halted. On the 5th they marched
to Leitoure; and passing next day through Condom and Nerac halted at
Castel Jaloux. On the 11th they reached Bazas and on the 12th arrived
at Langon. The next day they proceeded to Barsac. On the 14th they
halted at Castres, and the next day entered Bourdeaux. They were not
however quartered there, but merely passed through it, and marched
on to Blanquefort. On the road the Riflemen were reviewed by Lord
Wellington, and the men and officers as they passed saluted with loud
cheers the chief who had for six years led them to victory.
They remained at Blanquefort till the 13th July, when the 1st and 2nd
Battalions embarked at Paulliac on board H.M. ship ‘Ville de Paris’
and disembarked at Portsmouth on the 22nd.
The 3rd Battalion embarked on the 8th July on board H.M. ship
‘Dublin,’ and sailing on the 9th arrived at Plymouth on the 18th, and
disembarking there occupied the barracks.
I have been unwilling to interrupt the narrative of events in which
the Regiment was engaged in the North of Spain and the South of
France; but I have now to turn to operations in Holland in which
detachments of the three Battalions were engaged.
An expedition to that country having been decided on, under the
command of General Sir Thomas Graham[139] (afterwards Lord Lynedoch),
some companies of the Regiment, from the depôts of each Battalion at
Shorncliffe, were selected to form part of it.
Of the 1st Battalion, Captain Glasse’s company; of the 2nd, Captain
M’Cullock’s; and of the 3rd, two companies, Captains Fullerton’s
and William Eeles’, formed the detachment to accompany this
expedition.[140]
They marched from Shorncliffe on November 28; but in consequence of
the continuance of easterly winds, did not embark from Deal until
December 9. In this embarkation the Deal boat which was conveying
Captain Glasse’s company on board H.M. ship ‘Grampus’ was swamped;
but the men, after being in considerable danger, were all saved.
Yet their dangers were not over; for on that or the next night the
‘Grampus,’ in which the Rifle companies were embarked, came into
collision with the ‘Monarch.’ These dangers being overcome, the
Riflemen disembarked at St. Martin’s dyck in the Island of Tholen
on December 17; and made a night march to Wosmaer. On the next day
they proceeded to Halteren, and thence to near Bergen-op-Zoom, near
which they halted. At this time Bergen was partially invested, and
the Riflemen were moved up on the 23rd close to the walls. But on the
24th they made a night march to Steenberghen; and on the next day
proceeded to Oudenbosch. Here they halted some days; and on the 29th
an attack was anticipated, but none took place.
Early in January 1814 a combined movement was arranged between Sir
Thomas Graham and General Bülow, who commanded the Prussian force
with which Graham’s was to co-operate, by which the French were to
be dislodged from Hoogstraten, and a reconnaissance was to be made
on Antwerp. Accordingly the Riflemen moved to Roosendael on January
9, and thence to Calmthout, where they arrived at daybreak on the
11th. The combined movement of the English and Prussians was to have
taken place on the 12th; and on that day the enemy threatened an
attack; but learning from their patrols that the Prussians were also
approaching, they fell back, and being reinforced from the garrison,
took up a position in front of Antwerp, their left resting on the
village of Merxem, their right on Bergerhout. The Riflemen on the
enemy retiring had advanced in pursuit to Capellen.
On the 13th they advanced towards Antwerp, and soon came up with
the enemy’s rear, as they were retiring into the place. There was a
smart skirmish; and the enemy were driven into Antwerp. The Riflemen
distinguished themselves in this affair; and Sir Thomas Graham in
his despatch particularly mentions ‘the rapid but orderly advance of
the detachment of the 3rd Battalion of the Rifle Corps under Captain
Fullerton’s command,’ with great praise.[141]
In this affair one Rifleman of the 3rd Battalion was killed, and one
wounded.
On the 14th they fell back to Calmthout, and on the 15th marched to
Eckeren, where they remained for some days. The Riflemen had suffered
much from the extreme cold; and on January 26 it reached its maximum,
the thermometer marking 13° of frost.
During the month of January the army under Sir Thomas Graham,
which originally amounted to hardly 6,000 men, was increased by
reinforcements of about 3,000 men. And at this time Major and Brevet
Lieutenant-Colonel Cameron of the 1st Battalion arrived in Holland
and took command of the detachments from the three Battalions.
As the French had 12,000 men in Antwerp under Carnot’s command,
no regular siege could be attempted with this force and with the
means at Graham’s disposal; it was resolved therefore to attempt
to set fire to the enemy’s ships at Antwerp. With this object the
troops were moved forward. And the Riflemen returned on January 30
from Eckeren to Calmthout; on the 31st marched to Braeschaet; and
on February 1 advanced to Donk. On that evening the picquets had
some fighting with those of the enemy. On the 2nd the enemy advanced
to Merxem, which had been strengthened with field works, and the
Riflemen had some hard fighting in and about that village, and at
Schooten. Merxem was carried in gallant style; and Graham specially
notes the conduct of ‘the detachments of the three Battalions of the
Rifle Corps,’ under Colonel Cameron’s command, ‘for the distinguished
manner in which they attacked the left and centre of the village,
forcing the enemy from every stronghold.’[142]
On this day Lieutenant Wright of the 1st Battalion was returned as
wounded;[143] as were Captain William Eeles, Lieutenants Ferguson and
Fitzgerald of the 3rd Battalion. One bugler and 2 Riflemen of the 2nd
Battalion were killed, and 6 wounded.[144]
The attempt to burn the ships in the Scheldt and in the docks was
unsuccessful; for our mortars numbering only seventeen, two-thirds of
which were Dutch or French ones found on the ramparts of Willemstadt
(where part of the force had disembarked), were unserviceable, and
unable to throw shells a sufficient distance. The enemy too nightly
flooded the decks with water, which the intense frost converted into
a thick coating of ice, which, at that range, helped to resist the
shells thrown by the imperfect mortars. And the enemy were able at
once to extinguish any fire among the shipping which might take place.
On the 3rd the Riflemen occupied the château of Merxem, where they
remained until the 6th, when the partial investment of Antwerp and
the attempt on the ships having been found a failure, they moved to
Braeschaet. On the next day they were again moved forward to Donk to
repel a sortie of the garrison, which having effected they returned
to Braeschaet; and on the 9th fell back to Klein Zundert, and on the
15th to Loënhout.
About this time the Prussians, having received orders to proceed to
the south, separated from the British force; and Graham’s position
on the frontier of Holland was far from secure. He fell back,
as we have seen, from Antwerp, and occupied ground between that
place and Breda. He eventually resolved to attempt the capture of
Bergen-op-Zoom. The Riflemen moved on February 28 to West Wesel. In
the storm of Bergen and its failure they had no part; for on March 8
(the day on which the attempt was made) they marched in the evening
towards Antwerp, it being understood that their destination was to
attack Fort Lillo. They marched all night, and towards morning were
countermanded and halted; and some hours afterwards heard of the
failure at Bergen-op-Zoom. However a picquet of the 3rd Battalion was
left near Bergen; and on the failure of the attack on it, they were
ordered late in the night of the 8th to retire, and to make the best
of their way to their companies. This they effected; but with barely
sufficient time to call in their advanced sentries.[145]
On the 9th the Riflemen halted at Stabroek, and on the 11th moved to
Capellen.
Another sortie was made by the enemy from Antwerp on March 26, and
the Riflemen were under arms expecting an attack; but none took
place on them, the enemy having retired. Such alarms and affairs
occasionally occurred; for on the 30th the Riflemen pursued a
foraging party of the enemy, but unsuccessfully, for they made good
their return into Antwerp before the Riflemen could intercept them.
But all really active operations of this expedition terminated
with the failure at Bergen-op-Zoom. Some further operations were
contemplated; but as Graham was on the point of executing them, news
reached the Riflemen on April 4 of the entrance of the Allies into
Paris on March 31.
However by the Treaty of Paris the Kingdom of the Netherlands was
to be established; and pending the details of that measure being
arranged by the Congress of Vienna, an Anglo-Hanoverian force was to
remain in the country. The Rifle detachments formed part of it.
Early in April a detachment of one company was sent to occupy Fort
Batz, and on April 15 the Riflemen moved from Capellen to Braeschaet
and Schooten; on the 29th they marched to Contich, and on the
30th to Mechlin, where they remained about a fortnight. On May 14
they arrived at Brussels; where on the 30th they were reviewed by
the Prince Sovereign of the Netherlands, as he was then styled,
afterwards the King of the Netherlands.
On Sir Thomas Graham, then Lord Lynedoch, returning to England, the
Anglo-Hanoverian force was placed under the command of General the
Prince of Orange. The Riflemen remained at Brussels until August
29, when they moved to Ypres, and on the 31st arrived at Courtrai.
On September 5, they marched to Menin; but returned to Ypres on
October 12. Remaining there till November 22, they moved on that day
to Dixmude, and to Furnes on December 9. About this time the Rifle
detachments received some reinforcements. Captain Logan, Lieutenant
Robert Cochrane and 45 men of the 2nd Battalion embarked at Deal on
November 7 to join them. On March 8, 1815, they were at Nieuport,
with a detachment of two companies at Furnes; their strength being
then 4 captains, 14 subalterns, 2 staff, 21 sergeants, 9 buglers and
388 rank and file, under the command of Captain Glasse of the 1st
Battalion. But on March 24 they were re-united at Menin.[146]
On the renewal of hostilities in 1815 the companies of the 1st and
2nd Battalions joined those Battalions on their arrival in Flanders.
The 2nd Battalion company joined at Leuze on April 18; and the two
companies of the 3rd Battalion were (with the 2nd Battalion) in Sir
Frederick Adam’s brigade at Waterloo.[147]
I have said that the five companies of the 3rd Battalion, on their
return from the Peninsula disembarked at Plymouth, and moved into
barracks there. On September 18, 1814, exactly two months after their
arrival in England, they re-embarked for service; the commanding
officer, Major Mitchell, and three companies on board the ‘Fox,’
and the other two companies on board the ‘Dover’ frigates. Their
destination and the nature of their service were kept a profound
secret, but they were, in fact, intended to effect a descent on
the American coast near New Orleans. They reached Madeira on the
8th October, where they remained till the 11th, and having touched
at Barbadoes early in November, anchored in Negril Bay, Jamaica,
on the 25th. Here they were joined by four line regiments, and two
West India regiments; and setting sail on the 29th, arrived off the
American coast near Mobile on December 10, and on the 11th anchored
near the Chandeleur Islands near the entrance to Lake Borgne.
New Orleans is situated on the left bank of the Mississippi, here
about 800 or 1,000 yards across; below the town are great marshes,
covered with reeds six or seven feet high. While on the river bank
runs a strip of firm ground, varying from one to three miles across,
and mostly under sugar plantations. From this the marsh extends
six or seven miles to the shores of Lake Pontchartrain, which
communicates by Lake Borgne with the sea.
It was deemed impossible to approach New Orleans by the Mississippi,
as well because very strong works existed at its mouth, and on the
way up to the city, as because the course of the river is so tortuous
that no wind would have carried the ships up, without considerable
delay. It was therefore resolved to disembark the troops on the shore
of one of the lakes. But it was ascertained that the Americans,
already cognisant of the intended invasion, had placed gun-boats on
these lakes to prevent the landing. The previous destruction of these
was therefore necessary; and this was effected in very fine style
and in a very short time by the boats of the fleet under Captain
Lockyer.
On the 15th the Riflemen were moved from the ships of war into brigs,
which drew less water, but in which they were so crowded as to be
unable to lie down or almost to turn. But even these were too deep
for the shoal waters of the lake, and they were transferred into long
boats, from which they were landed on the 19th on the Île au Poix (or
as our men called it Pearl Island), formed by the branches of the
Pearl river. The weather in moving from the ships to the island was
very bad; and on arrival at it, it was found to be a perfect desert.
Nothing but reeds grew on it, except a few scrubby pine-trees at one
end. To add to their discomfort, a severe frost came on at night; the
men were without shelter of any kind, and they suffered severely. And
as all their supplies had to be furnished from the fleet, want of
provisions was added to their other hardships.
On the 22nd the Battalion (which formed part of the advance under
Colonel Thornton) embarked in boats, and about two o’clock pushed
off to land on the mainland. The place decided on for their
disembarkation was at the head of a creek called Bayou Catalan in
Lake Borgne. The distance was between thirty and forty miles, and the
men were so crowded in the boats that they could not move. They did
not reach the entrance to the creek till after dark. As a picquet of
the enemy was posted about half a mile up the creek, Captain James
Travers, with his company, were placed in small boats and pushed
forward. The picquet was stationed at some huts; near these Travers
landed, and having moved his men to both ends of the huts, prevented
the escape of the picquet, which was secured without a shot being
fired. This was admirably effected; and was a most important service.
For had this picquet escaped or raised an alarm, the landing would
have been opposed. And this would have been a serious check; for on
the morning of the 23rd, when the leading boat reached the narrow
part of the Bayou it was found impracticable to ascend higher, and
the boats being drawn up one after another the men passed over them
as a bridge. This of course was a very slow operation, and one
which, if opposed, would have been very difficult. The Battalion
disembarked about an hour after daylight, having been upwards of
sixteen hours cramped in the boats.
As soon as the whole advance were on shore, they marched, Travers’
company leading; and to give their force as imposing an appearance
as possible, and to scour the country, they advanced with extended
files. They moved in this order through a wood which skirted the
swamp on this side, and as soon as they had cleared it, came upon a
house, surrounded with out-buildings and huts for slaves, belonging
to a M. Villeroy. The Battalion advancing at the double, took
possession of it; and in this and some neighbouring houses took
about thirty prisoners, and a good many stand of arms, belonging, as
was supposed, to the local militia. Unhappily M. Villeroy escaped,
and probably gave information to the enemy; this, before the night
was over, entailed very disastrous consequences. The Battalion then
advanced, and turning to the right, marched for about a mile on the
road to New Orleans, and then bivouacked in a green field in quarter
distance column.
The road ran near the river’s bank which was on the left; and an
embankment about three or four feet high was thrown up to keep
the overflow of the river from the cultivated ground, here about
three-quarters of a mile or a mile broad; beyond this was a strip of
wood, the way through which was, in fact, impracticable, the ground
under the trees being wet and swampy. The cultivated land was much
intersected with wet ditches, and divided by strong wooden palings
five feet high.
On arriving at the bivouack Travers’ company, which had formed the
advanced guard on the march, was pushed forward about a mile to the
front, on the main road, as a picquet.
The troops halted somewhat after mid-day; and as the men had been
without provisions since the morning before, they began as soon as
dismissed to cook. While doing so, between three and four o’clock,
firing was heard in the front from the picquet; it turned out to
be in consequence of an American officer, attended by some mounted
men, riding up to the picquet to reconnoitre. However, the Riflemen
saluted him with a few shots, one of which wounded him, and another
killed the horse of one of the party, on which they retired, getting
off the wounded officer with them.
At nightfall, Captain Hallen’s company relieved Travers at the
advanced picquet; and the men of the rest of the Battalion, being
much fatigued by their uncomfortable night in the boats, their
tedious landing, and their march, lay down in bivouack. They had torn
down some of the palings dividing the fields, and had made good fires
which then burned brightly. While they were thus, as they fancied,
secure, a schooner dropped down the Mississippi, and guided by the
light of their fires, opened a heavy cannonade upon them with great
effect. The men of course were aroused and dispersed; but no shelter
could be found, in this dead flat, except by crouching under the
embankment by the riverside. Hallen had seen the schooner pass his
post and had sent a man off to alarm the Battalion; but the schooner
having the current of the river in her favour reached the bivouack
before the Rifleman could get there.
While in this state of alarm from the sudden cannonade from the
schooner, heavy and continued firing was heard in the front. A body
of 5,000 Americans had attacked Hallen’s picquet, detaching 1,500 men
through the wood to turn the right of the troops. Nobly Hallen kept
them at bay; but being himself wounded, and his picquet threatened by
such overpowering odds, reinforcements advanced from the Battalion.
Meanwhile the enemy made way through the garden of a house on the
right, where a picquet of the 85th had been placed; and the night
being very dark, a hand to hand fight took place. Every deception
was practised by the enemy; and having discovered (from prisoners
probably made in the _mêlée_) the regiments opposed to them, they
would call out, ‘Come on my brave ninety-fifth (or eighty-fifth),’
and then make those who advanced prisoners.
But this _ruse_ was not always successful; more than once they found
that instead of making Riflemen prisoners, they had themselves
‘caught a Tartar.’ On one such occasion an officer and some men
of the Battalion made a body of the Yankees prisoners, and when
they were desired to lay down their arms, the cowardly officer who
commanded them made a stab at the 95th officer with a knife. He was
summarily disposed of; for a Rifleman instantly shot him through the
body.
Meanwhile the fight continued at Hallen’s post. Two battalions came
up and fired volleys by word of command as at a drill. Not much to
their advantage, for the Riflemen, warned by the words, ‘Ready!
Present!’ took care to lie pretty close before the word ‘Fire!’
which, having been pronounced and obeyed, they sprang up, and gave
them a severe return before they could reload. This continued for
some time; but at last, the picquet was obliged to give way before
superior numbers. Yet they only retired a little way to get under
cover and re-form. Eventually the Riflemen advanced again, attacked
their assailants, repulsed them, and regained the post. Hallen, as I
have said, was wounded, so was Lieutenant Forbes, who held a separate
post, and about forty men were killed or wounded. This defence by
Hallen has truly been characterised as ‘an affair of posts but rarely
equalled, and never surpassed in devoted bravery.’[148]
‘Had the expedition terminated more favourably,’ he who makes the
foregoing remark goes on to observe, ‘it is to be presumed that the
brave commander of the company would not have gone unrewarded.’ It
may be so: this is the presumption; the fact is, that Hallen retired
from the Service in 1824 with the rank of Captain, which he had
obtained fifteen years before. Thus England rewarded acts of valour
performed by all but her superior officers.
When the fire was first heard at Hallen’s picquet, Major Mitchell,
taking with him twenty or thirty Riflemen, had hurried to the front
to reinforce it. On the way, however, he fell in with a body of the
enemy, whom, in consequence of the darkness of the night, he could
not distinguish, and he and the men with him were made prisoners.
Altogether the loss of the Battalion on that night was 6 Sergeants
and 17 Riflemen killed; Captain Hallen, Lieutenants Daniel Forbes,
(severely), and W. S. C. Farmer (slightly), 5 Sergeants and 54
Riflemen wounded; and Major Samuel Mitchell, 2 Sergeants, and
39 Riflemen missing. A total (exclusive of officers) of 123, or
one-fifth of their whole number.
The loss of the Americans, who were finally driven off about
midnight, must have been very great, for the field was strewn with
their dead.
Yet still the schooner, and a ship which had joined her, inflicted
amazing annoyance on our people. With a brutality happily unknown
among European nations, they fired into the houses to which the
wounded had been carried. One shot struck a house in which a wounded
Rifleman was lying, and knocked away his knapsack, which he was using
as a pillow, without doing him any actual injury.
However, this savage warfare was to end. On the night of the 25th
a battery was constructed close to the river’s edge, and furnaces
erected for heating red-hot shot. At daybreak on the 26th the battery
commenced its fire on the schooner. Its crew, whose courage did
not equal their cruelty, at once took to their boats and fled; the
fourth shot set her on fire, and she soon afterwards blew up. While
the ship, warned by her fate, and esteeming discretion as the better
part of valour, had herself towed, as rapidly as possible, out of the
range of the little English battery.
In this bivouack the Riflemen continued till the 28th. But it was
toilsome work. The picquets were continually fired at; the reliefs
waylaid; the officers going round their sentries exposed to chance
shots from a concealed marksman. How different this from the
courtesies and chivalry of their European enemies, which I have so
often had occasion to narrate!
[Illustration:
Operations near NEW ORLEANS
in 1814-15.
_Compiled & Drawn by Capt^n H. M. Moorsom, Rifle Brigade._
E. Weller, _Litho._
_London, Chatto & Windus._
]
Early on the 28th the army advanced towards New Orleans, the Riflemen
leading, by the high road along the river’s bank. They drove in the
enemy’s picquets, and proceeded along the road here called ‘_Le
détour des Anglais_,’ till, on turning round some houses on the left,
they suddenly found themselves in front of a strong work the enemy
had thrown up, and from which they opened a cannonade from four guns;
while their old enemy the ship, now moored a little in advance of the
work, brought a flank fire to bear on them. The Riflemen, leading and
extended, did not suffer so much;[149] but the 85th which followed
in close formation were mown down by this fire. Some houses were on
the right, which might have afforded some temporary cover; but the
enemy, by their shells, set them on fire, and the flames added to the
confusion. To escape in some measure from the effects of the fire the
regiments were deployed to the right, while the Riflemen advancing
about a hundred yards got into a ditch, which in a great degree
sheltered them. In the afternoon the regiments moved off by wings, so
as to present as small a body as possible to the enemy’s fire. The
Riflemen, however, did not move off till after dark, nor till some
of the Yankees had ventured out of their works ‘in a very triumphant
manner.’ But a few shots from the Riflemen immediately produced the
conviction among them that it was more advisable to return to the
protection of their rampart. This work was a stout parapet, in front
of which was a wet ditch or canal. Its extent was about 1,000 yards,
and its left touched the river, while its right was defended by the
wood.
The army now took up a position about a mile and a half or two
miles from this work. The Battalion was placed in a house rather in
advance, and on the left of the line. This was exposed, not only to
the fire from the work, but also, as it was near the bank, from a
redoubt which the enemy had constructed on the opposite side of the
river. The men were placed in a sugar-house belonging to this farm,
the floor of which being sunk below the level of the natural ground
afforded some protection. Yet on one occasion at least their cooking
utensils were knocked off the fire by shot passing through this house.
So matters continued until the 31st. It was resolved to bring up some
of the ships’ guns and to place them in battery against the enemy’s
work. Accordingly on the night of the 31st strong working parties
were employed in constructing two batteries near it; one with the
object of keeping down the flank fire from the ship; the other with
the view of breaching the centre of the rampart. The night was dark;
the men worked in silence; and before daylight the batteries were
completed, and the guns in position.
Early in the morning of January 1, 1815, the troops were moved up,
with the object of attacking the enemy’s work. A thick fog favoured
their advance, and concealed their movements from the Americans.
About nine o’clock the fog rose, and our batteries at once began
their fire. This threw the Yankees, who were seen on parade, into
utter confusion; and had a charge on the works been made at that
moment, no doubt it would have been successful. But unhappily the
orders were that the attack was not to be made till the enemy’s
fire had been silenced, and his works breached. When, therefore,
the Americans saw that nothing took place but a cannonade, their
courage returned, and after about twenty minutes they began to return
our fire; and gradually increased to a vigorous cannonade, which
effectually overpowered our guns, and dismounted some of them. The
flank fire too from the battery on the opposite bank of the river, in
which they had placed their ship’s guns, was very galling.
After being kept under this fire inactive till between two and three
o’clock in the afternoon, the troops were withdrawn and bivouacked
on the ground, and some occupied the houses they had held during
the last few days. At night the troops were turned out and employed
in withdrawing the guns from the batteries in which they had been
placed. This was hard work; and some of the guns had to be buried, it
being found impossible to remove them before daylight. Thus the men
had been up, and at hard work, two nights; and in the intervening day
had been for many hours under the enemy’s fire, without the chance of
fighting them. The loss of the Battalion was, 1 Rifleman killed, and
2 missing.
Things continued in this state till the 7th, the picquets being as
before constantly harassed by the enemy.
No other course remained but to carry the enemy’s work by an attack
_de vive force_, and it was decided that this should take place on
the 8th. Three companies of the Battalion were to precede the advance
of the right column under General Gibbs, consisting of the 4th,
21st and 44th regiments; while the other two companies were in like
manner to act with the left column. The Riflemen were to extend along
the edge of the canal or ditch in front of the enemy’s rampart, and
both parties so extended were to occupy the whole of the bank, or
as it might be called, the crest of the glacis. At four o’clock in
the morning the troops paraded; and by daylight the Riflemen were
in their place. But the 44th Regiment, which had been appointed to
carry ladders and fascines to enable the attacking force to cross
the ditch, had come without them. Their commanding officer, the Hon.
Colonel Mullens, had said loudly the night before when the regiment
was detailed for this duty in orders, that ‘his regiment was sent on
a forlorn hope’ and ‘was doomed.’ And on the regiment returning to
fetch the ladders and fascines, he prudently did not come back to
the front with them. The enemy meanwhile opened a furious fire on
the troops, specially destructive to the Riflemen who were extended
within 100 or 150 yards of the work. One regiment of the right
attack, finding itself exposed to this fire, and without the fascines
and ladders they had been led to expect, wavered, broke up, and fled
to the rear, throwing the regiment which was following in support
into confusion. Sir Edward Pakenham, who commanded, in trying to
rally this column was killed; General Gibbs, who commanded it, was
mortally wounded; and General Keane, who commanded the left attack,
was wounded. This attack succeeded better; and for a time the troops
composing it held a redoubt which the enemy had constructed in front
of the ditch, and which they had stormed. But in the end they were
obliged also to give way. Thus the Riflemen, extended in skirmishing
order along the edge of the ditch, were left unsupported, and were
obliged to retire as best they could. As their files were extended
they presented a less prominent object for the enemy’s guns, and
they eventually got away with comparatively small loss. Some of them
had got quite to the edge of the ditch, and reported that they could
have passed it, but the attacking columns which they expected never
came up; and to have entered the enemy’s work without them would, of
course, have been certain destruction.
A gallant and successful diversion was made on the right bank of the
Mississippi by a column under Colonel Thornton; but as the Battalion
did not form part of it, it is not my province, as historian of the
Regiment only, farther to notice it.
It was regretted by the Riflemen, that Pakenham, himself a Peninsular
soldier, did not employ troops who had seen fighting more prominently
in so arduous an operation as storming this work. The 7th and 43rd
had arrived just before; beside both these regiments the Riflemen
had fought in Spain and Portugal; the latter were especially
companions in arms, and they had hailed their advent with delight.
Yet these he held in reserve, while he advanced comparatively
unseasoned troops to the fire of the Americans.
The Battalion retired at last, sorrowful and weary, to its bivouack.
It lost 1 Sergeant and 10 Riflemen killed; and Captains James
Travers (severely) and Nicholas Travers (slightly), Lieutenants John
Reynolds, Sir John Ribton, John Gossett, William Backhouse, and
Robert Barker (severely), 5 Sergeants and 89 Riflemen wounded.[150]
During the night the wounded were removed, and a truce for two
days, to enable the dead to be buried and the wounded cared for,
was made between General Lambert (who succeeded to the command) and
General Jackson who commanded the American force. This truce was
effected, not without difficulty, by Major Harry Smith, Assistant
Adjutant-General, who passed and repassed frequently between the
opposing armies.
During this truce every attempt was made by the Yankees to induce
our men to desert. The non-commissioned officers were promised
commissions, the men land, if they would enter the American service.
On one such occasion two Sergeants and a private of the 95th were
accosted by an officer of American Artillery, who with such large
promises invited them to enter the American service. The Riflemen
heard the tempter out; and then, in language perhaps rather forcible
than complimentary, assured him that they would rather be privates
in their own Corps, than officers with such ‘a set of ragamuffins’
as they saw before them; assuring him that if he did not move off,
he should have a taste of their rifles. On that hint, he fled; but
getting into the work turned a gun on them and fired, knocking over
the private, whom however he only wounded.
A Rifleman on sentry was exposed to the solicitations of another
of these gentry. He heard all his generous offers of money, land,
and promotion; but pretending he did not, he begged him to come a
little nearer and ‘tell him all about it.’ The Yankee elated at his
success walked up to the post, and when he was well within range, the
Rifleman levelled and shot him in the arm. Then walking forward, he
led him prisoner to the guard-room; on the way informing him what a
real soldier thought of such sneaking attempts on his fidelity.[151]
These attempts were not always unsuccessful, and much desertion took
place; but Surtees records with natural pride, that as far as he
knew not a single instance took place among the Riflemen of the 3rd
Battalion.
During this truce an officer of the American army was observed
plundering a wounded soldier. This excited the ire of Corporal Scott
of the 3rd Battalion, who (with the permission of his officer) took a
shot at the marauder, and tumbled him over the man he was plundering.
The last duties having been paid to the dead, and all the wounded
that were capable of being moved having been withdrawn, a retreat
was effected on the night of the 18th. The fires were trimmed, and
the men fell in and marched in silence. The weather had latterly
broken up; heavy rains by day, and sometimes thunderstorms, were
often followed by frost at night. As it was impossible, owing to
the narrowness and shallow water of the Bayou Catalan, to embark
the troops where they had landed, a road, or an attempt at a road,
had been constructed across the marsh, from the great road to New
Orleans, along the river’s bank to the shore of Lake Borgne. This
extended some miles, and was made of reeds, which it was thought
would support the men across the morass; and where it crossed open
ditches, as it frequently did, the reeds were laid on boughs of trees
brought with great labour from the wood. This road, a bad one at the
best, was much injured by the rains, and sunk in with the tramp of
the head of the column; so that this night march was very fatiguing,
the men often sinking in to the knees, and sometimes in the dark
slipping off into the marsh, from whence they were with difficulty
rescued.
However at last on the 19th they reached the shore of the lake about
one mile from its entrance. Here they were ordered to hut themselves;
but this was no easy task, the place being a desert, and almost the
only material the reeds which grew on the marsh.
Here they remained till the 25th, when the Battalion embarked on
board the ‘Dover,’ which had brought out two of its companies. The
Battalion was reduced by its losses in the field to almost half its
strength on landing. On the 27th they set sail; and it was resolved
to attempt the capture of Mobile. This place, lying about 100 miles
to the eastward of New Orleans, is situated in a bay, the entrance to
which is defended by a work called Fort Boyer, which therefore had
first to be reduced. In order to effect this the 4th, 21st, and 44th
Regiments were landed, and commenced the investment of and approach
to the place. While on the 8th February the Riflemen and the rest of
the troops were disembarked on Île Dauphine at the other side of the
bay, till the reduction of Fort Boyer should enable them to move up
to Mobile. Here the men hutted themselves; for the island, though
otherwise almost a desert, is well covered with pine wood; while the
officers, or some of them, had tents.
During the time that they were here, General Lambert inspected the
troops by regiments. On making his inspection of the 3rd Battalion,
James Travers (in Mitchell’s absence, who had been taken prisoner)
was in command. ‘Well, Travers,’ said the General, ‘I hear your
Sergeant-Major ran away on the night of the 23rd December.’ ‘Nay,
General,’ answered Travers, ‘that he did not. He fought as well
as any man could, and was towards the end of the affair severely
wounded. But,’ added he, ‘I think I know what may have given rise
to that report. A sergeant of ours was in or near one of the houses
where the wounded were taken, and the surgeon made him remain there
as Hospital Sergeant. I did all I could to get him back to the
Battalion; but I could not succeed.’ ‘Well,’ said the General, ‘since
I had done the Sergeant-Major some wrong, I must see what I can do
to make him amends.’ He did procure him an ensigncy in a West India
Regiment, to which he was gazetted soon after.
While the Battalion was on Île Dauphine, a gallant act was performed
by Sergeant Thomas Fukes. He, with four or five Riflemen, was sent
over to the mainland to shoot bullocks. Fukes with a couple of
Riflemen went inland, leaving the other men in charge of the boat.
Here one Shiel of the American navy (who had captured a boat in bad
weather with some of the 14th Light Dragoons, when embarking at Lake
Borgne, and who in consequence fancied himself a hero) came upon them
round a jutting point, and having captured them, put them in charge
of some of his own crew into their own boat, and dispatched them to
an American ship or post. Then waiting for the sergeant, the other
two Riflemen, and the Commissary, he of course made them prisoners,
since their boat and the rest of their party had disappeared. The
Commissary was placed aft with Mr. Shiel; Sergeant Fukes and his two
men forward; and they were being rowed off. When well off the shore
the Commissary seizing Shiel by the thighs chucked him overboard,
while Sergeant Fukes at the same instant sent one of the boat’s
crew to follow him, and the Riflemen disposed of the rest. They now
recovered their rifles, and having taken security of Mr. Shiel for
his good behaviour, admitted him at his urgent importunity into the
boat, from whence they landed him, a moist and dispirited prisoner of
war, on Île Dauphine.
The approaches to Fort Boyer being completed, Harry Smith was
sent in with a summons to surrender. The poor Yankee commandant,
sadly puzzled, asked Major Smith what he would advise him to do.
He strongly recommended him to surrender immediately, as the place
must be taken by assault. Acting on such good advice, which fell
in probably with his own sinking courage, he surrendered with his
garrison, and signed a capitulation on the 11th February.
This important work having fallen, immediate preparations were made
for re-embarking the troops, and attacking Mobile. But on the 14th
news arrived of the preliminaries of peace between England and the
United States having been settled at Ghent on December 24. All
warlike operations of course terminated; and the troops only awaited
on Île Dauphine the ratification of the treaty by President Madison.
Intelligence of this reached them on the 5th March, and on the 15th
the officers and Riflemen who had been made prisoners re-joined the
Battalion, having been released under the terms of the treaty. Major
Mitchell had been roughly treated by General Jackson, because he
refused to furnish him with information of our strength or movements.
On the 31st March the Battalion embarked on board the ‘Dover,’ some
few men being placed on board the ‘Norfolk’ transport. On the 4th
April they set sail, and, having called at the Havannah, arrived
at Plymouth, whence they were ordered round to Dover, where they
disembarked on the 2nd June and moved to Shorncliffe, where they
found three companies of the Battalion, the remaining two being in
Flanders, as is now to be narrated.
FOOTNOTES:
[131] George Simmons had been brought up to the medical profession.
[132] ‘Napier,’ Book xxiii. chap. 3.
[133] Nineteen men of the 1st Battalion, and 1 bugler and 12 men of
the 2nd Battalion, were returned as ‘missing.’
[134] He was, while the 1st Battalion were absent, temporarily
attached to the 2nd Battalion; being employed on the telegraph of the
Light Division.
[135] ‘Twelve Years’ Military Adventure.’
[136] See Napier, Book xxiv. chap. 5.
[137] Surtees, 296, 297. The context is very confused, the editor not
having been able to decipher or to arrange Surtees’ MS.
[138] Record, 2nd Battalion. As the return in the ‘London Gazette’
does not distinguish the regiments of the non-commissioned officers
and privates, I am unable to give the casualties of the other
Battalions.
[139] It is evident from Sir Thomas Graham’s letters to Lord Bathurst
and Lord Wellington (‘Supplementary Despatches,’ viii. 376-7) that
he undertook this command very unwillingly and only from a sense
of duty. To Lord Wellington he says ‘I cannot look forward to it
otherwise than an irksome service, with scarce a chance of any
material success.’
[140] It would appear from a private letter from Lord Bathurst to
Lord Wellington, that the strength of the detachment of the 3rd
Battalion was 250 men. ‘Supplementary Despatches,’ viii. 390. This is
a clerical or typographical error for ‘of the three Battalions.’ The
depôt companies were at this time very weak, and the strength of the
whole detachment was about 250 men.
[141] Graham’s Despatch, ‘Annual Register,’ lvi., 154.
[142] Despatch, ‘Annual Register,’ 157.
[143] I am informed by Mr. Wright that he was _not_ wounded on this
occasion. This is a curious illustration of Byron’s remark about
‘Gazette fame’ (‘Don Juan,’ canto viii., stanza 18 and note). The
officer of the 1st Battalion who was wounded at Merxem on February
2 was Lieutenant Church. He had been taken prisoner in one of the
fights at Arcangues on December 10, 1813 (see p. 160); but had made
his escape, had found his way across France without being discovered,
and had joined Glasse’s company in Holland. Like M’Cullock after the
Coa (p. 56) he had trusted himself to the fair sex, who had assisted
his disguise, and favoured his escape.
[144] ‘London Gazette,’and 2nd Battalion Record. As the ‘Gazette’
does not distinguish the regiments of the non-commissioned officers
and lower ranks, I am unable to state the losses of the detachments
of the other two Battalions.
[145] I derive this information from Michael Mappin, a pensioner
in the Royal Hospital at Chelsea, who served in the 3rd Battalion
from April 1813 till it was disbanded, and afterwards in the 2nd
Battalion, and who was himself on this picquet. He was wounded before
Antwerp.
[146] ‘Wellington Supplementary Despatches,’ x. 704-5-6, and 718.
[147] I owe almost all the particulars of this expedition to the
kindness of Lieutenant Wright, on half-pay of the Regiment, who
served in it, and who survives in good health and perfect memory,
whose acquaintance I had the pleasure of making while these sheets
were passing through the press. The information and papers he
communicated to me enable me to supply many details of this campaign,
which, squeezed out between the Peninsular and Waterloo campaigns,
and eclipsed by the latter, has never had its history sufficiently
written. Yet it was arduous service, albeit unsuccessful.
[148] Leach, ‘Sketch of Field Services,’ 27.
[149] Their loss between December 25 and 31 was 1 Rifleman killed; 1
Sergeant and 3 Riflemen wounded; and 1 Rifleman missing.
[150] Major James Travers, K.H., died February 5, 1841. The ball
received at New Orleans had never been extracted, and is said
eventually to have caused his death. Lieutenant Backhouse died of his
wounds.
[151] Gleig, ‘Campaigns of the British Army at Washington and New
Orleans’ p. 186. He regrets that he has forgotten, or did not know,
the name of this soldier; a regret in which all Riflemen will join.
CHAPTER VI.
I now return to the narrative of services of the 1st Battalion, who
had marched to Dover on their return from the Peninsula in 1814.
Napoleon having landed from Elba, on the resumption of hostilities
against him, six companies of this Battalion, under the command of
Sir Andrew Barnard, embarked at Dover on the 25th April 1815 on board
the ‘Wensleydale’ transport and landed at Ostend on the 27th.
The officers present with these six companies were:
Colonel SIR ANDREW BARNARD.
Major and Brevet Lieut.-Col. CAMERON.
Captain LEACH, _Brevet Major_.
” CHAS. BECKWITH, _Brevet Major_.
” GLASSE.
” LEE.
” SMYTH.
” CHAWNER.
Lieutenant LAYTON.
” MOLLOY.
” ARCHIBALD STEWART.
” FREER.
” GARDINER.
” LISTER.
” GEORGE SIMMONS.
” STILWELL.
” HAGGUP.
” FITZMAURICE.
” E. D. JOHNSTON.
” ORLANDO FELIX.
2nd Lieutenant CHURCH.
” ALLEN STEWART.
” WRIGHT.
Volunteer CHARLES SMITH.
Lieutenant and Adjutant KINCAID.
Paymaster MCKENZIE.
Quartermaster BAGSHAWE.
Surgeon BURKE.
Assistant-Surgeon ROBSON.
” ” HETT.[152]
As soon as the companies were all landed at Ostend they embarked in
large boats on the canal, and arrived at Bruges about dark. The next
morning at four o’clock they proceeded (towed by horses) to Ghent,
where they arrived at three o’clock. Here they disembarked and were
billeted until the 10th May; on which day they marched to Alost, and
thence on to Wella, where they halted during the 11th. And on the
12th marched to Brussels, where they arrived about eleven o’clock,
and went into billets.
Either at this time or soon afterwards they were placed (with the
28th, 32nd and 79th) in Sir James Kempt’s brigade of General Picton’s
division. Sir James Kempt having commanded one of the brigades of
the Light Division during the latter part of the Peninsular war,
the Riflemen of the 1st Battalion felt themselves at home under his
orders.
Leaving the 1st Battalion at Brussels I proceed to note that five
companies of the 2nd Battalion, consisting of 2 Field Officers, 5
captains, 14 subalterns, 4 staff, 50 sergeants, 16 buglers, and 480
rank and file, under the command of Colonel Wade, marched from Dover
Castle at five o’clock P.M. on March 25; and embarking at eleven
P.M. on board packets, reached Ostend on the next day, disembarked
at two P.M. and marched immediately, three companies to Saas and two
to Sluys. On the 28th the whole marched to Bruges; on the 29th three
companies marched to Piethem and two to Eeghem. The next day the five
companies marched to Courtrai, and on the 31st to Tournay. The 1st
April they marched to Leuze. Here they remained, with detachments at
Villers St. Amand, Villers Notre Dame, Ligne, Moulbaix and Grammont,
till June 12.
Meanwhile, on April 18 the company (1 captain, 5 subalterns and 100
men) which had been with Sir Thomas Graham in Holland joined, making
the strength of the Regiment in Belgium six companies; and on April
20 they were inspected by the Duke of Wellington.
On April 29 Colonel Wade left the Battalion to take command of the
consolidated depôts; and on May 2 Major and Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel
Norcott took command of the Battalion.
On June 12 the Battalion marched to Tourpe, Ellegnies and Auberhies.
On the 16th it marched to Nivelles, and on the 17th marched to
Waterloo and bivouacked there.
About the same time that these Battalions embarked, Major and Brevet
Lieutenant-Colonel Ross proceeded to Belgium to take command of the
two companies of the 3rd Battalion, which had been in Holland, the
Head-quarters being still in America, or on their way back. These
as well as the 2nd Battalion were placed in Sir Frederick Adam’s
brigade of Sir Henry Clinton’s division, with their old companions in
arms the 52nd and with the 71st Light Infantry.
The 1st Battalion being, as I said, at Brussels and in billets, were
startled from their sleep on the evening of June 15, by their bugles
sounding the ‘assembly.’ The companies immediately assembled on
their alarm posts. Here two days’ rations of biscuit and meat were
served out to the men; and they marched to near the Park, where the
Battalion was formed in quarter-distance column. This was effected,
though the men were billeted all over the town, by eleven o’clock;
whereas the other regiments of the division were not formed up till
two o’clock in the morning. The Battalion being thus assembled, piled
arms; the men took off their packs, and using them as pillows, were
soon fast asleep, The officers following their example and reposing
on a doorstep, or wherever else they could, were frequently disturbed
by the ladies and others returning from the Duchess of Richmond’s
ball, which, it is well known, took place on that night. However,
the other regiments of the division having assembled, about dawn
they left Brussels by the Porte-de-Namur, and marched to Waterloo.
Here they halted among some trees on the left side of the road. The
men cooked, and after a rest resumed their march by the Charleroi
road towards Quatre Bras. The heat was intense; and one man, struck
by a coup-de-soleil, went raving mad, struck the man next him with
his rifle, and fell down dead. After passing Genappe the companies
extended as they came up, passing through fields of high standing
corn. A few round-shot now greeted them, but they proceeded till
brought up by a thick quickset hedge. The enemy fired at this,
and wounded one man. The Riflemen poked their rifles through, but
hesitated to force themselves through it on account of the sharpness
of the thorns. So strange it is that these men, who feared no fire of
the enemy, hesitated before a prickly hedge. Then it was that George
Simmons, seeing the check, went back a few paces, and rushing at
Sergeant Underwood, hit him on the knapsack and butted him through.
Both rolled on the ground on the other side, which was much lower;
but they soon sprang to their feet, and, the gap once made, the men
poured through.
It was now about two o’clock when FitzMaurice, who was in Leach’s
absence at Brussels commanding the leading company, and who was
posted on some high ground, observed a horseman, apparently in deep
thought, coming up the road. As he drew near he recognised the Duke
of Wellington, who raising his eyes, and seeing the 95th uniform,
called out quickly, ‘Where is Barnard?’ The word was passed for him;
and when the Colonel galloped up, the Duke said, ‘Barnard, these
fellows are coming on; you must stop them by throwing yourself into
that wood.’ Barnard immediately ordered FitzMaurice to take the
company into the wood, and ‘amuse’ them, until he brought up the rest
of the Battalion. As FitzMaurice was moving off, the Duke called to
him to go round a knoll which would shelter him from the enemy’s
fire.[153]
General Bachelu had occupied the wood of Piermont, and was pushing
forward to obtain possession of another small wood which would
have interrupted the communication between Quatre Bras and Ligny.
But the Riflemen anticipated them. ‘Here, for the first time in
this campaign, the troops of the two nations became engaged. The
skirmishers who successfully checked the further advance of the
French, and secured the wood, were the 1st Battalion of the British
95th Rifles,[154] whom the old campaigners of the French army, at
least those who had served in the Peninsula, had so frequently
found the foremost in the fight, and of whose peculiarly effective
discipline and admirable training they had had ample experience.’[155]
Besides the occupation of this wood the Battalion kept possession of
the Namur road, which they lined.[156] Charles Beckwith’s company,
commanded by Lieutenant Layton, lined an embankment with a ditch in
front of it, and kept up a smart fire on the enemy, which was as
smartly returned. Layton himself was hit in the wrist and side. Yet
the enemy forcing the Riflemen, by increased numbers, out of the
wood, made furious endeavours to turn the left flank of the English
line, on which the Battalion was posted. They had already gained the
road, when the Riflemen at last received the glad summons to advance,
and leaping over the bank and ditch, dashed in among them, and drove
them from the road and from some houses on it which they had occupied.
Marshal Ney was now checked at every point; the wood of Piermont on
his right, that of Bossu on his left, and the plain in the centre,
were all occupied by the Allies or cleared of the French.
The losses of the Battalion at Quatre Bras were Lieutenant
Lister,[157] 2 sergeants and 6 rank and file killed; Captain
Smyth[158]; Lieutenants Layton, wounded in the wrist; Gardiner,
severely wounded in the leg; FitzMaurice,[159] wounded in the leg; 3
sergeants and 48 rank and file wounded.
At nightfall the ground won by the Riflemen was given over to Sir
Charles Alten’s division, and the Battalion retired to the rear
of the farm of Gemioncourt; where, having formed open column of
companies and piled arms, the men lay down in their ranks, the
officers on the inner flanks of their companies; ready, all of them,
to take their arms and assume order of battle on any alarm.
Before the Battalion left the ground on which it had fought, Sir
Andrew Barnard called attention to a Rifleman lying in their front,
with both his legs shattered, adding, ‘Gentlemen, if one of you
would remain here with two or three men, and bring that poor fellow
off, it would be a glorious act indeed.’ George Simmons at once
volunteered. After the Battalion had moved off, he set up two sticks
in the direction of the wounded man and laid another at top. When
it was getting dark he sent a man forward in this alignment, and
marching upon him, and past him, soon reached the wounded man. He
told him not to make a sound, hoisted him on the back of one of the
men who remained with him, and, the poor fellow suppressing a groan
or a sound, he took him away. Luckily while he was thus engaged the
sentries of the French picquet were being visited, so that their
attention was occupied. On nearing our lines he and his suffering
burthen were challenged by the Germans of Alten’s division, and it
was not till an officer and twenty men had advanced and examined him,
that he was suffered to pass, and to deposit the wounded man in a
house at Quatre Bras. After which he rejoined his Battalion.
Before daylight a sharp fire took place between the picquets, owing
to a patrol of cavalry having by some mistake got between the
advanced sentries. At dawn on the 17th a company of the Battalion
was sent forward to occupy the farm-yard of Gemioncourt at Quatre
Bras, and they detached a picquet of two officers and twenty men
to the front. These were placed, some in a ditch and some behind a
wall, with orders not to fire; and the French, finding their fire not
returned, by degrees ceased firing. The men now cooked; those in rear
cooking for those in front.
The retreat of the Prussians having rendered a similar movement on
our part necessary, the troops at Quatre Bras began a retrograde
movement on the morning of the 17th. The 1st Battalion received
orders to cover the retreat, and was the last infantry that fell
back. Before the picquet retreated Sergeant Fairfoot, a brave
Peninsular man, who had been wounded in the breach at Badajos, was
struck by a musket ball, which fractured his right fore-arm. Yet with
amazing bravery, before going to the rear, he took a shot with his
rifle (rested on the shoulder of the officer of the picquet), at the
French, firing from his left shoulder and with his left arm.
The Battalion had now fallen back, and, the French advancing, this
picquet retreated also; and came up with the Battalion at Genappe,
where it was halted in column at the entrance to the town. The Duke
and his Staff were on the rising ground near; the Duke watching
intently through his telescope the advance of the enemy. At this
moment rain began to fall heavily, and the men were ordered to
shelter themselves in the houses on each side of the village street;
but they had not been long in them when some shots which were heard
between the enemy’s advancing and our retreating cavalry, soon
produced the order to ‘fall in;’ and passing with the cavalry through
Genappe, they reformed column on some high ground at the end of
that village. While they were so posted they had the satisfaction
of witnessing that charge of the Life Guards down from that height,
which rolled up the French Lancers, and jammed them up with the
cuirassiers in the narrow street of Genappe. The retreat continued,
through incessant torrents of rain, which made the ground and the
trampled corn so difficult to move over, that the Riflemen did not
reach the position of Waterloo till a couple of hours before dark.
There they bivouacked, with the right wing of the Battalion resting
on the Charleroi road, behind La Haye Sainte, and near a small
cottage where Sir Andrew Barnard had established his quarters, and
where he dispensed the provisions he had received from Brussels to
many of his officers.
The enemy coming up on the opposite heights opened a cannonade, but
without effect, at least on the Battalion; and at nightfall they
discontinued it.
While the Battalion lay by their arms, the rain still fell in
torrents; there was a thunderstorm in the evening; and through the
night it rained heavily; but towards morning dwindled to a thin small
rain, and finally ceased before daybreak.
The morning of the 18th dawned heavily; the heavy moisture of the
night rose from the heated ground in mist and haze; which, as the sun
gained power, ascended and left the ground and prospect clear, yet
kept the day cloudy.
At daylight the men sprang to their feet, and took their arms;
cleaning them and their accoutrements, moistened and rusted by so
many hours of wet.
This done, the Battalion took up its position.
The road from Brussels, passing through the forest of Soignies and
the village of Waterloo, reaches the hamlet of Mont St. Jean, where
it bifurcates: the one to the right leading to Nivelles, while that
which goes straight on leads through Genappe to Charleroi. Nearly
three-quarters of a mile from this fork the Charleroi road is crossed
at right angles by a cross-country road, leading on the left to
Wavre, on the right to Braine-la-Leud. About a quarter of a mile from
this cross, and on the right-hand side of the road to Charleroi, is
the farmhouse of La Haye Sainte, with a garden or orchard running
along the road. On the opposite side of the road was a knoll with
a sandpit at its base, and behind this sandpit was a strong hedge
running parallel to the Wavre road for about 140 yards. In the
sandpit were placed two companies of the 1st Battalion under Brevet
Major Leach; another company, William Johnston’s, lined the hedge;
and the remaining three companies lined the Wavre road from its
junction with that leading to Charleroi.
As the Battalion formed column to move up to this position, a shot
from one of the enemy’s guns struck a rear-rank man of the rear
company. He was the first man of the Battalion who fell at Waterloo.
A party of men under George Simmons were sent to cut wood to form an
_abattis_, which the Riflemen constructed on the Charleroi road, at
the point where the hedge abutted on it.
[Illustration:
_Pl. I._
WATERLOO
18^{TH} JUNE 1815
From 4.30 to 6.30 o’clock, p.m.
_E. Weller, lith., London._
_London: Chatto & Windus._
]
The battle began, as is well known, with an attack on Hougoumont.
But about two o’clock D’Erlon’s corps moved upon La Haye Sainte.
They advanced in four columns. The left central column moved in a
direction parallel to the Charleroi road; as they approached the
sandpit, which was hidden from them, both by its depression below the
level of the surrounding plain, and by the height of the standing
corn, they became exposed to the fire of the Riflemen stationed in
it. This obliged them to incline to their right; but they then became
exposed to the fire of Johnston’s company lining the hedge, which not
only threw them farther to their right, but checked them. So that not
only was the interval between their columns diminished by the fire of
the Riflemen driving them to the right, but the distance between that
column and that which succeeded it was also diminished by the fire
of Johnston’s company checking their advance. Donzelot’s brigade,
however, continued to press forward, and out-flanking the advanced
companies of the Riflemen, obliged them to run in on the other three
companies of the Battalion. Still the French pressed on; for a
Belgian brigade on the left of Picton’s division had fled, leaving
a gap in our line. But Picton brought up his infantry; and pouring
in a terrific volley while the French were attempting to deploy,
led his division to the charge (in doing which he himself fell),
and completely routed them. At this moment, as they were going down
the slope, a body of cuirassiers crossed from their right, pursued
by the 2nd Life Guards. The French infantry flung themselves on the
ground, while pursued and pursuers passed over them, and Leach’s
two companies and Johnston’s company running out to and beyond their
former positions in the sandpit and at the hedge, slew many men, and
made many prisoners. But the Duke’s orders were peremptory that the
troops were not to quit their positions, and the Riflemen, having
disposed of their prisoners, returned to theirs.
For some hours after this first attack the 1st Battalion was left
comparatively quiet. A constant and fierce cannonade was indeed kept
up, from which they suffered; but no direct attack was made upon
them till about six o’clock, when the French again advanced against
La Haye Sainte. As the ammunition of the Hanoverians who occupied it
was exhausted, they succeeded in obtaining possession of it. Having
established this post, close to the companies in the sandpit and
lining the hedge, they kept up an incessant fire from loop-holes and
from the windows of the farmhouse on these companies; who being thus
raked by a fire on their right flank, and being also pressed hard in
front by the advancing columns, were obliged to fall back and join
the remaining companies of the Battalion, who were lining the Wavre
road. Thus the enemy were able to establish on the knoll and along
the crest a line of infantry; who kneeling or lying down, showed only
their heads, but delivered a most murderous fire against the Riflemen
and the other regiments of Kempt’s division. Frequent endeavours
were made by the French officers to induce their men to leave this
shelter, and to charge the English line; and now and then a few
gallant spirits seemed inclined to try it. But as often as they did
so, the rifles of the 1st Battalion swept them off. The enemy also
brought up two guns by the garden hedge of La Haye Sainte to the back
of the Charleroi road, and opened fire along it at those lining the
Wavre road, but the Riflemen taking deliberate aim slew the gunners
before they could fire a second round.
At this time the Hanoverian regiment, commanded by Colonel Von
Ompteda, while attempting to deploy (in obedience to the Prince of
Orange’s injudicious orders), was attacked by a body of cuirassiers,
rolled up, and cut to pieces. Though this took place in front of
the ground occupied by the Riflemen, and within range, they could
not fire, through fear of shooting the unfortunate Hanoverians as
well as the slaughtering cuirassiers. But just as these last were
being charged by an English regiment of cavalry (the 23rd Light
Dragoons), they opened upon them a well-directed fire which sent both
parties flying; and the ground so lately crowded with combatants
was entirely cleared, except of the dead and wounded Hanoverians,
and the many cuirassiers brought down by the rifles of the 95th.
Sir Andrew Barnard was wounded early in the day. The command of the
1st Battalion then devolved on Major and Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel
Cameron; and on his being also wounded later in the day, Captain and
Brevet Major Leach commanded it.
Leaving the 1st Battalion, for a time lining the hedge of the
Wavre cross road, and exchanging fire with the French in La Haye
Sainte, and the adjacent ridge, let us trace the actions of the 2nd
Battalion, and of the two companies of the 3rd Battalion during
the day. They were, I have already noted (with the 52nd and 71st),
in Sir Frederick Adam’s brigade. Their station at the commencement
of the action was between the village of Merbe-Braine and the road
to Nivelles, near where that road is intersected by one leading to
Braine-la-Leud. But as soon as the battle began, by the first attack
on Hougoumont, they advanced across this last road, and stood in
column of companies at quarter-distance on the plateau overlooking
the Nivelles road. Subsequently they moved more forward still, and
from the plateau drew up close to the road to Nivelles.
About four o’clock, when an attack was made on Hougoumont, a crowd
of French skirmishers pressed up the hill in their front. The Duke
of Wellington, who was close to the brigade, ordered it to form line
four deep. This they did at once, the 2nd Battalion on the left, the
71st in the centre, and the two 3rd Battalion companies on the right.
For the 52nd in this formation into line were pushed out for want of
room, and formed in rear as a reserve. Then the Duke, pointing to
the French skirmishers, bade them ‘Drive those fellows away.’ This
they did speedily. For springing up the slope with a cheer, they
drove the French before them over the crest, and down the slope on
the other side; bringing up their right shoulders, and halting in
a hollow which extends from the ridge towards the south-east of
Hougoumont. Here they were threatened with an attack of cavalry, and
at once formed square. They were soon charged by _carabiniers_ and
_grenadiers-à-cheval_ of the Guard. In one of these Captain William
Eeles formed his company of the 3rd Battalion in line with the rear
face of the square of the 71st, and ordered his men not to fire till
he gave the word. Then allowing the _carabiniers_ to approach within
thirty or forty yards of the angle of the front on which they were
charging, he gave them such a volley as, combined with the fire of
the square, brought half of them to the ground; some dead, some
wounded; and many entangled among the dead or dying horses.
During the intervals between these charges the 2nd Battalion suffered
much from a furious cannonade kept up on them.
About this time Colonel Norcott, commanding the 2nd Battalion, was
wounded, and Major Miller succeeded to the command; and on his being
wounded soon afterwards, the command of the Battalion devolved on
Captain Logan. At the same time that Colonel Norcott was disabled,
Colonel Ross, commanding the companies of the 3rd Battalion, was
wounded; Major Fullerton succeeded to the command; and on his being
wounded about an hour afterwards the command of these companies
devolved on Captain Eeles.[160]
Thus each Battalion of the Regiment had, on this day, its two senior
officers disabled by wounds.
When the last attack was made upon Hougoumont, Adam’s brigade, with
the 2nd Battalion and the two companies of the 3rd, was withdrawn,
first to the crest, and subsequently to the reverse slope, so as to
be in some measure protected from the cannonade directed against it.
At seven o’clock a column of the Imperial Guard advanced against this
part of the position. It was covered by a cloud of skirmishers; and
in order to check them, a company of each of the regiments of Adam’s
brigade was thrown out in skirmishing order. The enemy’s advancing
column suffered so severely from the English guns, that a body of
cuirassiers were sent forward to endeavour to silence these guns. The
gunners ran in in rear of the infantry, and the cuirassiers not only
drove in the skirmishers of the 2nd Battalion, but came upon Adam’s
brigade, then in line. The Duke was then with them, and the 52nd, the
regiment most threatened, came to the ‘Prepare to receive cavalry.’
But the cuirassiers did not face them, and their further attempts
were checked by some English cavalry sent against them. The Riflemen
were then on the road leading along the crest of the ridge.
[Illustration:
_Pl. II._
WATERLOO
18^{TH} JUNE 1815
8.30 to 9 p.m.
_E. Weller, lith., London._
_London: Chatto & Windus._
]
As the column of the Guard came forward, Sir John Colborne, in
command of the 52nd, at once wheeled up its right shoulder, so as
to throw it on the flank of the column. The Duke, who was present,
approving of this movement, immediately ordered up the 2nd Battalion
on its left; the 71st moved up to its right, and the two companies
of the 3rd Battalion formed the extreme right of the line. These
owing to the rapidity of the movement were not quite in line, but a
little retired from the alignment of the 52nd. The attacking column
of the Imperial Guard, having Maitland’s brigade of Guards in its
front, was evidently staggered by finding Adam’s brigade on its
flank. It halted, and wheeling up its left sections, began to fire.
Colborne also halted the 52nd and fired into the column, and the 2nd
Battalion coming up at that instant on the left, poured a deadly
fire into the Guard. Then Colborne checked the fire, and calling out
‘Charge! Charge!’ led his men against the column. The 2nd Battalion
joined vigorously in this charge; which, as Siborne observes, ‘was
remarkable for the order, the steadiness, the resoluteness, and the
daring by which it was characterised.’ The Imperial Guard wavered,
reeled, and then breaking up, fled in inextricable confusion, in
spite of attempts made by its officers and some brave men in its
ranks to stem its flight. But they were swept away in the torrent of
fugitives; and the brigade continuing its triumphant march across
the field, and bringing its left shoulder, the 2nd Battalion, rather
forward, halted near the Charleroi road, with the left of the 2nd
Battalion close to the orchard of La Haye Sainte. The Duke, who came
up that moment, suggested to Adam to attack some squares of the
Guard, which appeared disposed to make a stand; but Adam observed
that his men had marched far, over heavy ground encumbered with dead
and wounded, and required a short halt. To this the Duke assented;
but in a few moments--knowing by old Peninsular experience that the
French once routed never rally--he called out, ‘Better attack them;
they won’t stand.’ Nor did they. For although they opened fire when
Adam’s brigade approached them, the moment these appeared in earnest
and determined to charge, they faced about and retired by word of
command. The Duke was with the brigade as they ascended the hill to
the French position; and having seen the only standing squares of the
Guard thus disposed of, or, as he said himself, having seen ‘those
fellows off,’ he rode away. Then Adam crossed the Charleroi road, and
bringing up the 2nd Battalion, his left, he proceeded, skirting it,
to drive the enemy before him.
While the 2nd Battalion and the two companies of the 3rd are thus
employed, let us return to the 1st Battalion, which we left on the
Wavre road, exposed to and thinned by the musketry fire from the
heights near La Haye Sainte. When the Duke saw the decisive movement
of Adam’s brigade and the failure of the last attack of his enemy,
he ordered a general advance. The first intimation the 1st Battalion
had of it was a pealing cheer, beginning on the right and rolling
along from brigade to brigade, from battalion to battalion. As the
Riflemen were taking it up, the Duke rode up behind them; the cheers
were redoubled at his appearance, but he said: ‘No cheering, my lads;
but go on and complete your victory.’
‘This movement,’ says a Rifleman who was with them, ‘had carried
us clear of the smoke; and to people who had been so many hours
enveloped in darkness, in the midst of destruction, and naturally
anxious about the result of the day, the scene which now met the
eye conveyed a feeling of more exquisite gratification than can be
conceived. It was a fine summer’s evening, just before sunset. The
French were flying in one confused mass. British lines were seen
in close pursuit, and in admirable order, as far as the eye could
reach to the right, while the plain on the left was filled with
Prussians.’[161]
The 1st Battalion, after marching across the field of battle, halted
about half a mile in front of it, and bivouacked there. The 2nd
Battalion and the two companies of the 3rd bivouacked near La Belle
Alliance.
The losses of the Regiment at Waterloo were:
OF THE 1ST BATTALION.
_Killed._
Lieutenant Stilwell, 4 sergeants, and 16 rank and file.
_Wounded._
Lieutenant-Colonel Sir Andrew Barnard.
Major and Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel Cameron, severely.
Captain and Brevet Major Charles Beckwith (Staff), severely, leg
amputated.
Captain Chawner, severely in the leg.
” W. Johnston, severely.
Lieutenant Molloy, severely.
” George Simmons, shot through the liver and two ribs broken.
” Gairdner, severely.
” E. D. Johnston, severely.
” Felix.
” Allen Stewart, stabbed through the arm and wounded in the
shoulder.
” Wright, severely.
” Church, severely.
” William Shenley, severely.
7 Sergeants, 1 bugler, and 116 rank and file.
OF THE 2ND BATTALION.
_Killed._
2 Sergeants, 1 bugler, and 31 rank and file.
_Wounded._
Major and Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel Norcott, severely.
” ” Wilkins, severely.
Captain and Brevet Major Miller, severely.
” M’Cullock, severely.
Lieutenant Humbley, severely.
” Coxen, severely.
” D. Cameron.
” R. Cochrane.
” Ridgeway, severely.
” Fry.
” Webb.
” Lynam, severely.
” Eyre, severely.
” Walsh, severely.
6 Sergeants, 2 buglers, and 171 rank and file. And 20 rank and file,
_missing_.
OF THE 3RD BATTALION.
_Killed._
Captain Charles Eeles, 3 rank and file.
_Wounded._
Major and Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel Ross, severely.
Captain and Brevet Major Fullerton, severely.
Lieutenant Worsley, severely.
” G. H. Shenley, severely.
1 Sergeant, 1 bugler, and 34 rank and file. And 7 rank and file,
_missing_.
The strength of these Battalions on the morning of June 18 was as
follows:[162]
Offc. = Officers Pres. = Present Abs. = Absent
+--------------+-----+-----+-------+-----+-----------------------------+
| | | | | | Sergeants |
| | | | | +-----+-----------+-----+-----+
| |Field|Capt-| Sub- |Staff| | Sick | | |
| |Offc.|ains |alterns| |Pres.+-----+-----+Woun-|Total|
| | | | | | |Pres.| Abs.| ded | |
+--------------+-----+-----+-------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+
|1st Battalion | | | | | | | | | |
| 6 companies | 1 | 3 | 7 | 6 | 27 | | 11 | | 38 |
|2nd Battalion | | | | | | | | | |
| 6 companies | 2 | 6 | 20 | 6 | 37 | 1 | | 3 | 41 |
|3rd Battalion | | | | | | | | | |
| 2 companies | 1 | 2 | 5 | 2 | 11 | | | 1 | 12 |
+--------------+-----+-----+-------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+
| Total of | | | | | | | | | |
| the regiment | 4 | 11 | 32 | 14 | 75 | 1 | 11 | 4 | 91 |
+--------------+-----+-----+-------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+
+--------------+-----------------------+-------------------------------+
| | Buglers | Rank and file |
| +------+---------+------+------+-----------+-----+------+
| | | | | | Sick | | |
| | Pres.|Sick abs.|Total |Pres. |-----+-----+Woun-|Total |
| | | | | |Pres.|Abs. | ded | |
+--------------+------+---------+------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+
|1st Battalion | | | | | | | | |
| 6 companies | 10 | 2 | 12 | 364 | | 185 | | 549 |
|2nd Battalion | | | | | | | | |
| 6 companies | 17 | | 17 | 567 | 10 | 3 | 5 | 585 |
|3rd Battalion | | | | | | | | |
| 2 companies | 6 | | 6 | 176 | 2 | 2 | 8 | 188 |
+--------------+------+---------+------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+
| Total of | | | | | | | | |
| the regiment | 33 | 2 | 35 | 1107 | 12 | 190 | 13 | 1322 |
+--------------+------+---------+------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+
Of the wounded Lieutenant Johnston had been brought with Simmons to
the farmhouse of Mont St. Jean, a little in rear of the position of
the Battalion. Some Riflemen procured two horses, which had belonged
to French cavalry soldiers, on which they set these officers to take
them to Brussels; and as they were turning out of the gate a cannon
shot, many of which were bounding along the road, struck Johnston and
killed him on the spot.
Of Worsley, Kincaid relates that he had at Badajos received a shot
in his ear, which came out at the back of the neck, which on his
recovery had the effect of turning his head to the right; and that
now he received exactly a similar wound in the left ear, the ball
coming out near the exit of the former, which restored his head to
its original position.[163]
M’Cullock had been wounded in the shoulder on Massena’s retreat from
Portugal in March 1811, and this wound deprived him of the use of the
arm. At Waterloo, by a shot fired very late in the day, he lost the
other arm. He was promoted, ‘having no longer an arm to wield for his
country,’ as he told the Duke of Wellington, ‘but being anxious to
serve it,’ to a majority in the 2nd Garrison Battalion in Dec. 1815,
and died in London in 1818.
Charles Beckwith had his left leg shattered by grape-shot shortly
before the end of the battle. It was amputated a few days afterwards.
He exchanged to half-pay in 1820; and some years subsequently, having
had his attention directed to the Waldenses, he, after frequent
visits to the Pignerolo valleys, eventually settled in that country.
Here his career was one of great usefulness. He found the people
in a state of great depression, poverty and ignorance; and by
untiring devotion to their interests, temporal as well as spiritual,
conferred on them inestimable benefits. He established schools for
primary education, and seminaries for more advanced instruction.
And he taught the people self-reliance, and led them to join in and
contribute to the good works he originated for them. After a career
of great usefulness he died (having then the rank of Major-General)
at Torre, on the 19th July, 1862, attended to the grave by the love
and lamentations of the people for whom he had done so much.[164]
Lieutenant Allen Stewart was stabbed through the left arm by a French
officer ‘whom he finished in an instant;’[165] he was subsequently
wounded by a musket-ball which lodged in the shoulder. After long
suffering at Brussels, where he experienced, as did many other
Riflemen, very great attention and kindness from the inhabitants on
whom they were billeted, he returned to England[166] with George
Simmons, who had also long been detained at Brussels by his dangerous
wounds.[167]
Sir James Kempt, who succeeded to the command of the 5th Division on
Picton’s death, says in his report to the Duke of Wellington: ‘I lost
in my brigade major, who was killed, Captain [Charles] Eeles, 95th, a
most valuable officer.... I shall take the liberty of bringing under
your Grace’s notice the particular claims and merits of the officers
commanding regiments, in a separate report; but I cannot close this
one without mentioning that Colonel Sir A. Barnard and the next in
command, Colonel Cameron of the 95th, were both wounded.’[168]
And Sir Henry Clinton, in his report to Lord Hill, says: ‘The manner
in which the several regiments ... the 2nd and 3rd Battalions 95th,
under Lieutenant-Colonels Norcott and Ross, discharged their duty,
was witnessed and admired by the whole army.’[169]
And on the 26th June he writes thus to Lord Hill: ‘I beg leave to
add the names of officers, which from the favourable reports made of
them by the officers commanding brigades, it is my duty to request
you will lay before the commander of the forces, in the hope that his
Grace will recommend them for promotion. The names of these officers
are: ...
‘Captain Logan, Lieutenant Humbley,[170] and Lieutenant and Adjutant
Smith, 2nd Battalion, 95th Regiment.
‘Captain [William] Eeles and Lieutenant Hope, 3rd Battalion, 95th
Regiment.’[171]
It appears also, by a letter from Sir Henry Torrens to the Duke of
Wellington, February 29, 1816, that the Duke had on the 12th strongly
recommended Lieutenant-Colonel Norcott, on account of his conduct
at Waterloo. For after stating that his obtaining the honour of
Commander of the Bath, in his then rank, was contrary to regulation,
he goes on to add: ‘You may be assured that I shall pay every
attention in my power to the high opinion you have expressed of him,
and to your desire that his claim should be attended to.’[172]
On June 19, 1815, the Regiment began its march to Paris. On the 24th
the 1st Battalion moved from Bavay to Engle-fontaine, and encamped
or was cantoned in that neighbourhood, and on the 25th at Maretz. On
the 26th the 2nd Battalion moved from Nauroy and Magny, and encamped
near Beauvoir and Lanchy; and the 1st Battalion halted at Nauroy,
Magny, and Bellenglise. On the next day the 2nd Battalion crossed
the Somme at Villecourt and moved by Nesle to Roye, and the 1st
Battalion advanced, and encamped between Douilly and Villers. On the
28th the 2nd Battalion marched by Montdidier to Petit Crèvecœur: on
the next day from that place to Clermont; and the 1st Battalion from
Roye, where it had halted on the 28th, to Gournay on the road to
Pont St. Maxence. On the 30th this Battalion crossed the Oise at Pont
St. Maxence, and was pushed on as far as Fleurines on the road to
Senlis; while the 2nd Battalion and companies of the 3rd moved from
Petit Crèvecœur to Chantilly. On July 1 this Battalion relieved the
Prussians near Aubervilliers; and the 1st Battalion moved by Senlis
and Louvres, and encamped between Louvres and Vauderlan. On the
6th both Battalions were encamped near Neuilly. On July 7 the army
marched into Paris, and the 2nd Battalion had the honour of being
the first corps which entered; Lieutenant and Adjutant Thomas Smith,
riding in front of the Battalion, being the first British officer who
entered Paris on that famous day.
The 1st Battalion was encamped at the village of Clichy until October
30, when it was cantoned in and near the village of Vaux. On December
19 it was moved into the city of Paris, and occupied barracks in the
Rue de Clichy. On the entry into Paris the 2nd Battalion was encamped
in the Champs Elysées, where it remained till October 29, when it
went into quarters at Versailles; and on December 8 marched to St.
Leu Tavernay and St. Prix and Moullinor.
On July 10 the Head-quarters of the 3rd Battalion (five companies,
300 men) embarked at Dover, and landing on the 13th at Ostend,
moved through Bruges, Ghent, Oudenarde, Mons, Bavay, Le Catelet
and Peronne; and thence by the route before traversed by the other
Battalions through Roye, Pont St. Maxence and Louvres to Paris. On
arrival they were placed, with the 2nd Battalion, in Sir Frederick
Adam’s brigade, to which their two detached companies were already
attached, and were encamped with them in the Champs Elysées. It was
subsequently removed to another brigade and cantoned at Montmartre.
The three Battalions being thus re-united in the neighbourhood of
Paris, the officers observed the anniversary of the formation of the
Regiment by a ‘Regimental Dinner’ at St. Germain-en-Laye, on August
25. This seems to have been the second ‘Regimental Dinner.’
At the end of November, a new arrangement of brigades was made, under
which the 1st Battalion, then consisting of six companies and 577
men, was placed in Sir John Lambert’s brigade of Sir Lowry Cole’s
division. The 2nd Battalion, then consisting of 534 men, was placed
in Sir Manley Power’s brigade of Sir Charles Colville’s division.
And the 3rd Battalion (480 men) was ordered to return to England. It
quitted Paris on December 3, and halted that night at St. Denis. From
thence passing through Beaumont, Noailles and Beauvais, it arrived
at Abbeville on the 11th. It reached Montreuil-sur-Mer on the 14th,
and embarked at Calais on the 20th, landed at Dover on the 22nd, and
marched on the next day to Shorncliffe.
On January 16, 1816, the 1st Battalion marched from Paris, and
having halted some days at Louvres, proceeded to the neighbourhood
of Cambrai, having its Head-quarters at Bourlon, with detachments
at Inchy-en-Artois, Proville, Baralle, Buissy Baralle, and
Sains-lez-Marquion. Its strength was 30 officers and 503 men of all
ranks.[173]
On December 26, 1815 the 2nd Battalion marched from St. Leu to
Gonesse, the next day to Claye, and the day following to Crecy,
where they remained until January 23, on which day they marched
by Compiègne, Noyon, Ham, St. Quentin, Le Catelet and Cambrai, to
villages near Valenciennes, in which they were billeted on January
31, and on February 1 moved into cantonments, with Head-quarters at
Lecelle, and detachments at Rumegies and Rosult. Its strength was 29
officers and 553 men.[174]
By an order dated Horse Guards February 16, 1816, the 95th was
removed from the regiments of the line, and styled THE RIFLE BRIGADE.
On July 15 the 1st Battalion was at Bapaume,[175] but soon marched
and encamped on a common at Bourlon; and on the 24th the 2nd
Battalion marched to and encamped on a common near St. Amand.
On October 24 the 2nd Battalion marched from camp and resumed its
cantonments at Lecelle, Sameon, Rumegies, and Rosult.
Early in 1817 this Battalion was removed from Sir Manley Power’s to
the 3rd Brigade under the command of Sir Thomas Brisbane; and marched
to join that brigade through Auberchicourt, Gavrelle, Aubigny to St.
Pol; where it was cantoned with detachments in fourteen surrounding
villages.
On July 4 it marched from these cantonments, and encamped at Helfaut
near St. Omer, where it remained till August 31, when it marched
to Valenciennes, and encamped on the glacis of that place; but
on October 4 went into barracks at Valenciennes for half-yearly
inspection. On the 8th it moved to camp at Denain, which however
broke up on the 16th when the Battalion marched to St. Pol, where
it arrived on the 20th and resumed its quarters there and in the
neighbourhood.
On May 31, 1818, the Battalion was again encamped at Helfaut till
August 15, when it marched to and encamped near Valenciennes. On
October 17 it marched to Neuville near Bouchain, preparatory to a
grand review by the Duke of Wellington in the presence of the Emperor
of Russia, the King of Prussia and other Sovereigns and Princes;
which took place on the 23rd.
The Army of Occupation being now to leave France, the Battalion
marched on the 25th to Auberchicourt, and thence through Lens,
Lillers, Blendecques, Peuplingue, near Ardres, whence they marched at
two o’clock in the morning of the 30th to Calais, where they arrived
and embarked at ten o’clock, and sailing immediately arrived at Dover
in the night. On the 31st they disembarked and marched to Shorncliffe.
The 1st Battalion also moved into camp and changed its cantonments
during the time it formed part of the Army of Occupation; but I
am not able to give its movements with equal minuteness, as the
regimental Record for that period has not been kept with the same
accuracy as that of the 2nd Battalion. It was moved into the 7th
Brigade under the command of Major-General Sir W. O’Callaghan; and I
find that on September 27, 1818, it was encamped near Cambrai.[176]
It marched to Calais, where it embarked on October 31, and sailing
on the same day arrived at Dover and marched to Shorncliffe on
November 1.
I have now to trace the movements of the 3rd Battalion, which had
returned to Shorncliffe in December 1815. Soon afterwards it was
ordered to Dublin, where it was quartered for two years and three
months. Whilst the Battalion was in Dublin a melancholy event took
place, on August 16, 1817: the death of Lieutenant Amphlett from
hydrophobia, resulting from the bite of his dog. The details of
this sad case are very fully related by Dr. Ridgway, Surgeon of the
Battalion, in the _United Service Journal_, vol. i. part i. p. 577.
The Battalion afterwards proceeded to Birr; and at the end of 1818,
a diminution of the army having been resolved upon, this Battalion
was reduced. The junior officers of each rank, who thereby became
non-effective, were placed on half pay on December 25, 1818; but the
actual disbanding of the Battalion did not take place till towards
the end of January 1819; when some of the men were drafted into
the 1st and 2nd Battalions and the remainder were discharged. Its
strength when disbanded was 810 men.[177]
[Illustration:
Plate III
RIFLE BRIGADE, TO 1833]
FOOTNOTES:
[152] This list (copied from Simmons’ ‘Narrative’) is not perfect.
Captain William Johnston was at Waterloo. He was probably with the
detachment which had been in Holland, and which joined on the advance
from Ostend to Brussels. Captain Glasse, who was acting as Deputy
Judge Advocate, did not join till after the battle of Waterloo.
[153] General FitzMaurice’s letter to the ‘Times.’
[154] Leach’s company, under the command of FitzMaurice, who thus
‘opened the ball’ on that memorable day.
[155] Siborne, i. 106.
[156] Ibid. 109.
[157] He was shot through the abdomen, and died, in a house at Quatre
Bras, next morning.
[158] He died of his wounds.
[159] Major-General FitzMaurice, K. H., died December 24, 1865.
[160] ‘Supp. Desp.’ x. 751.
[161] Kincaid, ‘Adventures in the Rifle Brigade,’ p. 353.
[162] I have extracted the above return from the ‘Wellington
Despatches,’ xii. 487, and it is signed by Lieutenant-Colonel Waters,
Assistant Adjutant-General, but it is certainly incorrect as regards
the 1st Battalion. Two Field Officers were certainly present,
Barnard and Cameron: both were wounded, and are so returned (‘Army
List,’ August, 1815), nor is it easy to account for the number (185)
reported as ‘sick absent.’ A note to the original states that the
large number of ‘sick absent’ in this (and some other regiments)
is owing to their losses at Quatre Bras; yet the 1st Battalion had
only forty-eight men wounded there. It will be seen on comparing
this return with the lists of casualties that the 1st Battalion
lost of all ranks in killed and wounded more than three-eighths of
its numbers; the 2nd Battalion rather less than one-third; and the
3rd Battalion a little more than a fifth, and the whole Regiment
(fourteen companies) about a third.
[163] I presume as Kincaid calls Worsley, then residing on his
estate in Nottinghamshire, as a living witness to the truth of this
statement, it may here be recorded. It has been confirmed to me by
independent testimony.
[164] A memoir of General Beckwith has been published by M. Meille,
of which there is an English translation, London, 1873.
[165] Simmons’ MS. Narrative.
[166] He was placed on half-pay at the reduction of the 3rd
Battalion, and after serving in some other regiments, died in the
Norwich Military Lunatic Asylum, July 6, 1847.
[167] I cannot mention George Simmons’ name here for the last time
without recording how much I have been indebted to his Journal in the
Peninsula from 1809 to 1814, and to his Narrative of Quatre Bras and
Waterloo, in compiling this History. After a service of nearly thirty
years in the 1st Battalion he left it in 1838, on promotion to an
unattached majority, and died March 5, 1858.
[168] ‘Supplementary Despatches,’ x. 537.
[169] ‘Supplementary Despatches,’ x. 545.
[170] Colonel Logan, 63rd Regiment, died September 1, 1844.
Lieutenant-Colonel Humbley (retired) died 1857.
[171] ‘Supplementary Despatches,’ x. 624.
[172] Ibid. xi. 311.
[173] Return, April 10, 1816, ‘Supplementary Despatches,’ xi. 357.
[174] Ibid. xi. 360.
[175] I copy this from a French return in the ‘Wellington
Supplementary Despatches,’ xi. 412-3, where it is styled _Brigade de
Carabiniers, le 1 Bataillon_. _Le 2 Bataillon_ was still at Lecelle.
[176] ‘Supplementary Despatches,’ xii. 706.
[177] ‘Annual Register,’ lx. 168.
CHAPTER VII.
The 1st Battalion marched from Shorncliffe in three divisions on
December 24, 26 and 28, 1818, for Chichester; and after halting there
for two days proceeded to Gosport, and was quartered there, and at
Haslar barracks.
It remained here till the autumn; when the disturbed state of the
northern parts of the kingdom requiring the presence of a military
force, the 1st Battalion embarked at three or four hours’ notice,
on board the ‘Liffey,’ frigate, and the ‘Hind,’ sloop, on September
18, 1819, and landed at Leith on the 27th; and marching from thence
on the next day arrived at Glasgow, the principal seat of the
disturbance, on the 30th and was quartered in the Infantry barracks.
Here they remained during the rest of the year.
On its arrival in England the 2nd Battalion received orders the very
day after reaching Shorncliffe to march to Hastings; and starting on
November 2, 1818, and halting successively at Romney and Rye, arrived
there on the 4th. Its stay at Hastings however did not much exceed a
month. For marching on December 7, through Hailsham, Lewes, Shoreham,
Arundel, and Chichester, it arrived at Hilsea on December 12. On the
24th of that month it was inspected, previous to embarkation, by
Major-General Lord Howard of Effingham; and on the 26th embarked at
Portsmouth on board the ‘Fame’ and ‘Sir George Osborne’ transports;
and sailing on the 28th arrived at Cove on the 31st; and disembarking
immediately marched to Middleton. And on the day following, January
1, 1819, it marched to Fermoy, and after three days’ halt here, on
the 5th the Battalion proceeded by Mitchelstown, Cahir, Thurles and
Roscrea, and arrived at Birr barracks on the 9th; relieving there the
3rd Battalion which was being then disbanded, and from which the 2nd
Battalion received by transfer on January 11, 213 non-commissioned
officers and privates.
From Birr the Battalion detached two companies to Roscrea, one
company to Maryborough, and smaller parties to Frankford and
Banagher. In August another company was detached to Tullamore, and
three companies under a major to Mullingar. These companies proceeded
to Athlone on February 18, 1820; and three other companies with the
Staff of the Regiment under Lieut.-Colonel Mitchell re-inforced them
at Athlone on the 24th in consequence of the disturbed state of the
country. On this account too the companies at Maryborough and Roscrea
were pushed forward to Loughrea on the 27th; and another company
from Birr followed them there on March 27. Meanwhile, three of the
companies at Athlone had marched to Tuam.
On February 19, in this year, Field-Marshal The Duke of Wellington
was appointed Colonel-in-Chief of the Regiment, on the death of Sir
David Dundas. On this occasion the Officers of the Regiment presented
to him the following address:
‘May it please your Grace,
‘We, the Lieutenant-Colonels Commanding, Field-officers, Captains
and Subalterns of the two Battalions of the Rifle Brigade,
beg leave to represent to your Grace with what feelings of
pride and satisfaction we viewed your appointment to be our
Colonel-in-Chief.
‘Assuredly so high a distinction could not fail to make a deep
impression on the minds of any corps in His Majesty’s service;
but we cannot conceal from ourselves that, in the breast of the
majority of us, every sentiment of joy and exultation was in no
slight degree augmented when memory recalled the days of active
service under your Grace’s command, as well in that series of
brilliant campaigns which terminated in the emancipation of the
Peninsula, as during the last grand struggle, which, sealing
the destruction of the common enemy, purchased for Europe
tranquillity and for your Grace the title of its deliverer.
‘Whatever henceforth may be the destinies of this Corps--whether
its exertions shall be for some time confined to the humbler,
less inspiring, but not less imperative duty of protecting our
fellow-citizens against the criminal attempts of flagitious
and designing men in our native country, or whether our
better fortune shall again direct us to the more enviable and
spirit-stirring occupations of foreign war--we entreat your
Grace to believe that the lustre of your high example will
ever be present before our eyes, animating us all, each in
his degree, and within the sphere of his activity, to renewed
exertions; imparting to our humble efforts a character of a
loftier emulation, and teaching us unceasingly to aim at results
not unworthy to be associated with a name which history will
indissolubly blend with the fairest and most enduring triumphs of
a free and independent people.
‘We have the honour to be,
‘Your Grace’s most obedient humble servants,
‘1st and 2nd Battalions Rifle Brigade.
A. NORCOTT, Col. and Lieut.-Col. Com.
D. LITTLE GILMOUR, Lieut.-Col.
J. ROSS, Major and Lieut.-Col.
S. MITCHELL, Major and Lieut.-Col.
J. LEACH, Major and Lieut.-Col.
GEO. MILLER, Major and Lieut.-Col.
W. GRAY, Capt. and Major.
MORGAN BRENT, Major.’[178]
This address was forwarded to the Duke by Colonel Gilmour, then
commanding the 2nd Battalion, with the following letter:--
‘Tuam, May 31, 1820.
‘My Lord Duke,
‘As senior Lieutenant-Colonel of the Rifle Brigade, I have the
honour of forwarding to you a letter from the officers composing
the two Battalions of it, and in doing so I beg leave to express
the high sense I entertain of the honour which has now devolved
upon me, as also to embrace this opportunity of acknowledging the
many obligations personally conferred upon me by your Grace, and
which I beg leave to assure you shall ever be held in my most
grateful recollection.
‘I have the honour to be
&c., &c.
D. LITTLE GILMOUR,
Lieut.-Col., 2nd Battalion Rifle Brigade.’
During the time the 1st Battalion remained at Glasgow, they were
frequently engaged, if not in actual conflict with the insurgents,
yet in repressing acts of violence by the populace of Glasgow and
Paisley, during the political excitement, then known as ‘The Radical
War.’ Thus, among other occasions, I find that on April 2, 1820, the
people of Glasgow, Paisley and the surrounding villages having left
work and assembled for illegal and riotous objects, the Battalion was
under arms from before day-break and posted in St. George’s Square;
but the assemblage dispersed without acts of overt violence.[179]
On the removal of the Battalion from Glasgow, it received, by
District Order dated November 12, 1820, the approbation of
Major-General Reynell, commanding the district, for its conduct ‘upon
those trying occasions when its steady, temperate deportment was so
mainly conducive to the restoration and maintenance of tranquillity
in that populous city.’[180]
A letter from the Provost of Glasgow, dated October 28, conveyed to
Colonel Norcott the approbation of the magistrates of that city of
the conduct of the Officers, Non-commissioned Officers and Privates
of the Battalion, ‘during a period of great anxiety and alarm,’ for
their ‘admirable discipline and propriety of conduct under very
trying and harassing circumstances.’
The 1st Battalion left Glasgow in three Divisions on November
15, 16 and 17, 1820, and arrived at Belfast on the 24th and 27th
and were there quartered, furnishing detachments to Downpatrick,
Carrickfergus, Coleraine, Castle-Dawson, Ballycastle, Dungiven,
Maghera, Newtown-Glens and Ballymoney.
