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Title: Annals of the Turkish Empire, from 1591 to 1659
Author: Naima, Mustafa
Language: English
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Transcriber's note:
Errors and inconsistencies in accented words, mostly
related to Arabic and Turkish names, have been taken care
as much as possible, without attempting however to make a
major revision and overhaul of the original text.
ANNALS
OF
THE TURKISH EMPIRE,
FROM
1591 TO 1659 OF THE CHRISTIAN ERA.
BY NAIMA.
TRANSLATED FROM THE TURKISH,
BY
CHARLES FRASER.
[Illustration]
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR THE ORIENTAL TRANSLATION FUND
OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND.
SOLD BY
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET; AND PARBURY, ALLEN, & CO.,
LEADENHALL STREET.
M.DCCC.XXXII.
LONDON:
Printed by J. L. COX and SON, Great Queen Street,
Lincoln’s-Inn Fields.
TRANSLATOR’S PREFACE.
History, it has been well observed, is, of all other branches of
human knowledge, the most attractive, and best rewards the efforts of
research. Even the history of the most ignorant and barbarous nations
that have ever peopled the globe, may furnish something, either in
their modes of government, in their forms of religion, or in their
manners, customs, and laws, which is calculated to amuse or instruct.
The knowledge of the springs and motives of human actions, and of
their consequent effects, whether auspicious or inauspicious, and
which operate more or less powerfully on the destinies of the human
race, is, by this channel, conveyed to our minds with a distinctness,
perspicuity, and force which cannot, by any possibility, be gained in
any other way.
By the investigation of history we become acquainted with points of
character of the utmost importance, and arrive at the conviction that
good and evil are, in some way or other, combined and interwoven in
the affairs of life: and we may often, without difficulty, trace the
happiness or misery of millions of human beings to the act of a single
individual; and perceive that impressions have thereby been made that
stamp, for ages, the moral and intellectual character of mankind.
Without adverting to the rise and downfall of the Roman Empire, out
of the dismemberment of which have arisen the principal States of
Europe, we would merely refer, at present, to the rise, progress, and
establishment of Mohammedanism, the followers of which conquered, sword
in hand, the whole of the rich and fertile provinces possessed by that
empire in the East.
To trace the rise, progress, and final establishment of the Mohammedan
power, from its commencement under Mohammed Mustafa, the prophet of
Islamism, and its successive triumphs under the Khalifs, his immediate
successors, would be to detail a series of revolutions and successions
of dynasties, the most eventful and extensive, the most disastrous and
appalling, that have ever taken place on the theatre of our world.
On this department of deep and lasting interest, though it be amply
fitted to remunerate the labour of investigation, it is not our
intention, did we possess the vanity to conceive ourselves competent
for the task, to enter. Moreover, it is unnecessary; because this
department of history, in regard at least to its great and leading
features, has already been fully and accurately traced and brought
within our reach by others, whose talents and means of information
rendered them qualified for the undertaking, and whose services, in
this respect, can hardly be too much valued.
Our real purpose in offering these few general remarks, is with the
view of introducing to the reader’s notice the learned and laborious
Turkish annalist, NAIMA, who favoured his countrymen with a connected
narrative of the most important and interesting events which had
transpired within the Turkish dominions for the space of seventy years.
In this he has given a detailed account of all the wars, offensive
and defensive, foreign and domestic, in which the Turks had been
engaged during that period, besides other incidents of importance,
and negociations and treaties, friendly and commercial, with foreign
powers. The importance and value of this author’s labours induce us to
recommend to the reader’s perusal the annexed volume of Translation,
which contains within its pages the first twenty-eight years of the
above Narrative or History, or about one-fourth of the whole work. We
shall reserve for a succeeding paragraph, our remarks on this work,
and in the meantime proceed to observe in general, that the foundation
of the Turkish power seems to have begun with the accession of Osmán
or Othman I. to the rank of emír of the Oguzian tribe of Tátárs in
room of Ortogrul, his father, the last sultán of Iconium, who died
A.D. 1299. Osmán, at the head of this warlike horde, in the course of
a very few years conquered and possessed himself of several of the
provinces of Asia Minor, assumed the title of Sultán in 1300, and
fixed his residence in Yení-Sheher, a city of Anatolia. Orkhan, his
son and successor, acquired possession of Brúsa, Nice, and Nicomedia
in Bithynia, by force of arms; the first of which the Osmánlí Sultáns
made for a time their capital. In short, such was the success which
attended the Ottoman arms, that, in the course of fifty or sixty years,
they overwhelmed, and subjugated to their sway, the whole of the Roman
empire in the east; absorbed the whole strength and energy of Moslem
dominion; and became, and continue to be to this day, the chief bulwark
of Islám and of Mohammedan despotism.
Naima commences his history of the Turkish empire with the year of the
Hijrah or Hejeret 1000 (A.D. 1591), and brings it down to the year 1070
of the same era. This work was probably intended by its author to form
the supplement or continuation of the history composed by Sa’d-úd-dín,
which commences with the origin of the Turkish power, and brings down
the narrative of events to 926 (A.D. 1526).
Naima’s Annals consist of two large volumes folio, which were printed
at Constantinople in the year of the Hijrah 1147, being the twelfth
printed work which issued from the imperial press of Constantinople.
In six years afterwards, Ráshid’s History, and the Annals of Chelebí
Zádeh, followed, having issued from the same press, and are a
continuation of Naima.
Of Naima himself we have not been able to collect any certain
information; nor do we know at what period he lived: but we conjecture
he must have been contemporary, or nearly so, with Kátib Chelebí,[1]
author of the Fezliké, to which work Naima sometimes refers. As a
narrator of facts, however, we think, from what we have read of
him, we have just cause to accuse him of partiality and occasional
exaggeration, into which the historian ought never to be betrayed. But
where, we would venture to ask, is there one of this class of writers
who stands entirely acquitted of these defects? To a Turk, however,
the Annals of Naima possess that same sort of importance which we, in
similar circumstances, are accustomed to attach to a work of the like
nature amongst ourselves. The Turk, we have no doubt, will consider,
as sound doctrine, the defects to which we have referred, and that
too without hesitation and without enquiry; because they are entirely
congenial to his creed and modes of thinking.
Of the annexed translation we have only one word to say, and that is,
that we have exercised all possible care to translate honestly and
fairly, and this being all we undertook to accomplish, we leave it to
speak for itself.
THE TRANSLATOR.
_Edinburgh, May 24th 1832._
N.B.—In the following work the system of Sir William Jones, in the
orthography of Oriental words, has been used as far as the nature of
the Turkish language would permit. The accented vowels have the same
sounds as in Italian; and the unaccented, the short sounds, as _a_ in
_bat_, _i_ in _lily_, &c. The consonants have the sound usually given
them in our own language.
AUTHOR’S PREFACE.
IN THE NAME OF THE MOST MERCIFUL AND MOST GRACIOUS GOD!
The thousandth year of the Hijrah commenced on the first of
Moharrem—which is also the Sabbath-day (Saturday)—and is the three
hundred and fifty-fourth thousand four hundred and ninety-ninth day of
the Prophet’s flight.
This year of happy omen, connected with antecedent time, makes the
184693d year, and the 5350th of the Jewish era; but, according
to Melek’l-mowid’s mode of reckoning, is the 7216th year. The
thousandth year of the Hijrah is the 4974th from Noah’s flood, but
which, according to the calculations of astronomers, falls short of
that period by a space of 270 years: and the 2807th of the supreme
conjunction; the 2338th of the era of Nebuchadnossar; the 1901st of the
era of Alexander; the 1590th of the Christian era; the 1360th of the
Copts; the 959th of the Yezdijerd (the ancient Persian era); the 533rd
of Jellali (the modern Persian era); and the 167th year of the middle
or intermediate supreme conjunction.
Writers of defective intelligence have introduced a multitude of
opinions into their writings, which go on to say, among other things,
that when the thousandth year of the Hijrah was once over, the day of
the resurrection would immediately arrive, or if it should not then
arrive, it would, most certainly, not extend beyond thirty lunar years
(_i. e._ the intercalary and other years of that period of time). In
this particular they not only assumed weak and ill-founded premises,
but, as might be expected, have written incorrectly on the subject.
Witness, for instance, their speculations concerning the completion of
the moon’s revolutions, whence they affirm, that the Prophet (on whom
be blessing and peace) should not remain in his grave till the thousand
years expired, and other similar records, which, however, are at once
at variance with true philosophy and sound theology. Several writers
not attending to these things have, through ignorance or carelessness,
given currency in their writings to statements which are utterly
without foundation, and therefore contrary to the received canon.
CONTENTS.
Page
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1000 OF THE HIJRAH.
The Grand Vezír, Ferhád Páshá, deposed, and the Vezírship conferred
on Síávush Páshá 1
The Militia of Tabríz 2
The Muftí Effendí, Bostánízádeh, deposed, and Zekeríá Effendí
appointed in his stead 3
Disturbance on the Confines of Bosnia and Hungary—Movements of the
Infidels 4
News from the East 5
Concerning learned Men 5
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1001, H.
The Spáhís create a Disturbance in the Diván 11
The Grand Vezír, Síávush Páshá, deposed 12
A Rupture betwixt the Ottomans and the Austrians 13
The Grand Vezír, Sinán Páshá, determines on carrying the War into
Hungary 16
The Enemy advances to Belgrade 19
Felk falls into the hands of the Enemy 20
The Faithless are chastised 22
The base and ignoble Infidels besiege Khutván 23
The Siege of Osterghún 24
The Request of the Prime Minister—The Succour of the magnificent
Emperor 27
Yanuk laid siege to 29
The Moslem Warriors begin an Assault 30
EVENTS OF THE YEARS 1005, H.
The Conquest of Yanuk 31
Komran laid siege to 33
Concerning the bad Management of the Commander-in-Chief; his Error
and Failure in some other Matters 35
The Waiwoda of Moldavia rebels 36
Concerning the Insurrection occasioned by Michael, Waiwoda of
Valachia 37
Death of Sultán Murád III. 39
The late Emperor’s Age—The time of his Reign—Some of his virtues
and good deeds described 41
Vezírs contemporary with Sultán Murád Khán 42
Learned Men contemporary with Sultán Murád Khán 44
Reverend Doctors contemporary with Murád Khán 46
Facts relative to the new Emperor, Sultán Mohammed Khán III. 48
Insurrection of the Valachians and Moldavians 49
Ferhád Páshá makes preparations for War 50
The Spáhís raise a Tumult 51
Ferhád Páshá prepares to set out for Valachia 53
Continuation of Ferhád’s Affairs 55
Ferhád arrives on the Banks of the Danube 55
Ferhád is deposed—Sinán Páshá raised to the Premiership 56
Sinán Páshá’s Operations in Valachia 59
A Council held—A Fortress built 61
Concerning the Enemy’s Operations on the Frontiers 61
The Moslem Army advances to Osterghún, and is defeated 62
The apostate Michael gains a Victory 63
The Fortress of Yerkok taken 65
Osterghún delivered up to the Enemy 66
Vishégrade is taken by the Enemy 66
The Grand Vezír deposed—Lálá Mohammed Páshá made Grand Vezír 66
Sinán Páshá is made Grand Vezír a fifth time 67
Sinán Páshá’s Counsel to the Emperor 68
Sinán Páshá’s Death—Ibrahím Páshá is made Grand Vezír 69
Strife and Contention between Sa’d-úd-dín Effendí and the Muftí 69
The Emperor of the Moslems prepares to set out for the Seat of War 71
A Council held 73
Agria besieged 74
The Moslems are threatened by another immense Host of Infidels 77
Jafer Páshá sent with a body of Troops to surprise the Enemy 79
The Orthodox Army advances to meet the Enemy 82
The Battle of the First Day 84
The Battle of the Second Day—The Defeat of the Enemy 85
The Premiership conferred on Jaghaleh Zádeh Sinán Páshá 91
The Fugitives punished 92
The conquering Moslems return to Agria 93
The Emperor returns to Constantinople 94
Jaghaleh, the Grand Vezír, deposed—Ibrahím is re-appointed 94
Concerning Fateh Gheráí 97
New Appearances of Hostilities 99
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1006, H.
A Council held—The Army marches on Wáj 102
The Grand Vezír, Ibrahím Páshá, deposed—Khádem Hasan Páshá
succeeds to the Premiership 106
Jeráh Mohammed Páshá raised to the Premiership 109
The Enemy gains advantage at Yanuk by stratagem 109
The Moslems determine on attacking Warad 112
State of Affairs in Bassra 114
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1007, H.
Account of the late Expedition, continued from last Year 115
Warad besieged 119
Concerning the Fall of Besperim, Polata, Tata, and the Siege
of Buda 125
Khádem Háfiz Ahmed Páshá routed at Nicopolis by the odious
Michael 127
The Grand Vezírship conferred a third time on Ibrahím Páshá 129
Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá murdered—Etmekjí Zádeh imprisoned 131
Strange Conduct of the new Grand Vezír, Ibrahím Páshá 133
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1008, H.
Account of Ibrahím Páshá’s further Operations 136
The French Soldiers stationed at Papa join the Osmánlís 140
Laudable Qualities of Ibrahím Páshá 142
Concerning Abulhelím 144
The State of Yemen (Arabia-felix) 146
Ibrahím Páshá’s Movements against Kaniza 146
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1009, H.
Kaniza taken 153
Hájí Ibrahím Páshá defeated by Kara Yazíjí (Scrivano) 157
The odious Michael’s Troops defeated 159
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1010, H.
The Grand Vezír Ibrahím Páshá’s death—Yemishjí Hasan Páshá
succeeds him in the Premiership 160
Concerning Tarnákjí Hasan Páshá going to Kaniza 164
The Enemy return to lay siege to Kaniza 165
The Grand Vezír and Commander-in-Chief, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá,
marches against the Enemy 166
Kaniza is besieged 168
Arrival of the Arch-Duke Mathias 179
Some further Account of the Affairs relative to Kaniza—The Arrival
of the Commander-in-Chief at Sigetwar 197
State of Matters in the East—Concerning Scrivano 199
Some other Events of this Year—Karah Yázijí dies in the Mountains
of Jánbeg 200
Concerning the rebel Delí Hasan, the Brother of Karah Yázijí—Hasan
Páshá, the Commander-in-Chief, falls a Martyr 201
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1011, H.
Hasan Páshá recovers Alba Julia 202
The Commander-in-Chief conducts an Expedition into Transylvania 204
Pest taken—Buda is besieged 206
Ghází Gheráí Khán arrives with a Tátár Army 210
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1012, H.
Advantage gained by the Rebel Delí Hasan—Mahmúd Páshá is appointed
in the room of Khosrú Páshá 211
Several changes take place 212
Concerning Ghaznafer Aghá and Osmán Aghá, ághá of the Palace 212
Yemishjí Hasan Páshá returns to Constantinople 213
Mahmúd Páshá reports these Proceedings to the Emperor, who refuses
to sanction the Deed of the Muftí 215
Poiráz Osmán and other Rebels executed 221
Other Affairs of this Period 226
Concerning the Operations of the new Commander-in-Chief, Mohammed
Páshá 229
The Grand Vezír Yemishjí Hasan Páshá deposed—Dies a violent death 234
Kásim Páshá is made Governor of Constantinople 239
The Commencement of a Rupture with Persia 240
The Sháh of Persia marches upon Tabríz 242
The Capture of Nakhcheván 248
Death of Sultán Mohammed Khán, son of Murád Khán 249
Of learned Men 251
Concerning Grand Vezírs and other Great Men 251
Concerning the Ulemá, or higher order of Ecclesiastics 253
Of the Mesháiekh, or Priests 254
The Arrival of the Fleet—Concerning the Grand Vezír, Yávuz Alí
Páshá 258
Alí Páshá, Grand Vezír, is appointed Commander-in-Chief over
the Troops employed against Hungary, and Jeghala Zádeh is
appointed to the command in the East 259
A variety of Changes in the Ecclesiastical and Military
Establishments 260
Some further Account of Delí Hasan (Brother of Scrivano) 262
Continuation of the Account of the War carried on against
the Heretics—The Sháh reduces Reván 263
The Sháh conquers Shirwán 264
Kars is besieged—Other Acts of Hostility by the Red Heads 265
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1013, H.
The Grand Vezír, Alí Páshá, sets out for Belgrade 267
Lálá Mohammed Páshá succeeds Alí Páshá in all his Offices 274
The Infidels abandon Pest 275
The Fortress of Wáj conquered 276
Osterghún is laid siege to 276
Concerning Botchkai 279
A Battle fought between the Germans and Hungarians 281
Concerning the Defeat of Kásim Páshá 283
Sárukjí Mustafa Páshá is made Deputy of Constantinople—Other
Promotions take place 285
Sárukjí Mustafa is murdered—Súfí Sinán succeeds him 286
The Emperor goes to hunt—Sultán Osmán Khán is born 287
The Grand Vezír, Lálá Mohammed Páshá, returns to Constantinople 287
Continuation of the Affairs in the East 288
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1014, H.
Osterghún set fire to 293
The City and Fortress taken 294
Progress of Botchkai 295
Botchkai pays a Visit to the Commanding General 296
Peace is proposed by the Archduke Mathias 298
Concerning Jeghala Zádeh’s Operations on the Confines of Persia 300
A Battle between Ibrahím Páshá and the Croatians 306
Mohammed Páshá, the son of Sinán Páshá, killed 306
The Emperor, whilst at Adrianople, hears further intelligence as
to the state of the Rebellion in Anatolia 307
An Overture made to Túyel 312
The Grand Vezír, Mohammed Páshá, is recalled to Constantinople 312
A Commotion among the Janissaries and Spáhís 313
The Commander-in-Chief arrives at Constantinople 314
Delí Hasan killed at Temisvar 315
Concerning the Grand Vezír, Lálá Mohammed Páshá—His death—Dervísh
Páshá raised to the Vezírship 317
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1015, H.
Dervísh Páshá is murdered—Murád Páshá is made Grand Vezír 326
The Cause of his Death more particularly related 327
Peace concluded with Austria 330
Concerning Nesúh Páshá 330
Death of Botchkai 335
Other Events of the current Year 335
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1016, H.
The Grand Vezír, Murád Páshá, returns to Court 336
Murád Páshá gains a Victory over the Rebels 338
Ebn Kalander goes to Ancora 340
Murád Páshá winters at Aleppo—Troops are sent to Baghdád 345
Jánbulát Oghlí seeks refuge in Constantinople—Kalander commits
new Depredations 347
Jánbulát Oghlí meets with a happy reverse of fortune 350
Some more Particulars belonging to this Year 351
An Ambassador arrives from Poland—A former Treaty is renewed 353
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1017, H.
The Commander-in-Chief, Murád Páshá, pursues Kalander Oghlí 355
His Excellency, Murád Páshá, hastens after the Brother of Túyel
Mahmúd 361
The Commander-in-Chief, Murád Páshá, is recalled to Court 366
Concerning Mohammed Páshá in Egypt 370
A great Earthquake 379
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1018, H.