About this time reference was made to the Duke of Wellington as to
the Peninsular actions the names of which were to be borne by the
Regiment, and on December 7, 1820, the Duke addressed the following
letter to the Adjutant-General:
‘Sir,--In returning to you the letter of Colonel Norcott,
commanding the 1st Battalion Rifle Brigade, which I had the
honour to receive from you some time ago, I beg leave to state,
for the Commander-in-Chief’s information, that, according to the
rule to which I have confined myself in recommending regiments
for honorary distinctions, I conceive that the Rifle Brigade
may be permitted to bear on its appointments the following
inscriptions, in commemoration of the distinguished services of
the several Battalions of that Brigade on those occasions, viz.:
Roliça and Vimiera; Busaco; Barrosa; Fuentes de Honor; Ciudad
Rodrigo; Badajoz; Salamanca; Vittoria; Nivelle; Nive; Orthes;
Toulouse.[181]
‘I have the honour to be, &c.,
‘WELLINGTON.’
In compliance with this recommendation an order was issued from the
Horse Guards dated January 4, 1821, directing the names of those
victories to be borne on the appointments.
A further order dated Horse Guards, March 1, 1821, authorised
the Regiment to bear the word ‘Corunna’ on its appointments in
commemoration of its gallantry on January 16, 1809. And a third
order, dated Horse Guards, March 22, 1821, authorised the words
‘Copenhagen’ and ‘Monte Video,’ in commemoration of the distinguished
services of the Corps in the action of April 2, 1801 (its _first_
service at Copenhagen), and of three companies of the 2nd Battalion
at Monte Video in January 1807.
On March 7, 1821, the 1st Battalion marched from Belfast and the
several detached stations, and arrived at Armagh on the 9th, whence
it furnished detachments to Strabane, Lifford, Omagh, Monaghan,
Aughnacloy, Derg-bridge, Gortin, Dungannon, Cookstown and Clones.
On November 13 the Battalion marched from Armagh and the neighbouring
cantonments, and arrived at Naas on the 18th, sending out detachments
to Kilcock, Baltinglass, Maryborough, Philipstown, Wicklow, Carlow,
Glencree, Laragh, Gold-mines, Aughavanagh, Drumgoff and Leitrim, and
subsequently to Athy.
The Head-quarters, consisting only of two companies, marched from
Naas on December 20, and arrived at Kilkenny on the 22nd, where some
of the detachments soon afterwards joined them; and whence they
subsequently sent out detachments to Duncannon Fort and Callan.
The 2nd Battalion having had detachments from Tuam (where
Head-quarters were stationed) besides those before mentioned, at
Kilcurren, Moylagh, Mount Bellew, Cong, and Shrule, moved in two
divisions on April 9 and 10 through Athenry, Loughrea, Portumna,
Nenagh, Limerick, Bruff, Charleville and Doneraile, and arrived at
Fermoy on the 19th where they were quartered; and shortly afterwards
sent out detachments to Youghal, Dungarvan, Mitchelstown, Killorglin,
Ross-Castle, Bantry, Bere Island, Mill Street, Cloyne, Buttevant,
Kilworth, Tralee and Dingle.
On September 15 the Head-quarters, consisting of three companies,
marched from Fermoy, through Clogheen, Clonmel, Callan, Kilkenny,
Carlow and Ballitore, and arrived at Naas on the 22nd, furnishing
detachments to some of the out-stations, which the 1st Battalion
afterwards occupied from the same head-quarter station. On November
12 the Head-quarters of the Battalion returned by the same route
to Fermoy, being relieved at Naas, by the 1st Battalion. On its
arrival at Fermoy on the 18th it sent out detachments to Kildorrery,
Castletownroche, Liscarrol, Newmarket and Mitchelstown; and
subsequently to Kanturk and Doneraile.
The Head-quarters of the 1st Battalion consisting of two companies
marched from Kilkenny on February 3, 1822, (having previously
detached one company to Mitchelstown) and arrived at Fermoy on the
6th, sending out a detachment to Cappoquin. Soon afterwards, some
of the detachments from Kilkenny having joined head-quarters, four
companies marched from Fermoy to Charleville and detached parties
from thence to Kilmallock, Bruree, Kilfinane and Gibbon’s Grove.
The Head-quarters of the Battalion marched from Fermoy on February
16, and arrived at Newcastle on the next day. On this march a most
violent outrage occurred. Some non-commissioned officers’ and
soldiers’ wives preceded the Battalion on three jaunting cars. About
half-past six in the evening of Sunday, the 17th, when about a mile
and a half from Kildorrery, the cars were stopped by about a dozen
men, and some of the women, being seized and dragged off the cars,
were violated by more than one man. Others of them fled from their
assailants and ran back and met the Battalion. For this outrage
three men were tried at the ensuing Cork assizes, and being clearly
identified by the women were found guilty, and executed.[182]
One of the victims of this outrage, the wife of a non-commissioned
officer, was with the Battalion when I served in it. She was flighty;
having lost her senses in consequence of the violence inflicted on
her, and never perfectly recovered. This assault was intended as a
direct affront to the Regiment; for the miscreants enquired whether
any officer’s wife was on the cars; whether there was any ammunition
in them; and on leaving said that they would let the Riflemen know
that they were Captain Rock’s men.
The late hour of the march, and its being on Sunday, show that it
took place in consequence of the disturbed state of the country.
On its arrival at Newcastle the Battalion furnished detachments to
Abbeyfeale, Athea, Drumcollogher, Ruskey, Mount Catherine, Hospital,
Ballygran, Kilmedy and Glenduff.
The Head-quarters of the Battalion marched from Newcastle to
Rathkeale on July 23, and, the former detachments being withdrawn,
sent out parties to Ballingarry, Croome, Shanagolden, Glyn, Youghal,
Askeaton and Kildemo.
Early in the year some of the detachments furnished by the 2nd
Battalion formed part of a moveable column under Colonel Straton, 6th
Dragoons, and two companies of the Battalion marched from Fermoy to
Cork.
On January 24 Colonel Mitchell with a party consisting of Captain
Pemberton and fifty men of his company, a subaltern and a few men of
the 11th Foot, and a few men of the 6th Dragoons, were engaged with a
large body of the insurgents, about a thousand in number, posted on
the hills near Carrigamanus, and completely routed them, some being
killed and wounded, and twenty-two taken prisoners.
On the next day Colonel Mitchell received information from a
magistrate of the County that the insurgents were in force on the
hill of Dasure, and would attack his party on his march from Fermoy
to Macroom. He therefore reinforced his small force with Captain
Macnamara and Lieutenant Woodford’s detachments and Captain Eaton’s
company, with his two subalterns, making his force of Riflemen three
captains, three subalterns, four sergeants and 110 rank and file.
They marched towards Dasure and found the insurgents posted on that
hill, fully a thousand strong, while an equal number occupied the
surrounding hills. As Mitchell’s small party approached, they rushed
furiously down the hill with the object of surrounding them. But
Mitchell had thrown out skirmishers in his front, and to his flanks,
and completely defeated their attempt. They fired a few shots; but
finding that their proposed charge had failed, fled panic-struck,
leaving many killed and wounded (some accounts made the number forty,
others from twenty to thirty) and about thirty were made prisoners.
This attack on the Riflemen was made with a fury and determination
not usual in combats of this kind,[183] and their steadiness and zeal
called forth the warm commendations of Colonel Mitchell.
Two more companies moved at this time to Cork; and parties were
detached thence to Macroom, Inchigeelagh, Firmount, Derry,
Larchfield, Mount-rivers, Warren’s-court and Nettleville.
And on January 27 the Head-quarters of the Battalion marched from
Fermoy to Bandon, leaving the heavy baggage at Cork, and sent out
detachments to Dunmanway, Skibbereen, Rosscarbery, Clonakilty and
Bantry.
At this time a party of the Battalion proceeding in charge of cars
conveying ammunition from Macroom to Bandon was attacked by the
insurgents at Clara Mountain, near Kilmurry; but they were driven off
with the loss of some killed and wounded.[184]
On March 12 the Head-quarters, consisting of one company and some
attached men only, marched from Bandon to Kinsale, the detachments
continuing as before with occasional reliefs and changes; and
additional parties being sent to Crowhowley, Millstreet and
Ballyvourney.
On August 25, 1822, Sir Andrew Barnard, who had been promoted
Major-General from the command of the 1st Battalion on August 12,
1819, was appointed Colonel Commandant of a Battalion.
The 1st Battalion, besides the detachments already mentioned,
furnished parties to Abbeyfeale, Tarbert, Athea and Mountpleasant.
The Battalion marched from Rathkeale and the out-stations in two
divisions on October 25 and 27, 1823, and arrived in Dublin on
November 1 and 3, and occupied Richmond barracks until December 30,
when they moved into the Royal barracks.
Previous to their leaving Rathkeale Major-General Sir John Lambert,
who then commanded the district, issued a district order very
complimentary to the discipline and services of the Battalion during
more than a year and a half, during which it had been under his
command, and stationed in a part of the county of Limerick which had
been in a most disturbed state.
On July 23 the 2nd Battalion marched from Kinsale in two divisions
which arrived at Limerick on the 28th and 30th, being again broken
up in detachments to Newcastle, Glyn, Athea, Drumcolliher, Mayne and
Glenduff, and subsequently to Abbeyfeale and Rathkeale.
The 1st Battalion marched from Dublin in three divisions on September
7, 8 and 9, 1824, and arrived at Belfast on the 16th and furnished
detachments to Downpatrick, Carrickfergus and Ballymena.
The Head-quarters of the 2nd Battalion marched from Limerick on May
29 by Tipperary and Cashel, and arrived at Templemore barracks on
June 1, where they remained until September 6, when they marched by
Mountrath, Monasterevan and Naas and arrived in Dublin on the 9th and
occupied Richmond barracks. Here the detachments left in the county
of Limerick shortly afterwards joined, and the Battalion was at last
re-united; and soon after the 1st Battalion, also re-united, arrived
in the same barracks, and for many months both were quartered in
Dublin.
By an order from the Horse Guards dated April 25, 1825, the strength
of the two Battalions was augmented from eight to 10 companies each,
and those of the 1st Battalion were divided into six Service and four
Depôt companies. This division was carried into effect on July 25;
and on the 28th 29th and 30th the six Service companies embarked at
Belfast for Nova Scotia, on board the ‘Arab,’ ‘Speke,’ and ‘Joseph
Green,’ and arrived at Halifax about September 1, and were quartered
in the South barracks.
The Depôt companies remained at Belfast until August 24 when they
marched for Newry, arriving there on the 26th. After a brief stay
there they marched on September 17, and reached Cavan on the 20th,
where they were quartered during the remainder of the year.
The 2nd Battalion marched from Dublin in four divisions on July
5, 6, 7 and 8, detaching two companies to Cavan, and a party to
Maguire’s bridge. After a three months’ station at Enniskillen, these
detachments having been called in, the Battalion marched in three
divisions, on October 3, 4 and 5, and arrived at Birr on the 10th and
proceeded to Buttevant which they reached on the 16th.
Here the division into Service and Depôt companies took place on
October 25, and on the 27th the six Service companies (leaving the
Depôt at Buttevant) marched to Cork, and were there quartered. The
Depôt on December 12 marched from Buttevant to Kinsale.
During the year 1826 the Service companies of the 1st Battalion
continued to occupy the South barracks at Halifax, Nova Scotia.
The Depôt companies marched from Cavan on March 23, and arrived at
Drogheda on the 25th sending a Captain’s detachment to Dundalk,
another to Trim, and a small party to Kilcock.
On May 4 they marched to Naas, the detachment from Dundalk having
previously rejoined; but the other detachments remained out, and a
party was also detached to Robertstown.
On August 8 the Depôt companies marched from Naas to Dublin, and
occupied George Street barracks; but they returned to their former
quarters at Drogheda, on October 14 sending out detachments to Swords
and Garristown.
On January 10, 11 and 13 the Service companies of the 2nd Battalion
embarked at the Cove of Cork, on board the ‘Vibilia,’ ‘Cato,’ and
‘Sovereign,’ transports, for Malta where they arrived on February 22;
and were placed, four companies in the Lazaretto and two companies
(Head-quarters) in Fort Manuel under quarantine. On receiving
pratique they removed to Fort St. Elmo; where they were quartered,
with detachments at Fort Manuel, Fort Tigné, and a company at Gozo.
During the general election in this year a company from the Depôt
of the 2nd Battalion under Captain Ferguson, stationed at Tralee,
were called out on June 24, in consequence of a riot and attack on
some of Lord Ventry’s tenantry. The Riflemen were ordered to fire,
and five of the rioters were killed and thirteen wounded, many of
them dangerously. At an inquest held on two of the persons killed,
a father and son named Sullivan, a verdict was returned that the
order to fire was ‘unjustifiable and unnecessary.’[185] I do not
know whether any further proceedings were taken; but the conduct of
the Riflemen was approved by the Duke of York, Commander in Chief;
and Sir Herbert Taylor, then Military Secretary, states in a letter
dated July 14, that ‘The cool and determined conduct of Captain
Ferguson, and the detachment of the Rifle Brigade under his orders
at Tralee, appears, from the reports made to His Royal Highness, to
have been deserving of his entire approbation, which he desires may
be communicated to them.’
On January 27, 1827, Major-General Sir Thomas Sidney Beckwith,
K.C.B., who had so long served in the Regiment, and had so gallantly
led it in many a hard-fought field, was restored to its roll as
Colonel Commandant of the 2nd Battalion, Sir Andrew Barnard becoming
Colonel of the 1st Battalion by the death of the Honourable Sir
William Stewart, at his residence, Cumloden, Kirkcudbright, on
January 7.
On July 27, the Service companies of the 1st Battalion moved from the
South to the North barracks at Halifax, and furnished detachments to
Annapolis, Prince Edward’s Island, Windsor, Cape Breton, and York
redoubt.
The Depôt companies of this Battalion marched from Drogheda on
October 9 to Dublin, and on their arrival there were quartered in
George Street barracks.
On the departure of the Depôt from Drogheda the Mayor and Corporation
presented Major William Eeles, who commanded it, with the freedom of
their Corporation, ‘not only as an evidence of their personal regard
for him,’ but also ‘to record their high sense of the gentlemanlike
demeanour of the officers, and steady, soldier-like conduct of the
non-commissioned officers and privates.’
The Depôt companies marched to Kingstown on October 21, and embarked
in the ‘Amphitrite’ and ‘Maria’ transports for Devonport, where they
arrived on the 31st, and occupied Stonehouse barracks.
The Service companies of the 2nd Battalion remained at Malta during
this year; no change beyond the reliefs of detachments taking place
until December 21, when they removed from Cottinera district to the
lower St. Elmo barracks at Valeria, with a small party detached to
Fort Tigné.
The record of this Battalion does not specify the movements of the
Depôt companies; but I find that they were stationed at Clare Castle
in March, and had moved before June to Cashel.
The Service companies of the 1st Battalion remained at Halifax during
the year 1828, the various detachments mentioned in p. 228 rejoining
the Head-quarters in May, June and August.
On July 29 His Royal Highness, the Duke of Clarence (afterwards King
William IV.) on his visit to Plymouth as Lord High Admiral, reviewed
the Depôt companies of both Battalions, with the other troops in
garrison.[186] The day was very unfavourable, the rain falling in
torrents; but His Royal Highness went through the review, which
occupied some hours. Addressing the Riflemen, he traced the history
of the Regiment and its principal deeds of arms from its foundation
(as was his wont on such occasions), concluding with these words:
‘And what more can I say to you, Riflemen, than that wherever there
has been fighting you have been employed, and wherever you have been
employed you have distinguished yourselves?’
Immediately after this review the Depôt companies embarked on board
the ‘Amphitrite’ transport at Devonport, and on the 31st landed at
Gosport, and occupied Forton barracks. On December 21 they furnished
detachments to Tipner and Hilsea.
No change (except the relief of detachments) took place in the
Service companies of the 2nd Battalion, which remained at Malta;
but its Depôt companies were (with those of the 1st Battalion)
at Devonport during the spring and summer; and in September were
stationed at Portsmouth; but before the end of the year returned to
Devonport.
The Service companies of the 1st Battalion remained at Halifax until
October 1829, on the 17th and 18th of which month they embarked in
the ‘Ann,’ ‘Amelia,’ and ‘Wellington,’ transports; and sailing on the
21st, arrived at St. John’s, New Brunswick, where they disembarked
on the 29th and 31st. They immediately furnished detachments to
Fredericton and St. Andrew’s; and on November 7 the Head-quarters
with Captain Hope’s company embarked on board the ‘St. George’
steam-boat, and moving up to Fredericton, occupied the new barracks
with the detachment of the Battalion already there.
On March 13 the Depôt companies calling in the detachments at Tipner
and Hilsea, moved to Cambridge barracks, Portsmouth. On August 11
they embarked on board the ‘Amphitrite’ and disembarked at Dover on
the 13th, where they occupied the Western heights barracks.
The 2nd Battalion remained at Malta during this year, changing its
quarters on December 18 from the St. Elmo to the Floriana barracks.
During the year 1830 the 1st Battalion remained at St. John’s and
Fredericton, New Brunswick; and the Depôt continued in its quarters
at Dover.
The only change in the quarters of the Service companies of the 2nd
Battalion this year was their removal from Floriana barracks to the
Cottinera district on December 20.
The Depôt companies moved about April to Deal and soon afterwards to
Dover, where they were quartered with the Depôt of the 1st Battalion.
No change took place in the quarters of the 1st Battalion during the
year 1831; the Service companies continuing in New Brunswick, and the
Depôt at Dover.
The Service companies of the 2nd Battalion remained at Malta during
the whole of this year, and the Depôt continued at Dover.
Lieutenant-General Sir T. Sidney Beckwith, K.C.B., Colonel Commandant
of the 2nd Battalion, died January 19, 1831, at the Mahabuleshwar
hills, Bombay, of which Presidency he was Commander-in-Chief. He was
the last of the original officers of the Regiment remaining in it.
The Head-quarters of the 1st Battalion with three companies left
Fredericton in two divisions on August 14 and 17, 1832; and the
whole of the Service companies embarked at St. John’s in H.M.S.
‘Winchester,’ and the ‘Arachne’ and ‘Chebucto,’ brigs, on the 21st
and 22nd and disembarking at Halifax, Nova Scotia, were quartered in
the North barracks.
The Depôt companies continued at Dover, furnishing a detachment for
a short period to Shorncliffe.
On February 12 the Head-quarters of the 2nd Battalion with two
companies embarked at Malta for Corfu, where they landed on the 19th,
and on the 23rd the remaining six companies embarked, landing at
Corfu, two on the 1st March and two on the 6th.
On April 6 the Battalion moved to the Island of Vido, sending out
small parties to the Lazaretto Island, Paleo Castrizza, Fano and Paxo.
On August 1 the Battalion returned to Corfu, calling in these
parties; but, shortly afterwards sending out a detachment to
Cephalonia.
The Depôt of the 2nd Battalion remained at Dover.
On April 1 in this year a change was made in the clothing of the
non-commissioned officers and private Riflemen, the coats being made
double-breasted, instead of single-breasted as heretofore; black
horn-buttons being substituted for white metal; and black lace and
chevrons being adopted instead of those before worn by sergeants.
No change took place in 1833 in the station of the Service companies
of the 1st Battalion, which continued to occupy the North barracks at
Halifax.
Early in the year 1833 Captain Horatio Stewart’s Depôt company was
ordered to proceed from Dover by forced marches to Hastings. The
whole of that part of the coast was in a state of great excitement in
consequence of the proceedings of smugglers, who had not long before
had an affray with the coastguard, in which one of the latter was
killed and others wounded. On the arrival of the company at Hastings
the men, after being allowed to rest and refresh themselves for about
an hour, were ordered to fall in, and were divided into parties,
under officers and non-commissioned officers, which were directed
to patrol the beach for many miles in various directions during the
night. This unpleasant duty continued for six weeks; patrolling by
night and target practice by day. This was watched by numbers of the
people; and no doubt the practice made at the target was observed
with good effect by the smugglers and their friends; for no smuggler
was ever met with by the patrols, nor was any attempt made, while the
Riflemen continued at Hastings, to land contraband goods. The company
then rejoined the Depôt.[187]
The Depôt companies, calling in the detachment at Shorncliffe,
marched from Dover to Chatham on April 1, whence they furnished in
June a strong detachment under a Field officer to Gravesend, in aid
of the Civil power. And ‘their excellent conduct,’ and ‘the unceasing
attention of the officers,’ received the thanks of the Mayor in
behalf of the inhabitants.
These companies embarked at Chatham on November 11 on board H.M.
steam-vessel ‘Salamander,’ and arriving at Jersey on the 14th,
disembarked at St. Aubin’s, from whence they proceeded to occupy
quarters in Fort Regent, at St. Helier’s.
The Service companies of the 2nd Battalion were moved from Corfu
to Vido on August 1, sending out detachments to Lazaretto Island
and Fano; but on December 1 returned to Corfu. The Depôt companies
continued at Dover.
In consequence of the breaking out of cholera in the 1st Battalion,
the Service companies were moved from Halifax on August 24, 1834, and
encamped at Sackville, whence they returned to their former quarters
in the North barracks, Halifax, September 30. In this outbreak of
cholera the Battalion lost 31 men, 6 women and 5 children.
The Depôt remained during the whole of this year at Fort Regent,
Jersey.
The Head-quarters of the Service companies of the 2nd Battalion
embarked at Corfu for Cephalonia on October 8, and landed there on
the 9th. Two companies had preceded them on June 20, and two others
on September 26. From hence detachments were furnished to Calamos, to
Ithaca, to Paxo, to Lixuri, to Fort San Georgio and Sta. Euphemia.
About March the Depôt companies removed from Dover to Guernsey.
During the year 1835 no change of quarters took place in either
Battalion or in their Depôts.
The Service companies of the 1st Battalion sailed from Halifax, Nova
Scotia, in the ‘Stakesley’ and ‘Katherine Stewart Forbes,’ on August
20 and 26, 1836, and arrived at Chatham and disembarked on September
15 and 29, and occupied quarters there.
The Depôt companies had sailed from Jersey in the ‘Katherine Stewart
Forbes’ on May 24, and arrived at Gosport on the 28th, where they
disembarked, and were quartered in Fort Monckton till June 17; when
they crossed to Portsmouth, and occupied Forehouse barracks, with
detachments at Tipner and Hilsea.
On August 1 the Depôt companies marched from Portsmouth, through
Chichester, Petworth, East Grinstead, and arrived at Chatham on the
8th to await the arrival of the Service companies; and on their
landing on September 15 and 29, they were again reunited into a
Battalion of ten companies.
No change took place in the quarters of the Service companies of the
2nd Battalion, except the occasional relief of the many detachments
they furnished from Cephalonia. But the Depôt companies in September
embarked at Guernsey for Dover, where they awaited the arrival of the
Service companies, and were reunited with them on their arrival in
June following.
Early in the year 1836 Lieutenant Wilbraham,[188] then Adjutant of
the 1st Battalion, was selected to proceed to Persia, with eight
sergeants of the Rifle Brigade, in charge of two thousand stand of
rifles, intended by the Foreign Office as a present to the Shah on
his accession to the throne. Four of these sergeants, belonging
to the 1st Battalion, were sent out from England; the other four,
belonging to the 2nd Battalion, joined the expedition at Cephalonia,
where their Battalion was then stationed.
Lieutenant Wilbraham was promoted in July 1836 to an unattached
company, and subsequently the local rank of Lieutenant-Colonel was
conferred upon him. For nearly three years he and the eight sergeants
were employed in organising and instructing the Persian troops, but
at the end of that time a rupture took place between England and
Persia, in consequence of the Shah’s advance upon Herat, and they
returned to Europe. The rifles had under one pretext or another
been withheld, as it was foreseen that they would probably be used
against ourselves, but as they were too bulky to be carried, they
were rendered useless by the removal of the locks, which were brought
away.
Of the sergeants who were selected for this duty Sergeant Peter
Macdonald afterwards rose to the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, and
retired from the Service in 1865; and Colour-sergeant Johnson, 2nd
Battalion, subsequently became Captain in the 41st Regiment, and died
at Balaclava as Provost-Marshal of the Army.
The 1st Battalion marched from Chatham in two divisions on May 1 and
2, 1837, and arrived at Woolwich and Deptford on the 2nd and 3rd.
Seven companies with Head-quarters were stationed at Woolwich, and
three companies at Deptford.
During the time the Battalion was quartered at Woolwich,
Lieutenant-Colonel William Eeles died in command of it on October 11.
He had served in the Regiment thirty-two years, having been appointed
to it in 1805; and had accompanied it through its Peninsular and
other campaigns, and had been present at Waterloo. He was succeeded
in the command of the Battalion by Lieutenant-Colonel Hope, who had
been promoted after twenty-eight years’ service in the Rifles to the
Lieutenant-Colonelcy of the 21st Fusiliers; and was now brought back
to his old Corps.
On April 8 and 13 the Service companies of the 2nd Battalion
embarked at Cephalonia on board the ‘Parmelia’ and ‘Prince Regent,’
transports, and landed at Dover on June 3 and 13.
And on August 14, 15 and 16 the Battalion marched from Dover to
Portsmouth in three divisions, arriving there on the 24th, 25th and
26th, and detaching one company to Tipner Magazine.
The 1st Battalion embarked in steam-vessels at Woolwich early in
the morning of June 28, 1838, and attended the Coronation of Queen
Victoria. This and the 2nd Battalion lined Piccadilly from Hyde Park
Corner to the corner of St. James’ Street in extended order.
After the procession had returned from Westminster Abbey to
Buckingham Palace the 1st Battalion marched back to Woolwich and
Deptford.
On July 9 the Battalion again embarked in steam-vessels and was
conveyed to London, and took part in the review in Hyde Park on that
day under the command of General, the Marquis of Anglesey, and in
presence of the Queen. Marshal Soult was present at this review.
At its conclusion the Battalion was billeted in the neighbourhood of
Hanover Square until the 11th, when it marched to the Tower of London
and was there quartered. Three or four days after their arrival there
the Battalion was inspected by the Colonel-in-Chief, Field-Marshal
the Duke of Wellington, accompanied by Marshal Soult. They proceeded
down the ranks and inspected the Battalion together.
On June 16, 17 and 18, the 2nd Battalion marched in three divisions
from Portsmouth to Chelsea and was there billeted. And on the 28th
attended the Coronation of Queen Victoria as above stated; and on
July 9 was present at the review in Hyde Park.
On the next day, it moved from Chelsea to Woolwich relieving the 1st
Battalion, and like it, having Head-quarters and seven companies at
Woolwich and three companies detached at Deptford.
The 1st Battalion marched on February 1 and 2, 1839, by wings, from
the Tower to Paddington, and thence proceeded by Railway to Windsor,
where they were quartered in the Infantry barracks.
On March 11 and 12 the left wing of the Battalion marched from
Windsor and arrived at Weedon on the 15th; and they were followed by
the right wing and Head-quarters which left Windsor on the 18th and
arrived at Weedon on the 22nd.
In consequence of the disturbed state of the country, detachments
were furnished by the Battalion to aid the Civil power, to
Birmingham, Nottingham and Warwick; the two former continuing
detached (with occasional reliefs) for about a year; the latter from
July till December. During the chartist disturbances the detachment
at Birmingham was on more than one occasion called out to disperse
the mob. Rioting having more or less continued from the 4th to the
8th July, the detachment was called out on the latter evening, and
took their station in the Bull-ring. Here fighting with the police
took place, and the mob, having got the worst of it, assembled in
the Holloway road. The Riflemen were ordered to disperse them, and
were pelted with stones. Then an order to load and to make ready was
given; but fortunately before they fired, the 4th Dragoon Guards
arrived and dispersed the people, taking many prisoners.
A few days later similar harassing services were required of them.
On July 15 a mob assembled in the evening, in the Bull-ring, and
attacked the houses of several citizens and tradesmen and set some of
them on fire. The mob would not let engines approach, and compelled
the firemen, under pain of death, to take off their horses and
retreat. At this moment a party of 200 Riflemen made their appearance
(accompanied by a magistrate), and under their escort the firemen
brought up, and worked their engines; while the 4th Dragoon Guards
charged the people and cleared the streets.
Among the parties sent out to clear the neighbouring streets was
one consisting of a section commanded by Sergeant Robert Macdonald.
It was arduous work, for the mob assailed them with stones and every
description of missiles. The men became so exasperated under this
provocation (for some were severely hurt) that they could hardly be
restrained from retaliating by attacking their assailants with their
swords, which were fixed on their rifles. Sergeant Macdonald did what
he could to prevent mischief; but in the tumult one or two persons
were killed or died of wounds, and several were wounded. A coroner’s
inquest, however, returned a verdict of ‘justifiable homicide,’
thereby exonerating Macdonald, who was amenable as having been in
command at this post, from all blame.[189]
On the next day, the Riflemen were engaged in patrolling the town;
and in the evening, it having been announced that another chartist
meeting was to be held, they were brought down in force, accompanied
by a Squadron of the 4th and some artillery with guns. The mob did
not care to come into collision with them, and the riots subsided.
On this detachment returning to Weedon, a very strong and favourable
representation was made by the mayor and magistrates of Birmingham
to the Home Secretary of its services and conduct, and of the
indefatigable zeal and humanity with which it had performed the
duties required of it. This was transmitted by the Marquis of
Normanby, then Home Secretary, to General Lord Hill, Commanding in
Chief, and by him to the Commanding Officer of the 1st Battalion,
both adding their expression of satisfaction and approval of the
conduct of the detachment.
The following address was also forwarded by the Mayor of Birmingham
to the Commanding Officer:
‘To the Officers, Non-commissioned Officers and Privates of Her
Majesty’s Rifle Brigade, now stationed at Weedon barracks.
‘We, the undersigned the Mayor and magistrates of the borough
of Birmingham, having heard with regret of your intended early
removal from this neighbourhood, cannot permit your departure to
take place without tendering to you this cordial and respectful
assurance of our esteem and gratitude. For a considerable period
during which we were indebted to you for aid and protection, we
had frequent occasions to admire the order, courage and humanity
which marked your performance of some of the most painful duties
which it falls to the lot of a British soldier to fulfil. Nor
can we forget that alike by officers and men these duties, often
dangerous and always irksome, were discharged with uniform
cheerfulness and alacrity.
‘As a very inadequate, though warm and grateful return, allow us
to repeat the expression of our heartfelt thanks and to offer our
best and earnest wishes for your future happiness and welfare.
‘Signed by the Mayor and ten magistrates.
‘Birmingham, April 30, 1840.’
In November 1839, the flint-lock Baker rifle was replaced by the
percussion Brunswick rifle, a supply of which was forwarded from the
Tower to Weedon, together with swords, &c.
The 2nd Battalion marched in two divisions from Woolwich on October 9
and 10, for Windsor and arrived there on the 12th and were quartered
in the Infantry barracks.
On November 1 the Battalion was reviewed in the Home Park by Queen
Victoria.
In consequence of the disturbed state of South Wales, and the attack
on Newport in November, two companies of the Battalion, under the
command of Major Irton,[190] were ordered to march from Windsor on
December 18 to Monmouth, where they arrived on the 28th of that month.
The 1st Battalion remained at Weedon till November 1840, when an
order having been received to prepare for foreign service, the
Battalion was divided into six Service companies and four Depôt
companies.
And on November 9 and 10 the Service companies proceeded by rail-road
to London; and embarked at Deptford on board the ‘Abercrombie
Robinson’ transport for Malta, where they arrived in January
following.
The Depôt companies continued to be quartered in Weedon barracks
during the remainder of the year.
The trial by Special Commission of the ringleaders of the attack on
Newport having concluded, the two companies of the 2nd Battalion
which had been detached to Monmouth, marched on March 2 and rejoined
Head-quarters at Windsor on the 10th of that month.
On May 22 a company of the Battalion marched to Esher to furnish
guards and duties at Claremont, during the Queen’s residence there;
and returned to Windsor on the 25th, and on June 1 a similar
detachment proceeded to Esher, for the same duty, rejoining
Head-quarters on the 5th.
South Wales continuing in a disturbed state, two companies marched
from Windsor to Brecon, one to Pontypool, one to Swansea, and one
to Merthyr Tydvil on August 22, and arrived at their destinations
on September 1 and 2. And on August 24 the Head-quarters marched
to Newport, Monmouthshire, and arrived on September 1; furnishing
additional detachments to Newtown and Montgomery.
On October 26 the detachment at Brecon was broken up, one company
marching to Abergavenny, and the other to Usk.
The Service companies of the 1st Battalion disembarked at Malta on
January 13, 1841, and were quartered at Fort Manuel, with detachments
at St. Salvador and another to the Zabbar gate.
On January 28 the Head-quarters moved to Fort Ricasoli, detaching
another company to St. Salvador. But the Battalion only remained in
these quarters till February 13, when they removed to Isola barracks,
with one company at St. Francis de Paolo, and one at St. Salvador.
On May 7 the Battalion left the Cottinera district, and moved to
lower St. Elmo barracks, with a company detached at St. James’
Cavalier.
The Depôt companies removed from Weedon to Chester Castle on May 5,
and were there quartered until 20th of the same month, when they
proceeded to Liverpool; and embarking for Dublin, arrived there
on the 21st. They disembarked on the following day and occupied
Beggar’s-bush barracks until the 25th when they moved into Richmond
barracks.
On July 10 a detachment of five officers and about a hundred men were
sent to Wicklow, in aid of the Civil power, during an election. They
returned to Richmond barracks on the 23rd.
No alteration of quarters (except the change and relief of
detachments) took place in the 2nd Battalion until August; on the
28th, 30th and 31st of which month the Battalion left its cantonments
in Monmouthshire and in Wales, and was reunited at Bristol
preparatory to embarking for foreign service.
On this occasion an address was presented to the Commanding Officer,
signed by the Mayor of Newport and five other magistrates, commending
the ‘peaceable, orderly and soldierlike manner in which the men had
conducted themselves.’ An address was likewise presented, signed by
five magistrates of Newtown, thanking the detachment there for its
‘efficient assistance in preserving the peace of the town,’ and for
‘protecting the property of many of its inhabitants.’ And another
signed by forty inhabitants (magistrates and tradesmen) testified to
the good conduct of the detachment stationed there.
On September 3 the Battalion was divided into six Service and four
Depôt companies; and on the 9th and 10th (leaving the Depôt companies
at Bristol) the Service companies proceeded by Great Western railway
to Paddington, and thence to Deptford, where they embarked on board
the ‘Abercrombie Robinson’ for Bermuda. They arrived on November 5
and disembarked at St. George’s.
The 1st Battalion remained in its quarters at Malta during the whole
of the year 1842, furnishing detachments to Forts Ricasoli and Tigné.
The Depôt companies marched from Richmond barracks to the
Pigeon-house Fort, near Dublin, on January 20; where they remained
until October. On the 17th of that month the first division marched
for Drogheda through Ashbourne, and on the 19th the Head-quarters
through Balbriggan; and on arrival at Drogheda were quartered, three
companies in Millmount barracks, and one company in Fair Street
barracks.
On May 7 an order was issued from the Horse Guards increasing the 2nd
Battalion to twelve companies, six of which were to be called the
Reserve Battalion. The Depôt companies were therefore increased to
six companies, eighty men having volunteered from the 1st Battalion
to complete them. This was effected at Dover.
The six companies at Bermuda embarked on board the ‘Java’ transport
on July 30, and landed at Halifax, Nova Scotia, on August 12.
On September 6 the Reserve Battalion arrived at Halifax. And in
October the Battalion, thus completed, sent out detachments to Prince
Edward’s Island, Cape Breton, and Annapolis.
Lieutenant-General Sir Dugald Little Gilmour, K.C.B., who had served
in the Regiment nearly twenty years, during many of which he had
commanded the 2nd Battalion, was appointed Colonel Commandant of it
April 25, 1842.
The right wing of the 1st Battalion, recalling the detachments,
embarked at Malta, on board the ‘Boyne,’ transport, on March 2, 1843,
and landed at Corfu on the 6th. The left wing did not leave Malta
till April 1, when it embarked, also in the ‘Boyne,’ and arrived at
Corfu on the 7th. The Battalion furnished detachments to Santa Maura,
Vido, Paxo and Fano.
The Depôt companies continued at Drogheda, whence a detachment of 3
officers and about 70 men marched to Carrickmacross on April 5, in
aid of the Civil power, and rejoined on the 27th.
A detachment consisting of one company proceeded on May 23 to
Dundalk, and occupied quarters, with the cavalry, in the barracks
there. On June 7 it marched to Carrickmacross, to aid the Civil
power, and returned to Dundalk on the 15th. Two months afterwards,
on August 15 it marched to Castle Blaney again to aid the Civil
power; but returned the following day. On September 12 it moved to
Longford, and on the same day another company marched from Drogheda
to Granard; and the Head-quarters of the Depôt followed to Longford
on the 16th, arriving there on the 21st, where they occupied the Line
and the Artillery barracks. In the meanwhile a detachment had been
sent to Trim, to aid the Civil power; and this rejoined at Longford
on October 3.
Detachments were soon afterwards sent out to Athlone and to
Roscommon; and that at Granard was called in.
The numerous detachments, in aid of the Civil power, and the frequent
removals of the Depôt, were caused by the Repeal agitation, which was
at its height during this year; and by the ‘Monster Meetings’ held by
O’Connell at Trim, Roscommon, and other towns.
No change seems to have taken place in the quarters of the 2nd
Battalion during this year, when it continued at Halifax.
The Service companies of the 1st Battalion continued at Corfu
during the year 1844, the only changes in them being the relief of
detachments, and the furnishing an additional one to the Lazaretto.
The Depôt companies marched from Longford on January 8 to Athlone,
where they arrived on the following day, and were soon joined by the
detachment from Roscommon.
The 2nd Battalion continued at Halifax, the detachments at the
out-stations being relieved, by another regiment, and rejoining
Head-quarters in July.
The Service companies of the 1st Battalion remained at Corfu during
the year 1845; the only change in its quarters being the occasional
relief of the detachments.
The Depôt companies marched from Athlone on April 14 and 15, and
arrived in Dublin on the 19th and 21st, and were quartered in
Beggar’s-bush barracks, furnishing a detachment for a short time
to the Pigeon-house fort. The Depôt Head-quarters removed to this
fort on June 2, leaving a small detachment only in the Beggar’s-bush
barracks. But to these barracks the Head-quarters returned on October
27.
The 2nd Battalion remained during the whole of this year stationary
at Halifax.
About the beginning of August 1846 the Service companies of the 1st
Battalion were directed to hold themselves in readiness to proceed
to Jamaica; but very shortly afterwards a letter was received from
Lord FitzRoy Somerset, Military Secretary to the Commander-in-Chief,
stating that the destination of the Battalion was changed; that it
was to be held in readiness to embark for the Cape of Good Hope;
and that steamers were on their way from England to convey it to
Gibraltar.
The Detachments at Lazaretto, Santa Maura and Fano were therefore
immediately called in; and the Battalion prepared for active service.
Shortly before embarkation the Service companies were inspected
by Lieutenant-General Lord Seaton, then Lord High Commissioner of
the Ionian islands, who after witnessing a few battalion movements
ordered square to be formed and thus addressed them:
‘Rifle Brigade, or old 95th, I have known the Regiment more than
forty years and have taken part with them in battles and sieges
in the Peninsular war, and at Waterloo. My old regiment, the
52nd, and the 43rd, formed the famous Light Division under his
Grace the Duke of Wellington, who always led them to victory.
Your Queen and country now call upon you to uphold her honour in
Southern Africa, against hordes of savages; and I feel quite sure
that the Battalion will sustain the undying fame that it gained
in the Peninsula and at Waterloo, and add more laurels to its
wreath. Riflemen, old 95th, I bid you good bye with my heartfelt
and best wishes for you all.’
Lord Seaton also issued a farewell order, highly commending the state
of their discipline and general good conduct, and expressing his
regret at their removal from his command, and his wishes for their
future welfare.
The Service companies were ordered, by letter from the Horse Guards,
July 23, 1846, to embark 560 strong including musicians, and to take
out only 540 rifles and accoutrements; and the supernumerary men and
arms were to be sent to England to form part of the Depôt.
Though the Service companies were thus reduced to 560 men, the total
strength of the Battalion was actually increased by 200 men, by a
Horse Guards order dated March 27, 1846.
On August 21 the Service companies embarked; the Head-quarter
division under Major Egerton[191] in H.M. steamship ‘Retribution;’
and the left wing, under Captain Horsford,[192] in the ‘Terrible;’
and steaming away at once (through the Straits of Messina) arrived at
Gibraltar at twelve P.M. on the 27th and disembarked on the following
day, and occupied barracks.
FOOTNOTES:
[178] ‘Despatches and Correspondence,’ i. 126.
[179] ‘Annual Register,’ lxii. 98.
[180] ‘Record’ 1st Battalion.
[181] ‘Despatches, Correspondence, and Memorandums,’ i. 154. The
Regiment had already been authorised to bear the word WATERLOO on
their appointments, in compliance with a memorandum of the Duke
of Wellington, dated Head-quarters, Paris, November 7, 1815.’
‘Supplementary Despatches,’ Appendix, xiv. 600.
[182] ‘Annual Register,’ lxiv. 67.
[183] ‘Annual Register,’ lxiv. 15.
[184] ‘Annual Register,’ lxiv. 19.
[185] ‘Annual Register,’ lxviii. 105.
[186] The Duke of Clarence had also reviewed the two Depôts on a
previous visit to Plymouth on December 21 preceding.
[187] ‘Personal Narrative of Military Travel and Adventure in Turkey
and Persia,’ by Robert Macdonald, pp. 22-25. The writer, a sergeant
in the 1st Battalion, was selected with his brother Peter Macdonald
to proceed to Persia in 1836. See p. 234.
[188] Now Lieutenant-General Sir Richard Wilbraham, K.C.B.
[189] ‘Personal Narrative of Military Travel and Adventure,’ pp.
286-7.
[190] Lieutenant-Colonel Irton died June 9, 1847.
[191] Colonel Buller (now General Sir George Buller, G.C.B.) had left
Corfu for England before the order to embark arrived.
[192] Lieutenant-General Sir Alfred H. Horsford, G.C.B.
CHAPTER VIII.
On August 31, 1846, transports having arrived from England for the
conveyance of the 1st Battalion to the Cape, they re-embarked;
Head-quarters on board the ‘Equestrian’ transport, consisting of
Captains Macdonell’s, Rooper’s, and Stewart’s companies, with Staff
and band; and the left wing consisting of Captains Horsford’s,
Murray’s, and Gibson’s companies, on board the ‘Fairlie’ under
Captain Horsford.
The latter vessel arrived first, reaching Table-bay on October 30.
Here an order was at once given to land the women and children; and
to take in supplies and camp-equipments. This being done the left
wing sailed on November 4, for Algoa bay, where they arrived on the
12th and anchored opposite the town of Port Elizabeth.
On the day following their departure the ‘Equestrian’ arrived at
Table-bay, and having in like manner landed heavy baggage, women and
children, and taken in stores and camp-necessaries, proceeded to
Algoa bay on the 11th and arrived there about November 20.
On the 14th the ‘Fairlie’ having drawn as near the shore as possible,
surf-boats came alongside, and were soon filled and rowed to the
shore until they took the ground. Then Fingoes carried the Riflemen
pick-a-back to the dry sand. As soon as all were landed, they marched
through the town of Port Elizabeth, and piled arms and encamped about
half-a-mile beyond it to the left of the Graham’s-town road. The
necessary supplies and equipments having been procured, not without
difficulty which Horsford’s energy and perseverance surmounted, this
wing began its march under a burning sun for Kaffirland. They reached
Graham’s-town, a distance of about 100 miles, on the 23rd.
They halted here on the 24th and on the following day moved to
Manley flats; on the 26th to Cawood’s post; and on the 27th reached
Waterloo-bay. The next day, after receiving a field ration of rice,
salt, sugar, and green coffee (these troops being thus supplied with
that valuable but unusable berry in its natural state, as they were
afterwards in the Crimea) they marched to Newton Dale; on the 29th
to Fort Peddie; on the 30th to the Chalumna river; and on December 1
joined the 2nd Division of the army, which was commanded by Colonel
Henry Somerset of the Cape Mounted Rifles. In this march the men
suffered severely from the sun; their faces being almost skinned as
their forage-caps had no peaks; and their shakos had been given into
store at Graham’s-town, and were never returned to them.
The Head-quarter wing disembarked at Port Elizabeth, on November 25;
commenced their march, by the same route, on the 24th, and joined
the 2nd Division of the army, then encamped on the Buffalo river, on
December 12.
On December 21 the Battalion marched, and on the 25th encamped near
the great Kei river, and during the rest of the month furnished
frequent patrols on both banks. One Rifleman was killed, and one
wounded by the Kaffirs on December 31 in the performance of these
duties.
The Depôt companies embarked on January 28, 1846, at the North Wall,
Dublin, in the steamer ‘Albert’ for Liverpool, where they landed on
the following day; and proceeded by rail-road to London, and thence
to Dover, which they reached on the following day, and were quartered
in the Castle; furnishing a subaltern’s detachment to Sandgate Castle.
On May 18 they marched to Chatham; and after a short stay there
proceeded in a steamer to Sheerness on June 1.
The 2nd Battalion left Halifax, in H.M.S. ‘Belleisle’ on August 1,
and arrived at Montreal on the 22nd and were there quartered during
the remainder of the year.
The Service companies of the 1st Battalion with the exception of
Captain Gibson’s company which was left on the other side of the
Kei river not having returned from a previous expedition, marched
on January 2, 1847, at three P.M., with the Division commanded by
Lieutenant-General Sir Peregrine Maitland, for the Kei river, and
arrived within about two miles of it at seven in the evening, and
halted for the night. The march had been a very hot one; but soon
after sunset a tremendous storm of thunder, lightning and hail came
on; this was followed by a deluging rain, which drenched the men to
the skin in a few minutes. They had no tents; no fires; not even
pipes were allowed to be lighted, nor was a word permitted to be
spoken above a whisper. For the Kaffirs were near them; and had they
known exactly where the troops were bivouacked would have attacked.
But the night was very dark, and they remained unmolested.
On the 3rd the Riflemen in advance forded the Kei river, here about
350 yards wide, and knee deep, and waited on the other bank for
the Division. After breakfast, rifles were fired off and cleaned
from the effects of the last night’s rain, and they marched towards
Butterworth. On reaching a hill, afterwards well known to Riflemen
by the name of Mount-Misery, they halted and bivouacked for the
night. On the next morning at daylight they resumed their march,
and arrived at the Missionary Station of Butterworth at six in the
evening: a distance of nearly thirty miles. The Missionary’s house
and the church were in ruins, having been burnt down; but every wall
and corner which remained was occupied by the weary soldiers, glad
of even such insufficient shelter. For scarcely had the outlying
picquets been posted, when heavy and continuous rain came on, and
lasted throughout the night.
On the 5th Captain Gibson’s company rejoined. The rain still
continuing the men suffered much. They were glad to gather stones
on which to lie, to keep them off the streaming ground; and even
these were sometimes washed away by the rills formed in paths and
tracks. This rain continued during the whole of the 6th and until the
afternoon of the 7th; nearly seventy hours of incessant rain.
On the 6th five days’ ration of biscuit, which had from December 29
been reduced to six ounces a day, was served out to the men; but
hunger takes no account of Commissariat measurement, and long before
the expiration of the five days, the Riflemen were picking gum off
the trees, and eating it to assuage their need.
At this time Sir Peregrine Maitland being recalled, left the army;
and the command of the division again devolved on Colonel Somerset.
Fine weather having at last come on, the men wrung out and rinsed
their wet shirts and dried them in the sun. In the evening the rifles
were inspected and the ammunition examined; for much of it had been
damaged by the wet. On the 8th at six in the morning, they marched
for Spring-Flats where they arrived at eleven. After a halt of three
hours, during which the weakly men and those who had sore feet fell
out of the ranks and were marched to the Kei under an officer of
another regiment, they resumed their march for Kreili’s Corner, and
halting at six o’clock, bivouacked for the night.
At dawn on the 9th, intelligence having come in of a quantity of
cattle, said to be a few miles ahead, they marched towards Kreili’s
Corner; and with a halt of one hour for breakfast, and two for
dinner, continued their march till eight in the evening, when they
bivouacked.
Next day at daylight they moved on in the hope of coming up with the
cattle; but nothing being seen of them, the cavalry pushed on at ten
o’clock; while the infantry continued their march till two in the
afternoon. At four the cavalry appeared with 12,000 cattle which they
had captured at Kreili’s Corner; and 100 men of the Battalion were
detailed as a cattle guard. Rain now began again; and the ration
consisted of fresh beef only, the biscuit being all consumed, and
that without salt to season it. Firewood too was scarce; and there
were no tents.
On the 11th the Riflemen halted in bivouack, rain still continuing;
and on the 12th marched for Spring-Flats under a burning sun. Many
Kaffirs were on the surrounding hills; but few ventured within range.
One however was shot by one of the cattle guard, when attempting to
steal cattle. On the 13th a company of the Rifle Brigade and one of
another regiment were sent to the Kei river with the captured cattle;
but on their arrival the river was found to be unfordable, and the
current running at a rapid rate. They had therefore to return; and
on their arrival at the second hill (Mount-Misery) an order reached
them to send out a patrol in search of Captain Gibson, for whom
great fears were entertained. This officer, and Assistant-Surgeon
Howell, had accompanied the party of weakly and disabled men which
had marched from this place on the 8th. While this party were halted
on January 11 near the ford of the Kei, waiting for the fall of the
river to enable them to cross, some cattle were observed grazing on
the hills about three miles off. Captain Fraser, of the 6th Foot, who
was in command of these invalids, directed all the men who were able
to march to proceed, under Captain Gibson, to endeavour to capture
these cattle, which were beyond the bank which reached from the river
half way up the hills.
After the party, which was accompanied by Assistant-Surgeon Howell
and by Lieutenant the Honourable W. J. G. Chetwynd of the 73rd
Regiment, had marched about an hour by a rather wide path through the
bank, they arrived at a bend in the path. Unhappily the officers,
unsuspicious of any attack, were marching ahead of their men, between
seventy and 100 yards from the leading files. When therefore they
took the bend in the road, they were entirely hidden from them. At
this moment the Kaffir Chief, Pato, observing their defenceless
position, rushed upon them with about 200 of his followers, and
before the detachment could come up, killed all three officers.
The little detachment under a sergeant of the 6th Foot, made good
its retreat, gradually retiring, and whenever the Kaffirs attacked,
turning round and firing a volley.
The patrol sent out to recover the remains of these officers, after
marching about three hours through thick bush, came upon their
bodies which they brought into the bivouack at Spring-Flats, where
they arrived about nine in the evening. They were interred by the
officers and men of the Battalion on the next day at a place called
Shaw’s fontein; bushes being burnt over the graves, to prevent the
Kaffirs discovering the place of their interment, and exhuming and
desecrating their remains.
The Riflemen who had acted as this patrol marched again on the 14th
for the Kei river, it having been reported that it was fordable;
but this proved to be a mistake, at least as far as infantry was
concerned; though the cavalry had forded; not, however, without some
loss. Again, therefore the Riflemen had to return and bivouack on
Mount-Misery. And the rest of the Battalion was moved up to the same
place.
They remained here during the next three days, suffering great
privations. For the swollen state of the river did not admit of
supplies being brought over. In consequence, too, of a soldier of
another regiment who had gone out for water having been found killed
and stripped, a stringent order was issued that no men were to go
for water, except in armed parties of thirty, under an officer, and
accompanied by two non-commissioned officers. This water duty was
exceedingly fatiguing; as the men had to go down two very steep hills
into a kloof,[193] about a mile distant, and to reascend them loaded
with water. Want and exposure too began to tell heavily on the men;
and the seeds of much subsequent disease were to be traced to this
bivouack. At last on the 18th the Riflemen marched at ten o’clock
from this hill and bivouacked near the banks of the river. It had
fallen sufficiently for the Commissariat to get over some stores; and
the famished Riflemen on reaching their bivouack found coffee, sugar,
salt, and a ration of biscuit awaiting them; and what they welcomed
almost as much, tobacco; which for many days they had not had, and
the want of which they had vainly tried to supply by smoking leaves
of the Kaffir tea-tree dried in the sun. On the 19th the cattle were
driven through the river by fifties at a time; and at two o’clock the
Battalion began to ford it. The water was still deep, and the current
running six or seven miles an hour. A stout rope was made fast to
each bank, and reeved through three waggons placed at equal distances
in the bed of the river. This made a good hand-rail for the men. But
the leading files having difficulty in stemming the current, and the
succeeding files crowding on them, a sort of animated dam was formed
which had the effect of sending the current boiling between them; and
the water, which was but little above the hips on the lower side, was
dammed up nearly to the armpits on the upper. However all got over in
safety except one man (Private James King) who, letting go the rope,
was swept off by the current with arms and accoutrements, and never
afterwards seen or heard of. The succeeding companies, not crowding
so much, got over with less difficulty. After fording the river the
Battalion marched about six miles, and then bivouacked near the
Commissariat waggons. Yet this short march took them about four hours
to accomplish: so much were they weakened by their late privations.
On the 20th they halted to rest; and to clean arms and accoutrements.
In the afternoon there was a general parade; but it was of a motley
crew. The clothing was some of it in rags; some patched with leather;
some men had no shoes; some wore sandals made of raw hide and
fastened with thongs. And those who had seen the smart Battalion
three months before could scarcely have recognised it in the gaunt,
unshaven, and ragged warriors on this parade.
On the 21st they marched about fourteen miles and joined the division
in the general camp.
On the 25th the Battalion marched to King William’s-town and arrived
there on the following day.
On the 31st two companies, Captain Horsford’s and (late) Gibson’s,
commanded by Lieutenant Hardinge,[194] crossed the Buffalo river
and marched for Fort Peddie, being ordered to join the camp of
the 6th Foot, to form a force under Lieutenant-Colonel Michel;
the Head-quarters and remaining four companies of the Battalion
continuing at King William’s-town.
On February 4 the two detached companies marched to Tamaka; and
on the next day, crossing the Keiskamma river at the Line drift,
proceeded to Buckraal.
On the 6th they started about four in the morning, and marched to
the Fish river bush, a few miles to the right of Fort Peddie, where
they arrived about ten and halted for breakfast. But just as the
Riflemen were lighting their fires, an order was issued that the two
companies were to skirmish through the bush; and if no enemy opposed
them to skirmish on to Trumpeter’s drift.[195] Leaving their untasted
breakfasts, they dashed into the bush and made their way through it
in extended order, until two in the afternoon, when they halted and
breakfasted. And at three, falling in again, proceeded through the
bush till they emerged from it on the Graham’s-town road about a
mile from the great Fish river; to which they advanced, and forded
it, the water reaching to the middle, just at sun-set. After this
hard day’s work they marched into the barrack built on the bank of
the river; and were hospitably received by a detachment of the 91st
which then occupied it.
A private, who had been missing when they fell in after breakfast,
made his appearance here about eleven at night; and his arrival
unharmed was a sufficient proof that no Kaffirs were lurking in the
bush. On February 7 these two companies marched to Fort Peddie.
On February 1 the Head-quarters consisting of four companies had
marched from the Kei river to King William’s-town, where they
encamped on the 3rd, forming part of the 2nd Division, of which
Lieutenant-Colonel George Buller, who had arrived from England,
assumed the command. But the Battalion was broken up into numerous
detachments on the frontier for the purposes of patrols and escorts.
On the 9th one of the companies at Fort Peddie under the command
of Lieutenant Hardinge marched to Newton Dale (leaving Horsford’s
company at Fort Peddie). A few days after their arrival there an
officer of the Cape Town volunteers applied for a patrol to pursue
Kaffirs, who, eluding the vigilance of the troops on the frontier,
had driven off almost all the cattle to within a few miles of
Graham’s-town. He stated that he had tracked them to the Fish
river, where he had left his men, who were utterly unable to follow
them further. A patrol of 2 sergeants and 40 men under Lieutenant
Oxenden[196] was immediately turned out; and after a quick march of
three hours came up with the Kaffirs in the bush. They were about
seventy in number, and were broiling the flesh of one of the cattle,
which they had just killed, over their fires; some were sitting on
the ground smoking; and all had their wallets, or leathern bags,
taken off and laid on the ground; while the stolen cattle were
feeding in the dell. The Riflemen, creeping up, poured in a volley
which killed seven and wounded eleven; the rest running into the bush
escaped. The patrol, recapturing the cattle, marched back with them
to Newton Dale, where they arrived about eleven at night, bringing
with them the assegais and leathern bags of the Kaffirs. This was the
first occasion on which the Riflemen and the Kaffirs were in such
close quarters.
This company was employed until June 18 escorting supplies to the
frontier as far as Fort Peddie. It then proceeded to Line drift,
where it had the duty of escorting supplies from that place to King
William’s-town. On September 9 it rejoined the Battalion.
On February 10 two companies under Captain Rooper marched for the
river Temacha, where they arrived on the same day; and on March 20
proceeded to Fort Peddie.
On March 24 Horsford’s company removed from Fort Peddie to the Goolah
heights, where it was employed on patrol duty, until June 17 when it
rejoined Head-quarters.
On the 25th Rooper’s company left Fort Peddie for Wesleyville
arriving there on the 29th, on April 7 proceeded to Chalumna post,
and on June 14 marched for Head-quarters at King William’s-town where
they rejoined on the following day.
On April 5 Macdonell’s[197] company left Head-quarters at King
William’s-town for Mount Coke, arriving there on the same day; and
returned to Head-quarters on September 14. On the 6th Murray’s
company marched from Fort Peddie on escort duty, and arrived at the
Goolah heights on the Keiskamma on the 19th, whence it rejoined
Head-quarters on September 14.
During the time these companies were employed on patrol duty, a
private belonging to a party sent out in search of cattle, having
lost his way in the bush, came near a kloof, in which he heard the
voices of Kaffirs. Lying concealed he watched their movements. Some
Kaffirs arrived with arms, which they handed to their companions, who
concealed them in a ravine. The Rifleman, still contriving to escape
observation, watched his opportunity and made his way back to the
camp, and, on his report of what he had seen, a party of Cape Mounted
Rifles were sent out to search for the concealed arms.
An attack on the Amatola mountains having been decided on, supplies
of all kinds were collected at King William’s-town. On August 2,
during a hurricane, a fire broke out which for some time threatened
the destruction of the place and of the stores there collected. But
by the exertions of the Battalion, the fire was got under and the
greater part of the stores and ammunition saved from destruction.
On this occasion Lieutenant-General Sir George Berkeley issued a
General Order commending ‘the coolness and judgment displayed by
Lieutenant-Colonel Buller,’ and ‘the discipline and energy of the
troops, by which a great calamity was averted;’ and conveying to them
‘his best thanks for their exertions.’
On September 17 the detached companies having all rejoined, the
Battalion under command of Lieutenant-Colonel Buller marched from
King William’s-town towards the Amatola mountains, halting on that
night on the Deba Flats, and on the 18th near Fort White. On the 20th
the Battalion (with about 300 of the Burgher force) accompanied by
fifty mules carrying provisions for six days and ammunition, marched
to Fort Cox, situated on a high projection over the Keiskamma river,
which winds round its base; and arriving there at eight o’clock in
the evening, bivouacked for the night.
Before daybreak on the 21st the Battalion marched; and after fording
the Keiskamma, without opposition or loss, though not without
difficulty, advanced through a dense wood to the valley of the
Amatola, and encamped at the head of the valley. During this march
no attack was made by the Kaffirs, who retreated as the Riflemen
approached; and their huts were burned by the troops, the flames
lighting up the valley on every side.
On this evening Colonel Buller’s force was joined by another column
under Colonel Campbell.
On the morning of the 22nd at dawn the Battalion, as well as the
other troops, marched to the Amatolas, and crossing their lofty
and precipitous ridge, forded the Wolf river, a tributary of the
Keiskamma, and ascended another ridge, where a third column under
Colonel Somerset joined them. From this point Colonel Buller detached
the Burgher force; and advanced with his Battalion to a valley on the
Goolah river, where they encamped for the night, with the other two
columns.
On the 23rd the troops under Colonel Campbell having returned to the
rear, those under Colonel Somerset and the Riflemen under Colonel
Buller moved into the Keiskamma basin; and Colonel Somerset’s
division having soon afterwards marched to the great Kei river, the
Battalion remained in the Keiskamma basin, constantly engaged in
active pursuit of the Kaffirs who were starved out and everywhere
driven out.
The nature of the ground Sandilli and his people occupied, a deep
valley near Wolf river, rendered it unapproachable by cavalry, but
was exactly suited to the operations of Riflemen. And by their
constant patrols, acting from camps well stored with provisions,
Sandilli was completely foiled; his cattle destroyed or scattered;
his followers driven away; and he himself hunted from place to place.
And the result of these operations[198] was that Sandilli the Gaika
chief, the principal leader of the Kaffirs, surrendered himself, with
ten of his principal men, on October 19 to Colonel Buller. After
his capture Sandilli stated that on October 12 he had been nearly
made a prisoner by a patrol of the Regiment. They lost their way in
skirmishing in the bush, and by this chance he escaped. He admitted
that he must otherwise have been taken or killed.
This terminated that campaign, and the four companies, Head-quarters
of the Battalion, were afterwards kept unoccupied in the Keiskamma
basin, though perfectly efficient for the field. While on the Great
Kei river, where operations were still going on, their presence and
assistance would have been of great consequence. However the arrival
of Sir Harry Smith soon changed the face of affairs, and brought the
war to a termination.
On November 14 Captain Murray’s company marched from Fort Stokes
to the Kei river and was employed in active operations against the
Kaffirs.
On December 4 part of the Battalion under Colonel Buller left the
Amatola mountains for King William’s-town, and arrived the same day.
And on the 25th the remainder, under command of Captain Horsford,
followed them to King William’s-town.
From hence the Battalion was again broken up into detachments; and a
company under Lieutenant Cartwright marching from King William’s-town
on the 29th for Mount Coke, arrived there the same day and occupied
it as a post.
On December 23 Sir Harry Smith was received at King William’s-town,
the band of the Battalion playing ‘God save the Queen,’ and ‘See the
Conquering Hero comes.’ When the cheers of the assembled concourse
subsided, Sir Harry rode up to the Battalion and complimented Colonel
Buller on having the command of such a body of men, and the Riflemen
on their advantage in having such a commander; and he noticed ‘that
bravery and endurance which they had displayed during the long and
harassing warfare through which they had struggled.’[199]
The Depôt companies remained at Sheerness during the early part of
this year, detaching one company to Canterbury on March 26.
On July 13 and 14 the Depôt companies, in two divisions removed from
Sheerness to Bristol; the detachment from Canterbury joining them on
the way at Maidstone; and arriving on the 15th and 16th they were
quartered at Bristol during the remainder of the year.
The 2nd Battalion continued at Montreal till August 1847; on the 10th
of which month the Head-quarter division marched to Lachine; and
there embarking proceeded to Toronto. The left wing under Captain
Wilkins on the 17th embarked at Lachine and proceeded to Kingston.
Sir D. L. Gilmour, Colonel Commandant, having died at Rome on March
22, Major-General Sir Harry Smith, Bart., G.C.B., succeeded him as
Colonel Commandant of the 2nd Battalion, April 16, 1847.
The 1st Battalion were stationed at King William’s-town, with one
company detached at Fort Murray and another at Fort Waterloo; and
no changes, beyond the occasional relief of these detachments, took
place during the first half of the year 1848.
But scarcely had the war with the Kaffirs been brought to a
successful conclusion, when the Dutch Boers, not only within the
colony but beyond the Orange river and in Natal, who, during the
months of June and July had exhibited unmistakable symptoms of
disaffection, broke out into open rebellion; and being headed by one
Pretorius, a Dutch colonist of some influence and of considerable
ability, assembled in great force beyond the Orange river.
Sir Harry Smith at once took energetic measures to attack them. A
force consisting of two companies, Captains Murray’s and Hardinge’s,
of the 1st Battalion, two of the 45th, two of the 91st and two
squadrons of the Cape Mounted Rifles, with two six-pounders, was
ordered to proceed at once to Colesberg. Colonel Buller was in
command of the whole force and Major Beckwith of the infantry. The
two companies of Riflemen were made up to a strength of eighty rank
and file each; each man carried sixty rounds of ammunition, and all
were in light marching order, carrying their great coats or blankets,
but not their knapsacks.
On August 4 the Riflemen marched; and, though delayed by the state
of the river Buffalo, which was swollen by the rains, and which they
passed by india-rubber pontoons, arrived on the 21st at Colesberg,
within about twenty-one miles of the Orange river.
On the next morning they continued their march and halted on the
high-ground on the left bank of the Orange river, there between 250
and 300 yards broad, and then unfordable.
Several attempts were made unsuccessfully to construct a raft; but,
at last, a hawser was thrown across and fastened to a tree on the
opposite bank, and then a lighter rope was passed over, by which
the india-rubber pontoon, which had been brought up by the Riflemen
from King William’s-town, was worked backwards and forwards. On the
23rd Captain Murray’s company was carried over. And on the three
following days the remainder, and the baggage were taken across; not
without difficulty, on account of the steepness of the banks leading
to the place of embarkation, and the rapidity of the current. The
embarkation was superintended by Colonel Buller; the disembarkation
by Major Beckwith. However by sunset on the 26th the whole force was
conveyed across, and encamped on the right bank of the river.
On the 27th the troops marched at daylight, the Riflemen leading
the infantry (the Cape Corps being in advance), and after a march
of about twenty miles, encamped on the plains near Phillipolis, at
Benlois Hoek.[200]
On the 28th, marching at daybreak, the Riflemen encountered swarms
of grey locusts which actually obscured the light of the sun. They
proceeded past Phillipolis, a village of the Griqua Kaffirs, and
after a march of about twenty miles encamped for the night.
On the 29th they continued their march at dawn; and after proceeding
about ten miles, halted at some deserted farm-houses to breakfast.
These were situated on the slope of a hill overlooking an extensive
plain, called the Boemplaats, which extending about twelve miles was
terminated by a range of low, rocky hills, rising one above another
in height. Those on the right projected into the plain. Through these
hills the road or track wound; and on them the Boers, estimated at
about 2,500 or 3,000 in number, had taken up their position, adding
to its natural strength a kind of breastwork of piled stones. Had it
been defended by disciplined troops, under a competent leader, it
would have been if not impregnable, at least not to be forced without
most serious loss. While the Riflemen were at breakfast the tidings
reached them that they were soon to meet their enemy; and when
breakfast was over, rifles were looked to, and packets of cartridges
loosened. As soon as they fell in, Sir Harry Smith addressed them.
No one could do so, on such an occasion, with more authority and
experience; for he had fought in their ranks (or, while on the Staff,
at their side) from Monte Video to Waterloo, in the Peninsula, in
America, in Holland, in Belgium. He reminded them of the glorious
deeds there done, ending an inspiriting address by declaring that he
would drive the arch-rebel Pretorius and his followers like rats from
those hills. He was answered by such a cheer as Riflemen can give to
an old Rifleman who leads them into the fight.
Resuming their advance about eleven o’clock they arrived at the foot
of the hills between one and two P.M. Colonel Buller then ordered
the Cape Corps to advance and to endeavour to turn the position in
front and by both its flanks. But the Boers receiving them with a
heavy fire, and some mistake having occurred in executing the order,
they retired, and cleared the front for the Riflemen, who in extended
order advanced and drove the enemy at the point of the sword from the
first, and through the second range of heights; and kept up a galling
fire on them, as they retreated to the third and highest crest. Here
they rallied their whole force, and delivered a telling fire, under
which men and officers fell fast. But nothing could stand the dash
of the Riflemen; this last position was carried; and at the end of
two hours’ hard fighting, the Boers fled after a short attempt at
resistance behind the walls of a kraal.[201]
Then the troops were formed at quarter distance behind the guns,
which opened with grape and shrapnel, on the flying enemy; delivering
their fire; limbering up and advancing to the front; then firing
again. Thus the pursuit was continued for about eleven miles;
until from sheer inability to proceed further the troops halted at
Culverfontein for the night.
The loss of the Riflemen in this action was severe. Colonel Buller
was severely wounded, and his horse was killed under him; Captain
Murray and 6 rank and file were killed or died of their wounds;
Captain Hardinge and 8 rank and file were wounded, and Lieutenant and
Adjutant Julius Glyn[202] had his horse killed under him.
Murray was leading his company when he was hit in the shoulder and
his arm was shattered. Glyn, who was near him, ordered some men to
take him to the rear; but before he could dismount, another shot
struck him, which passed through the body and injured the spine.
He lived till about midnight; and was buried under a peach-tree at
Boemplaats. Sir Harry Smith in communicating his death to his father,
Major-General the Honourable Sir Henry Murray, says that ‘he proved
himself a most gallant officer; his loss deeply regretted by the men
of his company.’
In this letter Sir Harry Smith observes that ‘this outburst of
rebels has cost as smart an affair as I ever witnessed.’ Yet he had
witnessed many; and some of them very smart affairs. ‘Your son,’ he
continues, ‘led an attack as bold as it was successful, under a storm
of fire, in a difficult position, but fell an honour to his father
and to his country.’[203]
The wounded were left at Boemplaats, except Colonel Buller, who was
conveyed with the troops.
About ten o’clock at night the tents arrived and the Battalion
encamped. It had marched more than twenty-six miles; had fought a
sharp action; and followed the enemy with a most active pursuit.
But they were not long to rest. They paraded at one o’clock on the
morning of the 30th and by two o’clock leaving blankets, tents and
all that could impede rapidity of march behind them, were again
following up the Boers. Both the companies of Riflemen were now
commanded by 2nd Lieutenants, the Hon. Henry Clifford[204] and W. W.
Knight, and they led the column as an advanced guard.
About daylight they arrived at a place called Welman’s Pass, where
it was thought that the enemy might make a stand. Accordingly the
Riflemen were extended, and skirmished over the hills on each side,
which commanded the defile. However nothing was seen of the Boers,
who were in fact utterly disorganised and demoralised by their defeat
at Boemplaats, and who never attempted to rally.
The Riflemen continued their march and halted for the night at a
Dutch farm-house, named Bethany.
Pursuing their march they arrived at Bloem-fontein on September 2;
and halted there until the 4th. During this time a General Court
Martial was held to try some rebel Boers, and an English deserter
from the 45th, who had acted as a leader of the revolted Dutch, and
they were sentenced to death. On the 4th (the sentence having been
executed) the Riflemen marched at daybreak for Weinberg, a settlement
on the Vial river, and arrived there on the 7th. Here Sir Harry
Smith received the unconditional submission of the rebellious Dutch;
and fell back to Bloem-fontein on September 14. The Governor having
directed a field-work to be erected here the Riflemen worked at it,
until its completion, when it was garrisoned by the 45th and 91st
detachments; and the Riflemen marched for King William’s-town on
October 16.
In the expedition thus concluded, the Riflemen had marched between
1,100 and 1,200 miles; had crossed several difficult rivers with
insufficient means of transit, had worn their clothing to shreds and
their shoes off their feet. General Orders highly laudatory of the
conduct of the officers and men were issued by Sir Harry Smith, both
on August 30, immediately after the fight at Boemplaats, and also
on his leaving the troops at Bloem-fontein on September 15. Colonel
Buller was appointed Companion of the Bath, and Major Beckwith
received the brevet rank of Lieutenant-Colonel.
During the time the Battalion was near King William’s-town the men
were employed in building. ‘They built a town, they built barracks,
they built houses for their officers, some of “wattle-and-daub,”
some of bricks, and roofed with various materials. They also made
an aqueduct some three or four miles long to supply the camp with
water, and for the purpose of irrigation. When we left they had more
than half built permanent barracks of stone. That was all done by one
battalion, without neglecting any of its military duties.... We had
a daily parade, inspected arms, &c., and saw that the men were in
proper order, and then dismissed them to their working parties.’[205]
The Service companies being reunited at King William’s town furnished
a detachment on October 18, to Fort Murray; and another, of a
company, on November 3, to Forts Grey and Glamorgan.
The Depôt companies continued at Bristol during the whole of this
year; the only change being that a subaltern’s detachment proceeded
to Trowbridge on May 10 and rejoined the Depôt at Bristol on July 6.
No change took place in the quarters of the 2nd Battalion during the
year 1848, which remained with one wing, Head-quarters, at Toronto,
and the other at Kingston: the Reserve Battalion companies being
still at Quebec.
The 1st Battalion continued in 1849 at King William’s-town, without
other change than the occasional relief of its detachments.
The Depôt companies were during the whole year stationary at Bristol.
And on September 27 they furnished a guard of honour, consisting of
a captain, 3 subalterns, 5 sergeants, 2 buglers, and 100 rank and
file, to attend Her Majesty Queen Victoria, at the Gloucester Railway
Station, on her return from Scotland.
No event worth recording occurred in the 2nd Battalion, which
continued at Toronto and Kingston with its Reserve at Quebec,
until November 20; when a detachment consisting of 1 subaltern, 3
sergeants, 2 buglers, and 80 rank and file proceeded from Toronto for
Mina bay, under the command of Captain Cooper, with the object of
quelling disturbances at the Bruce mines.
The eventful history of this detachment cannot better be given than
in the words of a letter addressed by Captain Cooper (now Sir Astley
Paston Cooper, Bart.) to the Assistant-Adjutant-General at Kingston:--
‘Sault Ste. Marie, Hudson’s bay Company’s Fort,
‘December 16, 1849.
‘Sir,--I have the honour to report for the information of the
Major-General commanding, that bad weather and the lateness of
the season, combined with various accidents and delays, having
frustrated our efforts to make Mina bay, we have been obliged to
return to the Sault Ste. Marie, where we have now been obliged
to go into quarters for the winter. Our failure is however the
less to be regretted as the ring-leaders in the affair have been
captured, and all the Indians, to the best of my knowledge and
belief, have left Mina bay, and returned to their homes for the
winter.
‘I stated in my last communication that the captain of the
“Propeller” had engaged to be ready to start from the Sault
river on the evening of Thursday, the 4th inst.; but about
four o’clock that afternoon a gale commenced that rendered it
impossible for the boats to continue to take the freight on
board, and eventually swamped a scow that we had engaged for
the purpose. The wind did not abate sufficiently to allow us to
assume our operations till the Friday following; and we completed
the embarkation of men and stores on that day. Just however as
we were about to start, a fresh delay occurred, arising from a
dispute between the captain of the vessel and the engineer, who
being the only one left at the Sault, felt himself at liberty to
make his own terms, and who refused to go at all unless he got
237 dollars for his trip, paid in advance. The captain refused
to give it him, and at one time it seemed very doubtful whether
we should not be obliged to return again to the Hudson’s bay
Company’s Fort. This settled, we started about seven P.M. to a
place about seven miles up the river, called Wood Dock, where we
were to take in more wood, it having been found impossible to
provide a sufficient quantity at the Sault. On arriving there we
found that the ice had collected in such quantities in the bay
that it was impossible to approach the “Propeller” to the wharf.
After making a variety of attempts to cut through the ice, carry
the boats on &c. to no purpose we were obliged to give it up for
that night.
‘The following morning we managed to land nearly the whole of
the troops, by pulling them round the ice to a place where the
wind and current had broken it up sufficiently to allow us to get
through. Carrying the wood from the wharf to the boats and thence
to the ship occupied about eight hours; and we did not get under
weigh again until about four P.M.
‘During the whole of the time we had been thus delayed, the
weather had been perfectly fair; but we had scarcely started when
a wind sprang up, which gradually increased to such a height,
that the funnel was bent, one of the stays gave way, the stove
and everything else in the cabin was overturned, and the binnacle
and compass upset and rolled about the deck.
‘Not being able, from the rolling of the vessel, to put back the
compass properly in its place, the helmsman was steering partly
by guesswork, and we drifted about five points out of our course.
At half-past eleven P.M. the ship struck hard on a point of
land on the American shore, called White Fish point, the bottom
happening fortunately to be sandy, and the sea right on, the
captain got the foresail on her and allowed her to drive up into
the shallow so far as she would, to obviate the heavy bumpings,
to prevent her broaching to, receiving the seas on her broadside.
The conduct of the men, when the ship struck, was most admirable,
inasmuch as the general rocky nature of the coast along the
shore of the Lake Superior was well known to everyone on board.
No one knew where we were; and White Fish point was perhaps the
only place on Lake Superior where such an accident could have
occurred without the vessel being instantaneously broken up.
Had the men not obeyed the command to stand still, but had they
rushed on deck, as the captain of the ship afterwards told me he
fully expected they would have done, at least one half of them
would have been washed overboard and drowned; as the deck was as
slippery as ice could make it, and there was no bulwark round
it other than a slight open railing, scarcely a foot high. Both
the captain and subordinate officers of the vessel afterwards
expressed their astonishment at the coolness and discipline the
soldiers displayed. We remained at White Fish point till about
half-past three P.M. Monday without any apparent possibility of
getting the ship off, occupying ourselves in the meantime with
landing the freight for the purpose of lightening the vessel, and
making what arrangement we could for passing the winter where we
were. About that hour, however, by working the vessel back with
all the steam the engine would bear, and rigging a derrick, they
got us off again; and about ten A.M. Tuesday, we again proceeded
towards Mina Bay and had arrived to within eight miles of the
place, when the wind shifted to the SW. and commenced blowing
again with such violence, that they were obliged to put about and
return to White Fish point for shelter. After remaining there
till noon, Wednesday, and the weather not at all improving, the
captain represented to me the impossibility of reaching the bay
this fall.
‘I then wrote to him requesting his opinion in writing; his
answer to which I enclose. We anchored in the Sault river on
Wednesday evening, and I am now getting the men settled in
quarters in the store-houses of the Hudson’s bay Company’s Fort;
and I trust that in a few days they will be made tolerably
comfortable for the winter. From the time the men left Toronto
till we returned to the Sault, they had never slept in a bed, or
taken off their clothes; yet in despite of that, and of the cold
and wet they have daily endured, we have no sickness whatever. I
am also happy to be able to inform you that the conduct of the
detachment continues to be exemplary.
‘I have the honour to be,
&c. &c. &c.,
‘A. P. COOPER.
‘Capt. Commanding detachment.’
On December 3, the left wing of the Battalion removed from Kingston
and joined Head-quarters at Toronto.
In March 1850, the 1st Battalion being ordered home, were relieved
on the frontier by the 6th Foot; and on April 2, three companies
marched from King William’s-town to Fort Glamorgan, there to await
the arrival of H.M. steam-vessel ‘Hermes’ for conveyance to Table-bay.
And on May 20 the remaining three companies, with Head-quarters,
marched from King William’s-town to Fort Glamorgan, and arrived there
on the next day.
On the departure of the Battalion from the frontier, a very
complimentary District Order was issued by Colonel Mackinnon,
commanding at King William’s-town, thanking the officers,
non-commissioned officers and men for their excellent conduct while
under his command.
Free discharges having been offered to such of the men as desired to
settle in South Africa, 165 non-commissioned officers and men availed
themselves of them; and being paraded on April 30, were there and
then handed their discharges by Lieutenant-Colonel Beckwith.
On May 25 the Head-quarters, with three companies, embarked at Fort
Glamorgan, in surf-boats, and were conveyed on board the ‘Hermes,’
which started for Table-bay, at which place they disembarked on the
29th.
On the 31st they were inspected at Cape Town by Sir Harry Smith,
previous to their embarkation for home, who took leave of his old
Corps in the following characteristic General Order:
‘Head-quarters, Cape Town, May 31, 1850.
‘The 1st Battalion Rifle Brigade will be held in readiness
to embark for England on board the ship, “Duchess of
Northumberland,” having completed a colonial tour of ten years’
service, throughout which it has maintained the character for
discipline, bravery and interior economy which distinguished it
during the eventful period of the Peninsular War, under His Grace
the Duke of Wellington.
‘At the Cape of Good Hope in the Kaffir War and in a rapid, long,
and harassing march over the Orange river, for the suppression
of rebellion, the Riflemen were ever as distinguished for good
fellowship among their comrades of other regiments, as they were
formidable to their foes. Colonel Mackinnon the Commandant of
Kaffraria, thus reports of the Regiment:
‘“Nothing can have been more satisfactory than the conduct of the
Battalion ever since it has been in this district, and it has
been most ably commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Beckwith.”
‘In 1805 the Commander-in-Chief Sir H. Smith, joined this
Battalion then commanded by a Colonel Sidney Beckwith, (the uncle
of the present,) an officer of great military renown.
‘He has served with it during the most eventful period of its
career, and has never worn the Regimental uniform of any other
corps. The veteran and truly commendable affection, which is thus
created, leads His Excellency therefore fervently to hope for the
future welfare and honour of the Regiment.
‘“The true test of real excellence is not immediate success, but
durable fame;” and Sir Harry Smith trusts, with all his heart,
that this may ever be applicable to his old comrades of the Rifle
Brigade.’
On June 6 the Head-quarter division embarked at Cape Town in the
‘Duchess of Northumberland,’ and sailed the same day; and after
touching at St. Helena for water on the 19th, proceeded for England.
But the other division of 8 officers and 100 men of other ranks were
still at East London; where they embarked in surf boats on June 10
and 11, and were conveyed on board the ‘Hermes.’ They disembarked at
Falk bay on the 17th, and proceeded to Cape Town, where they were
quartered until July 11.
On that day they embarked on board the ‘Himalaya,’[206] and sailed on
the 12th for England.
We must now return to the movements of the Depôt companies which left
Bristol in two divisions on April 8 and 11, and arrived at Brecon on
the 9th and 11th.
They removed in three divisions from Brecon on June 17, 18 and 19,
and proceeded to Canterbury, where they arrived on the 19th, 20th
and 21st, and were there stationed until the arrival of the Service
companies.
The first division of these disembarked at Gravesend on Sunday,
August 11, and proceeded by railroad to Rochester, and marched into
Brompton Barracks Chatham; and on the 13th marched to Canterbury,
where they arrived the next day.
The second division did not reach Gravesend till September 23, when
they disembarked, and marched to Canterbury, where they arrived on
the 26th. Thus the whole Battalion was reunited; but owing to the
free discharges given in Africa it was greatly below its strength;
and recruiting was actively carried on and the staff and parties at
the principal stations in England, and at Edinburgh, Glasgow, and
Newry were directed, by order from the Horse Guards, to raise 160 men
at once for the Battalion; yet up to the end of the year it had only
succeeded in obtaining 114 recruits.
On December 30 and 31 the Battalion marched in two divisions from
Canterbury to Dover, where they were quartered; Head-quarters with
five companies in the Western heights, and five companies in the
Castle.
By an order from the Horse Guards dated February 6, 1850, the
Reserve Battalion of the 2nd Battalion was to be done away; and the
2nd Battalion and Reserve, of six companies each, were from April
1 to be absorbed into one Battalion of ten companies. The officers
(1 Lieutenant-Colonel, 2 Captains, 2 First Lieutenants, 2 Second
Lieutenants and an Adjutant), who thus became supernumerary, were
retained _en second_, until vacancies occurred. Pursuant to this
arrangement the six companies which formed the Reserve Battalion
left Quebec, where they had been stationed since their formation in
August 1846, and proceeded to Kingston in two divisions; the first,
consisting of three companies under Major Norcott, leaving Quebec
on May 1, and arriving at Kingston on the 3rd; the remaining three
companies leaving on the 8th, and arriving on the 11th.
The 2nd Battalion itself left Toronto, where it had been quartered
since August 1847, in two divisions on May 22 and 24, arriving at
Kingston on the following days respectively. Thus the Battalion and
its Reserve were amalgamated; and at Kingston reunited into one
Battalion.
FOOTNOTES:
[193] _i.e._ A wooded ravine or valley.
[194] Lieutenant-Colonel Henry Hardinge, retired.
[195] _i.e._ A ford.
[196] Colonel Charles Vernon Oxenden died April 26, 1868.
[197] Major-General Alexander Macdonell, C.B.
[198] ‘It was,’ says an historian of the war, ‘the useful green
jackets, the untiring Rifle Brigade, who worried Sandilli out of his
hiding-place among the mountains.’ (‘Five Years in Kaffirland,’ ii.
240, 2nd edition.)
[199] ‘Five Years in Kaffirland,’ by Mrs. Ward, ii. 329-30.
[200] Hoek, _i.e._ an inlet from a plain to high land, and from which
there is no outlet.
[201] _i.e._ An enclosure, generally for cattle.
[202] Major-General Glyn, C.B.
[203] ‘Annual Register,’ xc. 248.
[204] Colonel the Hon. H. H. Clifford, C.B., V.C.
[205] Colonel Evelyn (formerly of the Rifle Brigade) in the ‘Journal
of the Royal United Service Institution,’ vol. xiv. p. 103.
[206] Not the steam Troop-ship of that name; but a sailing Barque.
CHAPTER IX.
During the year 1851, when the 1st Battalion was stationed at the
Western heights, their Colonel-in-Chief, the Duke of Wellington,
reviewed them for the last time. Arriving from Walmer in September,
he saw the Battalion put through a field day by Colonel Buller.
The fresh outbreak of the Kaffirs and the accounts which reached
England from the Cape having necessitated the despatch of
reinforcements to that colony, the 1st Battalion which remained at
Dover was, by letter from the Adjutant-General dated December 17,
1851, directed to be formed into Service and Depôt companies; and the
former were desired to hold themselves in readiness for immediate
service. Accordingly one Major (Horsford), 6 Captains, 6 First, and 6
Second Lieutenants, with the usual Staff, 30 sergeants, 24 corporals,
11 buglers and 614 privates were detailed for embarkation under the
command of Colonel Buller; and were on December 29 inspected by
Major-General Brown, Adjutant-General of the Forces, on the Western
heights, who expressed his satisfaction at their appearance.
The 2nd Battalion remained during the whole of this year stationed at
Kingston, Upper Canada.
On the morning of January 2, 1852, the Service companies of the 1st
Battalion were conveyed, in three small steamers, on board H.M.S.
‘Megæra;’ which in the evening proceeded to, and anchored in the
Downs.
Nothing could exceed the discomfort of this wretched ship. The men
were crowded; but Buller had wished his whole Battalion to go out
together; and, no doubt, eventually this saved many lives. For
the fate of the ‘Birkenhead,’ which took out detachments of other
regiments, and would probably have taken Riflemen had not all been
pushed into the ‘Megæra,’ is well known.
The ‘Megæra’ steamed from the Downs on the morning of the 3rd and off
Beachy Head and the back of the Isle of Wight encountered a heavy
gale, which much damaged her. She caught fire twice, but it was each
time happily extinguished, and on the 5th she put into Plymouth
harbour utterly disabled.
Here intelligence reached the Riflemen of the disastrous fight of
November 6, 1851, when Colonel Fordyce of the 74th was killed and
his regiment severely handled by the Kaffirs. And the ‘Megæra,’
hardly refitted, was desired to put to sea immediately. Stores were
incomplete; but the only reply to all such representations was the
repetition, by telegraph, of the order ‘Put to sea.’
So on January 7, at ten at night, the ‘Megæra’ again started; and
arrived at Madeira on the 24th. After coaling, and taking in supplies
here, she left on the 27th and arrived at Sierra Leone on February 6.