The Grand Vezír and Commander-in-Chief, Murád Páshá, is again
sent to the East 380
Yúsuf Páshá arrives at Scutari 384
Mesli Chávush and Yúsuf Páshá are murdered 385
Treachery in some of the Grand Vezír’s Domestics discovered 388
The Arrival of Yúsuf Páshá’s and Mesli Chávush’s Wealth—A Display
of Ill-will and Malevolence 389
Concerning the Naval Operations of the Lord High Admiral, Khalíl
Páshá—Karah Jehennem taken 390
Ancient Treaty with France renewed 392
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1019, H.
The Grand Vezír and Commander-in-Chief, Murád Páshá, goes
to Tabríz 394
Other Events of this Year 396
The Death of Murád Páshá, Grand Vezír and Commander-in-Chief—Nesúh
Páshá succeeds to the Premiership 398
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1020, H.
Naval Affairs 400
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1021, H.
Nesúh Páshá arrives in Constantinople along with the Persian
Ambassadors 402
Naval Affairs continued 402
Sultán Ahmed Khán takes a Journey to Adrianople 404
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1022, H.
The Emperor, Sultán Ahmed Khán, goes to Gallipoli 407
The Emperor leaves Gallipoli for the Imperial City 408
Mohammed Gheráí arrives at Rudosjuk 409
A Messenger from Holland arrives in Constantinople 411
A Mosque is built in the Garden of Stavros 412
Sultán Ahmed Khán resolves on a second Journey to Adrianople 412
Nesúh Páshá’s enmity to the Lord High Treasurer, Etmekjí Zádeh
Ahmed Páshá 413
Begzádeh, a celebrated Spáhí, assassinated 413
Other Events and Circumstances of this Year 415
The Treaty of Peace with Persia adverted to 416
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1023, H.
The Moslem Emperor returns to Constantinople 417
The Admiral, Khalíl Páshá, goes to Sea 417
Punishment inflicted on the Infidels of Maneíah 420
Mímí Páshá falls a martyr 420
The Cossacks become troublesome 421
Some fortresses built on the Ouzi (Borysthenes) 422
Concerning Maán Oghlí 422
The Grand Vezír, Nesúh Páshá, murdered—The Seals are conferred
on Mohammed Páshá 426
Chief Reasons for accomplishing the Death of Nesúh Páshá 430
Concerning Betlan Gabor 432
The Treaty of Transylvania 433
Another Treaty 435
The Grand Vezír and Commander-in-Chief marches against Persia 436
A Messenger arrives from the Sháh 437
The Peace with Austria renewed—New Articles added 437
Death of the reverend Muftí—His Brother, Isaád Effendí, succeeds
him 439
EVENTS OF THE YEARS 1024-1026, H.
The Grand Vezír and Commander-in-Chief marches to Reván 440
The Grand Vezír and commanding-general, Mohammed Páshá,
is deposed—Khalíl Páshá is advanced to the Premiership 443
The Persian Ambassador is imprisoned 445
Iskunder Páshá marches against the Cossacks 446
The Grand Vezír and Commander-in-chief goes to Diárbeker, where
he winters—Ján Beg Gheráí, the Khán of Crimea, joins the Royal
camp 448
A Division is sent to protect Gúrjistán (Georgia) from the grasp
of the Heretics 448
Iskander Páshá concludes a Peace with the Cossacks 449
Concerning the Naval Affairs of this Year 450
Death of Sultán Ahmed Khán—Sultán Mustafa Khán is inaugurated 451
Character of Sultán Ahmed Khán 451
Concerning Sultán Ahmed Khán’s Sons 452
Vezírs who were contemporary with Sultán Ahmed Khán 453
Some of the Events which took place during the Reign of Mustafa
Khán 454
Sultán Mustafa Khán is deposed 454
Sultán Osmán Khán inaugurated 456
Concerning Mohammed Gheráí 456
Ján Beg, Khán of the Tátárs, defeated 458
The Arrival of the King of Poland’s Ambassador 463
An Ambassador arrives from Fez 463
A Phenomenon 464
Death of Etmekjí Zádeh Ahmed Páshá 464
On the state of the Coin 465
The Seals of the Premiership are again conferred on Mohammed
Páshá, the Emperor’s Son-in-law 465
The Arrival of a Persian Ambassador 466
A remarkable Phenomenon 466
Betlan Gabor 466
ANNALS OF NAIMA;
OR,
A HISTORY OF THE TURKISH EMPIRE.
A. H. 1000-1070. A.D. 1591-1659.
EVENTS WHICH HAPPENED IN THE YEAR 1000 OF THE HIJRAH.
_The Grand Vezír Ferhád Páshá deposed, and the Vezírship conferred on
Síávush Páshá._
The inhabitants of Erzerúm having earnestly requested, by letters, to
be delivered from the oppression and tyranny of the Janissaries, who
had been sent among them during the winter, Ferhád Páshá, to put a
stop to these complaints, assured them in return that the Janissaries
would be recalled to their own odás within the empire. The inhabitants,
on receiving this intelligence, were elated: their proud and haughty
spirits were roused; and without giving any due time to the Janissaries
to prepare for their departure, or without exercising the least degree
of patience whatever, and in violation of the Páshá’s letter, they
commenced expelling the Janissaries, and loading them with every
species of reproach. A tumult ensued. Some of the Janissaries fell by
the hands of the inhabitants before the former had sufficient time
given them to evacuate the place.
This treatment, which was wholly occasioned by Ferhád’s letter,
awakened the wrath of the Janissaries, and led them to write letters
to their own odás and commanders complaining of the author of the
maltreatment they had met with. Accordingly the grand vezír, Ferhád
Páshá, who knew what he had to fear from the malevolence of the
Janissaries, rode boldly up to the Diván on the 20th of Jemadi II.,
and demanded to know whether the emperor (Sultán Murád Khán III.) had
given his consent to the orders sent to the Janissaries at Erzerúm
to murder him. The members of the council replied to this imperious
demand by immediately commencing an assault on the grand vezír;
and it was with no small difficulty that the officers of the vezír
succeeded in quieting the tumult and uproar which this circumstance
had occasioned. The members of the council, on peace being restored,
retired to their respective homes: but the affair was not yet ended;
for the emperor was no sooner informed of the disturbance which had
taken place in the diván, than he issued a royal mandate requiring
an explanation of the cause of it from his minister, Ferhád. The
minister, however, found himself inadequate to give a satisfactory
answer to the imperial demand; and therefore, instead of giving a fair
and candid statement of the whole affair, had recourse, from a defect
of judgment, to equivocation. Thinking the matter was now hushed, he
proceeded to depose and maltreat the ághá of the Janissaries, Satúrjí
Aghá; and appointed the armour-bearer, Khalíl Aghá, in his stead. The
very next day, however, the emperor, who had become acquainted with his
inconsistent and rash conduct, deposed him, and raised Síávush Páshá a
third time to the premiership.
_The Militia of Tabríz._
The militia of Tabríz, malicious, corrupt, oppressive, and obstinate,
and ever skilful in stirring up rebellion, have always been disposed to
throw off the authority of their governors. The vezír Ja’fer Páshá, who
was this year governor of Tabríz and Azerbáíján, contrived and executed
a stratagem against them however, which ought to have taught them ever
afterwards to conduct themselves with propriety and good order. It
was this: Ja’fer Páshá, under the pretext of being obliged to go and
take cognizance of some other garrisons, left Tabríz, having secured a
sufficient number of troops from the Kúrd chiefs to come and assault
Tabríz. The Tabrízians on learning that an army of Kurds was come to
attack them rushed forth to give it battle, but were defeated with the
loss of 1,500 of their number. Ja’fer Páshá, on learning the success of
the Kurds, joined them with the volunteers under his own command, and
commenced a general slaughter of the Tabrízians, and thus punished them
most severely for their wickedness and insubordination.
_The Muftí Effendí, Bostánzádeh, deposed, and Zekeríá Effendí appointed
in his stead._
Husain Beg Zádeh says (in his history), that several disgraceful
complaints had been lodged with the emperor against the acute poet
Bákí Effendí, the military judge of Anatolia. As soon as Bákí Effendí
was made acquainted with this fact, and conjecturing that the mufti,
in order to get his own brother, cazí of Constantinople, appointed
in his room, would be excited to raise an accusation against him;
he, with great boldness, raised his voice in the diván and demanded
what these Bostáns (the mufti and his brother) wanted with him? The
elder of them, he said, was forty years of age, and was not yet able
either to repeat or read correctly. None of the decrees, continued he,
which he (the mufti) has written are in accordance with those already
collected and registered. Would it be just or wise, in order to get
Jamús, the mufti’s brother, put into his office, and for which he was
unfit, he asked, that complaints should be invented against him? This
speech was communicated to the mufti, who was so much nettled that
he instantly exhibited two hemistiches from Bákí’s poetical works,
which he declared evident blasphemy. A man, he said, who did not keep
himself free from that corruption ought by no means to hold any office,
sacred or profane. If Bákí, continued he, be not deposed, and not only
deposed but prosecuted, he (the mufti) would wander away to the utmost
bounds of the empire. Bákí Effendí, seeing the mufti had commenced
his vexatious proceedings against him, appealed to the grand vezír
and Khoja Sudur-úd-dín Effendí, and proposed to them to raise Zekeríá
Effendí to the office of mufti: or else to give that office to himself,
assuring them that he was competent to give forth daily, if requisite,
500 fetvás (judicial or religious decrees).
The mufti, in the mean time, sent an account of the whole affair, by
means of Dervísh Aghá, chief of the falconers, to his imperial majesty.
The emperor, however, was so much displeased at the high-mindedness of
the pontiff, who had said he would wander away to the utmost bounds of
the empire if Bákí Effendí was not deposed, that on the night of the
28th of Rajab he issued his royal mandate for deposing the mufti, and
appointed Zekeríá Effendí military judge of Romeili, to succeed him
in the sacred office. Bákí Effendí succeeded Zekeríá in Romeili: the
mufti’s brother was deposed from his office in Constantinople, and was
succeeded by Siná-allah Effendí of Adrianople, who was succeeded by
Abú-saúd Zádeh Mohammed Effendí.
This same year, however, on the 7th of Shevál, Bákí Effendí lost his
situation, which was conferred on Menlá Ahmed, the late Mollah of
Anatolia; and the jurisdiction of Anatolia was conferred on Siná-allah
Effendí, cazí of Constantinople: and Shemish Effendí, of Adrianople,
succeeded Siná-allah Effendí. Mohammed Aghá, one of the Kapújí báshís,
on the day preceding the last-mentioned date was appointed ághá of
the Janissaries, and his predecessor, Khalíl Aghá, was created beg of
Kostamúní (in Anatolia).
In consequence of the late tumult which had taken place in Erzerúm, and
which had been the cause of Ferhád’s removal from office, as before
observed, the new grand vezír appointed a number of fierce Janissaries
to accompany a Kapújí báshí to Erzerúm, and require an explanation.
On the arrival of this body, and in consequence of the authority with
which they were invested, they caused several of the inhabitants to be
executed, and transmitted a number of others to Constantinople, where
they met with that punishment which their crimes had merited.
_Disturbance on the confines of Bosnia and Hungary.—Movements of the
Infidels._
The Beglerbeg of Bosnia, Hasan Páshá, a brave and active man, continued
unremittingly to harass the enemy’s territories; on which account, the
Emperor of Austria sent his ambassador praying to have this officer
removed, or otherwise an end was to the existing peace. The ambassador
was told in reply, that it belonged to the grand vezír and to Dervísh
Páshá, the emperor’s favourite, to repel their aggressions against
the Ottoman empire; that, he was told, was a sufficient answer. Hasan
Páshá, elated by the encouragement which this laconic answer afforded
him, marched his Bosnian forces against Bihka, and after a siege of
eight days, took it. After having placed a sufficient garrison in
Bihka, he erected two other fortresses in its vicinity; the command of
which he conferred on Rustam Beg, an officer who had had the command of
Ferhád’s militia.
In the month of Jemadi I., Hasan Páshá again assembled his forces, a
considerable host: erected a bridge across the Koopa, in the vicinity
of Yení Hissár, and penetrated into the country of Croatia. The most
famous of the Croatian frontier chiefs, the governors of castles, the
Bani of Transylvania and the Croatian generals opposed him with a
mighty army, and gave him battle. The conflict was not long doubtful:
the Moslems were victorious; the infidel troops were broken, and
obliged to retreat. A great number of the fugitive host perished by the
edge of the sword: the whole of their fortifications, their stores,
six large cannon and other warlike apparatus fell into the hands of
the victorious Moslems. After having obtained this splendid victory,
the Páshá sent out parties to scour the country, who returned with an
immense number of captives and a great deal of spoil. Two thousand
heads, and two hundred living infidels were sent under guard of cannon
into the interior of the empire as trophies of the Moslem victors. A
proclamation was issued by the Páshá, that if ever the infidels should
again assemble such another host, they should meet with a similar or
severer fate; but it had no effect.
_News from the East._
The ungrateful Sháh of Persia marched this year, with a numerous army,
from Kazvín, in Irák, against Abdulmumin, Khán of Uzbek, and proceeded
as far as Khorassan. The Khán advanced to the borders of Jiorján to
meet the invading army; but finding his troops not sufficiently strong
to give the Sháh battle, he retreated to Nishapúr. The Sháh followed
him as far as Damghan, and after having reduced the cities of Sebzevár
and Isfaráyan in the district of Nishapúr, he returned victorious to
Kazvín.
_Concerning learned Men._
_Al Mevleví Mustafa ben Mohammed._—Mustafa ben Mohammed, one of the
most learned men of the age in which he lived, was born in the month
of Ramazán 940 of the Hijrah, when his father was cazí of Ipek, in
Romeili; and after having studied under the learned Kází Zádeh and
Sachlí Emír, he attended, in 963, Abúlsa’úd Effendí, and was appointed
head of an academy in 967, with a salary of twenty akchés attached to
his office. In ten years afterwards he was salaried by Alí Páshá. In
Shabán, A.H. 993, he fell into a lingering illness, which for some
time prevented him from active duty. In 998 he was so far recovered as
to be able to take upon himself the office of cazí of Tripoli. In the
month of Sefer of this year he was deposed, and soon afterwards died at
Aksheher, of a severe cold he had caught. He was much celebrated for
his great learning, and was a man of generous and mild dispositions. He
made a collection of all the common errors, and translated into Turkish
Kútb Mekín’s History of Yemen (Arabia Felix). He left behind him also
several poems in Turkish.
_Mohammed Elvání_, commonly called _Ván Kúlí_.—This venerable prelate
was greatly celebrated for his attainments in learning. In his pursuit
after knowledge he studied first under Hamid Effendí, and afterwards
made the round of forty seminaries. In the end of 977 he became reader
to Mohammed Páshá, and afterwards the same in Alí Páshá’s Khánegáh and
ancient academies. In 979 he was appointed Muftí of Rhodes, and in 981
was removed from Thesalonica, where he had acted as chief judge, to
Kutahia. In the end of 991 he retired on a pension of eighty piastres,
but was created cazí of Medina in 998; and in the month of Rajab
of this year he was translated into the eternal world. His virtues
were no less conspicuous than his learning. His letters relative to
evidence and the mode of government, as well as his splendid notes, are
sufficient to shew his depth of learning and erudition. He translated
the Seháhi Júheri (صحاح جوهري) into Turkish, which was placed in Sultán
Mohammed Khán’s mosque. He translated also Imám Ghazáli’s Treatise on
Alchemy.
_Almevlevi Alí Ben Abdí_, called also _Bitlí Alí_.—Bitlí Alí’s father
was called Abdí Tchelebí, and was brother to Muftí Jeví Zádeh Sheikh
Mohammed Effendí. Bitlí Alí was born in 938. He studied the lives of
the learned doctors under Sinán Effendí. In 963 he became thoroughly
acquainted with the ancients, and was soon afterwards competent for
reading lectures in colleges. In the month Sefer of 981 he was made
Fetva of Rhodes: in 983 he was cazí of Sehen: in 993 he held the
same office in Brúsa: and in Shabán 998 he became judge or cazí of
Constantinople. In the following year he was deposed, and in the month
of Shabán 1000 he died. He was a man of highly respectable connections,
and was possessed of marked sincerity and greatness of mind.
_Abdulkádír Ben Emír Gísúdárí._—Yálánjek Effendí, son of Sachlí Emír,
was helped forward in his career after learning by Sinán Effendí,
and in 981 he became rector of Pírí Páshá’s academy. In 989, after
having been one month president of the Consistory in Sehen, he was
appointed cazí of Merœsh and Kutahia. In the month of Shevál, 995,
he was translated to the jurisdiction of Tabríz; but in consequence
of the violence of his tongue he was afterwards ejected. In 999 he
was made cazí of Yenísheher, and in Rabia II. 1000 he was deposed,
and soon afterwards died. He was a rash and violent man, and easily
precipitated into passion. He wrote the Zeíli Shukáïk (زيل شقايق), but
his composition is weak, and his style incorrect.
_Almevlevi Mohammed Aïdín of Ak-Hisar._—This prelate, after having
studied the various sciences, attended the lectures of Abú Iliás Isa,
and afterwards was sent to study under the very able Ja’fer Effendí.
In 963, after having perfected himself in every branch of useful
knowledge, and having been for some time in the jurisdiction of Egypt,
he was made high priest of Medina. He died about the end of the year
1000, and was buried in the burying-ground of Medina. Three years after
his death his poems and other scientific works were collected together.
His explanations of the sacred word (the Koran) are short but nervous.
Besides a variety of other writings on various subjects, there are also
two or three in Persic. The compendious discourse to silk merchants
belongs to him.
_Almevlevi Shemaï._—Shemaï, when once his mind was enlightened by the
seeds of knowledge, though a partaker of human vanity, contemplated the
end of his life and made the best of it. Free from all worldly cares
and entanglements, he presented a lively picture of religion and virtue
to all ranks. About the end of the year 1000 his glorious soul was
translated into heaven. He was a very able instructor, and left behind
him an excellent treatise on morals. He translated into Turkish the
Diván of Háfiz, the Gulistán, and the Bústán.
_Almevlevi Sevdí._—This worthy prelate was a native of Bosnia, and
was much distinguished for his high attainments in learning. After
having made himself acquainted with the various branches of education
he retired on a small income, and taught the domestics belonging to
Ibrahím Páshá in his own palace; and in this employment finished his
earthly course towards the end of the year 1000. He left behind him
remarks on commerce, which are of great importance to the merchant,
besides a number of moral sayings, and various valuable translations.
_Almevlevi Abdur-rahím._—This great man was the younger brother of
Kanalí Zádeh Alí Effendí. After he had perfected his education he was
employed in the service of Abdulkerím Effendí and Bostán Effendí;
and from being intimate with Hasan Beg Effendí, rector in the
Queen-mother’s academy, he became related to Abú-saúd Effendí, by which
means he raised himself greatly in importance. But Abú-saúd, neglecting
the respect due to him, sent him into the service of Arab Zádeh
Abdulbákí, cazí of Brúsa. At length, however, in 959 he was appointed
travelling judge by the Beglerbeg college of Adrianople, with a salary
of twenty piastres. In the cities of Romeili, whither he had gone,
he manifested his great zeal, and acquired public notoriety by his
talents. He was raised to the cazíship of Ancora, and died towards the
end of the year 1000, whilst he filled the same office in Begsheher. He
was a man of excellent character, and was much regretted.
_Al Sheikh Mohammed al Bokhárí._—This man was a native of Bokhárá,
where he studied the divine sciences. After having made himself
thoroughly acquainted with the learned men of his day, he travelled to
Constantinople. In Romeili and in Silistria he made arrangements for
founding several establishments. He died towards the end of the tenth
century of the Hijrah, and was buried in the principal sepulchre in the
Forum. His splendid achievements are well known to the world.
_Al Sheikh Mohammed Effendí._—In the city of Brúsa he was distinguished
by the appellation of Kowaklí Imám, and because he was the son of an
Imám he was called also Kowaklí Zádeh, a name by which he was more
generally known. After having perfected his education he was for some
time in the service of the learned Merhebá Effendí, where he made
himself eminent by reading and studying the belles lettres, and in
making himself acquainted with the Persian language. His talents and
acquirements brought him into notice, for he became tutor and companion
to Alí Páshá, one of the beglerbegs of Egypt, and to Ferhád Páshá,
the grand vezír. He was for a while, also, in the service of Sheikh
Chelebí, the philosopher, and secured to himself, by his prudent
conduct, the friendship and respect of the best part of society. He
lived for some time, it is said, in a cell in Bokhárá in the exercise
of devotion. Towards the end of the year 1000 he passed from this vain
world into the next. Sivásí Shemsí Effendí collected his books, which
show him to have been a most profound adept in the ocean of science.
There were, besides those we have now mentioned, an immense number of
learned men throughout the Ottoman dominions, such as Nasúhí Effendí of
Aksheher and other great and celebrated orators like him, but of whom
we cannot speak particularly. It is hoped, however, that in the course
of writing this history, other great men may be adverted to. This much
is sufficient to awaken the envy of the Christians.
If this does not please you—
Turn away your face: never mind it.
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1001, H.
Menlá Ahmed Effendí, about the end of the month Sefer, was deposed,
and Bostání Zádeh Mohammed Effendí was appointed to succeed him in the
jurisdiction of Romeili. On the 8th of Rabia I. the ambassador of the
Sháh of Persia, and on the 25th the governor of Gilán, Ahmed Khán,
reached Constantinople. The latter of these, Ahmed Khán, governor of
Gilán, having come with the view of imploring the protection of the
emperor, the great men of the state went forth with great pomp as he
was coming into the harbour to meet him. He was conducted to the palace
of Yúsuf Páshá, near Kirk-cheshmeh, where all the honours due to his
rank and office were shown him. But as it was on account of escaping
the molestations of Sháh Abbás he had taken refuge under the royal
shadow, he conceived that the royal favour bestowed on him was less
than what he had anticipated, and therefore, grieved and afflicted,
he requested to be allowed to go to Baghdád. His request was complied
with: a suitable salary was allowed him, and in the month of Rajab he
set out on his intended journey. Having many friends and adherents
in Shirván, however, he directed his steps thither with the view of
endeavouring to effect a change in his own favour, but had no sooner
reached the confines of Gunja than the governor of that place seized
his person for having dared to depart from the path which had been
assigned him, and put him in prison.
_The Spáhís create a disturbance in the Diván._
Whilst the new grand vezír, Síávúsh Páshá, was actively employed in the
duties of his office, a very serious disturbance took place. On the
23d of Rabia I. the pay of the troops was issued, when the Janissaries
received the full amount of what was due to them; but there not being
sufficient money to pay the Spáhís the whole of their salaries, they
became discontented, raised a great noise, assaulted the royal diván,
clamorously demanded the head of the high treasurer, Emír Páshá, who,
on account of his great wisdom and prudence, was much respected by
the emperor, and stoned their own ághás. The affair came before the
royal presence, who ordered forthwith an advance of a hundred yúks
(about 100,000 dollars) from the royal coffers, but the obstinate
soldiery would not accept of it, whilst they became more violent and
unruly. Three times did the chief of the royal messengers and the
superintendant of the household troops go forth to try to pacify them,
and to advise them to take their allowance. “Take your pay,” they said,
“and leave off your unreasonable demand with regard to the head of the
treasurer:” but this speech was replied to by a shower of stones. The
military judges now stepped forward, and with the same view said, “Your
pay has been advanced: the treasurer is a descendant of the Prophet:
how is it possible that you thirst for his blood, contrary to all law
and justice?” This had no effect. The military judges again advanced
with the royal letter, containing an exhortation to obedience, which
they read to the tumultuous soldiery, but these turned a deaf ear to
it. The vezírs made the next attempt at restoring order, but they were
met by a shower of stones, and were obliged to retire. The orator of
the Suleimániyeh, Emír Mohammed Effendí, and the orator of St. Sophia,
Ibrahím Effendí, with a number of other súfís, were now called, and
being seated before the vezírs, were informed of the events which
had just taken place. These sages, on learning the state of matters,
made two attempts, by exhortation and advice, to still the tumult,
but with no better result than the efforts had which had preceded.
After all these fruitless attempts about twenty Seids (descendants of
Mohammed) came forward, and remonstrated with the Spáhís about the
guilt of seeking to encompass the death of an innocent descendant of
the Prophet. But they, too, descendants of Mohammed as they were, were
hailed with another volley of stones, which actually wounded two of
their number. At length the high treasurer, seeing no effort whatever
could restrain the soldiery, resolved on presenting himself before
them. With this view he folded a green cloth round his turban, and said
he would meet his fate, be it what it might. This resolution so alarmed
the _chaúshes_ and members of the diván, that they raised a tremendous
lamentation, and thus deterred him from his rash purpose.
One of their number, however, who was any thing but friendly towards
the lord high treasurer, addressed the grand vezír thus: “How long will
it be that you will screen this treasurer? On a former occasion you did
not hesitate to deliver up Mohammed Páshá, who was a beglerbeg and a
vezír. This man is only a treasurer: deliver him up, and you will put
an end to the present tumults.” One of the military judges, Bostání
Zádeh, on hearing these sentiments was perfectly astonished, raised his
voice and said, “What! is this diván become so far heretical, as even
to agree to permit the head of a descendant of the Prophet to be struck
off and hurled upon the ground? What madness and insanity is this!
Cease, I beseech you, from this rashness, and let justice take her own
course.” This short but energetic speech had the desired effect on the
mind of him to whom it was directed.
In the mean time a royal mandate was sent to the ághá of the
Janissaries, requiring him to repair to the diván, whilst the
Janissaries were ordered to surround the forum. The immense multitude
of ruffians who had rushed into the court continued their tumultuous
noise and uproar till the afternoon; but at last the ághá of the
household troops succeeded in awing this unwelcome concourse, and
inspired them with such a degree of terror as caused them to give way.
The members of the diván, and other servants of the court, perceiving
the Spáhís were awed, seized what weapons they could find. One took
hold of a cudgel, another of a culinary implement, and a third of a
garden rake, and turned with fury on the Spáhís, who, through fear
of the Janissaries, had turned their backs, and sought to make their
escape as fast as they were able. Such, indeed, was the crush and
pressure in trying to get out of the court, that three hundred and
fifty persons were trampled to death, and the rest hardly escaped with
their lives. Thus did God, in his wise providence, defeat the wicked
purposes of this lawless multitude, and peace and good order was again
restored. The ághá of the Janissaries dispersed the crowd of spectators
which had assembled on this occasion, and thus cleared the way for the
members of the diván, who all returned to their respective homes. The
dead bodies of the insurgents were thrown into the sea.
The emperor was so very much pleased when he learned the fate of the
insurgent Spáhís, and the conduct of the grand vezír, Síávúsh Páshá,
that he presented him with a robe of honour. The money which had been
furnished for paying the Spáhís was distributed as on former occasions;
but the lord high treasurer was deposed, and Hájí Ibrahím Páshá was
appointed in his stead. Borhán Effendí was made treasurer of Anatolia.
_The Grand Vezír, Síávúsh Páshá, deposed._
After the insurgent Spáhís were chastised and punished, and the grand
vezír was graced with the robe of honour, as a token of his majesty’s
approbation, he (_i. e._ the grand vezír), next day rode round the city
and laid a heavy tariff on commodities in the market-place, and then
returned, with great pomp and show, to his palace. On the 25th day of
Rabia II., however, the emperor’s chamberlain waited on him, demanded,
in the name of his master, the seals of office, and sent them to the
formerly exiled, but now renowned Khoja Sinán Páshá. Síávúsh Páshá, who
but yesterday was clothed in a robe of honour, and admired, is to-day,
to the astonishment of the vulgar multitude, debased!
Sinán Páshá, the new grand vezír, entered upon the duties of his office
on the first day of Jemadi I. This is the third time he became premier.
The following able councillors held their situations in the diván at
this time, and were accordingly arranged as follows: Ferhád Páshá,
who had been deposed from the office of grand vezír, held the second;
Ibrahím Páshá, the third; Jeghaleh Zádeh Sinán Páshá, the fourth; Jeráh
Mohammed Páshá, the fifth; Boyálí Mohammed Páshá, the sixth; and Khusur
Páshá, the seventh.
On the 15th of Shabán the ceremony of circumcision was performed on the
young prince, Mirzá Haider, and a splendid feast was given to the great
men of the state in the palace of Mohammed Páshá.
_A rupture between the Ottomans and the Austrians._
The rupture just now announced took place when Hasan Páshá, formerly
mentioned, commanded on the frontiers of Bosnia. Before alluding
directly to the result of this rupture, it is necessary to observe,
first, that Mustafa Páshá, son of Ahmed Páshá, who had been formerly
governor of Semendria, had his father’s palace in the At-maidán pulled
down, on the ruins of which Sultán Ahmed’s mosque was built. This
Mustafa Páshá, when he was commander in the Sanjak of Kilis, was in
the habit of committing depredations on the frontiers of the infidels’
dominions; and this also provoked the Germans and Croatians to cross
their respective boundaries, and to commit atrocities against the
Osmánlís. The Beglerbeg of Bosnia, Hasan Páshá, entered the country of
the Croatians, as we have already observed, and erected two fortresses
there, which he named Novograde. On one or two occasions he succeeded
in defeating the infidels, and thus acquired some considerable degree
of glory. When he communicated this intelligence to the Ottoman court,
he stated at the same time, that if the enemy should assemble in
greater numbers in future, the Bosnian troops alone would not be able
to cope with them, and therefore requested that the troops of Romeili
might be sent to his aid. The former grand vezír, Síávúsh Páshá,
conferred on a relative of his own, Kirli Hasan Páshá, the government
of Romeili, and appointed him to afford the aid which Hasan Páshá
deemed necessary. When Kirli Hasan Páshá, with his Romeilian troops,
reached the Sanjak of Serim, he learned that Sinán Páshá had been
created grand vezír. It is necessary to observe here, however, that
when Sinán Páshá was formerly grand vezír, the válí of Bosnia, Hasan
Páshá, gave him his house in Constantinople, but the Páshá refused to
give it back when he was deposed. The circumstance of Hasan’s seeking
back his house offended Sinán Páshá and put him into a complete rage.
About the end of the Ramazán of this year Kirli Hasan Páshá was
translated to the vezírship of Temisvar, and his son, Mohammed Páshá,
was made governor of Romeili in his father’s stead.
Hasan Páshá, proud of the succours he had reason to anticipate, and, in
addition to his eruptions for the last two years, in violation of the
existing treaty of peace, went and besieged a fortress called Siska,
in the enemy’s country. The infernal infidels, in consequence of this
infringement of the peace by Hasan Páshá, collected an immense army,
the command of which was given to the accursed wretch, Zerín Oghlí,
ruler of Katpaz. With this mighty army, furnished with all sorts of
apparatus of war, he marched to the frontiers of Bosnia.
Hasan Páshá, in the mean time, becoming hopeless as to the aid which
had been promised him, and not suspecting that the enemy was on his
march to attack him, threw two bridges over the Kupa, near Yení Hisár,
and marched over into Croatia. Hearing of the movements of the enemy,
he hastened to prepare to give them battle, although he had only
about ten thousand Bosnians under his command. Being a very brave and
fearless man, he acquired very great glory by his skill in military
tactics on this occasion.
The enemy having asked assistance from Maximilian, brother of the
Emperor of Austria, received a large augmentation of forces, raised by
the great princes of Germany, and thus became much more formidable.
This vast multitude, many of whom were covered with steel, resembled
the raging waves of the sea. The brave and veteran Páshá resolved on
encountering the enemy, and commanded Ghází Khoja Mimí Beg, father
of Serkhúsh Ibrahím Páshá, celebrated in war, to cross the river and
reconnoitre the enemy. He did so; and when he returned, he assured
Hasan Páshá that it would be altogether ruinous to give battle to so
superior a force as the enemy possessed. When Ibrahím delivered this
disheartening report Hasan happened to be playing at chess, and, after
hearing him patiently to the end of his tale, said, with a stern voice,
“Curse you, you despicable wretch! to be afraid of numbers: out of my
sight!” and immediately mounted his horse, passed his troops across the
bridges he had before erected, and prepared for the conflict, which was
not long in commencing. The infidels gained, at the very commencement,
an evident advantage; which Zerín Oghlí no sooner perceived than he
gave orders for a general assault, which proved fatal to the Osmánlís.
The Páshá of Kilis, Sultán Zádeh Mustafa Páshá, mentioned above,
perished. The troops of Izvernick were routed: those of Usk fell into
confusion and were repulsed; but the veteran troops of Novo, well
skilled in the use of muskets, maintained their ground for a while,
slew a great number of the opposing káfirs; but the son of Zerín, by
an artful manœuvre, succeeded in driving them back, and cut them
to pieces. The Moslems were now obliged to retreat to their bridges,
when a most terrible conflict ensued, in which Khoja Ghází Mimí Beg
perished. The brave Hasan Páshá himself also met with his fate, having
fallen into the river with one of the bridges, which had been cut to
prevent the pursuit of the enemy. Such was the result of this terrible
day. Though Hasan had acted throughout with the utmost skill, and had
fought with unequalled bravery; though his military prudence had never
once forsaken him, yet such was the immense superiority of the enemy’s
forces, augmented besides by forty thousand Germans, that it does
not appear surprising that the Moslems were defeated. Eight thousand
Moslems fell or were drowned. The nephew of Rustem Páshá, Mohammed Beg,
and three other Sanjak princes, perished along with Hasan Páshá in the
river at the falling of the bridge. The victorious infidels retired
from the field of battle in triumph.
When intelligence of this unfortunate day reached the court of
Constantinople, the ocean-like zeal of the emperor was stirred up
within him, and at once led him to determine to prosecute the war with
vigour and without delay.
_The Grand Vezír, Sinán Páshá, determines on carrying the war into
Hungary._
The grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, ambitious of acquiring fame similar to
that which Ferhád Páshá, the conqueror of kingdoms, had acquired,
found now a sufficient stimulus to awaken his zeal. The Austrians
having, for the last twelvemonth, neglected sending their accustomed
tribute; the defeat and discomfiture of the veteran Hasan Páshá by the
most consummate general of the enemy, and in which defeat he himself,
Mustafa Páshá, and several other princes, besides many thousand
Moslems, had fallen martyrs, roused the indignation of the vezír, and
at once led him to determine on carrying the war into the Hungarian
dominions. Winter arrived, however, before the vezír had accomplished
the whole of the preparations for the intended expedition, which he had
resolved on conducting in person, and therefore was advised to postpone
his departure till the spring. But the vezír was not to be moved from
the resolution he had formed: none of the considerations which had
been advanced to cause him to put off had the least effect in turning
him from his purpose, and in fifteen days afterwards the whole of his
apparatus was in movement, _i. e._ on the 12th of Shevál, 1001 of the
Hijrah.
Although Sinán Páshá had succeeded, in so short a time, in making the
necessary preparations for the war, yet it was not customary, unless
the emperor himself went forth to war, that the lord high treasurer and
ághá of the Janissaries should go forth; and therefore twelve thousand
Janissaries, destined for the war, were put under the command of a
deputy. Six regiments of paid troops remained behind. The salary of the
troops who were on the eve of marching was paid to them at the vezír’s
palace, and on the 18th of Shevál the grand vezír commenced his march,
leaving behind him Ferhád Páshá as governor of Constantinople.
The grand vezír reached Adrianople about the beginning of the eleventh
month of the year, where, after a few days rest, he recruited five
hundred men, experienced in the use of arms, and sent them off with
his other troops, and under proper leaders, for Belgrade. When he came
to Wazansha, at the request of the inhabitants, he appointed proper
persons to commence building a couple of inns, a mosque, two baths,
and a magazine for merchants; for which splendid and beneficial
purpose he advanced thirty thousand dollars from his own private purse
towards defraying the expenses. The place was formerly a miserable
wretched hole, but by transplanting the inhabitants of two villages
to it, it acquired in time respectability. After passing through
Philippopolis and Sophia, he caused a palanka and an inn to be erected
at a place called Batchina, in the district of Yaghodina, a dangerous
and difficult pass, and exposed to banditti. On the 7th of Dhu’lhijja
he reached Belgrade, and after having ordered a distribution of
provisions, &c. to the various troops, he sent off his military stores
by water to Buda. On the 17th he reached the plains of Sirim, and on
the last day of the month he arrived at Usk, where without loss of time
he made preparations for attacking Besperim and Palaha. In the month
of Moharrem, 1002, he crossed the bridge of Usk, and after four days’
rest he received information from Bodin (Buda), that the Emperor of
Germany, and other infidel princes, were posted with an army of twenty
thousand men below Yanuk. This information accelerated the Páshá’s
movements; and after holding a council of war, it was determined that,
without loss of time, they should march against Besperim and Palaha.
The Beglerbeg of Romeili, Mohammed Páshá, was ordered to proceed to
Buda and transport thence six large cannon, two field-pieces, and
other stores, to Alba Julia (Weissenburg, in Siebenbürgen); and the
commandant of Buda, Hasan Páshá, was also ordered, at the same time, to
accompany him with the troops under his command.
The troops under the grand vezír halted two days in the plains of
Mehaj, for the purpose of receiving their rations of provisions, and
immediately after the distribution, the troops of Anatolia advanced
first, and the others followed. The cannon and troops from Buda joined
the main army when passing through Dallderese, and on reaching Alba
Julia, the Beglerbeg of Bosnia, with the Anatolian troops, marched
against Besperim, and encamped before it on the 20th of Moharrem. The
commandant of Buda, Hasan Páshá, with the veteran borderers under his
command, commenced the assault, and after three days’ hard fighting
the infidels became disheartened and proposed to capitulate, which
was acceded to by the Moslem conquerors. The Kapúdán of Besperim, his
troops, and the whole of the inhabitants, evacuated the city, when
it was immediately taken possession of by the Moslem troops: but the
peasants in the surrounding country remained in their villages. On
Friday of the first week, after taking possession of it, prayers were
offered up, a Sanjak Beg was appointed, and Besperim was attached
to the jurisdiction of Buda. After a rest of four days, the troops
advanced to besiege Palaha which, though of no great strength, was
surrounded with extensive suburbs. Around the whole was a kind of
marsh, and on one side was a mountain or hill covered with wood. The
Moslem troops, in their heroic ardour after conquest, lost no time in
preparing for commencing their operations, and after two days’ struggle
the place fell into their hands, on the 1st of the month of Sefer, and
was afterwards attached to Besperim.