She steamed from this at midnight on the 7th and after some severe
gales, and being on fire again more than once, this unhappy ship at
last reached Simon’s bay on the night of March 24 having taken nearly
two months to make the passage.
After coaling here, and landing women and children and six sick men,
who were sent to Cape Town in charge of a sergeant, the ‘Megæra’
again put to sea on the 27th and anchored in Algoa bay on the 30th.
The Riflemen were immediately landed, by means of surf boats and the
help of Fingoes, as they had been at the same place six years before.
As soon as they were ashore they marched by companies to the hill
above Port Elizabeth where they were encamped; each company pitching
tents for that following it, so that the men were at once under
canvass as soon as they reached the ground. At the back of the camp
was a sort of ravine, through which flowed a stream, in which the men
washed everything, great-coats, clothing kits, in order to cleanse
them from the smoke and dirt of the ‘Megæra.’ On April 2 about two in
the afternoon, camp was struck, and the Battalion commenced its march
for the frontier; halting that night at the Swart Kop river.
The next morning they resumed their march, the last three hours
being under heavy rain, and encamped. On the Coega river on the 4th
they started at half-past four in the morning, and after marching
about ten miles, halted for breakfast, and then continued their
march, the intention being to cross Sunday river; but it was so
swollen with the rains as to be impassable. On its bank they remained
encamped therefore until the 8th. On that day about noon the river
was reported to be fordable, and the Battalion having passed it,
and marched about two miles and a half encamped for the night at
Commando’s kraal.
On the 9th, starting very early, they halted for breakfast at Addo
bush. On this day’s march they passed a well where the Battalion had
halted during a similar march in November 1846, and where the date,
then carved by them on a post, was still to be seen; and at night
encamped at Quagga Flats.
On the next day again marching very early, they advanced a good way
over the flats, and then again continued to ascend; for the road
for the whole march had been almost a constant rise, and after the
usual halt for breakfast, and a further march, arrived at Sidbury and
encamped on a hill-side.
On the 11th marching, as usual, about half-past four, they went
forward about eleven miles through the Assegai bush, and halted for
breakfast near a river of the same name; and marching on about seven
miles further encamped near the Karraga river, which however was hid
from the camp by a wooded declivity.
On the next day after the usual early march of about six miles, in
which they crossed the river, after a fatiguing descent to it, and
an equally fatiguing ascent on the opposite side of a ravine, they
halted for breakfast in a spot covered with mimosa bushes, with fine
grass between them, which had rather the appearance of an artificial
lawn than of unreclaimed wilderness. Soon after starting again, they
met such crowds of people coming out from Graham’s-town to meet them,
that they fancied themselves close to it; but after a toilsome march
of six miles further, over a very rough road, they encamped in the
Drostdy barracks.
During the two following days they halted; but on the 15th starting
from Graham’s-town about eleven, accompanied by numbers of the
inhabitants, they marched to Botha’s Hill, where they encamped for
the night.
On the 16th marching about five, over the Ekka heights, they entered
the Fish river bush, by a newly-cut path called the ‘Queen’s road.’
Proceeding about five miles, on emerging from the bush, and passing
over some flat country to Fort Brown, they crossed the Fish river
by a wooden bridge, and proceeding about three miles further, they
encamped about three o’clock near the Koonap, a tributary of the Fish
river.
On the next day they marched about six miles to their breakfast halt,
on some very high ground; and after crossing the Koonap at a shallow
ford, ascended the Koonap heights; and, after a short march, reached
their camping ground at Liew fontein early and untired.
On the 18th starting at five, they had a long march to Mildenhall,
where they breakfasted, and where three houses had recently been
destroyed by the Kaffirs. After this halt crossing the Chumie
river, and afterwards the Kat river by a shallow ford, they marched
through the town of Fort Beaufort amidst the hearty welcomes of its
inhabitants, and encamped on a plain on the other side of it.
Here they halted for three days in very inclement weather; the
heavy rain on the 19th obliging the men to turn out at night to dig
trenches round the tents, and to bale out the water which had flooded
them.
On arrival at Fort Beaufort the Battalion was placed in the 1st
brigade of the division under Major-General Somerset. The brigade,
which was commanded by Colonel Buller, was composed of detachments of
the 74th, Cape Corps, and Artillery, with two six-pounders and rocket
apparatus, and some Fingoe levies.
The Battalion, having been inspected by General Somerset on April
21, marched about half-past six on the morning of the 22nd for the
Waterkloof, accompanied by eight of the Cape Corps, and a detachment
of Artillery with a six-pounder, drawn by twelve oxen.
They halted for breakfast at Gilbert’s farm ‘Klu-klu,’ which had
been burnt by the Kaffirs. Resuming their march to Yellow-wood they
encamped for the night on the Kroome river, where plenty of long
grass afforded them excellent beds. The day’s march had been very
fatiguing; for though part of it was through a fine grassy country,
and on a hard road, yet this had in places been broken up by
mountain storms into gullies, sometimes resembling steep steps of
stairs, and sometimes the loose _débris_ of a stone quarry.
On the 23rd they started soon after 5, and after passing some ruined
houses halted for breakfast at McMaster’s canteen, which, like the
buildings they had passed, bore evident marks of Kaffir depredation
and destruction. After a rest of about two hours, they resumed their
march towards the banks of the Koonap, and pitched their tents at a
place called Haddon’s post; but which the men called Stony camp, from
the difficulty they experienced in driving in the tent pegs; near a
thickly wooded ravine called Bushneck.
Hardly had the camp been pitched when a storm of wind, rain and hail,
accompanied with thunder and lightning, came on, which threw tents
to the ground, and obliged men and officers to turn out with shovels
and mallets to dig trenches, and drive tent-pegs. And even after the
violence of the storm abated, rain continued at intervals during the
night. Kaffirs were seen at a distance on the hills near the camp.
On the 24th when they were preparing to advance, the conductor
declared that the oxen could not go forward; consequently the
Battalion halted for the day; Captain Glyn’s company going out on
patrol, and bringing in a horse, which was claimed by the Fingoes.
On the 25th they started in a fog so thick that they lost their way
in the first half-hour; and had to halt. Then resuming their march,
they literally felt their way to the banks of the Koonap, which they
crossed five times in the course of this day’s march. They halted
for breakfast at Nell’s Farm, where one end of the house only was
standing. On resuming their march, after twice crossing the Koonap,
they ascended a hill of exceeding steepness, by a road formed by the
dry and rocky course of a mountain torrent. The advanced guard shot
one Kaffir and made two women, mother and daughter, prisoners. They
burnt some Kaffir huts also, but they were empty. On getting to the
top the Riflemen were halted to get their breath. This hill forms one
of the Winterberg Mountains, the Chumie range forming the opposite
side of the Waterkloof. After a short halt they resumed their
advance; and, after marching some distance, were halted in a pretty
but irregular valley, where it was intended to camp. But it was found
that the oxen with the tents and baggage had been unable to ascend
the hill as fast as was expected; and consequently the Battalion was
ordered to countermarch (an unwelcome order, after so fatiguing a
march) and after descending again about a mile and a-half, encamped
on some stony and uneven ground. A strong guard was formed round the
camp, and the picquet were sent down the hill with the dinners of the
men at the bottom, and to form a guard while they ate it. For one
company was sent down the hill to bring up the waggons, and all were
not up till 2 o’clock in the morning. On the next day the Battalion
marched forward to a place called Bear’s farm, about 5 miles from
the Waterkloof valley. To reach this it was necessary to go down a
road almost as steep as that ascending the opposite side of the ridge
from the Bushneck valley, and equal difficulties were experienced in
getting the baggage forward.
On April 29 Captains Somerset’s,[207] Lord Alexander Russell’s[208]
and Woodford’s companies (with some Fingoes, and Cape Corps) fell
in at 4 in the morning, and were ordered to move forward in perfect
silence. Somerset with a 6-pounder went round by a road; while the
remaining two companies advanced over most rough and broken ground
to the edge of the Waterkloof, which, in consequence of its being
perfectly dark, rendered the march extremely difficult. Daylight was
just appearing when they caught sight of some Kaffir fires. Colonel
Buller passed the word to extend, and the two companies advanced. The
Kaffir ‘Whoop’ was soon heard, and firing commenced when they were
about 200 yards from the first kraal. From this the Kaffirs fled to
the bush and the rocks, taking cover behind the rocks as the Riflemen
came on. They set fire to the huts, and still advancing and searching
every bush and hiding place, emerged on the plain beyond. Somerset’s
company with the gun now joined them on the left. They soon came in
sight of another kraal, and the gun was unlimbered and a shell thrown
into it. The Riflemen still advanced; and the Kaffirs kept up a
brisk fire from the bush, and from a hill just beyond. Here the three
companies made a halt; and eventually returned to camp, as the force
was not strong enough to attempt the hill, where the Kaffirs greatly
outnumbered them.
In this patrol, Lieutenant Godfrey and 3 men were wounded. The place
was called Mundell’s Krantz, and was in fact the place where Colonel
Fordyce had been killed.
The three companies reached the camp about 2 o’clock after a march of
18 miles. Kaffirs hovered on their rear during their march back; but
did not venture within range.
On May 3 another patrol, consisting of four companies started at
half-past two A.M., as some Kaffirs were said to be in Engelbrecht’s
kloof. Of these one company joined a party of the 74th Regiment
at Post Retief; and starting thence at 3 in the afternoon marched
about 12 miles along the Koonap, which they forded seven times;
and occupied for the night a ruined farm-house which they reached
at dark. On the next morning they marched about 5, again crossing
several streams, some of them very dangerous from the slippery state
of the rocks, in falling from which one Rifleman dislocated his
knee. At 9 o’clock they fell in with the remaining companies, which
were posted on a hill in front of them; but the scouts came in with
intelligence that the Kaffirs had all left the kloof, and the patrol
returned to the camp at Bear’s farm.
On the 5th one company proceeded with a party of the 74th as a
covering party to protect those engaged in road-making in the
Blinkwater. The scouts reported traces of cattle near Bushneck; and
on the 6th Captains Rooper’s and Woodford’s companies, accompanied by
a party of the Cape Corps and some Fingoes, started at 4 A.M. under
command of Major Horsford, and after marching round by the hills and
destroying many huts so hurriedly left by the Kaffirs that they found
them full of necklaces, and various utensils, and even one young
child left behind, they returned to camp about 2 o’clock.
On the 8th a patrol under command of Colonel Buller, accompanied
by two guns, proceeded early to the hills at the mouth of the
Waterkloof. However the Kaffirs, though occupying it in great
strength, would not show themselves. And after firing about twenty
rounds from the guns into the kloof, the patrol returned to camp.
It seemed that the Kaffirs by watching were aware of every movement
made by the Riflemen, and so avoided an attack. But it was thought
that these frequent patrols harassed them as much as if they had been
brought to an actual engagement.
On the 17th four companies, Lord Alexander Russell’s, Woodford’s,
Hardinge’s and Glyn’s, moved before daylight for the Waterkloof; and
arriving near the scene of the skirmish on April 29, burned several
huts and captured three horses, several shots being fired from the
kloof. No enemy then appeared. But as the patrol began to retire
they showed themselves in all directions. Several men had been left
in ambush near the burning huts; and they were soon busily engaged.
The patrol was extended, and retired by companies, each company
facing the enemy in turn, while the rest moved to the rear. As soon
as they left a position, or passed over rising ground, it was taken
possession of by the enemy who kept up a smart fire from their large
elephant pieces. Happily their aim was generally too high; but three
of the Riflemen were wounded. They were about four hours engaged;
and retired fighting over about 5 miles. Twice they halted and
endeavoured to bring the Kaffirs to close quarters; but they declined
meeting them on the plain.
The Battalion remained at Bear’s farm without any important
occurrence until the 27th, when three companies, Rooper’s, Somerset’s
and Glyn’s, proceeded on patrol at 5 A.M. under the command of Major
Horsford, for Ingilby’s farm; and discovered numerous traces of
cattle but did not come upon any Kaffirs.
On the 29th a patrol of 70 men with Lieutenants Elliot[209] and
Coote Buller, proceeded to Ingilby’s farm, in order to ascertain
whether the spoor[210] observed on the 27th was caused by the Kaffirs
grazing their cattle by night. They had nearly reached the place
where they were to make this examination, when a sharp fire opened
from an unseen enemy, by which four men were wounded. The fire was
immediately returned into the bush, but its effect could not be
ascertained; and the patrol returned to camp.
On the evening of the 30th the Battalion paraded for patrol at
tattoo, it being important to ascertain whether the Kaffirs did, as
reported by the scouts, bring out their cattle to feed at night.
Strict orders were given for perfect silence, no lights were to be
struck or pipes lighted. They marched about 8 miles; and then were
ordered to be ready to fall in at three minutes’ notice. About 5 A.M.
they stood to their arms, extended, and advanced to the edge of the
bush; where they again halted and lay down till daylight. As soon as
it appeared they dashed rapidly into the bush downhill to a valley.
Two Kaffirs were seen, and both brought down by the Riflemen. They
came on smouldering fires, and many traces of Kaffirs, but saw no
more. The valley was well cultivated as a garden; and full of fruit,
with which the men filled their haversacks. Having halted there
for breakfast, they marched back to camp; where they arrived about
10 o’clock on the 31st, and were mustered as they stood, in their
accoutrements.
On June 3, four companies, Lord Alexander Russell’s, Woodford’s,
Hardinge’s and Glyn’s, paraded at 6 in the morning and marched
towards the Waterkloof, in order to meet General Cathcart, and
to accompany him on a reconnaissance to the Waterkloof and the
Blinkwater. Having reached the place fronting the Kloof called the
Horse-shoe, they piled arms and awaited the General. The Kaffirs were
soon seen in motion in every direction, wondering probably what was
intended by this demonstration by daylight; and they lit two large
fires on the opposite side of the Kloof apparently as signals. On the
General’s arrival, accompanied by his Staff, some of the Cape Corps,
and a troop of the 12th Lancers, they proceeded with him to examine
the different parts of the Kloof to which the Riflemen had patrolled
on former occasions. As they moved along the Kaffirs accompanied
them, keeping within the edge of the Kloof. They proceeded towards
the Blinkwater, from whence the General went on to Post Retief, while
the Riflemen returned to their camp, after a most fatiguing day’s
march, in consequence of the slipperiness of the grass, and the
necessity of their keeping up with the mounted force. On the 4th it
was seen that the Kaffirs had set fire to the grass round the camp;
and watch had to be kept all night to see that it did not approach
too close. On the morning of the 5th three parties were despatched to
beat out the fire with bushes; which they did effectually owing to
the shortness of the grass.
On the 8th two companies proceeded on a reconnaissance towards the
Waterkloof, and returned without doing anything; but one man was
killed.
On the 11th Lord Alexander Russell’s, Woodford’s and Hardinge’s
companies started at 4 in the morning in the direction of Bushneck;
not proceeding by the usual road, but directly across country, up
and down hills, some of them extremely steep, with large projecting
rocks, which the men had to climb, and to slide down on the other
side. Part of the march also was over the burnt grass, the dust from
which was extremely annoying, and at times almost prevented their
seeing anything. They marched fully 18 miles, not even halting for
breakfast. They came on traces of Kaffirs, who as usual disappeared,
unless surrounded before daylight.
On July 3 a patrol of Captain Somerset’s company started at 5 A.M.
and examined the valleys in the neighbourhood of the Waterkloof in
search of cattle; but the sun rose before they had found them, and
rendered their efforts unsuccessful.
An escort marched towards the Blinkwater on July 5 to deliver the
guns to a party of the 91st and some of Lakeman’s volunteers. As they
were returning they saw some Kaffirs driving off a cow. The officer
in charge would not allow the company to go, but gave permission for
ten volunteers to attack them; who immediately doubled to cover. The
Kaffirs observing the company did not see the detached party, who
cut them off from the bush. There were three men and two women; who
seemed so destitute and starved that it was not worth while to make
them prisoners.
At midnight on the 6th a patrol left the camp, and after marching a
considerable distance, were halted, divided into watches, and ordered
to conceal themselves. The object was to intercept cattle, supposed
to be on the move. But after lying down in concealment during a
very cold morning, at sunrise they returned to camp without having
effected their object.
On the 7th the camp at Bear’s farm was struck, and the tents
and baggage placed in the farm-yard under the charge of Captain
Woodford’s company. The remainder paraded a little before midnight,
with coats and blankets and three days’ rations, which the men were
recommended to cook before starting. Soon after they moved off; and
marching, in a cold sleet, by the southern heights of the Waterkloof,
were joined by another division under General Cathcart.[211] They
then proceeded to the ridge separating the Waterkloof valley from
Fuller’s Hoek, and after firing shell, shot, and rockets into the
bush, bivouacked on the night of the 8th at the head of the pass,
after having been fourteen successive hours on the move. They had
seen many Kaffirs, who kept close in cover, occasionally firing on
our skirmishers. In this affair one Rifleman was killed, shot through
the brain while taking aim over a rock. The weather during the time
the Battalion was engaged on this reconnaissance was extremely
inclement, rain, sleet and snow falling almost incessantly.
During the absence of the Battalion the Kaffirs rushed out of the
Kloof, and drove off seven oxen feeding near Bear’s farm. The company
there immediately stood to their arms; but could not leave their
position, as the Kaffirs appeared in number on the neighbouring
hills. The waggoners were despatched to secure the oxen; and the
Kaffirs at first retired. But seeing that they were only waggoners
not soldiers, they returned and made off with their prize.
The Battalion returned about noon on the 9th and found the tents
pitched and everything made ready for them by their comrades in
charge. They were accompanied by two 12-pounders, with the men and
horses.
On the morning of the 14th the Battalion finally left its
camping-ground at Bear’s farm, and proceeded to Mount-Misery,
marching by the edge of the Waterkloof into which shells were
occasionally dropped. The Riflemen had scarcely reached their
position, when a waggoner came running in and informed them that his
span[212] of oxen had been seized by the Kaffirs. The cattle-guard
which was in the act of mounting, set off at the double; the best
runners taking the lead, and soon came up with the cattle, which they
recovered, shooting one Kaffir.
Here a standing camp was formed, and two redoubts were built, as a
base from whence General Cathcart operated in the final attacks on
the Kaffirs. On the morning of the 15th the outlying picket at the
head of Fuller’s Hoek had just lit their cooking fire at daybreak,
when the fuel was knocked about by a ball from the bush. Several more
shots were fired; but no mischief done. And some men of the picquet,
crawling into the bush, shot one Kaffir and took three horses.
The Riflemen were engaged till the 23rd in assisting in building the
redoubts, and strengthening the camp; which was placed on the ridge
commanding and cutting the communication between Fuller’s Hoek and
the head of the Waterkloof.
On the 24th the Battalion started at half-past four in the morning
accompanied by all the available force at Colonel Buller’s command,
leaving a party in charge of the forts. They marched in the direction
of Mundell’s Krantz, near which they burned a number of Kaffir huts,
and captured several horses. Several shells were fired into the Kloof
into which the Kaffirs had fled, and from which they kept up a smart
fire by which two men of the Battalion were wounded; one dangerously;
the other, the Colonel’s orderly, shot in the face and neck. Sergeant
Green had a very curious escape; the bullet passing behind his
ball-bag, and bending the brasses of his waist-belt.
The General Order of which the following is an extract, was issued by
General Cathcart on the next day:
‘General Order No. 59.
‘Head-quarters, Fort Beaufort, July 25, 1852.
‘3. The Commander of the Forces has received with much
satisfaction Colonel Buller’s report of his attack on the 24th
inst. at daylight on the Kaffir kraals of the Waterkloof near
Mundell’s Krantz, which were destroyed, as well those above as
those below the krantz.[213]
‘In this attack, which Colonel Buller conducted with much
ability, a considerable loss of life was inflicted on the enemy,
many of their arms and some ammunition destroyed in burning the
huts, and twelve head of cattle and eight horses taken.
‘Colonel Buller speaks in terms of marked praise of the manner
in which Major Bedford, commanding the 60th rifles, and Major
Horsford, Rifle Brigade, led their battalions, &c....
(Signed) ‘A. J. CLOETE,
‘Q. M. Gen.’
On their return to camp the Riflemen were warned, that, as they were
to start on an expedition across the Kei river against Kreili, they
were to take out of their knapsacks any article wanted for the road;
and the knapsacks were to be conveyed in waggons to Fort Beaufort, to
be kept in store till their return.
At daybreak on the 25th four companies under the command of Major
Horsford started for Fort Beaufort, leaving two companies with
Head-quarters to occupy and complete the fort.
Horsford’s column, after bivouacking one night near the Blinkwater,
reached Fort Beaufort, by a mountain road, on the 16th. The band,
which had been stationary at Beaufort, met the Battalion about a mile
from the fort; and the familiar strains of ‘Ninety-five’ greeted
and enlivened the men after their fatiguing march. They encamped on
the same spot occupied by the Battalion in the war of 1847-9. And
remained there till the 29th, when they marched, returning to and
camping near the Blinkwater, where they were joined by the remainder
of the forces for the Kei expedition.
On the 30th they marched at half-past six, and followed the windings
of the Kei river for about twelve miles; and, after fording it,
halted for breakfast about two o’clock. Resuming their march, they
halted at Fort Armstrong where they encamped.
On the next day having but a short march of seven miles to
accomplish, they did not start till after breakfast--and encamped
for the night in an acacia grove about a mile from Eland’s post. On
August 1, the Riflemen having to escort the waggons, did not start
till about eight; and after a march of four miles, halted at the
foot of the Winterberg mountain. The ascent of this occupied the
remainder of the day; and the road after reaching the summit being
very circuitous, it was late before they reached their camping-ground.
Marching the next day about eight o’clock, they passed over an
undulating plain, covered with burnt grass, and after a very
fatiguing march, though not more than eight miles, encamped after
dark at the Katsberg mountain. The place was so utterly devoid of
wood, that the men were obliged to collect dry dung for the fires.
On the 3rd they marched about ten o’clock, and after a most fatiguing
march, climbing and sliding down steep hills, reached their
camping-ground about six. During this march twenty of the draught
oxen were lost from fatigue and starvation.
The day following, marching early they crossed a sandy plain, and
in the course of the march passed near some settlers’ houses and
encamped on a fine stream near Shiloh.
On the 5th starting about ten, and marching eight miles over a fine
grassy plain bounded on each side by ridges of mountains, they
encamped near the Klaas Smidts river, which they crossed. And on the
next day, accomplishing a march of about twenty miles, encamped at
Umvani. On the 7th after an easy day’s march of about eight miles
which they got over at a rapid pace they encamped for the night at
Balotta. During this day the Riflemen could see from the high ground
parties of burghers, levies, and waggons making by different roads
for the general _rendezvous_ of the expedition.
On the 8th at an early hour the ‘alarm’ and ‘assembly’ were sounded;
and in less than five minutes the Riflemen were all under arms,
standing in front of the tents, and expecting the appearance of an
enemy. It proved however only to be a trial by General Cathcart of in
how short a time he could have his force under arms. Horsford’s party
afterwards formed line, and after being inspected by the General,
were dismissed and halted that day and the next.
On the next morning a march of about ten miles brought them to the
Kei river, which they crossed at a very shallow place, the stony bed
being in some parts exposed. They encamped at Sabella half a mile
from the White Kei. The General here manifested his extreme regard
for the Regiment, which continued till his death. Their tents were
next to those of the Staff, and the Riflemen were specially attached
to his person. The General divided his forces into two columns, one
under Colonel Michel, of the 6th Regiment; the other under Colonel
Napier. Each consisted of one regiment of infantry, mounted burghers,
and levies, Africandos, Dutch and English, native levies, Cape Corps
and Lancers. These two columns were to patrol in Kreili’s country.
The four companies of the Regiment were to hold the camp; to act as
the General’s body-guard; and to form escorts for the cavalry-patrols
and cattle.
On the 14th an alarm was given from the outlying picquet that the
Kaffirs were taking the cattle. The Riflemen were cleaning their
belts; but before the bugler could sound the ‘assembly’ they had
slipped on their belts, seized their rifles, and were off over the
hill. It was a false alarm; a party of mounted Fingoes coming in
from Balotta had fired off their pieces near where the cattle were
grazing. On seeing the Riflemen, they turned tail and fled, and were
hotly pursued by them. It was a fine chase, till Major Horsford,
galloping forward, ascertained the real state of the case, and
brought the Riflemen back to camp.
They continued in this camp without any material occurrence until the
20th; on which day two companies, Somerset’s and Woodford’s, started
at four o’clock in the morning, carrying two days’ rations, to cover
a patrol of cavalry. They arrived about ten at Crouch’s post, and
halted in a large wood. As the cattle captured from the Kaffirs
were brought in by the mounted parties, the Riflemen in parties of
twelve or twenty taking them over, drove them to the camp, where they
arrived about sundown. About 12,000 head of cattle were said to have
been taken on this day.
On the 21st the tents were struck and these companies commenced their
return march, in order to cross the Kei before the rains set in. The
Riflemen on reaching the river were ordered to conceal themselves in
ambush. About two o’clock they made a rapid dash back to the site of
the camp. in the expectation that they might come upon some Kaffirs.
Some men were seen in the distance, who were immediately pursued
by some of the Cape Corps who accompanied the Riflemen, while they
took prisoners a few women who were foraging about the place where
the tents had stood. However these were afterwards released; and the
Riflemen, moving off, reached Balotta about dark. The next day the
column halted, as a division of the captured cattle was made among
the burghers and others. On the 23rd resuming their march about
nine o’clock, after ascending the high ground from which they had
observed the assembling forces on the 7th, leaving their old track
to the right, they struck into a valley; and after passing over an
undulating country encamped on the bank of the Swart Kei, having made
a march of about twenty miles. The Riflemen on this march presented
a curious appearance; many of them leading colts, calves or kids.
The following day they did not march till two o’clock in the
afternoon, being detained by the difficulty of getting the waggons
across the river. After fording it, they ascended the steep range of
the Windvogelberg. The Kaffirs still hung on their rear, occupying
their camping grounds as soon as the Riflemen were out of range. They
marched about eight miles; the latter part of it in torrents of rain;
and encamped near the Windvogel river. On the 25th they marched at
eight o’clock; and still ascending, moved forward about seven miles
after reaching the top of the range of mountains, and encamped on the
Thorn river. During these marches great difficulty was experienced
in getting the waggons up the hills. On this night some of them did
not reach the camping-ground till eleven o’clock, and as some of the
Riflemen had to escort, and some to help forward, the oxen, these
marches were most toilsome. After a halt on the 26th devoted to
cleaning arms and accoutrements and mending clothing, they resumed
their march on the 27th, and did not reach their camping-ground on
the Klip-plaatz river till after dark. This day’s march was partly
over snow-covered ground; and the Kaffirs knowing where they would
have to halt for water, had burned the herbage, so that fodder and
wood were scarce. In consequence of these wants, they started at
half-past five on the morning of the 28th and refording the Klip,
passed through a mountain ravine, the Klipclowberg; and afterwards
marched about four miles through a bog; and after fording the Mud
river, halted for breakfast under Gaika’s kop, in order to allow the
oxen, who had had no food for two days, to graze. Resuming their
march they passed over the range; and descending a most precipitous
mountain-side about six miles in length, where the Riflemen had to
hang on to the rear of the waggons to prevent their overturning, they
encamped that night within about a mile and a half of Eland’s post.
From hence, proceeding by the route by which they had advanced, and
encamping at the same points, they reached Fort Beaufort on the 31st.
In the meanwhile the two companies and Head-quarters had left their
standing camp at the Waterkloof on August 29, and had arrived at
Fort Beaufort on the day following, where they occupied quarters.
The four companies which formed part of the Kei expedition were
encamped near the fort. These men had not shaved since they started;
and their appearance and their patched and many-coloured garments
contrasted strangely with the neat aspect and new clothing of the two
Head-quarter companies. On the 26th Colonel Buller had been appointed
to succeed Major-General Somerset in command of the 1st Division of
the army; so that the command of the Battalion devolved on Major
Horsford.
General Cathcart, commanding the forces, having decided on a
general operation in order to clear the Waterkloof, four columns
were appointed to move simultaneously from various points, and to
converge to a common centre. In accordance with this arrangement the
Battalion, having been re-equipped, was ready to take the field again
on September 6; but the rains having rendered the rivers unfordable,
they did not move until the 10th. On which day, starting early, they
breakfasted at Klu-klu, and halted for the night at Yellow Wood. On
the 11th they marched at five; and after halting for breakfast at
McMaster’s canteen, reached Haddon’s post in the evening. At all
these stations the houses were in ruins; the gardens devastated; and
marks of the incursions of the Kaffirs everywhere visible.
On the morning of the 12th a strong patrol advanced into the Bushneck
to select a spot for a camp; and returned to Haddon’s post in about
an hour, having shot the only Kaffir who was seen. On the 13th
the Battalion marched at daylight to Nell’s farm in the Bushneck,
opposite the principal entrance to the Waterkloof. General Cathcart
came to look at them on the march, and highly approved the appearance
of the Battalion. One Kaffir and three women were made prisoners, and
handed over to the Fingoe levies.
On the 14th an order was given that one company should always sleep
fully accoutred, and ready to stand to their arms at a moment’s
notice. The remainder of the Battalion were engaged in building a
fort. On the 15th the Battalion paraded two hours before daylight,
with three days’ rations, and moving up the Waterkloof reached
Mundell’s Krantz, a distance of about four miles, by daybreak. As
soon as it was light, they entered the Kloof and commenced burning
the huts and shooting the occupants. Some of the other troops were
above, pouring rockets and shell into the Kloof; and the Riflemen
picked off the Kaffirs, whom these missiles dislodged from their
cover. About sixty Kaffir women, besides children, and some rebel
Hottentots, were taken prisoners. These last were immediately hung.
The Riflemen, pushing forward through the Kloof, met the 73rd, who
had penetrated from the head. These, their companions in the former
war, on first catching sight of the Riflemen from the top of a
rock, set up a ringing cheer, which was heartily returned by the
greenjackets. The troops on the Chumie and the adjoining heights
took it up, and the whole Kloof re-echoed it. The columns had met in
the centre, having penetrated from all points. But the Kloof was not
taken yet; the various krantzes and gorges were to be searched.
Later in the day, two companies, Somerset’s and Woodford’s,
accompanied by the Grenadier company of the 73rd, proceeded to clear
a krantz. The troops on the opposite side of the Kloof could see the
Kaffirs gathering on the top, and shouted in warning to our men.
Colonel Eyre, in command of the party, desired the men to go slowly
up, and to keep their wind till they were fired on; then to give a
cheer and rush to the top. On a ledge about half-way up screened
from below by trees, they found a village, which they immediately
burned; and the ascending flames and smoke from these burning huts
seriously incommoded them as they clambered up the remainder of the
cliff. When they got near the top firing commenced; and they dashed
to the top amidst the cheers of the troops on the opposite heights.
The Kaffirs flew before them into the adjoining bush. Lieutenant
Lindsay and four Riflemen pursued them, and had penetrated some
distance into the bush, before they realised the weakness of their
party, and the fact that they had lost their way. After wandering
about for some time, they caught the sound of the bugle, and
following its direction, they eventually rejoined the Battalion,
which bivouacked that night in a small clump of trees on the Iron
Rock.
The 16th was occupied in searching for Kaffirs, most of the huts
having been already burnt. The Riflemen, guided by Fingoes, searched
the bush and the caves up the Kloof and back again to their bivouack
of the night before, which they did not reach till a late hour, and
in heavy rain.
The Battalion was off before daylight on the 17th, the men shivering
with cold and wet. As they were passing along the edge of the
Kloof they were informed that Macomo was in Fuller’s Hoek; and
they immediately started to the bush over Blakeway’s farm. Troops
surrounded every part of Fuller’s Hoek which men could reach; and the
Riflemen patrolled the ridges and Kaffir tracks in every direction;
sometimes passing over ground so steep that it was difficult for
them to keep their feet. Some huts were found securely concealed,
which were immediately burnt. Though numerous traces of Macomo and
his attendants were found, he himself was not unearthed. For it was
impossible to search every foot of a kloof miles in extent, covered
with dense bush, and which abounded with places of concealment. The
Riflemen, much fatigued with this harassing work, bivouacked early in
Harris’ Kloof, and some cattle captured during the day were killed
and served out to the Riflemen by Major Horsford’s order.
On the 18th they started early, again taking the road to the Hoek;
but heavy rain coming on, Colonel Eyre’s intention of again searching
it was defeated, the ground being soon so slippery that neither
men nor horses could stand. He therefore dismissed the column; and
the Riflemen turned homeward, passing over the Iron Rock and the
lower part of the Waterkloof. It was a long way, and it took them
six hours’ quick marching to get over it. There was a short halt;
but the men’s rations being exhausted, there was nothing to cook.
The officers emptied their saddle-bags among the men; but this was
insufficient. However Horsford sent on a Cape Corps man with an order
to get the tents up, and as the Riflemen came in sight of their old
camping-ground at Nell’s farm they found their houses all standing.
The Battalion remained in their camp on the 19th, but on the 20th
four companies proceeded to the Waterkloof in which they encamped
at Brown’s farm at the foot of Mundell’s Krantz; one company
(Somerset’s) proceeding to the top of the krantz; and Rooper’s
company remaining at Nell’s farm, in occupation of the fort built
there.
On the 22nd every available man started at two o’clock A.M. on a
patrol to Stuart’s Kloof, a Hottentot prisoner captured the day
before being led in front by a halter as a guide. Reaching the kloof
about sunrise, and perceiving smoke issuing from it, the Riflemen
surrounded it and skirmished through it; but finding nothing but
Hottentot women and children, returned to their camp at Brown’s farm
about two.
Heavy and almost continuous rain prevented active operations for some
days; and the Riflemen were engaged in building a fort near their
camp, and in a very central position in the Waterkloof.
But on the 30th, spies having reported that Macomo was in the Kroome
hills, a patrol started soon after midnight; and after fording a
river and ascending the hills, scoured the kloofs, but did not find
any Kaffirs, and returned by the Bushneck to camp about noon.
On October 4 a patrol proceeded to the Iron Rock; two companies going
to the top of it, while the others extended at its foot. Two Kaffirs
were shot; one an amazingly powerful man, quite six feet three in
height.
On the 10th and following days the Battalion was employed, a company
at a time, making roads through the Waterkloof, and opening up
communications between the forts lately erected. The men for this
duty starting at daybreak and working till sunset.
On the 14th the company left at Nell’s farm captured several head of
cattle, which were almost driven into their hands by the Kaffirs, who
appeared to be ignorant that a party were there stationed.
On the 20th all the available men started at three A.M. over
Mundell’s Krantz, but were soon enveloped in a mist so thick that
they could not see many yards on any side. They were compelled to
halt till it cleared off; when they perceived a party of the 91st and
some of Lakeman’s volunteers in a similar difficulty. They proceeded
together to Post Retief, which they reached about two; and were
ordered to draw four days’ rations, and to be ready to start again
at ten o’clock at night. Marching all night they reached, towards
sunrise on the 21st, the very steep range of the Zoorberg mountains.
The road was most difficult, and the ascent so sharp that many men
fell out. On reaching the summit the Riflemen were ordered to fall
in by comrades and to lie down to rest. Afterwards the companies
were despatched in different directions; some to skirmish through
the bush; others to extend along its edge, keeping a good look-out
for any Kaffirs who might bolt out of it. This sort of patrolling
continued during the whole of the day and until late on the 22nd; the
men having lain down in their ranks and snatched a very few hours’
sleep. Towards that evening the companies assembled on one of the
mountain ridges; and halted for a time to refresh the men, wearied
and thirsty from having been the greater part of three days on the
move. The Battalion then marched on, and bivouacked in the night in
a position where they found plenty of wood and water.
On the 23rd, starting about four A.M., they proceeded, at a rapid
pace and by the most direct route, to Mundell’s Krantz, descended
by the road made obliquely down the face of the krantz by Captain
Somerset’s company, and reached their home at Brown’s farm in the
afternoon.
The Battalion continued engaged in road-making and the usual duties
of the camp till November 3; on which day Captain Somerset’s company
proceeded from Mundell’s Krantz to Fort Beaufort, where it arrived
on the following day; and on the 11th marched to Eland’s post, and
was there stationed.
On the 5th Captain Woodford’s company marched for the Blinkwater,
where it arrived on the following day; and having built huts, and
entrenched the position, was there stationed.
On the 12th the Battalion, with the exception of these companies,
marched to Fort Beaufort and occupied quarters.
On November 19 two companies, Lord Alexander Russell’s and Captain
Hardinge’s, marched to the Chumie-neck and occupied that post.
General Cathcart having determined to proceed with a force to
the North-Eastern Frontier, to demand satisfaction from, or to
punish, Moshesh, chief of the Basuto tribe, for his incursions and
depredations on the settlers near the Orange river, had intended
to take with him four companies of Riflemen; but the Kaffirs and
Hottentots having shown themselves in force near Fort Beaufort,
General Cathcart resolved to take one company only as a camp
body-guard. Rooper’s company was the first for duty; and as he had
lately been appointed to an official situation in the colony, the
command of it devolved on Lieutenant the Hon. Leicester Curzon.[214]
They were ordered rather unexpectedly late in the evening of November
17, to march at daylight on the following morning. The rest of the
troops had started about a week before under Colonel Eyre, and
General Cathcart was to overtake them at Burghersdorp, about 160
miles from Fort Beaufort. The Riflemen therefore made forced marches,
their orders being that they must camp at night with the General. The
men’s packs were however carried for them in mule-waggons.
Passing the Blinkwater, Fort Armstrong, Eland’s post, Whittlesea,
and Shiloh, they crossed the Brak river, and going through the rocky
defile called Klaas Smidts Poort, and over an extensive plain,
ascended the Stormberg mountains. After descending this lofty ridge
and crossing the Stormberg Spruit,[215] a tributary of the Orange
river, they arrived at Burghersdorp, where the rest of the troops
were assembled, on the 27th.
The whole force was inspected on the next day by the
Commander-in-Chief, and divided into brigades, the Riflemen being
attached to that under Major Pinckney of the 73rd, consisting of that
regiment, the 43rd, and two guns. This was first in Colonel MacDuff’s
division; but on his being left behind at the Caledon river, was
placed under the command of Colonel Eyre. They marched at daybreak on
the 30th, and after a long and fatiguing march of 20 miles, during
which one of the Riflemen had a _coup-de-soleil_, reached their
halting-place. On December 1 after another hot march they forded the
Orange river without much difficulty; it being lower than it had
been for many years. Yet the water reached almost to the middle, and
the men were obliged to carry their pouches on their shoulders. They
pitched their tents in the plain a little beyond the river. They
proceeded the next day over a desert plain to a place called Ranakin,
and the day following forded the Caledon river at the Commissie
drift, and encamped on the other side. Here they remained until the
8th, when they marched about five A.M., and continuing their advance
during the two following days, encamped on the evening of the 10th,
after twenty miles fatiguing march, at Sanna Spruits. Marching on
the following morning through a country not quite so desert as
that passed over in the last few days, they forded the narrow but
rapid Lieuw river on the afternoon of the 12th, and encamped on the
opposite side. On the 13th they proceeded to the Wesleyan Missionary
Station of Platberg, and encamped on a fine grassy plain near it.
They were now not far from Thaba Bossiou, the stronghold of Moshesh,
situated on a lofty hill, very defensible, and considered by his
people to be impregnable. During the halt here, which continued until
the 16th, Moshesh’s two sons, and afterwards the chief himself,
visited the camp. General Cathcart named as his _ultimatum_ that
Moshesh should deliver 10,000 head of cattle within three days,
reckoning from the 16th, as a compensation for the depredations he
had committed. On the 16th the General reviewed the whole force at
six o’clock in the morning; which, after marching past, was put
through various evolutions: no doubt as a demonstration to overawe
Moshesh.
[Illustration:
SKETCH Shewing the Site of Operations NEAR THABA BOSIGO
Dec^r 20^{th} 1852.
_By Edward Stanton Lieut^t R.E._
_E. Weller, Litho_
_London, Chatto & Windus._
]
On the afternoon of the 19th, the last of the three days, a herd
of cattle were brought into camp by an escort of Basuto horsemen,
under the command of one of Moshesh’s sons. On their being counted
and found to number only 3,500, this Prince was desired by General
Cathcart to inform his father that, unless the remainder were
delivered the next morning, he would come and seize them. No more
cattle appearing, Cathcart, to show that he was in earnest, ordered
Eyre, with the cavalry, two guns and a brigade of infantry, with
the Riflemen to move forward on the 19th and form a flying camp on
the Caledon river. This demonstration being unheeded, Eyre received
orders to advance at dawn, to find his way across the mountain of
Berea, and, having swept the plateau at the top, to join Cathcart,
who with some other troops proceeded round the base of the mountain
by its Southern and Western sides. About three therefore, on the
morning of the 20th, Eyre advanced, sending forward the light company
of the 73rd and the Riflemen. When they had marched about four miles
they saw a great number of Kaffirs on the mountain on their right.
This hill stands up isolated in a plain, and its sides are steep and
craggy. Eyre ordered the light company of the 73rd under Lieutenant
Gawler to mount the hill, and halted the Riflemen. Then after a brief
interval, he ordered Curzon to lead them on, to get to the top, bring
his right shoulders forward, and take the cattle. Thus the Riflemen
were in echelon on the left of the company of the 73rd. The ascent
was desperately steep, and in parts almost impracticable; but the
Riflemen pushed on. They had not advanced far when the Kaffirs gave
them a volley, which the Riflemen avoided by lying down flat on the
ground. Again they pushed on, seeking cover among the rocks which
dotted the side of the mountain. While in this cover one of them,
armed with the Lancaster rifle, brought down a Kaffir as he was
taking deliberate aim at some of the Riflemen, who were blown and
could not climb up the steep mountain-side as fast as their comrades.
Three more Kaffirs were brought down before the top was gained,
without one Rifleman being hit. On reaching the summit, a table-land
of two or three square miles, they found the 73rd company on
their right; and on their advancing together the Kaffirs bolted, a
number of them being killed by the fire of the Riflemen, as they
crossed their front at about sixty yards. But as Curzon and Gawler
found themselves separated from the main body, they moved forward
in search of it, keeping together for mutual support. For they were
surrounded by hordes of mounted Basutos, who hovered near, appearing
and disappearing, and watching for any straggling or irregularity
in their formation, which might give them a chance to charge. These
were well mounted, organised, and armed with assegais and elephant
guns. And after attempting to terrify the little band they almost
encompassed, with yells and pretended charges, they dismounted and
fought on foot. They were repulsed however, and driven off the
plateau, and Curzon and his Riflemen joined the main body in the
afternoon, to their great relief and satisfaction: a satisfaction
much enhanced when Eyre came up to them, and told them that they had
done their work well. But they had scarcely joined the rest of Eyre’s
division, when he was obliged to descend the further side of the
mountain with his whole force (abandoning 30,000 head of cattle which
he had driven into a corner whence they could not escape), in order
to assist General Cathcart, who had gravely compromised himself.
The junction with Cathcart’s force was effected about five in the
afternoon; and the weary Riflemen thought they were now to halt for
the night, for they had been fighting and without food for twelve
hours. Far from it. They were charged with great fury by about 7,000
mounted Basutos; they had to fight retreating, and were in a critical
position till between eight and nine at night, when a round of
canister at point-blank range from two guns under Captain Stapylton
Robinson, Royal Artillery, effectually checked the Basutos who were
pressing on them, and who left the field. The Riflemen bivouacked
on the ground where they then halted; Eyre telling them that, if
attacked they must fight to the death there, as he neither could nor
would retreat further. However they were left to their repose; much
needed and well earned after being under arms about eighteen hours,
and fighting during most of them.
In this affair the Rifle company which numbered 90, lost three
men; Privates Boffin and Case, who were killed, and Acting-Corporal
Howard who died of his wounds on the next day. Lieutenant H. G.
Lindsay behaved with great gallantry; and three Riflemen particularly
distinguished themselves: Acting-Corporal Bateman and Privates
Ricketts and W. Hayward.
Colonel Eyre in his despatch dated ‘Camp Platberg, December 28,
1852,’ says, writing of Lieutenant Gawler and Lieutenant the Hon. L.
Curzon, ‘These two young and promising officers led their companies
in the most spirited manner up ground all but inaccessible, though
opposed and immediately fired upon by the enemy above. Covering
themselves as they advanced, they reached the summit with little
loss, and drove the enemy before them in good style.’
And he adds ‘I beg to return my thanks to’ (among others) ‘Lieutenant
the Hon. L. Curzon commanding a detachment of the Rifle Brigade.’ And
in the General Order issued by Sir George Cathcart on December 22,
‘The noble conduct of the company under Lieutenant the Hon. Leicester
Curzon’ is specially mentioned.
‘Company No. 9 Letter I,’ writes General Smyth, ‘always looked upon
Berea as _the_ day of their life; and were not a little proud of the
way Sir W. Eyre wrote of them and spoke of them. For he was a man who
worked hard and exacted hard work; and soldiers had reason to exult
when they received his praise.’[216]
In the course of the night a flag of truce arrived, bearing a letter
of submission written by Moshesh, and suing for peace.
The object of the expedition being thus fully attained, the Riflemen
after a few days’ halt, began their downward march and reached
Head-quarters at Fort Beaufort on January 21, 1853.
On the embarkation of the Service companies, the Depôt companies
of the 1st Battalion had been moved to Walmer, where they
arrived on January 1, 1852. During the time they were there, the
Colonel-in-Chief, the Duke of Wellington, when at his adjacent
residence, Walmer Castle, used frequently to come into the barrack
square with his grandchildren. These were his last visits; for he
died there on September 14. From that day until November 10 a party
consisting of 1 officer, 2 sergeants, 2 corporals, a bugler and 36
Riflemen, was daily furnished by the Depôt to guard his honoured
remains at Walmer Castle. At nine o’clock on the night of November
10 their great Chief was removed to London; and on that occasion
the whole Depôt escorted his body to the Railway station at Deal by
torchlight.
The Depôt companies remained at Walmer during the rest of this year.
In May the 2nd Battalion left Kingston and proceeded in steam vessels
to Quebec; where they embarked on June 1 on board H.M.S. ‘Simoom;’
and starting for England on the 3rd arrived at Portsmouth on the
26th. On disembarkation they moved by Railway to Canterbury and
occupied barracks.
Soon after their arrival there the Battalion was inspected (on July
13) by their former Lieutenant-Colonel, Sir George Brown, then
Adjutant-General of the Forces.
On November 17 they proceeded to London in order to be present at the
funeral of the Colonel-in-Chief, the Duke of Wellington, and were
billeted at Chelsea. On the 18th they headed the funeral procession
from the Horse Guards to St. Paul’s.[217] And the following day they
returned to their quarters at Canterbury.
Field Marshal His Royal Highness, Albert, Prince Consort, succeeded
the Duke of Wellington as Colonel-in-Chief on September 23.
No change took place in the stations of the 1st Battalion until
June 13, 1853, when Captain Glyn’s company, under the command of
Lieutenant the Hon. H. Clifford, marched from Fort Beaufort to the
Blinkwater post; relieving Captain Woodford’s company which joined
the Head-quarters on the same day.
On June 29, Captain Rooper’s company marched from Fort Beaufort to
the Chumie-neck; relieving Captain Hardinge’s company, which left the
Chumie on the next day and joined Head-quarters.
On October 8 the Battalion having received orders to be concentrated
previous to returning to England, Captains Rooper’s, Somerset’s, Lord
Alexander Russell’s, and Glyn’s companies came in from their several
detachments on the 10th, 11th and 12th, and joined Head-quarters at
Fort Beaufort.
Previous to the Battalion quitting this Station the following General
Order was issued.
‘General Order, No. 238.
‘Head Quarters, Graham’s-town.
‘October 10, 1853.
‘1. The Rifle Brigade, having been ordered to return to England,
will march to Port Elizabeth for embarkation on board H.M. Steam
Troop-ship ‘Simoom,’ under such arrangement as will be made by
the Deputy Quarter-Master General.
‘2. The departure of this distinguished Corps from the command
after their valuable services which contributed so materially to
the successful termination of the recent war, calls forth the
Commander of the forces’ warmest acknowledgments. The uniform
excellent conduct and high discipline of the Corps in quarters
have been only equalled by their gallantry in the field.
‘3. To Colonel Buller, C.B., who relinquishes the command of the
1st Division, and his appointment of Colonel on the Staff, in
order to proceed with his Corps, His Excellency is much indebted
for the able, zealous, and soldier-like manner in which he has
conducted the command held by him.
‘(Signed) A. J. CLOETE.
‘Colonel, Deputy Quarter-Master General.’
Accompanied by a large assemblage of the inhabitants of Fort
Beaufort, and amidst the expression of their best wishes, the
Battalion, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Horsford, started
on the 20th and encamped the same day at the Koonap river. On the
21st they forded the Koonap, and proceeded to Fingoe Pole. The next
day they encamped on Graham’s-town Flats within about three miles
of that place. On the 22nd they halted, it being Sunday. The day
following, passing through Graham’s-town they encamped on the Karrega
river. On the 24th, passing Sidbury they reached Quagga Flats. The
next day, as it had been raining all night, they pushed on to cross
the Sunday river. It was much swollen, the water being up to the
men’s waists, and rising fast. On the 26th, still pushing on they
encamped near the Swart Kop river. Having halted during the 27th,
they reached Salt Lake on the day following. The 29th being Sunday
they again halted, and on the 30th reached Port Elizabeth; and,
the ‘Simoom’ not having arrived, remained encamped on the heights.
Colonel Buller having resumed command, the Battalion embarked on the
10th, and sailed from Algoa bay on November 12, arriving at Table bay
on the 15th, and finally starting for England on the 16th.
The Depôt companies continued at Walmer till August 20, 1853, when
they removed to Dover.
The 2nd Battalion proceeded by railroad to Guildford on June 13,
and marched from thence to Chobham, where they encamped and formed
part of the brigade under the command of Major-General Sir De Lacy
Evans. They continued to take part in the evolutions of this camp
of instruction till July 14. On which day they marched from Chobham
to Woking; and proceeded thence by rail to Portsmouth, where they
occupied quarters in Clarence barracks.
FOOTNOTES:
[207] Major-General Edward Arthur Somerset, C.B.
[208] Major General Lord Alexander Gordon Russell.
[209] Lieutenant-Colonel the Hon. Gilbert Elliot, died May 25, 1865.
[210] _i.e._ track.
[211] Lieutenant-General the Hon. G. Cathcart had succeeded Sir Harry
Smith as Governor of the Cape.
[212] _i.e._ team.
[213] _i.e._ the upper rocky margin of a ravine.
[214] Now Major-General the Hon. Leicester Smyth, C.B.
[215] _i.e._ a rill, a rivulet.
[216] Letter of January 17, 1875. For the account of the affair at
Berea, I am indebted to Major-General the Hon. Leicester Smyth, with
some information gathered from Captain W. R. King’s ‘Campaigning in
Kaffir-Land,’ and from the ‘Correspondence of Lieutenant-General
the Hon. Sir George Cathcart, K.C.B.,’ published (after his death)
in 1856. And a remarkable letter of Sir William Eyre which appeared
in the ‘Morning Herald’ of October 23, 1856 (to which my attention
was kindly drawn by General Smyth), commenting on some statements in
the ‘Cathcart Correspondence’ as to the action at Berea, has also
afforded me important information.
[217] A full-page engraving of the Battalion marching along
Piccadilly is in the ‘Illustrated London News,’ vol. xxi. p. 477.
CHAPTER X.
The Service companies of the 1st Battalion arrived in Cowes Roads
on January 7, 1854, and disembarking on the 10th at Portsmouth,
proceeded direct by South Coast and South Eastern Railways to Dover,
where they joined the Depôt companies and occupied the Western
Heights barracks.
On March 12 and 13 the Battalion moved, by railroad, to Portsmouth in
two divisions and occupied Clarence barracks.
Previous to this move an order was received that a hundred men should
be transferred to the 2nd Battalion, then under orders to embark
for Turkey. The men readily volunteered for this service, and many
veterans who had served through both Kaffir wars were thus added to
the 2nd Battalion, and formed a valuable nucleus of old soldiers in
that Battalion, which since Waterloo had not been engaged in the
field. The 1st Battalion being subsequently ordered to hold itself
in readiness for embarkation, received an augmentation of 1 staff
sergeant, 10 sergeants, 10 corporals, 1 bugler and 240 rank and file.
These numbers were made up by a hundred volunteers from the 60th, and
many from other regiments. Most of these were very young soldiers;
many of them not dismissed drill.
On May 16 the Battalion was augmented to twelve companies, which were
to be distributed as follows:--
_Augmentation, dated May 16, 1854._
(Part one)
+---------------------+--------+--------+-----------+-------+-----+
| | Field | | | | |
| |Officers|Captains|Lieutenants|Ensigns|Staff|
+---------------------+--------+--------+-----------+-------+-----+
| 8 Service companies | 3 | 8 | 10 | 6 | 6 |
| 4 Depôt companies | | 4 | 4 | 4 | |
| +--------+--------+-----------+-------+-----+
| | | | | | |
| | 3 | 12 | 14 | 10 | 6 |
| | | | | | |
+---------------------+--------+--------+-----------+-------+-----+
(Part two)
+---------------------+---------+---------+-------+---------+--------+
| | Staff | | | | |
| |Sergeants|Sergeants|Buglers|Corporals|Privates|
+---------------------+---------+---------+-------+---------+--------+
| 8 Service companies | 7 | 50 | 21 | 50 | 950 |
| 4 Depôt companies | | 20 | 8 | 20 | 380 |
| +---------+---------+-------+---------+--------+
| | | | | 70 | 1330 |
| | 7 | 70 | 29 | \_____________/ |
| | | | | 1400 |
+---------------------+---------+---------+-------+------------------+
On June 6, 1854, an order was issued that the junior subalterns of
the regiment should in future be ranked as ‘Ensigns’ and not ‘Second
Lieutenants,’ as they had been ever since the formation of the
Regiment--a singularly inappropriate designation: for Dr. Johnson
defines as ‘Ensign’ ‘the officer of Foot who carries the flag;’
whereas this regiment had never had any flag or colour to carry.
This, absurd anomaly continued until 1872.
The Battalion having received orders to hold itself in readiness to
join the army under Lord Raglan in the East, was inspected on June 9
by Major-General Simpson, who expressed his entire satisfaction with
its appearance and discipline.
At this time the Battalion, which hitherto had been armed with the
Brunswick rifle, received the Minié. In order to supply a sufficient
number, in this emergency, those which had been issued on approval to
various regiments at home were handed over to the Riflemen.
The Service companies of the Battalion under the command of
Lieutenant-Colonel Beckwith, embarked from the Dock-yard at
Portsmouth on July 13 on board the steamship ‘Orinoco,’ and steamed
out of harbour on the 14th. The strength of the Battalion on
embarkation was 20 officers, 4 staff, 54 sergeants, 21 buglers, 50
corporals, 850 privates. Total non-commissioned officers and men 975.
On the embarkation of the Battalion, the Depôt companies under
command of Captain and Brevet-Major Lord Alexander G. Russell,
removed from Clarence to Colewort barracks; and continued at
Portsmouth, occupying different quarters, till about August 1855,
when they moved to Winchester.
The Battalion arrived at Malta on the 24th, and there received orders
to proceed at once to the East. The ‘Orinoco,’ having coaled, started
the next day for Constantinople; where having arrived on the 30th,
orders were received to proceed forthwith to Beicos bay, there to
await further instructions.
On August 2 pursuant to orders then received the ‘Orinoco’ started
for Varna; but after passing through the Bosphorus she was recalled
and returned to her former anchorage.
The cholera having broken out on board, one Rifleman dying on August
6 and another on the 9th, it was decided to land the Battalion;
on the 9th four companies, and on the 10th the remainder of the
Battalion disembarked, and encamped on a range of heights on the
Asiatic side.[218] The cholera however continued its ravages; and
the Battalion lost during its stay here 1 colour-sergeant (Brown), 1
sergeant, 1 bugler and 24 privates. While in this camp the Riflemen
were frequently exercised in the use of the new arm, which they had
received before their departure from England.
On August 24 the Battalion was inspected by H.R.H. the Duke of
Cambridge, who expressed his satisfaction with its state and its
fitness for immediate service.
On September 2 the ‘Orinoco’ having two transports in tow, proceeded
out of the Bosphorus; but on rounding the point into the Black Sea,
encountered so heavy a sea, and so strong a head wind, that she was
unable to proceed. And as it became dark and the wind increased, she
put back and anchored in Buyukdere bay. The transports barely escaped
shipwreck, the tow-ropes having broken.
On the 5th the ‘Orinoco’ again started, having now but one transport
in tow, and passing out of the Bosphorus, arrived off Varna the
following day, and anchored in the evening. During this voyage the
Battalion was in great jeopardy, the ‘Orinoco’ having been on fire
by the ignition of the patent fuel which she was carrying. As she
was conveying the ammunition of the 4th Division, the danger for
a time was very great; and the transport in tow was cast off in
order to avoid the risk of her taking fire, or being destroyed by
the explosion of the ‘Orinoco.’ At Varna the rest of the expedition
was assembled; and the 1st Battalion was placed in General Torrens’
brigade and attached to the 4th Division, commanded by Sir George
Cathcart: a great gratification to the Riflemen, who had served under
him at the Cape.
The 2nd Battalion being by this time at Varna, I have now to trace
its movements.
On February 23 it was inspected at Portsmouth by Major-General
Simpson previous to embarkation. On the next day the Head-quarters
consisting of six companies under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel
Lawrence[219] embarked on board H.M.S. ‘Vulcan.’ The total numbers
embarked were 20 officers, 6 staff, 37 sergeants, 12 buglers and 703
rank and file. On the same day two companies proceeded to Southampton
and embarked there on board H.M.S.S. ‘Himalaya.’ The numbers were 6
officers, 1 staff, 9 sergeants, 3 buglers and 195 rank and file.[220]
The Head-quarters reached Malta on March 11, and immediately
disembarked and occupied quarters in the Rope-walk barracks, where
they found the two companies, from the ‘Himalaya,’ who had arrived
previously.
On the 17th the Battalion was inspected by Major-General Ferguson.
And on the 23rd it paraded in review order for the inspection of the
French General Canrobert.
On the 30th the Battalion embarked on board the S.S. ‘Golden Fleece,’
with the exception of Captain Newdigate’s[221] company, which (for
want of room) proceeded in the ‘Sir George Pollock’ sailing transport.
This expedition was commanded by their former Lieutenant-Colonel, Sir
George Brown, who, with his Staff, was on board the ‘Golden Fleece.’
On April 6 the Battalion arrived at Gallipoli, and disembarked on
the 8th. And each company as soon as assembled on shore, marching
eight miles to Balahar, near the Gulf of Xeros, there encamped. The
Riflemen were employed until the 21st in making roads and digging
wells. On the 18th two regiments came up from Gallipoli and formed
brigade with the Battalion, of which Colonel Lawrence took command.
From the 21st the Riflemen were employed in the construction of the
English half of the Lines, from the Gulf of Xeros to the centre of
the position.
On May 6 the Battalion marched to Gallipoli; and after having been
inspected by Sir George Brown with General Canrobert and Prince
Napoleon, re-embarked on board the ‘Golden Fleece.’ They arrived on
the 7th at Scutari, and having disembarked on the 9th occupied part
of the new barracks until the 11th, when they pitched camp between
the Hospital and the barracks, having been obliged to turn out of the
barracks, on account of the fleas by which they were infested.
On the 18th an order was received for the augmentation of this
Battalion (as well as the 1st) to twelve companies.
At this time the Light Division was formed under the command of Sir
George Brown, and the Battalion was attached to it.
On the 25th being the celebration of the Queen’s birthday, the
Division was reviewed by the Sultan and Lord Raglan Commanding the
forces. On the 29th the Battalion re-embarked on board the ‘Golden
Fleece’ and proceeded to Varna, where they arrived on the following
day; and on disembarking, the brigade encamped outside the town near
the Shumla gate, the Battalion being nearest to the town.
On June 5 the Battalion marched to Aladyn nine miles on the road
to Shumla, where they encamped on a hill with a lake in front and
another in rear. And on the 30th marched to Devna seven miles further
inland, where they encamped on a plateau near a marsh of some extent.
On July 23 the Battalion was reinforced by a draft of 1 subaltern
(Lieutenant Churchill), 2 sergeants and 150 rank and file, who
arrived from England. On the next day, cholera having appeared in the
Division, the Battalion marched four miles further to Monastir, where
it encamped on an elevated plateau in hopes of finding healthier
quarters. But without success; as on the 27th the scourge broke out
in the Battalion, and two Riflemen died. And many others were ill.
The men, probably to divert their attention, were engaged in learning
to make fascines and gabions.
On August 17 preparatory to moving to the Crimea, the Battalion was
inspected by Sir George Brown, who came up from Varna to see them.
On the 26th they marched to Yuksarood, and having halted during the
next day, on the 28th proceeded to Karagola, and on the 29th marched
into Varna, and embarked on the same afternoon.[222]
The Battalion was broken up into companies which embarked in the
following sailing transports:
The Head-quarters under Lieutenant-Colonel Lawrence with Captain
Hammond’s company in the ‘Pride of the Ocean.’
Capt. Elrington’s[223] company in the ‘Monarchy.’
Capt. the Earl of Erroll’s in the ‘Echunga.’
Capt. Inglis’ in the ‘Caliope.’
Capt. Fyers’[224] in the ‘Marianne.’
Capt. Newdigate’s in the ‘Harkaway.’
Capt. Forman’s in the ‘Lord Raglan.’
Capt. the Hon. W. J. Colville’s[225] in the ‘Talavera.’
Three ships started on September 7 for Battchick and three sailed on
the 9th for the _rendezvous_ at Cape Tarkan.
On the 13th the whole fleet anchored in Kalamita bay; and on the
next day the landing commenced. Leaving their knapsacks on board,
and taking with them a light kit folded in their blankets, the 1st
Battalion landed about three in the afternoon, and bivouacked on the
beach. The men were without tents; and heavy rain fell at night. The
Battalion remained in this position (save that the tents were landed)
until the 19th the Riflemen assisting in landing stores. On the 16th
Sir George Cathcart saw the Battalion, and presented each man with
a piece of black oil-cloth, which covered the blanket, keeping it
dry and concealing its colour. These were also afterwards found very
useful in keeping the men off the damp ground, when spread under
them. Sir George, in addressing them, most kindly told them that he
had considered what he could give them; and had thought these the
most useful gift. On the 17th three companies, forming a patrol,
marched about twelve miles inland: as they had to keep up with the
cavalry they had little or no rest, the cavalry starting again almost
as soon as our men came up with them. These companies did not get
back till midnight, and the men had suffered much, their feet being
sore from the salt which had got into their boots. However they
brought back with them carts, camels, &c., taken in a village which
the Cossacks had left about two hours before they reached it.
On the 18th the tents were struck and sent on board the fleet.
On that night the whole Battalion, fully equipped for the march,
fell in to form a circle round some captured horses. About midnight
the men had leave to sit down, front and rear rank alternately. This
harassing duty continued till the general advance on the morning of
the 19th.
The 2nd Battalion also landed on the 14th, and being disembarked by
eleven in the forenoon, and marching from the left of the line along
the front of the other regiments towards the right, were sent on in
advance, after being broken up into wings; the right wing consisting
of four companies under Colonel Lawrence; the left wing, also of four
companies, under Major Norcott.[226] They advanced about five miles,
the former moving to the eastward occupied the village of Kentúgan;
the left wing advancing to the northward occupied Kamishli. On this
march the right wing captured a convoy of seventy arrabas (country
carts) drawn by oxen, and laden for the most part with flour. Colonel
Lawrence appropriated two dromedaries, part of the spoil, for the use
of his wing; where they did good service as baggage animals till the
drivers contrived to elope with them in the winter. During the time
that the Riflemen occupied Kentúgan and Kamishli they made friends of
the inhabitants. ‘Their chief favourites, it seems, were the men of
the Rifle Brigade. Quartered for a day or two in one of the villages,
these soldiers made up for the want of a common tongue by acts of
kindness. They helped the women in their household work; and the
women, pleased and proud, made signs to the stately Rifles to do this
and to do that, exulting in the obedience which they were able to
win from men so grand and comely. When the interpreter came, and was
asked to construe what the women were saying so fast and so eagerly,
it appeared that they were busy with similes and metaphors, and that
the Rifles were made out to be heroes more strong than lions, more
gentle than young lambs.’[227]
The wing at Kentúgan occupied the residence of a person of some
substance whose property they protected from the ravages of the
French, who however pillaged the village.
During the stay of the Battalion in these villages, some amusing
alarms from Cossacks took place. They were seen hovering about in the
distance, and a night attack being expected, the companies of the
right wing manifested their vigilance by very nearly firing into one
of their own reliefs; while in the left wing a stray horse or a cow
was taken for the expected Cossacks.
On another occasion an Aide-de-Camp from the Commander of the cavalry
having demanded immediate assistance, the four companies under
Lawrence were soon under arms, and went at the double to afford the
required aid. They were met however by a message of thanks, and an
assurance that their help was not needed. It appeared afterwards that
the vedettes had mistaken their front, and that the supposed enemy
was some of their own force.
‘But,’ writes Sir Arthur Lawrence, to whom I am indebted for these
anecdotes, ‘we were all pretty new at soldiering at that time; and we
were kept on the _qui vive_ for some hours before we marched on the
19th by the Russians burning forage in our front.’ This Battalion,
which had not seen a foreign foe for nigh forty years, was to learn
soldiering, and to attain the prize of victory, in a severe school
before the week was out.
On the 19th the whole army got into order of march at daylight.
The 1st Battalion was divided between the two brigades of the 4th
Division, four companies being attached to each. As the protection
of the rear of the army was entrusted to this Division, the Riflemen
did not leave their ground till about nine A.M. They then proceeded
over the plain in the rear and on the left of the army. This march,
although not more than twelve miles, was very fatiguing, on account
of the heat and want of water. Vast numbers of men fell out; but
those of the 1st Battalion all rejoined at nightfall after the
heat of the day. During the advance the left flank was covered by
Riflemen in skirmishing order, and a line of their skirmishers
protected the rear. The Battalion reached the river Búlganak about
six in the evening and bivouacked for the night. One company, Major
Rooper’s, being detached to the left to protect that flank. On this
night Lieutenant-Colonel Beckwith was attacked by cholera, and
Lieutenant-Colonel Horsford assumed command of the Battalion.
On the same day the 2nd Battalion advanced and were present at the
cavalry affair on the Búlganak. They were moved forward in support
of the cavalry and to protect the guns, but were not engaged. The
Battalion bivouacked on the heights south of the river Búlganak.
On the 20th the 1st Battalion, being provided with three days’
rations, was ready to move at daylight, but did not leave its ground
till a little before eight. It then advanced, covering, as on the
day before, the left and rear of the army. On approaching the banks
of the river Alma, a large force of the enemy’s cavalry was observed
on the left flank, which he repeatedly extended with the view,
apparently, of turning the flank; but Sir George Cathcart answered
the movement by throwing out skirmishers of this Battalion, which
kept them in check during the engagement. The enemy having been
repulsed at all points in the battle of the Alma, their cavalry
also retired. The Battalion then forded the Alma and ascended the
heights on its south side, the enemy being then in full retreat.
After a short halt the Battalion was ordered to bivouack on the bank
of the river, and redescending the hill took up a position for the
night. The 4th Division having been in reserve, the Battalion was not
actually engaged; two men were however wounded.
But the 2nd Battalion was actively engaged. They were ordered to be
ready to move by seven o’clock in the morning. I will first follow
the movements of the right wing, consisting of four companies under
Colonel Lawrence. At the hour appointed he extended two companies to
cover the advance. But no order to move arrived for some hours; and
it was not till about noon that the army was ordered to advance. The
Riflemen then began to descend from the ridge the long slope which
led to the Alma, two companies extended in skirmishing order, and
two in support. As they drew near it the village of Búrliúk which
they had not before noticed, for it was enfolded in a dip of the
ground, burst into flames. They were sharply plied with grape from
the batteries on the opposite slope, and with musketry from the
village; while the smoke from the burning houses was so blinding that
the Riflemen could hardly fire a shot.
As they could make no effectual use of their rifles, they inclined to
their left and got some shelter from a dip in the ground. Meanwhile
the Light Division behind them had deployed into line, and were
ordered to lie down. Then Lawrence told his skirmishers to fix their
bayonets, and to take two or three houses which were near them with a
rush. On getting up to them however it was found that the enemy had
evacuated them; and the Riflemen found shelter behind the smoking
ruins. They then received the order to advance; and the Riflemen
rushed into the vineyards which line the bank of the river, and which
afforded some cover from the enemy’s fire. Meanwhile Major Norcott
with the four companies of the left wing had attacked the Russians so
vigorously that he had made the place too hot for their skirmishers,
and the right wing skirmishers and supports passed through the
vineyards, and forded the river without difficulty, though saluted
with a shower of bullets in their passage of it. The 19th Regiment
followed them. After passing the river they found some shelter under
the slope of a bank: shelter from the shot and musketry which the
enemy were pouring down from the redoubt, and the troops on the slope
which rose from the crest of the bank which sheltered them: but
not complete shelter; for the enemy had a battery on their right,
which enfiladed them. The left wing of the Battalion had passed on,
and the 19th Regiment was preparing to advance. Lawrence therefore
accompanied by his Adjutant, Lieutenant Ross, rode up the bank and
the Riflemen followed, exposed to a tremendous fire; for as soon
as they left the shelter of the bank they came under the full fire
of the Russians. However they advanced up the slope. When within a
few yards of the redoubt Colonel Lawrence’s horse was killed by a
discharge of grape, nearly rolling its rider under the breastwork
of the redoubt, under which he found shelter when he had extricated
himself; as did his Adjutant whose horse also was killed. These
Riflemen were soon mixed up with their comrades of the left wing and
with the men of the 19th Regiment, all firing indiscriminately at
an advancing column of Russians. For we must now accompany Norcott’s
wing, and see how he had got to the redoubt where he met Lawrence’s
four companies.
Descending the slopes of the right bank of the Alma, Norcott’s
Riflemen entered the vineyards, and at once were exposed to the
fire of the Russian artillery and became engaged with their light
troops. Fyers’ company was extended on the extreme left, with Lord
Erroll’s company in support. The Riflemen inclining to the left to
avoid the burning village of Búrliúk, which as we have seen had been
fired by the Russians, forded the river and, ascending the other
bank and passing through the vineyards, halted at a wall: a low
wall which separated the cultivated ground from the slope beyond.
Here Norcott moved up and extended Erroll’s company on the right of
Fyers’; and then, or soon after, he advanced; and inclining to the
right, on observing that Codrington’s brigade had disarranged or
lost its formation and was threatened by a Russian column, he poured
such a searching fire from his line of skirmishers, that the enemy
were checked and hindered from taking full advantage of the want of
regular formation of Codrington’s brigade. Still inclining to the
right, the Riflemen approached the proper right flank of the great
redoubt, where as I have said both wings met. As these Riflemen were
rushing into the redoubt Norcott’s horse was wounded. Soon after
they had attained the redoubt a Russian column was seen descending
the hill beyond. By a most unfortunate mistake these were thought to
be French, and some officer (of what regiment is unknown) desired a
bugler to sound the ‘cease fire;’ and (it is said) afterwards the
‘retire.’ The men then began to leave the redoubt when their very
existence seemed to depend on clinging fast to its bank, or boldly
facing the enemy. In vain the officers of the various regiments
endeavoured to check the stream, by calling on the men to halt or to
return to the position they had won. They slowly and orderly moved
down the hill. The Riflemen, carried along with this rolling mass,
sought shelter under the bank from which they had first emerged on
the slope. They rallied at the sound of the regimental call, and
the companies of both wings, Lawrence’s and Norcott’s, united and
advanced again to the redoubt. The enemy then fled. And on the final
retreat of the Russians part of the 2nd Battalion were ordered to
take off their packs (or rather their coats and blankets), to leave
them there, and marched with the cavalry and guns in pursuit of the
retreating Russians; but after proceeding about a mile they were
recalled, and on their return the Battalion bivouacked on the heights
above the Alma on the ground they had won.
The casualties in this Battalion were 2 sergeants and 9 rank and file
killed; and Captain the Earl of Errol, 1 sergeant 3 buglers and 34
rank and file wounded.
Lord Raglan in his despatch praises the conduct of the Regiment, and
states that the capture of the great redoubt was ‘materially aided
by the advance of four companies of the Rifle Brigade under Major
Norcott.’
He was also recommended for the Victoria Cross by Sir George Brown;
who adds: ‘Major Norcott’s conduct on that occasion was not only
conspicuous to the whole Division, but attracted the notice of the
enemy; for the Officer in command of the Russian Battery, who was
subsequently made prisoner, informed Lord Raglan, that he had laid
a gun specially for the “daring officer in the dark uniform on the
black horse.”’
On the 21st the 1st Battalion moved at daylight, and ascending the
heights halted on the ground which had been occupied by the enemy’s
right. Here they bivouacked; and were engaged on this and the
following day in burying the dead and conveying the wounded to the
field-hospitals. The cholera, which had disappeared from the time the
Battalion left the Bosphorus, reappeared directly after they landed;
and the Battalion suffered much from it about this time; having lost
1 assistant surgeon (Mr. Shorrock) 1 sergeant and 9 privates.
The 2nd Battalion on these two days was similarly employed in the
burial of the dead and the assistance of the wounded.
On the 23rd both Battalions, being under arms from seven o’clock,
left the heights of the Alma and advanced to the Katchka, which they
reached at sunset, and there bivouacked. The 1st Battalion formed the
rear-guard of the army. The 2nd Battalion, in front of the rest of
the army, passed through the vineyards and a village, and crossing
the river, approached the position with caution; but it was found to
be evacuated.
On the next day both Battalions were under arms at seven o’clock,
but were kept hanging about till near twelve while a reconnaissance
was being made. The 2nd Battalion, again covering the advance of the
army, then mounted the ridge, and advancing over a level plateau,
descended to the valley of the Belbek, through vineyards and gardens;
fording the river and pushing on, they covered with their skirmishers
the crossing of the Belbek by the army. They ascended the opposite
height, and at dusk their skirmishers were drawn in and they
bivouacked on these heights, and furnished a picquet of two companies.
On the 25th the army made a further advance; but the 1st Battalion
(with the rest of the 4th Division) remained on their ground to
protect the wounded, and to cover the supplies. The Riflemen were
ordered to conceal themselves in the bushes and to keep as quiet as
possible. And at night occupied the bivouack of the night before.
On this day Sidney Beckwith, who had been conveyed on board the
‘Orinoco,’ died; and thus the roll of the Regiment for the first time
since its formation was without the honoured name of Beckwith.
On this day the 2nd Battalion under the command of Lawrence, its
wings being now reunited, was ordered to place itself at the disposal
of Lord Lucan, and to cover the flank of the cavalry on the advance
from the Belbek towards Mackenzie’s farm. The men were ordered to
place their shirts and boots wrapped in their great coats (for they
had not their packs) on the limbers of the guns; and starting at
half-past eight four companies preceded or were on the flank of
the cavalry, and four brought up the rear. Soon the wood became so
thick that it was with some difficulty that the connection between
the files--for they were in skirmishing order--could be kept up. As
they approached Mackenzie’s farm Lord Lucan and Lord William Paulet,
Deputy-Adjutant-General, dismounted to look at a map; and while
they were poring over it the sound of a gun startled the party. A
second soon succeeded, the cavalry hurried forward, and the Riflemen
followed, their pace quickened not only by their desire to be
‘first in the fight,’ but by a message from Lord Raglan to push on
as quickly as they could. A few minutes at the double brought them
out on the road, and on the baggage of Menchikoff’s column. They
pursued the rear-guard, but not far; and the men helped themselves to
provisions, wine and whatever they could lay hands on; some horses
amongst the rest; of which a piebald, taken out of a team, replaced
Norcott’s charger disabled at the Alma.
Subsequently this Battalion crossed the Tchernaya by a stone bridge
and bivouacked on the height beyond. The men were much fatigued,
having been on the move from an early hour till after dark without
anything to eat.
On the 26th the 1st Battalion moved at 5.30 A.M., and throwing out
skirmishers marched along the high road to Sebastopol for about three
miles. They then turned to the left and proceeded with great caution
through the forest to Kútor Mackenzie, where they halted for a very
considerable time to allow the baggage and supplies of the army to
precede. From Mackenzie’s farm the Battalion descended to the valley
of the Tchernaya, the whole road covered with loaded waggons and the
remains of the Russian baggage train, which had been surprised the
day before. On arriving at the banks of the Tchernaya about half-past
six they bivouacked; having been thirteen hours under arms.
On this day the 2nd Battalion led the advance on Balaklava. The
approach was by a narrow gorge, with high bare hills on each
side. Colonel Lawrence detached his majors, Norcott to the right,
Bradford[228] to the left, while he himself with two companies kept
the centre. Thus they approached Balaklava, throwing out skirmishers.
No opposition was offered till they had advanced some distance, when
some musketry fire was opened; but this was only from a few men on
the heights who were soon driven in; and the advance continued. A
staff officer then reported to Lord Raglan that the road was clear,
and he rode forward and was just entering the gorge, when Lawrence
observed to him that he still saw some of the enemy on the hills,
and asked permission to send a company in advance. This was granted,
and Fyers’ company was taken by Norcott towards the town. On their
approaching it and the Battalion appearing on the heights, a few
harmless shots were fired from the old Genoese fort; and soon after
on their advancing nearer a white flag was hoisted. Fyers, who
mistrusted the sincerity of the Governor, directed his subaltern
to halt with one subdivision, whilst he, with the other, advanced
by a narrow road engineered between the high ground and the sea.
On Fyers’ men entering the fort, the Governor left it by another
side; and meeting Egerton and Ross surrendered, handing his sword to
the former. Then Fyers taking his company into the town, a baker,
evidently in great terror, came out of his house and, notwithstanding
the early hour of the morning, produced a roast turkey which he
offered him, and a great number of loaves. These Fyers desired him to
break in two, and to give half to each man. So that all the men of
his company had a good meal.
The Battalion subsequently occupied Balaklava, posting sentries for
the protection of the inhabitants; and at night bivouacked among
beautiful vineyards two miles outside the town.[229]
Some spoil was found in the fort; Lawrence became the possessor of
a fur coat, by gift from one of the Riflemen, and Ross obtained a
remount in place of his horse killed at the Alma. On the next day
this Battalion was moved about a mile nearer to Sebastopol, and
encamped for some days.
On the 27th the 1st Battalion was under arms at half-past six;
but having to wait to allow the whole of the supplies and all the
_impedimenta_ of the army to pass over the Traktir bridge, did not
themselves move until ten o’clock. They then followed, and advanced
almost to Balaklava when they came up with the rest of the army; and
passing it ascended the hill to the right and approached Sebastopol.
They traversed the valley, and the quarries afterwards occupied by
the 3rd Division, and advanced to the high ground overlooking the
south harbour, becoming thus the most advanced battalion in front
of the place. This was a great satisfaction to the Battalion, which
had been so long protecting the rear; and the Riflemen greeted their
change of position with hearty cheers. Here they bivouacked, throwing
out one company as an outlying picquet. Shot and shell were thrown
from the town, some reaching so near the bivouack that some rifles
piled by the men were knocked down by the bursting of a shell.
On September 28 a Russian column having issued from the place, the
Riflemen with the 4th Division advanced to meet it. The enemy however
immediately retired, with the evident intention of drawing Cathcart
in pursuit under the fire of the guns of the place; but finding
the Riflemen declined the fight he returned to his camp. This was
situated on a flattened limestone ridge extending in the direction
of the city, a ravine separating it from the Inkerman heights and
another from the ridge on which was placed the battery of the English
right attack.
On the 28th, in consequence of the gunners of the place having got
the exact range of the position which the Battalion occupied, it
was moved about 100 yards to the rear into a situation rather more
sheltered.
On the 29th the 2nd Battalion, leaving their bivouack near Balaklava,
advanced on Sebastopol, and took up ground on the left of the
position towards Kamiesh. And on October 1 moved its position to the
right of the Woronzow road, and shortly after to near the Windmill,
having a wing on each flank of the Light Division.
From the time the 1st Battalion left the position of the Alma
till its arrival before Sebastopol it had lost by cholera,
Lieutenant-Colonel Beckwith, Sergeant-Major Tucker, 1
colour-sergeant, 1 corporal and 7 privates.[230] Its strength on
October 1 was--
Field officer Captains Subalterns Staff Sergeants
1 5 11 5 43
Buglers Rank and file
19 691
On October 2 the Battalion being still exposed to the Russian fire,
and many shells falling into the position, again moved to the rear
and east of the stone quarries, and took up the position which it
occupied during the remainder of the siege. On the next day the 2nd
Battalion was kept on the alert all day by shot and shell thrown by
the enemy into its position.
On the 4th the Regiment, which had hitherto since September 18
bivouacked without shelter, received tents, which the Riflemen
brought up from Balaklava harbour.
On the 5th the 1st Battalion furnished a party to escort Engineer
officers making a reconnaissance and marking ground for the
approaches. They started at three in the morning and returned soon
after daylight.
On the 8th the 2nd Battalion furnished a picquet under
Lieutenant-Colonel Lawrence, consisting of two companies, to cover
the working parties at the five-gun battery. These companies held
this battery for twenty-four hours under constant fire without a man
being touched. The Battalion also furnished a covering party under
Major Norcott at Gordon’s battery.
On the 9th a similar party was furnished by the 1st Battalion to
escort the Engineers marking ground at the Greenhill battery. The
Riflemen descended the ravine about a mile, and lay down while the
Engineers marked the ground. They had scarcely retired when the
Russians were out looking at the same ground.
On the 10th the right wing of the Battalion went down to the trenches
afterwards so memorable, to cover the working parties. They remained
on for twenty-four hours, and were relieved at daylight on the
11th by the left wing. This duty in the trenches was thenceforward
performed by wings alternately, with the other regiments of the
Division.[231]
On the 12th Private Francis Wheatley of the 1st Battalion, being on
duty in the trenches when a live shell fell among the party, having
unsuccessfully endeavoured to knock out the fuze with the butt of his
rifle, took up the shell with great deliberation and flung it over
the parapet. It had scarcely fallen outside when it exploded. For
this act of valour he afterwards received the Victoria Cross, and the
cross of the Legion of Honour.[232]
On October 13 a man of the 2nd Battalion, Herbert, made a most
remarkable shot. He was on outlying picquet, and observing a Russian
officer on a white horse he took a shot at him, fixing the sight of
his rifle at its extreme range. The officer fell, while the horse
moved on. The distance at which he shot him has been variously
estimated from 1300 yards[233] downwards; the man himself told me
that he thought the Russian whom he shot was about 1000 yards from
him.
On the 14th the 1st Battalion lost its first man in the trenches; he
was killed by a fragment of a shell.
On October 14 Fyers was with his company in the five-gun battery
when he observed a column of Russian infantry advancing. Taking a
rifle from one of the men, he put the sight at what he considered
their distance, and fired, carefully watching the effect of the shot.
When he perceived that it struck the ground a little in front of the
column, he ordered his men to fix their sights for 750 yards, and
to stand up on the parapet and ‘give it them.’ They had not been
long firing when he found that he was under fire from the rear.
Some of the Russians had moved up the ravine towards a house which
was occupied by a picquet of another regiment, under a sergeant,
which had retreated on their approach, and the Russians having taken
possession of the house were firing on Fyers’ party. He therefore
sallied with his company out of the battery and drove the Russians
back, not before they had eaten the dinners of the former occupants
of the picquet-house, and carried off their coats and blankets. Most
of these they dropped on their way back, as they probably impeded
their retreat, pressed as they were by Fyers and his party.
In this affair Hugh Hannan, the tallest man in the Battalion, was
attacked by a Russian rifleman who turned upon him. Hannan fired;
the shot was returned, and the Russian was preparing to fire again,
but before he could find a cap, Hannan rushed upon him, and with a
tremendous blow knocked him over a low wall, and leaped after him.
They grappled; and a fierce struggle ensued in which Hannan was
getting the worst of it. For the Russian had drawn his short sword
and was almost in the act of stabbing him in the thigh, when Hannan’s
friend and comrade, Ferguson, by a sure shot brought the Russian down
dead.[234]
In this affair two Riflemen were wounded. Fyers took a sergeant and
some men prisoners, of whom three were wounded; several others were
carried off by their companions, and many were killed.
On the alarm Sir De Lacy Evans had moved up two regiments, and some
of the 1st Division; and the rest of the 2nd Battalion were brought
up and halted in rear of Gordon’s battery, and some guns were ordered
up; but before these troops came into action, Fyers had repulsed and
effectually disposed of the Russian attack.
On one occasion about this time, when a party of the Regiment had
been pushed forward, four Riflemen crept up to within 500 yards
of the place and fired into the windows of the grand barracks of
Sebastopol.[235]
On the 16th, while the left wing of the 1st Battalion was in the
trenches, the enemy opened a murderous fire about ten A.M. on
the whole length of the English trenches and continued it for
half-an-hour, apparently determined to drive them from their
position; however the Riflemen did not suffer much loss, but one
colour-sergeant, James Powell, was disabled.
From this date the Riflemen were nightly thrown out in advance of the
intrenchments; whatever regiments found the duties, they formed a
line of double sentries, to watch and report any suspicious movements
in the place.
On the 17th the Allies opened fire.
On the 19th a man of the Regiment was seen to pick off eight men from
a Russian battery.[236]
On the 25th the 1st Battalion was ordered out to repel the attack
on Balaklava. They fell in between eight and nine o’clock, and
starting at the double took up a position on the side of a hill. The
Russians had driven the Turks out of the forts in their occupation.
The Riflemen arrived just after the heavy cavalry charge. After the
light cavalry charge the 4th Division was ordered to advance, the
1st Battalion Rifle Brigade leading by wings. The right wing under
Colonel Horsford took up a position with its left resting on the
road from Sebastopol to the Traktir bridge; the 68th being deployed
in line on its right; and the left wing under Major Rooper being on
the right of the 68th in support of Captain Barker’s battery. The
enemy brought forward a field battery of six guns and opened fire on
the line. This fire became very troublesome on the right flank, and
Lieutenant Godfrey with a few men was sent to try to silence these
guns. This they did most effectually in a very short time. The task
was difficult, for the ground afforded no cover; the utmost shelter
they could get being some slight undulation in the surface. However
the Riflemen lay down on their stomachs and picked off the gunners
whenever they attempted to handle their guns; and in about twenty
minutes forced the Russian guns to retire.
The Battalion remained in the same order and in the same position
until dark; but no further attack being made by the enemy, and it
having been resolved to abandon these forts, the Battalion returned
to its camp.
One man was wounded, being struck in the leg by a round shot.
On the 26th at noon the Russians came out from Sebastopol and
attacked the extreme right of the English position, which was
occupied by the 2nd Division. The enemy having advanced in a mass
of columns, our guns opening upon them within easy range caused
them such loss that they quickly retired. On this occasion the 1st
Battalion, although the most distant from the right of the position,
turned out so quickly, with Sir George Cathcart at its head, that it
was on the scene of action in a very short time, but not till the
enemy had retired.