In the meantime information reached the Moslems that the enemy’s
troops, which were posted below Yanuk, intended to march on Alba Julia;
and that another body of the enemy’s troops was encamped in the plains
of Tata. It was considered in a council of war, that as the Kasímgún
(Michaelmas) was fast approaching, it would be more advisable to
postpone any further attack upon the enemy till it was once over.
About this time Haram Aghá, ághá of the Spáhís, it is said, went with
a party of his men to the mountain called Yakúah, about two leagues
distant from the enemy’s camp. Next morning, however, at the hour of
prayer, he was suddenly attacked by the enemy, who poured in upon him
in great numbers, slew him on the very carpet on which he was offering
up his devotions, seized his banners, and killed a considerable number
of his men. The Aghá of the Salihdárs was appointed chief of the Spáhís
in his room.
The Janissaries and Spáhís who were present at the late victories
obtained over the enemy received an augmentation of salary for their
valour, and were ordered to return to Buda; the plains of which
they reached on the middle of Sefer, the day of Kásím, and where
distribution of provisions was made to the various troops. After this
was once over, the Ketkhodá of the Janissaries (_i. e._ the officer who
commanded the Janissaries in room of their Aghá, who was not present
in this war), placed two legions of Janissaries in the fortress of
Buda, ordered his arsenal, waggons, and other heavy baggage to be
moved forward to Pest, sent his remaining Janissaries to Segdin to
remain there during the winter, whilst all the other Aghás and writers
or secretaries remained with him at Buda. Ten days after Kásím day,
the Serdár, or commander-in-chief, gave orders to strike his tents,
and marched for Belgrade, where he went into winter-quarters, which,
however, he did not reach till the 17th of Rabia II. Rezván Aghá was
sent off to Constantinople to announce the victories which the Moslem
arms had obtained over the infidels: the young Spáhís were sent to
Nikboli (Nicopolis in Bulgaria), and the Salihdár of Widin was ordered
to take up his winter-quarters to the left of Belgrade.
_The Enemy advances to Belgrade._
The commander-in-chief, Sinán Páshá, had scarcely reached Belgrade,
when the Austrians appeared before it and fought an obstinate battle,
but were at last defeated. Many thousands of them perished, and their
cannon fell into the hands of the victorious Moslems. After they were
repulsed, Hasan Páshá collected all the troops scattered in Buda and
Pest, and in the country round about, and advanced to meet the enemy,
who had put themselves in order of battle. The enemy’s troops were
covered with steel, and had a very singular appearance. Their horsemen
had breast-plates of iron to shield them, and even their horses seemed
to be bound together by chains of the same metal.
When the enemy perceived the efforts which had been made by the
Moslems, and how they were preparing to meet them, they, thinking the
moment had arrived when they might easily and without resistance seize
on Buda, immediately after the first assault fled towards that city.
The brave Hasan, however, pursued them; and falling on them in the rear
hewed down a great many of them. The enemy, on perceiving the havoc
which Hasan and his heroic associates committed amongst them, marked
him out as the chief object of their hatred and vengeance, and their
swords were directed against him; but being covered with a coat of
mail, he for a while received no injury. Being excessively forward, and
impatient in carrying destruction among the enemy, he received at last
several wounds and fell from his horse. The commandant of the fortress,
Ahmed Aghá, a man of great heroism, handed him another, and though
wounded in several places he maintained his ground; and it was only
after long and continued acts of the greatest bravery that those around
him succeeded in getting him to retire from the scene of action. Those
of his followers, and who fought on foot, maintained the struggle till
night, and not one of them escaped alive from the field of battle. The
rest of his troops fled towards Buda and Pest, and Hasan himself was
carried in his wounded condition to Buda, whence he sent a report to
the Serdár at Belgrade of what had happened, and requested immediate
assistance.
_Felk falls into the hands of the Enemy._
After the defeat of the army of Buda the enemy retreated, and
after making a circuitous route, marched against Felk and besieged
it. Sinán Páshá, son of Mohammed Páshá, who had been sent by the
commander-in-chief, and a few strangers, five in all, moved slowly
forward to Felk and perceived the extremity to which the besieged were
reduced, and who in the end were necessitated to evacuate the fortress.
This took place on the first of Rabia II. The execrated infidels robbed
them of all the money and valuables they were possessed of before
leaving the place; and what is very remarkable, notwithstanding this
treatment, two or three hundred of them actually became apostates,
and were content to remain in Felk. But it must be observed, however,
that the majority of the people of Felk had a predilection for heresy,
and therefore the conduct of the apostates now mentioned need not be
much wondered at; though it must be confessed the innocent were also
infected by them.
It is also very remarkable that the spring of that year commenced
sooner than usual by two months, but it was short. The fruit trees were
soon covered over with blossoms, and in a short time afforded abundance
of fruit. By this fortuitous circumstance the hateful infidels were
enabled to subsist and pursue their hostile purposes, and they were but
too successful. Several castles and places of strength and importance
fell into their hands.
Such of the inhabitants of Felk as chose to leave it went to Sitchan,
but the commander and troops of that fortress were thrown into such
a panic at hearing of the infidels that they all fled, carrying with
them what they could conveniently take away. The enemy found it of
course forsaken, and immediately placed a garrison of five hundred
men in it. The troops in Sunta, in the country of Moravia, also fled
for fear of the enemy, and went into the surrounding mountains; but
their commander, and about ten men, had the courage to remain where
they were. When the enemy appeared before Sunta, the commander and
his ten men commenced firing their cannon, in order to lead them to
suppose that the fortress was well supplied with men; and in fact this
stratagem succeeded so far as to awe them; and a report happening to
circulate that some thousands of Tátárs were on their march to aid the
fortress, caused the enemy to retreat altogether, when the fugitive
troops returned to their duty.
Those other faithless runaways and heartless Martlooses (a sort of
Christians), who had fled when the above-mentioned and other places
fell into the enemy’s hands, joined together and formed themselves
into a band of robbers about Wáj, and commenced committing excess
and villany against the peasants in the country. The Páshá’s deputy,
however, soon dispersed them, and hanged five of their ringleaders as
an example of terror to others. Such of those vagrant fugitives as
actually joined the enemy met with no better fate. The enemy considered
them as being neither useful to them nor to the Turks, and therefore
caused their heads to be cut off.
In the meantime the enemy concentrated in the vicinity of Wáj, and
after very much fighting reduced the fortress of Novograde. About the
same time, also, some of the chiefs of Wáj failed in their courage
and fled, when a troop of infidels came and set fire to the suburbs,
and carried off what plunder they were able. On the 19th of Jemadi
II., when the sound of the cannon ceased to be any more heard from
Novograde, the Wajian chiefs, excited by curiosity, ran towards evening
to Novograde, to see how matters stood there, and were sufficiently
confounded when they saw the enemy rushing from all directions into
the place, distressing the inhabitants, thrusting them forth naked
and disgraced, and committing every sort of violence on these poor
creatures. When these naked wretches, thus thrust out of Novograde,
met the Wajian chiefs, they warned them of their danger. “Watch your
villages and city,” said they, “the infidels will soon be at your
heels. What do you want here? What are you gazing at? Have you not
sufficient example in our fate?” The Wajian chiefs took the hint, and
fled to Buda. Nevertheless, the governor of Wáj and four or five of
his men had the courage to remain behind. The fortress of Sunta was
afterwards burned to the ground by order of Hasan Páshá. Several of
the Novogradians came to seek a retreat in the city of Wáj before its
suburbs were burned by the enemy, but they were robbed and spoiled,
even of their geese and hens, on that occasion of rapine and plunder.
A party of horsemen came and surrounded Wáj, but the desperate
inhabitants of the inner fortress were so excited at the conduct and
rage of the infidels, that they exerted every nerve in self-defence,
and by their heroic bravery dispersed their antagonists from their
gates, many of whom went away wounded. The whole party afterwards
returned to Novograde.
_The Faithless are chastised._
Mohammed Páshá, son of the grand vezír and commander-in-chief, and
Hasan Páshá, agreed together to send a report of the disasters which
had happened; and also an account of those Begs and Aghás who had
either fled from or had given up the cities and fortresses under
their command to the enemy. The Aghás of Sunta, for not saving the
cannon of Novograde before it fell into the hands of the enemy, were
imprisoned and tortured. The Beg of Semendria, Wadanali Ramazán Zádeh,
the commandant of Novograde, was degraded and imprisoned. The Beg
of Novograde, Karah Kurahli Mohammed Beg, was secretly strangled by
the Janissaries. But these severe measures were very grievous and
distressing to the champions of the borders. The above-mentioned
Mohammed Beg was one of the ancient heroes and most virtuous of that
class.
In Súbúska Palanka, otherwise called Shúmushka, a few horsemen that
garrisoned it killed with their own hands their women and children
rather than let them fall into the hands of the infidels who had come
to besiege the place, and then by a desperate sortie made their way
through the enemy. One or two companies of the enemy’s swift cavalry
pursued them a whole day and night, but were at length repulsed by the
arrows and arms of the pursued.
_The base and ignoble Infidels besiege Khutván._
When Novograde fell into the hands of the enemy, the Chaúsh of the
deputy of Ramazán Zádeh was brought before the king (of Hungary, I
suppose), but was afterwards set at liberty. This man returned to
Buda in the month of Rajab, and informed his Moslem brethren that the
emperor himself (_i.e._ the Emperor of Germany) was making preparations
for coming to lay siege to the city and fortress of Buda with an
army of 200,000 swine (_i.e._ Christians). The Budians lost no time
in putting every thing in proper order for defence, and for giving
the infidels a reception. Some time before the Moslem army was put
in motion in the spring of that year, and before the new year had
commenced, the enemy fitted out two armies: the one of which was sent
against Osterghún and the other to Khutván. It was the one which was
sent against Khutván that reduced the fortress of Novograde, and the
siege of the former fortress commenced in the month of Jemadi II. The
Beg of Khutván, Arslán Páshá, was a man of some levity, but a most
excellent swordsman, and the whole of the inhabitants were warlike
and brave. By their intrepidity and quickness in firing their cannon
many of the enemy fell in the siege. They were under the necessity,
however, of sending to Buda for assistance, when, in compliance with
their request, Mohammed Páshá, Sinán’s son, the Válí of Buda, and Hasan
Páshá, on the 8th of Shabán, hastened forward to their aid with their
respective troops. Osterghún was besieged at the same time.
When this auxiliary army drew near to Khutván, they perceived a
body of the enemy stationed on the banks of the river, which flowed
a little below the city on the north side; and therefore, with the
view of accomplishing their purpose, they on the 11th went about a
mile further up the river in order to cross. The enemy thought, when
they saw this, that the Moslems fled to escape them, and immediately
pursued after them and got in front of them, when a tremendous carnage
ensued. Mohammed Páshá and his corps of Spáhís stood back, whilst
Hasan Páshá with his veteran borderers was left to cope alone with
the infidel soldiery. In this desperate contest a very great number
of the iron-cased infidels perished, and almost the whole of the
heroic borderers fell martyrs. Hasan Páshá himself, like a furious
lion, brought incredible numbers of them to the ground. His clothes
unfortunately, in consequence of the bursting of a shell, caught
fire, but were extinguished without difficulty. From the explosion of
the gunpowder he was severely injured. The commander-in-chief of the
Moslem troops, Mohammed Páshá, son of the grand vezír, when he saw his
brave associates sorely pressed by the superior force of the enemy,
heartlessly and cowardly furled his banners, and returned with his
dastardly Spáhís to Buda. Just as the remaining Moslems were about
to retire in despair, the Beg of Ancora, Neïrání Páshá, issued most
fortunately from Khutván with a party, who attacked the enemy with
such fury as to drive them back with considerable loss both of men and
cannon. The larger guns he spiked. The enemy, however, soon recovered
themselves, and returned with greater vigour and renewed strength, and
continued the siege of Khutván till the month of Ramazán, when they
became altogether disheartened. The prudence and skill of the besieged
was too much for them.
In this battle 4,000 Moslems fell martyrs, and very many of the
infidels perished. When the account of this day’s transactions was
transmitted to the court of Constantinople, the glory and honour which
Hasan Páshá had most certainly gained would have been honourably
acknowledged; but by the grand vezír’s influence, the honour and
distinction which ought to have been conferred on Hasan Páshá was
awarded to his own son Mohammed Páshá. Besides an augmentation of
authority, he received a splendidly ornamented sword set in jewels, and
a handsome robe of fur, which was sent him by the emperor.
_The Siege of Osterghún._
The body of troops sent to lay siege to Osterghún was afterwards
largely augmented by those other troops which had been engaged
against Khutván, and the siege began to assume a regular appearance
in the month of Shabán. The peasants and villagers, encouraged by
the presence of the enemy, declared in their favour, and committed
enormous excesses. About the end of this month another body of the
enemy attacked the city of Wáj, slew several of the inhabitants, and
carried off about forty or fifty horsemen, besides a number of Martloos
(Christian) women and children.
Some time previous to this, 2,000 horsemen, sent from Bosnia and
Semendria, were appointed to settle themselves any where about
Osterghún, and were allowed to profit by any thing the chance of war
might put in their way. These perfidious wretches, however, entered
into a treacherous correspondence with the enemy, who had, by that
time, surrounded the city. They shot at the rate of 1,800 cannon-balls
per day against the walls of the city and fortress.
In the mean time a body of experienced Janissaries and other troops
were sent to their assistance. Three times did the Beg of Rhodes
convey to them, in galleys and other boats, timely aid; and completely
prevented the enemy from benefiting by any assistance sent them by
water, besides a variety of other important services which he had
rendered to the besieged.
The enemy, intent on reducing Osterghún, and after several days’
battering with their cannon, at length commenced an assault, but
were driven back with immense loss. The Hungarians, who acted at
some considerable distance, directed their guns against the place,
and succeeded in laying several portions of the walls level with the
ground. They now attempted to deceive. They told a thousand idle
stories about the propriety of following the example of the people of
Felk and Novograde, and thus to yield and give up the fortress; but
the heroic Moslems answered: “We are Romelian heroes and true-hearted
veterans, and shall never yield nor give up the place: we are resolved
on continuing our resistance. Behold, you accursed! you deride us by
saying that an army of Tátárs, riding on tortoises, are coming to our
aid; but we are sure of immense succours from Buda, either to-day or
tomorrow: and then we shall be swine if we don’t mount you all on
tortoises and send you to hell.” Such was the reply of the besieged
to the enemy, who finding their fraudulent attempts to deceive were
in vain, pushed on the siege with all their vigour, and advanced to a
third general assault. Among their leaders one was observed who was
very active in stimulating the soldiery on to the assault, and who wore
a breast-plate, and a gold chain suspended from his neck. The Beg of
Osterghún observed to those around him, that if that execrated wretch
could be disposed of, the infidel army would immediately retreat.
“Whoever lays him flat in the dust,” said he, “shall receive a sanják,
and whatever else he may ask.” This was so sooner uttered than one
Osmán, a brave man, and an excellent marksman, levelled his piece
at the gold-chained infidel, cried “Yá allah,” and in a moment shot
him through the breast, when he sank from his horse, and was dragged
along the ground. The besiegers were now panic-struck, and retired
in the greatest precipitation towards their fortifications; but were
hotly pursued by the veteran Moslems, who rushed out after them,
and slew very many of them. The enemy, however, soon rallied again.
Every peasant in the country round about, able to handle a sword,
was collected; and with this augmentation of new strength they again
returned to the siege and work of destruction. The unfortunate Moslems,
notwithstanding the heroism they had displayed, and the firmness with
which they had acted, were at length, by famine and hard labour,
reduced to complete weakness; whilst the troops acting under the King
(of Hungary) joined the besiegers. Thus strengthened, the enemy began
to set the city on fire in several places.
At this critical moment an army under the command of the válís of
Temishvar and Bosnia, and which had been sent off by order of the
Serdár in the month of Ramazán, reached Pest in time enough to hear
the sound of the cannon from Osterghún; but it was the middle of
the month before the vanguard of this army advanced so far as to be
discovered by the enemy. This new appearance of assistance in favour
of the Moslems in the city of Osterghún so dismayed the enemy, that
they immediately relinquished their object, forsook their tabúr or
fortifications, and fled away in the utmost precipitation. Now was the
time for taking revenge. The Moslems, like raging wolves, rushed out of
their strong-hold, slew about a thousand of the enemy, did what damage
they were able to their fortifications, took a number of captives,
spiked their field-pieces, seized all the powder and goods they could
easily carry, set fire to what remained, and returned to the city in
triumph with the spoil they had taken. But the enemy, after recovering
from the panic into which they had been put, and after the army which
had come from Buda had returned back, retraced their steps, and again
took possession of their tabúr or fortifications, exercising violence
and cruelty on those who had been hired by the month in the villages
belonging to Buda.
Before finishing this paragraph we must add, by way of postscript,
that the enemy continued their hostile operations against Khutván
and Osterghún till they learned that the grand vezír was marching
with the royal army to Buda, when they removed to Komran, where they
concentrated their forces. The Válí of Temishvar who had came to aid
the city of Osterghún, and who was at this time in Pest, heard that a
palanka in his own government had revolted and declared for the enemy.
He returned and executed the whole of them.
_The Request of the Prime Minister—the Succour of the Magnificent
Emperor._
In consequence of the several disasters which the Moslem arms had
sustained during the late spring, the evils and oppressions to which
the garrisons on the frontiers had been exposed, and also because
the contest was not yet ended, the mind of the grand vezír, when he
considered all these things, was very much afflicted; and therefore,
as the most effectual remedy for his grief, and for securing a more
favourable state of things, he sent, at once, an account of the whole
state of matters, and also a statement of the finances, and that of
the army, to the court of Constantinople. The grand vezír found, it
would appear, that military movements were a difficult thing to attend
to, especially every time a fixed period was necessary to be observed
with respect to those movements. Besides, the army of Romeili had been
precluded from attending to their harvest. In short, all these things
together had a powerful effect on Sinán Páshá’s mind, and led him to
regret his having had any thing to do with the war at all.
In these circumstances, and being no way prepared to prosecute the
war, he called together his emírs, commanders of castles, chiefs of
the army, nobles, and other great and learned men, to consult them
as to the steps which ought, in their situation, to be adopted. But
fortunately, at this time, the succours, as to men and money, which his
letters requested from the government of Constantinople, were hastening
towards him.
It may be observed here, that it was not customary for the ághás of
the Janissaries to go forth to war, except along with the emperor. On
this occasion this rule was departed from, and Sáleh Mohammed Páshá was
appointed to conduct the Janissaries to join the grand vezír Ibrahím
Aghá, superintendent of the armoury, with a thousand men-at-arms, and a
sufficient number of portable tents were attached to this expedition.
They set out for Belgrade on the 1st of Rajab. On the Segbán Báshí, the
commander of the guard, devolved the duties belonging to Sáleh Mohammed
Páshá’s office during his absence from Constantinople.
Before these arrangements took place, however, Kapúdán Jeghala Zádeh
was ordered out to sea with a fleet of five galleys carrying troops,
who reached the Mediterranean before the middle of Shabán. Ghází Gheráí
Khán of the Crimea, was also required to join the grand vezír, and
assist him by his counsels and by his arms.
About the middle of the above-mentioned month, the grand vezír, Sinán
Páshá, began to collect his troops from their winter quarters, and
commenced pitching his tents in the plains of Serim, when he ordered
distribution of provision, &c. to be made to the men under his own
command; where also he was soon afterwards joined by the following
chiefs: viz. Mohammed Páshá, Válí of Sivás; Mohammed Páshá, Válí of
Merœsh; Alí Páshá, Válí of Vœrka; Ahmed Páshá, the serdár or
commander-in-chief of Buda; and Ahmed Páshá, governor of Bosnia: and
where, too, the ághá and his Janissaries, sent from Constantinople,
joined his camp.
The grand vezír and his associates in arms, after having consulted
as to the mode of commencing their operations, resolved on attacking
Yanuk first, and accordingly sent off their heavy baggage towards Tata.
Mohammed Páshá, the grand vezír’s son, was appointed to command the
artillery; the Governor of Buda, Hasan Páshá, to head the Cherkají
troops or Iägers; the Governor of Bosnia, the advance guard; the
Beglerbeg of Anatolia was appointed to command the right wing; another
Beglerbeg was to command the left wing; and the Páshá or Válí of
Merœsh, in conformity to ancient custom, was appointed to command
the rear-guard.
On the 14th of Shevál the grand army advanced to the plains of Tata.
Tata lies in a plain in the vicinity of mountains near the Danube,
opposite to Komran, an island in the Danube, about two leagues from
Tata. The enemy, who had posted themselves on the opposite side of the
river, had also extended their lines as far as Tata; but this place
after three days’ siege, yielded to the conquerors. A garrison was
thrown into it, and such of the enemy as escaped from it fled to Komran.
In the mean time the Khán of the Tátárs reached the royal camp. He
was seated on a beautiful horse, and alighted from it at the door of
the grand vezír’s pavilion. After having rested himself on a suitable
sofa, and taken some refreshment, a handsome ewer ornamented with gold
was presented before him, in which he washed his hands, and which was
afterwards handed to his armour-bearer. The Khán was also presented
with a sword adorned with jewels, a bridle ornamented with gold, a
two-edged dagger, a club with an iron head, and a most beautiful
charger. Five thousand pieces of pure gold were also presented to him.
The whole of the begs or princes, and such of the ághás as were present
on this august occasion, conducted the Khán to his own royal tent. The
fortress of Semarin, in the neighbourhood of Tata, was evacuated by the
enemy and taken possession of by the Moslem troops.
_Yanuk besieged._
This fortress, formerly called Kilvár, is situate on the banks of the
Raab, which pours its waters into the Danube, and was on this occasion
surrounded on the land side by an immense ditch filled with water,
across which was a drawbridge which led into the city and fortress.
The Moslem army commenced their offensive operations by first attacking
those of the enemy on the outside, and seized a number of prisoners.
On the 18th of Dhu’l Kada, after the siege was regularly formed,
skirmishing became general. The division of the Spáhís under the
command of the Salihdár watched the trenches, and two other divisions
were appointed to guard the camp and money-chest. A thousand men were
employed in carrying earth from two different quarters, who daily threw
a thousand _bedalooshkas_ into the fosse. On the opposite side of the
Danube, the enemy erected their tabúr or fortifications, directly
opposite the fortress, and constructed also a bridge which communicated
with the tabúr and the fortress, but which was not allowed to remain
open for either man or beast. Twenty days thus passed away in mutual
hostilities and skirmishing, when, behold, Duke Mathias, the brother
of the Emperor of Austria, encamped in the vicinity of Komran with an
army of 100,000 German, Hungarian, and similar infidels. A man of high
rank, a Count, son-in-law to the King (of Hungary), was governor of
the city and fortress. On one of the first ten days of the lunar month
(_i.e._ on the 10th of Dhu’l hijjah), ten thousand of these execrated
wretches rushed out and slew three thousand Moslems, whilst engaged in
performing the duties and ceremonies of their religion on that solemn
day, and committed, besides, some other injuries. They were, however,
soon obliged to retrace their steps and hide themselves within their
strong-holds, but it was found impossible to get them to shut the gate
and prevent annoyance from that quarter.
It appeared to have become necessary, from some reason or other, to
effect some changes. Accordingly we find, that the offices held by the
son of the grand vezír and Hasan Páshá were exchanged, the one for the
other. The government of Romeili was, therefore, transferred to Hasan
Páshá, and that of Buda to the vezír’s son. Hasan Páshá, in consequence
of this exchange, entered the trenches opposite the gate, and by a
well-directed fire of ten field-pieces, forced the besieged to close
their gate. In short, Hasan manifested to every unprejudiced person
what force, properly directed, might effect.
_The Moslem Warriors begin an assault._
The appearance of the Duke Mathias with his many thousand infidels
encouraged the besieged, and supported them in their obstinacy, and
therefore it was evidently seen that, unless the Moslems crossed to the
other side of the river and defeated this host, they would never be
able to reduce the place. Accordingly, and in conformity to this view
of the matter, materials which had been ordered from Buda and Osterghún
for the purpose of erecting three bridges, were immediately put in
requisition, and every effort made to get them ready for immediate use.
A party of Tátárs who had swam on their horses across to the enemy’s
side, were no sooner discovered than they were checked by a body of
horse and foot, which so frightened them that they turned about and
swam back again. Several of them, however, perished. In order to
prevent occurrences of this nature, the enemy made themselves trenches
along the bank of the river: but their trenches were of no use to
them. Two thousand men volunteered their services, and crossed over
in boats; and before the enemy had time to look about them, they made
themselves masters of these trenches, and completely routed their
occupiers. The Moslems now commenced with all speed to erect their
bridges; and to prevent their being annoyed in this work, and in order
to scare the enemy, they placed some of their largest cannon on an
eminence on the brink of the river, and commenced firing. The enemy,
blind to their preparations, again endeavoured to gain possession of
the brink of the river: but were repulsed with immense slaughter, when
they were obliged to fall back on their fortifications. The Moslems,
in consequence of this victory, succeeded in finishing their bridges,
and, under covert of the night, accompanied by a body of Tátárs,
crossed to the other side, approached the enemy’s fortifications, put
the infidels to flight, who, it must be observed, destroyed the bridges
which they themselves had erected in the vicinity of the fortress.
The victorious Moslems returned with immense booty: such as cannons,
powder, arms, waggons, and other heavy articles, besides a great number
of loaded waggons full of valuable stores. Three hundred boats, and
four hundred cannon, were taken possession of in the river, besides
powder, ball, and three thousand tents: all which became the property
of the Ottomans. The Archduke Mathias himself was wounded; and the
brother of the Duke, who commanded the French troops, was shot dead
by a cannon-ball, and ten thousand other infidels perished on this
occasion. Many captives were also taken. After obtaining this singular
and splendid victory over Mathias, the Moslems returned to the siege,
and continued their operations against the city and fortress till the
following year, when they took it; but of this more afterwards, when
we have said a few things with regard to the notorious rebel Michael,
Waiwode of Valachia.
The Waiwodas of Valachia were in the habit of providing horses and
oxen for the purpose of conveying cannon and other apparatus of war
when they were required to do so. But when messengers from Belgrade,
in the name of the grand vezír, required them to supply the army
before Besperim with three hundred of those animals, for the purpose
of conveying provisions and money, they manifested no small degree of
tardiness in complying, for which they were severely reprimanded.
And again, when they were required to send four hundred waggons with
food and money to the troops before Yanuk, they played the same trick,
for which neglect the drivers were ordered to be executed; but by
the intervention and intercession of the grand vezír’s son, Mohammed
Páshá, their lives were spared, but the presents which they carried
along with them were rejected with disdain. It was inconsistent, it was
said, that a country like Valachia should be controlled by one or two
indolent infidels, and therefore they might expect that next spring
the war would be carried thither. The men who had their lives spared
to them were kept prisoners, but were afterwards set at liberty. But
the prevaricator Michael, and this is the chief point to be observed,
became so enraged at the disgrace and dishonour thus manifested, that
the incorrigible wretch raised the standard of defiance, and became the
ostensible instigator of the rebellion which afterwards broke out in
Valachia in the following year, and to which, when we relate the events
of that year, we shall advert.
The arrival of Ghází Gheráí Khán from a country in which never infidel
stepped, and whose splendid achievements in war it is impossible fully
to delineate, relates chiefly to the same period.
About the middle of Rabia II., Fatima, daughter of the august and noble
monarch of the world, was united by marriage to the vezír Khalíl Páshá
in the old palace. At the commencement of the same month ambassadors
from Abdullah Khán, sultán of Transoxania, arrived in Constantinople.
About the same time, also, the admiral, Jeghala Zádeh, sailed with a
fleet to Messina, put the inhabitants into great fear, carried off
several galleys, and returned. The Jews and Christians hitherto wore
blue and yellow turbans; but it having been determined to humble and
disgrace them, they were ordered, in future, to wear fillets made of
black and scarlet cloth.
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1003 H.
_The conquest of Yanuk._
The siege of Yanuk, at the commencement of this year, 1003 of the
Hijrah, had continued a month. By the batterings of the cannon and
the springing of mines, both the outside and inside of Yanuk were
completely damaged. On the 17th of Moharrem (the first month of
the year), and after an immense quantity of earth had been thrown
into the fosse, and when a breach had been effected in the walls or
ramparts, a general assault was announced. This news fearfully alarmed
the besieged. They considered the defeat of the archduke’s army, and
thought of the vast numbers that had already perished in the siege.
Their fears increased; their condition, they saw, was perilous. To try
to escape by means of planks would be both difficult and dangerous.
Their courage altogether failed them; and many, for fear of the cannons
of the Osmánlís, hid themselves within the inner works in ditches. In
short, all resistance ceased.
Towards evening, two thousand of the most celebrated of these hateful
infidels came forth and importuned the commander-in-chief to spare
their lives. Their request was granted. Next morning their commander,
the malignant count, came out with ten thousand men, all covered
with steel, and said; “This German army, who have crept into holes
in the earth, have been influenced by fear more than any thing else.
Otherwise,” continued he, “so many thousands of muskets ought to have
been adequate to prevent you from even looking at the place.” Thus
saying, he wept and fell down dead before the conquerors. The remains
of this royal count were afterwards put into a tomb and covered over
with stone, when several rounds were fired over it. The rest of the
prisoners were all shipped off in boats to their own country, and Senja
Osmán Páshá and two thousand soldiers were appointed to garrison Yanuk
for three years, at a stipulated rate of pay. A thousand Janissaries
from Wáj, three hundred cannoneers, and a thousand armourers were also
added to the above number; and every thing else necessary for defence
was fully attended to.
After the defeat of the archduke, Ghází Gheráí Khán marched against the
fortress of Papa. The infidels on the approach of the Tátárs fled, and
left the place for them to take possession of it.
_Komran laid siege to._
Information from Komran apprised the commander-in-chief that, in the
event of Yanuk being taken, Komran would yield without resistance.
This turned out, however, to be a false report; for when Yanuk did
fall, they manifested no disposition to do as they had said.
The weather was awfully cold, and the Serdár determined that if he
should be obliged to lay siege to it, it should not be said that it
was taken at an easy rate. He did lay siege to it; but his troops,
from what they had endured at the taking of Yanuk, were a good deal
dispirited. The enemy made several sorties, went as far as the Moslem
trenches, and slew a considerable number of the most heroic soldiers
of the Serdár, who now began to be convinced of the difficulty of his
undertaking, and resolved, as the day of Kásim was near at hand, to
relinquish his object for the present. Accordingly on the 7th of Sefer,
after having transported his provisions and heavy baggage to some of
the nearest fortresses belonging to the Osmánlís, he raised the siege
and returned to Buda.
It is related in the histories of Hasan Beg Zádeh, Alí, and Abdulkádír,
secretary to the ordnance, that the governor of Komran cried out from
the battlement, “Send us Hasan Páshá, Beglerbeg of Romeili, and we
shall deliver up the fortress.” The son of the grand vezír, however,
paid no regard to him, and merely remarked, “Let him fire his cannons
if he will;” but the Janissaries on his saying this immediately
relinquished their trenches and retired. Kátib Chelebí[2] in his
Fezlikeh denies this story altogether, and declares it to be a foul
calumny invented by men who had been neither members of the diván of
that day, nor present where the event is said to have taken place.
On the 5th of Sefer, two days before the siege was raised, permission
was granted to Ghází Gheráí Khán to return home with his Tátár army,
first giving him the robe of honour which in the spring of that year
had been sent to him, and showing him the honours due to his rank.
He left, however, one of his mirzás with a thousand Tátárs in winter
quarters in the vicinity of Alba Julia, or Weissenburg in Siebenbürgen.
The grand vezír himself made his way to Buda, and after the lapse of a
week he appointed his son, Mohammed Páshá, to remain in Buda with the
Janissaries and the army of Romeili. Lála Mohammed Páshá was sent with
the army of Anatolia into winter quarters in Weissenburg. The Beglerbeg
of Bosnia was sent with his troops to Usk. The troops of Sivás, of
Diárbeker, of Werka, of Haleb, and of Shám, were allowed to return
to their respective homes. The artillery and other stores were all
deposited in Buda, and after distribution of provision, &c. had been
made to the troops, the grand vezír returned to Belgrade.
Before leaving Buda, however, he sent off Rezván Aghá to carry tidings
to Constantinople of the fall of Yanuk, which he reached after fourteen
days’ travelling. The news of the fall of Yanuk was the cause of great
rejoicings in the metropolis, which were demonstrated by the roar of
cannon and the firing of musketry. To the Serdár and to the Khán a robe
of honour, a sword, and richly ornamented plumes, accompanied by royal
letters, were sent to each of these personages; also robes of honour
for each of the Beglerbegs and other dignitaries were sent off at the
same time.
_Concerning the bad management of the Commander-in-chief; his error and
failure in some other matters._
There is no evidence from the records of the intendant of the finances
what was the actual number of the troops employed in the war in
Hungary; he merely states that thirty thousand household troops were
sent thither. The army of Romeili was immense. After the death of
Soleimán Khán, and before the war commenced in Hungary, the people
thirsted for spoil. An army equal to that of Romeili, but destitute
of the means of subsistence, was collected in that quarter. A swift,
active body of troops, competent for every sort of depredation, and
equal to a whole province in number, assembled. The Tátárs alone
amounted to more than forty thousand. Such was the vast army the
commander-in-chief had under his command: such also was their fitness
for contending with the enemy, if properly and wisely directed.
When, however, the pensioned Janissaries entered their trenches, the
rest needlessly wasted their time in idleness: when the Khán and other
chiefs proposed to commit depredations in the enemy’s territories,
they were checked by being asked what advantage would accrue by
treading down one province? and yet it is a certain fact, that no
power whatever could have stopped the army, especially after the
victory gained at Yanuk, from reaching Vienna, had they been properly
commanded. When a deputation came from the country about Buda, begging
protection against rapine and plunder, they were told, that unless
one province fell another could not rise. To this very evident defect
and mismanagement in the government of the commander-in-chief is to
be attributed chiefly every misfortune which happened to the Moslems.
The peasants were made slaves, and villages were ruined. Some of the
most powerful of these peasants were roused to seek revenge: five or
six hundred of them seized on a palanka, and refused giving it up so
long as one of them remained alive. When their villages and hamlets
were robbed and plundered, they set fire to them and left them. The
mills near Belgrade were taxed. No apology was offered to the Waivodas
of Moldavia and Valachia for the heavy injuries done to them, but they
were still more oppressed; and when they sent their usual presents they
were rejected with disdain, and the bearers of them threatened with
death; and this wicked and unreasonable conduct awakened the spirit of
rebellion and revolt which afterwards manifested itself in these two
provinces, as we shall see.
_The Waivoda of Moldavia rebels._
At the time the war broke out in Hungary the Emperor of Austria sent
letters to all the Christian chiefs, and even to the Pope, to come and
aid him in attacking the followers of Mohammed. The Transylvanians,
Valachians, and Moldavians entered with one consent into this
confederacy, and commenced hostilities by making inroads on the
Mohammedan population dwelling on the banks of the Danube. At this time
the Waivoda of Moldavia was one who had been raised to that dignity by
Sinán Páshá, but who, when Ferhád was deposed, was also deposed. His
office was conferred on a young Moldavian prince who had been educated
at Sinán’s expense, and who it was supposed had embraced Mohammedanism.
When this young man went to take possession of his new government he
was accompanied, according to custom, by a kapújí báshí, whilst a
messenger was sent forward to announce his approach. Notwithstanding
all this, however, his predecessor inspired him with such terror, that
he found himself necessitated to apply for aid to the grand vezír,
his patron. This aid was accordingly granted. One Mustafa Páshá, who
had been governor of Merœsh, in Asia, was appointed to conduct a
body of troops to his assistance: and some military ághás, of whom the
grand vezír wished to get rid, were appointed to join this expedition,
with two thousand Janissaries also. When this expedition reached the
Danube they found it completely frozen, and therefore halted at Rusjuk
in order to transport their field-pieces and heavy baggage to Yerkok
on the opposite side. Whilst thus employed, and suspecting no danger,
they were suddenly fallen upon by an army of infidels, headed by the
deposed Waivoda, who slew their leader, a great number of his men, and
carried off a number of others prisoners. From this time the rebellion
in Moldavia increased day after day.
_Concerning the insurrection occasioned by Michael, Waivoda of
Valachia._
As the country of Valachia abounded with sheep, cattle, honey, and
salt, the merchants and rich men of Constantinople were in the habit
of advancing sums of money to every new waivoda on the condition of
collecting from the peasantry articles of the above description in
return. This practice occasioned frequently great contention. It
happened sometimes, when the waivodas did not fulfil their engagements,
that those who had advanced them money in the way above described,
went and abused and harassed the begs, and created much disturbance.
Michael, mentioned at the head of this article, was one of these
waivodas who failed to fulfil his promises, and who was therefore one
day visited by more than four thousand of this sort of creditors,
chiefly Janissaries and principal servants of great men, who profited
by this rapacity. They assaulted the waivoda in his own palace,
seized upon every thing which fell into their hands, and beat and
abused as many of his domestics as chanced to come in their way. This
circumstance of violence and mode of assault completely wrought on the
mind of the hateful infidel, and led him to the following method of
settling with his creditors. He called them together, and by way of
giving them his advice, at the same time appearing very polite, said:
“If you kill me, you will of course lose all the property that is due
to you: that is evident. Come, then, follow my advice, and go along
with persons duly appointed into the province, collect what property
you can, and pay yourselves out of it.” Manifesting for some time,
however, some degree of hesitation and unwillingness, they at last
agreed; but it turned out that the quantity they had collected was
not sufficient to liquidate the whole of his debt, and they therefore
pressed him to furnish the remainder. “Let the cazí of Yerkok,” said
they, “be called, and let him examine the accounts. If he is unwell,
his deputy, Alí Ján Effendí, may come in his stead;” for it was
customary when any law-suit happened between any of the Mussulmans
living in Valachia, that an appeal was made to the cazí of the above
place. The cazí, or rather his deputy, Alí Ján, arrived and decided in
favour of the appellants, whose receipts amounted to sixty thousand
dollars. The contention was long, and a thousand obstacles presented
themselves in settling this affair; but at last the sum of the debt was
reduced to six thousand akchas.