On this occasion a picquet, under Lieutenant W. T. Markham of the
2nd Battalion,[237] which was on duty in the five-gun battery,
joining some men of the Guards under Captain Goodlake in the
Careenage ravine, had an obstinate combat with a strong Russian
column. They kept them back for a considerable time; and eventually
the Riflemen succeeded in driving them out of the cave there, known
as the Magazine Grotto; but not without a hard fight in which 5
Riflemen were wounded. They however inflicted considerable loss
on their opponents; and a Russian officer and many men were taken
prisoners.[238]
On November 1 the morning state of the 1st Battalion was as follows:--
Field officer Captains Subalterns Staff Sergeants
1 5 11 6 38
Buglers Rank and file
18 550
showing a decrease of 5 sergeants, 1 bugler and 141 rank and file
since the arrival of the Battalion before the place.
Early on the 2nd the enemy’s batteries opened a cannonade, by which
four men of the 2nd Battalion, forming part of a company which was
going to relieve in the trenches, were wounded.
On November 4, four companies of the 2nd Battalion, the Earl of
Errol’s, Hammond’s, Fyers’ and Colville’s, under Major Bradford
(Major Norcott being sick), proceeded to the heights of Balaklava.
On the morning of Sunday, November 5, an hour before daybreak, the
alarm was sounded through the English camp. The greater part of the
1st Battalion had just returned from the trenches, and were still
accoutred, though wet through; for it had rained the previous day,
all through the night, and even then there was dense damp fog, with
frequent showers. As they were passing the head of the ravine, a
bugle was heard sounding in camp, which these men at first fancied
to be the usual parade horn. It proved however to be the ‘assembly.’
The remainder of the Battalion was soon under arms, and moved towards
the fight, which the rattle of musketry and the roar of guns told
them was going on, at the head of the 4th Division under Sir George
Cathcart.
In like manner General Codrington, the first to give the alarm,
turned out the Light Division, and the 2nd Battalion assembled at
once. Three companies only were on parade, one wing having gone on
the previous day, as we have seen, to the heights of Balaklava, and
Captain Forman’s company being in the five-gun battery. Of these
three companies, one had just come in after being twenty-seven
hours in the trenches. However they at once advanced, and General
Codrington having placed his brigade on the Victoria ridge, these
Riflemen extended along the left bank of the Careenage ravine on
the extreme left of the line. Soon after they took up their position
a column of Russians, part of Soimonoff’s force, advanced up the
Careenage ravine, and after opening fire on the Riflemen, attempted
to ascend its left bank; but Captain Elrington, with two companies
of the 2nd Battalion, at once attacked them, and drove them down at
the point of the bayonet; they retreated by the bottom of the ravine,
and did not again make their appearance in that part of the fight.
In this attack a Rifleman named Hewitt, having put on a greatcoat
and cap late the property of a Russian soldier deceased, followed
the retreating Muscovites down the ravine, and picked off a number
of them. He narrowly escaped however being shot by his own comrades.
This man, as well as a brother in the same Battalion, afterwards died
in the Crimea. This repulse occurred at the very beginning of the
Russian attack. These companies under Elrington lost 5 men killed and
10 wounded in this gallant affair.[239]
Meanwhile the 1st Battalion were advancing with Cathcart towards the
scene of the fight. As they approached the end of the English line,
manifest tokens of the battle greeted them. The rattle of musketry
in front, indeed apparently on every side; dead lying about, and
wounded carried by; and tents thrown to the ground by the fire of
the enemy’s guns. On their arriving at the heights of Inkerman,
where General Pennefather was maintaining a hard and unequal fight,
Sir George Cathcart handed over to him the 1st Battalion which he
so much esteemed, telling him that he had brought him ‘a Battalion
which could do anything.’ Pennefather riding up to Lieutenant-Colonel
Horsford, who was in command of the Battalion, and paying it a
high compliment, informed him that he was hard pressed on the left
of the centre ravine, and wished a reinforcement sent there. The
three leading companies were immediately detached for that purpose
under Major Rooper who deployed them into line below the crest of
the hill. They soon were confronted by a Russian column, part of
Dannenberg’s force. They were at a short distance, and the Riflemen
halted and opened fire. For a short time the enemy returned their
fire, then began to waver and eventually to retreat, hotly pursued
by the Riflemen, who drove them down into the Quarry ravine. Those
of them who were wounded, or who had not made good their escape into
the ravine, were in a state of extreme terror, and called upon the
Riflemen on their knees and with clasped hands raised in prayer to
spare their lives.[240]
Soon after Rooper’s wing had been thus sent forward, the remaining
three companies under Horsford moved to the right, deployed into
line, and advanced to the Kitspur, and thence by the head of St.
Clement’s gorge they fought their way to the Barrier. On their way
they opened their files to allow stragglers and wounded to pass
through, and two companies of the Guards who were then retiring.
Finding themselves without support, and their ammunition beginning
to fail, they halted. But eventually both wings, that under Horsford
which had worked round from the right, and that under Rooper, were
posted at the Barrier. From thence Horsford with some men in extended
order skirmished along the right bank of the Quarry ravine. About
half-past twelve, Captain Somerset, who had been obliged to go to
Head-quarters on account of ill-health, with much difficulty found
his way to the front, and joined a party of the Battalion whom he
found in rear of the two-gun battery under Ensign Brett.[241] Soon
Lieutenant Morgan brought him a message from Colonel Horsford that
he wished to collect all the Battalion in front at the Barrier.
Accordingly he brought up these men and joined Horsford under the
ridge. During this terrible conflict many of the Riflemen fought
independently, or by twos and threes. Sometimes they found themselves
mixed up with men of other regiments, the mistiness of the day
and their being all in greatcoats rendering it not always easy to
distinguish their comrades. Some few Riflemen under Tryon joined the
57th Regiment in resisting an attack on the ridge. The Riflemen got
cover where they could among the scrub oak on the rocks. Some of them
running short of detonating caps took them from dead Russians, and
these, though large, exploded their rifles. These Riflemen getting
cover in the brushwood on the left of the Barrier picked off the
gunners of the Russian battery on the Shell hill.
About this period of the fight Colour-Sergeant Higgins,[242]
collecting some thirty men of No. 2 company, formed them up on the
left of the French division, and with them drove the Russians down
the ravine.
Later in the day, and towards the close of the fight, Horsford with
the remains of the Battalion, advanced from the Barrier, and pushed
up the Shell hill to where a Russian battery had stood. Ascending
the hill, almost hand to hand with the enemy, these Riflemen fixed
bayonets and charged, driving the Russians from the ridge, on whose
retiring masses they kept up fire. Four tumbrils with ammunition
remained in their hands; but the Russians had withdrawn the guns.
The Battalion, or the remnant of it, remained extended on the heights
till about nine at night, when being relieved by picquets of the 2nd
Division it marched to camp.
No. 2 company was brought out of the field in command of the
Colour-Sergeant (Higgins), who indeed had been in charge of it from
the time its Captain (Cartwright) had been killed.
The 2nd Battalion, after Elrington’s exploit in the morning,
continued posted on the left of Codrington’s force on the Victoria
heights. They kept up fire on the Russians on the opposite height
(Mount Inkerman) whenever they came within range. Some Russian
riflemen having come into the Careenage ravine and as far as the
Magazine caves, took shelter there, and while the companies on the
hill kept up a constant fire as often as they showed themselves, to
prevent their emerging or escape, some of the Battalion descended
into the ravine and made them prisoners. Three companies only of
this Battalion were engaged, Elrington’s, Inglis’ and Newdigate’s,
mustering about 150 rifles. Forman’s company was in the five-gun
battery; and the other four companies were at Balaklava.
The losses of the Regiment were very severe. In the 1st Battalion
Captain Cartwright, 5 sergeants and 22 rank and file were killed.
And Brevet-Major Rooper and Lieutenant Coote Buller[243] were
severely wounded, and 5 sergeants and 26 rank and file were wounded.
Colour-Sergeant Noseley,[244] who was dangerously wounded, was taken
prisoner.
Cartwright was killed late in the day, while sitting under the
Barrier, which the men were then lining. He was shot through the eye
and also in the chest. Colonel Horsford was also wounded by a shell,
which exploded between his legs, and lifted him off the ground; but
not being disabled he did not return himself as wounded.
This Battalion also had to lament the loss of its kind friend Sir
George Cathcart, under whom it had fought in Kaffraria, and who had
from that time manifested great attachment to it.
In the 2nd Battalion Lieutenant Malcolm and 8 rank and file were
killed and Captain Newdigate and 27 rank and file wounded.[245]
Of these Rooper died on the 11th on board the steamer ‘Golden
Fleece,’ on his passage to Malta.
For some days after the battle of Inkerman the Riflemen were engaged
in burying the dead. Their other duties also were very severe. In
consequence of four companies of the 2nd Battalion having been moved
to Balaklava the 1st Battalion found duty both on the right and left
attack. Even when other regiments were in the trenches they furnished
a party a hundred yards in front; and wherever there was an alarm or
a position to be stormed the green-jackets were in request. During
this time and while the duties were so constant, the men suffered
much also from scarcity of rations. And even those issued were such
as the men could scarcely use. Until the end of December the coffee
was served out green; there were no vegetables for a considerable
time; the biscuit when the weather was wet, was mouldy; and fuel was
scarcely to be procured. Even such supplies as were in Balaklava were
but scantily brought up owing to want of transport; and the position
of the 1st Battalion being the most distant from that place, rendered
their supply more scanty and precarious.
On November 14 occurred the memorable gale. The tents were blown
down, and the hospital marquee of the 1st Battalion being torn to
pieces the wounded had to be carried to such of the companies’ tents
as could be set up. On this occasion an instance occurred of the good
feeling which has always existed in the Regiment between the Riflemen
and their officers. Coote Buller was lying in his tent suffering from
his wound, a broken thigh, at Inkerman. The men of the company held
his tent during the gale, and thus, by preventing his exposure to the
storm, rain and hail, probably saved his life.
The tents of the four companies of the 2nd Battalion at Balaklava,
and everything belonging to them, except what they were standing
in, were blown clean away, and were never heard of afterwards. At
the same time the four companies of this Battalion on duty in the
trenches were not relieved for forty-eight hours. And one man of this
Battalion died from exposure to the cold and to the storm.
The Russian riflemen having established themselves in some rifle
pits in front of the left attack along some rising ground, annoyed
our working parties as well as those of the French on the opposite
side of the ravine by their fire. Lord Raglan determined to drive
them back and to take possession of the pits. These pits, caverns,
or ‘ovens’ as they were called by the men, are formed by the decay
of softer portions of the rock between the harder strata, leaving
caves in the sides of the hill. The duty of driving the Russians from
them was confided to the 1st Battalion; and on November 20 a party
consisting of Lieutenant Henry Tryon, in command, with Lieutenants
Bourchier[246] and Cuninghame,[247] 4 sergeants and 200 rank and
file, was detailed to carry it into execution. It was kept a secret
what the service was to be till the party fell in about four o’clock
in the afternoon. Then Tryon wheeled them round him and told the
men what they were wanted for. He said that he intended to drive
the Russians out, and that he was sure that they could do it. And
right well they did it. Marching down to the trenches they lay down
till dark. They then advanced stealthily, creeping along the broken
ground which led first down a slight incline, and then up towards the
enemy, who were completely surprised by the attack. Fifty men under
Tryon formed the storming column; 50 the supports under Bourchier and
100 the reserve under Cuninghame. Eventually these parties became
practically one. They quickly drove the Russian riflemen from their
cover, though supported by a heavy column of Russian infantry. The
occupants of the pits were evidently surprised. But soon the guns
bearing on the pits poured grape and canister on the Riflemen, who
had no cover, for the pits were open on the enemy’s side. In the
moment of taking possession of the pits the gallant Tryon fell shot
in the head; Bourchier, who succeeded to the command of the party,
maintained his advantage; and Cuninghame greatly distinguished
himself by the energy with which he repulsed an attempt to turn the
left flank of the advanced party, and thereby ensured the success
of the capture. Repeatedly during that long night did the Russians
attempt to retake the pits; sometimes by sending forward strong
columns, sometimes by creeping up a few at a time, and when they got
near making signals for their companions to come on. But this handful
of Riflemen, under the command of these two young officers, bravely
withstood them, and held the position until relieved next day by
another party of the Battalion. In this affair Lieutenant Tryon and 9
men were killed, and 17 men were wounded. This gallant feat of arms,
the first of the kind during that war, and never surpassed, was thus
described in the despatch addressed by Lord Raglan to the Duke of
Newcastle:
‘Before Sebastopol, November 23, 1854.
‘My Lord Duke,--The Russian advanced posts in front of our left
attack having taken up a position which incommoded our troops in
the trenches, and occasioned not a few casualties, and at the
same time took in reverse the French troops working in their
lines, a representation of which was made to me both by our
own officers and by General Canrobert, a detachment of the 1st
Battalion Rifle Brigade, under Lieutenant Tryon, was directed on
the night of the 20th to dislodge the enemy; and this service was
performed most gallantly and effectively, but at some loss both
in killed and wounded, and at the cost of the life of Lieutenant
Tryon, who rendered himself conspicuous on the occasion: he was
considered a most promising officer, and held in the highest
estimation by all. The Russians attempted several times to
re-establish themselves on the ground before daylight on the
21st, but they were instantly repulsed by Lieutenant Bourchier,
the senior surviving officer of the party, and it now remains
in our possession. Brigadier Sir John Campbell speaks highly of
the conduct of the detachment, and of Lieutenant Bourchier and
Lieutenant Cuninghame, and he laments the death of Lieutenant
Tryon, who so ably led them in the first instance. This little
exploit was so highly prized by General Canrobert that he
instantly published an “Ordre Général” announcing it to the
French army, and combining, with a just tribute to the gallantry
of the troops, the expression of his deep sympathy in the regret
felt for the loss of a young officer of so much distinction.
‘(Signed) RAGLAN.’
The following General Order from Lord Raglan was also issued:
‘General Order, November 24, 1854.
‘The Commander of the Forces cannot pass unnoticed the attack, on
the night of the 20th inst., of a detachment of the 1st Battalion
Rifle Brigade under Lieutenant Tryon upon the advanced posts of
the enemy, which had been pushed forward so as to enfilade the
English trenches, and to take in reverse those of the French
troops.
‘The advance was made in the most spirited and determined manner,
and was completely successful. And though several vigorous
attempts were afterwards made by the enemy to dislodge the
gallant band, they utterly failed, and the ground remains in our
possession.
‘Lieutenant Tryon, whose conduct was most conspicuous, was
unfortunately killed, and several valuable soldiers shared the
same fate.
‘The General-in-Chief of the French army so highly prized the
achievement that he published a General Order eulogising the
conduct of the detachment, and paying a just tribute to the
officer who led it.
‘(Signed) J. B. B. ESTCOURT.
‘Adjutant-General.’
The following is the order referred to issued by the French. General,
a most honourable and unusual distinction:--
‘_Ordre Général._
‘Dans la nuit du 20 au 21, sur la demande de concours que j’avais
adressée au Commandant de l’Armée Anglaise, en lui faisant
observer que les tirailleurs Russes s’établissaient à couvert
en avant de ses lignes pour prendre à revers nos travailleurs,
cent riflemen, conduits par le capitaine Tryon, sont sortis des
tranchées Anglaises, ont tourné par la gauche les positions
occupées par l’ennemi, et les ont enlevées après, l’avoir
débusqué. Les Russes, formés en colonnes profondes, ont tenté
trois fois de les reprendre à la baïonnette, après avoir fait
pleuvoir la mitraille sur le détachment Anglais. Nos alliés ont
tenu ferme avec l’énergie que nous leur connaissons, et sont
restés maîtres de la position, où nous pouvons les apercevoir ce
matin.
‘J’ai voulu rendre hommage devant vous à la vigueur avec laquelle
s’est accompli ce hardi coup de main, qui a malheureusement
coûté la vie au vaillant capitaine Tryon. Nous lui donnerons les
regrets dûs à sa fin glorieuse. Elle resserrera les liens de
loyale confraternité d’armes qui nous unissent à nos alliés.
‘Au quartier général, devant Sébastopol le 21 Novembre, 1854.
‘Le Général en chef,
(Signé) CANROBERT.
‘Pour ampliation.
Le Général Chef d’Etat-Major général
E. de Martimprey.’[248]
The following is the translation of the preceding General Order which
was appended to Lord Raglan’s orders on this occasion:
‘Camp before Sebastopol, November 21, 1854.
‘On the night of the 20th or 21st, on a request made by me to
Lord Raglan, Commander-in-Chief of the English army, pointing
out to him that the Russian riflemen had placed themselves under
cover in front of the lines, from whence they could enfilade our
workmen, one hundred Riflemen, under the command of Lieutenant
Tryon, left the English trenches and, turning the flank of the
enemy, charged and dispersed them. The Russians, formed in
deep columns, attempted three times during the night to retake
the place, after pouring in grape and canister on the English
detachment. With that energy belonging to our allies, they held
firmly their ground, and we can now see them where the enemy once
stood.
‘I wish before you all to render the homage due to so gallant
an act, which unfortunately cost the life of the brave officer
Lieutenant Tryon. We will give him all the regrets so glorious
an end deserves. It will be an additional link to the loyal
fraternity of arms which unites us to our allies.
‘(Signed) GENERAL CANROBERT.’
For their gallant conduct in this affair Lieutenant Bourchier
received the Victoria Cross, the Legion of Honour, the 5th Class
of the Medjidie, and the Turkish Medal; Cuninghame the Victoria
Cross, the 5th Class of the Medjidie, and the Turkish Medal; and
Colour-Sergeant Hicks, who had volunteered for this duty, and was
close to Tryon when he fell, obtained the French War Medal.
The gallant captors of the pits were relieved a little before
daylight on the 21st by a party of the 1st Battalion, under the
command of Lieutenant Flower, and accompanied by Lieutenant the Hon.
G. B. Legge. The Russians kept up a very heavy fire on them all
day, by which several men were wounded. So sharp was the fire, that
it was impossible to go from one of the pits to the other without
great caution. The ground, as we have seen, was rocky and crumbling,
and most of the men who were wounded were struck about the face by
fragments of rock. The position was so exposed to the enemy’s fire
that it was difficult even to get away the wounded; and Flower and
Legge could only recover two wounded men, struck in the face and
eyes and nearly blinded, by making them crawl on all fours into a
pit where these officers had taken shelter. This party held the pits
till nightfall, when they were relieved by another detachment of the
Battalion. And for some days these pits, captured by Riflemen, were
held by Riflemen, though occasionally a few men of other regiments
may have been added to eke out the number required, which the
diminished strength of the Battalion could hardly furnish.
The men of the 2nd Battalion were at this time called upon for very
hard work, the right wing having been on duty on the 22nd three
nights consecutively; and from the 26th the men were on duty five
nights out of six. These duties, which were almost as severe in the
1st Battalion; the exposure to the weather; the shortness of food,
rations being sometimes wanting for two or three days together;
began to tell heavily on the Riflemen. Cholera and dysentery ravaged
both Battalions. On November 27 Lieutenant Godfrey died, and the 1st
Battalion, which had left England little more than four months before
nearly a thousand strong, could only parade as fit for duty 275 men
of all ranks.[249] And this, notwithstanding that it had received
a draft from home of 154 non-commissioned officers and men. This
shows a deficiency, even to this date, of 850 men.[250] The men of
the 2nd Battalion at this time had for some days a ration of only a
quarter of a pound of salt pork and a pound of biscuit, owing to the
difficulty of getting up supplies from Balaklava.
On the morning of December 2, about five o’clock, the Russians
made a determined attempt to retake the ‘ovens.’ They advanced in
considerable numbers. Surprising the sentries, they entered a trench
which had been formed, after Tryon’s party had taken the pits, into
the second parallel, and driving out a party of another regiment who
occupied it, took possession of it. At this moment a party of the 1st
Battalion under Captain Churchill,[251] and accompanied by Lieutenant
Blackett[252] and Ensign Brett, which formed the new guard of the
trenches, came up and found the others retiring before the Russians.
With the usual dash of the Riflemen, unabated in its energy by the
severity of the weather or the urgency of their sufferings, they
quickly attacked the Russians, drove them out, and took possession of
the trenches, which they held as the guard for the day.[253]
The Riflemen lost in this affair one killed and two wounded; but the
Russians left seven men dead on the field, and carried off seven
wounded.
It was on this occasion that a _mot_ is recorded of a
non-commissioned officer of the Battalion, who, being asked how they
came to be there, replied, ‘If you please, Sir, the Russians relieved
the --th, and we relieved the Russians.’
On December 12 a party of the 1st Battalion, under Captain Churchill
(with Ensign Brett), being on duty in the trench near the Woronzow
road, was violently attacked during the night by the enemy; but by
showing a determined front and delivering an efficient fire they were
at once driven off, and prevented from penetrating at this important
point, which was the key to the British position.
On the 27th Colonel Horsford, who had commanded the Battalion at
the Alma and Inkerman, and since Beckwith’s fatal illness, had to
return to Balaklava, and thence home on sick leave. And on the 29th
Major Somerset, who had been on sick leave on board ship, arrived and
assumed the command.
On the morning of December 30 the four companies of the 2nd
Battalion, which were stationed on the heights near Balaklava, were
ordered by Sir Colin Campbell to be under arms at half-past six.
They paraded accordingly under Major Bradford, and after waiting
till about eight o’clock, proceeded with a regiment of Highlanders
to cover the flank of a considerable French force which made a
reconnaissance. The Riflemen marched on, skirmishing through the
woods and ravines. They advanced to Kamara, and the French troops
pushed on to the village of Tchorgúna, which they burned. However,
the Riflemen were not actively engaged; and after being under arms
till the afternoon, returned to their camp.
The clothing which the Riflemen brought out from England being worn
or torn by hard service, they presented a strange appearance. The
greatcoat was always worn, and the blanket, with a hole cut through
for the head, was put on under it. Over their shoulders they wore
Cathcart’s oilskins; and sand-bags, pieces of knapsacks, anything
that would bend, were wrapped round the legs by way of gaiters. Some
had loose Russian boots, which were worn over the trousers; for the
cold was intense and food and fuel scanty, and everything that could
give warmth, for comfort it could not be called, was pressed into
service.
Great indeed were the sufferings of the men. During the whole month
of December fresh meat was only served out two or three times, and
they could not obtain vegetables of any kind. Some warm articles of
clothing were indeed supplied; such as jerseys, drawers, blankets,
socks and mitts; but these were not in sufficient quantities. The men
were seven hours out of twenty-four in the trenches. Fifteen men of
the 1st Battalion were wounded in the trenches during the month, of
whom one died.
On January 4, 1855, by the efforts of the men of the 1st Battalion,
assisted by two carts and six ponies from Head-quarters, put at
the disposal of the Battalion by the kindness of Lord Raglan and
his Staff, the materials of the first wooden hut were brought from
Balaklava to the front, but not without the loss of one horse, and
the break-down of one cart; the Battalion, though probably weaker in
numbers than any regiment at the front, showing a noble example, and
proving the possibility (which some had doubted) of bringing a hut
up at this season from Balaklava to the plateau on which the army was
encamped. For driving snow and inclement weather continued for some
weeks. They proceeded as opportunity admitted to get up the huts, the
2nd Battalion beginning to erect theirs on the 22nd.
During this time of suffering and disease (for diarrhœa, dysentery
and pulmonary complaints prevailed, and thirty-four men of the 1st
Battalion died during this month) the camp of the Riflemen was
frequently visited by Lord Raglan; who on one occasion, finding a
deficiency of port wine in the hospital marquee, immediately sent
down four bottles from his own quarters.[254]
On January 17, 1855, General Sir Andrew F. Barnard, Colonel
Commandant of the 1st Battalion, died at his residence at Chelsea
Hospital, of which he was Lieutenant-Governor. On his death Sir Harry
Smith became Colonel Commandant of the 1st, and Lieutenant-General
Sir George Brown, who had as Lieutenant-Colonel for seventeen years
commanded the 2nd Battalion, became its Colonel Commandant.
On February 1, Colonel Norcott joined, and took command of the 1st
Battalion, to which he succeeded by Beckwith’s death; and thus the
son of one of the earliest officers of the Regiment succeeded the
nephew of another, both of whom had commanded it in many bloody
fields.
On February 19 a party of the 2nd Battalion, under Colonel Macdonell,
formed part of a reconnaissance in force under Sir Colin Campbell.
They were under arms soon after midnight, and about four in the
morning moved down towards the plain, and marched in the direction
of Kamara and Tchorgúna. It was snowing heavily when they started,
and the storm increased as the day broke. The Riflemen preceded the
advance in skirmishing order. Orders were given not to fire if they
came on the enemy, and it was hoped that they might be surprised; but
the density of the snow-storm prevented the men seeing many feet to
their front. However, the skirmishers made three sentries prisoners,
who were probably part of the picquet at Kamara. And it seemed that
the alarm was given; for the vedettes fell back firing their carbines
into the darkness, the drums were heard beating to arms, and through
the snow their battalions were dimly seen assembling on the heights
over the Tchernaya. The snow fell more thickly than ever; the men
could scarcely hold their rifles; the position and strength of the
enemy were unknown; and Sir Colin gave the word to return. The
Riflemen arrived in camp about eleven in the forenoon, suffering much
from cold and fatigue.
On the 24th the 1st Battalion marched down to Balaklava and exchanged
the Minié rifle for the Enfield. This was the long Enfield, for which
the short Enfield was afterwards substituted.
On March 7 Major Macdonell took command of the four companies of the
2nd Battalion at Balaklava, Colonel Bradford having been promoted to
the command of the 3rd Battalion, which was now again raised.
During this month the work in the trenches was, owing to the
shortness of the numbers effective, most severe and harassing to the
men. Many sank under it. But as regards provisions and comforts,
things began to mend. For these were issued not only from Government
stores, but were also provided from private sources. About the middle
of March the climate much improved, and from that time, though
the duties were still severe, the sufferings of the Riflemen much
diminished.
On March 23 the Russians made a great attack on the whole length of
the allied line. It was particularly severe on the right attack;
Captain Forman’s company formed part of the trench guard, and was
actively engaged. This attack was led by a Greek in full dress who
rushed at the magazine, and fired his musket into it, but it was
empty; and he was immediately bayonetted in the trench.
After this the enemy began firing shells into the camp of the 1st
Battalion, but without doing any material injury. During the month of
March three sergeants and 82 men died, of whom 1 sergeant and 10 men
died in camp; the remainder at Scutari or Kulalie.
During this month seven men of the 2nd Battalion were wounded in the
trenches.
On March 19 the 1st and 2nd Battalions were augmented to sixteen
companies, and were to consist of the following numbers:
Lieutenant-Cols. Majors Captains Lieutenants Ensigns Staff
2 2 16 26 14 7
Staff-Sergeants Sergeants Buglers Corporals Privates
9 100 41 100 1,900
On April 9, fire was reopened and kept up till the 12th, and on the
13th volunteers were called for to man the rifle pits in front of
No. 7 battery. Lieutenant the Hon. A. Anson[255] and eighteen men of
the 1st Battalion volunteered for the duty. They occupied the pits
from daylight until dark; but suffered a heavy loss, Sergeant Devitt
and four men being killed. These pits were afterwards connected and
formed the fourth parallel.
On April 22 a bandsman of the 2nd Battalion named Wright, who was
on duty in the trenches, going to fetch water from a well in front
of the advanced trench near the Quarries, was killed; it being
impossible to throw up any cover near the well in consequence of
the rockiness of the soil. This man being a great favourite of his
comrades, a number of them rushed out determined to drive out the
Russian riflemen, by whose fire he had fallen, from the pits which
they occupied. Three men, Bradshaw, Humpston and MacGregor, were the
first to reach them, and drove the Russians out, killing some while
a few escaped. For this gallant deed these three Riflemen received
the Victoria Cross, Bradshaw being also decorated with the French War
Medal.[256]
About this time clothing of a new pattern was served out to both
Battalions; a tunic being substituted for the old coatee for the men,
and taking the place of the jacket and pelisse for the officers,
which they had both worn with slight variations since the formation
of the Regiment.
The 1st Battalion received their new clothing April 1855, partly
coatees and partly the new tunic.
In April two men of the 1st Battalion died of wounds received from
the enemy.
The left wing of the 2nd Battalion embarked on May 3 as part of
the Expedition destined for Kertch; but the order having been
countermanded after they had arrived at the _rendezvous_, they landed
again and joined the Head-quarters before Sebastopol on May 8.
On May 18 the Queen in person distributed the Crimean Medal on the
Horse Guards parade, when the following officers and men of the
Regiment received it from Her Majesty’s hands:
Lieutenant-Colonels Bradford and Horsford; Majors Elrington,
Hardinge, the Earl of Errol and the Hon. G. Elliott; Captains Inglis,
Newdigate, Ross, Drummond, Nixon, C. Buller, Warren, Rowles, Lindsay,
Bourchier, Deedes.
Second Battalion: Corporal William Muggridge (wounded), Privates
Thomas Palmer (wounded), William Careless (wounded) and T. Dulahan.
Third Battalion: Colour-Sergeant Andrew Holdaway, Sergeant James
Johnson and Private John Titcombe.
In May one man of the 2nd Battalion was killed; and 1 officer and 12
men were wounded in the trenches; of whom 3 died. One man was killed
in action.
On June 7 the 2nd Battalion was engaged in the attack and capture of
the Quarries, one of the principal outworks of the enemy, and had one
Rifleman killed and 11 wounded. On that evening a working party of
the 1st Battalion, consisting of all the men off duty, were employed
to turn the works thus captured, and to make a covered way to the
Mamelon. Several attempts were made by the enemy during the night
to retake these works; and just before daylight a fierce attack was
made. It was at first almost a hand-to-hand fight, and the Riflemen
were for a time driven out of the works, but they eventually repulsed
their assailants. These frequent attacks however seriously hindered
their work, as the men were obliged to stand to their arms as often
as the advanced sentries fell back.
On the evening of the 17th orders were issued to the 4th Division
that it should attack the proper left face of the Redan. The 1st
Battalion furnished 100 men under the command of Captain the Hon.
James Stuart,[257] with Lieutenants Boileau and Saunders,[258] to act
as a covering party. They were to get as near the works as possible
and to pick off the Russians if they showed themselves above the
parapet while the storming party advanced. This party left the camp
at a quarter after one in the morning of the 18th, and occupied the
trench round the Quarries until daybreak. But instead of issuing
from the trench at once in extended order, they were moved down to
the left, and passing a narrow opening between two rifle-pits, began
to extend on the enemy’s side of the cover afforded by the parapet
of the trench. As soon as they appeared the enemy poured grape and
canister, and opened musketry fire on them from the parapet of the
Redan. The Riflemen were mown down like grass, but pushing on to the
right advanced followed by the crew of the ‘Leander’ carrying the
scaling ladders. Boileau, sword in hand, and shouting out ‘Come on,
Rifles!’ gallantly led on his party, and endeavoured to get them
below the line of fire from the guns. But these brave men, not being
supported, were eventually obliged to withdraw. They had got up to
an _abattis_ in front of the Redan and lay close under it until the
middle of the day. For unfortunately they did not discover in time
that the attack had failed; and there seemed no possibility of their
crossing the open ground between their then position and the trenches
in broad daylight without immense loss. Happily for them a sand-storm
swept across the ground about mid-day; and screened by that they
retired, regained the trenches, and returned to their camp.
The remainder of the Battalion, under Colonel Norcott, left camp
about an hour after the covering party and occupied the trenches in
front of the Redan, but were not moved out against the enemy.
The Light Division was directed to storm the right face of the Redan.
And the 2nd Battalion furnished a ladder party of 100 men under
Captain Blackett; a woolbag party of the same number under Lieutenant
Fremantle;[259] a covering party of the same number under Captain
Forman; and a working and gabion party under Colonel Macdonell. The
attack was led by Captain Forman, who was killed. But these parties
were only supported by the 34th Regiment; thus this attack likewise
failed, and the troops were recalled and returned to their respective
camps.
In the 1st Battalion Lieutenant Boileau was wounded, and died at
Malta on August 1; one sergeant (Jerram) and 7 men were killed;
and 11 men were wounded. And in the 2nd Battalion, besides Captain
Forman, 2 sergeants and 23 rank and file were killed; and Captain
Blackett (who lost his leg), Lieutenants Knox (who lost his arm) and
Fremantle were severely wounded; and 3 sergeants and 75 rank and file
were wounded.
At night the enemy made a general attack on the English lines; but
were repulsed without any loss in the Regiment.
When parties were sent out to collect the dead on the 19th (a flag
of truce having come in at four P.M.) the body of Sir John Campbell,
who had led the attack of the 4th Division, was found inside the
_abattis_; and that of Private Flannery of the 1st Battalion was
found close to the ditch, and twenty yards in advance of where Sir
John lay.
At night the cemetery was occupied and a communication carried down
to it from the caves.[260]
On June 30 Lieutenant Woodford of the 2nd Battalion was wounded when
on duty in the trenches, and died on the same day.
On July 3 Captain Fyers was coming off picquet in the advanced works
with about 400 men. They were retiring by a zig-zag which by some
oversight of the Engineers was directly enfiladed by a Russian gun.
As soon as the men were well in the _boyau_ a round shot was fired,
which, bounding along, knocked down 13 men, of whom 8 were killed
or died of their wounds.[261] The wounded were removed by Fyers,
Colour-Sergeant Kemp, and some soldiers of another regiment who came
to their assistance. The rest of the men turned into another zig-zag
not exposed to this fire. The ball after this destructive course
ran along the _boyau_ and stopped against the bank of the parallel,
a dead ball.[262]
On July 3 the body of Lord Raglan, Commander-in-Chief, who died on
June 28, was conveyed on a gun-carriage to Kazatch bay, and was
embarked on board the ‘Caradoc’ and taken to England. A party of
100 men of each Battalion accompanied his remains to the place of
embarkation.
The siege continued during the months of July and August. The duties
in the trenches were constant, and the Riflemen were engaged either
in working parties or in covering them.[263] Almost nightly attacks
were made on these parties; and they were vigorously plied with shot
and shell.
On the evening of September 1 a party of the 2nd Battalion were
ordered to cover a sap which was in course of construction from the
fifth parallel towards the flank of the Redan.
At 7.30 Captain Balfour,[264] with one subaltern (Lieutenant Cary),
2 sergeants and 48 rank and file, left the camp for that duty. The
Russians had erected a screen of stones about 80 yards in front of
the head of the sap, as a protection to their sentries; and their
reserves occupied a pit behind this screen and also a ravine on
their left in which there was a cave. Captain Balfour detached Cary
with one sergeant and 23 men to proceed down the ravine and turn the
Russian left; while he himself with the remainder of the party made a
rush at the screen of stones behind which the Russian riflemen were
posted. After a short but sharp encounter the Russians abandoned the
screen of stones and the pit, and retired towards the ditch of the
Redan and to a small graveyard in the Karabelnaia ravine.
Lieutenant Cary and Sergeant Henry Wood much distinguished themselves
in this affair, and were both wounded. One Rifleman was killed and
14 were wounded. Cary died at Malta, from the effects of his wounds,
on November 9.
On September 8, when the assault was to take place, one half of
the 1st Battalion being in the trenches under Colonel Norcott, the
remainder, consisting of about 280 men under Lieutenant-Colonel
Somerset, moved out of camp at eleven A.M. and took up a position in
reserve on the Woronzow road.
The 2nd Battalion furnished a covering party for the assault of the
Redan consisting of 100 men, under the command of Captain Fyers,
who were to cover the advance of the ladder party, and to keep down
the fire from the parapet; a party, also of 100 men, under Captain
Balfour, occupied some broken ground and a Russian rifle-pit in
front of and to the right of our most advanced works, who were also
directed to keep down the fire from the parapet. With the same object
two parties of 50 men each under Lieutenants Baillie and Playne, were
stationed, one in the fifth parallel, and one in the Woronzow road.
The remainder of the Battalion, about 230 men under the command of
Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonell, took part in the general attack.
These men had to advance 150 yards, exposed to a most terrible fire
in front and flank. This attack, most gallantly carried out, was not
entirely successful; though, as is well known, the operations of this
day led to the abandonment of the works by the Russians, and the fall
of the place.
During the night following this attack Major Woodford (who had been
slightly wounded) and Captain Balfour, with about 150 Riflemen,
occupied the stone screen, the rifle pit, and the cave above
mentioned. Major Woodford (it is said) had obtained a promise from
Sir Colin Campbell that, if his Highlanders assaulted the Redan on
the next morning, these men should again form a covering party.
But the dawn of the 9th revealed the fact that the Russians were
abandoning the flaming town; and the services of these Riflemen,
utterly exhausted by the fighting and excitement of the assault, were
not required.
The 2nd Battalion lost 2 officers, Captain Hammond and Lieutenant
Ryder, 4 sergeants and 19 rank and file killed. And 8 officers, Major
Woodford, Captain the Hon. B. R. Pellew, Lieutenants Eyre, Riley,
Eccles, Moore, Borough and Playne, 8 sergeants, 1 bugler and 128
rank and file were wounded.[265]
The following interesting account of Captain Hammond and Lieutenant
Ryder is extracted from a letter written by Staff Assistant-Surgeon
Walter Clegg, dated September 9, 1855:
‘With Captain Hammond’s name you will be familiar, as I
frequently mentioned to you the many acts of kindness I received
from him when he commanded the Depôt at Fort Cumberland. A braver
soldier never on that day mounted the Redan; a Christian of more
unaffected piety never entered the presence of God.
‘He had only been in the Crimea forty-eight hours when he was
killed. When the Rifles were forming for the assault, a young
subaltern, going into action for the first time, who had come out
with Hammond, addressed him: “Captain Hammond, how fortunate we
are! we are just in time for Sebastopol.”
‘Hammond’s eye was gazing where the rays of the sun made a path
of golden light over the sea, and his answer was short and
remarkable, and accompanied by the quiet smile which those who
knew him so well remember: “I am quite ready,” said he.
‘The next that was seen of Hammond was when his sword was
flashing at one of the embrasures of the Redan. He was indeed at
the head of his company, fighting to gain an entrance for them.
‘A dozen bayonets were at his heart and once he was dragged in a
prisoner. In a few minutes he was recognised again outside the
embrasure, still hacking with his sword. The next morning at six
o’clock Captain Balfour found him in the ditch beneath a dozen of
the slain, with a bayonet wound through his heart.
‘Hammond and Ryder were buried this afternoon in the
burial-ground of the division, rendered sacred long ago by the
sepulture of brave men. Ryder was barely eighteen years old.
‘Before the assault had lasted an hour he was shot in the throat
and fell, and was carried to the rear and consigned to the
surgeon. But as it happened the surgeon was engaged at the moment
that Ryder was brought in, and the young Lieutenant tied his
handkerchief round his throat, and was seen again on the ladder,
and when he was found the next day in the ditch a bayonet thrust
had transfixed his forehead.’[266]
The English troops now took possession of the Redan and the
Karabelnaia district, and the Regiment took its share of the duty in
Sebastopol during the destruction of the dock-yard and other works.
Soon after the taking of the place a detachment of the 2nd Battalion,
consisting of 8 officers, 12 sergeants and 200 men, under the command
of Captain Fyers, proceeded to Head-quarters, where they acted as
escort or body-guard to the Commander-in-Chief.
On October 1 Colonel Norcott having proceeded to England, the command
of the 1st Battalion devolved on Lieutenant-Colonel Somerset, who
going to England on the 24th, Lord Alexander Russell took command.
And on the 14th Colonel Hill having arrived from England, assumed
command of the 2nd Battalion.
A great attack on the Inkerman side having been expected in
consequence of telegraphic information from England, both Battalions
were under arms at an early hour on the 16th and the following
mornings for some time.
On the 26th Colour-Sergeant Noseley, who had been reported as killed
at the battle of Inkerman, rejoined the 1st Battalion, he having been
wounded and taken prisoner by the Russians. He was the only man of
the Battalion who was in the hands of the enemy during the campaign.
The 1st Battalion continued to occupy the ground on which it was
encamped. And early in November pannelled huts began to be erected.
On November 15, about two o’clock in the afternoon, a tremendous
explosion took place in the French siege train, situated at the head
of a ravine which ran down towards Careenage bay. Colour-Sergeant
Pescott of the 1st Battalion, who had gone down in charge of a
fatigue party, received injuries from a rocket, from the effects
of which he died. And Lieutenant Eccles and several men of the 2nd
Battalion were wounded, two of whom died from the injuries then
inflicted.
On the 17th Lieutenant Borough, 2nd Battalion, died of fever.
On the 26th no one was reported sick in the 1st Battalion; this was
the second time only that such an occurrence had taken place since
its arrival in the East.
During the winter the Battalions were employed in road-making, in
fetching up huts, in furnishing picquets, or guards in the town.
On February 24, 1856, the two Battalions (with the rest of the army)
paraded on the Telegraph hill above Balaklava for the inspection of
the Commander-in-Chief, General Codrington; Marshal Pelissier was
also present.
Though the cold was very severe and much snow fell in the early part
of this year, the Riflemen, having the protection of the huts and
sufficient rations and fuel, were in far greater comfort than during
the preceding winter. A theatre was erected with wood fetched from
Sebastopol. Other amusements beguiled the time not required for
duties, and in a foot race of the whole army on March 19, Lieutenant
Palliser of the 1st Battalion won the officers’ hurdle race, and
Lieutenant Thomas, 2nd Battalion, came in second.
The whole English army paraded in the afternoon of April 17 for the
inspection of the Russian General Lüders. The Generals having gone
down the line the troops marched past and returned to their camps.
On the 25th the 1st Battalion paraded for the inspection of General
Vanlinsky, who had commanded the Russian troops on Mackenzie heights
on September 25, 1854.
On May 9 a Rifleman (Private Connolly of the 1st Battalion) died from
the effects of a wound received on April 26, by the explosion of a
Russian shell, which was carelessly dropped by a soldier of another
regiment, while they were gathering shells in Sebastopol.
On the 24th the two Battalions were marched to Balaklava plains to
celebrate (with the rest of the troops) the Queen’s birthday. On
this occasion the medals granted by the Emperor of the French were
distributed.
On June 4 the 1st Battalion marched to Balaklava at eight in the
morning, and embarked immediately in H.M.S. ‘Apollo,’ and went out
of harbour in tow of H.M.S. ‘Medusa;’ and after touching at Scutari,
Malta, Algiers and Gibraltar, anchored off Corunna on the 27th. Here
they were visited by Spanish Generals, soldiers, ladies (upward of
fifty of whom came on board), and apparently everyone who could get
a seat in a boat. A strange contrast to the scene forty-seven years
before, when the Battalion embarked at Corunna!
Leaving Corunna on the 28th the Battalion landed at Portsmouth on
July 7, and proceeding at once to Aldershot by rail, encamped there.
On June 8 the 2nd Battalion embarked at Balaklava on board the
sailing transport ‘King Philip,’ and arrived at Portsmouth on July 11
and proceeded by rail to Aldershot.
On the 1st Battalion leaving the Crimea the following General Order
was published by Major-General Garrett, K.H., commanding the 4th
Division:
‘Camp before Sebastopol, June 3, 1856. Division After-Order.
‘Major-General Garrett regrets that the separation of the
1st Battalion Rifle Brigade from the 4th Division by their
embarkation to-morrow for England, calls on him to take leave of
them.
‘The Major-General will look back with pride and pleasure to
those eventful days when they were under his command, first as
a Brigadier and afterwards commanding the Division, for upwards
of a year and a half. During that period the willingness and
smartness which the officers and the men invariably evinced,
whether on duties in camp or in the trenches, clearly showed
that that magnificent _esprit de corps_ which descended from
their predecessors, the old 95th, still animates the young
soldiers, who were brought to supply the heavy casualties of the
late campaign; which they quickly caught up from the fine old
soldiers whose education had been formed in the rough and arduous
enterprises of two Kaffir wars.
‘That that noble _esprit de corps_ may never fail them is the
sincere wish of the Major-General, who hopes soon to see them
exhibiting that spirit amongst their comrades in England.’
On July 8 the 1st Battalion was reviewed by the Queen, when the
officers who disembarked with the Battalion, 8 sergeants, 7 buglers,
8 corporals and 9 privates, were selected to be addressed personally
by Her Majesty. And being (with others) formed up round her carriage
Her Majesty addressed them in the following words:
‘Officers, Non-commissioned officers, and soldiers: I wish
personally to convey to you, for the regiments assembled here
this day, my hearty welcome on their return to England in health
and full efficiency.
‘Say to them, I have watched anxiously over their different
trials and hardships which they have so nobly borne; that I mourn
with deep sorrow for the brave men who have fallen for their
country; and that I have felt proud of that valour, which with
their gallant allies, they have displayed in the field. I thank
God that your dangers are over whilst the glory of your deeds
remains; but I know that should your services be again required,
you will be animated by the same devotion which in the Crimea has
rendered you invincible.’
And on the 16th the 2nd Battalion was reviewed by Her Majesty, when
the 1st Battalion was also present. The appearance of the Riflemen,
all of whom wore the Crimean Medal, with three or four clasps, many
the Kaffir Medal, and some the Sardinian and other decorations,
specially attracted attention.
The two Battalions were again reviewed by Her Majesty on July 30.
By letter from the War Office, dated August 11, the strength of the
1st Battalion was reduced from 109 sergeants, 41 buglers, and 2,000
rank and file, to 57 sergeants, 25 buglers, and 1,000 rank and file.
A similar reduction took place in the 2nd Battalion.
On April 1, 1855, a 3rd Battalion was, a second time, added
to the Regiment. They were formed at Haslar barracks, under
Lieutenant-Colonel Bradford, by transfers from the Depôts of the 1st
and 2nd Battalions; but as he very shortly afterwards exchanged
with Colonel Hill,[267] to the Royal Canadian Rifle Regiment,
Lieutenant-Colonel Horsford assumed the command and in fact made
this new Battalion. They were inspected on June 25 by Major-General
Breton, their strength then being 29 officers and 590 men.
On August 3 they moved by rail to Aldershot. And soon after 240
volunteers were received from the 1st Middlesex, 1st Surrey, and East
Warwick, and on October 11, 180 volunteers from the Royal Elthorne,
Militia regiments. On the 22nd the Battalion was inspected by
Major-General Knollys, when its strength had increased to 39 officers
and 947 men. During the early part of 1856, volunteers continued
to be received from several Militia regiments; and on June 9 the
Battalion proceeded to Portsmouth, where, on their inspection by
Major-General Breton, the strength of the Battalion had increased to
41 officers and 1,165 men.
On August 3 the Battalion was divided into Service and Depôt
companies; the former returned to Aldershot, and the latter (two
companies) proceeded to Winchester.
On September 30, in consequence of reductions, 170 men of the 1st and
2nd Battalions were transferred to the 3rd.
But on October 8 the establishment of the Battalion was reduced to
1,000 rank and file.
The 1st Battalion remained at Aldershot till July 27, 1857, when they
proceeded by rail to Edinburgh, where they arrived on the 28th and
occupied quarters in the Castle; one company (Brevet-Major Oxenden’s)
being detached to Greenlaw. This detachment was relieved monthly.
The following Brigade Order was issued by Major-General the Hon. A.
A. Spencer on the Battalion leaving Aldershot:
‘Major-General Spencer takes leave of Lieutenant-Colonel
Somerset, the officers, non-commissioned officers and men of the
1st Battalion Rifle Brigade on their departure for Edinburgh,
with much regret.
‘It is now upwards of two years since he became acquainted
and connected with the Battalion in the 4th Division before
Sebastopol, during which time he has had opportunities of
judging of their soldierlike qualities and habits of discipline.
‘The greatest proofs of these are the success which always
attended their separate important undertakings against the enemy,
and also their speedy recovery from the effects of hardships
they, as well as every other regiment in that army, experienced
in the winters of 1854-5.
‘The Major-General now bids them farewell, and trusts it may be
his good fortune to meet them again in his military career.’
On August 5 a serious fire broke out in the old town of Edinburgh,
which the Battalion succeeded with great exertions in extinguishing.
Their conduct on this occasion elicited the following letter to
Lieutenant-Colonel Somerset from the Lord Provost:
‘Edinburgh, August 11, 1857.
‘Sir,--I have the honour to convey a resolution unanimously
adopted by the magistrates and town council of this city at their
meeting to-day, to express their warm and cordial thanks to the
officers and men of your regiment for the valuable and effective
aid rendered by you in extinguishing the late fire and preserving
order.
‘(Signed) JOHN MELVILL, Lord Provost.
‘Lieutenant-Colonel Somerset, C.B., Rifle Brigade.’
During the time the Battalion was at Edinburgh the men received the
short Enfield and resumed the armament of the sword bayonet, as of
old.
Riots of the mill-hands being apprehended, three companies of the
Battalion were hurriedly moved by rail to Glasgow on November 11 in
aid of the Civil power; and these were reinforced by an additional
company on December 1.
A few days afterwards the Head-quarters and remaining companies of
the Battalion followed them to Glasgow, arriving there on the 10th
and detaching two companies to Ayr.
The 2nd Battalion remained at Aldershot until June, on the 26th of
which month they proceeded to London. And were present at the first
distribution of the Victoria Cross by Her Majesty Queen Victoria.
On which occasion the following officers and men of the Regiment
received the cross from the hands of Her Majesty:
Brevet-Major the Hon. H. Clifford.
Brevet-Major C. T. Bourchier.
Captain William J. Cunninghame.
Lieutenant John Knox.
Private Francis Wheatley.
Private Joseph Bradshaw.
Private Roderic MacGregor.
Private John Humpston.
After taking part in the review which followed this ceremony, the
Battalion proceeded the same evening to Liverpool, where they
embarked the following day for Dublin. And on their arrival there
Head-quarters and five companies occupied Beggar’s-bush barracks, and
the other three companies Linen-hall barracks.
A letter was issued from the War Office, dated September 22, 1857,
by which a 4th Battalion was directed to be added to the Regiment.
This Battalion was therefore immediately formed at Winchester under
Lieutenant-Colonel Elrington, who was promoted from Senior Major on
September 1.
Recruiting at once commenced, and transfers were received from the
1st and 2nd Battalions, and from some other regiments, so that by
the end of the year the Battalion had attained a strength of 28
sergeants, 10 corporals, 15 buglers and 413 privates.
They proceeded by rail on December 15 from Winchester to Chichester.
[Illustration:
Plate IV.
RIFLE BRIGADE, 1856 TO 1860.]
FOOTNOTES:
[218] An engraving of this camp of the 1st Battalion will be found in
the ‘Illustrated London News,’ vol. xxv. p. 320.
[219] Lieutenant-General Sir Arthur J. Lawrence, K.C.B.
[220] Being a total of 33 officers, and 959 of inferior ranks. With
these numbers the ‘Medical History,’ i. 452, nearly agrees: it
enumerates 32 officers and 961 of inferior ranks.
[221] Colonel Newdigate, Commanding Rifle Depôt.
[222] During the months of July and August, while the Battalion was
in Bulgaria, it lost thirty men from cholera. ‘Medical and Surgical
History of the British Army,’ ii. 50.
[223] Major-General Elrington, C.B.
[224] Colonel Fyers, C.B. (retired).
[225] Colonel the Hon. W. J. Colville.
[226] Major-General Norcott, C.B.
[227] Kinglake, vol. ii. 187.
[228] Major-General W. H. Bradford.
[229] Sir Arthur Lawrence’s letters, and information from Colonel
Fyers.
[230] Record of 1st Battalion, and see p. 309. But Surgeon Bowen, in
the ‘Medical and Surgical History of the British Army,’ states the
total loss from cholera during the month to be thirteen, and that
all, with one exception, occurred on the line of march.
[231] An engraving of ‘Riflemen in the Trenches’ is in the
‘Illustrated London News,’ vol. xxv. p. 573.
[232] Wheatley entered my service as lodge-keeper at Bramshill Park
on his discharge, and died May 21, 1865.
[233] ‘Letters from Head-Quarters by a Staff Officer,’ [Colonel the
Hon. S. Calthorpe], p. 101.
[234] Hannan was one of a hundred men given by the 1st to the 2nd
Battalion, before they embarked for the Crimea. He had been noted for
his daring in the Kaffir War. He and Ferguson were fellow-countrymen,
both being from the north of Ireland.
[235] ‘Illustrated London News,’ vol. xxv. p. 466. The newspaper
writer who records this, while doubting the accuracy of the estimate
of the number of the enemy killed on the 19th, states this fact of
the four Riflemen as ‘certain.’
[236] Ibid. vol. xxv. p. 487.
[237] Captain Markham retired (from the Coldstream Guards) December
23, 1858.
[238] Nine men of the 1st Battalion were wounded in the trenches
during the month of October, of whom two died almost immediately, and
one underwent amputation of the left thigh; and of the 2nd Battalion
four men were killed in the trenches, and an officer and twenty-five
men were wounded; of these five died.
[239] For this distinguished service Captain Elrington was
recommended for the Victoria Cross; but Sir George Brown demurred to
forward the recommendation, on the ground that the 2nd Battalion had
not been engaged in the battle of Inkerman! The fact being that three
companies were there, and suffered the casualties hereafter noted.
[240] Kinglake, vol. v. p. 298, quoting a letter from Lieutenant
Bramston, Rifle Brigade.
[241] Lieutenant-Colonel John Brett, retired full-pay.
[242] Captain William Higgins, Quartermaster, half-pay.
[243] Major Coote Buller died April 5, 1868.
[244] Major G. R. Noseley, Paymaster, half-pay.
[245] ‘Malcolm was shot through the head; a finer and more gallant
young fellow never lived.... There is not an officer in the Regiment
who does not sincerely regret him.’--Ross’s Letter, November 7, 1854.
[246] Colonel Claude T. Bourchier, V.C., Aide-de-Camp to the Queen.
[247] Major Sir William J. M. Cuninghame, Bart., V.C., M.P., retired.
[248] I am indebted to Marshal Canrobert for a copy of this order,
which conferred so unusual and marked a distinction on the Regiment.
In the letter which accompanied the transcript the Marshal expresses
his appreciation of ‘la magnifique conduite du détachment de la Rifle
Brigade commandé par le Capitaine Tryon.’
[249] 105 men were employed on other duties connected with the
service of the army.
[250] In order to show the state to which the Battalion was reduced
by sickness and losses in the field, I may quote the Duty State of
Woodford’s company on January 19, 1855, which I owe to the kindness
of the Hon. and Rev. George B. Legge. By this it appears that the
company which left England six months before with a strength of
about 100 men, had then present and nominally fit for duty just
_one sergeant and eight men_. Of these some were in an exhausted
and hardly efficient condition. Four non-commissioned officers and
25 privates were returned as ‘in or attending hospital,’ and 6
non-commissioned officers, 1 bugler and 42 privates were at Balaklava
or Scutari, wounded or sick.
The ‘Medical and Surgical History’ states that during the month of
November 2 officers and 29 men of the 1st Battalion were killed in
action or in the trenches; and 3 officers and 131 men were wounded,
of whom 13 died.
And that in the 2nd Battalion, 13 men were killed, and 1 officer and
33 men were wounded, of whom three suffered amputation.
[251] Lieutenant-Colonel C. H. S. Churchill.
[252] Lieutenant-Colonel E. W. Blackett, half-pay.
[253] ‘Letters from Head-quarters by a Staff Officer,’ 191, 3rd
edition.
[254] During this month eight men of this Battalion were wounded in
the trenches, and one man, wounded in December, died of his wounds.
[255] Lieutenant-Colonel the Honourable Augustus H. A. Anson, V.C.,
retired.
[256] In the official notification of the grant of the Victoria
Cross, MacGregor is said to have performed this act of valour ‘in the
month of July;’ but I have been repeatedly assured by Bradshaw that
he, Humpston and MacGregor were together, and won their crosses on
this occasion.
[257] Lieutenant-Colonel the Hon. James Stuart, died April 11, 1870.
[258] Captain Saunders (retired) died May 28, 1863.
[259] Lieutenant-Colonel Fitzroy Fremantle, Coldstream Guards.
[260] One officer and 30 men of the 2nd Battalion were killed in
action; and 4 officers and 125 men wounded during the month of June.
Of these 12 cases proved fatal.
[261] Three privates of the 2nd Battalion are returned in the
‘Gazette’ as killed and 13 wounded on July 3.
[262] For his conduct on this occasion Fyers recommended Sergeant
Kemp for the Victoria Cross, but he did not receive it.
[263] Three men of the 2nd Battalion were killed, and 43 wounded
during the month of July, of these 6 terminated fatally. And 4
men, wounded in June, died in this month. Fourteen men of the 1st
Battalion were wounded in the trenches in August, 2 of whom died. And
2 men of the 2nd Battalion were killed, and more than 80 wounded, 6
of whom died.
[264] Major Walter Francis Balfour, retired March 10, 1857.
[265] Nineteen men of the 1st Battalion were wounded in action in
September, of whom 2 died. One of these (William Hardinge) was so
much injured about the head and face by the bursting of a shell (on
September 5) that he died of lock-jaw on the 11th. And 25 men of the
2nd Battalion were killed, and 7 officers and 181 men were wounded in
action, of whom 15 died of their wounds.
[266] ‘Illustrated London News,’ xxvii. p. 394. A ‘Memoir of Captain
M. M. Hammond’ was published in 1858.
[267] Major-General Percy Hill, C.B.
CHAPTER XI.
The Sepoy Mutiny having broken out, and troops being despatched with
all haste to quell it, the 2nd and 3rd Battalions received orders to
embark immediately for India.
The 2nd Battalion embarked in three divisions:
The first under Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel Woodford, consisting of
3 captains, 5 subalterns, 21 sergeants, 7 buglers and 322 rank and
file, proceeded by rail from Dublin to Cork on August 3, and embarked
on board the ‘Lady Jocelyn’ screw steamer. The second under Brevet
Lieutenant-Colonel Fyers, consisting of 2 captains, 2 subalterns, 9
sergeants, 3 buglers and 146 rank and file, proceeded by railway to
Kingstown and embarked on board the ‘United Kingdom’ on August 4.
The Head-quarters with four companies under Lieutenant-Colonel Hill,
consisting of 3 captains, 8 subalterns, 5 staff, 30 sergeants, 14
buglers and 292 rank and file, proceeded by railway to Kingstown
on August 6, and embarking on board the ‘Sussex,’ hired transport,
started for India on the next day.
The first of these detachments (Woodford’s) arrived at Calcutta on
November 3, and disembarked.
On the 7th they paraded at 3.30 to cross the Ganges, which they did
in a steamer, and at 9.30 in the evening started by railroad for
Raneegunge, where they arrived at 6.30 on the following morning.
From thence they proceeded on the 10th in carriages at three P.M.
and arrived at Doomrhee at 7.30 on the next day; whence starting at
10.30 and passing through Brohal, the Dowah pass, and Bawa, reached
Sherghotty at 8.45 A.M. on the morning of the 12th.
After a short halt there they started again at one P.M. for Barroon.
Soon after which they crossed the river Sone, a most tedious process;
the river here being about two miles broad and reached by a long
plain of sand. The carriages had to be placed in boats; and having
got over one bend of the river, another long sandy plain had to be
traversed and then a still wider stream of water to be crossed. This
occupied a very long time; from midnight to 5.30 in the morning; but
having accomplished it they arrived at Sasseram at 8.45 A.M. on the
13th. At five o’clock they started again, and travelling through
the night, were about ten P.M. startled by an alarm that they were
about to be attacked. The ‘alarm’ was sounded; rifles and revolvers
were got into readiness, and some confusion occurred; but after a
few minutes it was ascertained that the alarm, from wheresoever
originating, was a false one. And on the 14th, about 10.20 in the
morning, they reached Annabad, where they halted till five, when
after passing Kurumnasa they reached the bank of the Ganges, and
crossing it in boats arrived at the Mint at Benares about 4.45 on the
morning of the 15th, where they halted till the 18th; this being the
first occasion on which they had taken any of their things off since
they left Raneegunge.
On the 18th they started again at 4.15 P.M. and reached Gopeegunge
at 1.45 P.M. on the 19th, and after halting till 5.50 started again.
Here Colonel Woodford was informed that a rebel force of 300 or 400
cavalry, 6,000 or 7,000 infantry and ten or twelve guns was encamped
on his right, about twenty miles from Gopeegunge. The march, or
rather the journey in bullock-carts, in the night was therefore
made with great caution and with every preparation to resist an
attack. But none was made, and on the 20th they reached the Ganges at
Allahabad about twelve P.M., and after great difficulty in finding
the camping-ground got into camp. On that night they again had a
false alarm.
They halted at Allahabad till the 23rd, the intervening time being
employed in getting clothing for the men.
Here the detachment under Lieutenant-Colonel Fyers, which had sailed
in the ‘United Kingdom,’ joined them; and the whole started by rail
at 8.30 on the 23rd and arrived at Lohunga at 12.30. Here they again
divided; Colonel Woodford’s detachment proceeding by bullock-carts
and Colonel Fyers’ by route march. Woodford’s detachment started
about five, and after delays by break-down of waggons and restive
oxen, arrived at Futtehpore at 4.45 on the 24th. Starting again at
eight they met a Sikh on the 25th bearing a message from General
Windham urging them to push on, as they would be wanted. Making all
speed therefore they reached Cawnpore at 6.45 P.M. and took up their
quarters in the Theatre for the night, being warned to go to camp at
four A.M. on the following morning.
On that morning (the 26th) they paraded at 2.30, and shortly
afterwards marched to General Windham’s camp, which was formed near
the bridge, on the road from Cawnpore to Calpee, over the Ganges
canal.
They reached it about seven; and no breakfast being provided, they
received a dry biscuit and a ration of rum. Hence they moved out to
attack the Gwalior contingent, which was posted in great force on
the Pandoo Nuddee river. They advanced, the three companies[268]
of Riflemen in front. On approaching the enemy’s position the
mutineers at once opened fire about 9.30. ‘The battle on the part
of the British began with the companies of the Rifle Brigade.
These admirable troops at once advanced in skirmishing order on
the right of the road. The country was a good deal encumbered with
high standing corn, topes of trees, walls, &c.’[269] Some of the
Riflemen got into ruined houses, and having got the range picked
off the enemy’s gunners. The Gwalior contingent however held their
position--a strong one, on the right bank of the Pandoo Nuddee--for
some time. But at last the men advanced with a rush, and crossing the
almost dry bed of the river drove them back. The Riflemen pursued
them for some miles. One man only (Wolfe) was killed in this day’s
fight: he was shot through the head. At a little before twelve the
fight was over, and the Riflemen returned towards their camp. After
they had retired some distance the mutineers pursued; and they were
halted and deployed. During this halt a ration of rum was served out
to the men. Resuming their march the Riflemen returned to Cawnpore,
and pitched their camp near the city across the Calpee road and close
to some brick-kilns. They arrived in this camp about four P.M.
On the 27th there was a false alarm at six in the morning; but later
it was found that the Gwalior contingent, with a strength of about
25,000 men and forty guns, had commenced a most determined attack on
General Windham’s position, both in front and on his right flank.
The three companies of Riflemen, Nixon’s, Dillon’s and Earle’s,
were moved out about noon, and posted on the right of the road to
Calpee at its junction with the Grand Trunk road to Delhi, and were
immediately under fire. ‘The heavy fighting in front, at the point of
junction of the Calpee and Delhi roads, fell more especially upon the
Rifle Brigade, ably commanded by Colonel Walpole.’[270]
However the enemy were too strong for them, and they were obliged to
retire. Some officers and men occupied a small tope of trees, but
they were soon out of ammunition, and Lieutenants George Curzon and
Dugdale went back across the open, exposed to the fire of two guns
which plied them with grape. However they succeeded in bringing up a
camel with a supply. A second, third and fourth time Curzon passed
the same ordeal in search of further ammunition or caps; and after
some unsuccessful ventures obtained a supply from Captain Atherley
of the 3rd Battalion, who with his company after a forced march from
Futtehpore (to be presently more particularly mentioned) had arrived
at Cawnpore.
This retreat was covered in a most masterly manner by the three
companies under Woodford, who were extended in a line of skirmishers
over a space of nearly a mile, and for a long time held back an
enormous force of the enemy of all arms. And had it not been for the
stand made by this detachment, it was generally supposed that the two
guns of the Naval Brigade, which had been left unprotected, would
have fallen into the enemy’s hands.[271]
It was first observed by Corporal Suddlers of the 2nd Battalion that
these guns were deserted; and they were with difficulty brought back
by some Riflemen of Captain Nixon’s company, under Lieutenant-Colonel
Woodford, who took the slings off their rifles for that purpose.[272]
[Illustration:
PLAN OF CAWNPORE
in 1857.
_Compiled & Drawn by Capt^n H. M. Moorsom, Rifle Brigade._
E. Weller, _Litho._
_London, Chatto & Windus._
]
I have now to trace the march of Fyers’ detachment of three
companies, Captains the Hon. B. R. Pellew’s (commanded by Lieutenant
Grey[273]), Warren’s, and the Hon. L. W. Milles’,[274] whom we saw
were together with Woodford’s detachment at Allahabad. They marched
from Lohunga at midnight on the 23rd-24th in charge of Commissariat
stores; rum, rice, sugar and ammunition on donkeys. They marched
about sixteen miles, and halted under a tope of trees till about two
the next morning; when they proceeded to Futtehpore, about sixteen
miles further, the stores in their charge being a great impediment to
their progress. They left Futtehpore again on the 26th, and marched
about seventeen miles. As the men were pitching their tents, a
messenger on a camel (the same who had met Woodford) came in with a
pencil note from General Windham, addressed to the officer commanding
the detachment, urging him to make all speed, as troops were wanted.
The few tents already pitched were immediately struck. Fyers placed
the stores he was escorting in charge of the police, and directed
the men to carry only what was absolutely necessary. After a halt of
three hours in making these arrangements, he started again, placing
the most footsore and the sick on elephants, and marched the men,
weary as they already were, about nineteen miles further, allowing
them short halts at intervals. Many of the men were so fatigued
that when a ‘halt’ was sounded, they fell asleep almost as soon as
they lay down on the ground. After a halt about midnight for one
hour, during which a ration of rum was issued, falling in again,
they marched forward till the morning, when Fyers gave them another
halt of an hour to prepare some breakfast. Having had some tea and
biscuit, they started again very weary and footsore; but now the
sound of heavy guns and the rattle of musketry quickened the men.
They pushed forward with increased vigour, and arrived at Cawnpore
when the troops were retiring. They found the force engaged there in
full retreat; a mixed multitude of soldiers and civilians, these last
carrying property of various kinds, and endeavouring to make their
way to the intrenchment.
The distance from Futtehpore to Cawnpore is forty-eight miles and
three-quarters. It was marched in about twenty-six hours, the first
stage with all the impediment of the convoy of stores. The men were
wearing the European dress: cloth clothes and shakos. The march of
this detachment has never been exceeded in endurance and rapidity;
and Dr. Reade, who accompanied it, states that ‘all were well able
for any service when the march was over.’ It strikingly resembles in
more points than one the march of the 1st Battalion (with the Light
Division) from Calzada to Talavera in 1809. It differs from it in
this, that Fyers’ detachment came up in time to take part in the
fight of which the sounds had quickened their advance.
For on reaching Cawnpore Windham met them, on his way from the front
to the intrenchment, whither all were retreating; and putting himself
at their head, he led them through the streets, ordering Fyers to
fix swords, and prepare to defend the intrenchment. This they did
well, gaining the high praise of General Windham, who then and long
afterwards expressed in strong terms how important the arrival and
the action of these companies had been to him. Footsore and weary
as they were on their march, their fatigue was forgotten as soon as
the sounds of fight told them that work was to be done; and they
fought in Cawnpore and in defence of the intrenchment as if they were
fresh from their camp. When they got to the intrenchment they were
refreshed with an issue of grog, biscuits and tea, after which they
were despatched on outpost duty: another parallel to the march to
Talavera.
On this day Ensign Travers was wounded by a bullet in the shoulder,
2 sergeants and 4 men were also wounded.[275]
The companies took up their position for the night in a ruined house.
Captain Atherley’s company of the 3rd Battalion also arrived at
Cawnpore on the 27th. They had landed at Calcutta on the 8th, and on
the next day started by rail for Raneegunge, and thence proceeded by
bullock-cart up the country. On nearing Cawnpore a messenger met them
with instructions that Atherley was not to advance, as the force at
Cawnpore was in retreat, and he might be cut off. A second messenger
informed him that he was to push on, as every man was wanted. A
third soon followed with a repetition of the first message. All this
time for many hours, and while marching many miles, the sound of
heavy firing was heard. About six in the evening a youth (a cadet),
mounted on a pony, met them, saying that the road was clear, and that
they were to hasten on and reach the town if possible. He added that
General Windham’s force was getting the worst of it. Accordingly
Atherley pushed on as fast as possible. The firing seemed to become
heavier and more furious. As the company approached the bank of the
canal, a mounted officer, extremely agitated, rode up and said,
‘Leave all your carts, except the ammunition; fix your bayonets,
and I will show you the way.’ Atherley, with great _sang-froid_,
said, ‘We have not got any bayonets; we have swords.’ ‘Well,’ said
the other, ‘fix what you have got.’ Saying which he galloped off
and they saw him no more. Neither as they advanced did they see any
enemy; but they met some of the 2nd Battalion retiring in good order.
Captain Atherley found General Windham in or near the intrenchment,
and reported his arrival. Windham, expressing himself much pleased
at being reinforced with a hundred ‘fresh’ Riflemen (they had just
come off a fatiguing march), told him to patrol during the night, and
guard the house in which he was living. He then asked if Atherley had
had anything to eat; and being answered in the negative, he gave him
a bone with some meat on it, which he and his two subalterns devoured
in the verandah of Windham’s quarters, cutting it off with their
clasp knives.
They patrolled all night in front of the intrenchment, and guarded
Major Bruce’s house, which General Windham occupied. But the night
passed without any attack from the Sepoys or any alarm.
On the 28th the Riflemen were ordered, about six in the morning, to
come into an outwork of the intrenchment; where, having been supplied
with some biscuit and tea, they were ordered out to resist the enemy,
who were expected to make another attack. The Rifle companies, with
part of the 82nd Regiment and Captain Greene’s battery of Artillery,
were posted on the left of the canal looking from the intrenchments.
In moving to this position they were exposed to a heavy fire of
musketry and grape. The action itself began about noon; and after
hard fighting these troops repulsed the enemy. When they arrived
at their position it was discovered that an ammunition waggon was
missing, and Lieutenant Curzon had to go back (as on the previous
day) a considerable distance in search of it, exposed to a heavy
fire. It could not be found; but he succeeded in bringing up a camel
loaded with ammunition. In the course of the fight, Colonel Woodford,
Lieutenants Playne[276] and Nicholl, with three Riflemen, were in
a dip in the ground, in front of the enemy’s guns, and were making
good practice in picking off the gunners; when Woodford, who was in
the act of taking a shot with a rifle at a Sepoy, was shot through
the head, and, uttering an exclamation, expired. A bugler, Bourne,
carried him to a tope[277] of trees. Captain Dillon entered a house
in which there were some Sepoys, and his revolver missing fire, he
was bayonetted in the chest.
The Riflemen took two long eighteen-pounder guns, and the men having
tackled to with ropes, drew them into the intrenchment, a distance
of more than three miles. On their arrival they were greeted with a
round of cheers for the guns, and another for the Rifles, and, amidst
great excitement, civilians and soldiers pressed forward to offer
congratulations and refreshment to the gallant captors.
Captain Atherley’s company was ordered to patrol the native town and
to clear it of any Sepoys who might be lurking there. About four
o’clock Atherley, having heard of the death of Colonel Woodford, took
his men to the front, leaving the native town in charge of the 82nd
Regiment. General Windham ordered him to line the bank of the canal.
Three guns were brought to bear on these Riflemen, and several round
shot came amongst them, but without doing any hurt. Atherley made his
men take shelter along the bank; and selecting two whom he knew to be
excellent shots, he told them to pick off the gunners of these guns,
which were annoying the troops from the bridges over the canal; and
he desired some of their comrades to load for them, and to hand them
up rifles as fast as they could. Thus aided, these Riflemen, creeping
up near the bridges, picked off the gunners, and effectually silenced
the guns.
As another instance of their excellence in shooting, I may add that
Atherley, in the course of this day’s fight, asked one of his men,
named Robertson, how far he estimated the distance of the brick-kilns
to be. The Rifleman replied that he did not know; but calling
Atherley’s attention to a man standing on the top of the kiln, he put
up his sight for 600 yards, fired, and the man fell. His body was
examined the next day by Atherley, and the ball was found to have hit
him in the stomach.
General Windham thus writes in his despatch of the conduct of the
Riflemen:
‘On the left advance Colonel Walpole,[278] with the Rifles,
supported by Captain Greene’s battery and part of the 82nd
Regiment, achieved a complete victory, and captured two
eighteen-pounder guns.
‘The glory of this well-contested fight belongs entirely to the
above-mentioned companies and artillery. It was owing to the
gallantry of the men and officers, under the able leading of
Colonel Walpole and of my lamented relative Lieutenant-Colonel
Woodford, of the Rifle Brigade (who I deeply regret to say was
killed), and of Lieutenant-Colonel Watson, 82nd, and of Captain
Greene, R.A., that this hard-contested fight was won and brought
to so profitable an end. I had nothing to do with it beyond
sending them supports, and at the end of bringing some up myself.
‘I repeat that the credit is entirely due to the above-mentioned
officers and men.’[279]
The loss of the Riflemen on this day was Lieutenant-Colonel Woodford
and five men killed, and Captain Dillon (severely), Lieutenant
Lawton, 1 bugler, and 18 men wounded, and 1 man missing.
During the night of the 28th the enemy took entire possession of the
town, and on the 29th began a heavy fire against the intrenchment;
hitting the bridge of boats over the Ganges several times, damaging
the Hospital and destroying stores. The Riflemen, who had during the
night and morning occupied the principal outwork of the intrenchment,
were ordered out by Sir Colin Campbell (who had arrived from Lucknow
on the previous evening), to endeavour to take some guns which were
doing much damage. Accordingly at three P.M. two companies of the 2nd
Battalion and Atherley’s company of the 3rd, under Lieutenant-Colonel
Fyers, who had succeeded to the command on Woodford’s death, made a
sortie. Running out over some very uneven ground, they attacked some
Sepoys who were in the Residency, and were for some time exposed to
a very severe fire. However, after awhile they drove the enemy out
of these buildings; and as these were escaping by the back of the
compound, some Riflemen of Atherley’s company crept round stealthily
under the wall, and succeeded in catching the retreating rebels on
their swords as they leapt over it. They thus slew a large number.
However, as they did not receive reinforcements, they were unable to
take the guns, and returned to the intrenchment. On this occasion
Captain the Hon. Lewis Milles was severely wounded, 1 man was killed,
1 sergeant and 6 privates were wounded, of whom 1 died on December 1,
and 1 on December 7, and 1 was missing.[280]
The Riflemen, or some of them at least, had not had their clothes
off since they left Allahabad; had been scantily fed, often being
for twenty-four hours with only one meal, and sometimes that only
of biscuit and tea or rum; exposed to heat by day and great cold by
night, and suffering from sore feet. Yet they kept their spirits up,
and did their work on these four hard-fought days in a manner to
elicit General Windham’s marked approval repeatedly expressed to them.
At this time the ladies and others rescued from Lucknow were crossing
the bridge of boats, an operation which occupied about thirty hours,
and Sir Colin with these and their escort encamped near the Old
Dragoon lines.
From December 1 to 5 the Riflemen continued to occupy the outwork of
the intrenchment; the enemy keeping up an occasional fire from guns
planted about 450 yards from them.
On the evening of the 1st Captain Warren and Lieutenants Eccles and
Grey went out with some men to recover the body of Colonel Woodford,
which they succeeded in doing, though fired at by the Sepoys; and
he was buried on the morning of the 2nd in the intrenchment, where
a tombstone was subsequently placed over his remains by his brother
officers.
On the 5th the women and children having started, the Riflemen were
ordered to move up to Sir Colin Campbell’s camp. They started at four
P.M., and did not reach their camping-ground till after dark. Having
got their tents pitched they lay by their arms all night.
Before I describe the events of December 6, it is necessary that I
should trace the movements of the 3rd Battalion which took part in
them.
A detachment of that Battalion commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Julius
Glyn, consisting of Captain Alexander’s[281] company and part of
Captain Bourchier’s company, proceeded from Aldershot and embarked on
board the ‘Barham’ on July 1, and after experiencing very bad weather
on September 30 when south of the Cape, and a hurricane from October
28 to 30 (during which seven of the crew were struck by lightning),
arrived at Calcutta on November 8. They did not disembark till the
13th, and on the next day proceeded by railway to Raneegunge, where
they arrived on the 15th at six A.M.
On the 16th they started at 3.30 A.M., part of the detachment being
carried in bullock-carts, and part marching. They arrived at Gyra
at nine in the morning of the 17th, after a march of thirty-eight
miles. Leaving it again at three P.M. they made another march of
thirty-eight miles, and reached Doomrhee at half-past ten in the
morning of the 18th. Halting there till four P.M. they arrived at
Burkutta at 6.30 the next morning, after a march of twenty-eight
miles. Starting in the afternoon at 3.30 P.M. they reached Churparun
at four in the morning of the 20th. At Churparun rifles were ordered
to be loaded; and from thence they proceeded by daily marches through
Sherghotty, Norunagabad, Sasseram, Annabad, Benares, Gopeegunge,
to Allahabad, which they reached on the 27th. On the 30th, thence
proceeding by rail, they encamped at Cheenee, the end of the railway
then in course of construction. Proceeding thenceforward by route
march, they left Cheenee on December 1, and encamped on the 2nd
about six miles from Futtehpore. Starting from that in the evening
they arrived on the evening of the 3rd at a bridge over the Pandoo
Nuddee. Here they were to encamp; and the men were set to work to
pitch their tents, which they were almost too tired to do, but which
they had just accomplished, and turned in, when the bugle sounded
for ‘orders.’ A message had been received from Sir Colin Campbell,
directing the detachment to make all speed to the front, as he was
about to engage the Gwalior contingent.
The word was given to strike tents and to ‘fall in.’ This the men did
without a murmur, and resumed their march cheerfully, weary as they
were, when they knew that active work was before them. Marching (of
course with occasional halts) the remainder of that night and the
whole of the day and night of the 4th, they arrived at Cawnpore at
seven on the morning of the 5th.
This was a march of about seventy-five miles, accomplished in a very
short time; and considering that this detachment consisted mostly
of young soldiers, the Battalion having only been formed two years
before; that these men had disembarked hardly three weeks, after
being cooped up on board ship during a four months’ voyage; that
they had already made long and fatiguing marches up the country;
this march, considering these circumstances of it, is perhaps hardly
paralleled in military history.
The day of the 4th was very hot, and the men wore their cloth
European clothing. They did not however carry their packs.
The Head-quarters of the 3rd Battalion, consisting of four companies,
under Colonel Horsford, left Aldershot on July 22 by rail-road for
Portsmouth, and embarking on board the ‘Sutlej’ sailing ship, sailed
that afternoon and arrived at Calcutta on November 8. From thence
they were forwarded to Raneegunge by rail-road, and thence proceeded
in detachments, some by bullock-train, some by horse-dâk, and some by
bearer-dâk, up the country by way of Benares and Allahabad. Thence,
as we have seen, there was rail-road communication as far as Cheenee.
I will trace from thence the progress of the Head-quarter division,
consisting of 137 men with the Staff, under Major Ross, which left
Allahabad on the 26th.
After leaving Cheenee by bullock-train, some delay took place on
account of the badness of the road from this terminus of the railway
to the Great Trunk road, but they reached Futtehpore at eight in
the morning of the 27th. Major Ross had been directed by Brigadier
Campbell before leaving Allahabad, in case the enemy were likely to
interrupt him, not to proceed beyond Futtehpore, but, in this event,
to fall back and reinforce a party of the 88th Regiment, which was
escorting the guns of Major Smith’s battery. These, however, he had
passed in the night, and in reply to inquiries whether his escort
was required, was informed by the Officer Commanding of Windham’s
engagement the day before, and assured that there was no reason why
he should not move on.
Accordingly he proceeded at three in the afternoon, and they had
advanced some twenty miles, when at about two in the morning a camel
messenger met them, with orders that all troops moving up were to
push on as fast as possible. This opened their eyes and quickened
their pulse, for it meant that an enemy was in front. So Major
Ross pushed on as fast as he could to the next bullock-changing
station, got fresh bullocks, and gave his men some tea. Following
the Brigadier’s instructions, he awaited the artillery and 88th,
which various native travellers assured him were only five or six
miles behind him. Then he learned his first lesson of the falsehood
of native reports. For he waited in some suspense, occupying a
gravel pit, expecting every moment the appearance of the artillery;
but he waited in vain, for they had never moved beyond Futtehpore.
He had reduced at this place his _impedimenta_ from thirty-four
waggons to twenty-three by re-packing; but of these ten were filled
with ammunition; rather an onerous charge had the enemy attacked,
for of his small party about thirty were band and buglers without
arms. While waiting here, and longing for the appearance of the
guns, a messenger arrived about noon from the front, with peremptory
orders from General Windham, superseding all others, to fall back
on Futtehpore and to hold it to the last extremity before retiring
further; and with intelligence that Windham was so hard pressed by
the fire of the enemy’s guns, that he could not meet them in the open
till reinforced from Lucknow. Of course there was no alternative.
Major Ross was obliged to march his detachment back the twenty-four
miles they had come, to the no small disgust of the officers and men,
who had been within hearing of the guns at Cawnpore (and in the night
within sight of their flashes), and yet were not to take part in the
fight. However, the soldier must obey, and they sorrowfully retraced
their steps, keeping a sharp look-out, and reached Futtehpore at
about two in the morning. They found that an attack was not unlooked
for there; for Colonel Maxwell of the 88th ordered them to move
their camp, which had been pitched about a mile and a half from the
Great Trunk road, to a position in the open plain, where there had
been a tank, now dry, the high banks of which formed an excellent
intrenchment.
On December 1 came the joyful intelligence that they were to proceed
at once to the front. Accordingly, at three in the morning of the
2nd they advanced (with the Head-quarters of the 88th and Smith’s
battery), and marching the greater part of that day and the whole
of the night (except a two hours’ halt) arrived in camp at Cawnpore
at three o’clock next day; having done the distance in thirty-six
hours. But during the last fifteen miles of the march the officers
and men were very weary and footsore, and as they were overcome with
drowsiness from fatigue and want of sleep, the scene was somewhat
ludicrous; the men now and then lurching from side to side till
brought up by their neighbour’s shoulder, or missing that prop,
occasionally falling forward in the road. The band, however, were
wakeful enough to play for the last quarter of a mile, and the
inspiriting strains of ‘Ninety-five’ carried them cheerfully into
camp, which was pitched close to General Wheeler’s intrenchment. Once
in their tents the Riflemen were soon fast asleep. On the morning of
the 5th Colonel Horsford came up with the remainder of the Battalion,
120 men. And that afternoon the 2nd Battalion moved from their
intrenched camp and joined them.
On the 6th tents were struck at seven in the morning, and the troops
were formed in contiguous close columns, beyond the canal, near the
Old Dragoon lines. Here they were halted till it was ascertained
that Sir Colin Campbell was engaged with the enemy at the bridge on
their left. Then about ten o’clock the two Battalions of Riflemen
were ordered to cross the canal by a bridge near their position. This
they did at the double with a ringing cheer, Captain Nixon’s company
of the 2nd Battalion leading in gallant style, and forcing back the
Sepoys. The 3rd Battalion were in quarter distance column; and the
first round shot fired at them passed between the companies, doing
no harm to them, but wounding some native camp followers who were on
the reverse flank. However, the rebels had opened fire on them while
halting in a walled enclosure near the bridge, and on their rushing
out of the gate they were exposed to a sharp fire, which brought down
only one man as they were crossing the bridge. Once over that the
3rd Battalion wheeled to the right, both Battalions deployed into
line, and fixing swords advanced, and soon extended and cleared the
woods and houses between the canal and the body of the town. As they
advanced the enemy plied them with shot and shell, without however
doing much mischief; but Colonel Horsford, who was leading his
Battalion, was wounded by a fragment of a shell. He continued however
to lead his Battalion. In about ten minutes the Riflemen had cleared
the ground in their front, and not a rebel was to be seen there. They
then moved towards their left to connect with the force which had
crossed by the other bridge, and where the enemy had some guns and
a body of infantry in open ground. As they approached the Riflemen
saw the rebels flying towards their camp, pursued by Highlanders and
other troops. So continuing their advance in skirmishing order, the
two Battalions swept the ground between the town and the Great Trunk
road, passing the brick-field, and through suburbs and trees, till
they came in view of the enemy’s camp. They then closed to their
left, in order to hold possession of the camp which the rebels had
deserted, while other troops pushed on in pursuit.
However, later in the day, handing over the charge of the captured
camp to some other troops, three companies of the 3rd Battalion and
some of the 2nd Battalion started again, and bringing their left
shoulders forward and extending, advanced to the Subahdar’s tank, a
position in rear of the enemy’s left, and about a mile and a half in
a direct line from the intrenchments through the old cantonments.
In front of the tank the enemy had some heavy guns; some distance
on the right of the Riflemen was another gun; and two more a little
to their left. These were well protected by earthworks or walls; a
considerable body of rebels kept up a musketry fire from topes of
trees and enclosures; and the Riflemen were exposed to showers of
grape, canister and round shot. They advanced, extended, about 300
yards on each side of the road, slightly in advance of some heavy
guns, while the 93rd were kept in reserve. The fire of these guns
soon began to tell on the enemy. This, and the approach of the long
line of extended Riflemen, soon disheartened the enemy, who began to
give way immediately on the Riflemen passing through the enclosures
to the right and broken ground to the left of the road. On reaching
the entrance of the village, called the Soldiers’ Burial Ground, the
guns of Captain Middleton’s battery were pushed through as rapidly
as possible, the Riflemen running up to support them. They got very
near the gun on their right and the two on their left, and were in
hopes of capturing them; but they were so much delayed by having to
climb over mud walls and pass through enclosures to get at them, that
the rebels succeeded in removing them by the right and left, and took
them among some houses which the Riflemen had orders not to pass.[282]
When it was getting late the Rifle Battalions, who were still in
pursuit of the enemy, now completely routed, were ordered to halt,
and got into some houses about five o’clock. The night was extremely
cold, and the men had nothing but their usual clothing to cover them,
not even their great-coats. The 3rd Battalion suffered from hunger
too, as well as cold, being long without food. At last a lean cow was
discovered, and immediately killed and cut up; and the men, roasting
the tough morsels on the points of their swords, ate them half-raw.
The 2nd Battalion were in this respect more fortunate. For they got
hold of a good many sheep, and in fact regaled themselves so well on
them, that they named the house where they passed the night Mutton
Bungalow.
The casualties were: in the 2nd Battalion, 1 sergeant, 1 corporal and
6 Riflemen wounded, and 1 man was killed during the night in the town
of Cawnpore, it was never known how; in the 3rd Battalion Colonel
Horsford was slightly wounded, and 11 rank and file were wounded.