The above Alí Ján relates the following story about himself: “On
retiring from the tribunal, and when I was outside of the city,” he
says, “I was met by an old acquaintance, an infidel, who accosted me
thus: ‘Alí Ján, you have been my friend for twenty years: do not let
the evening overtake you, nor remain at Yerkok; but hasten as fast
as you are able to Rusjuk, for all hope of accommodation is at an
end,’ and immediately went away.” The deputy, perceiving some strange
commotion and troops hastening towards the city, mounted his waggon,
and made the best of his way to Yerkok; but had scarcely time to give
the cazí an account of the affair in which he had been employed,
before these raggamuffian soldiery murdered every one of the Waivoda’s
creditors and every Mussulman in the place, and thence marched to
Yerkok, which they also attacked. “Seeing no alternative left me but
either to fall into the hands of these infidels, or make my escape,”
says Alí Ján in continuation of his story, “and being a good swimmer, I
immediately swam across the Danube. Another person swam across at the
same time, and we were the only persons of the inhabitants of Yerkok,
amounting to four thousand men, women, and children, that escaped being
either murdered or made prisoners. The city they afterwards burned to
the ground.”
These events, now recorded, took place in Jemadi 1. of 1002. Those
Musselmans that lived in Moldavia removed to Kili, to Ak-kermán, or to
Korsú, as they found most convenient. Some of the people of Rusjuk who
were present, and saw when these movements took place, sent an account
of the whole state of matters to the court of Constantinople, but the
Rusjukians themselves afterwards removed and dispersed themselves among
the Balkan mountains.
It being the winter season when these accounts reached the metropolis,
the operations of war were deferred till the spring of the year.
_Death of Sultán Murád III._
In Jemadi I. of 1003 of the Hijrah, the constitution of the deceased
emperor, now removed from this vain world to the distant light of God,
became so shattered and altered, as to receive no benefit whatever from
the skill and penetration of the medical faculty.
At the commencement of his disease, the grand vezír, Sinán Páshá went
in to see him into the palace at the very time when the singers or
chanters, and the females of the palace, were all collected in the
royal apartment; and though it was an exceedingly rare thing to read or
chant verses on such an occasion, yet, contrary to usual custom, the
Emperor ordered the following distich to be chanted:
I am afflicted, O Fate!
This night me watch, and me sustain.—[3]
At the time the Emperor departed this life, two vessels from Egypt
arrived before the royal fortress, and, according to ancient custom,
commenced firing their guns in token of rejoicing. But such was the
tremendous effect once and again which the concussion of the air, put
in motion by the explosions, had upon the mirrors in the apartment
next to the royal saloon, that they fell down from their places and
were shattered to pieces. When these mariners, however, were made
aware of what had taken place, and perceived the emblems of grief
and affliction, their joy was turned into sorrow, and tears began to
trickle down on their beards.
On the night of the 5th of Jemadi II., the remains of the Emperor were
carried from the bed of state to the table or board on which the dead
bodies are washed, and were afterwards consigned to a coffin and put
into a vault.
For nearly two weeks the vezírs and military judges could come to no
agreement among themselves how to act, with respect to settling the
government. At length, the Aghá of the royal house, without informing
any of the vezírs what he meant to do, and under the pretext of needing
some water, called the Bostánjí Báshí, Ferhád Aghá; informed him of
the secrets that were going on, and sent him with letters to the
heir-apparent, at that time in Magnesia, calling upon him to return
and ascend the throne of his ancestors. Two days after the above
messenger was sent off, one of the vezírs, Ibrahím Páshá, learning
the steps which the Aghá of the royal house had taken, immediately
sent off a letter to the prince by Súfí Osmán Aghá, who followed the
previous messenger close at his heels. Ferhád also, the governor or
Káímakám of Constantinople, on learning these manœuvres, wrote
officially to the young prince about his father’s death, and also
letters of congratulation: seeking by these means to screen himself
from all suspicion, and, at the same time, to ingratiate himself into
the prince’s favour. He also made several promotions; and the day after
sending off the above letter, he caused several criminals to be taken
out of prison and executed before the multitude, with the view of awing
them, and left their bodies exposed. His officers of police went about
the city and kept every thing quiet and in good order.
The young prince, Sultán Mohammed Khán, no sooner received intelligence
of his father’s demise than he set sail from Medeyna on the 16th of
Jemadi II., and landed near Sinán Páshá’s summer palace. Thence he
immediately went into the royal harem, where he had an interview with
his mother, and made arrangements for entering into mourning. His
inauguration was completed before Friday, the day of assembly (_i.e._
the Mohammedan sabbath), when it was necessary for him to attend the
mosque.
After all these things were once over, the remains of the late emperor
were carried into the area of the palace, when Khoja Sa’d-ud-dín
Effendí said, “We are now assembled to perform the last duty, to our
late Emperor,” and then requested permission to perform the funeral
rites. Ferhád Páshá obtained this permission for him from the new
emperor. But before he and the reverend prelate had time to come out
from the royal presence, the Muftí, Bostán Zádeh, in virtue of his
office, proudly arrogated to himself this honour, and without further
ceremony commenced performing the obsequies in question. When Sa’d ud
dín Effendí saw this he was greatly displeased, and said, “The relation
of the dead, the chief mourner, granted me the permission of performing
what you, the Muftí, have taken upon yourself to do. It is right
and proper to perform the service over again.” The Muftí, in reply,
observed, “that it was the permission of the Lord of the whole universe
he possessed, and therefore that what the other demanded was not only
unnecessary, but prohibited him from attempting it.” This circumstance
was afterwards the cause of much ill will and strife between these two
reverend divines.
After this unpleasant discussion between the two prelates respecting
the right of performing the funeral obsequies over the remains of
the deceased emperor was finally ended, his Majesty, the Asylum of
the World, returned to the royal harem, leaving his vezírs and other
grandees to accompany the bier of his father to the vicinity of St.
Sophia, where they interred it in a tomb previously prepared.
In a tumult which had taken place on this occasion, nineteen brothers
of the emperor, all innocent and guiltless, were strangled and added to
the company of martyrs. Early next morning the reverend Muftí performed
the customary prayers over these martyred bodies, which were afterwards
interred in a grave at the foot of their father’s tomb.
_The late Emperor’s age.—The time of his reign.—Some of his virtues and
good deeds described._
Sultán Murád Khán was fifty years old when he died, and reigned a
little more than twenty years. He was the father of one hundred and
two sons. Four of those princes who suffered martyrdom, namely, Sultán
Mustafa, Sultán Báyazíd, Sultán Osmán, and Sultán Abdullah were the
most distinguished, and were all of them instructed in the doctrines of
Nawa Effendí. The others, too, were all graceful and virtuous. Sultán
Mustafa was a man of an extensive genius, and a great orator. The
glorious parent of these princes when despairing of life repeated the
following lines:
“What the Almighty Notary has written on my forehead, I know not;
“Alas! I have never smiled in the rose-bower of this world.”[4]
The lamented emperor was a man of very extraordinary attainments. Owing
to his wisdom and prudence, all parts of the empire felt, during his
whole reign, the benefit of his solicitude and care, of his military
skill and heroic bravery, both in governing the empire and in vexing
and punishing the enemies of religion and of the state. In consequence
of no impediment having been thrown in the way of the learned men and
poets of that day, they have favoured the world with a sober account of
his life, which is contained and set forth in a book of contemplation
called the Fatúhát Síám (فتوحات صيام), in which is introduced Arabic,
Persian, and Turkish poetry.
During the time the royal prince remained in Magnesia, the late emperor
caused a noble mosque of two minarets, a school, and other religious
establishments to be erected there, besides an inn and conservatory. He
caused also the roof of the temple of Mecca to be supported by pillars,
a canal to be made, and an edifice, where religious rites might be
performed, to be erected. He transmitted many thousands of ducats to
that city of religious fame. At Bektásh, over the grave of Yahiah
Effendí, he caused a splendid arch to be raised to his memory.
_Vezírs contemporary with Sultán Murád Khán._
Mohammed Páshá, who had continued in possession of the premiership
ever since the days of Soleimán, was murdered in a scuffle with a
furious mad fellow in the diván. He was succeeded in office by Ahmed
Páshá, who died about four months after entering upon his duties in
the grand vezírship. Lálá Mustafa Páshá, the conqueror of Cyprus and
Shirván, died when he was governor of the Sublime Porte. Khoja Sinán
Páshá, the conqueror of Yanuk, was his successor, and he was succeeded
by Zál Mahmúd Páshá, who was proprietor of the temple called Zál
Páshá in the neighbourhood of Ayúb-Ensári. He died in office. Vezír
Hasan Páshá was also carried off by death. Síávush Páshá was Káímakám
once, and three times grand vezír, but died without any office. Osmán
Páshá, son of Timúr Páshá, one of the ancient heroes, was during his
premiership commander-in-chief in the Persian war. He reduced Tabríz,
and afterwards fell sick and died. Mesíh Páshá succeeded Osmán, but
died out of office. Ferhád Páshá was twice commander-in-chief in the
east, and for having afterwards effected an advantageous peace, was
created grand vezír. He was Káímakám, or governor of Constantinople,
when Sultán Murád Khán died, as we have already seen. Ibrahím Páshá was
son-in-law to the emperor. Vezír Jeráh Páshá is well known. Jaghala,
son of Sinán Páshá, was both vezír and admiral at the same time. Boyálí
Mohammed Páshá, son of Pír Ahmed: he died after he was deposed from
the beglerbegship of Haleb. He was successively Remembrancer, Reïs
Effendí, Chancellor and Válí of Haleb, and twice in the privy council.
He was a man of very extensive information and experience. He built a
handsome mosque, a school-house, and another edifice dedicated to a
religious purpose, in Constantinople, where he died in the month of
Ramazán, in the year 1001 of the Hijrah. Khalíl Páshá was son-in-law to
the emperor. Hazár Páshá was Válí of Egypt. Ja’fer Páshá was son-in-law
to Mohammed Páshá. He was an excellent vezír: he died lamented in 995.
Hasan Páshá, the eunuch, was a potent and brave man: he was a native of
Shirván, but was raised to the office of grand vezír. Vezír Alí Páshá
married the widow of Mohammed Páshá, and died in office. Mohammed Páshá
was murdered whilst governor of Romeili. Vezír Yúsuf Páshá was by birth
an European, but of noble descent. He died a martyr in the arms of his
domestics in his own palace near Kirk Cheshmeh. Vezír Shemshí Páshá was
a Persian: he died in 989. Vezír Hasan Páshá was joint governor in the
government of Romeili with Mohammed Páshá, who was the son of Sinán
Páshá, grand vezír at the death of Murád Khán. Between Hasan Páshá and
Mohammed Páshá, who were both in active service under Sinán Páshá, in
the late war in Hungary, existed no small degree of envy.
_Learned Men contemporary with Sultán Murád Khán._
Hamid Effendí was mufti when Murád ascended the throne, and died
three years afterwards. Khoja Saadín Effendí was tutor to the emperor
when he resided in his Sanjak. After his elevation to the throne,
Saadín Effendí became his counsellor in what concerned the well-being
of the state and in the art of government. Cazi Zádeh Effendí was a
mufti who wrote a comment on the law, and was a guide to salvation.
Malúl Zádeh Effendí was military judge in Romeili and succeeded Cazi
Zádeh as mufti. In consequence of having failed to show some acts of
politeness to the emperor’s adviser and spiritual counsellor, Khoja
Hasan Ján Zádeh Saadín, and for some mistakes which he had committed,
he was represented to the emperor, and deposed. He died in 992. Tchoí
Zádeh Effendí was an interpreter of the law, and his decrees were
esteemed more excellent than any of those of his contemporaries. He
succeeded Malúl Zádeh as the mufti. He was a remover of oppression and
injustice. He died in 995. His son, Shúkhjí Effendí succeeded him in
the high priesthood, but was afterwards deposed. Bostán Zádeh Effendí
is well known. Zekeriáh Effendí is the most honourable of all the
interpreters of the law. On going into the imperial palace one day to
receive a robe of honour from his majesty Sultán Murád Khán, he was
seized with fainting fits, in one of which he died, 1001. Abdur-rahmán
was contemporary with Sultán Soleimán and Sultán Selím, and was one
of the military judges of those times in which they lived. He died in
Rabia II. 983. Násir Zádeh Effendí died suddenly in 984, whilst Cazi
of Constantinople. Ahkí Zádeh Effendí retired from his jurisdiction in
Anatolia with a salary of 150 akchas. He died in 989. Bokhárí Zádeh
Effendí was deposed from his jurisdiction in Tripoli, in Syria, and
died in 986. Mehshi Sinán Effendí retired with a salary of 200 akchas
from his office, as military judge, in Anatolia, and died in 982.
Neshánjí Zádeh Effendí was deposed from his jurisdiction in Medina.
Hemshíreh Zádeh Effendí died when he was lecturer in Sultán Selím’s
academy, _i.e._ in 989. Sinán Zádeh Effendí died in 987. Kamí Ahmed
Effendí died in the same year. Mualim Zádeh Mahmúd Effendí was raised
from the academy of Sœhen to the office of recorder or chancellor.
He was afterwards deposed, and died in 987, Bábá Effendí was tutor
to Rustem Páshá. He was a pious and religious man. Sárí Kiris Zádeh
Effendí died when he was Cazi of Haleb, in 987. Abdul Vafá Effendí
was the son of Abú Saoúd. Ezumí Effendí was tutor to one of the royal
princes. He died in 999. Hazár Beg Chelebí died in the academy attached
to the convent of Brúsa. Khosrú Zádeh Mustafa Effendí was a man of
various attainments, and an orthodox guide in religion. In 998 he
was Cazi of Tripoli in Syria, where he caught a severe cold. He died
at Aksheher, on his way to Turkey, in 1000. He was a well-informed,
gentle, and humane man. He made a collection of all the vulgar
errors, and translated the History of Kútb Mekí, and left several
fine poems in Turkish. Vankúli Mohammed Effendí was a man of the most
consummate skill and learning. From the academy of Sœhen he was
raised to be Cazi of Magnesia. He held the same office, successively,
in Thessalonia, in Kutahiah, and in Anatolia, and was afterwards
raised to the chief Caziship in Medina. He retired from office with a
salary of eighty akchés, and died in the latter city, in 1000. To his
extensive information he added that of undaunted firmness, and was a
perfect linguist. He wrote several pious epistles and translated the
_Seháh Júherí_, which was deposited in the mosque of Sultán Mohammed
Khán. He also translated the _Kimiái Sa’ádet_. Abdul Káder Effendí,
son of Emír Gísúdárí, and known by the name of Yálánjek Effendí, was
judge of Kutahiah, and afterwards held the same office in Tripoli.
It was not with his will that he was restrained from denouncing the
great men of his day; for which, in fact, he was at last banished the
city. He was a man of great violence and excessive virulence. It is
said in the _Zeíli Shukáïk_, that his composition is weak, and his
sentiments incorrect. He was some time Cazi of Yení Sheher, but was
degraded, and died in 1000. Mevlana Mohammed Aydin of Akhisar was some
time Cazi in Egypt, and was afterwards chief-priest in Medina. He was
a clever, excellent, and acute man. His poems were extant in the year
1003. There is also a translated compendium of his writings. He died
in the year 1000, in Medina. Ismáíl Effendí was a complete separatist,
and subsisted by teaching. He resembled a dervish: but having been
a well-informed man, he wrote a commentary or paraphrase on the
_Mesnevi_, the _Diván of Háfiz_, the _Gulistán_, and the _Bostán_, in
Turkish. He died in 1000. Sevdí Effendí was a native of Bosnia. He was
a person of great learning. After having travelled the whole path of
literature, he was content to live on a small salary for teaching the
domestics in the palace of Ibrahím Páshá. He died in the last-mentioned
year. His explanations of the _Mesnevi_, and of the _Diván of Háfiz_,
and his translations and explanations of the _Káfi_, the _Sháfi_,
and the _Gulistán_, are still extant. Abd-ur-rahím Chelebí Kanáli
Zádeh, was the younger brother of Alí Effendí. He too was a man of
parts. He died in 1000. Mulla Abdul Kerím, a native of Magnesia, was
Imám to the Sultán. He was studying in the academy of Magnesia when
Sultán Murád Khán, son of Sultán Selím Khán, went to that quarter.
The Imám of Magnesia having been removed by death at the time of the
sultán’s visit, this man was appointed to succeed him in the office of
Imám. After Murád ascended the throne of the Ottomans, he was created
military judge. His learning and virtues, as well as his condescension
to the poor and to strangers, are much celebrated. The following is
one instance of his ingenuity and freedom. The Jews, both priests
and laity, in contradistinction to all other people, would not wear
orange-coloured turbans, and therefore could not be distinguished in
the twilight of the morning and evening from others. On this account
Mulla Abdul Kerím caused them to be obliged to wear scarlet bonnets.
He was the means also of causing them to remove their dead in their
burying-ground, near the Musselman streets in Kásim Páshá, to some
other place; and, in one night, caused a mosque to be erected on the
spot.
He was in the habit of making poor wretched apes to perform astonishing
feats, alleging they were only made to be instruments of sport; and was
thus the cause of many a poor innocent creature’s death. He died in
1002.
_Reverend Doctors contemporary with Murád Khán._
Sheikh Yolluk Mohammed Chelebí was preacher in the mosque of Sultán
Mohammed, and taught theology. Sheikh Mohammed Effendí was an
illustrious preacher in St. Sophia, and, in fact, a brave fearless
man. He was the cause of serious difficulties to Sheikh Emír Effendí,
who was preacher in the Soleimáníyeh. Sheikh Khezr Effendí was the son
of a chief of a cohort of Janissaries, and a pious chaste preacher
and a good speaker. Sheikh Tátár Ibrahím Effendí was a practical man
and a historian: he explained and taught extempore in the mosque of
Sultán Mohammed. Sheikh Shabán Effendí was a painter. He perfected
himself in Emír Bokhárí’s convent, and chose the life of a Dervísh. His
imperial majesty was in the habit of paying him visits. Sheikh Kúrd
Effendí was a very able expositor. Sheikh Hasan Effendí officiated in
the mosque of Khoja Mustafa Páshá. Sheikh Mohammed Effendí, after the
death of Bábá Effendí, by the recommendation of Siná Allah, military
judge of Romeili, was appointed to the mosque of Sultán Mohammed, by
Ferhád Páshá. He captivated, by his lofty eloquence, the heart and
the affections of the great, and secured the respect of the emperor’s
tutor and his family. These things caused his patron, Siná Allah, to
regret his having recommended him. Jaghala Zádeh and other vezírs
were assiduous in attending the assemblies on Thursdays and Fridays
to hear his orations. In short, so great was his fame, that even the
emperor and the great men of the state were included in the number
of his hearers, which increased every day. The wife of Rustem Páshá
built for him a mosque and a small meeting-house, when of course
he ceased preaching any more in Sultán Mohammed’s mosque. Sheikh
Abú-vafá was employed by the Khalifs in many cities for the purpose
of extending religion. He was in great favour with the late lamented
emperor Murád-khán when he was in Magnesia. In consequence of his great
fame he was called from that city, after Murád’s inauguration, to
Constantinople, put in possession of a splendid mansion, and allowed a
suitable salary. He was generally known by the appellation _Pádisháh
Sheikhí_ (the emperor’s spiritual guide). He had a great deal in his
power, being keeper, as it were, of the emperor’s conscience; and it
was, therefore, an easy thing to secure offices of trust and importance
for those who found access to him. In a certain sense he was a sort of
asylum to the members of the diván. Doubtless those who had posts, and
who were deprived of them, found it their interest to wait upon his
eminence, and show him the respect due to him. He died in 998.