At night Captain Henry R. L. Newdigate’s company, with Major Ross,
was on picquet in a Bazaar on the Bithoor road, not far from the
Subahdar’s tank. They were suddenly startled by a noise in a large
enclosure where some of the Riflemen were posted. It turned out that
some of the rebels, mistaking their way, brought a string of camels
laden with ammunition right up to the Riflemen. The sentry challenged
rather too soon, and the mutineers fled and escaped; but they left
their camels and 20,000 rounds of ammunition in the hands of the
Riflemen. The next night the cartridges having been broken up on the
ground, a grand illumination was produced by setting fire to the heap.
On the 7th the Riflemen continued in the houses they occupied: but
some portion of the baggage of the 2nd Battalion companies having
come up, they were rather more comfortable. The 3rd Battalion,
however, were still without food, except what the men found in native
houses, till towards evening when some rations were served out. The
men were allowed to go out to _loot_; and found much, and took many
arms and some prisoners. The night was again extremely cold; and men
and officers, not on duty, slept under a heap of chopped straw in the
hope of getting some warmth.
On the 8th the companies of the 2nd Battalion were ordered in the
morning to come in and pitch camp, which they did about half a mile
from the town. But they had hardly done so when they were ordered
to move and to join Sir Colin Campbell’s camp, some four miles in
advance. They arrived there and pitched camp shortly before dark.
The 3rd Battalion also left the houses they had occupied since the
action of the 6th, and joined Sir Colin Campbell’s camp.
Before I describe the further operations of this force, I must
trace the movements of the Head-quarters of the 2nd Battalion. They
had embarked at Kingstown on August 6 in the ‘Sussex,’ hired ship,
consisting of 4 companies--17 officers and 336 of other ranks, under
Colonel Percy Hill. Sailing the next day they arrived at Point de
Galle, Ceylon, on October 29; and were transhipped to the ‘Adventure’
troop-ship, which started on November 1. The engines of this ship
were in a very faulty condition. They were frequently stopped; and
the services of a Rifleman named Adwick were constantly called into
operation to repair them. This man had been bred an engine-maker or
some such trade, and ‘Pass the word for Adwick!’ became a well-known
signal that the engines were stopped and out of order.
In consequence of these defects of her engines, the ‘Adventure’ did
not reach Calcutta till November 17. On disembarking the Riflemen
went into quarters; and on the 20th they proceeded by railway to
Raneegunge, where they encamped about a mile from the village and
were detained for some days, and whence they moved up in detachments
by bullock-carts to Benares. Here they were again detained. After
which they moved on to Allahabad, whence there were some miles of
railway towards Cawnpore, terminating at Cheenee.
The Head-quarters marched, as the other detachments had, from this
point. Leaving Cheenee at two in the morning of the 11th December
they arrived at Arrapore, a distance of fourteen miles. Leaving it
next day at four in the morning, they reached Futtehpore at nine:
from this they proceeded to Kutteanpore, where they arrived at nine
in the morning of the 13th, after a march of seventeen miles and
a half. On the next day they made another march of seventeen to
Sirsour, and on the 15th arrived at Cawnpore, when they marched in
and encamped about half-past nine in the morning. The whole of the
Battalion were now reassembled; and great was the cheering with which
the detached companies welcomed the new-comers; and with which these
saluted their comrades, who had since their separation seen so much
fighting.
On the 18th both Battalions, forming part of a force under Brigadier
Walpole, marched from camp at Cawnpore and proceeded about twelve
miles along the Calpee road to Churbiere, where they arrived at four
in the afternoon, and halted in a capital camping-ground shaded by
trees. Resuming the march next morning about half-past six, they had
in the course of the day to cross the Pandoo Nuddee, the bridge over
which was broken. The Engineers, with great want of forethought, had
here placed two boats with one connecting plank, so that the men
were obliged to cross in single file. There was ammunition in carts,
and these, of course, had to be unloaded, and the ammunition carried
over by the men, barrel by barrel. The consequence of this delay was
that the baggage did not reach the camp till five in the evening.
The march was about sixteen miles to Ukburpore, and the Riflemen
encamped near a large tank and close to some trees. Here they halted
till the 23rd. But on the 25th the 3rd Battalion under Colonel Julius
Glyn, with Captain Thynne’s company of the 2nd Battalion, and some of
the 9th Lancers, went out on an expedition against the rebels, and
attacked two armed villages about eight miles distant. At Putarah
they were fired at, but captured five principal men. They started at
four in the morning, and did not return till dark, having marched
about eighteen miles, and taken eighteen prisoners; and on the 22nd
Captain Wilmot’s company, with some of the 9th Lancers, went out on
a similar expedition, but returned to camp by ten o’clock. Among the
prisoners made on the first of these occasions were a brigadier of
the Gwalior contingent and his son, a man who had letters about him
addressed to Nana Sahib, and the Nana’s money-changer. The first
of these was said to have taken an active part in the Cawnpore
massacres. He was living in fancied security in this village some
miles off the road from Cawnpore to Calpee, and must have been not
a little disconcerted when he found his hiding-place surrounded by
Lancers and Riflemen. He and the other prisoners were executed by
order of the Commissioner who accompanied the force.
On the 23rd, starting soon after six, the Riflemen marched eleven
miles to Derapore, having in the way forded a branch of the river
Jumna, and encamped near some jungle. The next day they made another
march of about the same distance to Secundra, where they encamped on
some excellent and well-wooded ground.
They halted on Christmas day, but Nixon’s, Milles’ and Earle’s
companies went out at nine in the morning against the Rajah of
Secundra, who was reported to be encamped near the Jumna with 2,000
men. The Riflemen started under the command of Colonel Fyers, but
were joined about four miles on their road by Colonel Hill, who had
gone out shooting, but who, on finding that an expedition was to
be made, changed clothes with one of the subalterns, and assumed
the command. Some cavalry accompanied them, the whole being under
Brigadier Walpole.
However, the enemy fled at their approach, the last boat-load
crossing as the cavalry galloped up to the bank of the river; and
the Riflemen returned to camp at five o’clock. A mess tent for their
Christmas dinner was extemporised by joining two, and the men were
regaled with an extra ration.
On the 26th, having struck tents at the usual hour, they marched
eleven miles to Ooryah, which they reached at ten A.M. And on the
next day made a march of fourteen miles to Serai Adjeet Mull, and
encamped in a grain field.
On the 28th they made a further march of twelve miles to Buckbey
Khanpore, where they encamped among some trees. On this march
Lieutenant Buckley, with some men of the 3rd Battalion, found three
armed rebels, who loaded to fire at them. They were taken and
executed.
About midnight they received a sudden order to march immediately;
and, falling in, started in a very cold morning for Etawah, where
they arrived about half-past eight. It was expected that they would
find a body of about 1,500 rebels with seventeen guns here; but they
had heard of the approach of the force, and had disappeared, except
a few who had shut themselves up in a fort. This was a quadrangular
work, with a kind of tower-bastion at each corner, standing on
a sand-hill on the bank of the Jumna. Two companies of the 2nd
Battalion, under the command of Colonel Hill, were ordered to take
the fort. The gate was blown open by the blank fire of a gun which
accompanied the force, and the Riflemen rushed in. It was then found
that the rebels occupied one of the tower-bastions. Grey and Fryer
with some men entered it. A long dark passage led to a small court
in the centre of the bastion, which had dwellings round it. As they
threaded their way along this passage they received a fire of slugs,
which whistled past, and they halted where a bend in the passage
afforded some cover. Colour-Sergeant Andrews and some men climbed up
on the flat roof of the dwelling; and as he was looking over into
the court, he was severely wounded in the head, and also lost three
fingers. Two other men were also severely wounded. Eventually the
bastion was blown up, and its defenders made a rush out, but were all
killed. It was then found that two or three of them were women.
The Riflemen halted at Etawah during the two following days in a very
good camping-ground, the people of Etawah being friendly and well
disposed. The force which had escaped, and the remnant of which had
defended the fort, was part of the Nana’s army, and had come into the
district to levy tribute.
On January 1, 1858, the two Battalions marched from Etawah to Kurhul,
a distance of eighteen miles, which they accomplished in little more
than five hours, starting at five, and reaching their camping-ground
soon after ten. On the next day they made a march of the same
distance in the same time to Mynpooree. And though they got in by
half-past ten, the men were not encamped after their long march till
one o’clock, the Quartermaster-General having at first selected wrong
camping-ground, from which he moved them.
On the 3rd they started before six, and reached Bewur, a distance of
fourteen miles, at ten, and passing through the town, encamped near
a shady tope of trees.
On the 4th they started from Bewur soon after three in the morning,
and, having crossed the Kallee Nuddee by a bridge of boats about
two miles from their camp, halted for breakfast at the end of ten
miles. After a halt of an hour and a half they resumed their march,
and went on to Futtehgurh, which they reached between four and five
in the afternoon. The distance was twenty-six miles, and the day
was extremely hot; yet very few men fell out. On their arrival here
they joined the army under Sir Colin Campbell; and were pleasantly
encamped in the pleasure-grounds and gardens of a Rajah’s palace on
the banks of the Ganges. The Riflemen had marched seventy-six miles
from Etawah to Futtehgurh in four days, or in about twenty-seven
hours’ marching.
They halted here till the 13th; but during that time a detachment of
the 3rd Battalion at Allahabad had been taken out (with some other
troops) by Colonel Campbell of the Bays against some 300 Sepoys
who were assembled in that neighbourhood, and whom they defeated,
inflicting very heavy loss.
And on the 11th Captain Hill’s company of the 3rd Battalion went out
with some sappers on an expedition.
On the 13th the two Battalions, forming part of a force under
Brigadier Walpole, left Futtehgurh at nine in the morning, and
crossed the Ganges by a bridge of boats, which the enemy had
fortunately left uninjured. After a very fatiguing march of nine
miles, part of it through the deep sand adjacent to the river, which
in the rainy season it overflows, they reached Allygurh on the right
bank of the Ramgunga at two in the afternoon, and found the enemy
in force on the other side. The march of the two companies on rear
guard was most fatiguing. They could not start till an hour and a
half after the Battalions had marched, as the elephants which were to
carry the tents had not arrived. Then with very slow progress they
arrived at the Ganges, which the native-carts took a long time to
cross; and the elephants obstinately refused to enter the river, or
to trust their ponderous weight to the planks connecting the boats
of the bridge. The tents had therefore to be unloaded, and passed
over in boats. However, the recreant elephants subsequently rejoined.
The rear-guard had only made their way through the deep sand when
night came upon them, and they halted at half-past six. Fortunately
they found an old door near their halting-place, which furnished a
camp-fire; for the night was exceedingly cold, and there was a high
wind. Resuming their toilsome march at half-past six on the 14th,
they reached the camp at Allygurh about noon, not having tasted food
since early in the morning before.
At Allygurh the enemy had destroyed, a few days before the Rifle
Battalions arrived there, the bridge of boats by which the road
to Bareilly crossed the Ramgunga. Materials were therefore to be
obtained in order to throw it across again. Accordingly on the 15th
Colonel Hill was ordered to proceed down the river with a party of
the 2nd Battalion, in order to collect flat-bottomed boats for this
purpose. Captains Warren and Thynne, Lieutenant Grey, and others,
proceeded on that duty. They collected a number of boats, and brought
them up to within about two miles of Allygurh, when the enemy, who,
as I have said, occupied the opposite bank, opened fire with such
effect that a party under Grey, who were completely exposed to it,
were obliged to retire from the bank until the enemy was driven back.
This was no easy task, as the left bank which he held was high, and
the right bank a level plain. Colonel Hill had received positive
orders from the Brigadier not to cross the river, or the enemy might
have been effectually repulsed; for the river was shallow, so much
so, indeed, that the boats frequently ran aground.
Night coming on, the boats were secured, it not being possible
to move them farther up in the dark, and the party bivouacked on
the spot. At day-break the enemy brought up some guns, and opened
fire upon them; and as the ground afforded no cover unless they
had retired from the bank and left the boats, the Riflemen formed
shelter-trenches in the sand. While making these they were exposed
to fire, but none were hit. And as the enemy did not venture within
range of their rifles, they were unable to return it. The fire was
heard in camp, and a battery of Field Artillery was sent to the
aid of the Riflemen. These guns soon silenced those of the rebels.
Colonel Hill received orders not to attempt to take the boats farther
up the river. And having passed a second night in bivouack, this
party marched back to camp.
From this till the end of the month the two Rifle Battalions
furnished picquets at the boats (occasionally relieved by the Line
regiment which was in the brigade), some of the men occupying the
rifle-pits or shelter-trenches, and exchanging shots with the Sepoys,
who plied them with shot and shell as well as with musketry.
On February 1, Sir Colin Campbell having renounced his intention of
crossing the Ramgunga into Rohilcund, the two Battalions returned
to Futtehgurh, leaving Allygurh at 4.30, and arriving at their
camping-ground at 7.30. Four companies of the 3rd Battalion, under
Colonel Macdonell, were at this time detached to Oonao, on the road
from Cawnpore to Lucknow, to keep open the communication. The 2nd
Battalion and remaining companies of the 3rd halted at Futtehgurh
till the 4th; on which day, marching at six, they reached Khodagunge,
a distance of thirteen miles and a half, at ten. On the day following
they reached Jellalabad, nine miles and a quarter, after crossing
the Kallee Nuddee by the iron suspension bridge of Urhow. And on the
6th marched ten miles and a half to Meeranke Serai, a painful and
tedious march; as the baggage which had started before the troops got
mixed up with them on the road; and a halt of an hour and a half had
to be made. When they proceeded, the dust was so thick that it was
impossible to see many yards in front. So that, though they started
at 4.30, they did not reach their camping-ground till nearly eleven.
On the 7th they started at six and marched nine miles and a half to
Urroul, which they reached at nine. For the night had been extremely
cold, and the morning was cool and fine, and the men got over the
ground rapidly.
On the 8th they proceeded to Poorah, ten miles and a half; and on the
day following to Chobeepore, thirteen miles and a half; and passing
the town encamped about two miles beyond it. On the next day they
marched to Kullianpore, nine miles. This was near Bithoor, the palace
of the Nana; which however had been destroyed before the Riflemen
visited it on this march.
On the 11th, starting at 5.45, they marched seven miles to Cawnpore,
which they reached before nine; passing over the battle-fields of
November 26, 27 and 28, and encamping on the ground where they
had fought on the 27th. At this time the Oude force was formed,
probably in number and efficiency the most formidable army that
had ever assembled in British India. It consisted of one division
(two brigades) of Cavalry, and of three divisions (six brigades) of
Infantry, besides Artillery, etc.
It is sufficient for my purpose to record that the two Rifle
Battalions (with a Punjaub native regiment) formed a brigade under
Colonel Horsford in the division commanded by Brigadier Walpole; the
Divisional General and the Brigadier being thus both Riflemen.
On February 13 the 2nd Battalion received a sudden order at six in
the morning to march, with the object of intercepting or catching
the Nana, who, it was supposed, was about to cross the Ganges.
They started at 9.30, and retracing their steps made the march to
Chobeepore, sixteen miles, in one day, arriving at 2.30. One man had
a sunstroke on the road.
On the next day they marched at three in the morning, and arriving
at Sheorajpore, halted for two hours before it was decided whether
to continue the march or to remain there. Eventually, however, they
encamped and halted there during the following day, it being reported
that the Nana or his brother had crossed the river and got away.
On the 16th they resumed their march, and proceeding six miles
encamped at Poorah on the ground they had occupied on the 8th.
On the day following they received a sudden order to march to Urroul.
They started at 8.30, and passing by their old camping-ground they
pitched tents about three miles beyond it, making the distance about
thirteen miles. They arrived about two after a fatiguing march, the
day being extremely hot.
They halted here till the 21st. On the 20th the women and children
from Agra arrived, and passed through during the night; and on the
next day the Battalion returned towards Cawnpore, halting that day
at Poorah, on the next at Chobeepore; and reaching Cawnpore at nine
o’clock on the morning of the 23rd, encamped on their former ground.
The 3rd Battalion during this expedition had remained at Cawnpore;
but on the departure of the 2nd Battalion on the 13th, they had
shifted their camp nearer to Head-quarters. They left Cawnpore
on the 21st and marched to Oonao in Oude; and on the 22nd to
Nawabgunge,[283] where they halted for some days.
Here they were reunited to their left wing, which they had not seen
since before their embarkation in the July preceding. During their
stay here numerous escorts were furnished by this Battalion, which
was mainly employed in keeping open the road by which quantities of
ammunition and stores were daily passing towards Lucknow. On the
28th, two companies of this Battalion, with some Horse Artillery,
proceeded to a village about six miles distant, and brought in some
of the principal men; the villagers having attacked and beaten the
camel-drivers.
The 2nd Battalion remaining at Cawnpore, Captain Fremantle’s company,
made up to 100 men with Lieutenants Baillie[284] and Scriven, was
sent as an escort with the ladies from Agra; and starting with
them at four o’clock on the morning of the 25th, he marched to
Maharajpore, ten miles, where he encamped that night; and on the next
day made a further march of thirteen miles and a half, when he handed
over his charge to an escort of the Madras Fusiliers, and encamped.
On the next day he returned to Maharajpore, and on the 28th arrived
at Cawnpore, which the Battalion had left; but Captains Thynne’s and
R. Glyn’s[285] companies had remained there to await his arrival.
Sir Colin Campbell having decided to undertake the siege of Lucknow,
the 2nd Battalion marched at five in the morning of February 27 to
Oonao, a distance of thirteen miles, and on the following day to
Nawabgunge, where they rejoined the 3rd Battalion.
The two Battalions marched on March 1 to Bunteerah, twelve miles, and
encamped in a broad plain. About midday they were disturbed by an
alarm that their enemy was close upon them; but it turned out to be
a false alarm, no enemy appearing.
Here the three companies from Cawnpore came up with the Battalion.
They had marched on the same day from Cawnpore at three in the
morning to Nawabgunge, doing the twenty-three miles in one march,
without the intermediate halt at Oonao. Rain had fallen in the night,
and the morning was cool, and they reached Nawabgunge at 11.30.
On March 2 they came on to Bunteerah, where, as I have said, they
rejoined their Battalion.
On the 3rd the two Battalions received orders to march towards
Lucknow. Four companies of the 3rd Battalion, under Major Bourchier,
formed the advance, and starting at six o’clock in the evening
reached the Dilkoosha at two o’clock the next morning, a distance of
twelve miles.
The Head-quarters of the two Battalions marched at 10.30 P.M.,
and reached their bivouack about three on the morning of the 4th.
Four companies of the 2nd Battalion, Nixon’s, Pellew’s, Earle’s,
and Fremantle’s, with two companies of the 3rd Battalion, formed
the rear-guard: a most arduous duty. For the quantity of carts,
laden with shot, shell, ammunition and provisions, was innumerable,
and extended many miles. Though this rear-guard paraded with the
Battalions it did not start until half-past three on the morning of
the 4th, nor did they reach their destination till three o’clock on
the following afternoon. This twelve miles’ march was most harassing,
and the dust was intolerable.
During this march, while the 2nd Battalion was halted in a tope, a
curious circumstance took place. There were a number of skulls lying
about, and bodies of rebels, killed, no doubt, in a former encounter;
some were skeletons, some sun-dried and shrunk almost into mummies.
A bugler gave one of them a kick, and hearing a rattle, stooped
down and found in the body nine gold mohurs, wrapped in a rag. It
was supposed that the man had carried them, as natives often do, in
his cummerbund; and that this having perished, the coins and their
envelope had fallen on or into the remains of the body. Sir Hope
Grant, who mentions the circumstance,[286] supposes that the man
had swallowed them in some panic or alarm, rag and all; which seems
incredible.
The Battalions bivouacked near the Alumbagh from three till six A.M.,
when they were moved to near the Dilkoosha, where they encamped. But
the ground was not good, and very dusty. They were exposed, too,
to the enemy’s fire from a battery about 700 yards off, near the
Martinière.
On the 5th the Battalions furnished outlying picquets; and four
companies of the 2nd Battalion marched back to Jellalabad (a small
fort about three miles from the Dilkoosha), in order to look after
some carts that had strayed away from the rear-guard the night
before. They received there some of the horses, and returned to camp
at three o’clock, where the 3rd Battalion had been under arms nearly
all day.
On the 6th the two Battalions struck tents at 1.30 in the morning,
and marched an hour afterwards. They formed part of Sir James
Outram’s force, and crossed the Goomtee by a bridge of boats which
Sir Colin Campbell had ordered to be thrown across, a little below
the Dilkoosha. By some error on the part of the Engineers, it was
exposed to the fire of the guns in the Martinière, yet the enemy did
not attempt to molest their passage. On reaching the left bank they
moved along the river, which curves here, for some distance. Then
four companies of the 2nd Battalion were sent to join the force under
Brigadier Hope Grant. The two Rifle Battalions advanced extended in
skirmishing order across a plain, the line regiments following in
quarter-distance column. The appearance of this force was magnificent
in the extreme. The men had their European clothing, and the helmets
of the Bays shone, and the pennons of the 9th Lancers fluttered in
the morning sun. They made a circuit of about five miles, keeping as
near as possible to the river and the city. The Riflemen skirmished
through some dâl[287] as high as their heads, but they saw no
enemy. They then halted for breakfast and for the animals carrying
ammunition to come up. They then advanced, circling more to the left,
across a plain, till they came near the Fyzabad road.
Here they found the enemy in some number, who came out of the woods
and villages on their left. The cavalry charged them, and in the
pursuit Major Percy Smith of the Bays was killed. The Riflemen
proceeding came upon some Sepoys, who fired at them with a gun, but
without doing any mischief.
About half-past eleven they fell back and bivouacked in a tope, with
a pond or tank in the middle of it, on the Fyzabad road, on the
left bank of the Kookrail, a fordable tributary of the Goomtee, at
Ishmaelgunge, about half a mile in advance of the village of Chinhut.
But their baggage did not come up till long after dark. They formed
outlying picquets and a guard or escort for the guns. On the left
of their bivouack was a wood, and an occasional shot at the picquet
sentries showed that it was occupied by the enemy.
[Illustration:
LUCKNOW
NOTE. _The dotted line, Arrows, &c.
refer to Sir J. Outram’s positions
& operations in March, 1858._
_Compiled &. Drawn by Capt^n H. M. Moorsom, Rifle Brigade._
E Weller, _Litho._
_London, Chatto & Windus._
]
Captains R. Glyn’s and Dillon’s companies of the 2nd Battalion and
Captain Atherley’s company of the 3rd Battalion were on picquet.
In the course of the night Lieutenant Eyre, who was with this
picquet, while out patrolling came upon the body of Major Smith,
beheaded and mutilated. And in the morning of the 7th with a party
of ten men, accompanied by Captain Dillon, he went out, found the
body, and brought it in. They were fired at by the Sepoys, but did
not suffer any damage. During the night there were several alarms,
but without result; but about nine o’clock the enemy attacked this
picquet in great force. They were said to be about 10,000 in number.
They advanced, covered by the fire of three guns placed in a tope of
trees. The picquet at once fell in, extended, and advanced, with two
guns of the Royal Horse Artillery, and drove the enemy back into the
town, capturing one ammunition waggon. The fire was very severe, but
the casualties were only one man of the 3rd Battalion wounded. But
there were some hair-breadth escapes. Lieutenant Baillie’s sword was
struck, and a Sergeant (Kemp) of the 2nd Battalion had his trousers
torn, but without being wounded. The picquet continued to occupy the
advanced position to which they had moved until the evening, when
they were relieved about six o’clock.
The two Rifle Battalions had been moved up about 150 yards in
front of their camp, into which the enemy pitched round shot; but
they halted there in reserve, and were not actually engaged, the
companies on picquet having repulsed the attack and disposed of their
assailants. On the morning of the 7th they pitched the tents which
had come up the night before; and they continued in this camp during
that day and the 8th.
On the morning of the 9th the two Battalions paraded at five at
their alarm-posts. The object of the day’s work was to drive the
rebels out of the Yellow Bungalow, the key of their position, and
from its neighbourhood. From the Kookrail to the Yellow Bungalow
is a sandy plain, while the ground from the Bungalow to the Iron
bridge is occupied by suburban villages and enclosed gardens. On
the other side of the Fyzabad road the ground is wooded. The two
Battalions advanced in skirmishing order, while other troops followed
in contiguous columns, three companies of the 3rd Battalion under
Colonel Macdonell, Lindsay’s being extended, pivoting on their left,
and an equal number of the 2nd Battalion prolonging the line. Moving
forward, they forded the Kookrail river (about knee-deep), and soon
after found the enemy. The Riflemen advanced to a small village in
broken ground and well wooded, a very strong position if the enemy
had availed himself of it; but the Sepoys retired without firing a
shot. Colonel Fyers took his company to attack this village. The
Riflemen then passed through this wooded ground at the double, and
came out into the open. The skirmishers then brought their right
shoulders forward, and advanced, the enemy retiring before them
until the right of the line had moved up to the neighbourhood of the
river. They then came to the Yellow Bungalow, and the Riflemen went
at it with a rush. Lieutenant Cooper and Corporal Bradshaw, V.C.,
were the first over the wall of the compound surrounding it. There
was a lane, with the Bungalow on one side, and some outhouses on
the other. Some of the 2nd Battalion passed along the lane and came
out in the open country beyond, where was a village on the right.
Captain Nixon with part of his company passed through a lane which
ran along the village, while the remainder, under G. Curzon, went
forward. The Riflemen were here exposed to a smart fire, but not of
Artillery. There was a bungalow on the right, which a company of
the 3rd Battalion under Captain Deedes occupied. Captain Fremantle,
collecting as many men of his company as were near him, kept away
to the right, clearing the houses in front of the guns, which were
following him. This was disagreeable work, as it was impossible to
tell how many of the Sepoys were in these houses; but the men backed
him up, and the houses were cleared. The guns then opened at the
gate of the Badshahbagh. Some additional guns moving to the right,
Fremantle with his company covered their advance and lined a wall.
They were here ordered to take a house in their front, which they
did with a rush, and held it for an hour and a half, exposed to a
heavy fire of musketry; till they were ordered by General Walpole to
set fire to some villages, which they did under heavy fire, and then
returned to and lined the former wall.
The enemy now gave way; and, though they showed some cavalry (Lancers
with a green flag), on a battery being brought up and opening
fire, they moved off in confusion along the bank of the river.
Unfortunately, there was some space between the right of the line
and the river, and some enclosures, and they got away. But they were
pursued by some Horse Artillery; and Colonel Macdonell, carried away
by the ardour of the moment, charged with them. Captain Nicholl
killed one man with his revolver.
The Battalions halted from 8.30 till two in the afternoon, when they
went under the shade of a tope; and they encamped for the night on
the ground they had so gallantly won, in the open _à cheval_ on the
Fyzabad road, with their left 200 yards from the Goomtee.
The casualties of the 2nd Battalion were 5 men wounded.
On the 10th the Riflemen shifted their camp to near the Yellow
Bungalow. A party under Lieutenants Grey and Dugdale, on escort to
bring up the mortars, were engaged, when 1 sergeant (Richards) and 1
private were wounded. The two Battalions furnished outlying picquets,
some of which were not relieved for forty-eight hours.
On the 11th the two Battalions paraded on the Fyzabad road a little
before six, in order to make a reconnaissance in force to ascertain
the possibility of crossing by a bridge to Lucknow. The Riflemen,
leading in skirmishing order, were distributed among orchards,
buildings of various kinds, and narrow streets. They skirmished
through these as well as they could, each captain acting in a measure
independently, and handling his company as he thought best. The
streets were so intricate and the continuity of the Battalions so
broken that no other system was possible. The Riflemen worked their
way through these obstructions, and reached the mosque on the Old
Cantonment road, which commands the approach to the Iron bridge.
This bridge they were ordered not to cross. But, leaving the mosque
in charge of other troops, they proceeded to fight their way to the
Iron and Stone bridges. At one place the skirmishers came to a high
wall, and dividing, passed some to the right and some to the left.
And coming to the other side, they found themselves in a perfect
labyrinth of streets, lanes and gardens. The enemy retreated before
them, hiding among the buildings and enclosures, and were driven
across the bridges. Major Bourchier’s company of the 3rd Battalion
succeeded in getting a commanding position, and killed some fifty of
the enemy. The camp of the rebel 15th Irregular Horse was surprised,
and two guns and the standard of that regiment were captured by the
Riflemen. As the 3rd Battalion were passing through the narrow street
of a village which had been set on fire, they were blocked by one of
the captured guns in their front sticking fast or being overturned,
and had some difficulty in escaping the flames.
On approaching the Iron bridge Captain Wilmot, 2nd Battalion, found
himself with only four men of his company at the end of a street
opposed to a large force of the enemy. One of the men was shot
through both legs, and was quite helpless. Corporal Nash and Private
David Hawkes took him up and carried him to the rear; and though
Hawkes was himself severely wounded, he continued to carry him under
fire from the enemy, Captain Wilmot with his revolver keeping back
the enemy and covering their retreat.[288] Eventually the Riflemen
cleared the whole of the suburbs near the Old Cantonment road as far
as the Iron bridge.
The casualties of the 2nd Battalion were considerable. Captain
Thynne, while in a house drinking some water, was struck by a round
shot, which shattered his arm and leg. The latter was at once
amputated, but he died about two hours after. He was buried that
evening in a tope of trees close to the camp of the Riflemen.
His loss was much regretted by his brother-officers, by whom he was
much esteemed. ‘No one in the whole regiment,’ writes one of them,
‘was more liked or could be more regretted. He was always a cheerful
and agreeable companion, and a right good soldier besides.’
Lieutenant Cooper was also severely wounded in the neck; the ball
passed out of his shoulder through the lung. He died on the 19th, and
was buried at the Dilkoosha. Five privates were also wounded, of whom
two died of their wounds.
In his despatch Major-General Sir James Outram thus reports: ‘The
enemy held the ground in great strength in front of the Rifle
skirmishers, commanded by Brevet-Major Warren, Captains Wilmot and
Thynne, and Lieutenant Grey, who all behaved most gallantly.... The
spirit and dash of the men during this critical operation was most
remarkable, and merits my highest commendation.’ He also mentions
with especial commendation Brigadier-General Walpole, Brigadier
Horsford, Lieutenant-Colonel Hill, commanding 2nd Battalion, and
Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonell, commanding 3rd Battalion Rifle Brigade.
Major Ross, Captain Nixon, and Lieutenant Eccles were also favourably
mentioned in despatches.
On the 12th there was an attack, or a threatened attack, on the
mortar batteries, and three companies of the 3rd Battalion were sent
down to protect them. There was still, too, some fighting about the
bridges. With this exception, the Rifle Battalions were not engaged
on this or the following day; but furnished picquets and covering
parties for guns.
The picquet duty at this time and till the end of the operations at
Lucknow was very severe and harassing, the picquets being sometimes
on for forty-eight hours; one, indeed, was not relieved for three
days and nights. The weather too was very hot; and swarms of flies
by day and of mosquitos by night made these duties anything but
agreeable.
On the 14th (the day Sir Colin Campbell took the Imaumbarah and the
Kaiserbagh), the two Battalions were suddenly turned out at three
in the afternoon, and marched towards the Iron bridge, in order to
prevent the Sepoys crossing it; but no enemy appearing, they returned
to their camp at half-past five.
On the 16th some Sepoys who remained in the town attacked a picquet
of the 3rd Battalion near the Iron bridge, but were driven back.
On the 18th the Riflemen moved their camp to near the Badshahbagh.
On the 19th the two Battalions were ordered, the 2nd to hold the Iron
bridge, the 3rd the Stone bridge, while the force on the right bank
cleared the town of Lucknow of the remaining rebels. They took up
their position at 7.30 in the morning, and remained till 5.30 in the
afternoon, when they returned to their camp, much exhausted by the
great heat, but not having been actively engaged.
The casualties during the operations at Lucknow were: of the 2nd
Battalion, Captain Thynne killed, and 13 men wounded; of the 3rd, 6
men wounded.[289]
On the 22nd the two Battalions were ordered to march on a secret
expedition; and parading at half-past ten at night, moved to the
Old Cantonment, about five miles from their camp, which was left
standing. Here they joined the cavalry which was to act with them.
Thence they proceeded in a very dark night for a considerable time,
but were at last halted, and ordered to lie down in a dusty road
ankle-deep in sand. The night was excessively cold. At five in the
morning (March 23) the men having breakfasted, they marched on till
eleven, when they were halted for three hours under the shade of
a tope; and afterwards proceeded to the village of Koorsee, about
sixteen miles from Lucknow, a strong position. But the enemy had for
the most part evacuated it, and encamped about six miles farther
on. However, the force had a brush, killed about 150 of the rebels,
and took 15 guns, 70 camels, and 2 elephants, besides some carts
loaded with ammunition, which was exploded during the night. The
active part of this affair fell principally on the cavalry, but the
Riflemen were drawn up in line, ready to support them if they had
been wanted. In his despatch on this occasion Sir Hope Grant mentions
Brigadier Horsford, commanding the infantry, Lieutenant-Colonel Hill,
commanding the 2nd Battalion, and Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonell,
commanding the 3rd Battalion. And on the 24th, the objects of the
expedition having been accomplished, they started for their camp at
seven, and halting as before during the hottest part of the day,
returned to their camp at seven in the evening. Though the weather
was very sultry, the men were not wearied; marching cheerfully and
singing all the return march. This elicited the marked approval of
General Grant, who was in command.
On the 30th the two Battalions moved camp to the Old Cantonment.
On April 5 the Camel Corps was formed by a draft of 4 officers and
100 men from each of the Battalions, and 200 Sikhs. The officers
who were attached to it were Captain Nixon, Lieutenants Scriven,
Eyre, and G. Curzon of the 2nd Battalion, and Major Ross, Captain
H. Newdigate, Lieutenants Austin, Buckley, and Jeames of the 3rd
Battalion.
On April 9 the 3rd Battalion moved camp to the Badshahbagh, and on
the 15th, taking three days’ provisions, six companies started on an
expedition. They marched out beyond the Dilkoosha, and encamped. I
cannot ascertain whether they engaged the enemy during the time they
were in the field, but on the 24th these companies returned to the
camp at the Badshahbagh. And the Battalion soon afterwards went into
quarters at Lucknow.
During the fighting from Cawnpore to Lucknow this young Battalion had
borne their part in action and in marching with great determination,
valour and endurance. But now that excitement had passed away, and no
amusement or interest took its place, sickness assailed these young
soldiers. Many, both men and officers, fell ill, and numbers of the
men died. They were, therefore, left for some weeks in quarters at
Lucknow, to recruit their health.
About this time the Riflemen gave up their European clothing, and
received instead of it dust-coloured linen, with black facings.
On April 11 the 2nd Battalion (forming part of a field force under
Sir Hope Grant) marched from Lucknow to Briesha Talow. They started
at half-past four in the morning, and though the distance was but six
miles, did not reach their camping-ground till eight, the road being
bad, and the progress of the heavy guns consequently slow.
On the next day they continued their march to Utterah, thirteen
miles, over a sandy track and through thick jungle, and did not
encamp till noon. The day was exceedingly hot, with the thermometer
at 110°.
On the 13th they started early, and as it was getting light, near
Baree came on a force of the enemy with three guns, occupying a
ridge at the end of a level plain. Three companies were immediately
extended and advanced across it. The rebels opened fire of matchlocks
at about 800 yards, and though it continued without intermission, no
harm was done. Colonel Hill had intended to go in without returning
this fire, but when the line of skirmishers was about 400 yards from
the enemy, a hare started up, and one of the Riflemen, unable to
resist his sporting propensities, fired at it. Nothing then remained
but to go in with a rush, and the enemy at once broke and fled. The
Riflemen pursued them till ten o’clock, when they encamped near the
scene of the combat. There was a cavalry skirmish; but the ground was
broken and unfavourable for them, and the rebels looted some of the
baggage.
On the 14th they marched to Burassie, eight miles; on the 15th to
Mamdabad, ten; on the 16th to Bilhir, also ten, where they halted one
day; resuming their march on the 18th to Filwy, eight miles, they
proceeded on the 19th to Ramnagurh, eight miles, where there was
another halt of a day. On the 21st they moved to Massoulee, eight
miles; and on the day following to Nawabgunge, six miles, where they
halted. On the 23rd, 200 Riflemen, under the command of Colonel Fyers
(with other troops) went with Brigadier Horsford to Jungerabad, about
six miles from Nawabgunge, and took and destroyed the fort at that
place.
Starting again on the 26th they marched thirteen miles to Chinhut; on
the 27th to the Dilkoosha; and on the 28th to the Alumbagh; having in
this expedition swept round that portion of Oude north of Lucknow.
But no rest was given the Battalion. On the day after they marched
into Lucknow they marched out of it; now to the south, and halted
at Bunnee bridge. On the next day they proceeded seven miles to
Kantha; and after one day’s halt there, on May 2 marched ten miles
to Poorwah. Sir Hope Grant was anxious to come up with the force
under the rebel general Beni Madhoo. So starting again on the 4th the
Battalion marched seven miles to Moorawon. On the 5th they halted,
but a reconnoitring party was sent out which took five hackeries
laden with matchlocks and ammunition. On the 6th they marched seven
miles to Dirgpalgunge, and on the 7th five miles to Parthan. Here
they halted on the 8th. During this march the men had suffered much
from the heat, many having died of sunstroke. The duties, picquets,
&c., fell hard too on the officers; for three had been killed since
their arrival in India, two had been sent home wounded, and one sick;
two were on General Walpole’s Staff, two left sick at Lucknow,
and one was sick in camp; so that there were only, besides the
Lieutenant-Colonel, five captains and ten subalterns effective with
the Battalion.
They marched on the 9th from Parthan to Nuggur, eight miles, and on
the 10th to Doondia Khera, seven miles, where they encamped in a
shady tope of mango trees.
From this place Sir Hope Grant thought that he could by a night
march of some twenty miles, come upon the rebels under Beni Madhoo.
Accordingly, at six in the evening the Battalion received orders
to march at half-past eleven. But in the darkness of the night the
various portions of the column missed each other, and not being able
to make out the track, found themselves at daybreak near Nuggur,
where they had encamped on the 9th. Here, accordingly, they halted
and did not encamp till eight o’clock. They made a short halt there,
striking tents at two, and parading in a grove of mango trees,
marched at three in the afternoon. It was then fearfully hot, the
thermometer marking 118° in the tent. The men were struck down by
the sun every moment. ‘Shortly after we marched,’ writes General
Hill, ‘the Surgeon, Fraser, rode up to me with the report, “There
are fifteen men down; all the doolies[290] are full; what are we
to do with the next?” It was a puzzling question, but I suggested
elephants; and meanwhile sent to ask permission to make a sick depôt
at the first convenient spot, and to leave one company to protect it.
However, as the sun got lower the casualties were fewer, and we were
enabled to keep on till the enemy were in sight and a halt was made.’
This was after a march of five miles. The Battalion advanced in
skirmishing order; guns accompanying the skirmishers, galloping
forward and firing two or three rounds until the Riflemen came
up. Thus they went on to the bank of a large nullah, where they
had orders to halt. Sir Hope Grant went off with the cavalry; and
soon the sound of the enemy’s baggage carts was so distinct that
Colonel Hill asked permission to take on his Battalion to capture
them. But it was too late, for the daylight only sufficed for a
smart skirmish across the open. Meanwhile Colonel Fyers, with two
companies, Earle’s under Lieutenant Baillie, and R. Glyn’s, had
captured a gun. It was getting dark, the ‘retire’ had sounded, and
all had joined the main body except these two companies. The gun was
heavy; the ground bad; and the men worn out by heat and fatigue. They
made little way with their gun, and it became quite dark. Then some
horsemen appeared on the left. A question arose what they were. The
general opinion was that they were Sikhs. At last they came near,
and Colonel Fyers challenged; the reply was not satisfactory, and he
fired his revolver. The Riflemen at once poured a volley into them at
thirty yards which emptied half the saddles, and then fixed swords.
But the horsemen fled, their leaders were seen through the darkness
endeavouring to re-form them, but without success. The Riflemen, not
without difficulty in the pitchy darkness, rejoined the Battalion.
In the course of this fight the enemy got in amongst our sick. A
smart young Sergeant (Pitt) was being carried in a dooly insensible
from sunstroke, when some of the enemy’s troopers came upon it. The
bearers fled, and this poor fellow was beheaded; the rebels carrying
off the head as a trophy. The mess baggage had also a narrow escape,
the Sergeant in charge of it (Sergeant Cann) being obliged to run for
his life.
I have said that the men were utterly exhausted by the heat, by
their march, and by the fight. They bivouacked on the ground they
occupied. But not to sleep the sleep of the weary; for in the night
an extraordinary panic arose. Men cried out that the enemy were upon
them. Some fired their rifles; some clubbed them and struck out at
everyone near them. At last it wore itself out or was allayed; and
except some broken heads no injuries were inflicted, at least in the
Rifle Battalion. The origin of this panic remains a mystery; the most
probable solution is that either some grass-cutters’ ponies or some
cavalry horses had got loose and knocked down the piled arms, and so
caused an alarm. The loss of the Battalion on this day was three men
by sunstroke.
On the 13th they returned to their old camping-ground at Nuggur,
where they halted two days. Here Sir Hope Grant received intelligence
of a large force of rebels being to the north of Lucknow; he
therefore retraced his steps, and the Battalion marched on the 15th
to Parthan and encamped under a tope of trees. They had not pitched
their tents more than a couple of hours when they were ordered to
turn out, the enemy having shown themselves and driven in the camels,
which were out feeding. However, the rebels disappeared. On the next
day the Battalion marched to Poorwah, seven miles; on the 17th they
halted, but on a false alarm they were turned out under arms. On the
18th they moved to Mirree, seven miles; on the 19th to Bunnee, ten
miles; thence on the 20th to the Alumbagh; and on the 21st to the
Dilkoosha, where they pitched camp on the bank of the Goomtee. On
their arrival at Lucknow they sent fifty-three men to hospital; among
them the Sergeant-Major and the Quartermaster Sergeant.
They remained at Lucknow only three days, marching again on the 24th
to Jellalabad, and on the 25th to Bunnee. In these marches, though
the heat was very great, the Battalion did not lose a man, while the
regiment with them (53rd) suffered much.
They halted for a week at Bunnee, a respite much needed after almost
incessant marches for two months.
On May 11, an attack on Lucknow being apparently anticipated, a
force took the field, in order to be ready to move on any point to
repel it. Three companies of the 3rd Battalion, under Major Oxenden,
therefore moved out of Lucknow and encamped on the Chinhut road. The
heat was overpowering, and many men died every day during their stay
here, which was but short. For on the 15th they broke up camp and
returned to the Badshahbagh.
Early in June, in consequence of repeated alarms of attacks from the
rebels, a camp was formed at Chinhut, about seven miles from Lucknow,
and four companies of the 3rd Battalion were moved to this camp. On
June 8, an attack being expected, they were under arms, but were not
engaged, no enemy appearing.
The remainder of the Battalion, marching at about three on the
morning of the 12th from Lucknow, were joined at Chinhut by these
four companies, by the 2nd Battalion, and the other troops enumerated
p. 386, and proceeding about two miles further on, encamped at
Utterdowna. This march, for it was the hottest season of the year,
was most fatiguing. Leaving the sick at Lucknow, this Battalion had
started 702 strong. And yet about 100 men out of that number were
more or less disabled in this one march.
On June 1 the 2nd Battalion marched again at four in the morning to
Meemteker, six miles, but on their arrival found that the enemy, whom
it was expected to find there, had disappeared. They therefore halted
in a tope. On the 2nd they proceeded five miles to Chumrowlee, a very
hot and dusty march, and encamped in the open. On the 3rd, starting
at three, they made a march of eleven miles to Poorwah, where they
halted for three days; on one of which they were paraded for the
inspection of the Rajah of Kuppurthullah, who had arrived in camp
with a force of his followers.
Sir Hope Grant having received intelligence about this time that a
large rebel force was assembling to the north of Lucknow, he resolved
to leave the pursuit of Beni Madhoo, and the Riflemen began to
retrace their steps towards Lucknow.
Starting again on the 7th early in the morning they marched to
Mirzee, twelve miles, and on the 8th to Bunnee, five miles. These
marches were by a different route from that by which they had marched
through these places on former occasions. On the 9th they marched
to Bunteerah in a very hot wind; on the 10th to Jellalabad; and on
the 11th to the Dilkoosha. On this occasion Brigadier Horsford had
procured for the Battalion the permission to halt in Lucknow itself,
and not merely to march through it as on some previous occasions;
which gave them the opportunity of obtaining some much-needed
supplies, which they had not had since landing in the country.
But the time even for this was short; for on the afternoon of the
12th they marched at three o’clock to Utterdowna, about two miles
beyond Chinhut. Here they were rejoined by the 3rd Battalion; and
the force now consisted of these two Battalions, and a regiment of
Punjaub rifles, part of the Bays, the 7th Hussars, and some Irregular
(Hodson’s) Horse.
They started again, after a very short halt of the 2nd Battalion,
at about eleven at night. They took with them one day’s rations,
cooked, some rum, and all their ammunition. This march was one of the
most fatiguing ever made. The men had been without rest the night
before, and the heat of the tents by day was so intolerable that
sleep was impossible. The road was bad, cut up, and damaged; there
was no moon; and the dust was suffocating. So weary were the men that
whenever a halt occurred, by a block from a gun sticking fast or
turning over, they sank down on the road, many inches deep with dust,
and slept. Soon the water carried with the column was exhausted; no
wells were near or could be found; and the cries of the men for water
were pitiable in the extreme. Numbers of doolies accompanied the
column (the 3rd Battalion had sixty); but these were soon filled, and
the fainting soldiers were left on the road on the chance of being
picked up by the Hospital staff of other regiments, or of rejoining
when strength returned.
At last daylight appeared, and they found that by dint of marching
all night they had arrived exactly where their chief, Sir Hope Grant,
wished them to be, close to Nawabgunge.[291]
In this march and in the subsequent advance on the enemy’s position,
the 3rd Battalion led the column, not without some murmurs from their
fellow-Riflemen of the 2nd, who held that as so much of the previous
hard work had fallen to them, the post of honour ought to have been
theirs. Nevertheless, honour and hard work were theirs before the day
was over.
Having marched thus in darkness and suffering some nine miles, they
turned off the road near Nawabgunge, for the enemy had seven guns in
position, and halted.
They sat down, and water having been procured by some camels having
come up, the men were given a dram of grog each.
Day having now fully broken, they fell in and advanced to a large
square plain broken up with nullahs and uneven ground, and surrounded
in the distance with topes of trees and villages. The cavalry and
guns crossed a small river to the left, and were followed by the 3rd
Battalion. This advanced guard was soon engaged, and forced the
bridge. On crossing the river they came upon the enemy’s position.
They were formed in a kind of crescent, two regiments bearing green
flags being drawn up in the centre. The Riflemen advanced in column,
preceded by Major Bourchier’s company extended in skirmishing order.
As they approached the enemy Colonel Glyn, who was in command of the
Battalion, directed the two rear companies to wheel to the right.
These were Major Atherley’s and one commanded by Lieutenant Cragg.
As they got near the enemy, Atherley found himself facing one of
the regiments with the green standard. He extended the companies,
and after advancing some way ordered Cragg’s company to lie down,
sheltered by some rising ground, and directed Cragg if he saw him
retiring, to pass through his files, and charge the enemy. Then
forming up his own company in line, he fixed swords and charged the
regiment in his front. These were drawn up in all the ‘pomp and
circumstance’ of regular troops. They planted their green standard,
shouted ‘Deen, deen!’ and stood their ground. The Riflemen engaged in
a hand-to-hand conflict, killing many with their swords. It is said
that 150 were thus disposed of. One Rifleman having driven his sword
fixed on his rifle through the shield of his opponent, was unable to
draw it back, and the man making a cut at his hands, he was compelled
to let it go, and it was never recovered. Some terrible drawing cuts
were inflicted. One Rifleman’s hand was cut off at a blow, the next
cut severed the thumb and forefinger of the other hand, the third
cut him across the stomach, and killed him. Meanwhile the enemy did
not yield. Cragg’s company had come up, and the Riflemen were nearly
exhausted. Five of the enemy surrounded Atherley; four of them were
shot by Percival with his revolver; the other was trampled on and
disposed of by the pony on which Atherley was mounted, which was
very vicious. Percival having fired all six barrels of his revolver
drew his sword, and resting it against his thigh, began to reload.
At that instant, looking round, he saw a native aiming a lance at
his side; he evaded it and the man was killed. This sort of thing
could not last for ever. The Riflemen, whom the excitement of the
fight had animated and borne up after their fatiguing night march,
were becoming exhausted. Yet their courage and steadiness were not
without their results, for their opponents began to break off and
retire. Then Quartermaster Harvey,[292] who had accompanied these
companies on his pony, galloped to some of Hodson’s Horse who were
near, and urged them to come and charge the regiment opposed to his
comrades. He urged in vain. In vain did their officers give the word
to advance. Not a man moved. It was well perhaps for him that they
did not understand the epithets with which Harvey assailed them.
But just then he saw some squadrons of the 7th Hussars approaching.
He galloped to them, and told their commanding officer, Sir William
Russell, who was leading, that the Riflemen could maintain the
unequal fight no longer, and must be overpowered unless help was at
hand. ‘We’ll soon clear them,’ was the answer. And in an instant the
Hussars were thundering along at the charge.[293] An instant more
they were on the green-bannered regiment, cutting them up as they
fled at their approach.
Meanwhile, in other parts of the field and against the other body
with the green colours, the Riflemen of this Battalion waged an
unequal conflict. For they were far outnumbered, and so weary from
their night march and the fierce blaze of an Indian sun, that they
were scarce able to load, and when loaded could fire only with a
desultory aim. Many were struck down by the sun in the fight; and it
was impossible to distinguish when a man fell, whether sunstroke or
a wound brought him to the ground.
Sir Hope Grant, who commanded in this action, says: ‘I have seen
many battles in India, and many brave fellows fighting with a
determination to conquer or die, but I never witnessed anything more
magnificent than the conduct of these Zemindarees.’[294]
So far we have seen the part borne by the 3rd Battalion, which, as
I have said, led the column. We must return to the opening of the
battle, and to the 2nd Battalion. In front of it, as they drew near
the field, were some large guns, and the delay of getting them over
the nullah allowed the other and leading Battalion to get a quarter
or half a mile to the front. Before the 2nd Battalion had crossed,
and while they were still expecting orders to advance, an alarm was
given in the rear. A considerable force of the enemy had found their
way to the rear round the right flank, and were cutting up the camp
followers. The number of these was large, as the Bays had brought
on their camp-equipage; and there was no rear-guard, so that the
defence of all this baggage devolved on the 2nd Battalion. At this
time, too, Lieutenant Ames, who was coming up with spare ammunition,
was attacked. Colonel Hill immediately gave the word, ‘Right-about
turn,’ and extended three companies in his now front, sending one
under Lieutenant Baillie to protect his right flank, which was
threatened. The camp followers were running in in a confused mass, to
escape from their pursuers. As soon as these stragglers had passed
the line of skirmishers and cleared the front, the skirmishers
opened fire, and advancing to the nearest cover halted, awaiting the
Artillery which Colonel Hill had sent to ask from the Brigadier.
Meanwhile, the now left was enfiladed by two of the enemy’s guns, and
Captain Dillon was sent with two companies to take or to silence them.
The skirmishers were keeping up an incessant fire, which the enemy
briskly returned, at a distance of about 400 yards, but as the
Riflemen were well covered they did not much suffer. As no Artillery
made its appearance, Colonel Hill ordered the men to make a rush on
the enemy. They did so, and the rebels retired through a village;
when the Riflemen were ordered to halt. Having waited there till the
enemy had disappeared, the Battalion moved to a tope of mango trees
not far from the river, and there awaited further orders.
Some time after, a large body of cavalry appeared in their rear
(the proper rear of the column). These were at first taken for
Hodson’s Horse; but infantry soon appeared, and it was ascertained
that they were enemies. Two companies of Riflemen moved down into a
hollow which afforded good cover; and as the cavalry passed, gave
them a volley at about 500 yards. This the infantry returned with
a straggling fire and then turned and fled. The Battalion remained
in the tope during the day and till about six in the evening, when
they were ordered to join the rest of the column, then two or three
miles in advance. They reached their camping-ground about seven, and
pitched their tents.
I may here note some of the incidents of this fight. As some of the
3rd Battalion were advancing on the enemy, who were receiving them
with a sharp fire, some hares were started between the opposing
ranks. More than one Rifleman aimed and fired at the hares, not at
the foe.[295]
One man, a Ghazee,[296] being cut off from his companions, seemed
determined to make a desperate fight for it. Setting his back to a
tree, he stood, sword in hand, glaring fiercely on his pursuers, for
some officers and men had followed him into the tope. Some shots were
taken at him, which he tried to avoid by dodging round the tree, but
he was wounded and made more desperate. At last a Pioneer of the
3rd Battalion, Samuel Shaw, rushed at him and closed with him. The
Ghazee wounded him on the head with his tulwar, but Shaw, drawing his
Pioneer’s sword, sawed at him with the serrated back and despatched
him. Shaw rose from the ground covered with blood, but his opponent
was slain. Many who witnessed it declared that this combat with a
fanatic determined to sell his life to slay his foe, was the greatest
instance of cool courage they ever saw. For this act Shaw received
the Victoria Cross.
Quartermaster Harvey, on going into a tope of trees where the
Battalion were about to encamp, came upon a man who seemed inclined
to make off. On Harvey stopping him, he fell at his feet and offered,
if his life were spared, to show him where a quantity of powder was
concealed. Accordingly, Harvey and Percival followed him, and he
brought them to a place where there was a bullock-cart laden with
seven casks of powder. This was exploded and the bullocks taken
possession of.
The casualties of the Regiment on this day were: of the 2nd
Battalion, Lieutenant Lawton severely wounded, and 1 corporal and 2
privates wounded; in the 3rd Battalion, 1 corporal and 11 privates
wounded, and 1 Rifleman missing.
But far worse than the injuries done by the enemy’s fire, were the
sufferings of the men from exposure to the sun. The 3rd Battalion
lost 14 men from sunstroke; in the 2nd Battalion 1 man died of
sunstroke, and many others suffered from it, of whom 2 died on
the next day, and another on the 15th.[297] Fortunately, the
supply of water was plentiful, and the bheesties[298] assiduous in
administering it. Some of the men were raving; some lying on their
backs as if dead, while the bheesties sprinkled them with water. So
great was the exhaustion, that on Sir Hope Grant’s giving an order
that tents were to be pitched, Quartermaster Harvey went to Brigadier
Horsford to say that in the 3rd Battalion the men were so utterly
exhausted that they could not do it, and begged him to allow the men
to lie down in the shade. The Brigadier replied that the General’s
order must be obeyed, but consented to take him to Sir Hope Grant, to
make his report in person to him. Sir Hope insisted, and said ‘the
tents must and shall be pitched.’ On Harvey’s return to his Battalion
the men turned to, and set about pitching the tents; but many fell
down through sheer fatigue, and slept on the tents they were ordered
to pitch. Yet they afterwards had reason to see the wisdom of General
Grant’s determination; for the shelter of the tents perhaps saved
many lives; and as the enemy were still hovering about, and might
again attack, it was essential that the regiments should be in some
formation.
Thus at about six in the evening the two Battalions encamped on the
field of Nawabgunge.
Sir Hope Grant, in his despatch dated June 17, 1858, speaks most
favourably of the Rifle Battalions.
‘Brigadier Horsford,’ he writes, ‘I am much indebted to for the very
excellent way he led on the infantry, and for the support he gives me
upon all occasions.’
He also mentions
‘Lieutenant-Colonel Hill, who with his Battalion so gallantly and
successfully protected our rear: a most important service.
‘Lieutenant-Colonel Glyn, a most excellent officer, and whose
Battalion, the 3rd, behaved so well, being actively employed during
the whole day.’
He also favourably notices ‘200 infantry under Major Oxenden,’ and
repeatedly mentions the ‘two companies of the Rifles under Captain
Atherley.’
Yet in his published work ‘The Sepoy War,’ Sir Hope Grant, or his
editor, Captain Knollys, R.A., gives all the credit of these gallant
deeds to the 60th, which was not near Nawabgunge at the time.
FOOTNOTES:
[268] Forty men under Ensign Travers were left to guard the canal
bridge.
[269] ‘Defence of Cawnpore,’ by Lieutenant-Colonel Adye, C.B., p. 19.
[270] General Windham’s Despatch, November 30, 1857.
[271] Letter from General Payn.
[272] Captain Curzon’s notes.
[273] Major Grey (retired), died December 11, 1874.
[274] The Hon. Major Milles, died June 7, 1871.
[275] Lieutenant Pemberton, of the 60th, temporarily attached to the
Rifle companies, was also wounded.
[276] Captain F. C. Playne died at Hamilton, Canada West, December
18, 1863.
[277] _i.e._ a grove or clump.
[278] Lieutenant-General Sir Robert Walpole died July 12, 1876.
[279] General Windham’s Despatch, November 30, 1857.
[280] Lieutenant Armstrong, who was attached to the Riflemen as
interpreter, was also wounded in this sortie, being shot through both
legs, one of which was amputated.
[281] Lieutenant-Colonel B. F. Alexander, retired.
[282] Colonel Ross’ letters; and General Mansfield’s Despatch,
December 10, 1857. He specially mentions Brigadier Walpole,
Lieutenant-Colonel Horsford, and Lieutenant-Colonel Fyers.
[283] A different place from that of the same name, where the battle
subsequently took place.
[284] Lieutenant Henry D. Baillie, died November 1858, on passage
home.
[285] Captain Riversdale R. Glyn, died at Aden, December 11, 1859.
[286] ‘Sepoy War,’ 245.
[287] A kind of pea, which grows very thick and tangled.
[288] Major Sir Henry Wilmot, Bart., received the Victoria Cross for
his gallant conduct on this occasion. He has retired from the army.
Nash and Hawkes also obtained the Cross.
[289] I cannot conclude the mention of Lucknow without noting that
Havelock, whose name is indissolubly connected with it, was an old
Rifleman. He entered the Army in the 1st Battalion July 20, 1815, and
served in it till 1821.
[290] Dooly, _i.e._ a litter.
[291] Called Nawabgunge-Burrabunkee to distinguish it from other
places of the same name.
[292] Major Harvey, Paymaster.
[293] The officers of Hodson’s Horse joined in this charge.
[294] ‘Sepoy War,’ 291.
[295] An exact counterpart, or repetition rather, of what occurred at
Sabugal. See p. 82.
[296] A champion who fights against infidels.
[297] On the evening of the battle 24 men were buried in one grave.
[298] Water-carriers.
CHAPTER XII.
The rains having come on, the 2nd Battalion was ordered to remain
at Nawabgunge, and proceeded to build huts for shelter on raised
platforms; but this was done but slowly, the supply of Coolies for
the work being scanty, the Government having engaged them for other
work; and before the huts were completed the Battalion was moved, as
will be presently narrated.
The 3rd Battalion marched from Nawabgunge on the 21st at three in the
morning, and proceeded to Chinhut, where they encamped. Here they had
left their sick on the 12th, and it appeared that a fearful panic
had occurred on the next day. For some irregular cavalry and camp
followers had fled from the field while the battle was raging, and,
passing through Chinhut to Lucknow, had spread a report that we had
been cut up, and that the enemy were advancing. Some of the sick,
terrified by this intelligence, left their beds or their doolies,
and madly rushed about with scarce any clothing in the sun. This was
attended in some cases with fatal results. However, these alarmists
had better have faced the hostile fire on the field of Nawabgunge
than the face of the General at Lucknow, who, knowing their reports
to be false, ordered them to be soundly flogged.
On this march the Battalion brought with them five of the six guns
taken at Nawabgunge; and as their carriages were old, and the road
very bad, they much retarded their progress. However, they succeeded
in pitching their tents before the sun was powerful.
On the 22nd they marched again at three A.M., and arrived at the
Cantonments at Lucknow at nine, where they encamped. Soon after this
the rains set in, with a violent thunderstorm which flooded the tents
on July 8; and the men were employed to build huts, partly out of
the remains of ruined bungalows which had been destroyed by the
rebels, in order to shelter them during the rainy season. But no such
provision was made for the officers, who continued in tents. Here the
Battalion remained for more than three months, during which time the
men suffered much from cholera and from their recent exposure to the
weather.
On July 22 the 2nd Battalion left Nawabgunge for Fyzabad in order
to assist Maun Singh, who was besieged by the rebels. They struck
tents and marched eight miles to Dundirah, many men falling out from
fatigue. On the next day they proceeded to Turkani, six miles, and on
the 24th, intelligence having been received that Maun Singh could not
hold out four days longer, they pushed forward to Derriabad, thirteen
miles, instead of halting at the end of eight miles, as was intended.
This was a most distressing march; the weather was very hot, the
thermometer being at 105° in the tents; and numbers of men were taken
ill on the way. They halted on the 25th, it having rained all night,
but started again at four on the 26th, and encamped at Burehke Serai.
On the next day they proceeded to Begumgunge, and on the 28th tents
were struck at four in the morning; but in consequence of the heavy
rain they did not start till half-past-six. They marched seven miles,
and encamped at Samao, on the banks of the Gogra. On the 29th they
reached Fyzabad after a march of thirteen miles, only to find that
the rebels had left it that morning, and crossed the Gogra; however,
the Horse Artillery got up to the bank in time to get a couple of
shots at the last boat-loads. The Battalion halted at Fyzabad for a
fortnight, during which time, on August 6, the camp was shifted to
platforms on account of the rain; but while this was being done a
violent storm came on, and the men were drenched before the tents
could be pitched.
On the 9th Brigadier Horsford, with a portion of the 7th Hussars,
the Madras Fusiliers, a troop of Horse Artillery, and some native
troops, proceeded to Sultanpore; and the 2nd Battalion, being ordered
to reinforce him, started soon after three on the morning of the
16th. It was a dreadful march. Soon after starting, they lost their
way in the dark. The country being flooded from the rains, it was
some time before they could find a track; and even on this the water
was ankle-deep. Having marched about four miles, they halted for a
rest. It came on to pour, and the rest of the way the men were up to
their knees, sometimes to their middle, in water. The mud, too, on
which they walked was slippery and fetid. Under these circumstances
they did not reach their camping-ground at Butturpore, a distance
of twelve miles, till one o’clock in the afternoon. Even then their
sufferings were not at an end. The Commissariat carts were not up,
and it was three o’clock before the drenched Riflemen got their tents
pitched and broke their fast. On the 17th they marched to Perownee,
nine miles, a repetition of the discomforts of the preceding day,
save only that no rain fell. The men frequently fell into holes
that had been made for planting trees; a source of merriment to his
comrades, but of misery to the unfortunate diver himself. On arrival
at Perownee there was considerable difficulty and delay in finding a
spot dry enough to pitch a camp. At last some rocky eminences were
fixed on, which cropped up above the plain and stood up above the
flooded ground. Here the tents were pitched without order; for the
men were obliged to place them wherever the scanty ground afforded
room.
On the next day they marched to Burtenpore, six miles, with less
discomfort, the day being fine and the road tolerably good. Here they
halted on the 19th, to allow the Commissariat hackeries, which had
fallen two marches behind, to come up. And on the 20th moved on to
Sultanpore on the Goomtee, by a very good road. They found the enemy,
with a force of about 10,000 men, occupying the opposite bank of
the river, here not more than a hundred yards broad. They therefore
halted, observing the enemy, and exchanging occasional shots with
them, until General Grant came up on the 23rd with reinforcements.
On the 25th the Madras Fusiliers began to cross the river without
opposition. This occupied some days. And on the 25th the 2nd
Battalion was paraded at three o’clock to cross; but the Madras
Fusiliers not having completed their passage, the Riflemen were
ordered into bungalows for shelter. Later in the evening, however,
Sir Hope Grant having received intelligence that the Madras Fusiliers
were hard pressed, ordered the Battalion to cross immediately. They
were accordingly turned out at eight, and about two hours after began
to cross the river, much swollen by the rains, on rafts. Of these
there were only two, formed of old rum barrels, each calculated to
convey twenty-four or thirty men. However, Colonel Hill got over as
quickly as possible with two companies, who reached the opposite
bank about midnight; and after a march of about two miles, reached
the ridge occupied by the Madras Fusiliers. But it appeared to have
been a false alarm, for there was no appearance of danger. The men,
therefore, piled arms and bivouacked; and the night passed quietly,
except that the rebels kept up a constant fire on the picquets. On
the next morning a couple of tents were got over for the companies
on the right bank, and the remainder of the Battalion crossed and
encamped on the plain. On the 27th at sunset the enemy, who were
about two miles or more distant, turned out as if for an attack; but
they did not venture within 1,200 yards.
On the 28th the rebels, by giving a gun great elevation, and probably
half burying it, contrived to throw a few shot into the Riflemen’s
camp; doing no damage to them, however, though they killed an old
woman, and knocked over an elephant, by hitting him on the pad, but,
except rolling him over, doing him no hurt.
On the 29th they paraded at two in the morning, and marched at three
to the cantonments, making a circuit to get well round the enemy;
but to their great disappointment the enemy had gone off during the
night. The Riflemen waited under topes till the baggage came up, when
they pitched their tents, heavy rain coming on just as they did so.
The Battalion halted at Sultanpore for some weeks with little
change, such as, for instance, a company (under Lieutenant Sotheby)
recrossing the Goomtee to protect the heavy guns.
On October 4 six companies of the 3rd Battalion, under Colonel Glyn,
moved into Lucknow. And on the 5th Captain Alexander’s company
marched at nine in the evening to join an expedition to Sundeelah
(about forty miles from Lucknow), commanded by Brigadier Barker.
This party, consisting of 100 men, was in charge of Lieutenant
Andrew Green,[299] and accompanied by Ensign Richards; for Captain
Alexander had been ordered to take a detachment up the country.
On arrival at Sundeelah on the 7th, information was received that a
large force of rebels were about four miles off at a place called
Jamo.
At daybreak on the 8th, therefore, the column marched to Jamo. On
approaching the enemy’s position, which was a strong one, a village
on high ground and surrounded with dense jungle, fire was opened
on them from guns posted in the village and from matchlocks in the
jungle. The Riflemen were extended in skirmishing order on the right,
and entered the jungle. Lieutenant Green had warned the men not to
lose communication with their files; but in the thickness of the
jungle three men got separated, and were surrounded and wounded by
the enemy. Hearing firing, Lieutenant Green at once made for the
place, and was immediately surrounded by six rebels. He shot two
with his revolver. As he was in the act of dismounting to attack the
others, he was cut down and hacked at while on the ground. Springing
to his feet, however, he managed to knock down two more of his
assailants with the butt of his revolver, and drawing his sword, he
kept the others at bay. While he was about to fall back in search of
some of his men, he was attacked by three more of the enemy and a
second time cut down. Again getting to his feet, he contrived with
his wounded right hand to shoot another man, who was in the act of
cutting at him with his tulwar, and whose blow, descending as he
fell dead, inflicted a deep wound on Green’s head. Colour-Sergeant
Mansel,[300] meantime, had heard the firing, and was making his
way to the part of the jungle the sounds seemed to proceed from,
when he came on a Rifleman wounded and retiring, who informed him
that Lieutenant Green had come to his assistance, and was then hard
pressed by several Sepoys. Hurrying on in the direction the man had
pointed out, the Sergeant soon was attacked by a rebel, whom he
succeeded in shooting; but before he could reload his rifle he was
set upon by another man, who cut at him with his tulwar. After a
severe struggle Sergeant Mansel knocked him over by a blow with the
butt of his rifle, and soon after he came upon Green lying bathed in
blood outside the jungle, and with the help of two Riflemen carried
him fainting to the rear.
Green received fourteen sabre cuts and one gunshot wound. Four of
these wounds were obliged to be sewn up on the ground, and as soon
as he was brought back to camp his left arm was amputated below the
elbow, and his right thumb was taken off. Faint from loss of blood
and from excessive fatigue (for the Riflemen had been under arms from
four in the morning till three in the afternoon), it was not thought
that he could rally, and for some days his life was despaired of. He
was, however, moved to Lucknow on the 21st.
Few men, probably, have ever survived so many and such severe wounds.
Besides Lieutenant Green, three Riflemen were (as I have said)
wounded on this day.
It will be anticipated that Brigadier Barker speaks highly of this
gallant deed in his despatch of October 9.
‘The party of the Rifle Brigade, under Lieutenant Green’ he says,
‘gallantly rushed up the high position in front of the village, and
captured a six-pounder gun.’ ... ‘Among the wounded (and I am sorry
to say he is dangerously so) is Lieutenant Green, Rifle Brigade....
This officer had behaved so gallantly all through the day that I most
deeply lament this misfortune.’ Ensign Richards also was favourably
mentioned in this despatch.
The Adjutant-General of the Army in India, also, in forwarding this
despatch to the Secretary of the Government, by the direction of the
Commander-in-Chief adds, ‘I am also to request marked attention to
the gallantry of Lieutenant Green of the Rifle Brigade, who has been
dangerously wounded.’ And the Governor-General in his General Order
publishing these despatches, states his ‘great satisfaction’ at the
conduct of Lieutenant Green.[301]
On the 12th Captain Alexander, who had returned to Lucknow on the
previous day, proceeded to take command of his company, and arrived
at Sundeelah on the 13th.
On the 13th this company were engaged in a daur[302] to the fort of
Mandaula, which was blown up, and three guns were taken. And on the
18th three more companies, Atherley’s, Stephens’, and H. Newdigate’s,
under command of Major Oxenden, marched from Lucknow and joined it at
Sandeelah.
On the 21st the Brigade under Brigadier Barker proceeded to attack
the fort of Birwah, which was held by Gholab Singh and about 700
rebels. The four companies of the 3rd Battalion, commanded by
Captains Alexander and Stephens, and Lieutenants Percival and Cragg,
and led by Major Oxenden, accompanied this force. They paraded at two
A.M., and soon after marched in the direction of Birwah, and arrived
before it about seven in the morning. Brigadier Barker had resolved
to attack the west front. A few hundred yards from the fort was a
village on a mound, which was intrenched and occupied by the enemy’s
picquets. It was surmised that, as in so many previous instances, the
rebels would not have awaited the approach of the column. But the
assailants were soon undeceived; for a puff of smoke issued from a
large circular bamboo jungle on the right, and a round shot flew over
the column. The Riflemen were then hurried to the front; and with
some native police and an eighteen-pounder and mortars, gradually
inclined to the right till they came to the village, from which they
drove in the enemy’s picquets, and it and the intrenchments were at
once abandoned. They were then halted and ordered to lie down in a
wood beyond the village. In front was an impenetrable bamboo jungle,
out of which shots came now and then to show where the fort was, but
so thick was the mass of bush and thorns that they could not see the
walls; though from the reports of the guns they did not seem to be
more than 100 yards off.
The mortars were placed in the village, and the gunners were directed
to pitch their shells over the Riflemen, and to let them fall near a
flag-staff which was supposed to mark the centre of the fort; but the
enemy foreseeing this had moved the flag-staff to the further side,
so that the shells went over the fort altogether. The fire of the
mortars appearing thus to produce no effect, the eighteen-pounder
was brought to where the Riflemen were lying down among the trees, in
order to endeavour to make a breach in the wall. Lieutenant Percival
was sent with twenty men of the company in his charge into the
jungle, with orders to move along the ditch, to mount the breastwork
of the outer defences, and to clear it of the enemy. This was rapidly
effected. They drove the enemy before them, who abandoned the outer
works, leaving a gun in their hands, and escaping through the jungle,
retired to the fort. In this service two Riflemen were killed.
At this time a shell fell near Major Oxenden, who was on horseback
close behind the line of skirmishers, wounding his horse; wounding
also Colour-Sergeant Mansel in two places, and knocking over one or
two more Riflemen.
The eighteen-pounder continued to be fired point-blank through the
jungle; and a lane was speedily cleared by its fire, and the wall of
the fort was discovered about seventy yards distant.
As the fire of the mortars appeared to produce no effect, Brigadier
Barker ordered the fort to be assaulted about half-past two in the
afternoon. Captain Alexander’s company, which had left camp fifty of
all ranks, increased by a section of another company, was to act as
the storming party; while 100 Riflemen were to keep down the fire
from the place. At the same time another regiment (the 88th) was
sent round to the opposite face of the fort, to force an entrance by
blowing open the gate; while the native police were to occupy a gate
on another side, by which it was anticipated the rebels might attempt
to escape. Some of the native police who were left with the Riflemen
were to carry the scaling ladders. Captain Goodenough, R.A. Brigade
Major (who had joined the stormers as a volunteer), and Captain
Alexander crept forward through the jungle, close up to the ditch, to
reconnoitre it.
All being thus prepared, Alexander’s company advanced through the
jungle, the natives carrying the long bamboo ladders, till they came
to a space clear of jungle, extending thirty or forty yards from
the ditch. The enemy opened a heavy fire from the rampart, by which
several Riflemen were shot down, Corporal Rudd being killed by a
shot through the head. The native police dropped the ladders and
disappeared, and the stormers had to carry them themselves. When
they were placed in the ditch, which was here about twelve feet
deep,[303] and the Riflemen began to descend them, the rungs gave
way, and they had to let themselves down hand over hand. The ladders
were then tilted over to the other side to help the stormers to get
up the breach, which was very imperfect and almost perpendicular. It
seemed to them nearly forty feet to the top of the breach, and they
were almost up to their waists in water in the ditch. Richards was
the first man at the top of the breach, and Sergeant Maloney closely
followed him. Just before they got to the top of the breach a gun
exploded over their heads, with which the enemy had no doubt intended
to welcome them on arrival, but which was fired a few seconds too
soon. When the stormers reached the top of the wall the enemy ran
away; and the Riflemen having waited a minute or two there to allow
the remainder of the company to join them, moved forward, and found
themselves in a kind of broad street with houses on the right-hand
side, and the wall of the place on the left. At the further end,
near the entrance to a courtyard, were four or five guns with some
of the rebels near them. The Riflemen went at them as hard as they
could, and took the guns before they could be discharged; and the
enemy retreated into the courtyard, meaning probably to escape by the
other gates. But at these the 88th and the native police met them and
headed them back. Then it was that the hardest fighting took place.
The rebels, being thus caught in a trap, fought bravely for a time.
Many of the Riflemen were hit. Richards, while fighting hand to hand
with a gigantic rebel, whom he succeeded in thrusting through the
eye with his sword, was shot from a window, and received more than
one wound. One ball traversed the thigh, and passed out at the back
of the leg, just below the knee-joint. Sergeant Maloney picked him
up and carried him away bathed in blood. This youth, barely eighteen
years of age, had shown uncommon valour, both on this occasion and
at Jamo a few days before. He died of these wounds at Lucknow on
December 8. Captain Alexander was also slightly wounded at this time
in the neck by a pistol bullet and in the left shoulder by an arrow.
The enemy broke up, however, and retreated into the different
houses; and as these were loopholed and fortified, it was difficult
to dislodge them. Some of the houses were broken open; and the
Riflemen, taking advantage of whatever cover they could find, picked
off the rebels whenever they showed themselves; which they did on
the roofs of the houses, to hurl down stones or beams of wood on the
assailants. A Rifleman had his sword, which was fixed on his rifle,
bent nearly double by the blow of a great log of wood which fell
on it. Thus the fighting went on till night. Gholab Singh, it was
reported, and some of his followers had retreated to a house in the
centre of the fort, from which a smart fire was kept up. This house
was set on fire, and about ten o’clock the greater part of it was
blown up by the Engineers. Yet Gholab Singh with twelve men escaped
by making a rush, jumping from the wall, and getting into the jungle,
though troops--not Riflemen--were left to prevent his escape. With
this exception the defenders were all killed.
The casualties of the Riflemen were 2 officers (Alexander and
Richards) wounded; 1 corporal killed, 2 others wounded, of whom 1
died; Colour-Sergeant Mansel dangerously wounded, arm amputated; 1
bugler severely wounded; 1 private killed, and 24 privates wounded:
3 dangerously and 12 severely. Captain Alexander and some of the men
were wounded by barbed arrows. A long procession of doolies carrying
these (and other) wounded soon after set out from Sundeelah to
Lucknow.
Brigadier Barker, in his despatch dated October 24, 1858, thus speaks
of the conduct of the Riflemen:
‘Major Oxenden, commanding Rifle Brigade, deserves the greatest
credit for the manner in which he handled his men, and disposed
them for the assault of the breach.... Captain Alexander, Rifle
Brigade, commanding the storming party, deserves the greatest
credit; and Lieutenant Cragg and Ensign Richards, who accompanied
him, displayed the greatest courage; the latter, as I have
stated, was the first at the top of the breach, but I regret to
say was shortly after dangerously wounded.... Assistant-Surgeon
Storey, Rifle Brigade [and others], deserve the greatest praise
for their attention to the wounded during the night.... The names
of the men mentioned in the margin[304] have been brought to
my notice by their commanding officers as having particularly
distinguished themselves.’
I have now to resume the account of the movements of the 2nd
Battalion after their halt of six weeks at Sultanpore. On the morning
of October 11 this Battalion struck tents at four in the morning,
and recrossing the Goomtee marched with a force under Sir Hope Grant
to the north-east, in the direction of Tandah. They encamped that
night at Itkowlie after a march of five miles; on the next day they
proceeded to Rajahpore, nine miles; on the 13th, starting soon after
three, they made a march of fifteen miles on a very hot day, and
encamped at Dospore, where they halted till the 18th, when they moved
to Akberpore, ten miles. After a halt of two days they resumed their
march on the 21st; they encamped that night at Simree, nine miles;
moved to Jasingpore, twelve miles, on the next day; and returned to
Sultanpore, fourteen miles, on the 23rd.
They did not long remain here; for on the 26th they marched on an
expedition towards the fort of Amethie. Starting at four in the
morning, they encamped at Doadpore after an eleven miles’ march.
On the 27th they started at the same hour; four companies of the
Battalion formed the advanced-guard; and as the rebels were expected
to fight here, the Battalion formed up before entering the jungle.
The enemy had erected two batteries on the road. There was a river
running through, with a bridge which the batteries commanded. But
before the troops came up, the enemy had deserted this position.
The cavalry pursued them; but the country being full of jungle and
intersected with ravines, could not come up with them. At the end of
a twelve-mile march the Battalion encamped; but struck tents again at
three in the afternoon, and marched five miles further to Jugdespore.
They did not camp here till nine at night, when it was pitch dark;
and the men were much wearied with their long and fatiguing march.
On the 28th, leaving their camp standing, they marched at four in the
morning, about six miles into the jungle to a fort called Kataree. On
arrival they found it deserted. The fort was blown up, and they took
five guns, one brass and four iron. The former had an inscription
in Persian, stating that it had belonged to Rajah Buksh Ullah Khan
Bahadoor. It had been employed in the Sikh campaign. The iron guns,
being unserviceable, were destroyed.
It appeared from the traces on the ground that the rebels had
occupied with considerable numbers the positions they had gone over
in the late marches. Many of these were strong and commanding; and
had the enemy dared to make a stand they might have harassed our
people considerably; but their courage had failed them, and all were
found unoccupied. The Battalion returned to their camp at Jugdespore
about seven in the evening.
On the 29th they marched to Gooreabad, nine miles. A weary march,
for the siege guns could not be got forward in consequence of the
frequent occurrence of nullahs and aqueducts for irrigating the
country. These were broken down by coolies; yet the progress was very
slow, and they did not camp at Gooreabad, till after eleven.
On the 30th they started at four in the morning; and it was intended
to make a march of seventeen miles. But from the same difficulties
in moving the heavy guns as occurred the day before, the camp was
pitched at Itterowah, after marching nine miles, which it took six
hours to accomplish.
On the 31st the Battalion marched to Ettyah, eight miles, and halted
there for some days.
On November 9 they marched at four o’clock in the morning. The
country being cultivated there was great difficulty in getting the
siege guns forward, and the treasure chest broke down. Thus hindered,
it took the Battalion some thirteen hours to make a march of eighteen
miles; and they did not encamp, about a mile and a half from the fort
of Amethie, till five in the evening. Here they formed a junction
with the Commander-in-Chief’s army, which was encamped about five
miles from them, on the north-east of the fort; while General
Wetherall’s force was on the south-west. The Riflemen expected to
assault the fort on the morrow. But when that morrow came, Loll
Madhoo, the Rajah of Amethie, came into camp and capitulated,
declaring that he had no power over his people, and that he had been
compelled, in order to save his own life, to fire on the English
troops the day before.
But though the Rajah had himself surrendered, no doubt to secure
his personal safety, the occupants of the fort evacuated it in the
night, and disappeared through the jungle. Wherefore on the 11th
the Battalion received an order to start in pursuit; and marched at
three o’clock in the afternoon through very dusty roads nine miles
to Gowriegunge, and did not reach their camping-ground till seven
o’clock in the evening. On the 12th they proceeded to Ettyah, nine
miles.
On the 13th, starting at six in the morning, they marched twelve
miles to Pursaidepore, near Salone, where they arrived at twelve,
having on the march crossed the river Sie. At eight o’clock at
night they received a sudden order to move their camp further;
and accordingly on the 14th, at five in the morning, marched four
miles, and arriving at seven pitched their camp at Secrian, near the
entrance of the jungle, and furnished strong outlying picquets.
On the next day, starting early in the morning, they marched fourteen
miles by a very bad road and through clouds of dust to Shunkerpore.
This was a stronghold of Beni Madhoo, and it was hoped that by
concentrating the columns on it, he might be caught. But however
there was a fresh disappointment. In the dark hours of the morning he
managed to evade the picquets, and to escape with his followers, guns
and baggage. As soon as his flight was discovered on the morning of
the 16th, the Battalion received a sudden order to march in pursuit,
and starting at seven o’clock proceeded to Roy Bareilly, where they
pitched camp about two in the afternoon.
On the 17th they made a march of sixteen miles to Mohungunge,
starting at six and not arriving till about two, several long halts
having been made for guns to come up, the road leading through much
thick jungle.
On the 18th they made a long and tedious march of fourteen miles
to Jugdespore, where they halted for four days. On the 20th
they received an order to go on a reconnaissance, leaving their
tents standing, and paraded for that purpose; but the order was
countermanded.
On the 23rd they resumed their movements; and starting at six in the
morning arrived at Inhona, after a short and easy march of seven
miles, at a little after nine.
On the 24th the left wing of the Battalion, under Major Warren,
received during the night orders to move (with part of the 7th
Hussars and some guns) to the assistance of Colonel Galwey’s column.
That officer, it appeared, had come to some fort which had no guns;
but on its occupants being called on to surrender they had refused,
and had fired on and killed an Engineer officer and some men. The
Riflemen marched at six in the morning to Koilee, twelve miles, but
on arrival there found that the garrison of the fort had during the
night crossed the Goomtee and disappeared. This wing, therefore,
after a day’s halt at Koilee, marched on the 26th to Bekta, seven
miles; and on the 27th, after a short march of six miles, rejoined
Head-quarters at Hydergurh.
These had in the meanwhile had an encounter with the enemy. For
Brigadier Horsford had, before starting for Koilee, directed Colonel
Hill to march towards Lucknow, taking with him the other wing of the
Hussars and some Horse Artillery, and to attack a force of rebels
supposed to be about two marches in that direction; and to protect
the baggage of the entire column.
Colonel Hill came up with the rebels on the 26th near Hydergurh. The
Riflemen were first engaged, and as the enemy were making a running
fight of it, the cavalry and Artillery galloped up through the
skirmishers, and did considerable execution. The Riflemen took a gun;
and the Hussars under Sir William Russell pursued the Sepoys and cut
them up. The Riflemen then encamped at Hydergurh; and halted there
till December 2, when they marched sixteen miles to Monshegunge,
and encamped there for the night. And starting on the following
morning at five o’clock, arrived at the Dilkoosha, Lucknow, after a
fourteen-mile march, at half-past nine.
On December 5 the 2nd Battalion, forming part of a force under the
command of Lord Clyde, started at six in the morning from Lucknow,
and made a march of twenty miles, arriving at Newabgunge at about
three or four in the afternoon, when the men got their breakfasts.
On the 6th they struck tents at five, and paraded at six, but did
not get off till seven, when, making a very long march of twenty-two
miles, they proceeded to Gunnespore, Byram Ghât, which they reached
about three. The men were very tired and hungry, for they had had
nothing to eat till about five, when they got their breakfast. On
the way intelligence was received that the rebels were crossing the
river. The cavalry and Horse Artillery pushed forward; and sixteen
Riflemen and an officer (Lieutenant Sotheby[305]) were mounted on the
limbers. They went as hard as they could go; but when they came to
the Ghât they found the rebels had been too quick for them, and had
crossed the river. However, the Riflemen got a few shots at them. The
7th Hussars after this chase were much astonished to hear the words,
‘The Rifles to the front;’ for they fancied the whole Battalion was
coming up, and could not understand how they had kept up with such a
pace as the Hussars and guns had been going. However, only Sotheby
and his sixteen Riflemen then answered this call. For it had been a
joke with these Hussars when they were an advanced guard with the
Riflemen (and they had been on many): on the part of the troopers,
‘that they could not get rid of these little fellows;’ on the part of
the Riflemen, that they ‘marched the horsemen down,’ and ‘could not
make them march fast enough.’
On the 7th some companies of the Battalion were suddenly paraded
at half-past one, and with the 7th Hussars went five miles up the
river in search of rebels; but returned unsuccessful at seven in the
evening.
The great object was now to cross the Gogra; and as there was a
difficulty in forming a boat-bridge at Byram Ghât, Lord Clyde
determined to proceed to Fyzabad where a bridge already existed.
Accordingly on the 8th the Battalion, starting at six in the morning,
made a march of twenty miles to Derriabad, which they reached at
three in the afternoon. On the next day they marched seventeen miles
to Begumgunge, and on the 10th another long march of nineteen miles
to Fyzabad. In these long marches few Riflemen, if any, fell out,
though the marches lasted from six in the morning till two or three
in the afternoon, the hottest hours of the day.
On the 11th the Battalion crossed the Gogra by a bridge of boats.
The river is here about 600 yards broad, having a great expanse of
sand on each side. The turn of the Battalion to cross came at four
in the afternoon, and they afterwards marched about six miles on the
other side to Newabgunge, where they encamped about six. On the 12th,
starting at six in the morning, they arrived at Jamkapoorah at noon,
and on the next day marched to Dheras, fifteen miles. On the 14th
they proceeded to Secrora, another march of fifteen miles, and on the
day following to Kurrunpore, eleven miles. Mr. Russell, the ‘Times’
correspondent, who was accompanying the Commander-in-Chief’s column,
thus writes of the Battalion under this date: ‘The Rifle Brigade who
are with us are as hard as nails; faces tanned brown, and muscles
hardened into whipcord; and to see them step over the ground with
their officers marching beside them is a very fine sight for those
who have an eye for real first-rate soldiers. Lord Clyde is greatly
pleased with the officers because they do not ride on ponies, as many
officers of other regiments are accustomed to do.’[306]
On the 16th, though tents were struck at five in the morning, the
Battalion did not march in consequence of rain till eleven, when they
moved to Khariat, where, after a march of ten miles, they encamped at
three.
On the next day they marched in heavy and constant rain to Baraitch,
where camp was pitched in a very beautiful spot at eleven in the
forenoon. Here they halted for five days: the first halt they had
had since they left Lucknow, nearly a fortnight before; and very
acceptable it was to the men, though not without its discomforts.
For the night after their arrival was, as the day of their march
had been, one of incessant rain. And tents and everything men and
officers had on or possessed were saturated with wet. The morning
revealed a swamp, rather than a camp; many of the tents stood in
pools of water in which the men waded ankle-deep. A dense fog, too,
came down from the hills, and took away all hope of drying their
clothes. Whether for this reason, or on account of the increasing
cold which now began to be severely felt, the Riflemen resumed their
cloth clothing on the next day. However, the remaining days of their
halt at Baraitch were fine.
On the 23rd they again started at six in the morning; but soon after
leaving Baraitch they were halted, and their route altered. They then
made a march of fifteen miles, in the course of which they forded the
river, and arrived at Jeta at two.
On the 24th the order was to march as usual in the morning; but
as the men turned out rain came on, and the ‘halt’ was sounded,
luckily before the tents were struck. Their halt here gave them an
opportunity of making their arrangements for keeping Christmas on
the morrow. But these were very near being useless; for Lord Clyde
issued an order that the soldiers were to have their dinners at one,
and march at two. Great was the consternation; and fears of all the
good things they had provided being unconsumed or eaten half-raw
pervaded everyone. However, before the dreaded hour, staff officers,
who had been sent out to observe the roads, reported that they were
in too bad a state from recent rains for the troops to move. The
Commander-in-Chief, therefore, unwillingly postponed his intended
march. Serenity was restored to hearts which knew no fear save that
of losing the one good dinner long hoped for; and the day was spent
happily, the more so as it was fine.
But after this recreation, hard work soon began again. The Battalion
marched at six in the morning of the 26th. It was very foggy, but
cleared up about eight. After marching some twelve miles, they were
halted to allow them to eat their breakfast. Here they stayed about
two hours, resuming their advance at half-past one. Two companies
of the Battalion, under Captain Fremantle, with cavalry, formed the
advanced guard.
On their arrival near a jungle Sir William Russell, who commanded
the advance, ordered these two companies to the front, and desired
them to extend at the entrance of the jungle. They did so, and
advanced, and about four in the afternoon found the enemy in a tope
of trees, who opened upon them with two guns. The advanced companies
then, with the cavalry, Horse Artillery, and five other companies
of the Battalion, formed line and advanced. The cavalry and Horse
Artillery soon distanced the Riflemen; and while the former attacked
the flank of the enemy, the Riflemen brought their right shoulders
forward, and went on at the double. They pursued the enemy, who did
not make any stand, for five or six miles. The Battalion encamped at
Churdah about eight o’clock, the men being very weary; for they had
marched about twenty-one miles, and the latter part of it in pursuit
of the rebels had been got over at a very quick pace. The Riflemen
killed three Sepoys in this chase, and five guns were taken.
On the 27th it was understood that the Battalion was to halt; but at
nine o’clock they received orders to march in an hour. They started,
therefore, about ten, and after a march of about six miles, came to
a thick jungle, and were ordered to assault the fort of Mejidia. The
attack was confided to the Riflemen. Brigadier Horsford’s orders to
Colonel Hill were to advance to within 400 yards of the fort: then to
open fire on the embrasures. Mortars and heavy guns were ordered to
the front, and cavalry to the flanks. This took some time. Then the
Battalion advanced to the front face; two companies skirmishing; two
supporting them; two moved to the left; the remainder in support. A
sharp fire was opened, and was returned for some time by a fire of
grape from the fort. The Riflemen continued their fire for about two
hours, picking off the gunners at the embrasures. After that time the
fire from the place slackened; and Colonel Hill, having solicited
and obtained permission to advance, the Battalion moved forward. A
difficult thorny hedge interposed, which was soon cut down by the
swords of the Riflemen, and entrance was effected into the fort,
which was found to be evacuated. The Battalion took possession of the
stores and muniments of war, powder, shot, etc., which were found
there; and encamped in the evening after a very hard day’s work. One
sergeant and 6 rank and file were wounded, of whom one died on the
next day.
On the 28th they were engaged in destroying the fort, and securing
the stores of grain, etc., found in it. In the course of the day the
Riflemen discovered two guns hidden in the jungle within the fort.
On the 29th the first orders were still to halt; but about eleven
they received orders to march, and did so about noon, back to
Nanparah, ten miles, but by a route different from that by which they
had come on the 26th.
Here it was understood that they were to halt for three days. And
accordingly on the 30th many officers of the Battalion went out
shooting, the band played at five, and all things denoted a halt;
when a sudden order was issued that the Battalion was to march at
eight in the evening. They did so; half the men were carried on
elephants, five on each, and half marched, turn about, ride and tie.
The motion of the elephants was strange to the men; some were made
sick by the motion, and some tumbled off; but gradually they settled
down. The night was pitch dark, and those marching occasionally fell
into holes and water-courses, undistinguishable in the darkness. So
they moved on till four in the morning; when, it being ascertained
that if they continued their march they would reach the enemy’s
position at Bankee (whither they were bound) before daylight, a halt
was ordered. And they remained tormented by the cold and heavy dew;
for no fires were allowed, for fear of alarming the enemy whom Lord
Clyde hoped to surprise. This halt was probably continued too long.
At any rate, a march of five miles remained to be got over; and the
troops did not reach the enemy’s position till eight. The cavalry
(Carabiniers) were ordered to advance, and soon found themselves in
front of a thick jungle occupied by the enemy’s skirmishers and guns;
to whose fire they offered an easy mark, without their being able to
return it or to dislodge them. They were therefore withdrawn; and the
Riflemen were hurried to the front, and ordered to skirmish through
the jungle. Three companies were extended under the command of Major
Warren, Captain Singer and Lieutenant Lane,[307] accompanied and
directed by Colonel Hill, who dismounting accompanied the centre
company, Lieutenant Lane’s. On entering the wood they found a cart
track, along which the enemy were endeavouring to withdraw a gun.
The Riflemen pushed on at the double along this track, occasionally
getting a glimpse of the gun in their front, while the enemy’s
skirmishers were retiring rapidly before them, and turning off into
the jungle. Thus it happened that the advance of the Riflemen in the
cart track was very rapid, while that of those in the jungle on each
side of it was much slower, as they could not force their way through
the tangled wood nearly so fast. The track was about a mile in length
to the point where it reached the end of the jungle. By the time the
Riflemen got there the gun had quite distanced them. On arriving at
the end of this belt of jungle the whole of the enemy’s force was
seen on an undulating plain beyond, some few hundred paces distant.
The Riflemen, hurrying along the track in pursuit of the retreating
gun, had arrived at the edge of the jungle completely out of breath;
and Colonel Hill, on counting them, found himself accompanied by only
twenty men, with Lieutenant Lane and a Colour-Sergeant (Piper).[308]
As it was impossible to know where the remaining skirmishers and the
supports were at the moment, it was necessary to act with caution;
and the small party were ordered to remain hidden at the edge of
the jungle, while the enemy’s movements were observed. They seemed
to be contemplating a retreat. At this time three officers rode up
from the rear; and one of them, Sir Henry Norman, brought orders
from Lord Clyde for the Riflemen to retire. Colonel Hill pointed out
to him that the jungle was merely a belt; that if Lord Clyde was
aware of this he would probably wish to push on; and that as the
jungle was cleared, cavalry could now advance and act on the plain.
The staff officers accordingly galloped off, and soon afterwards a
squadron of the 7th Hussars came up. Meanwhile Major Warren’s and
Captain Singer’s companies had made their way through the jungle,
and joined their comrades at the edge of it. Sir William Mansfield
soon came up, and by his permission Colonel Hill advanced with two
companies, Warren’s and Lane’s, in skirmishing order. While the rest
of the Battalion, which had passed through the jungle, were halted
on the bank of a small but deep nullah, or river, which intersected
the plain, successive squadrons of the 7th passed on their right
flank; and though checked for a moment by the nullah, and exposed
to the fire of a battery of six guns, which the enemy had placed on
the opposite bank of the Raptee, charged the enemy’s cavalry who
were making for the ford of the Raptee, caught them on the bank, and
engaged them in the river. The Riflemen, who were in an excellent
position to observe this charge across the plain, saw with admiration
this gallant feat of arms performed by their comrades of the 7th.
Soon after this the Riflemen retired through the jungle, and pitched
their camp about four o’clock two miles and a half from the scene of
the action. But the men did not get settled till the evening, and it
was eight o’clock before they got food. They had been under arms from
eight o’clock the night before; had marched twenty-nine miles--most
of it night marching--from Nanparah, and two and a half back to
Bankee; and had been engaged from an early hour in the day.
In this affair the 2nd Battalion had one man wounded.
I have now to return to the 3rd Battalion, which we left at Lucknow,
where they were stationed from the time of the battle of Nawabgunge.
The Head-quarters left Lucknow at four o’clock on the afternoon
of November 22, four companies being still with Major Oxenden at
Sundeelah. They marched to the Alumbagh, and halted there while the
men had their tea and the officers their dinners. They started again
about nine, and proceeded to Bunnee bridge, which they crossed, and
then halted again from about 2.30 to 5.30 A.M. They then proceeded
to Nawabgunge on the Cawnpore road, which they reached about nine
and encamped. The object of this move was to intercept Beni Madhoo,
who was said to be at the head of a very large force of rebels. Here
they halted for a couple of days; and on the 26th they marched in
light order and leaving their camp standing, to Busserutgunge. Soon
after they had started, however, a note came in from Colonel Glyn,
who was in charge of a party some twenty miles distant, conveying
information of the supposed whereabouts of Beni Madhoo. This was
opened by the Quarter-master, who was in charge of the camp, who
despatched a messenger with it to Colonel Macdonell. The Battalion
returned to Nawabgunge on the morning of the 27th, not having seen
anything of Beni Madhoo or his army. On the 28th they marched to
Bunteera, thirteen miles; and on the next day to the Alumbagh, where
they encamped. But in the afternoon they received orders to start
again and march into the Cantonments at Lucknow, which they did not
reach till eight o’clock at night, when they had to put up their
tents in the dark. Their rest here was not long; for at four the next
morning they received an order to march and join the Head-quarter
division, a large force of the enemy being supposed to be near. They
moved, therefore, to Buxee-ke-talou, and halted there on December
1. On that night, the detachment under Colonel Glyn, consisting of
three companies, rejoined the Battalion, and the whole marched at
daybreak the next morning for the fort of Oomria. They kept the road
for some time, and then struck across country through thick jungle.
On approaching the fort, which on account of the density of the wood
surrounding it they could not see, they were attacked, but soon
drove their assailants back. They then halted till the baggage came
up. Later in the day, the 5th Fusiliers, supported by the Riflemen,
approached the place, but were met by heavy fire from two of its
faces, which caused some loss. As the men had had a long march and
it was late in the day, they were withdrawn; and arrangements were
made to storm the fort on the next day. Camp was therefore pitched,
but unfortunately within range of the guns of the fort. This made
it uncomfortable, and some damage was done; but it was too late to
move camp, and the men were tired. So they slept soundly, though
an occasional shot fell among the tents. In the morning the usual
discovery was made: the enemy had disappeared in the night, leaving
behind him ammunition and most of his property. This fort had
evidently been a residence of the Rajah; for many articles of women’s
furniture and belongings were found in some of the apartments: the
property, no doubt, of some of his wives. It was as well that the
Rajah and his troops had preferred discretion to valour; for the
works were very strong, one within the other, and with two deep
ditches. The loss, therefore, must have been considerable if it had
been defended with any tenacity.
The Riflemen halted on the 4th and 5th, and were engaged in
demolishing the fort and blowing up the mud walls round some
fortified villages near it. At one of these a gun was found concealed.
On the 6th they marched to Futtehpore, and just before their
arrival there had a skirmish with some rebels, who appeared to be a
rear-guard protecting a gun which had passed some time previously,
and the tracks of which were plainly visible. It was an eighteen-mile
march; and the skirmish at the end of it made the men weary enough.
They did not reach their camping-ground, in a field of tall dâl, till
after dark, and did not get their dinners till late at night. On the
7th they marched to Betwa, where was a strong fort which they found
unoccupied, the enemy having evacuated it in the morning. Their fires
were still burning when the Riflemen reached it in the afternoon. It
was as usual surrounded by thick jungle. They halted on the 8th and
9th to demolish this fort.
On the 10th they marched sixteen miles to Nawabgunge on the Fyzabad
road, the battle-field of June 13. In this march they passed several
small forts and intrenchments, some of which had evidently been but
recently evacuated; and some had been strengthened and repaired at
the expense of much labour by those who had not the courage to defend
them.
On the 11th they made a march of sixteen miles towards Derriabad,
which they passed through on the following day, and after a dusty
march of eighteen miles, halted for the night at Burehke Serai.
On the 13th they reached Mobaruckgunge on the Gogra at one in the
afternoon, after a hot, dusty and fatiguing march of fifteen miles.
For though the nights were cold, the mid-day sun was very hot.
On the 14th they marched to Fyzabad, and turning to the left before
they entered that town, encamped on the bank of the river near a
large mud fort.
On the next day they crossed the Gogra by the bridge of boats,
as their comrades of the 2nd Battalion had done four days before;
both forming part of the army assembled under Lord Clyde, which was
to drive the enemy into a corner, from which it was hoped if Jung
Bahadoor, the Chief Minister of Nepaul, stood true to us, he could
not escape, and so to terminate the war. After passing the river and
marching three miles, they forded a river about three feet deep. This
and its sandy banks much retarded the baggage, which also had been
delayed by the obstinacy of the elephants, who would not venture
on the bridge, and were made to swim the river under the lead or
guidance of an old elephant. It was late, therefore, before their
baggage came up and they encamped at Wuzeergunge.
On the 16th they made another long march to Gonda, where they
encamped near some ruined bungalows, said to have been once occupied
by the officers of a native regiment, who were murdered by their men.
Here they remained till after the close of the year without any
incident of importance, save that two companies (Major Bourchier’s
and Captain Windham’s) went out on a daur on the 21st and returned on
the 23rd.
On January 3, 1859, the 2nd Battalion shifted camp to Purainee, about
a mile from Bankee.
On the 6th they marched at seven in the morning to the bank of the
Raptee, and encamped at Sudheeria Ghât[309] about ten.
On the 8th Lord Clyde and the greater part of the force quitted the
frontier; leaving the 2nd Battalion, the 7th Hussars, and some native
troops, under Brigadier Horsford, to watch the fords of the Raptee.
On the 12th the Battalion shifted camp to Ballapore, on the banks of
a tributary of the Raptee; and at eleven at night three companies,
Captains R. Glyn’s, Blackett’s and Dillon’s, marched, under the
command of Major Vaughan, of the 5th Punjaub Regiment, and crossing
the Raptee, proceeded about sixteen miles, when they came on the
rebels and killed twenty-five out of about thirty. They returned to
camp on the 14th.
On the 26th they again shifted camp close to the Raptee.
At last, on February 8, they received authority to cross the frontier
into Nepaul, Jung Bahadoor having given consent to their entering
that territory. On the 9th, therefore, they marched at five in the
morning and crossed the Raptee. They then moved through about five
miles of very dense jungle with very large trees, and passed a mark
like a mile-stone, which denoted the boundary of Nepaul. They then
went round the spur of the mountains, and debouched on a large plain.
They went on some miles farther, when the Brigadier ordered Colonel
Hill, with a wing of the Battalion and some native troops, to recross
to the right bank of the Raptee, where, at a crossing called Sidka
Ghât, the enemy were reported to be in force, with fifteen guns in
position.
This force was told off: two companies to proceed along the river’s
bank; two under Major Warren to press through the jungle on the left,
and to endeavour to intercept the enemy or to fall on their right
flank; and the native troops under Major Vaughan to act in a similar
manner, but on ground farther removed from the river.
The companies near the river extended in skirmishing order, the right
file resting on the river’s bank. After advancing some distance they
found themselves in front of a hill, which they were obliged to file
round along the water’s edge. This was no easy work, for the ground
was very difficult, and interspersed with rocks and great boulders.
As they were thus proceeding, on reaching a bend of the river they
found themselves in front of the guns of the enemy, who were in a
strong position on some rising ground. These guns immediately opened
on them with grape, but did little mischief, as the fire flew over
their heads, wounding one man only. The Riflemen moved rapidly
forward, and as soon as they were clear of the rocks formed and
proceeded across the shingle, keeping up a smart fire which did much
execution.
But the rebel gunners stood by their guns till the Riflemen were
close upon them. Then they bolted and escaped into the jungle,
giving the slip to Major Vaughan, whose force had been sent round to
intercept them. They left fourteen guns and a mortar in the hands of
Hill’s force.
The other wing, with Brigadier Horsford, having given the attacking
party twenty minutes’ start, moved on along the plain, keeping the
Raptee on the left, till about three in the afternoon, when they
entered a dense forest. The ground became hilly and the road bad.
At half-past three they made another halt of twenty minutes, and
were just falling in when they heard guns open in the front. They
pushed forward, and soon came to a very steep hill, which they ran
down, and found themselves on the bank of the river, and saw the
skirmishers of the other wing entering the jungle on the opposite
bank. They were ordered to halt; and after their fight the other wing
recrossed the Raptee and joined them, and they then marched to camp,
which they found pitched about four miles off, and which they did
not reach till seven at night, after one of the hardest day’s work
they had ever had. For they had passed through dense and difficult
jungle; had scrambled over rough rocks, and had moved over shingly
and fatiguing ground; besides marching not less than twenty miles. A
non-commissioned officer (Sergeant Braun) was very nearly drowned in
crossing the Raptee. He fell twice, but one of the men on the right
bank rescued him.
They remained in this camp till the 12th, when it was shifted to
the tributary of the Raptee, near a jungle which seemed to be
interminable. The rain was very heavy, and the camp-ground became a
perfect swamp.
In his despatch reporting this action, Horsford favourably mentions
Lieutenant-Colonel Hill, Major Dillon and Lieutenant Fryer.
On the 14th, very sudden orders were received at eleven P.M. for
three companies, Captain Fremantle’s, one under the command of
Lieutenant Sotheby, and another, to start on an expedition under
command of Major Ramsay of the Kumaon Battalion. These companies
accordingly paraded at half-past three in the morning; but owing to
a delay in the arrival of elephants did not move off till half-past
four. They crossed the Raptee five times, and as it was deep and
rapid, the men for the purpose of crossing were mounted on elephants.
They then marched forward; and at about six arrived at the edge of
the jungle and formed up. They went on at a very brisk pace till
half-past nine, when they halted for twenty minutes, sending on a
spy to bring word if he could see anything of the enemy. Starting
again, they marched through a gorge in the hill, and by the side
and bed of a mountain stream, till half-past eleven; when, it being
suspected that they had missed their way, a Goorka was despatched,
who soon returned with the intelligence that they were on a wrong
track. They therefore retraced their steps, and soon meeting the spy,
were disappointed at hearing from him that the enemy had departed.
At one o’clock they came up to the ground they had occupied, and
found the ashes of their fires still smouldering. Here the Riflemen
bivouacked, no tents having been taken with this detachment; but
their rations did not come up till four o’clock. They had marched
about sixteen miles over bad ground at a very rapid pace, and were
much wearied.
On the 16th they returned to the camp of the Head-quarters, marching
at half-past six, and arriving at one.
On the 17th the Battalion, starting at six in the morning, marched
back to Sudheeria Ghât, where they camped about half-past eleven.
On the 21st the whole Battalion turned out early to take leave of
their friends and comrades of the 7th Hussars, who had received the
route for Umballa. They had been together for twelve months, and
fought together in many brilliant affairs, and undergone together
many weary days. Officers and men felt great regret at this parting;
for a feeling had grown up between them of such comradeship as is not
usual between separate corps.
On the 26th the Battalion marched to a place about three miles on the
other side of Bankee, and encamped there; the whole march being about
eight miles. On the next day, Brigadier Horsford, under whom they had
so long served, started with his Staff for Gonda, to take command of
the troops there, and the command of those on the Raptee devolved on
Colonel Hill.
On the 28th the Battalion marched to Nanparah, fourteen miles, the
country through which they passed being under water from daily rain.
For the next few days this rain was so heavy, accompanied often by
lightning and thunder, that though daily orders were given to march,
they were as regularly countermanded. The camping-ground became
first a swamp, then a perfect lake. At last, on March 6, they marched
at ten in the forenoon, and arrived at their old camping-ground at
Jeta at two in the afternoon. On the next day they proceeded to
Baraitch, arriving there at half-past two in the afternoon. The
rivers and nullahs, swollen by the rains, were up to a short man’s
hips.
They remained at Baraitch till the 28th, when they shifted camp; but
the ground chosen being found to be infested with reptiles, they were
moved back on the 30th to nearly their old ground.
On April 3 an order was received from Brigadier Horsford for two
companies, with some native troops and guns, to proceed to Bankee
to watch the ford there, and defend the line of the Raptee. Captain
Singer and Lieutenant Nicholl went on this duty.
On the 4th two more companies were ordered to the Raptee; and at
half-past four on the morning of the 5th Major Warren’s and Captain
R. Glyn’s companies started, and after marching fourteen miles,
halted to get something to eat. After which, marching about ten
miles farther, they arrived at Bhinga Ghât on the Raptee, their
destination. On the 6th they halted there, throwing out strong
picquets. On the next day these companies moved back to a tope on
the Baraitch road; and on the 8th they started on a reconnaissance
at half-past eight, and marched about eight miles. No two villages
which they passed through told the same tale. In one the inhabitants
had seen the _budmashes_[310] in thousands; in the next they vowed
that not one had been seen for six months. The companies got back to
their camp at half-past three in the afternoon, having marched about
sixteen miles in the heat of the day.
These companies halted during the 9th and 10th, and marched back to
Baraitch and joined Head-quarters on the 11th.
In the meantime the remainder of the Battalion, with the exception
of Captain Fremantle’s company which was left at Baraitch, marched
at five P.M. under Colonel Hill; and after marching sixteen miles
towards Rahdee, found that the enemy, whom they expected to find
there, had fled. They therefore encamped about three A.M. And on
the next day marched back at six in the evening to Baraitch, where
they arrived the following morning at five. The men were very much
fatigued, having had two nights’ marching, and having been unable to
sleep by day on account of the heat, the thermometer standing at 102°.
At midnight on the 8th-9th Captain Fremantle with his company, 2
Horse Artillery guns, 80 Punjaub rifles, and 150 native police,
marched to join a force under Captain Cleveland, 98th Regiment, at
Akouna. Halting every hour for ten minutes to rest the men, this
force arrived at Akouna, and encamped in a tope at nine in the
morning.
On the next day this detachment marched at half-past nine in the
morning, some of the men being on gun-waggons and some on elephants,
and arrived at Khagupore at half-past three. And on the following
morning marched at six to Dahnapore, where they arrived at half-past
eleven.
On the 12th they moved to Ramwapore, about five miles distant, and
arrived there at eight in the morning.
In the afternoon reports came in that the rebels were encamped about
three miles off, and would probably remain there during the night.
Accordingly, Fremantle marched his detachment at three P.M., leaving
his camp standing. After advancing for some time without seeing
anything of rebels, they came on a picquet of Hodson’s Horse, who
were marching westward, and who reported that rebels were close at
hand. It was then about six. They pushed on, and Captain Cleveland
directed Fremantle to take his company, the guns, and some native
horsemen round a jungle, and attack the rear of the enemy. After
marching about a mile, they turned off the road into the jungle; and
after about three quarters of a mile emerged into a kind of plain,
though surrounded with jungle on all sides. Here the native guide
said he could see a rebel vedette. Fremantle accordingly ordered
the Punjaub men to form company and advance; and they had scarcely
done so when a volley was poured into them at about forty yards. It
was now half-past six, and nearly dark. The native police, who were
leading, fled at the first fire, carrying away in their flight a
section of the Punjaub men. The remainder of these sat down on the
ground and fired at the enemy. Yet Fremantle could neither induce
them to face the hill and attack the rebels, nor yet to clear off to
the flank, and allow the guns and the Riflemen to act. At last he
succeeded in getting them off to a flank; and then the guns opening
with grape, and the Riflemen pouring in a steady fire, the flashes
from the bushes and the hill in front soon ceased. Advancing up the
hill, they found the camp of the rebels, their fires burning, and
their bedding and grass for their horses unmoved; but not a man was
there. This little affair lasted exactly half-an-hour. One Rifleman
was severely wounded. Fremantle then went round the jungle; and,
regaining the Fyzabad road, rejoined the main body under Captain
Cleveland at nine. And the Riflemen reached their camp at half-past
eleven, much fatigued by their marches and their fight.
On the 13th they halted, and on the next day marched back to
Khagupore, and on the day following to Akouna, where they halted
during the 16th. On the 17th this company marched to take up a
position to cover the fords of the Raptee at Gunespore. Here they
remained till the 22nd; when, being relieved by Sotheby’s company,
which had started from Baraitch the day before, they marched at
2.30 in the morning of the 23rd; and encamping during that day at a
village, resumed their march at three o’clock the following morning,
and rejoined the Battalion soon after seven on the 24th.
During this time, however, other expeditions had taken place. On the
9th one company, under Lieutenant Eccles, had marched about eighteen
miles towards Nanparah, but returned on the 11th.
On the 20th Colonel Hill, having received Brigadier Horsford’s orders
to meet him at Nanparah, proceeded thither with three companies of
the Battalion. The object was to clear the Jugdespore jungles of a
number of rebels who had taken refuge there.
Accordingly, these three companies started from Baraitch in the
afternoon of that day, and marched about seven miles. And on the
21st, marching early, they reached Nanparah, after a very long march,
and found the Brigadier awaiting them. On the next day they started
soon after four, and marched sixteen miles; and on the 23rd made a
further march of twelve miles to Hureeha, in the course of which they
crossed the Surjoo river, and encamped on its banks.
On the 24th (Easter Sunday) they started soon after two in the
morning, and made a march of eighteen miles, nearly half of it
through thick jungle; and as the heat was now oppressive, the march
was very wearisome. They had now got near the enemy, who was in a
delta of the River Gogra. So that on the 25th they struck tents at
two. Soon after starting they lost their way in the jungle, so that
day broke before they were fairly started. Colonel Hill commanded the
infantry of the force employed.
The Rifle companies marched on until they came to a ford of the
Gogra. Here they were halted till the cavalry and guns, which had
proceeded by another route, came up. On their arrival they crossed
the river, which was at the ford waist-deep, holding their pouches
up to their shoulders. They formed on the other side, and found the
rebels in a large open space in front of a thick jungle. They were
evidently surprised, and tried to make off. The Riflemen broke into
extended order, and after a very smart skirmish, drove the enemy
into a further jungle. Here Dr. Reade had a very narrow escape of
his life, being attacked with great audacity by two of the enemy’s
Sowars immediately in rear of the supports. The rebels broke into
three parties, and so gave the Riflemen some trouble, as they had to
pursue them through jungle so thick that it seemed never to have been
trodden by the foot of man. However, as the enemy had taken refuge in
it, and it seemed impossible then to dislodge them, camp was pitched
about eight o’clock, and the Riflemen rested for the night, weary and
hungry; for they had received only half-a-pound of bread and a dram
of rum till they reached their camp; and they had fought hard and
marched far.
On the next day orders were given to clear the jungle. Accordingly
Colonel Hill with his Riflemen scoured the whole of the delta, on
which these jungles were situated, to the river’s bank. But the
rebels forded the river, and made good their escape. However, in the
fight of the previous day a number (it is said 200) of them were
killed, and some prisoners taken.
On the 27th, having effected the object of their expedition, they
began their return, and marched eight miles. On the next day they
marched the same distance to Hureeha, having recrossed the Gogra at
a different point, where the water was deeper and the current very
strong. Some men narrowly escaped drowning, and a bugler (Horton)
saved the lives of three men. It was a difficult and dangerous ford,
and a rifle and two swords were lost.
On the 29th they marched ten miles to Doobra; on the 30th fourteen
miles; on May 1 twelve miles; and on the next day, after a march of
sixteen miles, arrived at Nanparah.
Here they halted during the 3rd. And on the following day one
company, accompanying the Brigadier and the cavalry, returned to
Baraitch. The remaining two companies remained at Nanparah until June
6, when they started on their return to Baraitch.
I have now to return to the movements of Sotheby’s company, which,
as I have said, started from Baraitch on the 21st to relieve Captain
Fremantle. On that day they marched twelve miles to Bamparah, and on
the next seventeen miles to Gunespore. On the 28th they turned out at
night, the picquets having been fired upon. From the 4th to the 10th
May they patrolled about the neighbourhood. On the 4th they crossed
the Raptee, and marched eight miles; on the 5th marched nine miles
to Pepree Ghât; on the next day thirteen miles to Akouna, where they
halted one day; and returned on the 8th to Pepree Ghât; and on the
10th marched back to their camp at Gunespore. On the 27th half the
company proceeded to Bhinga, but finding no rebels there, returned
to their camp the same evening. On June 2 the force under Captain
Cleveland was broken up, and Sotheby, with the company under his
command, marched for Baraitch, where they arrived on the 3rd, and
joined Head-quarters of the Battalion.
The Mutiny was now virtually at an end. No enemy remained in the
field, and only a few scattered fugitives skulked in the jungle, and
these not in numbers sufficient to give uneasiness to our posts,
or to necessitate keeping an army on the frontier or in the field.
The 2nd Battalion, therefore, received on June 13 an order to
march towards Lucknow, halting at Byram Ghât for Captain Singer’s
detachment of two companies, which was still watching the fords of
the Raptee. On the 15th they left Baraitch at three in the morning,
arriving at Puckerpore at half-past eight. The next day they were
detained in the morning by heavy rains, but started at half-past four
in the afternoon: the heat was intense, and it was like marching in
a vapour bath, so that the men were much knocked up. The baggage,
too, went astray, and on their arrival at their halting-place about
nine at night, there were neither tents, rations, nor grog. The men
lay down on the damp ground till two in the morning; and at three
resumed their march without refreshment, and at daylight reached
Hissampore; but no baggage appearing, they were obliged to set out in
search of it, and at half-past eight arrived at a place where they
halted, and sent for the baggage, having made a twenty-mile march.
But no sooner was their camp pitched than a violent storm came on,
blowing some of the tents clean away from the ropes, and leaving
their inmates exposed to the full violence of the weather. On the
18th they started again at two in the morning, and arrived at Byram
Ghât at seven. The river was much swollen, and there was no bridge.
Two companies embarked at half-past seven, and attempted to cross;
but the boats missed stays, and did not succeed in getting over.
And as in consequence of the wind it was only practicable to cross
in the morning or evening, they could not make a fresh attempt till
six in the evening, when these two companies got across and landed
at 6.20. The Regiment continued crossing on the 20th; and all got
across on the 21st, Captain Singer’s two companies from Bankee, which
had arrived on the previous day, bringing up the rear. On the 22nd
they marched at half-past four, and encamped beyond Ramnaghur, a
march of six miles, soon after seven. On the next day they proceeded
seven miles. On the 24th seven more, and encamped at Nawabgunge. On
the 25th they were unable to continue their march on account of the
violence of the rain; but on the next day they made a march of ten
miles in the morning, and were ordered to march again at four in
the afternoon; but rain poured down steadily, and continued all the
evening. On the 27th they marched at half-past four in the morning,
and arrived at the Yellow Bungalow at Lucknow at a quarter after
eight. Here they encamped, but were ordered to parade again at four.
It was so hot, however, that this was postponed till five, when they
moved near the Dilkoosha. It had rained every day for some time, the
country they had marched through was very wet, and the ground on
which they now encamped was a perfect swamp.
Here they remained, furnishing a detachment of three companies to the
Imaumbarah, till early in July, when the men were placed in barracks:
a comfort few if any of them had enjoyed since they left Dublin two
years before. The officers, however, continued in tents. The men now
suffered much from their long exposure to the climate, and it is said
that in August there were 200 men in hospital. But not till their
work was over had they succumbed to fatigue, exposure, or climate.
For twenty months they had been in the field; often bivouacked in
the open; never once in quarters. They had marched 1,745 miles in
161 marches (not including often shifting their camp to distances
less than four miles), and every company-officer--save one who was
lame--had accompanied his men on foot in these marches. They were,
I believe, the only battalion which, from their landing in November
1857 to their cantonment at Lucknow in July 1859, had not at some
time been in quarters; but had kept the field from the date of their
arrival till the last day of the Mutiny.
Their casualties in that time may now be summed up.
Of officers, 2 had been killed in action; 4 had been severely
wounded; 2 had died of their wounds; and 2 had died of disease. A
total of 10 officers.
Of the Riflemen in the ranks there were
+-------------------------+-----------+---------+----------+-------+
| | Sergeants | Buglers | Privates | Total |
| +-----------+---------+----------+-------+
| Killed in action | | | 10 | 10 |
| Wounded severely | 6 | 1 | 24 | 31 |
| ” slightly | | | 29 | 29 |
| Died of wounds | | | 7 | 7 |
| ” disease | 11 | 3 | 118 | 132 |
| Invalided, and not | | | | |
| included in the above | 3 | | 34 | 37 |
| +-----------+---------+----------+-------+
| Grand total | 20 | 4 | 222 | 246 |
+-------------------------+-----------+---------+----------+-------+
There had landed in India, either with the Battalion or by drafts
joining it, up to this period: 44 officers, 61 sergeants, 25 buglers,
and 1,147 men. So that in this campaign nearly one-fourth of the
officers, and a little more than one-fifth of other ranks, were
killed, wounded, or invalided.
On October 22 Lord Canning, the Governor-General, made his entry into
Lucknow; on which occasion the Battalion escorted him through the
town, parading for that purpose at three A.M., and returning to their
quarters at nine.
On the 29th they were inspected by the Commander-in-Chief, Lord
Clyde, on which occasion there was a review and march-past. And on
that evening the Governor-General, accompanied by their old Commander
in the field, Sir Hope Grant, visited and went round their barracks.
We left the 3rd Battalion at Gonda in December 1858. On January 9,
1859, Head-quarters, with four companies, marched to Murajgunge,
a distance of twenty-five miles; and on the 10th proceeded to the
bank of the Raptee and encamped there. On the next day the Riflemen
crossed the river on rafts, the baggage elephants and camels being
made to wade across, and arrived at Tulsipore in the afternoon. The
object of this march was to take over and escort the guns which
had been taken at the Raptee and previously. Accordingly, on their
arrival at Tulsipore they received from a company of Sikhs three guns
and some treasure.
After a day’s halt they started from Tulsipore on the 13th, and
recrossing the Raptee arrived at Bulrampore after a fatiguing march
of eighteen miles. On the 14th they proceeded to Cughar, seventeen
miles; and on the next day rejoined the remainder of the Battalion at
Gonda.
After one day’s halt the Battalion started on the 17th for Agra,
and passing through Secrora, recrossed the Gogra at Byram Ghât on
the 20th. They proceeded to Nawabgunge on the 21st; and on the
23rd arrived at Lucknow. They marched from there on the 25th, and
reached Bunteerah on the 27th, and Cawnpore on the 28th. Thence
they proceeded by daily marches by Chobeepore, Poorah, Urroul,
Mukrundnuggur, Chubramow, Bewar, Shekoabad, and Ferozabad to Agra,
which they reached on February 12, and were there stationed.
FOOTNOTES:
[299] Lieutenant-Colonel Green, Captain of a company at Chelsea
Hospital.
[300] Sergeant William Mansel was appointed Ensign in the 12th Foot,
August 24, 1859.
[301] ‘London Gazette’ and MS. Narratives of Colonel Green and Mr.
Mansel.
[302] _i.e._ An expedition, literally, a run.
[303] It was found afterwards by measurement to be nearly forty feet
wide, and thirty feet deep, with three or four feet of mud at the
bottom.
[304] ‘ ... Rifle Brigade--Colour-Sergeant Maloney; Private
Etteridge.’
[305] Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel Sotheby.
[306] ‘My Diary in India,’ ii. 370.
[307] Captain G. C. Lane, half-pay.
[308] Mr. Piper is now Paymaster of the 63rd Regiment.
[309] This seems to have been called also Sidhonia Ghât.
[310] _i.e._ blackguards, scoundrels: a name applied by the soldiers
and the loyal to the rebels.
CHAPTER XIII.
I have now to give some account of the Camel Corps, which, as I
have stated, was formed at Lucknow on April 5, 1858, by drafts of
100 men from the 2nd and 3rd Battalions, to which were eventually
added 200 Sikhs. I have mentioned (p. 381) the names of the officers
attached to this corps. The command of it was first proposed to
Lieutenant-Colonel Julius Glyn of the 3rd Battalion; but on his
declining it and preferring to serve with his Battalion, it was
conferred on Major Ross[311] of that Battalion.
The men were to be mounted each on a camel, with a native driver
to guide the animal. On April 7 they made their first attempt at
camel-riding. The camel is, in fact, rather a difficult animal to
sit, and the effects of this first lesson were rather ludicrous;
the men clinging on in every possible position and appearing most
uncomfortable. On the 8th they had two hours more of this drill, and
the men began to sit much steadier; and this practice was repeated on
the next day.
On the 10th the Camel Corps marched to the Dilkoosha at 5.30 in the
morning, and encamped there for the completion of the formation of
the Corps, and for camel-riding drill. But the ground on which they
were encamped being found to be unhealthy--eight or ten men of the
3rd Battalion company having sickened--the camp was moved on the 12th
at five in the afternoon to the front of and close to the Dilkoosha.
The men now made good progress in riding the camels; but with arms
and accoutrements they found it harder to sit the camels, or to sling
or dispose of their rifles. On the 16th Sir Colin Campbell inspected
them, and seemed well pleased at their progress. The Camel Corps were
all this time without a surgeon; and as the men were sickening daily
from the climate, without a regular hospital or medical officer, this
was a serious evil.
On the 27th they left the Dilkoosha at five in the morning, and
marched about five miles to Jellalabad, where they found mud huts and
plenty of mango trees to shelter them from the sun.
While here, at about nine in the evening they experienced a dust
storm, accompanied with vivid flashes of lightning. This was followed
by a heavy fall of rain, which cleared and refreshed the atmosphere.
On the 28th the Corps marched at four in the morning eleven miles to
Bunnee bridge. They halted on the 29th; and on the 30th struck tents
at four in the morning, and marched seventeen miles to Bussarutgunge,
and occupied some out-buildings of a mosque. On this march they
loaded, as rebels were constantly crossing the road. It was found
that the pace of the camels was a little over four miles an hour.[312]
On May 1 they marched to Cawnpore, fifteen miles, and occupied
cantonments near Wheeler’s intrenchment. They had marched from the
Dilkoosha to Cawnpore with the 200 Riflemen only, and 250 camels.
At the latter place they found 150 camels awaiting them, which made
up the mount to 400; and steps were at once taken to raise the two
companies of Sikhs, of 100 each, to complete the Corps to its full
strength of 400 men.
While here Major Ross received a letter from Sir Colin Campbell,
saying that the Camel Corps was a _Corps-d’élite_; and that the
officers were to be very carefully picked, as there would be a great
deal of independent command.
On the 4th they were ordered to march at midnight to Ukburpore, with
stores for Sir Hugh Rose and mortars for the column commanded by
Colonel Maxwell, 88th Regiment. The convoy did not arrive, however,
till about two on the morning of the 5th, when they started and
marched with a long train of hackeries. After proceeding fourteen
miles they halted and pitched tents at eight in the morning. This day
was most fearfully hot, the thermometer reaching 117°. At half-past
eleven at night they struck tents, and marched at midnight. In about
an hour they reached the Rind river and began crossing; but the
convoy and train of hackeries was some two miles long, so that it
was eight o’clock in the morning before all were got over. Then they
continued their march to Ukburpore, about fourteen miles from their
last halting-place, and reached it about 11.30. This day, like the
last, was extremely hot; and as the men did not get in till near
noon, and the rear-guard not till 1.30, they felt the heat extremely.
They encamped on one side of the canal (then dry) in a white burning
plain, without a tree on it, and only some small bushes.
On the 8th the Camel Corps was taken out at a trot, about two miles.
The men were now beginning to get accustomed to the action of the
strange beasts they bestrode, and they found sitting on them more
easy.
Up to this time no General Order had been issued for the formation
of the Camel Corps; one unpleasant consequence of which was that
no pay, regimental or otherwise, was issued to the officers or to
the men. They complained much, too, of their native camel-drivers;
a most ruffianly and undisciplined set of men. As an instance of
their ferocity, I may mention that on the 11th one of these men shot
another with his carbine; and not content with thus wounding him, cut
him over the back of the neck with his sword. The health, too, of the
Rifle companies was unsatisfactory; sunstroke and apoplexy carried
off several men; and their loss in the week ending May 12 was ten men.
On the 13th, striking tents at half-past three in the morning, they
moved their camp about a mile and a half, in the hope of finding a
more healthy situation for it.
On the 15th Colonel Maxwell, to whose column the Camel Corps was at
that time attached, received a communication from Sir Hugh Rose,
who was then advancing slowly towards Calpee, which was said to be
occupied by 8,000 rebels with six guns. In consequence of this the
Camel Corps was ordered to march in the evening, but was afterwards
countermanded. However, further messages having been received from
Sir Hugh Rose, they were ordered off, and marched on the 16th about
half-past two in the morning. They were to have marched about eight
miles; but as the ammunition carts which the 88th Regiment had with
them were not able to get across a river or nullah, the Camel Corps
halted after a march of two miles and pitched tents. Captain Nixon’s
troop started again at half-past six in charge of the convoy; and
having crossed the river, halted at about five miles and a half from
the starting-place at half-past ten. Major Ross with the remainder of
the Camel Corps came in about two. The whole halted till half-past
four, when they trotted into their camping-ground, where they arrived
by six o’clock. Lieutenant Eyre, who had charge of the convoy of
ninety-five carts of ammunition, got them in with his escort about
seven. The name of this halting-place was Bhogneepore. A good deal
of firing had been heard in the direction of Calpee. They halted on
the 17th, and on the next day the Riflemen of the Camel Corps were
ordered to march at one the following morning, to take a fort about
twelve miles off, in which it was reported that there were fifty or
sixty fanatics; but the order was countermanded in the evening.
On the 19th a good deal of firing was heard. And the Camel Corps
was ordered to cross the Jumna. They struck tents at half-past six,
but as they were preparing to move off the order was countermanded;
and they halted during the 20th. But Major Ross, with some of his
officers, crossed the Jumna and visited Sir Hugh Rose’s camp.
The Camel Corps moved at about one on the morning of the 21st, to
join Sir Hugh Rose’s force before Calpee. They crossed the Jumna at
a ford so deep that it was up to the saddles of the camels. After
crossing they joined the 2nd Brigade of the force under Sir Hugh
Rose, and encamped about half-past seven.
The camp was very inconvenient, especially on account of the
difficulty of getting water. For though they were not far from
the river, yet the ravines which intersected the country and the
steepness of the banks of the Jumna, made it impossible to obtain
water without going two or three miles round. After the Riflemen had
got over, 200 camels were sent back under Lieutenant Eyre, to bring
over part of the 88th Regiment. Two Riflemen died of sunstroke on
this march, for the heat was very great, the thermometer standing
at 117° in the tents. The fort of Calpee, which stands on high
ground, unapproachable from the river, and surrounded on all sides by
ravines and a plain dotted only by a few topes of trees, gave them
an occasional round-shot, just to let them realise that an enemy was
close to them.
On the 22nd they had just sat down to breakfast, when an order came
that they were to hold themselves in readiness to turn out at a
moment’s notice. That moment soon came; the ‘assembly’ sounded, and
mounting their camels they formed up with the brigade to which they
were attached. In front of them were thousands of rebels advancing.
Soon an officer came up in great excitement, and ordered the two
Rifle companies of the Camel Corps to advance to the right. On doing
so they found the rebels driving before them the picquet, or rather
they had already driven it in, and were almost on some heavy guns
which were in position there. The rebels were steadily advancing and
within a hundred yards. Then the Riflemen jumped off their camels,
and doubling up to where the picquet was, extended as best they
could, and with a ringing cheer went at the rebels. The fire of
musketry was very heavy; and the rebels let the Riflemen get within
eighty yards of them, but then they fled. In this way the Riflemen
went on in pursuit, doubling through the ravines with which the
country is much intersected, and availing themselves of such cover
as there was; but there was very little. In this affair (called
the battle of Goolowlee) the Rifle companies had but three men
wounded, but twenty-five men were disabled by the sun, as was also
one officer, Lieutenant Eyre. For the heat was fearful; and the pace
the Riflemen went at up to the picquet, now charging, then pursuing
the rebels, was very exhausting. Yet, weary as they were, the 2nd
Battalion company of the Camel Corps had to remain on picquet.
The help of these Riflemen on this occasion was most opportune; for
the enemy had crept up under cover of the ravines to the battery,
which was placed 500 or 600 yards beyond the right of Sir Hugh Rose’s
position; the picquet posted there had given way; and the rebels
would assuredly have had the guns, from which they were not more than
fifty yards distant, and in good cover from a ravine.
On the 23rd, about two in the morning, ‘rouse’ sounded, and their
camels came up; but they were without orders. After waiting about two
hours a staff officer appeared, who informed them that they ought to
have been with Sir Hugh Rose long before. They mounted their camels
and the staff officer undertook to show them the way; but as he
could not wait he left them to themselves. So proceeding in the dark
as best they could, they happily fell in with Sir Hugh Rose about
daybreak. They made a long circuit to the left, and on arriving at a
well which a cavalry picquet had just deserted, the rebels opened on
them from two guns with a brisk fire of shot and shell; aiming well,
but not hitting any of them. These guns were so well concealed in a
ravine that our artillery could not touch them. They then dismounted
and covered the advance, Captain Nixon’s company forming the reserve.
They kept on advancing and returning the enemy’s fire for some time.
At length, when the rebels saw the skirmishers working round their
right flank, they fled, and the Riflemen, on arriving at Calpee,
about two miles distant, found that the Sepoys had disappeared and
that the place was empty.
They reached Calpee about ten, and put up in a house till five in the
afternoon, when they marched to their camping-ground; a dusty place,
but with plenty of water: a luxury they had not had for some days.
The force opposed to them was the Gwalior Contingent, the same the
Riflemen had met at Cawnpore; and here, as there, they fought harder
and stood longer than any other enemy they had encountered in India.
They were commanded by Tantia Topee.
In this action the Riflemen had one sergeant and two privates
wounded, one of them severely.
In his despatch reporting these engagements, dated, Gwalior, June 22,
1858, Sir Hugh Rose (Lord Strathnairn) writes thus:--
‘The very important service rendered on this occasion by Major
Ross, commanding Camel Corps, requires that I should make
especial mention of the ability and resolute gallantry with
which he led his brave Corps.... Lieutenant Buckley[313] of the
same Corps attracted my attention by the spirit with which his
party attacked and bayonetted rebels; for which I beg to mention
him specially.’
On the 24th, being the Queen’s birthday, they paraded at sunrise,
presented arms, and gave three cheers, while the English flag was
hoisted on the fort of Calpee.
They halted during the next day; and on the 26th they marched at two
in the morning, and moving along through the ravines, reached the
ford of the Jumna by which they had crossed on the 21st, but which
was now (owing to rain on the preceding day) running with a strong
current. Four natives were drowned in crossing. On reaching the other
side they marched to Bhogneepore, which they reached about half-past
eight, having made a march of about fifteen miles; and they rejoined
Maxwell’s column.
On the 29th they marched to Ukburpore, about sixteen miles, and
encamped in the same tope of trees they had occupied on their march
from Cawnpore to Calpee.
On the 30th they marched to Suchendee, about fifteen miles, and
arriving at about seven o’clock pitched their camp in a cool and
pleasant place under some trees.
On the 31st they moved at the usual hour, and reached Cawnpore about
half-past six. They occupied barracks near Wheeler’s intrenchment.
They halted at Cawnpore for some weeks, during which time they
received orders to equip for fresh service; and Sikhs having now been
enlisted, two companies of the 80th, which had been for a short time
attached to the Camel Corps, now returned to their regiment. The
camel-drivers were also drilled by non-commissioned officers sent
from the Lahore regiments, and gradually became somewhat more like
soldiers and obedient to discipline. The Riflemen were ordered to
draw from Allahabad capes and yellow gaiters, which added somewhat to
their appearance, and very much to their comfort.
On June 8 they were inspected by Sir Colin Campbell, who expressed
himself well pleased with their appearance, and gave them final
orders for their equipment and completion. He also complimented
them on their conduct at Calpee. They had received up to this time
80 volunteers from Sikh regiments, and 50 Sikh recruits. And 180
Riflemen were effective.
It was intended that they should remain at Cawnpore during the
rainy season; but the rains having been unusually late this year,
they received a telegraphic message on July 20, directing them
to be prepared to move at a moment’s notice, as they were wanted
for special service. And on the 22nd they marched at four in the
morning, and encamped about thirteen miles on the road to Allahabad.
On the next day (or rather in the night) they marched at midnight
and made a march of about twenty miles. On the 24th they reached
Futtehpore after a march of fifteen miles; and on the 25th proceeded
to Khaga, about twenty miles. It had rained, and the roads were very
slippery; one camel came down, and the long march had to be gone
over carefully. On the 26th they made a march of sixteen miles. The
rains had now set in, and their camp and their clothes were in a
perpetual state of moisture. On the next day they marched seventeen
miles; and on the 28th reached Allahabad after a march of twenty
miles, and occupied barracks. On the 29th they were inspected by the
Governor-General (Lord Canning) and Sir Colin Campbell, who expressed
themselves well satisfied with their appearance and performances: a
very satisfactory result of the pains they had taken with their drill
and with their drivers while at Cawnpore.
On the 31st the Camel Corps began crossing the Ganges in boats,
which, with the transfer of the baggage across the river, occupied
the whole day and part of the next, for the Ganges is here about
three miles broad. In this passage two or three camels were lost.
On August 2 they made a march of eighteen miles, which, being
performed at a jog-trot, was soon got over; yet their tents were not
pitched till eleven o’clock. On the 3rd they proceeded to Gopeegunge,
about sixteen miles. On the next day they made a long march of
twenty-four miles. And on the 5th reached Benares, after a march of
fifteen miles, and encamped on the parade-ground in front of the
cantonments.
They remained here during the 6th. On the 7th the camels were got
across the river, a slow and difficult operation, as the boats
drifted some three miles down the stream from the strength of the
current. And on the 9th they marched at five in the morning to
the Raj Ghât, a distance of about four miles. On arrival there an
order was received from Colonel Turner, commanding the force on the
Great Trunk road, to send fifty men, with a proportionate number of
officers, to Mohuneea, which was about thirty-seven miles distant,
and to be there by twelve o’clock that night. Captain Newdigate,
Lieutenants Austin and Eyre, were selected for this duty. They
chose the best camels; and, having crossed the river, immediately
started off. They halted for two hours at Noubutpore, twenty-seven
miles south-east from Benares, having travelled at the rate of seven
miles and a-half an hour: a great pace for even a swift camel to
maintain. Remounting, they finished their march at Mohuneea, tired
and wet through. They there found Colonel Turner, who had intended
to start them off immediately for a place six miles farther, and
across country. But a tremendous shower coming on about one o’clock
in the morning (of the 9th), this intention was abandoned, or rather
postponed. Besides, the camels were so tired that they could not have
gone farther without rest. The officers and men, therefore, sought
shelter and repose in carts, or wherever they could find it, till
nine in the morning. They then started, having received some biscuit
and tea; but they soon found the road impassable for the camels. In
two miles they had six casualties, two camels having to be dug out
of the mud. They therefore dismounted, and marched forward, up to
their knees in mud and slush. After proceeding about two miles and a
quarter farther they halted, having information that the enemy, who
had intelligence of their approach, had disappeared. Some cavalry
were sent on to ascertain whether this report was correct, and on
their return in about an hour with information that it was so, the
camel detachment began to retrace their steps. And up to the middle
in water, and with a burning sun beating on their heads, they marched
back to Mohuneea. On their arrival there they had no change of
clothes, so that they spent the rest of the day and night in great
discomfort.
But at six in the morning of the 10th the remainder of the Camel
Corps came up with their baggage. On the 11th they marched at
half-past two in the morning, and proceeded fifteen miles and a half
to Jehanabad, a large village, about fifteen miles from Sasseram. An
order was received in the afternoon for two officers and fifty men to
be left at this place, as the enemy was expected. Captain Nixon and
Lieutenant Buckley remained with this party, which rejoined the Corps
at the camp of Kurroundea on the 17th.
On the 12th the Camel Corps started at one in the morning, and
marched twenty miles to Kurroundea, about four miles beyond Sasseram,
where they formed a standing camp, and the Engineers built sheds for
the men. The rebels were expected to cross the Great Trunk road,
and to endeavour to escape into a range of hills about four miles
from Sasseram. The camp stood close under a spur of these hills.
A picquet, consisting of an officer and thirty men, was posted
about a mile from the camp, to watch the road from the north. This
picquet was relieved every third day. Altogether this standing
camp of Kurroundea was a pleasant change for the officers and men;
after their long moving about in the plains, the sight of hills was
refreshing; and the grazing being excellent, the camels enjoyed the
change as much as their riders.
On the 15th a detachment of the Camel Corps, consisting of
twenty-five Riflemen and fifty Sikhs, under command of Lieutenant
Eyre, marched from Kurroundea at six in the morning, _en route_ for
Shergotty. They proceeded on camels about six miles to Dearee, where
they halted for breakfast. At three in the afternoon they crossed
the river Sone in flat-bottomed boats. It is here about three miles
broad, and the crossing took about an hour and a half. On reaching
the other side they found bullock-waggons awaiting them; into which
the men being placed, four in each, with one walking beside every
waggon as a guard, they proceeded through the night, and arrived at
three in the morning of the 16th at Norungabad, about thirteen miles
from the river.
They left it again at half-past three in the afternoon, and arrived
at Shergotty about six in the morning of the 17th, where this
detachment continued for some time.
The Head-quarters of the Camel Corps continued at Kurroundea,
and soon after, on the 20th, an order arrived at noon for every
available man of the Camel Corps to accompany Colonel Turner.
Accordingly eighty Riflemen and some Sikhs under Major Ross started
from Kurroundea at half-past one in the afternoon, and marched about
twenty miles to Nassreegunge on the Sone, where rebels were reported
to have been sent by Oomar Singh to collect revenue. On arrival they
found that 150 rebels had been at Nassreegunge in the morning, but
had quitted it, leaving about twenty men behind in charge of the
place. These were taken quite by surprise, and sixteen were killed;
and two, who were slightly wounded, escaped. The Riflemen bivouacked
near an old indigo plantation.
In the night a detachment of the 37th Regiment arrived; and in
the morning Colonel Turner started with twenty-five men of the
Camel Corps on four elephants, under Lieutenant Austin, some Sikh
Cavalry, and the party of the 37th. But this party of the Camel Corps
returned to Kurroundea on the 23rd, having only captured two or three
prisoners. The other portion of the Camel Corps marched back from
Nassreegunge to Kurroundea on the 21st.
On the 25th Lieutenant Jeames, with twenty-five men of the Camel
Corps, marched on foot to Nassreegunge, as the rebels were expected
to return and destroy it. This detachment returned to camp on the
30th.
On September 3 Lieutenant Scriven was sent with thirty men to join
Colonel Turner at Bikrumgunge, as the troops at that place had been
attacked by the rebels, whom, however, they had driven off.
On September 5 Major Ross, with 50 of the Camel Corps, two guns, a
few Sikh Cavalry, and 40 of the 37th Regiment, started from the camp
to join Colonel Turner, who was twenty-six miles distant towards
Jugdespore.[314] Their first day’s march was about twenty miles to
Sunjowlee Khas, and on the 6th they reached Bikrumgunge early in
the morning, and effected their junction with Colonel Turner and
the party under Scriven. After halting for breakfast, they paraded
again at half-past ten, and leaving all their baggage under a guard,
proceeded to a village, Surajpore, about five miles off. This was
a large and strong place, and about 500 rebels occupied it. But,
notwithstanding the disparity of the attacking force, they abandoned
it after firing a few shots at the advanced guard of cavalry. The
Camel Corps pursued them as far as Kullanee, but could not come up
with them. And the rebels having disappeared, they returned to Bikrum
in the afternoon, where they halted during the next day. The Riflemen
had a hard day’s marching and skirmishing, sometimes up to their hips
in water.
On the 8th, Colonel Turner having received intelligence that some
rebels were likely to cross the main road about four miles farther
towards Jugdespore, they started early to intercept them. After
about an hour and a half’s march they came in sight of a large body
of rebels posted in a village on the right. The Camel Corps, the
cavalry, and the two guns started to attack them. But owing to the
rains the roads were deep with mud; the rice fields on each side
were under water, with a thick deposit of mud beneath it, and it was
impossible for camels, or horses, or guns to move rapidly; so that
the rebels escaped before these troops could reach them. Whilst they
were engaged at this work, a party of the rebels made an attack on
Bikrum, and came up within a few hundred yards of the trenches there
thrown up for protection. However, several of them were killed or
wounded, and amongst them the leader of the attack. On receiving
intelligence of Bikrum being assailed, the force in the field fell
back, and pitched their tents there just before dark; having been out
from half-past three in the morning till six in the evening, during
great part of which time the sun was extremely overpowering.
On the 9th they started about an hour before day on their return, and
marched back ten miles to Nokah, and encamped; and on the 10th, after
a march of sixteen miles, reached their camp at Kurroundea.
On the 12th Captain Nixon and Lieutenant Jeames, with 20 Riflemen
and 30 Sikhs, were detached to Sunjowlee Khas, and did not rejoin
Head-quarters at Kurroundea till October 26.
On the 23rd the Camel Corps (forming part of Colonel Turner’s force)
marched to Nassreegunge, where they halted on the 24th. On the next
day they moved to Behta, some miles farther up the Sone, and were
occupied on that day and the 26th in destroying several boats which
the rebels had concealed under boughs of trees and in the mud. On
the latter day Captain Newdigate, with thirty men of the Camel Corps,
was sent to Sukreta, where a rebel Rissaldar, Unjoor Singh, was
said to be. But he had left the evening before, and this detachment
returned to Behta. On the 27th, having intelligence that some rebels
were not far off they marched some distance to Khurona; and a spy
having come in while they were halting for breakfast, and having
reported that the enemy were close at hand, they started in pursuit,
the cavalry taking one direction and the Camel Corps another. The
former, 120 Sikhs, under Mr. Baker, found the rebels in a village,
and by making a feint of retiring, drew them out into the open;
when wheeling round, they attacked them, and succeeded in killing
about 100, all mutinied Sepoys, with small loss to themselves. Their
opponents numbered 700. The Camel Corps came up at the close of this
engagement, but the rebels had then fled so far that it was useless
to pursue them, and they encamped near Suhejne.
They halted on the 28th to allow supplies to come up from
Bikrumgunge; and on the 29th marched to the westward and south
of Jugdespore, in order to drive the rebels from the surrounding
villages into that place; and in the afternoon came to Kooath, a
village which had been occupied just before by some 300 of the enemy;
but who, on hearing of their approach, had fled in such hot haste
that it was impossible to overtake them. They encamped at Dawuth,
where they halted on the 30th, and were occupied in collecting arms
from the villages in the neighbourhood. During the last four days
they had been exposed to heavy rains.
On October 1 they moved on to Roopsaugor, about thirty miles north
of Sasseram, whence they moved towards Soombursa. But, as usual,
the enemy fled at the first approach of the Camel Corps, and they
returned to the camp at Roopsaugor.
And on the 3rd proceeded on their route to two large villages,
Dinareh and Kochus, which were said to be occupied by rebels. They
reached the former on the 4th, after a most fatiguing march, the
country being under water and deep in mud; and on the 5th arrived at
Kochus. Great difficulty was experienced in obtaining information.
The populations of the villages, which in this part of the country
are scattered about at distances of scarcely half a mile, were
evidently friendly to the rebels; and all knowledge of their
whereabouts or of having seen them was persistently denied. Yet it
afterwards turned out that a body of rebels, under a chief they were
in search of, were hiding in a village within a mile of their track.
On arriving at Kochus it was ascertained that the darogah or headman
of the village had been actively collecting supplies for Oomar Singh;
and after pitching camp a visit was made to his house, which was full
of grain. This having been given to the natives, his residence was
burned. But they had no sooner marched from Kochus than Oomar Singh
and his gang, who had been hiding in the high sugar-cane fields,
entered it.
On the 7th the Camel Corps made a long march, and returned to their
camp at Kurroundea. But their respite from work was not long; for on
the 8th they were ordered to start again, and marched at four in the
afternoon. And after halting at Nokah three or four hours during the
night, reached Bikrumgunge at seven in the morning of the 9th. And
on the next day moved towards Jugdespore; encamping that night at
Deonar, and on the 11th at Sukreta. For the next fortnight the Camel
Corps were on the move, often day and night, to harass the rebels
in the Jugdespore jungles and the Kinsey hills, and to endeavour to
prevent their escape from Jugdespore.
Thus on the 15th Newdigate started with 13 Riflemen and 13 Sikhs at
a quarter to six for Nurainpore, about nine miles from Sukreta, with
orders to bring in two rebel Zemindars; but he found that they had
escaped. So after burning their houses, he returned to the camp at
Sukreta.
On the 16th Brigadier Douglas entered Jugdespore, but the enemy
eluded him and escaped. However, on the 18th they were driven out
of the jungle. On the 20th Colonel Turner directed Colonel Ross to
push on with part of the Camel Corps. Taking with him Major Newdigate
and 2 other officers, and 55 Riflemen, he came on the enemy. As
they approached them another body appeared on their right flank
flying before some cavalry. The enemy were in force, upwards of 100
cavalry and 600 infantry. The Riflemen at once dismounted from their
camels and skirmished up to the village of Sukreta, which the enemy
occupied. Here they had a hard fight; for besides the superiority
of the rebels in numbers, the village, being surrounded by bushes,
formed a strong position; and the rebels, finding they could not
get away, fought better than their usual wont.[315] This fight
lasted for nearly an hour, when the rest of the Camel Corps and of
Turner’s column came up. Among these was Lieutenant Scriven of the
2nd Battalion, who, rushing up to the assistance of his comrades, was
shot immediately. Besides his loss one Rifleman of the 2nd Battalion
was killed and two were wounded severely, of whom one afterwards
died; and of the 3rd Battalion two Riflemen were killed, and one
sergeant and three privates wounded. The Adjutant of the Camel Corps
(not a Rifleman) was also wounded. Of the enemy 70 dead, all rebel
Sepoys, were counted in the village; and two or three times that
number in the surrounding fields. The survivors fled towards the
hills, and being pursued by some Horse under Major Havelock, were
cut up and dispersed. On the next day the Camel Corps proceeded up
the Sone and prevented the rebels crossing to the right bank of that
river. They afterwards returned to their camp at Kurroundea.
Captain Newdigate, however, was detached with thirty-two Riflemen on
camels, to join Major Havelock’s force, which consisted of about 200
men of the Military Train, some Sikh Cavalry, and some of the 10th
Foot mounted on ponies. The Riflemen had no baggage.
On the 21st they marched to Sydha, and after halting there two hours
proceeded to Khooath Khas, where about four in the afternoon they
came on the rebels, who fled at their approach; the Camel Corps
pursued them till after dark, the cavalry cutting up a good many, and
encamped at Sethan. At sunrise on the 22nd this detachment marched by
Suhejne to Jendonee, whence, after a short halt, they proceeded to
Dinareh. They there halted two hours, and on the 23rd reached Kochus,
and thence proceeded to Kyree, where they halted for breakfast. But
intelligence of rebels being in the vicinity being brought in they
started without it. They found the rebels in about three miles,
and on their flying lost trace of them for two or three hours, but
again came upon them near Khurgurh. They pursued them till they
fled across the Great Trunk road about nine miles to the north of
Sasseram. This was the very place where they had been ordered to
drive them across, and where they were to have been intercepted by
the Native Cavalry; but unfortunately these had been deceived by
false intelligence of the rebel movements, and were not in the right
place. The Camel Corps detachment went on to Jehanabad, their camels
being quite exhausted. Here Newdigate found Major Ross with 100 men
of the Camel Corps; and leaving the greater part of his detachment
there he proceeded to Kurroundea with the wearied camels and ten men.
The Camel Corps were soon again in pursuit of the rebels, who, after
crossing the Great Trunk road, got into some hills above Sasseram. On
the 27th they marched, 120 Riflemen and 80 Sikhs, at half-past twelve
to Akbarpore, near Rotas, where they arrived about ten at night. On
the next day they marched to Khyrwa, where they breakfasted, and in
the afternoon proceeded to Jeelokhur, and encamped; but Captain Nixon
with about half the men went on to Nowadah. This detachment on the
next day proceeded to Jadoonathpore, where they were followed on the
30th by the remainder of the Camel Corps. This place was about fifty
miles from Sasseram, and on the Sone. Their position here was to
guard one of the passes to the hills and to prevent the rebels coming
down.
On November 3 and 4 the Camel Corps crossed the Sone, the bed of
which is here some two miles broad and fringed with a range of high
hills on each bank. On the 6th they marched to Purtee; on the 7th
to Muktowar; on the 8th towards Kotah Ghât, when, finding rations
running short, and no supplies likely to come up, they returned to
some distance beyond their camping-ground of yesterday. On the 9th
they marched to Pandoochoona; and on the following day recrossed the
Sone to Jadoonathpore, and encamped, sending a detachment to Nowadah.
On September 13 Newdigate was sent on a patrol to Jaca, about seven
miles from the top of the pass through the hills. Incessantly moving
in pursuit of the rebels, the Camel Corps again crossed the river on
the 14th and 15th; marching on successive days to Pipra, Gao Ghât,
Hurdee, and Choopan. Leaving this on the 20th, they recrossed the
river at daylight and marched to Robertgunge, where they arrived at
half-past three in the afternoon, and leaving it again at ten at
night, reached Pannoogunge at two in the morning of the 21st and
encamped. Here patrols reported that the rebels had escaped into
Oude; they therefore turned back to their camp at Kurroundea, where
they arrived on the 30th. They were soon ordered to follow the
rebels; and starting on December 3 in five days arrived at Benares,
where they encamped and halted till the 10th.
They then marched with orders to join Sir Hope Grant’s column at
Fyzabad. They arrived at Jounpore on the 13th, and proceeded by
Sultanpore to Fyzabad, which they reached on the 20th. Here a letter
from the Chief of the Staff awaited Colonel Ross, directing him to
join Brigadier Barker’s column, about sixty miles north of Lucknow.
They left Fyzabad, therefore, on the 21st, and marched into Lucknow
on the 24th, where they halted for Christmas Day. They marched on the
26th, and encamped about eighteen miles north of Lucknow. The object
of their movement was to watch the right bank of the Gogra, and while
Lord Clyde and Sir Hope Grant were driving the rebels into a corner
between Baraitch and the Nepaul frontier, to intercept any rebels
who might attempt to cross the Gogra. However, on all this march the
Corps was short of camels, many having died in the neighbourhood of
Sasseram, where the climate is said to be very injurious to these
animals. They were therefore ordered to Agra to procure remounts.
They proceeded by Seetapore, Futtehgurh, and Mynpooree to Agra, where
they arrived on January 23, 1859. Having obtained the camels they
required to remount the Corps, they started again on the 26th, under
Brigadier Showers, whose force consisted, besides the Camel Corps,
of two squadrons of the Carabiniers and two squadrons of Irregular
Cavalry. The object of this force was to capture Tantia Topee, who,
with Ferozeshah and a force of some 3,000 or 4,000 horsemen, was
giving trouble to the west and north-west of Agra. On the 27th the
Camel Corps encamped at Bhurtpore. On February 4 they encamped at
Loorkee in the Jeypore district. On the next day they marched at one
in the morning, and reached their camping-ground at eleven. On the
6th they started again at midnight, and arrived at Futtehpore at
half-past eleven, where they halted during the two following days.
Tantia Topee now doubled behind them to the southward, passing by
Nagpore, and with a portion of his followers gave his pursuers the
slip, and it was for some time uncertain in what direction he had
gone.
The Camel Corps, therefore, leaving Futtehpore on the 9th, moved
southward, marching daily from twenty to thirty miles till the 15th,
when they halted for that day at Burroo. Next day they made a march
of twelve miles; and on the 17th, passing through the range of hills
which runs from north-west to south-east through Rajpootana, arrived
at Ajmeer. In all these marches they started about midnight, often
marching till one or two o’clock the next day; and seldom halting
for a day, and then only because the horses of the cavalry required
rest. From Ajmeer the Camel Corps proceeded to Nusseerabad, where
they halted for two days; and on the 21st marched still southward,
and arrived at Boondee on the 26th.
Thence inclining to the south-east, they encamped at Barah in the
Kotah district on March 2. They then moved towards Agra to receive
some supplies forwarded from thence, and on the 13th were encamped
at Madhoopoora in the Jeypore district. Thence retracing their steps
and crossing the Chumbul river, they encamped on the 22nd at Etawah,
and on the 29th at Bilowa in the Gwalior district. This country was
full of jungle, of which the rebels well knew how to take advantage;
so that to trace them, or to dislodge them when tracked, was a most
difficult operation. The Camel Corps marched into Goonah on April
7. On the 8th Tantia Topee was captured (by Colonel Meade’s column)
about ten miles from Goonah and four from the camp of the Camel
Corps. Though he did not actually fall into their hands, there is no
doubt that his inexorable pursuit by Brigadier Showers’ force led to
his capture, and so indeed he himself stated. For though reserved and
uncommunicative to the officers, he spoke freely with the men; and
said that had it not been for the incessant chase of Showers’ force,
which had run him to earth, he would have cared little for any other
troops. He admitted that he had been so closely pressed by them that
on one occasion he hid under a bridge they were actually passing over.
During their few days’ halt at Goonah, Colonel Ross had the
Riflemen’s clothing, which was dilapidated and of many colours from
patches, dyed.
The Camel Corps halted for a week at Goonah, and left it on the 14th
at four o’clock in the afternoon to look for Ferozeshah, who with
some force was about fifty miles to the south. They came upon him on
the 16th near a village, and killed some of his followers; but the
rebels scattered at once and with Ferozeshah escaped into the jungle.
However, they took nine waggons laden with provisions and eleven
prisoners, whom the Sikhs of the Camel Corps immediately shot. They
then moved to Supree, where Tantia Topee had been hanged on the 15th.
On their arrival there Brigadier Showers left them, and the cavalry
which had hitherto formed part of the column also moved off, so that
the Camel Corps, under Colonel Ross, alone began their march towards
Agra. They proceeded by Kallarus and Gwalior, where they arrived on
the 30th, and reached Agra on May 5, where they went into quarters
for about four months.
On September 15 they left Agra _en route_ for Saugor, and passing
through Muneeah and Dholpore encamped on the banks of the Chumbul on
the morning of the 17th. Colonel Ross having endeavoured to find a
ford with elephants, but without success, found it necessary to get
his Corps across in boats; a difficult operation, as from the camels’
dislike to water it is no easy matter to get them into boats. There
were twenty-two boats, most of which held each three, and some few
four camels. The stream was wide and rapid, and the ravines which
border its banks (as they do many of the large rivers of India) had
become water-courses; for much rain had recently fallen. On the
morning of the 18th Colonel Ross took over a party with shovels and
improved the landing-place, which was knee-deep with mud. He then
passed over the two Sikh companies, to find fatigue parties and to
establish a camp. This had to be pitched about two miles from the
river’s bank, as the ravines extend nearly that distance. Before
dark he had succeeded in getting over the camels of three out of the
four troops, besides many baggage-animals. Early on the 19th the
two Rifle companies crossed; by four on that day the whole Corps,
with its baggage, was in camp. Thus, besides the men, 600 camels
were got over in two days, and the baggage, which had to be unloaded
on one bank and loaded on the other. And much time was lost by the
rapidity of the current carrying the boats down-stream. On the 22nd
they arrived at Gwalior, where they halted the next day. On the 26th
they had some difficulty in crossing the Sinde river; for though the
water was not deep the further bank was steep and slippery. On the
27th they encamped at Datia; and on the 28th arrived at Jhansi. On
leaving it on the next day they had to cross the Betwa river, about
six miles’ distance; which, though less troublesome and tedious than
the passage of the Chumbul, was not without its difficulties; and
they encamped about four miles beyond it.
The Camel Corps arrived at Saugor on October 9.
The object of the operations now about to be commenced was to hunt
all the jungles from the southward up towards the river Betwa, the
line of which was to be closely watched. Ferozeshah was somewhere to
the east of Saugor at the head of a body of rebels, or rather robbers
and others of the evil classes, and was keeping the district in a
state of unquiet.
With this view seven small columns were formed, and the command
of one of them, consisting of his own Corps, an Irregular Cavalry
Regiment, and a regiment of Punjaub Infantry, was conferred on
Colonel Ross. Two companies of the Camel Corps, however, under Major
Nixon, were attached to another column.
Both portions of the Corps marched from Saugor on the 14th, and
Colonel Ross moved to a position about fifty miles from it. The
country through which he was to operate was covered with wild
jungle, which clothed hills of moderate elevation, the valleys being
watered by clear streams. After pursuing the rebels in and through
the jungle, where, from their invariably decamping as soon as the
troops approached, and from their knowledge of the paths, it was
impossible to catch or intercept them, Colonel Ross with his party
reached Dergowah, about seventy miles to the north of Saugor, early
in December. He proceeded to Heerapore on the 3rd, and halted till
joined by Major Nixon with the other portion of the Camel Corps.
These had been attached to a column under Colonel Primrose of the
43rd Light Infantry; and on October 27 fifty men of the Camel
Corps, twenty-five Riflemen and twenty-five Sikhs, under command of
Lieutenant Ramsbottom, were engaged at the village of Mitharden,
where some rebels were killed. The Riflemen on this occasion had not
their camels, and fought dismounted.
The seven columns employed in scouring the jungle were broken up, and
returned to their quarters; but the Camel Corps remained out still in
pursuit of rebels.
Leaving a small detachment at Heerapore, the Camel Corps marched on
December 11 to Shahgurh, nine miles, and leaving part of the Corps
there, Colonel Ross with the remainder marched about sixteen miles
further to the banks of the Dessaun river, where he encamped. Here
he was joined by Captain Browne, the Assistant-Commissioner; and on
the 12th, accompanied by him, marched at about seven in the morning.
They had advanced some way when a shot was heard in front, and near a
village about a quarter of a mile distant. Word was also passed from
the front that rebels were in the village. Accordingly they pushed on
with all speed, and soon spied a few mounted and some dismounted men
in the jungle. After proceeding about a mile they came on a riding
camel, belonging to the Assistant-Commissioner. Then the shot heard
was explained: some rebels, headed by a noted miscreant, Dowlat
Singh, had murdered the driver of the camel and the servant of the
Commissioner riding behind him, whom he had sent forward with some
despatches. Colonel Ross requested the Assistant-Commissioner to send
forward a few mounted police, to keep on the track of the rebels,
and to hold them in check till the Camel Corps came up, as these
police could ride faster than the pace of the camels. But they soon
returned, saying that the enemy were too many for them to approach
them. If these men had done their duty the Camel Corps might have
come up with them and caught many of the rebels. As it was, they were
delayed for some time in passing two ravines, the banks of which were
thickly covered with jungle. They followed them for a considerable
distance, but could not come up with them. The Camel Corps proceeded
to Marowra, where they encamped.
They continued engaged in this jungle warfare, or rather harassing
of the rebels, till April 1860, when, returning to Agra by the same
route by which they had moved to Saugor, they arrived there on April
30.
During the seven or eight months the Camel Corps were engaged in
this service their duties were most harassing. They marched at
short notices in every direction, wherever and whenever they had
intelligence of an enemy; and almost always without the satisfaction
of finding or engaging one. Often detachments of forty or fifty men
were ordered to mount at a moment’s notice, and to ride thirty or
forty miles as fast as they could, only to find that the enemy they
expected to fight had fled before they approached his lair, or had
scattered into jungle where it was hopeless to pursue.
Soon after their arrival at Agra they received information that
the Camel Corps was to be broken up. They were disbanded on June
1. The company of the 3rd Battalion joined their Head-quarters at
Agra, where the Battalion was quartered; the company of the 2nd
Battalion proceeded by bullock-cart to Subathoo, where they joined
Head-quarters of the Battalion on June 12. The men of the two Sikh
companies were allowed to volunteer into any native corps they wished
to join.
Colonel Ross, in alluding to his unsolicited and unexpected
appointment to a Companionship of the Order of the Bath, assumes that
it was meant as a recognition not only of his personal services,
but of those of all who were in the Camel Corps; and adds this high
testimony: ‘And well do they deserve this recognition of their
services. For we had lots of hard, tedious work, and never once all
the time I was in command had I to speak a second time to either
officers or men. Each seemed to take pleasure in doing what he had to
do, and in assisting me in every way.’[316]
FOOTNOTES:
[311] Now Brigadier-General John Ross, C.B., commanding Brigade in
Bengal, and lately commanding a Brigade in the Malay Peninsula.
[312] This walking pace was fast for the camel, whose walk does
not generally exceed three English miles an hour. The Heirie (or
swift camel) can travel, at a trot, eight or ten miles an hour, and
maintain this speed for many hours; but that pace is very rough and
fatiguing to the rider (‘Illustrated Natural History,’ by the Rev.
J. G. Wood, i. 706). We shall see hereafter what long and what rapid
marches were made by the Camel Corps.
[313] Captain Buckley was killed by the accidental discharge of his
gun, when out shooting November 1868.
[314] This (Jugdespore on the Sone) is a different place from
Jugdespore in Oude, the scene of the operations of the 2nd Battalion
in April, 1858.
[315] This affair is also said to have taken place at Nonadee
(‘London Gazette’) or Hoadeh.
[316] Private letter, January 6, 1861. For this account of the
actions and movements of the Camel Corps I am indebted to the
journals of Captains George Curzon and Eyre; to information from
Captain Austin, and Sergeants Carroll and Walsh; and especially to
the letters of Colonel Ross.
CHAPTER XIV.
Having thus brought down the account of the services of the two
Battalions in India, and of the companies of those Battalions which
formed the Camel Corps, to the end of the Mutiny, I now resume the
account of the movements of the other Battalions, which, in order not
to interrupt the narrative of the operations in India, I had left
aside.
The 1st Battalion moved from Glasgow to Newcastle-on-Tyne by rail on
September 24, 1858, detaching four companies to Sunderland.
On October 9 Lieutenant-General Sir Harry Smith, Colonel-Commandant
of the Battalion, inspected it; and after the inspection and march
past in the barrack-square, took them to the open ground near the
barracks, where he put them through several rapid manœuvres. On their
returning to the barracks, forming them in square, he addressed them
as follows:
‘Riflemen: I have had you out, and have given you some rough
handling; but I find that I cannot take either Colonel Somerset or
yourselves by surprise. I did this to see if the old stuff was still
awake, for I saw that you could go steadily when you marched past in
the square. This is the only Regiment or Battalion in which I took my
place in the ranks. Your assistance at the Cape--in fact, in three
quarters of the globe I have fought with you, and I always found you
worthy of the green jacket. There is no one here who has soldiered
so long as I have--fifty-three years. Your hardships (which I heard
of) in the Crimea; your comrades now in India; your doings in the
Peninsula, when you still wore the green jacket; and, since that,
in all quarters where fighting was to be done; your officers--your
everything, in fact--will never be forgotten.’ He then desired the
men to let him get out of the square; observing that he well knew he
never could get into it if they wished to prevent him.
The following letter was addressed to Sir Harry Smith by the
Adjutant-General of the Forces:
‘Horse Guards, November 2, 1858.
‘Sir,--I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your
highly favourable and creditable report for the second period of
the current year upon the 1st Battalion Rifle Brigade.
‘The General Commanding-in-Chief deems the absence of crime very
remarkable; and desires me to express his satisfaction at your
finding your old Corps so worthy of you; and further requests
that you will assure Colonel Somerset and all the officers that
they have merited His Royal Highness’ warmest commendation.
‘(Signed) W. F. FOSTER, D.A.G.
‘Lieutenant-General Sir H. Smith, Bart., G.C.B.,
‘Commanding Northern District.’
Colonel Somerset having been appointed to the Staff, Lord Alexander
Russell became Lieutenant-Colonel, and assumed command of the
Battalion on December 17.
During the stay of the Battalion at Newcastle, the officers and men
received the Turkish War Medal for service in the Crimea.
The 4th Battalion at Chichester, having between January 1 and March
31 received 161 recruits, and 102 volunteers from the Militia, had
attained a strength of 34 sergeants, 18 corporals, 15 buglers,
and 649 privates. On April 19 they proceeded from Chichester to
Shorncliffe, and were quartered in that camp.
This Battalion was at first armed with the common or long Enfield
rifle; but in June of this year received the short Enfield and sword.
Having received a further increase of 86 recruits, and 24 volunteers
from Militia regiments, they embarked in August for Malta, having
then a strength of 756 non-commissioned officers and privates.
The Head-quarters, with eight companies, proceeded from Shorncliffe
to Portsmouth by rail on August 11, and embarked on board the
‘Urgent’ troop-ship, and landed at Malta on the 22nd.
Two companies embarked at Portsmouth on board H.M.S. ‘Perseverance’
on the 13th, and reached Malta on August 25. The remaining two
companies forming the Depôt proceeded to Winchester, and were
attached to the Depôt Battalion there.
On May 6, 1859, the 1st Battalion was moved by rail from Newcastle
and Sunderland to Portsmouth, where it arrived on the afternoon of
the 7th, and occupied quarters: Anglesey barracks, two companies;
Colewort barracks, two companies; Cambridge barracks, three
companies; Clarence barracks, three companies.
The 4th Battalion remained at Malta, moving its quarters in September
from Lower St. Elmo barracks to Fort Ricasoli.
On March 27, 1860, the 1st Battalion removed by rail from Portsmouth
to Aldershot, and occupied huts in the North Camp.
On which occasion the following order was issued by Major-General the
Hon. Sir James Y. Scarlett, K.C.B.:
‘Portsmouth, March 26, 1860.
‘His Royal Highness the Commander-in-Chief, having ordered the
1st Battalion Rifle Brigade to be removed from this garrison
and district to Aldershot, Major-General Sir James Scarlett
cannot allow the Corps to quit his command without doing them
that justice which is due to them, in expressing his great
regret in parting with them, and offering his best thanks to
Lieutenant-Colonel Lord Alexander Russell, and the officers and
the men under his command, for the orderly and soldier-like
conduct of the Battalion during the period they have served in
this garrison (excelled by no Corps in smartness in the field
and in quarters). The conduct of both officers and men has been
such as to make their departure felt as a great loss, both in a
military and a social point of view. They carry with them the
best wishes of the Major-General wherever their duty may lead
them; and he believes his feelings towards them are shared by
both the civil and the military members of the garrison and the
district.
‘By order,
‘(Signed) J. C. THACKWELL, A.A.G.’
Their old companion-in-arms, Sir Harry Smith, having died in London
on October 12, was succeeded as Colonel-Commandant of the Battalion
by their former Lieutenant-Colonel, Major-General Sir George Buller,
K.C.B.
The 2nd Battalion remained at Lucknow till January 3 in this year,
when they marched _en route_ for Delhi by the following route:
Jan. 3 to Bunteerah 10 miles.
4 ” Nawabgunge 12 ”
5 ” Oonao 13 ”
6 ” Cawnpore 12 ”
Here they halted until the 19th, when, being relieved by the 52nd,
they marched for Subathoo, to which station their destination was
changed:
Jan. 19 to Kullianpore 8 miles.
20 ” Chobeepore 8 ”
21 ” Poorah 12 ”
22 ” Urrowl 13·3 ”
23 ” Meeran-ke-Serai 9·5 ”
24 ” Goorsuhagunge 13·3 ”
25 ” Chubramow 14·5 ”
27 ” Bewar 13·3 ”
28 ” Sultangunge 14·6 ”
29 ” Kurrowlee 8·3 ”
30 ” Mullown 12 ”
31 ” Eytah 11·1 ”
Feb. 2 ” Bhudwas 12·5 ”
3 ” Secundra Rao 9·2 ”
4 ” Akburabad 10·3 ”
6 ” Allygurh 13·6 ”
7 ” Somnagunge 14·2 ”
8 ” Khoorja 13·4 ”
9 ” Chorla 8 ”
10 ” Secundrabad 10·3 ”
11 ” Dadree 10·1 ”
12 ” Gazeeoodeenuggur 11·4 ”
13 ” Delhi 12·4 ”
They halted at Delhi till the 18th, when, resuming their march, they
proceeded to Allypoor 10·6 miles.
Feb. 19 to Raie 10 ”
20 ” Lursowlee 11·2 ”
21 ” Sumalka 10·4 ”
22 ” Paneeput 11·4 ”
23 ” Gourrunda 9·6 ”
24 ” Kurnal 11·1 ”
26 ” Bootanah 10·6 ”
27 ” Peeplie 8·7 ”
28 ” Shahabad 13·3 ”
29 ” Umballa 13 ”
Leaving the left wing, 5 companies under Lieutenant-Colonel Fyers,
at Umballa for target practice, the Head-quarters marched on March 2
for Subathoo, where they arrived on the 7th; and where the left wing
joined them on the 30th. The Battalion had thus made a march of more
than 440 miles, from Lucknow to Subathoo.
Here they remained until December, when, marching in three divisions
on the 4th, 6th, and 12th, they arrived at Umballa on the 8th,
13th, and 16th respectively, and were there stationed for musketry
instruction and target practice.
The 3rd Battalion remained at Agra during the whole of this year.
The 4th Battalion remained at Malta during this year.
In the latter part of this year the Regiment received a cloth shako
of a new pattern, that known by the name of the ‘Albert shako’ being
discontinued.
The 1st Battalion left Aldershot by rail on the afternoon of April
9, 1861, for Liverpool, where they embarked for Dublin, which they
reached on the 10th, and landing on the 11th occupied Richmond
barracks.
On the 29th they marched by route to Naas, and thence on the next day
to the Curragh camp.
During their stay at the Curragh they marched to Dunamase near
Maryborough; where they encamped, using the ‘_tentes d’abri_’ for the
first time, and returned to the Curragh on the next day.
On September 17 the Battalion left the Curragh, marching that day
to Naas, and on the next to Dublin, where they re-occupied Richmond
barracks.
During the time the Battalion was in the garrison of Dublin, a
question arose as to the Castle guard, which is mounted at the
residence of the Lord Lieutenant, when furnished by the Rifle Brigade
carrying a colour. One of the colours of regiments of the line is
‘trooped’ and carried by this guard; but the Rifle Brigade having no
colours, the attempt to make the subaltern for guard carry it was of
course resisted. Sir George Brown, who then commanded in Ireland,
though he had served many years in the Regiment, wished to insist on
the colour being carried. But the officer commanding the Battalion
referred the matter to His Royal Highness the Colonel-in-Chief; and
in consequence the following memorandum was issued from the Horse
Guards June 10, 1861:--
‘His Royal Highness the General Commanding-in-Chief has received
the commands of the Queen to notify that Her Majesty is pleased
to dispense with the use of colours when guards of honour or
guards over the Royal person are furnished by Regiments which do
not ordinarily carry colours.
‘By command,
‘(Signed) J. YORKE SCARLETT, A.G.’