_Facts relative to the new Emperor Sultán Mohammed Khán III._
On the third day after Sultán Mohammed Khán succeeded to the throne
of his ancestors, _i.e._ on the third day after his return to
Constantinople and after his father’s interment, the whole of the
nobles and dignitaries of state laid aside their mourning, waited on
his majesty to congratulate him on his elevation, and to receive tokens
of his favour, which were liberally distributed on this occasion. To
the Janissary body alone six hundred and sixty thousand pieces of
gold were given. The Bostánjí Báshí, Ferhád Aghá, who brought the
intelligence to Magnesia, where the young prince then was, of the
late emperor’s demise, received in money and presents to the amount
of twenty thousand ducats, and was, agreeably to his own request,
confirmed in his office. Lála Mohammed Páshá, who accompanied Mohammed
Khán from Magnesia, and who was the husband of the new monarch’s nurse,
was rewarded with a vezírship. The soldiers who came along with him
were registered, and a suitable provision made for them. Some of their
ághás were made masters of the royal stables: others of them were made
Kapújí Báshís; and others again were made colonels of regiments. As the
office of chief judge happened to be vacant at the time we are speaking
of, by reason of death, the emperor’s tutor, Sa’d ud-dín Effendí, was
appointed to fill it.
On the 27th of the month (Jemadi I.) an official was sent by night to
the Seven Towers, who dispatched Ibrahím Páshá, who had been degraded
and sent thither from Diárbeker, in the former reign, for having been
guilty of tyranny and oppression. The ághás, khojas, and others who had
rashly meddled with the affairs of government, were also brought forth.
Most of them were sent to Egypt, and a certain allowance was given to
each of them by way of salary: the rest were set at liberty.
In Jemadi II. a royal order was issued permitting the pages to leave
the royal harem (probably those pages who belonged to the late
emperor), and to return to their own friends.
_The Premiership conferred on Ferhád Páshá._
The grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, having become obnoxious to the emperor,
in consequence of his hostility to Ferhád Páshá, who was, at that
very time, governor of Constantinople, and who had free access to the
royal ear, was deposed. On the 6th of Jemadi II. the premiership was
graciously conferred on Ferhád, and an officer was dispatched to Sinán
Páshá to take back the seals of office from him. This officer met Sinán
Páshá returning from Belgrade, and received from him the object of his
mission; whilst Sinán Páshá was ordered to retire to Mulghera. His
deputy at Belgrade, vezír Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, and the treasurer,
Hájí Ibrahím Páshá, sealed the whole of their papers and deposited them
in the fortress of Belgrade.
_Insurrection of the Valachians and Moldavians._
The Waiwoda of Moldavia having marched against Bender, attacked the
emír of that place, and afterwards laid siege to Ak-kirman. But
before the Waiwoda had succeeded in reducing it, he was repulsed by
Adel Gheráí, sent thither with a body of Tátárs by Ghází Khán. The
firmness of the besiegers, on the approach of this horde, was turned
into feebleness. Some of them were killed, some fled, some were made
prisoners, and the whole body was dispersed.
The accursed Waiwoda of Valachia, Michael, formerly mentioned, sent
a body of troops to Ibrail, to distress and reduce that place. The
inhabitants in the villages and suburbs, on the approach of these
barbarians, fled into the fortress, leaving their dwellings to the
rapacity of their invaders, who first subjected them to spoliation, and
afterwards set fire to them. Having accomplished this, they erected
fortifications against the fortress; but a body of about four thousand
Tátárs crossed over the Danube on the ice, destroyed wholly these
fortifications, and slew about one thousand of the Valachian army,
or rather insurgents. These wandering insurgents, amounting to about
twenty thousand naked wretches, collected chiefly out of Hungary,
Transylvania, and Valachia, returned again to lay siege to Ibrail, and
were accompanied by a number of field-pieces. The inhabitants, anxious
to oppose them, went forth to give them battle, but being overpowered
by numbers they returned to the fortress and annoyed them from thence.
In consequence of the ice on the Danube having all melted before this
second visit to Ibrail, and it being impossible to obtain aid from the
Tátárs in sufficient time to stop the progress of these infidels, they
commenced, without further resistance, to batter the fortress and to
explode mines, which so alarmed the besieged, seeing their condition
was desperate, as to lead them to propose a capitulation. Accordingly,
Karah Shawesh Mohammed Beg and Mustafa Shawesh stepped out and met the
Hungarian chiefs, who, according to their religion, swore solemnly that
they should all be allowed to evacuate Ibrail, and retire across the
Danube without molestation or sustaining any injury.
When these followers of Mohammed were on the eve of crossing the
Danube, according to the terms of capitulation, they found themselves
necessitated to leave behind them the greater part of their
property—about one thousand loads, which caused a great out-cry. They
determined, therefore, to take all, and made an effort to remove what
was left; but the perfidious enemy opposed them. They surrounded the
complainants, seized some of the most distinguished Moslems amongst
them, and made them prisoners: others of them they entirely robbed, and
others they murdered on the spot.
When this violence and perfidy was remonstrated against by Karah
Shawesh Beg, the Hungarian chiefs answered by displaying their naked
swords, murdering a number more in cold blood, and driving the
remainder across the Danube.
The accursed Michael, already too often mentioned, having killed
Mustafa Páshá, the Beglerbeg of Merœsh, went every where exciting
insubordination and insurrection, and plundering and murdering where he
could. With four thousand of his raggamuffin army he penetrated into
Silistria, but was so firmly and effectually opposed by Mustafa Beg,
the governor, that only about one hundred of the four thousand vagrants
escaped the edge of the sword. Thus ample vengeance was taken on them.
_Ferhád Páshá makes preparations for war._
After the above-mentioned Yerkok was destroyed, letters reached the
Sublime Porte which imported that Michael was marching at the head of
one hundred thousand men, collected from the neighbouring princes, and
committing devastation and plunder in the villages on the banks of the
Danube and on the shores of the Black Sea; thus exercising violence
and cruelty on the servants of God. When this disastrous account
reached the royal ear, the grand vezír, Ferhád Páshá, who was also
commander-in-chief, was ordered to make preparations for war against
the insurgents by the time the spring season arrived. Letters were
sent to those chiefs on the borders who had maintained their integrity
to join the troops of war at a certain place; orders were issued to
prepare bridges and other apparatus necessary for crossing the Danube
at Rusjuk, opposite Yerkok; and an earnest request was sent to the
chiefs of Silistria, Nicopolis, and Widin, to furnish a sufficient
number of artificers for accomplishing this design. Until the arrival
of the grand vezír the office of commander-in-chief was conferred
on Lála Mohammed Páshá, Beglerbeg of Anatolia, who went to Widin.
Mohammed Páshá, Beglerbeg of Romeili, son of Sinán Páshá, lately in the
premiership, gave up his office of commandant in Buda to vezír Hasan
Páshá, who had been at Widin and returned to Belgrade.
_The Spáhís raise a tumult._
On the 12th of Shabán, as Ferhád was leaving the diván, and intending
to return to his own palace, he was met by ten thousand of the troops,
who were waiting for him at the gate of the diván. These complained
of not having been duly paid for three years’ services performed in
garrisoning the fortress of Ganjé, and demanded payment. The grand
vezír told them in return that their wages would be paid them from
the treasury of Tabríz and Ganjé. “Why,” said he, “do you break the
law by raising a tumult? Do you not know that disobedience to the
supreme authority involves in it the guilt of infidelity?” Thus saying,
he dismissed them. They, however, began to speak publicly of their
grievances, and sounded abroad that they were oppressed, and in fact
effected a tumult in the city. Next day Ferhád’s embarrassments were
increased, for the whole of the Spáhís, and some of the Salihdárs,
sycophants of Sinán Páshá, who united with them, came in a tumultuous
manner to the door of the diván, declared that until Ferhád Páshá’s
head was cut off they would accept no wages, and stoned such of their
companions as ventured to ask them. The ághás endeavoured by kind
advice to soothe them, but without any beneficial effect. The chávush
báshí and the deputy of the household troops tried what they could
do in appeasing them, but were rewarded with a shower of stones, and
of course were obliged to seek shelter. The tumult increased in noise
and numbers. The insurgents were then told that the pay of the men of
Ganjé would be forthwith advanced, and that all their wishes, whatever
they might be, would be complied with. These promises also made no
impression. The insurgents continued obstinate and determined, and
threatened they would permit no member of the diván to stir out of the
council alive before the head of Ferhád was given to them, and became
more and more turbulent and vociferous.
When the emperor was made aware of these scenes of insubordination
and turbulence, he sent two military judges to exhort them to return
to their duty. These two prelates were the poet Bákí Effendí and
Abúlsa’úd, a principal effendí; but their exhortation to the mutineers
had no better result than the former. The mutineers stamped with their
feet on the ground, and again vociferated “The head of Ferhád!” Ferhád
was now induced to wait on his majesty and tell him how he had acted,
and how he had spoken to the instigators of the riots about their want
of subordination, which conduct manifested, he observed, their utter
want of religion. “Lála Mohammed Páshá and other vezírs were present
when I spoke to them,” said the grand vezír, “and I am sure nothing
of all that I said ought to have offended them. I am only one of your
slaves, and though I should be removed out of the world, that will
not reduce the number of your majesty’s councillors. To comply with
their demands will only have the effect of increasing their rebellious
spirit and open a door for making similar demands in future, which will
not be so easily resisted if their present one be complied with. At
the present moment, when neither exhortation nor threatening can make
any impression on them, it will be most advisable that your majesty
authorise the ághá of the Janissaries to bring out a considerable
number of his troops and station them below the arsenal, and order the
most powerful of the Bostánjís to be in a state of readiness at the
Tímúr gate. If, therefore, the vezírs be molested when they retire from
the diván, these troops will immediately, on the first signal, advance
and chastise the insurgents for their temerity.” The emperor approved
of this advice, and promised to act accordingly. He desired Ferhád
to remain with him, and that he would again send his vezírs to try to
pacify them. “If they succeed, well; if not, then your method will be
adverted to,” said he to his grand vezír, and ordered them to make the
endeavour. The vezírs, however, no sooner showed themselves, than the
audacious multitude commenced pelting them with stones as formerly.
At this moment the Janissaries and Bostánjís were let loose upon the
mutinous Spáhís, and dispersed them in all directions: not any two of
them remained together, so completely were they awed and terrified.
In this tumult the brother-in-law of Khalíl Páshá had his head hurt,
and Lála Mohammed Páshá his arms, by stones which were hurled at them.
Both of them were carried into the diván in a wounded condition by the
ághá of the Janissaries, who related to the members of the council how
matters stood, after which they all dismissed: Ferhád mounted his horse
and rode away to his own palace.
The grand vezír, reflecting on the disgrace done to him by the friends
and sycophants of his enemies, Khoja Sinán Páshá and his son Jaghala,
sought redress from the emperor. His importunity was not in vain, for
a royal decree ordered Sinán Páshá to repair to Mulghera, where he had
been before, and Jaghala Zádeh Sinán Páshá was ordered to Karahissar.
Síávush Páshá, being also involved in raising the tumult we have
described, was ordered to Iconium. Others who had taken a share in it
were similarly punished.
After peace and quietness were restored the emperor next day ordered
100,000 dollars to be distributed among the Janissary troops, and ten
of their chiefs were presented with robes of honour.
_Ferhád Páshá prepares to set out for Valachia._
All the preparations for the war having been properly attended to, and
all in a state of readiness, the grand vezír, Ferhád Páshá, on the 17th
of Shabán, marched at the head of his army from the imperial city,
and halted at Dávud Páshá. The second vezír, Ibrahím Páshá, was made
káímakám, or vice-governor of Constantinople. The chief ághá of the
Janissaries remained at home according to custom, but the commander
or ághá of the first legion of the Janissaries, with ten thousand
Janissaries, accompanied the expedition to Valachia. Ten galleys were
ordered up the Danube with cannon and other military stores as far as
Rusjuk; but Ibrahím Páshá, the káímakám, in consequence of some secret
enmity towards Ferhád, hindered as much as he could, and under various
pretences, the dispatch of these and similar other articles necessary
for the war, though he made it appear that he was every way active.
When Ferhád was on his way to the scene of action he wrote a very
earnest letter to his majesty, requesting an augmentation of troops.
“The enemy,” said he in his letter, “are at Bekrish, and we have
advanced near to Rusjuk, on our frontiers. The troops under my command
are too few, and they are also much weakened by the fatigues of the
long journey and other privations incident to long marching. The number
of the enemy is too great for us at present to take vengeance, and we
must, before venturing to attack them, be made better acquainted with
their actual force, and be put in circumstances to secure success.”
These sentiments of Ferhád were more than once expressed. Ibrahím
Páshá, on the contrary, represented to his majesty that the army under
Ferhád was on the point of deserting him; that they were unwilling to
act under him; that what at one time had appeared hopeful had vanished;
in short, that the whole of the army would rather perish by the sword
than choose to continue under his banner. The mufti, Bostán Zádeh,
joined in the fraud; and Bákí Effendí from among the military judges,
and Jeráh Mohammed Páshá, Hasan Páshá, and Jaghala Zádeh, from among
the vezírs, were carried away by this deceit and dissimulation. “It is
not,” said the deceitful káímakám, “that I wish an investigation to be
made in the case of Ferhád that I speak as I do, neither is it that I
wish to be made grand vezír; nor is it the chief command of the army I
seek. No: it is a duty I owe to religion, to the emperor, and to the
empire, that forces me to express myself.” These sentiments, apparently
good, were uttered with the view of affecting Sinán Páshá, the late
prime minister, who was so well pleased with them that he was induced
to distribute some thousands of gold among those who were present and
heard this discourse. Ibrahím’s words soon found their way to the
ear of his royal master, who was so much affected by them that he
determined on deposing Ferhád Páshá.
_Continuation of Ferhád’s affairs._
On the 21st of Shabán Ferhád Páshá marched from Dávud Páshá, and on
reaching Chorlí he raised about a thousand sharp-shooters, and gave the
command of this body to one Hasan, a Spáhí. The stages by which the
army was to march were all written down, but the troops were to halt
every day at mid-day and take rest.
About the 5th of Ramazán, the government of Moldavia was conferred on
Ja’fer Páshá, who had been, formerly, Beglerbeg of Shirván, and that
of Valachia, on Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá. The office of treasurer was
conferred on Mohammed Beg of Yení Sheher. Twelve thousand men from
these two provinces were ordered to be taken into pay.
_Ferhád arrives on the Banks of the Danube._
The grand vezír, Ferhád Páshá, reached Rusjuk towards the end of
Shevál, and immediately commenced preparations for erecting a
bridge across the Danube. Artificers, brought from Nicopolis, were
set to the work. From some prisoners who had been brought to the
commander-in-chief he learned that the wicked and mischievous Michael
had received a reinforcement, from Transylvania and Hungary, of
about 70,000 troops, and that he was posted at Bekrish. About the
commencement of Dhu’l Kadah, the Beglerbeg of Romeili, Hasan Páshá,
joined the royal camp with four thousand troops, and brought along with
him five hundred Valachian and Hungarian prisoners. The grand vezír
and commander-in-chief, Ferhád Páshá, sat under a canopy supported by
eight pillars, and superintended the erections which were carried on.
The whole might have been completed in five or six days had it not
been found necessary to extend the bridge to an island in the river,
opposite Yerkok. To accomplish this object, the Sanjak chiefs were
ordered to cut down trees suitable for the purpose, and to transport
them to the spot where they were needed. Whilst these erections were
going forward, arrangements were also made to pay four divisions of
troops which remained in the garrison of Belgrade; the Serdár himself
intending, after he had chastised the rebel Michael, to remove to that
city.
_Ferhád is deposed.—Sinán Páshá raised to the Premiership._
It has already been observed how Ibrahím Páshá, the son-in-law of Sinán
Páshá, and other sycophants of the latter, had effected a change in the
emperor’s mind towards Ferhád. They at last succeeded in moving him to
remove him from office altogether. Accordingly the seals of office,
at the close of the month Shevál, were sent to Sinán Páshá, who, on
being raised to the premiership, set immediately to work in seeking the
destruction of his predecessor. He insinuated that Ferhád maintained
a secret correspondence with the apostate Michael: that he meditated
the utter ruin and destruction of the Moslem army: he accused him of
negligence, infidelity, and treachery, and importuned his warrant: and,
in order to encompass his death, he took the royal seal and signed
a commission, which he sent to the deputy of the Janissaries, Ahmed
Aghá, desiring him to execute this diabolical but earnestly desired
object. He issued another order for taking possession of the arsenal
and other stores which Ferhád had provided for the war. Before either
of these firmáns reached the place of their destination, however, a
friend of Ferhád had hastened, with all manner of speed, to inform him
what was going on against him. The information had such an effect on
the unfortunate Páshá, that his life, for a while, was despaired of.
He was, however, able to make arrangements for his return. He informed
a diván, called for the purpose, that he found it necessary to return
to Constantinople, and therefore required some men to accompany him.
He, accordingly, selected about three thousand veterans from the
most valiant of the troops, and delivered over, secretly however, to
Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, his own seal, and all the stores to Mohammed
Páshá. Having settled every thing relative to the troops that were to
accompany him, he mounted his horse and set out for Constantinople. To
avoid meeting the officer who had in charge the grand vezír’s firmán,
he travelled by a different route, night and day, with the greatest
speed.
When the officer reached Rusjuk, he learned, to his surprise, that
Ferhád had set out two days before; but with the assistance of
Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, he immediately transmitted an account of this
circumstance to Constantinople.
Sinán Páshá was still in the metropolis. The Syrian troops, destined
for the war, had arrived. Sinán informed them that a sentence of death
had been issued against Ferhád. “His head is mine, his property yours,”
said he, and sent off these fearless troops to intercept him.
In the mean time Sinán Páshá busied himself in making arrangements for
carrying on the war in Hungary. The Syrian troops, just now mentioned,
fell in with Ferhád’s treasures, which were carried on camels. These
they seized, whilst Ferhád himself stood on a rising ground at a
distance, and saw what was going on. There is another version of this
story. It says, that when these Syrians met Ferhád, he had the presence
of mind to scatter some purses of silver and gold amongst the rapacious
fellows, and made off with himself whilst they were scrambling for
the booty thus thrown amongst them. The story goes on to say that the
Syrians began to quarrel about the division of the spoil they had so
very easily acquired, and that instead of fairly dividing it, each man
set off with what fell into his own hands.