The American ship ‘San Jacinto’ having boarded the Royal Mail Packet
‘Trent’ and forcibly removed Messrs. Mason and Slidell, Commissioners
from the Southern Confederate States proceeding to London and
Paris, the Government, having resolved to demand reparation for
this outrage on the British flag, ordered a force to proceed to
Canada for the defence of that country in the event of a war. The
Battalion was therefore ordered on December 4 to hold itself in
readiness for active service, and having been inspected on the 7th
by Major-General Ridley, embarked on the 11th at the North Wall,
Dublin, in two divisions on board the ‘Windsor’ and ‘Trafalgar,’
under the command of Lord A. G. Russell, for Liverpool. They arrived
there on the following day and were immediately transferred to the
hired steam-ship ‘Australasian.’ Their strength being
Field-officers Captains Subalterns Staff Staff-Sergeants
3 10 21 6 5
Sergeants Buglers Corporals Privates Total
38 16 37 738 874
At 7 P.M. on December 13 the ‘Australasian’ started, with orders
to make the passage of the St. Lawrence, if possible; which was,
however, doubtful in consequence of the ice in the depth of winter.
They had fair weather till the 23rd, when they sighted Cape Race.
But at midnight it came on to blow a gale, with snow, or rather ice,
falling so thick that it was impossible to see a foot before them.
The ‘Australasian’ continued tacking all the 24th, and at midnight
it was found she was off the southern coast of Anticosti. The
captain now declaring that he was averse to trying to enter the St.
Lawrence in such weather, it was resolved (after consultation with
the commanding officer and the officer of the Royal Navy on board) to
make for Halifax, which, after a dangerous passage between Cape Ray
and St. Paul’s Island, they reached at midday on the 26th.
During the voyage each man was supplied with warm clothing.
On December 14 the lamented death of Field Marshal His Royal Highness
the Prince Consort, Colonel-in-Chief, took place at Windsor Castle.
He was succeeded by Field Marshal Lord Seaton; who, though not a
Rifleman, had as colonel of their old comrades of the Light Division,
the 52nd, and as commanding a brigade in the Peninsula and at
Waterloo, fought beside the Riflemen in many actions.
The 2nd Battalion returned to Subathoo, marching from Umballa on
March 11 and arriving at Subathoo on the 16th.
The 3rd Battalion marched from Agra on March 6 for Bareilly, where
they arrived on the 21st and occupied quarters.
The 4th Battalion continued at Malta, changing their quarters from
Fort Ricasoli to Fort Manoel, Valetta, on March 27.
By order dated Horse Guards, January 22, 1862, it was intimated that
the Queen “desiring to perpetuate the remembrance of her beloved
Husband’s connection with the Rifle Brigade, and feeling sure that
it will be gratifying to the Corps to have the name of one who, as
its Colonel-in-Chief, took such deep and constant interest in its
welfare, had been pleased to command that it should in future bear
the designation of ‘The Prince Consort’s Own Rifle Brigade.’”
The 1st Battalion did not disembark at Halifax, and after
remaining there a week in order to coal the ship, left it in the
‘Australasian,’ on January 1, 1862; and, after encountering another
severe gale and snowstorm in the Bay of Fundy, reached St. John’s,
New Brunswick, on the 3rd at two P.M. and immediately landed, and
occupied quarters in the permanent barracks. The heavy baggage
was left in store at St. John’s; but the Battalion proceeded in
detachments of five officers and about 100 men daily from the 6th to
the 14th. They were conveyed in sleighs: one for the officers, one
for every eight men, and two for rations, ammunition and baggage. The
men received a field ration. Previous to starting they had breakfast
and half their meat; at the midday halt a pint of tea and half the
ration of grog; the remainder of their ration on their arrival at
the halting place for the night. They were dressed in great-coats,
fur caps and mocassins, with the accoutrements outside the coat: the
pouch being in front for the convenience of sitting in the sleighs;
the cape of the great coat being turned up, and tied with a woollen
comforter outside. Over all a blanket with a hole cut for the head as
a ‘poncho.’
The first day’s journey was from St. John’s to Fredericton, 60 miles.
The second, Fredericton to Tilley’s Hotel, Dumfries, 29 miles.
The third, Tilley’s to Woodstock, 32 miles.
The fourth, Woodstock to Florenceville, 23 miles.
The fifth, Florenceville to Tobique, 23 miles.
The sixth, Tobique to Grand-Falls, 24 miles.
The seventh, Grand-Falls to Little-Falls, 36 miles.
The eighth, Little-Falls to Fort Ingall, 37 miles.
The ninth, Fort Ingall to Rivière-du-Loup, 42 miles.
The men were placed at night in such rooms or shelter as the halting
places afforded, lying down on pine branches. Very great hospitality
was manifested by the scattered inhabitants. Owing to the precautions
taken no casualty occurred, save a few slight cases of frost-bite.
One being that of Captain Playne, who, as well as two other officers
who had recently joined from the Battalions in India, specially felt
the extreme cold.
From Rivière-du-Loup, each detachment proceeded on the following
morning by the Grand Trunk railway to Montreal, where the Battalion
was assembled and occupied the College which had been given up by the
Roman Catholic Bishop for the use of the troops.
The Head-quarters of the Battalion, consisting of 5 companies, left
Montreal by special train at 8.45 A.M. on January 31, and arrived at
Hamilton, Canada West, at 4.30 P.M. on the succeeding day, and were
received with a perfect ovation by its inhabitants. The left wing
followed, leaving Montreal on February 10 and arriving at Hamilton on
the next day.
As there were no barracks at Hamilton the Battalion was quartered in
four different stores which had been hired for their occupation. The
overland journey from St. John’s to Hamilton was completed without
the loss of a single man. This is most creditable to the Riflemen, as
numerous agents of the United States offered them many temptations to
desert.
The 2nd Battalion continued at Subathoo, sending detachments of
two and three companies at a time to Umballa for musketry training
during the months of December 1861, and January and February of this
year. These having all returned the Battalion was again concentrated
at Subathoo at the end of March, and continued there during the
remainder of the year.
The 3rd Battalion continued at Bareilly, detaching one company to
Loohoo Ghât on March 13.
The 4th Battalion remained at Malta during the whole of this year.
The Colonel-in-Chief, Field Marshal Lord Seaton, died on April 17,
1863, and was succeeded by General the Right Hon. Sir George Brown,
who had, as Lieutenant-Colonel, commanded the 2nd Battalion for
seventeen years.
By a General Order, dated ‘Horse Guards, September 3, 1863,’ Her
Majesty the Queen, in commemoration of the services of the Rifle
Brigade in Her Majesty’s Indian dominions, was graciously pleased to
command that the word ‘Lucknow’ should be borne on the appointments
of the Brigade.
The 1st Battalion remained at Hamilton during this year, its
establishment being reduced on April 1 to--
Field Officers Captains Subalterns Staff Sergeants Buglers
3 12 24 5 58 25
Corporals Rank and File
50 750
On February 2 the 2nd Battalion marched from Subathoo, and arrived at
Delhi on the 20th.
Three companies, under Captain F. Seymour, marched from Delhi to
Meerut on November 22, and returned to Delhi on December 4.
The 3rd Battalion marched from Bareilly on January 15 (the detachment
from Loohoo Ghât having previously rejoined), and formed part of the
Governor-General’s escort at Agra on the 30th, and then marched to
Umballa, where it was inspected by the Commander-in-Chief in India on
March 30; after which it proceeded to Meon Meer, arriving there on
April 16.
In the latter part of this year some of the tribes on the
north-western frontier, between British India and Afghanistan,
manifested a disposition to be troublesome; they made incursions into
our territory, and pillaged some villages. A force under Sir Neville
Chamberlain was therefore sent up to chastise them. Unfortunately,
the difficult nature of the mountain passes, and the warlike nature
of the tribes occupying these hills, proved insuperable obstacles to
the troops originally sent forward. Reinforcements were required;
and with this object the regiments at some of the adjacent stations
were despatched to the frontier under Sir John Garvock. The 3rd
Battalion was in consequence sent up to occupy the place of one of
these regiments. Accordingly they left Meon on November 25, and
proceeded to Googerat, which they reached on December 1. On the 4th
they arrived at Jhelum, on the 18th at Rawul Pindee, and on the 19th
reached Hoti Murdan, a frontier fort situated beyond the Indus. About
the middle of December Sir John Garvock, in two engagements, had
completely defeated the offending tribes to the north, and had (as
it was supposed) terminated this frontier war. The Riflemen of the
3rd Battalion, therefore, not unnaturally concluded that their long
and rapid march had been, so far as fighting went, to no purpose, and
that they should return without having fired a shot. At any rate,
they expected to eat their Christmas dinner at Hoti Murdan in peace.
But on that very morning of the 25th, at three o’clock, they were
startled by hearing the bugle sound for ‘Orders.’ They were to march
at once for Shubkudder, another of the frontier forts, pushed up,
indeed, to the very border of our north-eastern boundary. The Mohmund
tribe had shown signs of disquiet, and had not long before made an
incursion to Shubkudder, and killed an officer of Irregular Cavalry,
who attempted with a party to cut them off before they could return
to their mountains. The Battalion started at once, and marched on
Christmas Day eighteen miles to their camping-ground at Nowshera. On
the 26th they made a double march of twenty-four miles to Peshawur,
and on the 27th reached Shubkudder, after a march of twenty-one
miles, where they encamped. The Fort of Shubkudder is situated at
the foot of a spur of the Bajour mountains, in a fork formed by the
junction of the Lundye river with the Cabool, and not very far to the
north of the Khyber Pass.
On the 30th the Mohmund tribes were seen assembling on the low hills
which bound the plain, and advancing in considerable numbers. They
did not, however, on that occasion come down from their mountain
fastnesses; but the spies reported that an attack might be expected,
as they had sworn to engage the force at Shubkudder.
Accordingly, on January 2, 1864, they were seen from the fort, early
in the morning, descending the mountain paths, and collecting on a
ridge about two miles off. Colonel Macdonell, who was in command of
the force, sent Colonel Ross with a company of Riflemen and one of
Ghoorkas, to occupy a village about 800 yards in front of the fort,
to endeavour to entice them down. They accepted the invitation, and
were soon seen creeping down from the hills in twos and threes;
taking cover under every bank and inequality of the ground. They
opened fire, which mostly whistled over the heads of the Riflemen,
who returned it, probably with better effect. Meanwhile their main
body came down towards our left, and planted their standards on a
mound about 1,000 yards off. Colonel Macdonell, seeing that they were
not disposed to come on, sent a small body of cavalry[317] and some
skirmishers to turn their right. Three guns were sent to the left of
the village and opened on them. They could not stand their fire; the
flags soon disappeared from the mound, and the Mohmunds retreated in
a disordered crowd. Then the remaining companies of the Battalion,
with Ross’s party and the Ghoorkas, formed a long line in extended
order, and with the guns, advanced across the plain, and followed the
retreating enemy over the ridge and to a valley beyond. There the
cavalry charged from the left right into them, and completed their
defeat. The Riflemen gave them a hot fire as they ascended the passes
into their hills. Whilst the cavalry and guns withdrew, the Battalion
retired in alternate lines of skirmishers; but the enemy were so
disorganised and disheartened that they made no attempt to disturb
their retreat. On reaching the plain, the Riflemen closed; and they
reached their camp at dusk. The Mohmunds occupied an extent of some
two miles from right to left, and are supposed to have numbered about
7,000.[318]
The 4th Battalion left Malta on September 17, and landed at
Gibraltar on the 21st, where they were inspected on December 18 by
Major-General Sir Robert Walpole, K.C.B., who had so long served in
the Regiment, and under whose command the Riflemen had often fought
in India.
The 1st Battalion moved by rail on May 31, 1864, from Hamilton to
Kingston, where they arrived on June 1 and were quartered, seven
companies in Tête-de-Pont barracks, and three companies at Fort Henry.
During the stay of the Battalion at Kingston the men were allowed
freely to boat on Lake Ontario, restrictions which had formerly
been placed on the troops through fear of desertion being removed
by the commanding officer, in perfect confidence in the loyalty of
the Riflemen. Every company had a boat; and excursions on the lake
and boat races were common among the men. Nor was this confidence
misplaced, no desertions having, by this means, taken place.
Previous to leaving Hamilton the following Brigade-order was
received:--
‘Toronto, May 28, 1864.
‘Major-General Napier cannot allow the 1st Battalion of the P.
C. O. Rifle Brigade to leave his district without conveying to
Colonel Lord Alexander Russell, the Officers, Non-commissioned
Officers, and Privates, his unqualified approbation of the good
conduct of the Regiment, during the time they have been serving
under his command in Canada West. Major-General Napier has often
served with the 1st Battalion, and in bidding them farewell for
the present trusts that he may at some future period have the
Regiment once more under his command.
‘By order,
‘(Signed) J. E. HALL.
‘Major of Brigade.’
On September 8 and 9 the Battalion embarked at Kingston in two
divisions on board the steam-boats ‘Banshee’ and ‘Grecian,’ and
proceeded to Montreal, where they arrived on the 9th and 10th, and
occupied quarters in the Victoria barracks. Where they were inspected
on the 19th by Lieutenant-General Sir W. F. Williams, Bart., K.C.B.,
Commanding British North America.
Colonel Julius Glyn, C.B., assumed command of the 2nd Battalion
at Delhi on January 18, Colonel Hill having been appointed to the
command of a brigade.
The Head-quarters marched from Delhi on March 26 to Meerut, where
they arrived on the 29th. The left wing followed on April 1, and
arrived at Meerut on the 4th.
We left the 3rd Battalion at the Camp of Shubkudder, after the fight
of January 2. They remained there until the middle of February, when
they moved to Rawul Pindee, where they arrived on the 15th. In about
a month they left Rawul Pindee, and marching by Khairabad and Akorah,
reached Peshawur on the 20th, and there occupied quarters.
On December 30 they moved to Nowshera, where they arrived on January
1, 1865.
The 4th Battalion remained at Gibraltar during the whole of the year.
In September Whitworth rifles were issued to the men of this
Battalion, forty short Enfields being retained for the use of the
sergeants.
The 1st Battalion continued in quarters at Montreal, where on
March 9, 1865, a letter was received, of which the following is an
extract:--
‘Horse Guards, February 15, 1865.
‘The resistance of the men of the 1st Battalion Rifle Brigade to
the great temptations held out to them to desert has elicited the
expression of His Royal Highness’s highest commendation.’[319]
On May 2 the Battalion embarked at Montreal in the steamboat
‘Europa,’ and proceeded to Quebec; and arriving there the following
day, occupied the citadel.
The Battalion having been inspected by Major-General the Hon. James
Lindsay, a letter was received, which contained the following
approval:--
‘Horse Guards, August 11, 1865.
‘The Duke of Cambridge has received with much pleasure
Major-General the Honourable James Lindsay’s very favourable
account of the 1st Battalion Rifle Brigade, which His Royal
Highness desires may be highly commended, more particularly for
the shooting.’
The 2nd Battalion remained at Meerut during the whole of the year.
On January 1 the 3rd Battalion arrived from Peshawur at Nowshera,
and occupied quarters until December 13, when they left it for Rawul
Pindee, where, arriving on the 19th, they occupied quarters.
The 4th Battalion embarked at Gibraltar on board the ‘Himalaya’
troop-ship on July 7 for Canada; and arrived at Point Levis on
the 22nd, where they were encamped, and employed in erecting
fortifications until October; on the 19th of which month they
proceeded to Montreal, and occupied quarters in the Victoria barracks.
In this year the Regiment lost its Colonel-in-Chief, Sir George
Brown, G.C.B., who died at Linkwood, Morayshire, on August 27. His
remains were interred in the Cathedral burial-ground at Elgin on the
31st, being borne to the grave by five old Riflemen, who had served
under him.
He was succeeded by Field-Marshal Sir Edward Blakeney, G.C.B., who
had never served in, nor been connected with the Regiment.
The 1st Battalion remained in the citadel of Quebec during the whole
of the year 1866.
On June 9 a railway-van, containing 2,000 pounds of ammunition, on
its way from Quebec to Kingston, under charge of a sergeant and a
guard of the Battalion, was discovered to be on fire on reaching
Danville Station. It had been ignited by a spark from the engine. The
van was immediately shoved down the line away from the station, and
the alarm given. The people living in the vicinity fled from their
houses, in fear of the explosion. Private Timothy O’Hea of this guard
ran down to the van, forced open the door, removed the covering from
the ammunition, discovered the source of the fire, ran for water,
and extinguished it. A braver or more daring act it is impossible
to imagine. A subscription was immediately set on foot, and a purse
handed to the brave Rifleman; and he subsequently received the
Victoria Cross for this courageous act.
On October 14 occurred the great fire at Quebec; and the Riflemen
took a very active part in endeavouring to suppress it, to save life,
and to rescue property from the flames. One man of the Battalion,
named William Berry, distinguished himself by rescuing a child from
a house, which the engineers were about to blow up, to prevent the
extension of the fire. The train had been laid; and the fuse was
already burning, when this brave man rushed in, and brought out the
child in safety. For this gallant act Berry was recommended for the
Victoria Cross; and though he did not obtain it, he was specially
mentioned in General Orders issued at Montreal on May 7, 1867.
The 2nd Battalion continued at Meerut until November 2, when it moved
_viâ_ Ghazeeabad, to Agra, where it arrived on the 5th, and was
encamped during the durbar held by the Governor-General, Sir John
Lawrence; till December 1 to 5, when it proceeded in detachments, by
rail, to Fort William, Calcutta.
The 3rd Battalion continued at Rawul Pindee until the 1st, when
they were employed in the construction of a road from Murree to
Abbottabad. This work continued till November 5, and on the 10th they
returned to Rawul Pindee.
The Battalion, having been ordered to be increased by 128 privates,
received volunteers from the 34th, 51st, 97th and 98th Regiments.
The 4th Battalion, continuing at Montreal, detached three
companies, with the band, to Ottawa on May 21, and they continued
to be quartered there during the stay of His Excellency the
Governor-General.
On the Fenians from the United States crossing the frontier into
Canada, two companies proceeded from Montreal on June 2 to St.
John’s (Canada East), and were joined there by a company from
Chambly, and were encamped at St. John’s till the 9th; when, being
reinforced by the Head-quarters, consisting of four companies, under
Major Nixon,[320] they proceeded by rail to St. Armand, and were
about to encamp, when Lieutenant Acland,[321] who in the disguise
of a _habitant_ had gone amongst the Fenians, brought word that a
considerable party of them had crossed the Canadian boundary. A small
force, with two guns, to which Captains Norris’[322] and Moorsom’s
companies were attached, started to find them; but the Fenians
seem to have had intelligence of their approach; for although the
guns, escorted by a company of Riflemen, pushed on at a trot, they
disappeared in the wood, or crossed the boundary. On Major Nixon,
with the rest of the force, coming up, he led the skirmishers through
some thick wood and cedar-swamp, and some shots were fired. A few
Fenians, half-starved and partly armed, were taken prisoners. As it
was then near evening, Colonel Elrington ordered the force back to
St. Armand; but Moorsom’s company was sent to Freligsburgh, about 11
miles from St. Armand. On arrival there, they found that the town
had been sacked by the Fenians, and it was with some difficulty
that the Riflemen obtained any provisions. This company returned
to St. Armand on the 10th, but was again detached on the 15th to
guard a block-house, in which the Fenian prisoners were confined, at
Phillipsburgh, on Lake Champlain.
The whole of these companies, except one which proceeded to Chambly
for musketry instruction, returned to Montreal on June 19.
On January 30, 1867, the 1st Battalion received the Snider
breech-loading rifle.
The Battalion proceeded on June 10 across the St. Lawrence to
Point Levis, leaving one company at Quebec. They encamped at Point
Levis, and were employed during the summer in the construction of
fortifications at that place.
On October 7 Head-quarters and two companies moved by rail to Ottawa,
the remaining companies returning to Quebec. On November 20, however,
two of these companies joined the Head-quarters at Ottawa.
The 2nd Battalion, having embarked at Calcutta on board H.M.
Troop-ship ‘Jumna,’ proceeded to Suez. And re-embarking at Alexandria
on board H.M. Troop-ship ‘Crocodile,’ disembarked at Portsmouth on
November 23, and proceeded at once by rail to Devonport, and occupied
quarters.
The 3rd Battalion, being still at Rawul Pindee, on May 1 a working
party of 238 privates, under a field officer, were employed, as
in the preceding year, on the road from Murree to Abbottabad, and
rejoined Head-quarters at Rawul Pindee on November 3.
On January 4 the 4th Battalion at Montreal received the
breech-loading short Snider, in place of the Whitworth rifle.
On September 5 the Battalion left Montreal, and on the next day
embarked on board the Troop-ship ‘Serapis,’and started for England.
They arrived at Portsmouth on the 17th, and disembarked on the 18th,
five companies with Head-quarters proceeding to Chichester, and
three companies to Winchester, whence the Depôt companies joined
Head-quarters. The Battalion made but a short stay in the south
of England; for on December 23 the three companies at Winchester,
with one from Chichester, moved to Weedon. And on the 26th the
Head-quarters and remaining six companies followed, arriving at
Weedon on the next day. Three companies were detached to Leeds, and
one to Northampton.
The Head-quarters of the 1st Battalion continued at Ottawa during the
year 1868, where the companies remaining at Quebec joined on June 6.
In consequence of the proceedings of the Fenians in the United
States, one company of the Battalion proceeded to Coburg on October
1, and was followed by two other companies on the 5th.
The 2nd Battalion continued at Devonport during the whole year 1868.
On January 10 the 3rd Battalion left Rawul Pindee, and began its
march to Moradabad and Seetapore. The left wing marched into quarters
at Moradabad on March 14, and the right wing and Head-quarters at
Seetapore on the 30th.
On November 30 the left wing, under Captain Moore, left Moradabad,
and marched into quarters at Dinapore on December 14.
The 4th Battalion continued at Weedon, Leeds and Northampton, and
furnished yet another detachment of one company to Warwick on January
14. The company at Northampton, however, joining Head-quarters at
Weedon on February 7.
On May 21 the Head-quarters and five companies proceeded to Chester,
and were quartered in the Castle; and the detachments from Leeds and
Warwick joining the company left at Weedon formed the left wing, and
were quartered there.
The Colonel-in-Chief, Sir Edward Blakeney, died on August 2, and the
Regiment had the honour of receiving as his successor General His
Royal Highness Albert Edward, Prince of Wales, who was appointed
Colonel-in-Chief August 3.
The 1st Battalion, continuing at Ottawa, on March 1 and 15, 1869,
furnished parties of 200 men each time to dig out the mail-trains
imbedded in snow between Montreal and Ottawa, the _employés_ of the
railway being insufficient for that purpose. The men carried their
rations with them on these occasions.
On August 5 one company, and on the 17th a second company, proceeded
by steamboat to Montreal on detachment. They were followed by the
remainder of the Battalion in two divisions on September 9 and 10.
On October 8 His Royal Highness Prince Arthur joined the Service
companies at Montreal, having been appointed Lieutenant on August 3.
On the 24th five companies of the 2nd Battalion, under the command
of Lieutenant-Colonel Walker, embarked at Plymouth on board H.M.S.
‘Urgent’ for Portsmouth, and on arrival there marched to Aldershot,
_viâ_ Bishop’s Waltham and Alton.
And on the 14th the Head-quarters embarked on board H.M. Troop-ship
‘Simoom,’ and arriving at Portsmouth, on the 16th, proceeded by rail
to Farnborough; and marching to Cove Common, there encamped until the
23rd, when they occupied huts in the North Camp at Aldershot.
On July 14 the Battalion marched to Chobham, forming part of a flying
column, under Major-General Sir Alfred Horsford. They encamped
there that night, and on the next day marched to Bushy Park, and
encamped. Having taken part in a review at Wimbledon, they returned
to Aldershot by the same route, and reached it on the 22nd, having
taken part in a sham fight.
On August 18 the Battalion, forming part of a flying column under
Colonel Elrington of the 4th Battalion, marched to Bramshill Park,
and encamped there; they remained there during the 19th, and on the
20th returned to Aldershot, having taken part in a sham fight on
Hartfordbridge Flats on their way. On October 1 the Glengarry cap was
taken into wear, in place of the forage cap.
On January 7 the right wing and Head-quarters of the 3rd Battalion
left Seetapore; and arriving at Dinapore on the 19th, marched into
quarters on the 20th, and joined the left wing, which had arrived
there from Moradabad in the previous month.
On May 17 two companies of the left wing of the 4th Battalion at
Weedon left that station, proceeding by rail to Bicester, and thence
marching by Oxford, Wallingford, and Reading to Aldershot, where
they arrived on the 20th. Two other companies followed on June 2,
proceeding by the same route, and (with the fifth company, which
proceeded by rail, and joined them at Reading) arrived at Aldershot
on the 5th.
The Head-quarters and right wing of this Battalion marched from
Chester to Birkenhead on May 31; and embarked there on board the
‘Urgent’ Troop-ship for Portsmouth, where they landed on June 4, and
proceeded to Farnborough. From whence they marched to Cove Common,
where the Battalion encamped.
The Battalion was thus reunited for the first time since its arrival
in England, its detachments having been widely separated; and for
more than a year its two wings having been stationed 120 miles from
each other.
This Battalion, as well as the 2nd, formed part of the flying column
to Bramshill Park, mentioned above.
On September 4 the Battalion removed from the camp at Cove Common,
and occupied quarters in the Permanent barracks at Aldershot.
On April 1, 1870, the establishment of the 1st Battalion, then, at
Montreal, was reduced to
Field Officers. Captains. Lieutenants.[323] Staff. Staff-Sergeants.
4[324] 10 14 3 9
Sergeants. Buglers. Corporals. Privates.
40 21 40 460
On July 7 one company proceeded on detachment to Hochelaga.
On August 30 two companies proceeded, by the steamer ‘Montreal,’
to Quebec, and embarked on board H.M. Troop-ship ‘Tamar’ on the
following morning. And on the 31st the Head-quarters and remaining
companies, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Manningham Buller,
embarked at Montreal on board the steamboat ‘Quebec’; and arriving at
Quebec, went on board the ‘Tamar,’ which started in the evening, and
anchored a few miles down the river at nightfall. On the following
morning she proceeded on her course; but owing to heavy fogs and
bad weather on September 3, did not get clear of the Gulf of St.
Lawrence until the next day. After which the weather was favourable
during the voyage, which ended on the 16th, when the ‘Tamar’ arrived
at Portsmouth about ten A.M. Here orders were received to proceed to
Gravesend, and at three P.M. she started, arriving there at midday
on the 17th. But the Battalion did not disembark until the 19th
(Monday), when they landed, partly in the ship’s boats, and partly
in a small steamer; and proceeded at once to Woolwich, where they
occupied the Royal Marine barracks.
On August 24 the establishment of the Battalion was increased to 760
privates, other ranks remaining as before.
The 2nd Battalion remained in the North Camp, Aldershot; and on
February 1 was equipped with the valise instead of the knapsack.
On August 4 the Battalion marched (forming part of a flying column,
under Major-General Dalrymple White) to Bramshill Park, where they
encamped. And, as in the previous year, after remaining the next day,
marched back to Aldershot on the 6th. On the intervening day the
infantry of the column were put through a very pretty field-day by
Colonel Elrington, of the 4th Battalion.
On August 24 the establishment of this Battalion was raised from 570
to 870 privates.
On the 30th the Battalion left Aldershot, and proceeded by rail to
Dover, where they arrived the same afternoon, and were quartered,
Head-quarters and five companies in the South-front barracks, and the
remaining five companies (under Lieutenant-Colonel Walker) in the
Castle Hill fort.
The following letter was communicated by Major-General Russell,
Commanding at Dover, to Colonel Glyn:
‘Horse Guards, August 31, 1870.
‘Sir,--I am directed by the Field-Marshal Commanding-in-Chief to
inform you that the Lieutenant-General Commanding at Aldershot
has reported that the 2nd Battalion Rifle Brigade marched out
with great regularity and sobriety, and maintained the high
character of the Corps whilst in this command. And I am to
request that you will have the goodness to inform the officer
commanding the Regiment of His Royal Highness’ satisfaction at
receiving so favourable a report.
‘I have the honour, &c., &c.,
‘(Signed) J. HOPE GRANT, Q.M.G.
‘Major-General Russell, &c., &c.,
‘Dover.’
On November 12 the left wing of the 3rd Battalion, under the command
of Major Maclean, left Dinapore by rail for Allahabad, followed by
the Head-quarters and right wing, under Colonel Ross, _en route_ for
Bombay; where they arrived on the 21st, and embarked on board H.M.
Troop-ship ‘Euphrates.’ On the 30th they arrived at Aden, and two
companies disembarked at Steamer-point. On December 1 the remainder
of the Battalion disembarked; and they were stationed, two companies
at Steamer-point, two at Isthmus position, and the remainder of the
Battalion in cantonments.
The 4th Battalion continued to occupy quarters in the Permanent
barracks, Aldershot.
On August 4 they formed part of the flying column, with the 2nd
Battalion, which proceeded to Bramshill Park, and returned to
Aldershot on the 6th.
They moved from Aldershot to Shorncliffe by rail on August 31.
In November this Battalion was again broken up, four companies
proceeding to Chatham on the 11th, for duty in that garrison.
The 1st Battalion continued to occupy the Marine barracks at
Woolwich; and on February 1, 1871, the number of privates was again
altered, being reduced to 560.
On May 23 the Battalion was inspected by His Royal Highness the Duke
of Cambridge.
On August 2 they proceeded by march-route to Wimbledon; on the next
day to Hounslow, on the 4th to Chobham, and on the 5th to Aldershot,
where they encamped on Cove Common. On each of these days they had
encamped at their halting-places.
They remained here till September 12, when (taking part in the autumn
manœuvres of that year) they marched to Chobham ridges; on the 13th
to Chobham; and were employed in constructing field-works on the
14th. On the next day they marched to Pirbright; and after pitching
camp proceeded to the Hog’s-back and remained on outpost duty for the
night. On the 16th they marched to Chobham ridges and remained there
during the next day, Sunday; on the 18th they moved to Chobham and
were encamped there till the 21st, when they returned to Cove Common
and were encamped on their former ground.
During this time the Battalion daily took part in sham fights, and
encamped at night, and in fact acted as in an actual campaign.
On September 27 the Battalion marched to Farnborough and proceeded by
rail to Dover, and was quartered in the Shaft barracks.
The 2nd Battalion at Dover on February 1 had its establishment
increased from 870 to 920 privates.
On September 26 the Head-quarters and three companies marched from
Dover to Shorncliffe, and on the 29th three other companies followed,
and the remaining four companies on October 2, and were there
quartered.
The Service companies of the 3rd Battalion, under the command
of Major Maclean, embarked at Aden on December 7, on board H.M.
Troop-ship ‘Serapis,’ and arrived at Portsmouth on the 30th.
The 4th Battalion continued at Shorncliffe, with four companies at
Chatham; and on July 22 furnished another detachment of a company to
Upnor Castle.
The Head-quarters and remaining five companies moved from Shorncliffe
to Chatham on August 1; furnishing detachments to the Isle of Grain
and to Gravesend.
At the commencement of the year, 1872, the head-dress of the Regiment
was changed; the fur-busby with a bag being substituted for the shako.
[Illustration:
Plate V.
RIFLE BRIGADE, 1871.]
On the recovery of His Royal Highness the Colonel-in-Chief from
his dangerous illness in the winter of 1871-2, Sir George Buller,
Colonel-Commandant, addressed the following letter to the Comptroller
of His Royal Highness’s household:
‘23 Bruton Street, Berkeley Square, March 5, 1872.
‘Sir,--I have the honour by the desire of Lieutenant-Colonel
Manningham-Buller, and the officers of the 1st Battalion Rifle
Brigade, to request you will be pleased to lay before His Royal
Highness the Prince of Wales, Colonel-in-Chief of the Rifle
Brigade, their most respectful and sincere congratulations on the
recovery of His Royal Highness from His late dangerous illness,
and in which congratulations I beg to add that I most cordially
concur.
‘An unavoidable delay has occurred in the transmission of this
address of the officers of the 1st Battalion Rifle Brigade in
consequence of the letter on this subject having been sent to my
house in London, and not forwarded to me, by error.
‘I have the honour to be,
&c. &c. &c.,
‘(Signed) GEORGE BULLER.
‘General, Colonel-Commandant 1st Battalion Rifle Brigade.
‘General Sir William Knollys, K.C.B.
&c. &c. &c.’
To which the following gracious reply was received:
‘Marlborough House, Pall Mall, March 9, 1872.
‘Sir,--I have the honour to inform you that in compliance
with your request, I have laid before the Prince of Wales,
Colonel-in-Chief of the Rifle Brigade, the congratulations
which you have been good enough to forward of Colonel
Manningham-Buller, and the officers of the 1st Battalion Rifle
Brigade, on His Royal Highness’s recovery from His late dangerous
illness, with your own cordial concurrence in them.
‘His Royal Highness requests you will accept for yourself and
convey to Colonel Buller and the officers under his command His
sincere thanks for their congratulations, and assures you how
gratifying it is to His Royal Highness to receive them.
‘I have the honour to be,
&c. &c. &c.
‘(Signed) WILLIAM KNOLLYS,
‘General.
‘General Sir George Buller, G.C.B., Colonel-Commandant
1st Battalion Rifle Brigade.’
On May 1 the establishment of the 1st Battalion was further reduced
to 520 rank and file.
On May 25 the Battalion was inspected by Field-Marshal His Royal
Highness the Duke of Cambridge.
The Battalion remained at the Shaft barracks, Dover, during the whole
of this year.
The 2nd Battalion at Shorncliffe on May 1 received orders to reduce
its establishment from 49 to 47 sergeants; 21 to 19 buglers; and from
850 rank and file to 820.
On August 16 Head-quarters and eight companies of the Battalion,
under command of Major Stephens (Colonel Glyn having been selected
to command a brigade) proceeded by rail to Aldershot, in order to
take part in the autumn manœuvres. On their arrival they encamped
on Cove Common until the 26th, when they marched to Hazeley Heath
and encamped. On the 27th they marched to Silchester, passing by
Strathfieldsaye, where they marched past the monumental statue of
their great Colonel-in-Chief, Arthur, Duke of Wellington. On the
28th they marched to Greenham Heath, where they halted next day,
and on the 30th proceeded to camp near Wilton. On the following day
they marched to camp at Rushall Park, where they remained till the
commencement of the manœuvres on September 4.
But on August 24 the two companies of the Battalion remaining at
Shorncliffe, with the women, children and baggage, were conveyed by
train from Shorncliffe to Dover and embarked on board H.M. Troop-ship
‘Tamar,’ and arrived at Kingstown on the 29th, whence they proceeded
on the same day by rail to Birr, there to await the arrival of the
Battalion.
On September 4 the Head-quarters marched from Rushall Park to
Stapleford, where they encamped until the 8th, during which time
they were employed on outpost duties, and daily took part in
sham-fights at Wishford, Steeple-Langford and Wiley. On the 9th
they marched to Darrington-field. On the 10th they took part in the
defence of the river Avon, and on the 12th were in the march past,
which concluded these autumn manœuvres.
During this time the Battalion was always encamped, as mentioned in
the autumn manœuvres of the preceding year. They also furnished their
regimental transport, having received waggons and field equipment
at Woolwich, where a party of about 60 men with two officers had
proceeded, after being instructed by the Land Transport Corps.
On September 13 the Battalion marched from Darrington-field to
Salisbury, and thence proceeded by train to Portsmouth, where they
embarked in the evening, six companies on board H.M. Troop-ship
‘Orontes’ and two on board H.M. Troop-ship ‘Jumna,’ for conveyance to
Ireland.
On the 16th they disembarked at Kingstown and proceeded by train to
Birr, detaching a company and a half to Nenagh; a company to Roscrea;
and half a company to Portumna.
But the regimental transport marched from the camp at
Darrington-field, by Andover, Basingstoke, Guildford, and Epsom to
Woolwich, where they arrived and handed over equipment on the 25th.
On the next day they marched with the horses to Aldershot, where they
arrived on the 28th and remained till October 12, when they returned
to Woolwich, arriving on the 16th; and after giving up the horses to
the Control department were attached to the Army Service Corps at
Woolwich till the 23rd. They embarked on that day on board the ‘Lady
Eglinton,’ and joined the Battalion on the 28th.
The 3rd Battalion, which had arrived from India on December 30, 1871,
landed at Portsmouth on January 1, and occupied quarters in the
Clarence barracks, and was joined by the Depôt companies from Chatham.
On February 27, 14 officers and 599 of other ranks of the 4th
Battalion, under command of Colonel Elrington, proceeded from Chatham
to London, to take part in the thanksgiving for the recovery of His
Royal Highness, the Colonel-in-Chief.
In June Colonel Elrington, who had formed the Battalion, and
commanded it from its formation, retired on half-pay; and Colonel
Ross, C.B., succeeded to the command.
The Head-quarters with eight companies removed from Chatham to
Blandford by rail, and took part in the autumn manœuvres.
The Battalion being destined for Ireland, the remaining two
companies embarked at Sheerness on August 24, on board the ‘Orontes’
Troop-ship, and landed at Kingstown on the 28th, and proceeded to
Richmond barracks.
At the conclusion of the autumn manœuvres the Head-quarters marched
from camp near Amesbury to Salisbury on September 14, and thence
proceeded by rail to Portsmouth and embarked on board the ‘Jumna’
Troop-ship. They landed at Kingstown on the 16th and marched to
Dublin, where for the remainder of the year they occupied Richmond,
Ship-street, and Linen-hall barracks.
The 1st Battalion proceeded by rail from Dover to Aldershot on June
5, 1873, and were encamped on Rushmoor bottom until July 28, when
they occupied quarters in the Permanent barracks.
On June 24 the Battalion proceeded by rail to Egham, and thence
marched to Windsor Park and took part in a review before Her Majesty
and the Shah of Persia. On this occasion His Royal Highness the
Colonel-in-Chief marched past in the uniform of the Regiment, at
the head of the Battalion. After the conclusion of the review they
returned by the same route to their camp at Rushmoor which they
reached about ten P.M.
The 2nd Battalion remained at Birr, occasionally relieving the
detachments; and in June the establishment was reduced from 820 to
700 rank and file.
On July 31 the Battalion and the detachments proceeded by rail to
the Curragh for the autumn manœuvres, and encamped. The Battalion
returned to Birr on August 29, replacing the detachment at Portumna,
the others being discontinued.
On September 3 the Battalion received orders to prepare for service
on the Gold Coast of Africa, in the expedition against Ashantee under
Sir Garnet Wolseley.
Colonel Glyn having been appointed Adjutant-General of Auxiliary
Forces in Ireland, Lieutenant-Colonel Warren took command of the
Battalion.
On November 13 they were inspected by Lieutenant-General Sir Thomas
Steele, K.C.B., previous to embarkation; and on the next day they
received definite orders to hold themselves in readiness to embark on
any day after the 16th.
Accordingly, on the 21st, the Battalion proceeded by wings, by
railway from Birr to Cork. The left wing, under the command of Major
J. Plumtre Glyn, started from Birr at three in the morning of that
day; and the right wing, under Major Stephens, at half-past three for
Cork, where they were to embark. Colonel Warren and the Staff of the
Battalion accompanied the left wing.
The climate of the Coast of Africa necessitating the disuse of their
European clothing, the men and officers were provided with two grey
frocks, a pair of grey tweed trousers, a pair of duck trousers, two
flannel shirts, two flannel belts, a pith helmet with _puggaree_
attached, and a pair of canvas gaiters.
On arrival at Cork they embarked on board the Troop-ship ‘Himalaya,’
and sailed at four in the afternoon. The officers who embarked were:--
_Lieutenant-Colonel_ Warren; _Majors_, Stephens and Plumtre Glyn;
_Brevet-Majors_, Nicholl and Sotheby; _Captains_, Slade, Dugdale,
Somerset, Robinson, Cary and H. Lascelles; _Lieutenants_, the
Honourable T. Scott, Stopford-Sackville,[325] Maberly,[326] Taylor,
Hopwood, the Honourable A. Grosvenor, Thompson, (_Adjutant_),
Harrington, Smyth,[325] the Honourable J. Constable-Maxwell,[325]
Prideaux-Brune, Parke and Turnor; _Sub-Lieutenants_, the Honourable
Otway Cuffe, Sherston, the Honourable E. Noel and the Honourable H.
O’C. Prittie.
Captain Harvey (_Paymaster_), Quarter-master Stanley, Surgeon-Major
Wiles and Surgeon Macrobin.
The ‘Himalaya’ arrived at Funchal, Madeira, on the 27th. Here they
found in garrison at Funchal one of the regiments of Caçadores which
had been brigaded with them sixty years before in the Peninsula.
After coaling, the ‘Himalaya’ started on the evening of the same day,
and reached St. Vincent on December 1, whence after coaling again,
she started on the 2nd, and arrived at Cape Coast Castle on December
9. Here nothing was ready for their reception; and it was decided
that the ‘Himalaya’ should put to sea again until the end of the
month. Accordingly, on the 13th she started on a cruise. To be thus
for three weeks longer cooped up on board ship under a tropical sun
was a sore trial to the soldiers. However everything was done that
could be done to amuse the men, and relieve the monotony of their
enforced and unexpected cruise. A newspaper was started, readings and
theatricals were extemporised, and a _quasi_ band which had been got
up (the band of the Battalion having been left at the Depôt) played
daily. At last on December 30, the ‘Himalaya’ arrived at Cape Coast
Castle, and the Battalion was allowed to disembark.
In the meanwhile Captain Robinson had been appointed Brigade-Major
to Brigadier Sir Archibald Alison, commanding a brigade; and Captain
Cope, who had been detailed for the Depôt, started on December 4 in
the ‘Sarmatian’ (which took out the Brigadier and the 42nd Regiment),
and having arrived at Cape Coast Castle on the 17th, awaited the
arrival of the Battalion, and took over Captain Robinson’s company on
its landing.
On July 19 the 3rd Battalion left Portsmouth by rail-road for Exeter,
and on arrival there encamped at Duck’s Marsh, about two miles and a
half from that station, until the 21st; on which day they proceeded
by route march to Maiden Down; on the next to Merripit Hill, and on
the 23rd to Yannaton Down, Dartmoor, encamping each day at their
halting-places. They took part in the autumn manœuvres, being in the
brigade commanded by Colonel Lord Alexander G. Russell.
On the conclusion of the manœuvres, this Battalion was present at the
review and march-past at Roborough Down on August 22, before His
Royal Highness, the Colonel-in-Chief. At its conclusion they marched
seven miles to Plymouth, whence they proceeded at ten o’clock the
same night, _viâ_ Exeter, to Winchester, and arriving there on the
morning of the 23rd, occupied barracks; detaching, on December 13,
three companies to Portsmouth, who were quartered in the Clarence
barracks.
The 4th Battalion continued in Dublin; but were concentrated from the
various quarters they occupied, in the Royal barracks in July.
Having received orders to embark for India, the Depôt and Service
companies were formed, and transfers made and received to complete
its establishment for foreign service (886 non-commissioned officers
and privates). And on October 19 and 20 the Service companies
proceeded by rail to Queenstown and embarked on the 21st in the
‘Jumna.’ They started on the 22nd and arrived at Bombay on November
23. They landed on the 24th and 25th, and proceeded by rail to
Deolalee.
From Deolalee they moved on November 28 and 30, and following day to
Umballa, and on arrival occupied quarters there.
On March 12, 1874, the 1st Battalion proceeded by rail-road from
Aldershot to London, in order to be present at the entry of the
Duke and Duchess of Edinburgh. They lined Regent Street during the
progress of the Royal procession, and returned to their quarters at
Aldershot in the evening.
On May 19 this Battalion was present at a review and march-past
before the Emperor of Russia. The brigade to which they were attached
was composed of three Battalions of the Regiment (the 1st, 2nd, and
3rd), and one of the 60th, and was commanded by Major-General Lord
Alexander Russell, their former Lieutenant-Colonel.
After taking part in the summer drills of this year, during the month
of June, this Battalion proceeded to the forts on the Gosport side
of Portsmouth harbour, which they occupied from July 3 and 4 until
November 20, when they moved to Winchester, on the embarkation of the
2nd Battalion for Gibraltar, and were there quartered.
FOOTNOTES:
[317] Colonel Macdonell had with him at Shubkudder three troops of
the 7th Hussars and some Native Cavalry.
[318] ‘Colonel Ross’ letters.’ While this sheet is passing through
the press, a letter has been received by the Officer Commanding the
3rd Battalion, informing him that a Medal will be granted for this
action: a tardy recognition of the services of the Battalion, more
than twelve years after the occurrence.
[319] I may add the following extract from a letter to a former
officer of the Regiment from an officer then serving in America: ‘The
only regiment which did not lose any men by desertion was the Rifles.
Indeed, you have great reason of being proud of your Corps.’
[320] Colonel Elrington was in command of the whole force employed.
[321] Lieutenant F. G. Dyke Acland, died Aug. 24, 1874.
[322] Captain William Norris, died January 1874.
[323] Four of the Lieutenants were on Ensign’s pay.
[324] The Colonel-Commandant is included.
[325] Volunteered from the 3rd Battalion, to complete the number of
officers required.
[326] Volunteered from the 1st Battalion.
CHAPTER XV.
We left the 2nd Battalion on board the ‘Himalaya’ at Cape Coast
Castle. On January 1, 1874, ‘rouse’ sounded soon after midnight, and
the parade was at 1.20 in the morning. The left wing, consisting
of four companies (17 officers and 352 men), landed in surf boats,
the first company reaching the shore at a quarter after three, the
fourth company in about a quarter of an hour afterwards. The whole
disembarkation occupied about forty minutes, and elicited the warm
approval of the Brigadier, Sir Archibald Alison. The companies fell
in immediately on landing, and at once marched for Inquabim, seven
miles, which they reached about half-past six; the Battalion heading
the advance up the country.
The right wing, consisting of the remaining four companies (16
officers and 300 men) disembarked at about the same hour on the
morning of the 2nd, and started for Inquabim, which they reached
about half-past five. On this march no men fell out. On their arrival
they found an excellent encampment of bamboo huts, 65 men being in
each hut.
The left wing had on this day preceded them to Accroful, another
march of seven miles, to which the right wing proceeded on the
3rd, starting at half-past four, and arriving at half-past six,
without a man falling out. On this day the left wing advanced to
Yancoomassie-Fanti.
On the 4th the right wing, starting at the usual hour of half-past
four, marched to Yancoomassie-Fanti, a distance of about ten miles
and a quarter, where they arrived at eight o’clock. Not a man fell
out; but the climate began already to tell on some of the officers,
two of whom had to be carried during this day’s march. The left wing
had marched to Mansu; and it may suffice, once for all, to state that
they preceded the march of the right wing by one day.
On the 5th the right wing started at a quarter to four, and after a
fearfully hot march of eleven miles reached Mansu at eight. The road
was hilly, the weather extremely close, and four men fell out during
the march.
It is well known that it is supposed that horses, mules and animals
of carriage or draught will not live in the climate of this part
of Africa. This idea is perhaps exaggerated. But its existence
caused inconvenience to the mounted officers of the Regiment. Major
Stephens, who was in command of the right wing, was obliged to
content himself with a donkey, which had been brought up to Accroful
by an officer of the Staff.
From Yancoomassie an officer with the Quarter-master-Sergeant started
somewhat before the companies, to take over the camping ground. The
sergeant started first, but soon returned with a tale that, in the
darkness of the morning and of the woods, he had seen a monstrous
beast which he took for a rhinoceros; that he had at first intended
to shoot it, but had, on the whole, considering the size and probable
fierceness of the animal, determined to retire. However, reinforced
by the officer who was to accompany him, he started again. Both were
determined; both held their revolvers ready to bring down the wild
beast which barred the way. But when they came to the corner at
which they were to find him, they stalked not a rhinoceros,--but the
Major’s charger.
On the 6th the right wing started at twenty minutes after three, and
after a very cool and pleasant march of eleven miles, reached Sutah.
On the 7th, having a long march before them, they started at
half-past two in bright moonlight. The road was for the first four
miles very bad, being across swamps, over which a path had been made
of small trees laid down. The cooks had been sent on about six miles
to Faisoowah to prepare breakfast, and the men were glad after this
fatiguing march to find cocoa and biscuit ready for them. Resuming
their march they found the remainder of the road good; the men
marched well, and stepped out cheerfully; and they got into their
camp at Yancoomassie-Assin at seven. The distance was about thirteen
miles.
The right wing halted at this camp until the 19th. The left wing
also halted for some days at Barracoo, to which they had marched
on the 7th. During this time the Riflemen were engaged in clearing
the bush and in other fatigue duties in the mornings and evenings.
The desertion of the native carriers, the only means of transport,
increased, and threatened serious evil; and the Riflemen were
ordered when on sentry over them to have their rifles loaded, and,
if necessary, to shoot any carriers attempting to desert. Owing to
this halt probably, and the want of interest and activity to the men,
fever and dysentery, the scourges of the climate, began to make their
appearance.
As it was found that the camp at Barracoo was from its situation
particularly unhealthy, the left wing marched on the 17th to Prahsu,
a distance of seven miles.
But the right wing did not leave Yancoomassie-Assin till the 19th,
when starting at five in the morning they reached their camp at
Barracoo at half-past eight. They found it the worst camp they had
hitherto occupied; the huts very small, and the position, as has been
above stated, very unhealthy. Seventeen men of these four companies
were sent back, mostly ill with fever, and they found at Barracoo
seven men of the other wing who had been left behind sick.
On the 20th the right wing marched to Prahsu, and the whole Battalion
was once more reunited. On their march they heard in the front what
they believed to be the report of three cannon, and much wondered
why they should be fired. On arrival they found that these were the
report of three volleys fired over the grave of Captain Huyshe of the
1st Battalion. He had died the day before of fever and dysentery.
The left wing of the Battalion was at Prahsu, and paid the last sad
honours to his remains.
He was a man of great promise, and a most well-informed as well as
talented officer. The early part of his career had been in the 83rd
Regiment, from which he exchanged into the Rifle Brigade. He had
accompanied Sir Garnet Wolseley in the expedition to the Red River
in 1870, and had written an interesting account of it.[327] He had
entered the Staff College, and after a few months’ study there, had,
on the Ashantee Expedition being determined on, been offered the
post of Deputy-Assistant Quartermaster General of the force, which he
most gladly accepted. He had come to the Gold Coast with Sir Garnet
Wolseley in September. He had started from Cape Coast with diarrhœa,
had exposed himself a good deal to the weather in surveying and
sketching country; and dysentery and fever supervened and carried
him off. His talents, his fund of information, his sweetness of
disposition, and his gentlemanly manners had endeared him to his
brother officers, who have erected a handsome memorial to him in the
Cathedral of Winchester; but to none more than to the writer of these
lines.[328]
Hitherto the Battalion had found at their camping, or rather halting
stations, huts built of bamboo, and thatched with plantain or palm
leaves. The men’s huts contained about seventy men; those of the
officers were, of course, smaller. In all of them were bedsteads,
constructed of bamboo, keeping the sleepers about two feet from the
ground.
On the 21st the Battalion crossed a narrow bridge, which had been
made across the Prah, here about eighty yards wide, and marched to
Essiaman, about thirteen miles and a half. Cocoa had, however, been
prepared for them at Attobiasse, about half-way. The morning was very
dark when they started; but it was cooler, the bush much more open,
and the road good. On their arrival, they no longer found the huts
which had been prepared for them on the other side of the Prah. At
Essiaman the men were in long open sheds, covered with palm leaves,
while the officers built themselves shelters of bushes and _tentes
d’abri_, in which they could sling their field-hammocks.
On the 22nd, starting at half-past five, the Battalion marched
to Accrofoomu, about fourteen miles, which they reached about a
quarter to eleven. Some fourteen men fell out, mostly from fatigue;
for the heat was excessive and the march long. The sheds here were
insufficient to accommodate the Battalion; so that lean-tos had to
be built and tents pitched. As at Essiaman, the officers had to
construct huts for themselves.
On the 23rd they started at a quarter to six, and marched to Moinsey,
at the foot of the Adansi hills, a distance of about eight miles. It
was a pleasant march, for the road was good, the bush much more open,
and the air cooler. There were no huts nor sheds, and the men had to
build them.
The next day they started at the same hour, and ascended the Adansi
range. The ascent, which is steep, occupied about half an hour. They
halted at the top, and saw the sun rise over the trees below, while
the mists hanging between the hills had the appearance of lakes.
Resuming their march, they passed through Quisah, a large village
about five miles on the way, deserted by the Ashantees. They arrived
at Foomanah at about nine. This was a considerable town, containing
the house or palace of the King of Adansi. The men and officers were
quartered in the so-called houses, built of yellow baked clay, and
rather resembling ovens with roofs over them. In some of them were
found dead bodies.
An envoy from the King of Ashantee had here met Sir Garnet Wolseley;
and the Battalion, with the Naval Brigade, paraded at five in the
afternoon, and lined the road north of the town, by which he was to
return to Coomassie, the ranks facing inwards.
They halted at Foomanah till the 29th. But on the 25th the Battalion
was inspected by Sir Garnet Wolseley, and on the 26th Major Nicholl’s
company formed part of a reconnaissance in force to the village of
Kiang Boassu, about four or five miles to the front, where Ashantee
tom-toms had been heard the day before. The Riflemen on this
reconnaissance were under the command of Major Stephens. They started
at a quarter to six, and returned soon after nine. The Ashantees
fired on them; they returned the compliment, killed two Ashantees,
and made two prisoners, besides burning the village.
As usual during a halt, sickness again appeared. Captain Slade was
sent down to the coast on the 28th, seriously ill from dysentery, and
Lieutenant the Honourable Thomas Scott took command of his company.
On the 29th the Battalion paraded at half-past five, and marched to
Ahkankuassie, a distance of about ten miles. Here the men built huts
for themselves; while the officers, or some of them, found houses in
the village. But these were filthy places, and overrun with lizards.
The Battalion furnished an outlying picquet, Major Sotheby’s company,
at Adadwassie, about a mile and a half in advance of Ahkankuassie.
Rations were served out for the following day, which the men were to
carry on the march.
On the 30th the Battalion moved forward to Insarfu, passing through
Adadwassie, where the picquet joined them. The distance to Insarfu
was only about four miles, and the Riflemen reached it about ten
o’clock, having formed the rear-guard of the European brigade.
It being generally expected that the Ashantees would make a stand
on the next day, and that there would be a fight, the Captains of
the Battalion were assembled at the Commanding Officer’s quarters,
to receive instructions for the operations of the morrow. It was
explained to them that they were to form the rear face of a hollow
square, in which formation the Commanding General intended to
advance. Nor was this, they were informed, to be considered less the
point of honour than the front, as the tactics of the Ashantees were
to envelop the flanks and fall upon the rear. At evening parade these
orders were explained by the Captains to the Riflemen, who listened
with interest and eagerness to the information. Rations for the
next day were issued. The men were camped under _tentes d’abri_ in
quarter-distance column in a plaintain ground; the officers, some of
them, built huts near their men; some found shelter in the houses in
the village, which, if less filthy than those at Ahkankuassie, were
only a fraction of a degree nearer cleanliness.
On the 31st the Battalion paraded at twenty minutes after six, and
about half-an-hour afterwards marched from Insarfu. The 42nd led,
the Rifle Brigade forming the rear of the hollow square or order of
battle, which was thus disposed:--
+--------------------------------------------------------------+
| 42nd extended | guns | 42nd extended |
| ---------- | I I | ---------- |
| supports | | supports |
| | | |
| Naval | | Naval |
| Brigade. | | Brigade. |
| | | (Path) | | |
| | | | | |
| | supports | | supports | |
| | | | | |
| | | | | |
| | Staff | |
| | | |
| | 23rd F. | |
| +----------+ |
| Russall’s | | Wood’s |
| Natives. | | Natives. |
| | | | | |
| | | | | |
| | supports | | supports | |
| | | | | |
| | R.B. +----------+ Reserve | |
| | | |
| | (Path | |
| | | |
| | from | |
| ---- ---- ---- | | ---- ---- ---- |
| sections | Insarfu) | in support |
..................... | | ....................
| |
Rifle Brigade | | in skirmishing order
After advancing about a mile and a half, firing was heard in
front, the 42nd having engaged the Ashantees, who were posted on
ground rising from a muddy stream, which flowed through a swampy
ravine. The action commenced about eight; but it was not till more
than an hour and a half later that the Riflemen became engaged.
Then Major Nicholl’s company was sent to the right column, under
Lieutenant-Colonel Wood, and Major Sotheby’s and Captain Cope’s
companies were extended on the east and south-east of Egginassie,
fire having been opened by the enemy from the bush in that direction.
The bush was dense and thick; consisting of great cotton trees, with
a high undergrowth, and interlaced everywhere with creepers, so that
the men could not see more than fifteen or twenty yards before them,
and had often to cut a way with their swords. Sotheby’s left touched
the Bonnymen of the right column, while the connection between his
right and the road or path was kept up by Cope’s company,
who entered the bush, and threw his right back to the road. These
companies were exposed to a heavy fire; and Lieutenant Sherston, one
of Sotheby’s subalterns, was very severely wounded through the right
shoulder. Captain Cary was sent up to support a native company of the
left wing on the left of Egginassie; but on Major Stephens reporting
to Sir Garnet Wolseley that there was a gap between the left and
centre columns, which ought to be filled, Lieutenant Taylor, with
part of Cary’s company, was sent to fill it up; while Captain Cary
himself with the remainder moved towards the left flank, to support
the native troops, which were hard pressed. Captain Lascelles was
directed by Sir Garnet Wolseley to take his company to occupy some
heights to the north of Egginassie, and so to connect Wood’s natives
with the path. He passed through the bush, which had been partially
cleared round the village by the Engineer labourers, and took up this
position, extending three sections, and keeping the fourth in support
under Lieutenant the Honourable E. Noel.[329]
[Illustration:
ACTION OF AMOAFUL
31^{st} Jan^y 1874.
_Drawn by B. Major C. W. Robinson, Rifle Brigade._
E. Weller, _Litho._
_London, Chatto & Windus._
]
_To face Plan of Battle._
BATTLE OF AMOAFUL.
ABOUT 10.30 A.M.
_DETAILED DESCRIPTION._
CENTRE COLUMN.
The 42nd carrying the enemy’s main position north of the swamp.
Rait’s artillery in action. 23rd in support.
_Rifle Brigade._--No. 1 company in action in the clearing to the
east of the path (with the Right Column). No. 3 company leaving
Egginassie to support the 42nd. The remainder in action around
Egginassie.
RIGHT COLUMN.
Naval Brigade engaged in the clearing east of the main path.
(Lieut. Knox’s rockets playing into a hollow to the north-east.)
Wood’s Regiment in action round Egginassie.
LEFT COLUMN.
Russell’s Regiment has taken the heights west of Egginassie.
Col. M’Leod, with the Naval Brigade, is cutting his way to try
and connect with the Centre Column.
RIFLE BRIGADE COMPANIES.
1. Nicholl; 2. Sotheby; 3. Somerset; 4. Dugdale; 5. Lascelles; 6.
Cope; 7. Slade (Scott); 8. Cary.
Soon afterwards Sir Archibald Alison, who was in the front with
the 42nd, asked for ‘a support of half a Battalion of Rifles.’ The
half-Battalion being, as we have seen, ‘otherwise engaged,’ Captain
Somerset’s company was sent forward by the road or path to him.
Starting at the double, this company advanced to the swamp about half
a mile in front, where Sir Archibald had fought his way with the
42nd. Here Somerset found Sir Archibald Alison, with the detachment
of the 23rd Fusiliers, awaiting his arrival. The company was posted
here to keep up communication with the rear, and to advance when
required. Sir Archibald crossed the marsh with the Fusiliers, and
advanced towards Amoaful. Somerset’s company remained in this
position till nearly the close of the day, keeping communication
with the Fusiliers, who were some hundred yards to their north, and
furnishing occasional escorts to staff officers passing along the
path. Somerset’s men were exposed to the fire of Ashantees, who,
creeping up to the edge of the bush, discharged their pieces at them.
By this fire Lieutenant Smyth was wounded in the thigh, and two
other Riflemen were hit. But the Riflemen soon silenced this annoying
fire; Sergeant Bills especially making good use of his rifle.
But before Captain Somerset’s company had moved up to the front,
about twenty Riflemen had been detached from it, and attached to
Major Nicholl’s company, which, as we have seen, was on the right,
supporting the Naval Brigade and the native levies under Colonel
Wood. By noon the Ashantees had been driven from the ridge which
they occupied beyond the stream, their camp had been taken, and the
village of Amoaful carried by the 42nd Regiment. The direction of the
combat was now changed; and, as far as the front and left faces of
the square formation were concerned, it had terminated, and the fire,
which had been kept up without cessation from eight in the morning,
was now lulled. But about one it began again, and the brunt of the
fight now fell on the Riflemen; for the Ashantees, pursuing their
usual tactics, swept round and fell on the right flank and rear,
attacking the village of Egginassie on the north-east.
About one o’clock the fire was renewed. Captain Cope’s company was
sent into the village, and lined one side; and Captain Cary, with a
portion of his company, was sent through Egginassie, and extended to
the east of it. This attack of the Ashantees was most determined;
they came up in numbers, and were shot down by the Riflemen. The din
was tremendous. Besides volleys and file-firing, and the heavy report
of the Ashantee guns, tom-toms, horns, and the yells of the Ashantees
and of the native troops, made the bush and all the surroundings
hideous. In this fire a man of Cary’s company was shot in the face by
a slug fired by an Ashantee in a tree; but two of his comrades soon
brought his assailant down, and killed him. After about an hour of
this work, during which the Ashantees kept up a fire as continuous
and heavy as it had been during any part of the fight, their fire
slackened. Then an advance was made by Major Sotheby’s and Captain H.
Lascelles’ companies, and part of Captain Cary’s. The line advanced
towards the north-east up the valley; and pivoting on the left,
bringing up the right, moved forward to the edge of a clearing, which
had been made by the right column. ‘This was admirably executed.
Skirmishing as quietly and steadily as if on parade, the men of the
Rifle Brigade searched every bush with their bullets, and in five
minutes from the commencement of the advance the Ashantees were in
full and final retreat.’[330]
The Ashantees having been thus driven from the high ground to the
northward of Egginassie, Captains Lascelles’ and Cary’s companies
were withdrawn; and passing by their left, regained the main path,
and by it the village of Egginassie, which they at once began to
entrench and fortify; the other portion of Cary’s company, which had
been detached under Lieutenant Taylor, being called in to assist in
this work.
But the day was not over for the Riflemen. Hardly had the firing
lulled about Egginassie, when heavy firing was heard in the rear. A
large force of Ashantees, sweeping round from the west, had attacked
Quarman, about a mile to the south, on the line of communication,
which was held by a detachment of the 2nd West India Regiment, and
a few Europeans, under Captain Burnett, of the 15th Foot. Captain
Dugdale’s company, which formed the rear-guard of the Battalion, was
at once ordered to Quarman, and on the way was somewhat exposed to
the fire of the detachment there, who did not know of his approach
to relieve them, and whose bullets whistled over the heads of the
Riflemen as they passed through some low ground on the way. The
bush had been cleared round Quarman, and Dugdale at once extended
his company, and drove the Ashantees who were attacking it back
into the bush with considerable loss. He then entered the village,
and being senior officer assumed the command. The position was very
important, for it connected the front at Egginassie and Amoaful with
Insarfu. Soon after Dugdale had entered Quarman, Captain Slade’s
company, under Lieutenant the Honourable T. Scott,[331] joined him.
The attack was soon renewed; the Ashantees now not venturing into
the clearing, but firing from the surrounding bush. This attack had
just been repulsed, when Major Sotheby with his company reached
Quarman. He had started from Egginassie, escorting a long train of
hammocks containing wounded, and also some wounded men who were able
to walk, and had passed through Quarman on his way to Insarfu, when
he heard firing in his rear. Colonel Colley, who was passing through
Quarman at this time, directed Captain Dugdale to take his company
out; who, marching about half a mile towards Egginassie, and turning
into the bush, outflanked the Ashantees, and fired several volleys
which effectually drove them off. Major Sotheby, finding that Quarman
was again attacked, turned back when near Insarfu. His bearers flung
down the wounded, and fled into the village. Colonel Colley was
also attacked as he was bringing up a convoy from Insarfu. As soon
as Dugdale knew of this attack, he detached Scott with his company
to help him. The enemy occupied the side of the path and kept up a
heavy fire, wounding two of Scott’s men. However, he kept up the
fight till after six; when, as it was getting dark, Dugdale recalled
him to Quarman, which these two companies occupied during the night.
Thus Dugdale had saved and retained this important post, connecting
the front with Insarfu, whence the supplies were to be drawn, and to
which the wounded were to be escorted.[332]
Major Sotheby, finding that it was considered of importance that
ammunition should be conveyed to the front from Insarfu, left that
place about eight in the evening with his company, and having some
carriers with him picked up some of the baggage abandoned by the
cowardly bearers, and having parked it at Quarman, reached Egginassie
at eleven at night. Here the Head-quarters and, on Sotheby’s arrival,
six companies of the Battalion were camped. For Somerset’s company
had been about six o’clock withdrawn from the marsh to higher ground
in the rear, and had, with Nicholl’s company, rejoined the Battalion
about eight, while Cary’s, Lascelles’, and Cope’s companies, after
their fight, were employed in clearing the bush about Egginassie.
This was very hard work. The men and officers had no food but
the biscuit and sausage issued the day before, which they carried
in their pockets. But happily there was no hot sun, so that the
Riflemen were able to clear a considerable space, and to throw up a
breast-work. Three officers, Major Stephens, Lieutenants Smyth and
Sherston, and 6 Riflemen, were wounded on this day.
* * * * *
The main position of the Ashantees on this day was at the camp on
the ridge north of the stream, which was carried by the 42nd; and
they had other advanced positions and smaller camps on the right and
left of the path by which the troops advanced. Their design seems to
have been, while holding their main position, to turn the flanks and
attack the rear. Directly the advance was made on the main position,
the Ashantees attacked in strength against the left; failing in
this they fell on the right, and made a furious effort to get to
Egginassie and so to establish themselves in rear. Foiled at all
these points, they attempted to capture Quarman, and cut the line of
supplies. This attack was repelled by Captain Dugdale and his company.
Though the central column forced the Ashantee camp and took the
village of Amoaful, and so had the most conspicuous share in
the events of the day, yet before the fight was over almost all
the troops were engaged more or less; the Riflemen heavily and
successfully before the close of it.
* * * * *
Six companies, as I have said, camped at Egginassie, Captain
Lascelles’ company being on outlying picquet; and two occupied
Quarman.
During the night a panic took place among the native carriers, for a
native sentry on outpost duty having fired his piece about four in
the morning, the carriers were terrified. One officer was awakened
by these cowards jumping over him; another sleeping in a hammock was
overset by them. They knocked down the piled rifles, and were running
in every direction in abject and contemptible terror. At last order
was restored.
On February 1 the six companies of the Battalion at Egginassie were
extended to line the road from that village to Insarfu (the 42nd
continuing the line from Egginassie to Amoaful) in order to allow
supplies to be brought up from Insarfu to the front. On the same day
the village of Becqua was destroyed by some of the other troops.
In this affair the Battalion was to have been employed; but orders
had been given to Colonel Warren as soon as he had assembled his
six companies at Egginassie to ascertain if there was any force of
Ashantees in the bush near the road between Quarman and Insarfu, and
if they were found, to clear the bush with his Riflemen. No enemy
were there; but in consequence of this delay, the Battalion did not
reach Amoaful till after one o’clock, at which hour the expedition to
Becqua had started. Part of the 42nd were therefore substituted for
the Riflemen.
On their arrival at Amoaful they remained under arms in the broad
street or central place until the destruction of Becqua was
ascertained. Then they were dismissed; and, after assisting in
burying the dead Ashantees, encamped.
On the 2nd the Battalion advanced; Lord Gifford and his scouts
preceding with some native troops, Captain Cary’s company guarded
Captain Rait’s guns, and Captain Lascelles’ company was in support.
These formed the advanced guard under Colonel M’Leod. The Battalion
followed, Captain Somerset’s company forming an escort to Sir
Archibald Alison. The other regiments brought up the rear. They
moved off between six and seven o’clock, and soon came up with the
rear of the Ashantees, on whom the native troops immediately opened
fire, but with so little effect that Colonel M’Leod halted them
and brought up Cary’s company to the front. But the enemy made no
stand, merely firing wildly and then flying. The road was strewed
with food, clothing, and weapons, evidencing the precipitate flight
of the enemy. On the march, Cary’s company still leading, the
Riflemen passed through three villages and a camp all deserted by the
Ashantees; though in some fires still burning and cooking materials
at hand showed how short a time they had been abandoned. As a flank
attack was not unlikely, Somerset’s company was extended and searched
the forest paths on each side of the road. Sir Archibald Alison, as
whose escort they had acted, signified through Captain Robinson,
his Brigade-Major, his marked approval of the way in which they had
skirmished, and of the individual intelligence of these Riflemen.
The Battalion reached Aggemamu, a distance of eight miles, about
three in the afternoon, and halted there.
But Cary’s and Lascelles’ companies were pushed on about two miles
and a half to the village of Adwabin, which they occupied.
Sir Garnet Wolseley having resolved to take on his forces to
Coomassie as a flying column, determined to leave his baggage at
Aggemamu, and to make that place a temporary base, through which his
communications might be kept open with the rear. The Battalion was
therefore ordered to find a captain to take charge of this post, and
the duty fell to Captain Cope. At Aggemamu the roads to Coomassie
bifurcate; one leading to the right or east, and one the longer, but
it was reported the best road, forking to the left. This Sir Garnet
resolved to follow.
‘The importance of Aggemamu could scarcely be overestimated.
From it two roads led to Coomassie, by the longer of which we
were about to march, disregarding the shorter or easternmost of
the two. It was of course of vital importance that the point at
the junction of the roads should be securely held, as a base
for our flying column, and as a point of support upon which, if
necessary, to fall back.’[333]
Lieutenants Bell and Hare, with native labourers, were engaged in the
evening of this day, under the superintendence of Captain Home, in
making a clearing round Aggemamu.
Sir Garnet Wolseley having thus determined to push on to Coomassie
without _impedimenta_, enquired of the soldiers on this evening
whether, as it might take six days to advance to Coomassie and to
return to Aggemamu, and there were but four days’ rations in hand,
they were willing to do the six days’ work on four days’ rations. The
response was a unanimous assent. The General told them at the same
time that they might probably get a fortnight sooner to the coast by
this sacrifice than if they halted at Aggemamu for further supplies
to come up. Eventually one day’s additional ration of preserved meat,
biscuit, and tea, came up.
On the 3rd the Battalion started at half-past five, Major Nicholl’s
company leading, and on reaching Adwabin, the advanced guard, with
which were Cary’s and Lascelles’ companies which had passed the night
there, were pushed forward. They soon felt the enemy, with whom they
became engaged about half-past eight. The first point at which he
made a decided stand was in a hollow through which flowed a stream, a
tributary of the Ordah. The overloaded guns of the Ashantees carrying
high, they chose positions, as in this case, below the attacking
force. They were in cover behind a large fallen tree from which they
kept up a heavy fire. Nicholl’s company was sent forward to reinforce
the two companies already with the advance. On the road was a gun
with an escort of part of Lascelles’ company and some natives. On the
left of the road was the remainder of Lascelles’ company and Cary’s;
further on the left was Nicholl’s company, part advanced beyond
the stream and part on its left bank. Lieutenant the Honourable T.
Scott’s company was afterwards moved up in support, and these four
companies were hotly engaged at this point, when about noon a flag
of truce came in, and the firing ceased on our side, though the
Ashantees continued their fire and actually wounded a native while
the envoy was being passed to Head-quarters. However, his mission was
fruitless, and he was very soon passed beyond the front. The fire was
then renewed, and eventually slackened after lasting for about five
hours. The advance then pushed on followed by the other troops; but
the progress was slow; for the Ashantees, finding we could beat them
fighting in the bush, now tried ambuscades, and a good many men were
thus wounded. The other troops followed the advanced guard, which
about three o’clock in the afternoon reached the bank of the river
Ordah, here about three feet deep and forty yards wide. Here they
hutted themselves; Captain Dugdales company being on picquet.
In this affair eight Riflemen were wounded. The men carried their
great-coats, which they found an incumbrance in skirmishing in the
bush, and on the next day they were handed over to the carriers.
Colonel M’Leod, who commanded the advance, praised the manner in
which Cary’s company had fought on this day.
Some captive Ashantees had stated that 10,000 of the enemy were
around, and every precaution was taken to protect the camp from a
sudden assault. A chain of sentries was posted at twenty yards apart
at about 100 yards from the camp. A tremendous thunderstorm came on
about six in the evening and lasted till two in the morning. The
Riflemen had indeed built huts; but as no banana, plantain, or palm
leaves were at hand to thatch them, they afforded a very insufficient
shelter against the storm. However a cask of rum was brought in about
three, and a ration of that spirit helped to revive the soldiers,
while fires were lit to dry their clothes.
Meanwhile the Engineers and blue jackets had been busy in making a
narrow bridge over the river, which was ready for their advance in
the morning.
Accordingly, about seven in the morning of the 4th, the force
crossed the bridge; the advance was led by some native troops; a gun
with some rockets followed, with three companies of the Battalion;
Captain Cope’s commanded in his absence at Aggemamu by Lieutenant
Stopford-Sackville, Captain Slade’s under Lieutenant the Honourable
T. Scott, and Major Sotheby’s. This advance was under the command
of Colonel M’Leod. The rest of the troops followed, the remaining
companies of the Battalion leading. Soon after passing the bridge the
native troops became actively engaged. But as the native soldiers
were firing wildly and ineffectively, Colonel M’Leod halted them, and
passed Sackville’s company through them to the front, and ordered
him to extend to the right of the road. The gun was also brought up
with Scott’s company in support on the road. As the first company was
extending two or three men were wounded. One, Brown, was badly hit in
the side, but refused for some time to go to the rear, and went on
skirmishing. The road or path rose from the river, and after running
for some distance along a ridge with ravines on each side, descended
again, and finally rose to the village of Ordahsu. The gun having
been brought up was fired up the road and into the bush on each side.
It was advanced gradually by the native bearers as ground was gained,
the Riflemen in support lying down on each side of it while it was
in action, and then with it resuming the advance. Colonel M’Leod
had asked for and obtained a reinforcement of three companies of the
Battalion, and Captain Cary’s company was extended in the bush on
the right of Sackville’s. Sotheby’s company was also sent by Colonel
M’Leod into the bush on the left of the road.
Major Stephens with Scott’s company pushed steadily on by the road,
one section of this company supporting the gun. At last they reached
the clearing which surrounded the village of Ordahsu. ‘Then the
Rifles gave a cheer, and with a sudden rush cleared the way to the
open, and carried the village without a check.’[334] This was Scott’s
company, or part of it; and Lieutenant Harington, with the remainder,
swept round the edge of the clearing, and having thus outflanked the
Ashantees in the village, also rushed into it. The village was held
by fifty or sixty of the enemy, who fought bravely, and were most
of them killed. Major Stephens, with Scott and his portion of the
company, passed through the village and to the edge of the clearing
beyond it where the Riflemen lying down kept up a constant fire on
the enemy. Sackville also brought up his company, one section being
still with the gun, and as Scott’s party had purposely left the road
clear the gun made good practice to the front. It was afterwards
taken forward beyond the village to where Major Stephens, with Scott
and his party, were, and a heavy fire of shell and of rockets was
kept up. The Ashantees here made a most determined resistance, coming
up to the very edge of the clearing and discharging their pieces.
Sackville shot one with one of the men’s rifles. Meanwhile Major
Sotheby was steadily advancing through the bush on the left of the
road, and soon came up on the left of Scott’s company. Here Private
Taylor of Sotheby’s company observed a chief and two other Ashantees
in a tree about fifteen yards from him. He shot one man, and the
other fled into the bush. The chief tried to hide himself in the
leaves, and brought up his piece to his shoulder; but Taylor was too
quick for him, and rushing up, ran him through with his sword before
he could fire. For this act of valour Taylor received the medal for
gallant conduct in the field.
Cary’s company had at the same time been advancing on the extreme
right, and was engaged in keeping back the Ashantees who were
pressing on to the east of the village. This company was afterwards
moved over to the left of the village, and the ground between it and
Sotheby’s on the extreme left was occupied by Captain Somerset’s
company; which, as well as Major Nicholl’s, Captain Lascelles’, and
Captain Dugdale’s, had been pushed on to Ordahsu.
It was now after eleven, and a halt was ordered, in order (it is
said) that the baggage might be brought up to the village, and
disposition made for its defence. But the enemy, who had been
held or driven back until then, at once made a fresh and furious
attack, rushing up as before to the very edge of the bush, shouting
and yelling, and opening a very heavy fire. The Riflemen who were
standing in the village or sheltering from the sun under the trees
were at once extended, Dugdale’s company on the right, and Nicholl’s
on the left of the village.
Sir Archibald Alison, considering that it would take too much time
to withdraw the Riflemen from the bush round the village, and that
as the enemy were making a vigorous attack it would be difficult to
do so, brought up the 42nd to the front by the road the Riflemen had
won, and were still guarding. The leading companies of the Riflemen,
on seeing the 42nd advancing, sprang up, believing that a general
advance was to be made, and were most anxious to push forward; but
they were stopped by Colonel M’Leod, who advanced with his own
regiment, the 42nd. But little more was done. The Ashantees had had
enough of it; and though the 42nd received some fire by which a few
men were wounded, the enemy made no further stand in the front.
Scott, with his company, followed the 42nd. And Lascelles and
Sackville also advanced. And the firing about Ordahsu gradually
ceased.
In these five hours’ fighting the Battalion had 17 men wounded. Four
officers were also hit: Major Sotheby in the face, Sackville in the
leg, Scott on the right breast, and Surgeon Wiles. Sergeant-Major
Stretch was also slightly wounded. But these officers, not wishing
to add up a great list of casualties or to parade their wounds, were
not reported as wounded, but went on with their work. One Sergeant
(Sumner) was missing. In the hard fighting between the river and
Ordahsu he had sent two men to the rear with a wounded comrade; and
probably in the gap thus formed in extended order the Ashantees had
rushed in and killed him. He was never afterwards heard of.
Sir Archibald Alison, in a dispatch dated Ahkankuassie, February 9,
1874, thus speaks of the conduct of the Battalion at Ordahsu: ‘This
was the first day upon which (with the exception of one company)
I had the pleasure of seeing the Rifle Brigade in action under my
orders. It is needless for me to speak of the steadiness and high
discipline of the Rifle Brigade; but I must express my satisfaction
at the way in which they were handled by Lieutenant-Colonel Warren,
and under him by Major Stephens and Major Glyn.
‘On every occasion when I had an opportunity of seeing it, I had to
remark on the excellent way in which the company officers commanded
their companies.’
The Riflemen were much fatigued by their five or six hours’ hard
and incessant fighting under an African sun, and hungry too; for
only a little biscuit had been served out, and few of them had had
a meat ration the day before. But Coomassie was to be reached, and
they pressed on from Ordahsu. Two rivers were forded in the way,
and at the entrance of the town the road was through a marsh, and
was covered with filthy water. At last Coomassie was entered about
half-past five. Many Ashantees were hanging about, watching the
entrance of the English force, but they offered no resistance.
Indeed, their courage did not then seem great. For the Battalion on
marching in had formed quarter-distance column. When they were to
wheel into line, of course they opened out to company-distance on the
leading company. But this simple parade manœuvre struck terror into
the surrounding Ashantees, who ran back as the rear companies retired.
When the line was formed, Sir Garnet Wolseley rode to the front,
and three cheers were given for the Queen, which added wings to the
flight of the gazing Ashantees. It was now nearly dark, and after
the ceremony, the Riflemen were dismissed, and quarters told off
to them, with orders not to leave their quarters, and to be ready
to turn out at a moment’s warning. A meat ration was served out,
but many of the Riflemen were too tired to cook it. Captain Cary’s
company, made up to a hundred men by Riflemen of Captain Somerset’s
company, formed a guard over the King’s palace. Captain Brackenbury
was the staff officer appointed to accompany Captain Cary with orders
for this guard. ‘Some idea,’ he says, ‘of the size of the building,
and of its irregularity, may be gained from the fact that we posted
thirteen sentries in such positions that they were only just able to
protect all the inlets to the building. After having apparently been
all round the building once, we again marched round to see whether
a sentry could not be economised; and though in one place we were
enabled to remove one, we found that the whole of a long gallery,
evidently the women’s quarters, had been omitted, and we had to place
another at the entrance of this. The guard of 100 men was placed in
the great central court.’[335]
Captain Dugdale was the prize Commissioner on behalf of the European
troops, and he and the other Commissioners worked all night in
securing what articles of value they could find in the palace, or the
carriers at their disposal enabled them to remove. Here were found,
among other curious and costly articles, the gold masks, of which the
2nd Battalion subsequently purchased and possess one.
In the course of the night fires broke out in two or three places
in Coomassie, which were kindled by the native followers, who were
prowling about and plundering. Many of the Riflemen were turned out
to assist in putting out these fires, and were engaged from two till
four in the morning in assisting the Engineers to pull down houses
and to extinguish the flames. This was hard work on the soldiers
after their hard fight and march of the day before. One section of
each company was ordered not to take their belts off, but to be
ready to turn out instantly in case of an attack. In the course
of the night the palace guard captured an Ashantee chief, who was
endeavouring to escape with gold dust, nuggets, and jewels about him.
On the 5th the Battalion paraded at ten o’clock in the street of
Coomassie. The wounded were sent down, escorted by Cope’s company,
under Lieutenant Sackville, and some native troops.
On the 6th the Battalion paraded at half-past six, and marched out of
Coomassie about an hour afterwards. The palace was to be blown up,
and the town burned. As soon as the Engineers reported that all was
ready at the palace, the guard of the Rifle Brigade was marched off,
with orders to rejoin its Battalion, and orders were given for the
palace to be blown up.
Heavy rains had now set in. The marsh at the entrance of the town was
knee deep, and the rivers, trifling streams on the march up, were
now wide torrents, five feet deep in mid-channel. The Engineers made
a bridge with a felled tree, but the men had often to wade, almost
waist deep. On arrival at Ordah about three in the afternoon, the
bridge was found to be submerged some two or three feet deep, and the
Riflemen had to wade across it. This was so slow a process that the
rear companies did not get over till six. The Battalion then camped
on the ground it had occupied on the 3rd.
They started at a quarter-past six on the morning of the 7th, and
marched to Aggemamu. The stream before entering this village had been
bridged over by Captain Cope, and steps had been cut by him in the
steep path ascending from it.
We left him detailed to the charge of Aggemamu on the 2nd. He had
with him 17 sick or weakly Riflemen, and 15 sick men of the other
regiments, 100 native troops, 50 or 60 labourers, under a sergeant
of Engineers, a few native police, and 5 officers. But the men were
so ill, that had he been attacked, he could barely have mustered 20
Europeans fit to fight. As soon as the force had marched, he set
to work to make his post defensible. He pulled down the greater
part of the village, keeping only a small square of houses, which
he loop-holed; and built small redoubts and a kind of redan at
the fork of the roads, in which he placed his native soldiers. He
brought the baggage into his enclosure, and, indeed, used some of it
in building his defences. In levelling the outside of the village,
the native labourers most foolishly, and in direct violation of his
orders, set fire to some houses. The fire came raging towards the
intrenchment; but he happily succeeded in making a gap, and thus
saving the stockade and the baggage from the flames. Scouts informed
him that the Ashantees were in force all round, and that he would
most probably be attacked. After the troops had left, he heard heavy
firing in front, and his patrols brought in a prisoner, who stated
that the king would fight at Kasie.
On the 4th he still continued his work of fortifying his post. No
news came to him from the front, but heavy firing was heard to the
north and north-west. Five prisoners were brought in. On the 5th
he went on with his work, and sent some of his blacks out into the
woods to gather plantains for food, thus utilising them as outposts;
for on the approach of an enemy they would have fled back, and given
the earliest intimation of danger. He was short of rations too, and
was obliged to keep his men on half-rations. He had another cause of
anxiety, besides being without any intelligence from the front: that
though the road was clear to the rear, no convoy of provisions came
up; and he feared the troops on their return from Coomassie might
find Aggemamu unprovisioned. He sent out a reconnaissance of 30 men,
under Lieutenant de Hoghton, 10th Foot, who went three miles along
the right-hand road, and brought in a good deal of corn. They burned
a large village, but saw no Ashantees.
At last, in the middle of the night between the 5th and 6th, Colonel
Colley came in from the front, ‘in thunder, lightning, and in rain,’
with intelligence of the proceedings of the last three days. This
was the first communication Cope had received from the front since
the troops left Aggemamu on the morning of the 3rd. It was a most
anxious time; but his exertions were rewarded, for ‘Sir Garnet on his
return complimented Captain Cope much on the measures he had taken
for defence; and added that they were so good that he could not have
wished him better fortune than to have been attacked.’[336]
‘We found,’ says Colonel Brackenbury, ‘that a perfect fortress had
been constructed by Captain Cope, which would have defied the attacks
of an army. In the execution of his duty he had spared no person and
no thing; and we shall not soon forget the despairing face of one
non-combatant officer, who with tears in his eyes complained that
his baggage had been built into the fortification, and that he was
told he could not have it out.’[337]
In the same way Mr. Henty observes, ‘I found [Aggemamu] changed
beyond recognition; the whole place, in fact, having been levelled
with the ground, except the principal group of houses, which had upon
the way up been used as Head-quarters. These had been loop-holed, and
formed an interior citadel, which could have been defended by the
garrison had the breast-work round the village been carried.’[338]
On Colonel Colley’s information that the force was on its way back,
Captain Cope set his people to build huts for the troops.
On the same day his company came in as escort to the wounded, and on
the 7th proceeded to Biposu, and on the 8th to Ahkankuassie. On that
day he started from Aggemamu with the Naval Brigade; and leaving them
at Amoaful, pressed on and joined his company at Ahkankuassie. This
was a march of about eighteen miles, a long one in that climate.
On the 11th he crossed the Prah. And on the 12th reached Barracoo
with his convoy, who were thence to proceed by forced marches to
Cape Coast, while he was ordered to take his company down by the
regular marches by which they had come up to this point. Accordingly
he reached Cape Coast at about half-past eight on the morning of
the 19th, and at once embarked in surf-boats, and got on board the
‘Himalaya’ at half-past nine, where his company awaited the arrival
of the Battalion.
They had moved from the camp at the Ordah as I have stated on the
7th, and marched to Aggemamu; whence, after a few hours’ halt,
Captain Somerset’s company was sent forward as an escort of sick to
Amoaful. But the convoy being large, and the progress slow, night
fell while they were still some miles from Amoaful. And the road
being bad, and the night very dark, great difficulty was experienced
in getting through the forest.[339]
On the 8th the Battalion left Aggemamu, and proceeding by daily
marches, with the same halting or camping-stages as on going up the
country, reached Cape Coast Castle at six in the morning of the 22nd,
where they embarked immediately on board the ‘Himalaya.’ The whole
Battalion, with its baggage, was on board by half-past seven. The
total strength of the Battalion on embarkation (including Captain
Cope’s company, which was already on board) was 22 officers, and
408 non-commissioned officers and private Riflemen, of whom only 16
officers and 277 of other ranks were reported as ‘fit for duty.’[340]
The casualties of the campaign may be thus summarised:
+-------------------------------------------+----------+-------------+
| | | Non-comm- |
| | | issioned |
| | Officers | officers and|
| | | privates. |
+-------------------------------------------+----------+-------------+
| Landed at Cape Coast Castle, fit for duty | 33 | 652 |
| Wounded | 3 | 30 |
| Died of wounds | | 2 |
| Admitted in hospital while on the Coast | 22 | 298 |
| Invalided to England | 3 | 47 |
| Left sick on board the ‘Victor Emmanuel’ | | 42 |
| Left sick at Gibraltar | | 48 |
| Died on passage home | | 3 |
| Landed in England | 27 | 483[341] |
+-------------------------------------------+----------+-------------+
Nor is this statement by any means a perfect record of what the
Battalion suffered from this deadly climate. After their return to
England, and even after their arrival at Gibraltar, many officers and
men suffered from the effects of their African campaign, and some men
died.
* * * * *
On the 23rd the ‘Himalaya’ sailed for England at six in the morning.
On March 4 she arrived at St. Vincent, where she remained till the
7th. On the 16th the green clothing was taken into wear again, and on
the next day the ‘Himalaya’ arrived at Gibraltar. Here the Battalion
was welcomed by Major-General Somerset, an old Rifleman, who came
off to see them, and during their stay showed them every attention.
They left Gibraltar on the 20th. These stoppages had been made, and
the rate of speed diminished purposely, in order not to bring the men
from so hot a climate into the coldest portion of an English spring.
However, the ‘Himalaya’ reached Spithead about half-past two in
the morning of the 26th. She came into harbour in the forenoon;
the crews of the various ships manned the yards and cheered, their
bands playing ‘Ninety-five.’ The Battalion landed at the Dock-yard
Wharf about half-past one, many officers of the 1st Battalion (then
stationed in the Gosport Forts) and some old Riflemen being assembled
to greet them. They marched thence through streets decorated with
flags, and every disposable expression of welcome, to the Governor’s
Green,’ where they were welcomed by Lieutenant-General Lord
Templetown, Commanding at Portsmouth, the Mayor, and others. Thence
they marched to the station, where a repast had been provided for
them. They left by special train for Winchester, where an ovation
awaited them. A welcome from the Mayor and Corporation at the railway
station; streets decorated with every flag, flower, and allusive
ornament that could be put into requisition; and escorts of County
Yeomanry and City Volunteers.
On the 28th the Battalion was inspected by His Royal Highness the
Duke of Cambridge, who expressed himself much satisfied with the
appearance of the Battalion. After they had marched past and formed
square, His Royal Highness addressed some kind words to them;
congratulating them on their conduct in the field and on their
endurance on the march to and from Coomassie, adding that from what
he then saw of their appearance, he considered that they were even
now fit to go anywhere.
On the 30th the Battalion proceeded to Windsor, where the troops
which had been employed in the Ashantee expedition were reviewed by
Her Majesty the Queen. The Prince of Wales (Colonel-in-Chief) and
His Royal Highness Prince Arthur met the Battalion at the Windsor
Station, and in a few kindly words the Colonel-in-Chief welcomed the
Battalion home. His Royal Highness marched past at the head of the
Battalion. Sir Archibald Alison also addressed the Riflemen, and
complimented them on the soldierlike qualities they had shown in the
field while under his orders. The Battalion returned to Winchester
that night at nine by rail.
Sir Archibald Alison issued the following order on resigning command
of the Brigade. After stating that he had amply complimented the
42nd Regiment in an order on board the ‘Sarmatian’ on his return
voyage, he proceeds: ‘Before now taking leave of the other regiments
of the Brigade, he desires to express to Lieutenant-Colonel Mostyn,
commanding 23rd Royal Welsh Fusiliers, and to Lieutenant-Colonel
Warren, commanding 2nd Battalion Rifle Brigade, his appreciation of
the gallantly displayed by their regiments in the field, and his
perfect satisfaction with the excellent conduct which characterised
them in camp and on the line of march. No words of his could convey
more to these regiments than that, in his opinion, they fully
sustained at Amoaful and Ordahsu, and throughout the campaign, the
historical reputation with which they entered it. In resigning his
connection with the Brigade, the Brigadier-General desires to express
his warm acknowledgment of the consistent support he has received
from all ranks.’
An order was also received from His Royal Highness the Field-Marshal
Commanding-in-Chief, conveying Her Majesty’s approval of the conduct
of her troops engaged on the Gold Coast.
On May 16 Sergeant Armstrong and Private Taylor received the Medal
for distinguished conduct in the field from the hands of the Queen at
Windsor; the former for having with some unarmed natives repelled an
attack, and having himself killed two Ashantees on February 2, in the
advance from Amoaful; and Taylor for his gallant conduct at Ordahsu,
which I have already mentioned.
On May 19 the Battalion, consisting of 20 officers and 493 of other
ranks, left Winchester at half-past five in the morning, by rail
for Aldershot, and took part, with the 1st and 3rd Battalions, in a
review before the Czar of Russia. They returned to Winchester the
same evening, arriving at ten o’clock.
On October 24 the Battalion was armed with the Martini-Henry rifle.
They received orders to prepare for embarkation for Gibraltar, and
two companies were selected to form the Depôt.
On November 7 Captain Dugdale’s company embarked on board Her
Majesty’s Troop-ship ‘Tamar’ for Gibraltar. And on the 16th and 17th
the remaining companies of the Battalion embarked at Portsmouth on
board Her Majesty’s Troop-ship ‘Simoom,’ and sailed for Gibraltar,
where they arrived on the 24th, and on disembarkation were encamped
at the North front until the 28th, when they moved to Buena Vista
barracks, and were there quartered.
The total strength on disembarkation was 18 officers, 40 sergeants,
40 corporals, 17 buglers, and 585 private Riflemen.
The 3rd Battalion moved from Winchester and Portsmouth by rail-road
on March 13, and occupied quarters in the Permanent barracks with the
1st Battalion. They took part in the summer drills held this year in
June and July, and were encamped at Woolmer forest from the 20th to
the 29th of the latter month. During the June drills the Battalion,
with the 1st Battalion, one of the 60th, and a Militia battalion,
formed a brigade commanded by Lord Alexander Russell.
The 4th Battalion remained at Umballa during this year, with the
exception that, in consequence of an outbreak of fever at Umballa,
they were moved out under canvas to camp at Jundlee, and afterwards
nearer Umballa, from November 18 to December 12.
On February 24 and 25 they had been inspected by Major-General Percy
Hill, and on August 8 by Lord Napier of Magdala, Commander-in-Chief
in India.
The 1st Battalion continued at Winchester during the year 1875,
moving to Aldershot for the summer manœuvres.
The 2nd Battalion remained at Gibraltar during the whole of the year.
Lieutenant-Colonel Nixon, commanding the 3rd Battalion, died
near Aldershot on March 31, 1875. He had served in the Regiment
twenty-eight years, and had accompanied the 2nd Battalion to the
Crimea and India, and I have recorded his services and gallantry
at Cawnpore and Lucknow, and with the Camel Corps, and the approval
of those in command which they elicited. He was deservedly and
universally esteemed by his brother officers, and his sudden
premature death excited sincere regret. His funeral on April 5, at
Hale Church, near Aldershot, was attended not only by the officers of
the 1st Battalion, who also sent their band from Winchester, but by
many old Riflemen. He was succeeded in the command of the Battalion
by Lieutenant-Colonel Maclean, who was promoted from Senior Major.
This Battalion, after taking part in the summer drill and manœuvres
near Aldershot in the months of June and July, including a review
and march-past for the Sultan of Zanzibar before his Royal Highness
the Prince of Wales, left Aldershot on July 27 for Chatham, where it
occupied St. Mary’s barracks, detaching (in November) one company to
Upnor Castle.
The 4th Battalion left Umballa on March 3 for Delhi, where it
arrived on the 13th, and formed part of the Governor-General, Lord
Northbrook’s, camp, during the durbar held there. It returned to
Umballa on the 30th.
On the approach of the visit of the Prince of Wales to India, the 4th
Battalion again marched from Umballa on November 26, and arrived at
Delhi on December 8, in order to take part in the manœuvres to take
place there during the Prince’s stay. While His Royal Highness the
Colonel-in-Chief was at Delhi, the Battalion furnished a personal
guard of honour of 100 men; and on his visit to Agra a similar guard
of honour accompanied him. After the review and march-past on January
12, 1876, the Prince gave a dinner to the men of both his regiments,
the 10th Hussars and the 4th Battalion, on the 16th, and dined at the
mess of the Battalion on the 13th.
The 1st Battalion left Winchester by rail-road on June 6, 1876, and
embarking at Portsmouth on board the ‘Simoom’ Troop-ship, started on
the same day for Dublin, where they arrived on the 9th, and occupy
the Royal barracks, having a present strength of
Officers. Sergeants. Buglers. Corporals. Privates.
33 46 18 40 758
The 2nd Battalion remain at Gibraltar, their strength being
Officers. Sergeants. Buglers. Rank and File.
33 39 17 624[342]
The 3rd Battalion left Chatham by rail-road on July 26, and proceeded
to Shorncliffe camp, where they occupy quarters. Their strength on
July 28, when inspected by Colonel the Hon. F. Thesiger, commanding
that camp (who had served in the Regiment), being:--
Officers. Sergeants. Buglers. Rank and file.
30 45 19 528
On the conclusion of the manœuvres and the departure of the Prince
of Wales from Delhi, the 4th Battalion returned on January 27 to
Umballa, where they continue to be stationed; their strength being on
the 1st October
Officers. Sergeants. Buglers. Corporals. Privates.
34 49 17 40 801[342]
On October 7, 1876, His Royal Highness the Duke of Connaught, who
had served upwards of four years in the 1st Battalion as Lieutenant
and as Captain, and had left it in April 1874, took command of that
Battalion at the Royal barracks, Dublin, as Lieutenant-Colonel.
On October 31 it was notified that Her Majesty had been graciously
pleased to permit the word ‘Ashantee’ to be borne on the plates of
the pouch-belts.
I have thus inadequately recorded the services of the Regiment,
which as the Rifle Corps, as the 95th, and as the Rifle Brigade,
has, in the seventy-five years of its existence, served in the field
in Spain, Portugal, France, Belgium, Holland, Denmark, Germany, and
Russia; in South and Western Africa; in North and South America; and
in Asia. In these services it has been engaged in 22 General Actions,
30 Lesser Combats, 11 Sieges or Assaults of fortified places, and
in skirmishes and affairs of posts too many to enumerate. In them
it has won the commendation of all those commanders under whom it
has served. Nor have its discipline and conduct in quarters in more
peaceful times less elicited the approbation of Generals who have
commanded the stations it has occupied. And if I have not always
recorded this, it is because I have been unwilling to load my pages
with what no Rifleman can doubt, and what can scarcely interest any
other reader.
Of the tone and _prestige_ of its officers I need not speak. One
honourable fact I must record: No officer of this Regiment has ever
been brought to a Court-Martial.
Whatever future services it may be called to, whatever changes
regiments or the army may undergo, I am confident that as long
as the number 95 or the name Rifle Brigade exist in English
Military History, the same love of the green jacket and the same
_esprit-de-corps_ which have animated its past, and animate
its present, will still animate its future members--officers,
non-commissioned officers, and private Riflemen.
FOOTNOTES:
[327] The ‘Red River Expedition,’ London, 1871.
[328] The funeral of Captain Huyshe is the subject of a water-colour
picture by M. Norie (from a drawing I believe by Colonel Colley).
I am assured by those who were present that it is a faithful
representation of the scene and of the surroundings.
[329] This was in every case the position of all these companies of
Riflemen acting more or less independently in this fight: a section
at least being held in reserve while the greater part extended in
skirmishing order.
[330] Henty’s ‘March to Coomassie,’ 384.
[331] Captain Slade had been sent back sick from Foomanah.
[332] It is impossible to record this affair at Quarman without
noticing that Captain Dugdale remains without any official
recognition of his services on this occasion; while the officer whom
he so materially assisted, or rather extricated from his dangerous
position at Quarman, received the brevet of Major, Captain Dugdale
obtained no promotion. The former had then not thirteen years
service; Dugdale had served nearly twenty years, and I have on more
than one occasion noted in this record his services during the Indian
mutiny. As promotion was dealt out with no unsparing hand for the
Ashantee campaign, this neglect seems the more remarkable. I may add
that I make these remarks on the facts which I have recorded without
any communication with Captain Dugdale, with whom, indeed, I am
scarcely acquainted.
[333] ‘The Ashantee War,’ by Captain Brackenbury, ii. 199.
[334] Henty’s ‘March to Coomassie,’ 401.
[335] ‘The Ashantee War,’ ii. 236.
[336] ‘Colburn’s United Service Magazine,’ September, 1874, p. 74.
[337] ‘The Ashantee War,’ ii. 246.
[338] ‘March to Coomassie,’ 417.
[339] This difficulty is graphically described by Mr. Henty, p. 419.
[340] I derive the particulars of the Ashantee Expedition from the
letters and journal of my son, Captain Cope; from three papers (‘The
Rifle Brigade in the Ashantee Expedition’) in ‘Colburn’s United
Service Journal,’ July-September, 1874; and from a detailed MS.
Memoir on the Battle of Amoaful, kindly communicated to me by Major
Robinson, Rifle Brigade, who has also favoured me with the plan.
[341] Of these ten men were at once sent to Netley Hospital.
[342] Exclusive of Depôt.
APPENDIX I.
COLONELS-IN-CHIEF.
Colonel COOTE MANNINGHAM, August 25, 1800.
General SIR DAVID DUNDAS, August 31, 1809.
Field Marshal ARTHUR, DUKE OF WELLINGTON, K.G., G.C.B., February 19,
1820.
Field Marshal H.R.H. ALBERT, PRINCE CONSORT, K.G., G.C.B., September
23, 1852.
Field Marshal JOHN, LORD SEATON, G.C.B., December 15, 1861.
General SIR GEORGE BROWN, G.C.B., April 18, 1863.
Field Marshal SIR EDWARD BLAKENEY, G.C.B., August 28, 1865.
Field Marshal H.R.H. ALBERT EDWARD, PRINCE OF WALES, K.G., G.C.B.,
August 3, 1868.
COLONELS COMMANDANT.
_FORBES CHAMPAGNÉ_, August 31, 1809. To 70th Foot, May 21, 1816.
_SIR BRENT SPENCER_, G.C.B., August 31, 1809. To 40th Foot, July 2,
1818.
Hon. SIR WILLIAM STEWART, G.C.B., August 31, 1809. Died January 7,
1827.
_SIR G. T. WALKER_, G.C.B. (_vice_ CHAMPAGNÉ), May 21, 1816. To 34th
Foot, May 13, 1820.
_SIR JOHN OSWALD_, K.C.B. (_vice_ SPENCER), July 2, 1818.
_SIR EDWARD BARNES_, K.C.B. (_vice_ WALKER), May 13, 1820. To 78th
Foot, August 25, 1822.
SIR ANDREW F. BARNARD, G.C.B. (_vice_ BARNES), August 25, 1822. Died,
January 17, 1855.
_SIR T. S. BECKWITH_, K.C.B. (_vice_ STEWART), January 7, 1827. Died,
January 19, 1831.
_SIR GEORGE R. BINGHAM_, K.C.B. (_vice_ BECKWITH), June 18, 1831.
Died, June 3, 1833.
_SIR J. S. BARNES_, K.C.B. (_vice_ BINGHAM), January 7, 1833. To 20th
Foot, April 25, 1842.
SIR D. L. GILMOUR, K.C.B. (_vice_ J. S. BARNES), April 25, 1842.
Died, March 22, 1847.
SIR HARRY G. W. SMITH, G.C.B. (_vice_ GILMOUR), April 16, 1847. Died,
October 12, 1860.
SIR GEORGE BROWN, G.C.B. (_vice_ BARNARD), January 18, 1855. To 32nd
Foot, April 1, 1863.
SIR GEORGE BULLER, G.C.B. (_vice_ SMITH), October 13, 1860.
_SIR CHARLES YORKE_, G.C.B. (_vice_ BROWN), April 1, 1863.
⁂ The names in italics are those of officers who had not served
in the Regiment.
APPENDIX II.
ON THE ARMAMENT OF THE REGIMENT.
On the presentation of the report of Colonels Manningham and Stewart
(see p. 1), a committee of field officers was directed to assemble at
Woolwich on February 1, 1800, in order to select a rifle to be used
by the Rifle Corps. The principal gun-makers in England were invited
to attend; and rifles from America, France, Germany, Spain, and
Holland were produced and tried. This committee reported in favour of
a rifle submitted by Ezekiel Baker, a gun-maker in London, which was
adopted for the Rifle Corps, and was known as the ‘Baker rifle.’ This
arm was 2 feet 6 inches long in the barrel; seven-grooved, and rifled
one quarter turn; the balls were 20 to the pound, and the weight
of the arm was 9½ pounds. It had, of course, a flint lock. It was
sighted to 100 yards, and by a folding sight to 200 yards. This rifle
was loaded with some difficulty, and at first small wooden mallets
were supplied to the Riflemen to assist in ramming down the ball.
These were found inconvenient and an incumbrance to the soldier, and
were soon discontinued. The Rifle Corps originally carried a horn for
powder, as well as the pouch. The Baker rifle had a brass box in the
stock to contain the greased rag in which the ball was wrapped.[343]
A picker to clear the touch-hole and a brush were also carried by the
Riflemen, suspended by brass chains to the waist-belt.
Ezekiel Baker, the inventor of this rifle, published in 1803 a book
entitled ‘Twenty-two Years’ Practice with Rifle Guns;’ a tenth
edition of which, expanded from 8 pages of the original _brochure_
to 238, appeared in 1829. His coloured prints of Riflemen aiming
standing, kneeling, lying down on the face, and on the back, are
curious, though the costume is rather fanciful. He gives diagrams
showing that out of 34 shots at 100 yards with this rifle, 32
penetrated a human figure painted on a 6-ft. target; and of 24 shots
at 200 yards, 22 penetrated a similar figure. Baker does not mention
whether these were fired from the shoulder, or from a fixed rest.
To this rifle a triangular sword bayonet, 17 inches long in the
blade, was affixed by a spring.
When the Rifle Corps was first formed, a few rifles were issued to
it of the same bore as the musket then in use, viz. 14 balls to the
pound; under the impression that there would be an advantage in the
Riflemen being able to use the ammunition of soldiers of the line;
but this arm was strongly objected to by Colonel Manningham and his
officers, and was almost immediately done away with.
Some improvements were subsequently made in the Baker rifle; a
chamber was introduced to hold the powder, and a flat-blade sword was
substituted for that originally issued. With these and some other
trifling changes, the Baker rifle continued till about the year
1837 or 1838. In the year 1836 a Board was assembled at Woolwich to
report on various improved rifles. Of this Board Colonel Eeles, then
commanding the 1st Battalion, was a member; and Captain Walpole,
with a sergeant and twelve Riflemen of that Battalion, was sent to
Woolwich to try the rifles submitted to the Board. These men fired
daily for some weeks; and eventually the Brunswick rifle was fixed
upon for the armament of the Rifle Brigade, and was issued to it
(both Battalions being then at home) soon afterwards. This arm was
2 feet 6 inches long in the barrel, which was two-grooved, with
complete turn in the length of the barrel; the ball was spherical
and belted, and, to ensure the belt dropping into the grooves, two
notches were cut at the muzzle. The ball weighed 557 grains, being
about 12 to the pound. The rifle weighed nearly 2 pounds more than
the Baker, its weight being 11 lbs. 5½ oz. It had a detonating lock;
a straight sword, 22 inches long, was affixed to it by a spring. The
Brunswick rifle, like the Baker, had a brass box in the stock. It was
sighted, by means of a folding sight, to 300 yards; and it was found,
in the trials made at Woolwich, that it made as good practice at 300
yards as the Baker at 200.
This rifle continued in use for nearly twenty years; but it was found
difficult to load, the belt of the ball being after much firing
difficult to force down the grooves; and in action the necessity
of fitting the belt to the grooves hindered rapidity of loading,
notwithstanding the notches at the muzzle.
While the 1st Battalion were at the Cape, and at the conclusion of
the war with the Kaffirs in 1846-7, Lancaster rifles were received at
King William’s-town for four or six men in each company. These were
two-grooved, like the Brunswick, and of the same bore and length.
They had a patent breech; and were sighted to 900 yards. The ball
was conical, with a flat base, and a rib on each side to fit the
grooves. It was very heavy, and the flight was found to be uncertain.
Nevertheless, these rifles were used with good effect against the
Boers at Boem Plaatz, and against the Basutos at Berea. In the
Kaffir War of 1851-2, the Riflemen armed with this Lancaster were
occasionally formed into a party during night-marches, and on the
attacks on the Waterkloof.
On the embarkation of the Regiment for the Crimea the Riflemen were
armed with the Minié rifle, not differing from those carried by
soldiers of line regiments. And while in the Crimea they received
the long Enfield and bayonet, the same as those issued to troops
of the line. These long weapons were also issued to the 3rd and
4th Battalions on their being raised. But subsequently, and before
the embarkation of the 2nd and 3rd Battalions for India, the short
Enfield and the sword was substituted. This was the three-grooved
Enfield. But this being found an imperfect weapon, the five-grooved
short Enfield, Naval pattern, a much superior arm, was issued to the
various Battalions about the years 1861-2.
This continued in use till the issue of five-grooved short Enfields
converted to breech-loaders on the Snider principle, which were
afterwards replaced by the Snider proper, in 1867. The 4th Battalion,
however, had received in 1864 Whitworth rifles in place of the short
Enfield, and these were retained until the issue of breech-loaders in
1867.
The Snider was replaced by the Martini-Henry, which was issued to the
several Battalions towards the close of the year 1874.
The various changes in the uniform of officers and men are
sufficiently indicated by the plates in this volume, taken from the
drawings deposited in the Adjutant-General’s office, or from original
drawings or portraits in my own possession.
The pouch-belt originally had only a whistle and chain affixed to a
lion’s head. I do not know when the Maltese cross was first adopted;
probably when the names of victories were first granted to the
Regiment. It was at first surmounted with a sitting figure of Fame;
and it appears, from Sir W. Stewart’s correspondence, that in 1821
it was in contemplation to replace this (which he calls an Angel) by
‘an Eagle, or Britannia, or Minerva, or Amazon.’[344] An Eagle was, I
believe, adopted for a time; but the Cross was soon after surmounted
with a Royal Crown. When the present Imperial Crown was substituted
I do not know. It has been in use, however, for forty years.
FOOTNOTES:
[343] The powder horn and the brass box in the stock are shown in
Plate I. The Regulations for the exercise of Riflemen, issued in
1803, do not mention the mallet, which had probably been already
discontinued; but they do mention ‘the powder measure and the loose
ball:’ _i.e._ using the powder-horn in loading.
[344] Cumloden Papers, 131.
APPENDIX III.
ACTIONS AND CASUALTIES OF THE REGIMENT.
Colonel Leach, in concluding his ‘Brief Sketch of the Field Services
of the Rifle Brigade,’ observes:--‘I regret exceedingly that I am not
in possession of returns of losses sustained by my old Corps in its
numerous actions with the enemy, and by sickness. Such a document
would have, perhaps, but few (if any) parallels in the Service;
and it would be seen, moreover, that the Peninsular army had other
formidable enemies to contend with besides the sword, in the form of
pestilential fevers, ague, &c.’
No means, I believe, exist of giving any account of the losses of
the Regiment by climate or disease; but I will endeavour to give an
approximate return of the losses in the field, and at the same time I
shall be able to enumerate the various actions in which the Regiment
has been engaged.
+------------------+-------------------+--------------+---------------+
| | | Officers | Other ranks |
| Date | Action +------+-------+------+--------+
| | |Killed|Wounded|Killed|Wounded |
+------------------+-------------------+------+-------+------+--------+
|August 25, 1800 |Ferrol | | 1 | | |
|August 26, 1800 |Ferrol | | 3 | | 8 |
|April 2, 1801 |Copenhagen | 1 | | 2 | 6 |
|January 16, 1807 |Maldonado | | 1 | 1 | |
|January 20, 1807 |Suburbs of Monte | | | | |
| | Video | | | 5 | 25 |
|February 3, 1807 |Monte Video | 1 | 2 | 10 | 19 |
|July 2, 1807 |Passo Chico | | 1 | 3 | 22 |
|June 7, 1807 |San Pedro | | 2 | | 27 |
|July 4, 1807 |Suburbs of Buenos | | | | |
| | Ayres | | 2 | 2 | 4 |
|July 5, 1807 |Buenos Ayres | 1 | 9 | 90 | 129 |
|August 17, 1807 |Near Copenhagen | | | 1 | 2 |
|August 29, 1807 |Kioge | | A | few. | |
|August 15, 1808 |Obidos | 1 | 2 | 1 | 6 |
|August 17, 1808 |ROLEIA | | 3 | 17 | 30 |
|August 21, 1808 |VIMIERA | | 4 | 37 | 43 |
| +------+-------+------+--------+
| Carried forward | 4 | 30 | 169 | 321 |
+--------------------------------------+------+-------+------+--------+
+------------------+-------------------+------+-------+------+--------+
| | | Officers | Other ranks |
| Date | Action +------+-------+------+--------+
| | |Killed|Wounded|Killed|Wounded |
+------------------+-------------------+------+-------+------+--------+
| Brought over | 4 | 30 | 169 | 321 |
|January 3, 1809 |Cacabelos | 1 | 1 | 19 | |
|January 4, 1809 |Between Villa | | | | |
| | Franca | | A | few. | |
|January 5, 1809 |Constantino | | | 1 | |
|January 10, 1809 |Near Betanzos | | | 1 | |
|January 12, 1809 |El Burgo | | | | |
|January 16, 1809 |Corunna | 1 | | 11 | |
| Returned to England | | | | 33 |
|July 31, 1809 |Near Flushing | | 1 | | 10 |
|August 9-15, 1809 |Flushing | | 2 | 11 | 21 |
|March 19, 1810 |Barba del Puerco | 1 | | 3 | 10 |
|July 4, 1810 |Bridge of Marialva | | | | |
|July 24, 1810 |The Coa | 3 | 9 | 11 | 55 |
|August 23-24, 1810|Celorico to Busaco | | | | |
|August 25, 1810 |Mala Morta | | | | |
|August 26, 1810 |Sula | | | | |
|August 27, 1810 |BUSACO | | | | |
|September 10, 1810|Alemquer to Arruda | | | | |
|September 18, 1810|Alcalá de Gazules | | | | |
|October 14, 1810 |Sobral | | 2 | Several |
|November 19, 1810 |Valle | | Slight loss. | |
|December 20, 1810 |Tarifa | | | 2 | 16 |
|December 31, 1810 |Tarifa | | | 1 | 1 |
|March 5, 1811 |BARROSA | 1 | 5 | 19 | 76 |
|March 8, 1811 |Paialvo | | | | |
|March 9, 1811 | | | | | |
|March 11, 1811 |Pombal | | 1 | | |
|March 12, 1811 |Redinha | | 2 | 4 | 9[345]|
|March 14, 1811 |Casal Nova | 2 | | | [345] |
|March 15, 1811 |Foz d’Aronce | | 2 | | [345] |
|March 18, 1811 |Ponte da Murcella | | | | |
|March 28, 1811 |Freixadas | 1 | | | [345] |
|April 3, 1811 |Sabugal | 1 | 2 | 2 | 14 |
|April 12, 1811 |San Pedro | | | 1 | |
|April 23, 1811 |Bridge of Marialva | | | | |
|May 2, 1811 |Fuentes d’Onor | | 1 | | 9 |
|May 5, 1811 |FUENTES D’ONOR | 1 | | 3 | 13 |
|May 12, 1811 |Near Espeja | | | | |
|September 27, 1811|Near Aldea de Ponte| | | | |
|January 8, 1812 |San Francisco | 1 | | 1 | 7 |
|January 19, 1812 |CIUDAD RODRIGO | 1 | 5 | 9 | 47 |
|March 19, 1812 |Before Badajos | | 1 | | |
|March 26, 1812 |La Picurina | | | | |
|April 6, 1812 |BADAJOS | 9 | 14 | 57 | 225 |
|June 17, 1812 |Rueda | | | | |
|July 17, 1812 |Castrejon | | | | |
|July 19, 1812 |On the march | | | 1 | |
|July 22, 1812 |SALAMANCA | | | 3 | 24 |
| +------+-------+------+--------+
| Carried forward | 27 | 78 | 329 | 891 |
+--------------------------------------+------+-------+------+--------+
+------------------+-------------------+--------------+---------------+
| | | Officers | Other ranks |
| Date | Action +------+-------+------+--------+
| | |Killed|Wounded|Killed|Wounded |
+------------------+-------------------+------+-------+------+--------+
| Brought over | 27 | 78 | 329 | 891 |
|July 23, 1812 |Near the Tormes | | | | |
|August 24, 1812 |San Lucar | | | | |
|August 26, 1812 |Seville | | | | |
|October 29, 1812 |Aranjuez | | 1 | 3 | 8 |
|Nov. 15-19, 1812 |Retreat to Portugal| | | 3 | 11 |
|June 12, 1813 |Near the Hormuza | | | | |
|June 18, 1813 |San Millan | | 1 | 4 | 13 |
|June 21, 1813 |VITTORIA | 1 | 6 | 11 | 61 |
|June 23, 1813 |Echarri-Aranaz | | | | |
|June 24, 1813 |On the Araquil | | | | |
|July 15, 1813 |Sta. Barbara | | | | |
|August 1, 1813 |Bridge of Yanci | | 1 | A few. |
|August 2, 1813 |Echalar | | | | |
|August 31, 1813 |ST. SEBASTIAN | | 2 | 8 | 16[345]|
| ” ” |Bridge of Vera | 1 | 4 | 18 | 53 |
|October 7, 1813 |Pass of Vera | 3 | 6 | 31 | 161 |
|November 9, 1813 |Nivelle | 1 | 10 | 11 | 76 |
|November 23, 1813 |Arcangues | | 1 | | 6 |
|December 10, 1813 |Nive | 1 | | 9 | 75 |
|December 13, 1813 |Bussassari | | | | |
|January 13, 1814 |Before Antwerp | | | 1 | 1 |
|February 1, 1814 |Donk | | | | |
|February 2, 1814 |Merxem | | 4 | 3 | 6[345]|
|February 4, 1814 |Sortie from Antwerp| | | | |
|February 24, 1814 |Villeneuve | | | | |
|February 27, 1814 |ORTHEZ | | | | |
|March 20, 1814 |TARBES | 1 | 11 | 6 | 75 |
|March 27, 1814 |Tournefeuille | | | A| few. |
|April 18, 1814 |Toulouse | | 1 | 14 | 26[345]|
|December 22, 1814 |Before New Orleans | | 3 | 23 | 59 |
|December 28, 1814 |Before New Orleans | | | 1 | 4 |
|January 1, 1815 |Before New Orleans | | | 1 | |
|January 8, 1815 |LINES OF NEW | | | | |
| | ORLEANS | 1 | 6 | 11 | 94 |
|June 16, 1815 |QUATRE BRAS | 2 | 3 | 8 | 51 |
|June 18, 1815 |WATERLOO | 3 | 31 | 57 | 339 |
|December 31, 1846 |Near the Kei river | | | 1 | |
|January 11, 1847 |Near the Kei river | 2 | | | |
|February, 1847 |Patrol on the Fish | | | | |
| | river | | | | |
|August 29, 1847 |Boem Plaatz | 1 | 2 | 6 | 8 |
|April 29, 1852 |Mundell’s Krantz | | 1 | | 5 |
|May 17, 1852 |Mundell’s Krantz | | | | 3 |
|May 29, 1852 |Ingilby’s farm | | | | 4 |
|July 8, 1852 |Waterkloof | | | 1 | |
|July 24, 1852 |Waterkloof | | | | 2 |
|September 14, 1852|Waterkloof | | | | |
| +------+-------+------+--------+
| Carried forward | 44 | 172 | 559 | 2048 |
+--------------------------------------+------+-------+------+--------+
+------------------+-------------------+--------------+------+--------+
| | | Officers | Other ranks |
| Date | Action +------+-------+------+--------+
| | |Killed|Wounded|Killed|Wounded |
+------------------+-------------------+------+-------+------+--------+
| Brought over | 44 | 172 | 559 | 2048 |
|December 20, 1852 |Berea | | | 3 | |
|September 20, 1854|THE ALMA | | 1 | 11 | 38 |
|October 14, 1854 |Picquet | | | | 2 |
|October 25, 1854 |BALAKLAVA | | | | 1 |
|October 26, 1854 |Careenage ravine | | | | 5 |
|October, 1854 |In the trenches | | 1 | 11 | 27 |
|November 5, 1854 |INKERMAN | 3 | 3 | 30 | 58 |
|November 20, 1854 |THE OVENS | 1 | | 9 | 17 |
|April 9, 1855 |Rifle pits | | | 5 | |
|June 18, 1855 |THE REDAN | 2 | 3 | 33 | 89 |
|July 3, 1855 |In the trenches | | | 8 | 5 |
|September 1, 1855 |In the trenches | 1 | | 1 | 15 |
|September 8, 1855 |SEBASTOPOL | 2 | 8 | 23 | 137 |
|November 15, 1855 |Explosion | | 1 | 3 |Several.|
|1854-5 |In the trenches, or| | | | |
| | not otherwise | | | | |
| | accounted for | | | 175 |143[346]|
|November 26, 1857 |Cawnpore | | | 1 | |
|November 27, 1857 |Cawnpore | | 1 | | 6 |
|November 28, 1857 |Cawnpore | 1 | 2 | 5 | 19 |
|November 29, 1857 |Cawnpore | | 1 | 3 | 5 |
|December 1, 1857 |Cawnpore | | | | |
|December 6, 1857 |Cawnpore | | 1 | 1 | 19 |
|December 25, 1857 |Putarah | | | | |
|December 29, 1857 |Etawah | | | | 3 |
|January 1858 |Near Allahabad | | | | |
|January 1858 |On the Ramgunga | | | | |
|March 6-11, 1858 |LUCKNOW | 2 | | 2 | 17 |
|March 23, 1858 |Koorsie | | | | |
|April 13, 1858 |Baree | | | | |
|May 11, 1858 |Nuggur | | | 1 | |
|May 22, 1858 |Goolowlie | | | 3 | |
|May 23, 1858 |Calpee | | | 3 | |
|June 13, 1858 |Nawabgunge | | 1 | | 15 |
|August 20, 1858 |Nassreegunge | | | | |
|August 20-29, 1858|Sultanpore | | | | |
|September 6, 1858 |Surajpore | | | | |
|September 8, 1858 |Jamo | | 1 | | 3 |
|September 13, 1858|Mandaula | | | | |
|September 21, 1858|Fort of Birwah | 1 | 1 | 3 | 27 |
|October 20, 1858 |Sukreta | 1 | | 4 | 5 |
|October 21, 1858 |Khooath Khas | | | | |
|October 23, 1858 |Khurgurh | | | | |
|November 26, 1858 |Hydergurh | | | | |
|December 3, 1858 |Fort of Oomria | | | | |
|December 6, 1858 |Futtehpore | | | | |
| +------+-------+------+--------+
| Carried forward | 58 | 197 | 897 | 2704 |
+--------------------------------------+------+-------+------+--------+
+------------------+-------------------+--------------+---------------+
| | | Officers | Other ranks |
| Date | Action +------+-------+------+--------+
| | |Killed|Wounded|Killed|Wounded |
+------------------+-------------------+------+-------+------+--------+
| Brought over | 58 | 197 | 897 | 2704 |
|December 6, 1858 |Byram Ghât | | | | |
|December 26, 1858 |Near Churdah | | | | |
|December 27, 1858 |Fort of Mejidia | | | 1 | 6 |
|December 31, 1858 |Bankee | | | | 1 |
|February 9, 1859 |Sidka Ghât | | | | 1 |
|March 16, 1859 |Near Supree | | | | |
|April 12, 1859 |Akouna | | | | 1 |
|April 25-26, 1859 |Jugdespore jungles.| | | | |
| | Not otherwise | | | | |
| | accounted for | | | | |
| | to this date[347]| | | 2 | 2 |
|October 27, 1859 |Mitharden | | | | |
|December 11, 1859 |Shahgurh | | | | |
|January 2, 1864 |Shubkudder | | | | |
|January 31, 1874 |Amoaful | | 3 | | 6 |
|February 2, 1874 |Between Amoaful | | | | |
| | and Aggemamu | | | | |
|February 3, 1874 |Near the Ordah | | | | 8 |
|February 4, 1874 |Ordahsu | | | | 19 |
| Died of wounds | | | 2 | |
| +------+-------+------+--------+
| Total | 58 | 200 | 902 | 2748 |
+--------------------------------------+------+-------+------+--------+
NOTE.--In instances where no casualties are entered, it does not
necessarily follow that there were no killed or wounded; but that
I have been unable to ascertain their number. In skirmishes (and
occasionally in greater actions) aggregate returns have frequently
been made, in which it was impossible to separate the losses of the
Regiment. I have noted occasions only where the Riflemen have been
engaged or under fire.
FOOTNOTES:
[345] Return imperfect.
[346] Return of wounded imperfect. 648 Riflemen died of disease in
the Crimea and in Turkey.--‘Medical and Surgical History,’ i. 449-57.
[347] Two Officers and 132 Riflemen of other ranks of the 2nd
Battalion died of disease during the Indian Mutiny Campaign.
APPENDIX IV.
NAMES OF OFFICERS AND OTHER RIFLEMEN WHO HAVE OBTAINED SPECIAL
MARKS OF DISTINCTION FOR SERVICES IN THE FIELD.
+------------------------+-----------------------------+---------------+
| | | Action or |
| Name and Rank | Honour received | Campaign for |
| | | which granted |
+------------------------+-----------------------------+---------------+
| ANDREWS, Sergeant J. | Legion of Honour | Crimea |
| ANSON,[348] Lieut.-Col.| Medjidie Crimea | |
| Hon. A. H. A. | | |
| ARMSTRONG, Sergeant | Medal for distinguished | Ashantee |
| | conduct in the Field | |
| ARTHUR, NATHANIEL[349] | Distinguished conduct Medal | Crimea |
| BAILEY, H. | French military Medal | Crimea |
| BALVAIRD, Lieut.-Col. | Gold Medal and Clasp, | Peninsula |
| WILLIAM | C.B. | |
| BARNARD, Gen. Sir A. F.| Gold Medal[350] and 4 | Peninsula and |
| | Clasps, G.C.B., G.C.H., | Netherlands |
| | Maria Teresa (Austria), 4th| |
| | class St. George (Russia) | |
| BECKWITH, Lieut.-Col. | Gold Medal | Toulouse |
| CHARLES | C.B | Waterloo |
| BECKWITH, Lieut.-Gen. | Gold Medal and Clasp, | Peninsula |
| Sir T. S. | K.C.B., Knight Commander | |
| | of Tower and Sword | |
| | (Portugal) | |
| BEN, Corporal M. | French military Medal | Crimea |
| BLACKETT, Lieut.-Col. | Legion of Honour | Crimea |
| E. W. | | |
| BOURCHIER, Col. C. T. | =Victoria Cross=, Legion | The ‘Ovens’ |
| | of Honour, Medjidie | |
| BRADSHAW, JOSEPH | =Victoria Cross=, French | Rifle-pit, |
| | military Medal | Sebastopol |
| BRAMSTON, Capt. T. H. | Medjidie, Sardinian Medal | Crimea |
| BRETT, Lieut.-Col. J. | Legion of Honour | Crimea |
| BROWN, Gen. Sir GEORGE | G.C.B., Grand Cross of | Crimea |
| | Legion of Honour, 1st | |
| | class Medjidie, Sardinian | |
| | Medal | |
| BROWN, J. | Distinguished conduct Medal | Crimea |
| BULLER, Gen. Sir GEO. | G.C.B., Commander of | Kaffraria and |
| | Legion of Honour, | Crimea |
| | 2nd class Medjidie | |
| BURGE, Sergeant T. | French military Medal | Crimea |
| BURROWS, Sergeant J. | Distinguished conduct Medal | Crimea |
| CAMERON, Major-Gen. | Gold Medal and 2 Clasps, | Peninsula and |
| Sir Alexander | K.C.B., St. Anne 2nd class | Netherlands |
| | (Russia) | |
| CHERRY, J. | Sardinian Medal | Crimea |
| CLEMENTS, Corporal T. | Distinguished conduct Medal | Crimea |
| CLIFFORD, Col. Hon. | =Victoria Cross=, C.B., | Crimea |
| H. H. | Legion of Honour, Medjidie | |
| COLVILLE, Col. Hon. | Legion of Honour, Medjidie, | Crimea |
| W. J. | Sardinian Medal | |
| COLLINS, TIMOTHY | Distinguished conduct Medal | Crimea |
| CORNELIUS, Sergt.-Major| French military Medal, | Crimea |
| | Distinguished conduct Medal| |
| COX, Major-Gen. John | K.H. | Peninsula and |
| | | Netherlands |
| COX, Major-Gen. William| K.H. | Peninsula |
| CULLUM, Sergeant | Silver Medal for gallantry | Monte Video |
| | in the storming of | |
| CUNINGHAME, Major Sir | =Victoria Cross=, Medjidie | The ‘Ovens’ |
| W. J. M., Bart. | | |
| DAVIES, T. | French military Medal | Crimea |
| DENSER, CHARLES | French military Medal | Crimea |
| DILLON, Col. MARTIN | C.B., C.S.I. | India, China, |
| | | and Abyssinia|
| EAGLE, W. | French military Medal, | Crimea |
| | Distinguished conduct Medal| |
| EELES, Lieut.-Col. W. | K.H. | Peninsula, |
| | | Holland, and |
| | | Waterloo |
| ELLIOT, Lieut.-Col. | Medjidie, Sardinian Medal | Crimea |
| Hon. GILBERT | | |
| ELRINGTON, Major- | C.B., Legion of Honour, | Crimea |
| General F. R. | Medjidie | |
| FAIR, Sergeant | Medal for gallantry | Monte Video |
| FISHER, Colour-Sergt. | French military Medal | Crimea |
| D. | | |
| FITZMAURICE, Major-Gen.| K.H. | Peninsula and |
| W. | | Netherlands |
| FITZROY, Capt. C. V. | Medjidie | Crimea |
| FRASER, Surg.-Gen. J. | Legion of Honour | Crimea |
| | C.B. | India |
| FREMANTLE, Lieut.-Col. | Sardinian Medal | Crimea |
| FITZROY | | |
| FULLERTON, Col. J. | C.B., K.H. | Waterloo |
| FYERS, Col. W. | Legion of Honour, Medjidie | Crimea |
| | C.B. | India |
| GILMOUR, Major-Gen. | Gold Cross, K.C.B. | Peninsula |
| Sir D. L. | | |
| GLYN, Major-Gen. J. R. | Legion of Honour, Medjidie | Crimea |
| | C.B. | India |
| HAINES, G. | Distinguished conduct Medal | Crimea |
| HANNAN, HUGH | Distinguished conduct Medal | Crimea |
| HARDINGE, Lieut.-Col. | Medjidie | Crimea |
| H. | | |
| HARRINGTON, Quarter- | Distinguished conduct Medal | Crimea |
| Master Sergeant | | |
| HARRYWOOD, Sergeant J. | French military Medal | Crimea |
| HARVEY,[351] | Distinguished conduct Medal | Crimea |
| Paymaster-Sergeant H. | | |
| HAWKES, DAVID | =Victoria Cross= | Lucknow |
| HAWKESFORD, Sergt. T. | Distinguished conduct Medal | Crimea |
| HAWKINS, E. | French military Medal | Crimea |
| HICKS, Colour-Sergt. J.| French military Medal | The ‘Ovens’ |
| HILL, Major-Gen. PERCY | C.B. | India |
| HIMBURY, Sergt. JOHN | Silver Medal and Clasp | St. Sebastian |
| | for gallantry at | |
| HOGGER, S. | Distinguished conduct Medal | Crimea |
| HOPE, Lieut.-Col. J. C.| K.H. | Peninsula and |
| | | Netherlands |
| HORSFORD, Lieut.-Gen. | G.C.B., Medjidie, | Crimea and |
| Sir A. H. | Sardinian Medal | India |
| HOUGH, CHARLES | French military Medal | Crimea |
| HOULT, Sergeant | Medal for gallantry | Monte Video |
| HUMPSTON, R. | =Victoria Cross= | Rifle-pit, |
| | | Sebastopol |
| INGRAM, HENRY | Distinguished conduct Medal | Crimea |
| KING, J. | French military Medal | Crimea |
| KINGSCOTE, Capt. FITZ- | Medjidie | Crimea |
| H. | | |
| KNOX, Capt. J. S. | =Victoria Cross=, Legion | Crimea |
| | of Honour | |
| LAWRENCE, Lieut.-Gen. | K.C.B., Officer Legion of | Crimea |
| Sir A. J. | Honour, 3rd class Medjidie | |
| LEGGE, Hon. G. B. | Medjidie | Crimea |
| LEIGHFIELD, J. | Distinguished conduct Medal | Crimea |
| LEWIS, P. | Distinguished conduct Medal | Crimea |
| MCCANN, P. | French military Medal | Crimea |
| MCCORMICK, M. | French military Medal | Crimea |
| MCGIBBON, Sergeant | Medal for gallantry | Monte Video |
| MCGREGOR, RODERICK | =Victoria Cross= | Rifle-pit, |
| | | Sebastopol |
| MCKAY, Sergeant. | Medal for gallantry | Monte Video |
| MCKECHIE, Sergeant | Medal for gallantry | Monte Video |
| MCLEOD, Major-Gen. | C.B | Corunna |
| NORMAN | | |
| MCMAHON, B. | French military Medal | Crimea |
| MACDONELL, Major-Gen. | C.B., Legion of Honour, | Crimea |
| A. | Medjidie, Sardinian Medal | |
| MANNERS, Lieut.-Col. | K.H | Peninsula and |
| H. H. | | Walcheren |
| MARRIOTT, E. | Distinguished conduct Medal | Crimea |
| MILLER, Col. GEORGE | Gold Medal, C.B. | Peninsula and |
| | | Netherlands |
| MITCHELL, Lieut.-Col. | Gold Medal and Clasp, | Peninsula and |
| SAMUEL | C.B. | Netherlands |
| MOORE, Capt. J. C. | Sardinian Medal | Crimea |
| MUNRO, Colour-Sergt. | French military Medal | Crimea |
| C. F. | | |
| MURPHY, Colour-Sergt. | Legion of Honour, | Crimea |
| J. | Distinguished conduct Medal | |
| NASH, Corporal W. | =Victoria Cross= | Lucknow |
| NESBITT, Sergeant | Medal for gallantry | Monte Video |
| NEWDIGATE, Col. E. | Legion of Honour, Medjidie | Crimea |
| NIXON, Lieut.-Col. | Medjidie | Crimea |
| A. J. | | |
| NORCOTT, Major-Gen. | Medal and Clasp, C.B., | Peninsula and |
| Sir AMOS G. | K.C.H., St. Anne (Russia), | Netherlands |
| | Maximilian Joseph | |
| | (Bavaria) | |
| NORCOTT, Major-Gen. | C.B., Legion of Honour, | Crimea |
| W. S. R. | Medjidie, Sardinian Medal | |
| NUTT, Sergeant JAMES | Distinguished conduct Medal | Crimea |
| O’HARE, Major P. | Gold Medal | Peninsula |
| O’HEA T., | =Victoria Cross= | Danville |
| | | Station |
| PERCIVAL, Lieut.-Col. | Gold Medal and 2 Clasps, | Peninsula and |
| W. | C.B. | Netherlands |
| PROMBY, Corporal H. | Distinguished conduct Medal | Crimea |
| RAINES, CHARLES | Distinguished conduct Medal | Crimea |
| ROSS, Major-Gen. Sir | Cross, K.C.B., St. Wladimir | Peninsula and |
| JOHN | 4th class (Russia), Wilhelm| Netherlands |
| | 4th class (Netherlands) | |
| ROSS, Colonel JOHN | Medjidie | Crimea |
| | C.B | India |
| ROSS, Sergeant | Medal for gallantry | Monte Video |
| RUSSELL, Major-General | Medjidie, Sardinian Medal | Crimea |
| Lord A. G. | | |
| SAUNDERS, Capt. G. R. | Medjidie, Sardinian Medal | Crimea |
| SCOTT, Surgeon J. | Medjidie | Crimea |
| SHAW, Corporal SAML. | Distinguished conduct Medal | Crimea |
| | =Victoria Cross= | Nawabgunge |
| SMALL, Sergeant | Medal for gallantry | Monte Video |
| SMITH, General Sir H. | G.C.B. | India and |
| G. W. | | Kaffraria |
| SMYTH, Major-General, | C.B., Legion of Honour, | Crimea |
| Hon. L. | Medjidie, Sardinian Medal | |
| SOMERSET, Major-Gen. | C.B., Legion of Honour, | Crimea |
| E. A. | Medjidie | |
| STAPLES, Sergeant | Medal for gallantry | Monte Video |
| STEWART, Major ARCHI- | K.H. | Peninsula and |
| BALD | | Netherlands |
| STEWART, Lieut.-Col. | Gold Medal and Clasp, C.B. | Peninsula |
| Hon. J. H. R. | | |
| STEWART, Major John | Gold Medal | Busaco |
| STEWART, Lieut.-Gen. | Gold Medal and 2 Clasps, | Peninsula |
| Hon. Sir W. | G.C.B. San Fernando | |
| | (Spain), Tower and Sword | |
| | (Portugal) | |
| STRUCK, H. | Distinguished conduct Medal | Crimea |
| STUART, Lieut.-Colonel | Medjidie, Sardinian | Crimea |
| Hon. J. | Medal | |
| TAINST, EDWARD | Sardinian Medal | Crimea |
| TAYLOR | Distinguished conduct Medal | Ashantee |
| THORPE, Sergeant | Medal for gallantry | Monte Video |
| TILBEY, T. | Distinguished conduct | Crimea |
| | Medal | |
| TRAVERS, Major JAMES | K.H | Peninsula and |
| | | New Orleans |
| TRAVERS, Major-Gen. | Gold Medal, C.B. | Peninsula |
| Sir R. | | |
| TURNER, Corporal W. | Distinguished conduct Medal | Crimea |
| | | |
| WADE, Colonel H. | Gold Medal, C.B. | Peninsula |
| WALKER-MYLN, Lieut.- | Medjidie | Crimea |
| Col. H. | | |
| WALLER, Sergt.-Major | French military Medal | Crimea |
| WALPOLE, Lieut.-Gen. | K.C.B | India |
| Sir R. | | |
| WARREN, Lieut.-Col. A. | Medjidie | Crimea |
| F. | C.B | Ashantee |
| WHEATLEY, FRANCIS | =Victoria Cross=, Legion | Trenches, |
| | of Honour | Sebastopol |
| | Distinguished conduct Medal | |
| WILKINS, Lieut.-Col. G.| Gold Medal, C.B. | Peninsula and |
| | | Netherlands |
| WILMOT, Major Sir | =Victoria Cross= | Lucknow |
| HENRY, Bart. | | |
| WISEMAN, Corporal R. | Distinguished conduct Medal | Crimea |
| WOOD, JOSEPH | Distinguished conduct Medal | Crimea |
| WOODFORD, Lieut.-Col. | Legion of Honour, | Crimea |
| C. J. | Sardinian Medal | |
| YORKE, Gen. Sir CHAS. | G.C.B | Peninsula and |
| | | Waterloo |
+------------------------+-----------------------------+---------------+
NOTE--The non-commissioned officers and men of a detachment of
the Rifle Corps engaged at Copenhagen in 1801 were presented with
a Silver Medal specially given by Lord Nelson.
FOOTNOTES:
[348] Colonel Anson received the =Victoria Cross= for gallantry
at Bolandshuhur, shortly after he had left the Rifle Brigade. I have
noted only in this list the honours obtained by Riflemen while in the
Regiment.
[349] Where no rank is indicated, the name is that of a Private
Rifleman.
[350] These medals and crosses were granted to general and field
officers (according to the recommendation of the Duke of Wellington),
‘for important actions only, and to those engaged in them in a
conspicuous manner,’ Despatches, viii. 94. I have of course not
recorded medals which were granted indiscriminately to all present in
an action or campaign.
[351] Captain Harvey, Paymaster.
INDEX.
Acland, F. G. Dyke, 467
‘Adventure,’ troop-ship, faulty engines of, 364
Africa, South, 245;
West Coast, 482
Aggemamu, 495, 502, 503, 504
Akouna, fight at, 422
Alba de Tormes, 118
Albert, Prince Consort, Colonel-in-Chief, 295;
death of, 457
Aldershot, Camp, 342, 344, 345, 453, 469, 470, 478, 481, 508
Alemtejo, sojourn of the 95th there, 48, 88
Alexander, Boyd Francis, 357, 399, 400;
wounded, 403
Alison, Sir Archibald, 480, _et seq._
Allix, W., killed, 107
Allygurh, 368
Alma, battle of the, 306
Alten, Baron Charles, 112
Amatolas, expedition to, 253
Americans attempt to induce Riflemen to desert; replies of the Riflemen
forcible rather than courteous, 190
American commandant, excellent advice given to, 193
American officer, while plundering, shot by a Rifleman, 191
Ames, F., 390
Amethie fort, 404-406
Amoaful, battle of, 488-493
Amphlett, J., 216
Andrews, J., 523
Anson, the Hon. A. H. A., 333, 523
Aranjuez, 120
Araquil, skirmish near the, 139
Arbuthnot, Hon Duncan, killed, 82
Arcangues, 157, 162
Armstrong, Sergeant, 507, 523
Army of Occupation in France, 212-215
Arrhunes, 153;
La Petite, carried, 154
Arthur, Nath., 523
Ashantee expedition, 480
Atherley, F. R., 352, 353, 354, 374, 388, 393
Austin, G. L., 381, 437
Backhouse, William, killed, 190
Badajos, siege, 102;
stormed, 104;
casualties at, 107;
events after, 108-111;
plunder of, sold or burned, 112, 113
Bailey, H., 523
Baillie, H. D., 338, 384, 390
Balaklava captured, 311;
battle of, 316
Balfour, W. F., 337, 338
Balvaird, W., 523;
wounded, 107
Barba del Puerco, fight at, 51
Baree, fight at, 381
Barker, Brigadier, 399, 400
Barker, Robert, wounded, 190
Barnard, General Sir Andrew, 42, 96, 112, 523;
wounded, 69, 156, 208;
his care for the wounded, 199, 211, 225;
death, 331
Barrosa, battle of, 68
Basutoland, expedition to, 290
Battalion, 2nd, its formation, 10;
services in India, 427-8
Battalion, 3rd, its formation, 42;
disbanded, 216;
again raised, 332, 343
Battalion, 4th, raised, 346
Bayou Catalan, landing at, 182
Bear’s farm, camp at, 274-279
Beckwith, Charles, wounded, 208;
account of, 210, 211, 523
Beckwith, Lieut.-Colonel Sidney, 261, 305;
death of, 310
Beckwith, Sir Thomas Sidney, 7, 19, 21, 29, 52, 80, 228, 523;
his magnanimity, 11;
his system of command, 53;
his coolness in action, 82;
gives up command of the 1st Battalion, 92;
his character, 112;
his death, 230
Bedell, W. D., 104;
wounded, 97, 107
Beni Madhoo, pursuit of, 382, 406, 414
Benn, M., 523
Bennett, L. H., killed, 39
Berea, battle of, 292-294
Bermuda, 240
Bewar, crossing the, 448
Bikrumgunge, 439
Birmingham, riots at, 236
Birwah, fort captured, 400
Blackett, E. W., 523;
wounded, 336
Blakeney, Sir Edward, Colonel-in-Chief, 465;
death of, 469
Blatchington, Rifle Corps trained at, 4
Boemplaats, battle of, 258, 259
Boers, rebellion of, 257
Boileau, C. A. P., 335;
death of, 336
Borough, R., wounded, 338;
death of, 341
Bourchier, Claude T., 323, 324, 334, 346, 378, 524
Bradford, Major-General W. H., 311, 332, 334, 344
Bradshaw, Joseph, 333, 346, 376, 524
Bramston, T. H., 524
Brett, Lieut.-Col. John, 320, 329, 524
Brown, Sir George, 301, 302, 524;
colonel-commandant, 331;
Colonel-in-Chief, 460;
death of, 465
Brown, J., 524
Brussels, 197
Buckley, C. E., 381
Budgen, J. R., wounded, 152
Buenos Ayres, 17
Buildings erected by Riflemen, 261
Búlganak, 305, 306
Buller, Coote, wounded, 321, 322, 334
Buller, Lieut.-Gen. Sir George, 244, 252, 254, 258, 260, 261, 280, 296,
454, 524;
wounded, 259
Bunbury, Ralph, killed, 24
Burge, T., 524
Búrliúk, 306
Burrows, J., 524
Busaco, battle of, 59, 61
Byram Ghât, 408
Cacabelos, fight at, 33
Cadoux, D., 65;
wounded, 18;
killed, 150
Caledon River, 291
Calpee, 431;
capture of, 434
Camel corps formed, 380;
operations of, 429-450;
Sikhs added to, 435;
arduous duties of, 450;
broken up, 450
Camel drivers, 431, 435
Camels, drill in riding, 429-431
Cameron, Sir Alexander, 94, 104, 106, 110, 177-178, 524;
his address to the 1st Battalion, 127;
wounded, 138, 208
Cameron, D., wounded, 208
Campbell, Alexander, killed, 152
Campbell, L., killed, 138
Campbell, W., wounded, 69
Canada, dangerous voyage to, 457;
service in, 246, 465
Canning, Lord, 428
Canrobert, General, 301;
his general order about the ‘ovens,’ 325, 326 _n._
Cape Coast Castle, 481
Cape of Good Hope, 243
Cartwright, A. A., killed, 321
Cary, A., killed, 107, 108
Cary, G., 158
Cary, L. S. T. M., 337;
wounded and death, 338
Cary, L., 489, 498
Casal Nova, skirmish at, 75
Cathcart, Hon. Sir George, 277, 280, 282, 285, 290, 318, 319;
his regard for the Riflemen, 283, 290, 303, 319
Cawnpore, battles of, 349, 363
Chawner, E., wounded, 13, 208
Cherry, J., 524
Chinhut, 374;
camp at, 385;
panic at, 394
Chobham, camp at, 297
Christmas dinners, 366, 410
Chumbul, crossing the, 447
Church, J., taken prisoner, 160;
escapes, 178 _n._;
wounded, 178
Churchill, C. H. S., 329
Churdah, fight near, 411
Circular directing the formation of a Rifle Corps, 1
Ciudad Rodrigo, siege, 91;
casualties at, 97;
stormed, 94
Clements, T., 524
Clifford, the Hon. H., 346, 524
Clyde, Lord, 409, 410, 428
Coa, combat at the, 56
Coane, A., wounded, 57
Coane, J., wounded, 16
Cochrane, R., wounded, 149, 205
Cochrane, Thomas, 26;
wounded, 62
Colbert, General, picked off by a Rifleman, 34
Colborne, Col. (Lord Seaton), 152, 206, 243;
Colonel-in-Chief, 457;
death of, 460
Collins, 524
Colours not to be carried by Riflemen, 456
Colville, Hon. W. J., 524
Connaught, Duke of, joins as lieut., 469;
as lieut.-col., 510
Coomassie, 500-502
Cooper, Sir Astley Paston, 262
Cooper, L. E., 376;
killed, 378
Cope, A., 488, 495, 502-504
Copenhagen, 7, 20, 22
Cornelius, Sergeant-Major, 524
Coronation of Queen Victoria, Riflemen at, 235
Corunna, retreat to, 30;
battle of, 38;
casualties during retreat, 39;
revisited, 342
Cox, John, 524;
wounded, 97, 170
Cox, William, 524;
wounded, 28, 156, 170
Coxen, E., 104;
wounded, 208
Cragg, C. W., 388, 400, 403
Crampton, J., 92, 104;
wounded, 107
Craufurd, Major-General Robert, 15;
his severity, 30, 31;
his strict standing orders, 44;
his complimentary orders on Barba del Puerco, 52;
defended by Riflemen, 91;
his last address to the, 95;
his death and funeral, 97;
anecdotes of him, 98
Creagh, J., killed, 57, 58
Crimean war, 299-342
Croudace, C., killed, 107, 108
Cullum, Sergeant, 524
Cuninghame, Sir William, 323, 324, 346, 524
Curragh camp, 456
Curzon, George, 350, 376, 381
Curzon, Hon. Leicester, _see_ Smyth.
Davies, T., 524
Deedes, William, 334, 376
Denmark, expedition to, 19
Denser, Charles, 524
Dickenson, Captain, killed, 14
Diggle, T. A., 104;
killed, 107
Dilkoosha, 373, 385, 427, 429
Dillon, Martin, 374, 390, 417, 419, 524;
wounded, 354
Dinner, first regimental, 147;
second, 213
Dixon, F., wounded, 170
Doyle, killed, 156, 171
Drummond, A. M., 334
Dublin, 456, 477
Dugdale, H. G., 350, 377, 491, 492, 501
Duncan, John, killed, 170, 171
Eagle, W., 524
Eaton, Charles, wounded, 156
Eccles, W. H., wounded, 338, 341, 356, 379
Echalar, capture of the hill of, 145, 146
Eeles, Charles, 33;
wounded, 39, 62;
killed, 209, 211
Eeles, William, 143, 176, 205, 212, 228, 524;
wounded, 178;
death of, 234
Egginassie, 489, 494
El Burgo, skirmish at, 37
Elder, Sir George, wounded, 16
Elliot, the Hon. G., 334, 524
Elrington, Major-General F. R., 318, 334, 346, 477, 525
Engineers, 336, 365, 374
Erroll, Earl of, 334;
wounded, 309
Etawah, 366
Etteridge, 404, _n._
Executions, military, 101
Explosion before Sebastopol, 340
Eyre, H., 375, 381, 432-438;
wounded, 338
Eyre, R. C., wounded, 209
Eyre, Sir William, 290-294
Fair, Sergeant, 525
Farmer, W. J. G., wounded, 107, 170, 185
Felix, O., wounded, 208
Fenian raid into Canada, 467
Fensham, D., wounded, 156
Ferey, General, 51;
his death, 119;
buried by Riflemen, 119
Ferguson, R., 227
Ferozeshah, pursuit of, 447
Ferrol, expedition to, 3
Fisher, D., 525
Firman, E. R., killed, 336
Fitzgerald, R. H., wounded, 178
Fitzmaurice, J., 74, 96, 137, 198, 525;
wounded, 107, 199
FitzRoy, C. V., 525
Flinn, shoots a hare at Sabugal, 82;
shoots Frenchman at Fuentes d’Onor, 85
Flower, C. T., 327
Flushing, siege of, 49
Flying columns, 469, 470, 471
Foomanah, reconnaissance from, 486
Forbes, Daniel, wounded, 185
Forster, J. G., wounded, 107
Foz d’Aronce, skirmish at, 76
France, south of, 163, 164
Fraser, J., 525
Freixadas, skirmish at, 79
Fremantle, FitzRoy, 372, 376, 410, 419, 422, 423, 525;
wounded, 336
Fremantle, Mr. W. H., his opinion of the Rifle Corps, 3
French officers, conversations with, 86, 154
Fry, J., wounded, 152, 209
Fryer, E. J., 419
Fuentes d’Onor, skirmish at, 84;
battle, 84
Fukes, Sergeant Thomas, turns the tables on an American hero, 192, 193
Fullerton, J., 176, 525;
wounded, 205, 209
Futtehpore, skirmish at, 416
Fyers, Colonel W., 308, 311, 314, 315, 336, 338, 347, 348, 351, 352,
356, 366, 376, 383, 384, 525
Gairdner, J. P., wounded, 131, 208
Gallipoli, 301
Gardiner, J., 116;
wounded, 107, 161, 199
Gardner, T. C., 5;
wounded, 16 _n._
Genappe, 200
Germany, expedition to, 11
Gibbons, G., killed, 152
Gibraltar, service at, 463, 508
Gibson, J., his death, 249
Gilmour, Sir D. L., 525
Glasgow, 217;
riots at, 220, 345
Glyn, J. Plumtre C., 479, 500
Glyn, Major-General Julius, 259, 357, 365, 388, 392, 415, 429, 479, 525
Glyn, R. R., 374, 384, 417, 421
Godfrey, Arthur William, wounded, 275, 316;
death of, 328
Gogra, crossing the, 395, 409, 417, 424, 425, 426
Gold Coast, embarkation for, 479
Goolowlie, battle of, 433
Goomtee, crossing the, 374, 397
Gosset, John, wounded, 190
Grant, J. A., his death, 7
Grant, Sir J. Hope, 373 _et seq._, 389, 428
Gray, C. G., wounded, 107
Gray, Loftus, wounded, 170
Green, A., wounded, 398, 399
Grey, G. H., 356, 366, 377, 379
Guns taken by Riflemen, 137, 140, 350, 354, 384, 418
Haggup, W., wounded, 82, 133, 156
Haines, G., 525
Hallen, William, gallant defence of his picquet near New Orleans, 184
Hamilton, William, wounded, 97, 147
Hammond, Maximilian, killed, 338;
account of, 339
Hannan, Hugh, 315, 525
Hardinge, H., 334;
wounded, 259
Hares shot in action, 82 _n._, 382, 391
Harrington, Quarter-Master-Sergeant, 525
Harrywood, J., 337, 525
Hart, J. B., 104;
wounded, 149
Harvey, H., 389, 391, 525
Hastings, 231
Hawkes, David, 525
Hawkesford, T., 525
Hawkins, E., 525
Hawksley, R., killed, 93
Herbert shoots a Russian at long range, 314
Hewan, Michael, wounded, 174
Hewitt imposes on the Russians, 319
Hicks, J., 327, 525
Higgins, William, 320, 321
Hill, Sir D. St. L., wounded, 28
Hill, John, killed, 152
Hill, Major-Gen. Percy, 340, 343, 366, 369, 390, 392, 411, 413,
418 _et seq._, 423, 424, 464, 525
Himbury, John, 148 _n._, 525
Hogger, S., 525
Holland, expedition to, 176
Hope, J. C., 212, 235, 525
Hopwood, J., 62;
wounded, 69, 72, 138;
killed, 160
Hormuza, slight affair at, 131
Horsford, Lieut.-Gen. Sir Alfred, 244, 281, 305, 319, 320, 329, 334,
344, 360, 370, 379, 387, 392, 417, 420, 469, 525;
wounded, 321, 361
Horsham, Rifle Corps first formed at, 2
Hough, Charles, 525
Hoult, Sergeant, 525
Hovenden, T., wounded, 69;
killed, 107
Howell, Assist.-Surgeon, 249
Huebra River, 124
Humbley, William, captures a French picquet, 49;
wounded, 170, 208, 212
Humpston, R., 333, 346, 525
Hussars, 7th, 389, 408, 414, 420, 462
Huyshe, G. L., death of, 484
Hydergurh, fight at, 407
Île au Poix, landing at, 182
India, service in, 454, 455
Indian Mutiny, 347-425
Ingilby’s farm, 276
Inglis, J. C., 334
Ingram, Henry, 526
Inkerman, battle of, 318
Insarfu, 487, 492, 494
Ionian Islands, service in, 231, 235, 241
Ireland, service in, 217, 228, 239, 241, 346, 476
Irish insurgents routed by Riflemen, 224, 227
Ishmaelgunge, 374
Jamo, 398
Jeames, E., 381
Jenkins, J., 65;
killed, 238
Jenkinson, Captain, killed, 18
Jones, Loftus, wounded, 156
Johnson, J., wounded, 28
Johnston, E. D., wounded, 208;
killed, 210
Johnston, William, 94;
wounded, 107, 208
Journey from St. John’s, N. B., to Rivière de Loup, 458, 459
Jugdespore jungles, operations in, 424, 442
Jumna, crossing the, 432
Kaffir War, 1846-1848, 245-261;
1851-1852, 269-294
Kalamita Bay, landing at, 303
Kamara, 330, 331
Kamishli, 304
Kataree fort, 405
Katchka, 309
Kemp, Sergeant, recommended for the Victoria Cross, 336
Kempt, Sir James, 112
Kentúgan, 304
Khooath Khas, 443
Kincaid, Sir John, 75, 94, 108;
wounded, 77
King, J., 526
Kingscote, Fitz-H., 526
Kioge, 21
Kirkman, J., wounded, 156
Knipe, W. H., killed, 69
Knox, J. S., 526;
wounded, 336, 346
Kokral, 374 _et seq._
Koorsie, expedition to, 38
Kurroundea, camp at, 438
Lane, G. C., 412, 413
Lascelles, H. A., 489, 496
Lawrence, Sir Arthur J., 304, 306, 307, 308, 309, 311, 312, 313, 526
Lawson, S. H., wounded, 107
Lawton, H., wounded, 391
Layton, J., 199
Leach, Jonathan, 90, 202, 204
Legge, Hon. G. B., 327, 328 _n._, 526
Leighfield, T., 526
Lewis, P., 526
Lindsay, Henry Gore, 294, 334
List of the first officers of the Regiment, 5
Lister, W., killed, 199
Llewellyn, H., wounded, 149, 152
Logan, J., 212
Lucknow, 373-379
Lynam, J., wounded, 209
McCann, P., 526
McCormick, M., 526
M’Cullock, J. G., wounded and taken prisoner, 56 _n._;
wounded, 18, 77, 208;
account of, 210
M’Dermid, J., wounded, 107
Macdonald, Peter, 234
Macdonald, Robert, 232, 237
Macdonell, Alexander, killed, 107, 108
Macdonell, Major-Gen. Alexander, 338, 377, 379, 462, 526
McGibbon, Sergeant, 526
MacGregor, R., 333, 346, 526
M’Gregor, A., 104;
wounded, 97
McKay, Sergeant, 526
McKechie, Sergeant, 526
Mackenzie’s farm, 310, 311
MacLeod, J. M. D., wounded, 18;
killed, 57
M’Leod, N., 526
McMahon, B., 526
Macnamara, T., 92;
wounded, 14
M’Pherson, D., wounded, 107;
his death, 108
Madden, E. M., wounded, 152
Madrid, 120, 121
Maldonado, landing at, 13
Maloney, Sergeant, 404 _n._
Malta, 227-231, 238-241, 452, 453
Mandaula fort, 300
Manners, H. H., 104, 526;
wounded, 28, 107
Manningham, Coote, proposes the formation of a corps of Riflemen, 1;
is appointed colonel of the Rifle Corps, 5;
delivers and publishes lectures, 10;
account of, 40
Manœuvres, autumn, 473, 476, 480, 481, 508, 509
Mansel, W., 398, 401;
wounded, 403
March of the Light Division from Navalmoral to Talavera, 44, 45;
march from Futtehpore to Cawnpore, 351, 359, 360, 364;
march from Cheenee to Cawnpore, 358;
march to Nawabgunge, 387;
march to Sultanpore, 395;
march to Bankee, 412
Marialva, bridge of, skirmish at, 83
Markham, W. T., his picquet at Inkerman, 317
Marriott, E., 526
Massena, Marshal, his retreat from Portugal, 62, 71
Medals for Copenhagen, 8;
for Monte Video, 14
‘Megæra,’ troop-ship, 269, 270
Mejidia, fort captured, 411
Merxem, fights at, 177, 178
Miller, G., 526;
wounded, 170, 205
Milles, Hon. Lewis, wounded, 356
Mitchell, Samuel, 526;
wounded, 57, 97;
taken prisoner, 185, 194, 224
Mitharden, fight at, 449
Mohmunds, expedition against, 461
Mohuneea, 437
Mohurs, gold, found in the corpse of a Sepoy, 373
Molloy, J., wounded, 208
Monte Video, 13
Moore, Sir John, commands the camp at Shorncliffe, 9;
proceeds to Sweden, 22;
in Portugal, 28;
his partiality for the Riflemen, 36
Moore, J. C., 526;
wounded, 338
Morgan, Hon. F. C., 320
Moshesh, 291-294
Mount Misery, 247, 248, 250
Mundell’s Krantz, fights at, 275, 280
Munro, C. F., 526
Murphy, T., 526
Murray, A. S., killed, 259
Nana Sahib, pursuit of, 371
Napier, Charles, 7
Nash, W., 526
Nawabgunge, battle of, 388
Nelson, Lord, praises the Rifle Corps, and gives them medals, 8
Nepaul, operations in, 418
Nesbitt, Sergeant, 526
Netherlands, embarkation for, 195
New Brunswick, service at, 230
Newdigate, E., 334, 526;
wounded, 322
Newdigate, H. R. L., 381, 400, 437
New Orleans, expedition to, 181;
attack on the lines before, 187
Nicholl, C. R. H., 354, 421, 488, 496
Ninety-fifth, the Rifle Corps numbered, 9
Nive, battle of, 159
Nivelle, battle of, 155
Nixon, A., 334, 361, 376, 381, 432-450, 467, 526;
death of, 508
Noble, C., wounded, 16;
killed, 38
Noel, Hon. E., 489
Nonadee, 443 _n._
Norcott, Major-Gen. Sir Amos G., 14, 16, 17, 33, 34, 37, 67, 526;
wounded, 170, 205, 208, 212
Norcott, Major-Gen. W. S. R., 304, 307, 308, 309, 311, 313, 335, 338,
340, 527
Noseley, G. R., taken prisoner, 321
Nova Scotia, service in, 226-233, 241
Nuggur, fight near, 383;
panic at, 384
Nutt, James, 527
Obidos, 24
O’Hare, Major P., 18, 51, 71, 527;
killed, 107
O’Hea, I., 466, 527
Oomria, fort captured, 415
Orange river, 291
Ordah, fight near, 495;
crossing the, 496
Ordahsu, fight at, 497, 499
‘Orinoco,’ steamship, 299;
on fire, 300
Orthez, battle of, 166, 167
Oude Field Force, 370
Outposts of Riflemen, their good understanding with their opponents, 47,
61, 74, 75, 86, 158, 161;
sometimes interrupted, 161, 162
Outram, Sir James, 374 _et seq._
‘Ovens’ taken, 323, 327;
maintained, 327, 328
Oxenden, C. V., 252, 392, 400, 403, 414
Paialvo, skirmish at, 71
Pakenham, Hon. H. R., wounded, 24
Pandoo Nuddee, fight at the, 349
Paris, Riflemen enter, 213
Passo Chico, skirmish at, 16
Patrols in Kaffraria, 289
Pellew, Hon. B. R., wounded, 338
Perceval, James, wounded, 147
Percival, L., 388, 400
Percival, William, 109, 527;
wounded, 62
Piper, F., 413
Pitt, Sergeant, killed, 384
Playne, F. C., 354;
wounded, 339
Plunket, T., shoots General Colbert, 34
Pombal, skirmish at, 72
Ponte da Murcella, skirmish at, 78
Prah, crossing the, 485
Pratt, M., killed, 57, 58
‘Prince Consort’s Own,’ Rifle Brigade designated, 458
Prince of Wales, Colonel-in-Chief, 469;
address to, 474;
and answer, 475;
Guard of Honour furnished by Riflemen in India, 509
Promby, H., 527
Puente Larga, defence of, 120
Putarah, 365
Pyrenees, 143
Quarman, 491, 492
Quatre Bras, 197, 199
Quebec, fire at, 466
Raglan, Lord, 309, 311;
letter, 324;
general order, 325;
his kindness to the Riflemen, 333;
his funeral, 337
Rains, Charles, 527
Ramgunga, operations on, 368
Raptee, fight at the, 413;
operations on, 418 _et seq._
Redan, attack on the, 334, 335
Redinha, skirmish at, 73
Reilly, P., killed, 57, 58
Reserve battalion formed, 241;
disbanded, 267
Retreat to Portugal, 123-125
Return of the Rifle Corps on its formation, 2
Reviews by the King of the Netherlands, 180;
by the Allied Sovereigns, 215;
by the Duke of Clarence, 229;
after the coronation of Queen Victoria, 235;
by French generals, 301, 341;
by Russian generals, 341;
by the Shah of Persia, 478;
by the Prince of Wales, 480, 509;
by the Czar of Russia, 481;
by the Sultan of Zanzibar, 509.
_See_ Victoria
Reynolds, John, wounded, 190
Ribton, Sir John, wounded, 170, 190
Richards, H. E., 398, 399;
killed, 402, 403
Ridgway, J. A., wounded, 152, 208
Rifle, Baker, 238, 515;
Brunswick, 238, 516;
Lancaster, 292, 516;
Minié, 299, 516;
Enfield, long, 332, 452, 517;
Enfield, short, 347, 452, 517;
Whitworth, 464, 467, 517;
Snider, 467, 517;
Martini-Henry, 507, 517
Rifle Corps, its formation, 1-4
Riflemen mounted on gun-limbers, 408;
on horses, 71
Riley, F. A., wounded, 338
Roleia, 25
Rooper, E., 305, 320;
wounded, 321;
death of, 322
Rose, Sir Hugh, _see_ Strathnairn
Ross, Sir J., 527;
wounded, 205, 209, 212
Ross, Col. John, 307, 311, 312, 334, 359, 379, 381, 429, 450, 462, 477,
527
Ross, Sergeant, 527
Rowles, J., 334
Rueda, 115
Russell, Lord A. G., 340, 452, 480, 481, 508, 527
Russian picquet _relieved_ by Riflemen, 329
Ryder, H. S., killed, 338;
account of, 339
Sabugal, combat of, 80;
panic at, 87
St. Sebastian stormed, 147
Salamanca, battle of, 118;
retreat to, 121;
Lieut. Firman killed there, 122
San Francisco stormed, 92
San Millan, skirmish at, 133
San Munoz, fight at, 124
San Pedro, 16 _n._
San Pedro, in Portugal, 83
Sasseram, 438
Saugur, 448
Sault Ste. Marie, Riflemen shipwrecked at, 262
Saunders, G. R., 335, 527
Scanlan, C., wounded, 14
Scott, Henry, wounded, 156
Scott, J., 527
Scott, Hon. T. C., 491, 495, 498
Scriven, H. A., 381, 435;
killed, 443
Seaton, Lord, _see_ Colborne
Sebastopol, 312
Seville, skirmish at the bridge, 120
Shaw, S., 391, 527
Shenley, G. H., wounded, 209
Shenley, William, wounded, 208
Shergotty, 438
Sherston, C. D., wounded, 489, 493
Shots, remarkable, by Riflemen, 34, 103, 314, 355
Shubkudder, fight at, 462
Sidka Ghât, fight at, 418
Simmons, George, 62, 89, 95, 96, 103, 108, 124, 151, 156, 164, 197,
199, 210, 211 _n._;
wounded, 57, 170, 208
Simmons, Joseph, 124
Simpson, Sergt.-Major, obtains a commission, 77
Sinde, crossing the, 448
Singer, J., 412, 421
Small, Sergeant, 527
Smith, Sir Harry, 110, 193, 255, 256, 257, 258, 259, 261, 265, 266, 527;
wounded, 57;
last inspection of Riflemen, 451;
death of, 454
Smith, Lady, 110, 111
Smith, Major P. (of the Bays), killed, 374;
his body recovered by Riflemen, 375
Smith, Thomas, 97, 99, 100, 149, 150, 212, 213;
wounded, 57
Smith, Charles, 195
Smyth, C., wounded, 156;
killed, 199
Smyth, Hon. Leicester, 290, 294, 527
Smyth, W. J., wounded, 490, 493
Sobral, skirmish at, 62
Soita, retreat to, 91
Somerset, A. H. T. H., 489, 494
Somerset, Major-General Edward, 320, 329, 338, 340, 345, 452, 527
Sotheby, F. E., 408, 419, 425, 488, 492
Soult, Colonel, captured by Riflemen, 72
Soult, Marshal, 235
Spaniards recruited for Riflemen, 128;
their ferocity, 138
Standing orders of the Regiment, 6
Staples, Sergeant, 527
Stephens, A. H., 400, 486, 489, 500;
wounded, 493
Stewart, Archibald, 527
Stewart, Allen, wounded, 208, 211 _n._
Stewart, D., wounded, 107
Stewart, James, 52;
his death and character, 79
Stewart, Hon. J. H. K., 56, 527
Stewart, Major John, 527;
killed, 75
Stewart, the Hon. W., proposes the formation of a corps of Riflemen, 1;
account of him, 6-8 _n._, 43, 49, 515, 527;
his death, 228
Stilwell, J., killed, 208
Stokes, J. M., killed, 107
Stopford-Sackville, L. R., 497
Storey, Assist.-Surgeon, 404
Strathnairn, Lord, 430 _et seq._
Strode, Lieut., killed, 75
Struck, H., 527
Stuart, the Hon. James, 335, 527
Subhadar’s tank, 362
Suddlers, Corporal, 350
Sufferings of Riflemen, 322, 330, 331, 332, 362, 363, 387, 392, 396,
426
Sukreta, fights at, 441, 442, 443
Sundeehlah, 397
Sunstroke, 392, 433
Supper, French, eaten by Riflemen, 77
Surtees, William, 11, 29 _n._, 30 _n._, 109, 169, 172;
wounded, 170
Sweden, detachment of Riflemen embark for, 22
Swinley, Rifle Corps encamped there, 3
Tainst, Ed., 527
Tantia Topee, pursuit of, 445;
captured, 446;
hanged, 447
Tarbes, battle of, 169
Tarifa, 65
Tarsac, combat of cavalry at, 168
Taylor, 498, 507, 527
Taylor, M. B. W., 489
Tchernaya, 310, 311
Tents first provided in the Peninsula, 129
Thorpe, Sergeant, 528
Thynne, W. F., killed, 378
Tilbey, T., 528
Torres Vedras, 61
Toulouse, battle of, 173
Tournefeuille, skirmish at, 172
Travers, James, 92, 182, 192, 528;
wounded, 190
Travers, Nicholas, wounded, 150, 190
Travers, Sir Robert, 3, 5, 16, 23, 27, 29, 528;
wounded, 18
Travers, W. S., wounded, 352
‘Trent’ affair, 456
Tryon, Henry, 320, 323, 324, 325, 326
Turner, Brigadier, 437 _et seq._
Turner, P., killed, 18
Turner, W., 528
Uniacke, J., wounded, 84;
killed, 96;
his funeral, 97;
his character, 97
Uniform, change of, 231, 333, 381, 435, 455, 470, 474, 479
Vandeleur, Sir H., 112
Varna, 300, 302
Vera, bridge of, defended by Riflemen, 149
Vera, pass of, forced, 151
Vickers, Gentle, wounded, 152
Victoria, Queen, guards furnished by Riflemen, 239, 262;
distributes Crimean medals to Riflemen, 334;
reviews them, 235, 238, 343, 346, 478, 506
Victoria Cross won by Riflemen, 314, 324, 327, 333, 366, 378, 391;
distributed by the Queen to eight Riflemen, 346;
recommendations for, 309 _n._, 319 _n._, 336, 466
Victories, names of, to be borne, 221, 509, 460, 510
Vimiera, battle of, 27
Vittoria, battle of, 135
Wade, Hamlet, 10 _n._, 19, 29, 48, 66, 196, 528
Walcheren, expedition to, 48;
effects of the climate of, 50
Wales (South), disturbances in, 238, 239
Walker-Myln, H., 528
Waller, Sergt.-Major, 528
Walpole, Sir Robert, 355, 365, 370, 378, 528
Walsh, J. P., wounded, 209
Warren, A. F., 334, 356, 378, 407, 412, 421, 479, 494, 500, 528
Waterkloof, 277, 279, 286
Waterloo, 201 _et seq._
Webb, Vere, wounded, 209
Wellington, Duke of, first service of Riflemen under, 19, 20;
praises them, 21, 24, 27, 53, 58, 73, 77, 82, 85;
present with them in action, 61, 118, 123, 133, 136, 198, 204, 205,
206, 207;
orders them rations, 76;
orders them into houses, 58, 83;
inspects them, 92, 113, 215, 235;
for the last time, 269;
protected by Riflemen, 74, 116;
severe order after the retreat from Portugal, 126;
escorted by Riflemen, 158, 159, 295;
appointed Colonel-in-Chief, 218;
certifies the names of their victories, 221;
his death, 295;
his body guarded by Riflemen, 295;
his funeral attended by them, 295
Weymouth, Rifle Corps trained there, 8
Wheatley, Francis, 314, 346, 528
Wilbraham, Richard, 234
Wilkins, G., 528;
wounded, 208
Wilmot, Sir Henry, 365, 378, 528
Windham, General, 349 _et seq._
Wiseman, R., 528
Wives of Riflemen outraged, 223
Wolseley, Sir Garnet, 479 _et seq._
Wood, J., 528
Woodford, Charles J., 347, 348, 350, 351, 528;
wounded, 338;
killed, 354, 355, 357
Woodford, E. S. G., killed, 336
Worsley, T. T., wounded, 107, 209, 210
Wright, William, 178, 180 _n._;
wounded, 208
Yanci, bridge of, fight at, 144, 145
Yellow bungalow, 375, 377
Yorke, General Sir Charles, 528
LONDON: PRINTED BY
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[Illustration]
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
Footnote [325] is referenced three times from page 479.
Footnote [342] is referenced twice from page 510.
Footnote [345] is referenced seven times from pages 519, 520.
Footnote [111] is referenced from inside Footnote [110].
Footnote [127] is referenced from inside Footnote [126].
The Table on page 4 had many column headings, printed sideways;
this has been rendered as a two-column list in this etext.
The Table on page 298 had many column headings, printed sideways;
this has been split into two parts with the first column duplicated.
Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been
corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within
the text and consultation of external sources.
Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text,
and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained: for example,
rear-guard, rear guard; McCleod, Macleod, M’Leod; farm-house,
farmhouse; midday, mid-day; inspirited; sate; woful; havresack;
pannelled; hackeries.
Pg xvii: ‘Tom Plunkett’ replaced by ‘Tom Plunket’.
Pg 22 Footnote [41]: ‘died April 31, 1835’ is an invalid date;
unable to ascertain the correct date.
Pg 44: ‘moved to Gaviaō’ replaced by ‘moved to Gavião’.
Pg 48: ‘Maravaō, after’ replaced by ‘Maravão, after’.
Pg 61: ‘rains, proceded to’ replaced by ‘rains, proceeded to’.
Pg 215: ‘through Aberchicourt’ replaced by ‘through Auberchicourt’.
Pg 261 Footnote [205]: ‘of the Roya United’ replaced by
‘of the Royal United’.
Pg 300: ‘a time wa very’ replaced by ‘a time was very’.
Pg 429: ‘(p. 38)’ replaced by ‘(p. 381)’.
Pg 439 Footnote [314]: ‘in April, 185’ replaced by ‘in April, 1858.’.
Pg 454: ‘5 ” Oomao’ replaced by ‘5 ” Oonao’.
Pg 468: ‘Murree to Abottabad’ replaced by ‘Murree to Abbottabad’.
Pg 479 Footnote [325]: ‘officer required’ replaced by
‘officers required’.
Pg 515 Footnote [343]:‘the using the’ replaced by ‘using the’.
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The History of the Rifle Brigade (the Prince Consort's Own) Formerly the 95th" ***
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