Ferhád, in the meantime, succeeded in descending the mountains of
Istrenj, and arrived at his own villa near Constantinople in the middle
of Dhu’l hijja. Here he concealed himself, but sent all his treasures
and jewels as a present to the emperor’s mother. This mode of applying
his money had a wonderful effect, for the joyful news of his being
about to be pardoned soon became public.
The grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, reached Rusjuk, on the borders of the
empire, before these things had transpired, and had other objects
to occupy his attention, independent of Ferhád. But his son-in-law,
Ibrahím Páshá, was still governor of Constantinople, and when he heard
the report that Ferhád was to be pardoned, formed another plot for
effecting his destruction, which succeeded, as the sequel will show. He
employed one Soleimán, a German Jew, a well-known fellow, who succeeded
in finding out where Ferhád had secreted himself, and afterwards sent
him (probably by the same infamous Jew) a letter, as from the emperor,
which conveyed to him a free pardon. This, the poor man had no
doubt, was an act of mercy from his sovereign, and therefore ventured
out of his hiding-place and commenced paying visits to his friends.
One morning, however, by break of day, his villa was surrounded,
and himself made prisoner by the Bostánjí báshí, who conducted him
forthwith to the Seven Towers. This took place on the 5th of Sefer,
1004. Ibrahím Páshá wrote out his indictment and laid it before the
throne, and soon afterwards succeeded in obtaining the emperor’s
warrant for taking away his life. Accordingly, Chobán Soleimán Aghá,
a chávush báshí, strangled him in the Seven Towers that same night,
before supper-time.
_A Reflection._
The late Ferhád Páshá was a man who had rendered many important
services to his country whilst employed in the Persian war, and was
one of those who had forwarded the elevation of the then reigning
monarch; but he was rewarded, as we have seen, with disgrace heaped
upon him, and, at last, with an ignominious death. The late emperor
knew his value, and always showed him peculiar honour and respect.
Sultán Mohammed Khán was a man who was free from guile and duplicity,
and unacquainted with cunning and deceit; but he had not reached that
degree of penetration which so much distinguished his father, and
which would have secured him from putting too much confidence in his
advisers, and have kept him from committing himself before he had made
proper and strict inquiry. The result of the want of these qualities we
have seen.
_Sinán Páshá’s Operations in Valachia._
The new grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, left the plains of Dávud Páshá on
the 11th Dhu’l Kadah, passed through Adrianople, the pass of Chaluk
Kovak, and, after encountering a thousand difficulties, reached the
camp towards the end of the month. The above-mentioned bridge was in a
state of completion, and about the middle of the month Dhu’l hijja, the
grand vezír crossed over with his whole army. The troops of Romeili,
with their Válí at their head, formed the advance guard: Satúrjí
Mohammed Páshá, at the head of the Syrian troops, formed the right
wing: the chiefs of Thessalonica and Nicopolis were appointed to watch
the bridge: the ten galleys which had been ordered to convey military
stores had reached Rusjuk, and on the 17th the army removed from
Yerkok, and halted near a wood about four leagues distant from a narrow
pass which led to Bekrish. A party was led forward to reconnoitre this
pass, but they had scarcely approached it when they observed a cloud of
dust, and soon afterwards saw the enemy’s troops advancing. The party
retreated to the camp: the grand vezír girded on his sword, ordered
planks to be placed over a marsh which lay in front, by which he made
the Janissaries pass, and stationed them in a part of the wood. On the
top of an eminence he placed ten pieces of ordnance, which did great
execution, and with the middle division of his army he succeeded in
driving back those of the enemy which were advancing upon him, and
spiked their cannon which they had been obliged to leave behind them.
A few only of the enemy were killed, but every thing was in favour of
the Moslems, who now advanced upon them, and took their position near
Kalúgirvan. The whole of the enemy were concentrated in the pass or
valley of Bekrish, where they during the night lighted fires, made a
tremendous noise and stir, and, at the same time, brought forward a
great number of buffaloes.
In the history called _Bahjet_, the account is thus related:—The
Moslem army having halted in a marshy and woody spot near the bridge
of Kalúgirvan, were soon attacked by a body of the enemy, whose cannon
and small arms were most galling to them. In these circumstances,
Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, Haider Páshá, Hasan Páshá, and Mustafa Páshá,
the son of Ayás Páshá, crossed the bridge with a considerable number of
troops, and attacked them in return, and after a most dreadful conflict
succeeded in securing ten of the enemy’s cannon, but were afterwards
obliged to retreat, leaving their acquisition behind them. Mohammed
Páshá, in the act of retreating, was wounded in the above-mentioned
marsh. Hasan Haider and Mustafa sunk into the mud and perished. The
grand vezír himself was also very unfortunate, for in this moment of
confusion and retreat, he too was obliged to fly; and in doing so, fell
into a morass. His body guards sought their own safety, and left him
to shift for himself the best way he could. He got out, but soon fell
into another; and in this predicament he continued till he was observed
by a veteran Romeilian called Hasan, who advanced towards him, took
him on his back, and thus carried him out of the marsh. This hero, the
deliverer of the grand vezír, acquired public fame for his heroism,
and had the word “marsh” affixed to his name ever afterwards. He was,
therefore, called Hasan Bátákjí, and became afterwards the commander of
a body of heroes under Khoja Murád Páshá, honourably mentioned in the
sequel of this history.
On the night of the above-mentioned disastrous event, one of the
Janissaries happened to lay down an unextinguished match upon some
gunpowder, which, when it ignited, communicated itself to a great
quantity of the same material which lay in its neighbourhood, and
which produced so tremendous an explosion as to cause an universal
cry of “Yá allah,” among the troops. The effect of this explosion on
the infidel army was astonishing—for they supposed they were attacked
by the Moslems, and to escape them they immediately retired. Michael
hastened to Bekrish with the greater part of his army, whilst a smaller
body made its way into Moldavia, but afterwards returned to join their
infamous leader at Bekrish.
The Moslems unable, in consequence of the fatigues they had endured
the preceding day, to take advantage of the flight of the enemy, and
thus gain the open field, retreated a little. Here they remained two
days, during which time some prisoners were brought in, who informed
them that the enemy had concentrated at Bekrish. Encouraged by this
information, Hasan Páshá, on the 18th of the month, crossed over with
his division, gained the plain beyond the valley or pass, and sent out
a foraging party through the country, who returned with provisions,
prisoners, and cattle.
Michael, not thinking himself secure at Bekrish, retired to Terghúshta,
and afterwards, from the same dread, penetrated the almost inaccessible
mountains which form the boundaries of Transylvania. The grand vezír,
now that the enemy had entirely disappeared, passed through the valley
on the 20th and appeared before Bekrish, in the plains of which he
pitched his tent. The churches of Bekrish were converted into mosques;
and worship, according to Mohammedan usage, was performed in them. The
ornaments and crosses which adorned the roofs of the churches, as well
as the whole of the images and pictures which were placed in them, were
totally demolished. Not a vestige of them was allowed to remain.
_A Council held.—A Fortress built._
The nobles and princes having assembled in the grand vezír’s pavilion,
they consulted as to the most effectual method they should adopt to
prevent Valachia and Moldavia from falling into the hands of the
infidels; and also as to the difficulty there existed in keeping the
inhabitants of these provinces under subjection. After these matters
were fully discussed, it was resolved and agreed to: 1st, That an
impregnable fortress should be built at Bekrish; and 2ndly, That a
similar one should be erected at the pass of Terghúshta. After the
passing of these resolutions, it was thought proper to transmit a
report of affairs to the court of Constantinople for its approbation;
and at the same time, the government of the country was conferred on
Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá. When once these things were thus settled,
the grand vezír and his nobles proceeded to the suburbs of Bekrish
and measured off double the space of ground on which Alexandra, the
Waiwoda’s Monastery stood, and which was formerly a fortress, and
made preparations for commencing the first fortress mentioned in the
resolutions adverted to above. The whole was completed in the space
of twelve days after it was fairly commenced. But what more relates
to this fortress we must reserve till we relate the events of the
following year.
_Concerning the Enemy’s Operations on the Frontiers._
Mohammed Páshá, son of Sinán Páshá, having been appointed
commander-in-chief on the frontiers, went, at the commencement of
the month Shevál, to Buda, where he properly housed a quantity
of provisions which had been sent from Belgrade; and afterwards
distributed troops among the military stations along the frontiers in
that quarter. He himself went to Kiris Elias, where he pitched his
camp. The beglerbeg of Anatolia, of Karamania, of Sivás, of Buda, of
Temisvar, of Haleb, and of Scutari, the deputy-ághá of the Janissaries,
the salihdárs of the Spáhís, and all the various troops regular and
irregular, assembled at Old Buda, where a distribution of provisions
and of other necessaries was made to them.
About this time Osmán Páshá, beglerbeg of Yanuk, sent information
that the Austrians were preparing to send a large army; and it so
happened that, towards the end of Dhu’l Kada, an army of 50,000
foot and 20,000 horse laid siege to Osterghún. The Moslem serdár, or
commander-in-chief, and the other beglerbegs, could muster no more than
10,000, and therefore prudently forbore attempting to offer battle to
so immense a host. They accordingly took up their position on a hill
opposite the enemy, and there meant to wait till they received more
succour.
_The Moslem Army advances to Osterghún, and are defeated._
About the commencement of the month Dhu’l hijja, the
commander-in-chief, Sinán’s son, the beglerbeg of Buda; Súfí Sinán
Páshá, the beglerbeg of Temisvar; Mikaeljelí Ahmed Páshá, the beglerbeg
of Scutari; Teríakí Hasan Páshá, the beglerbeg of Haleb; Mohammed
Páshá, and the beglerbeg of Yanuk, Osmán Páshá, advanced with the
10,000 lately mentioned to Osterghún, and took up their position
immediately opposite the enemy. This was a fool-hardy step, and one
for which they paid dearly: for that very day the battle commenced,
and was continued for several days, when it ended in the discomfiture
of the Moslem army, as might have been easily anticipated, considering
the vast majority of the enemy. The following day, when the Moslems
advanced to the conflict, they were encircled by a considerable body
of the enemy, drawn up in regular order to receive them, but whom
the Moslems, led on by Osmán Páshá, drove back, retaking at the same
time Jegirdilen, a place of some strength, and spiked the whole of
the cannon in it. Hitherto fortune seemed to declare for the orthodox
army, but on the fourth day it experienced a reverse. In approaching
Dipadilen, another place of strength, the Moslems were much annoyed by
the small arms of the enemy, which played incessantly upon them. Here
many of the brave Musselmans fell lifeless on the ground, and among
them was Osmán Páshá. Another division of the Moslem army attacked
the enemy’s trenches on the Danube, and got possession of them. Here
they either slew or drowned in the river such of the enemy as fell
into their hands: but alas! this act of heroism was dearly paid
for; for on retiring from these trenches they were met by a strong
augmentation of the enemy coming forward to the aid of those who had
been in the trenches, when a most desperate and awful conflict ensued.
The Serdár, thinking his Moslems were overpowered, turned his face
towards Buda and set off. Others, seeing this, followed his example.
Teríákí Hasan Páshá was no sooner made aware of the state of matters
than he too ordered his tents to be struck, loaded his waggons with
the heaviest of his baggage, caused oxen to be put to them and to his
field-pieces—which had been kept as memorials of Soleimán—and moved off
for Buda, whither the rest had fled.
After this signal superiority gained by the enemy they proceeded,
without any further resistance from the scattered army of the Serdár,
to effect their original purpose, the reduction of Osterghún. But we
must defer any further account of this till we relate the events of the
following year.
The Serdár Mohammed Páshá, after reaching Buda, and after his troops
had found their way to that city, was in conformity to a resolution
passed by a council of war, appointed to the government of Yanuk, and
proper persons were also dismissed in order to assemble forces at
Belgrade.
When the enemy, stationed about Novograde, heard of the defeat
sustained by the Moslems they were emboldened to lay siege to Wáj, but
were repulsed with great loss. Finding they were unable for the task
they had undertaken, they contented themselves with carrying off what
cattle they could seize or drive off. But this also belongs to the
affairs of the following year.
_The Apostate Michael gains a victory._
The grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, after having seen the fortress
completed, which he had ordered to be erected of wood at Bekrish, as
before observed, placed a garrison of one thousand Janissaries and a
thousand other troops in it, besides cannon and other implements of
war for defence, and on the 13th of Moharrem removed to the plains
of Terghúshta. The inhabitants of this latter place having all fled
before his arrival, he commenced building in it a fortress of wood,
similar to the one erected at Bekrish, and ordered two deep ditches to
be cut round it. The whole was completed in the space of a month; and
after having placed a garrison in it, and supplied it with all kinds
of necessary stores, he commenced his countermarch on the 12th of the
month Sefer.
The grand vezír had scarcely reached the very first stage, however,
before the atrocious Michael started out of the woods and surrounded
Terghúshta with his troops. The sound of his cannon was distinctly
heard in the grand vezír’s camp. After three days of violent effort he
took the place. Alí Páshá, Khoja Beg, and other persons of distinction,
he caused to be fixed on spits and roasted before a fire: the rest of
the garrison he made prisoners, set fire to the place, and withdrew.
Information of this disaster reached the grand vezír the day it took
place, and awakened the grief and sympathy of the whole army. Whilst
they stood deploring the fate of the garrison, and of their brethren
who had fallen into the hands of their merciless enemies, three
hundred of these infidels issued out of the wood, not very distant
from the Moslem camp, but they were all dispersed by a party of the
Romeilian troops. The army now began to retrace their steps. After
consulting as to the propriety of returning to Terghúshta, about which
there existed a variety of opinion, they at last resolved on going to
Bekrish, which they accordingly did. During fifteen days which the
army was ordered to remain there, all the traders, whether belonging
to the army or otherwise, were requested to remove in that space of
time with their effects out of Bekrish, and retire to some other place
of greater security. After this and other matters of importance were
fully attended to, the guns and other stores belonging to this garrison
were put on waggons and removed, and itself, so lately built, set fire
to about midnight, when the troops left it to perish. After hastily
passing through the pass of Bekrish they arrived at Yerkok, where they
halted three days.
On reaching this place, the grand vezír was confounded when he
perceived that the bridge, which had been confided to a sufficient
guard, across which ten thousand waggons and captives had passed, was
now watched only by five. Formerly, the Moslem troops were in the habit
of making excursions by this bridge into the country of Transylvania,
and returning by the same with waggons loaded with spoil, thousands of
captives, and with droves of cattle, sheep, and young horses, and which
used to be sold in the Moslem camp. Here also a faithful custom-house
officer used to sit and collect an impost which was levied on all such
imports.
The grand vezír was but a very few days at the above place when he
learned that the apostate Michael was at his heels. Without waiting
the arrival of this rebel he crossed over by night, and permitted
his troops to do as they might be able. Before morning they succeeded
in getting over part of their ordnance, whilst they were obliged to
leave the remainder behind them. Whilst all were in confusion, and
petrified with terror at the recent information, each one, concerned
about himself, sought to save himself the best way he could. In these
circumstances of confusion and terror the enemy appeared in the
vicinity of Yerkok, and arrived in sufficient time to seize on all
which yet remained to be passed over to the Moslem side. A party of
the enemy, more like enraged swine, hastened forward to the edge of
the river, and from an eminence sufficiently near, played with their
cannon against the bridge, which soon gave way in the middle. Such of
the retreating Moslems and baggage as were crossing at the time, fell
into the river along with it, and were lost. Some of the unfortunate
wretches who got hold of pieces of the bridge were carried down the
stream, and their shrieks pierced the skies. All who had not been
able to make their escape from Yerkok were butchered without mercy,
and their blood made to flow in rivulets. In short, the slaughter
was terrible. The cannon which fell into the hands of the enemy were
directed, after they had burned the city, against the fortress. So very
disastrous a retreat, as well as defeat, has never been recorded in any
history.
_The fortress of Yerkok taken._
The troops who were stationed in this garrison at this time shut
themselves up in it, but the rabble-army, after three days’
bombardment, took it by storm on the 10th of the month Sefer, put
every Mussulman within it to death, and afterwards directed its cannon
against the grand vezír’s camp on the opposite side of the river. About
this time information was received from Ghází Gheráí Khán, khán of the
Tátárs, which apprised them that he had entered Moldavia with his Tátár
army, and had brought the inhabitants of that province under subjection
and promise of obedience; and further, that they had promised to
deliver up the apostate Michael, the sole author of all the evils and
mischief which had taken place. In the letter which they addressed to
the khán, they requested that one of his emírs might be appointed
governor over them; but their chiefs not liking this arrangement, the
thing was delayed.
_Osterghún delivered up to the enemy._
In the month of Dhu’l hijja of last year the enemy, as we have seen,
laid siege to the fortress of Osterghún, and after having defeated
the army sent from Buda to oppose them, they redoubled their efforts
against the above place, which at last the Moslems were necessitated
to give up. This took place on the 1st, or about the beginning of the
month Sefer. About forty or fifty Mussulmans, who were allowed to leave
Osterghún, went by water to Buda.
_Vishégrade is taken by the enemy._
After the reduction of Osterghún the enemy surrounded the fortress of
Vishégrade, a place of considerable strength, not far from the above,
and which, through the treachery of one Osmán, who had been degraded
from the rank of an ághá of the Janissaries, was delivered over to the
enemy; but the inhabitants and the garrison were allowed to retire
to Buda. The above-mentioned apostate Osmán, in order to ingratiate
himself with the King of Hungary, went and pointed out the vaults in
which the Moslems had preserved their gunpowder, and which till then
had not been discovered. The enemy carried the whole away in boats.
_The Grand Vezír deposed.—Lála Mohammed Páshá made Grand Vezír._
When accounts of the ill fate of the expedition conducted by the grand
vezír into Valachia, of the pusillanimity of his son, who permitted
Osterghún to fall into the enemy’s hands; and who was the first who
fled from the field of battle, and shut himself up within the fortress
of Buda, were received at Constantinople, the whole of the Moslem
population and the grandees of the state were roused to madness and
indignation; and when the emperor was formally informed of these
disgraceful circumstances, he immediately ordered the grand vezír,
Sinán Páshá, to be deposed and to go to Mulghura. On the 16th of Rabia
II. the seals were transferred to Lála Mohammed Páshá, but who, on
account of his bad state of health, was never able, with the exception
of the day he had the honour of kissing the emperor’s hand, to attend
to his duties in the diván. He died shortly after his elevation to the
premiership.
_Sinán Páshá is made Grand Vezír a fifth Time._
The káímakám of Constantinople, Ibrahím Páshá, of whom frequent though
not honourable mention has been made, expected that on the death of
Lála Mohammed Páshá, as well as on some former occasions, when a prime
minister was degraded, that the emperor would confer the seals upon
him. He was mistaken, and of course disappointed. The fact was, that
the emperor had discovered before then that he was the principal cause
of Ferhád Páshá’s murder, and was seized with a kind of horror and
remorse, and therefore dismissed him from office and from his presence.
The friends of Sinán, lately deposed and banished, were not idle. They
threw a cloak over his faults, and represented his virtues and high
qualifications for government in such a light as to induce his majesty
to recall him from his exile, and to reinstate him (a fifth time) in
his former office. He took his place in the diván about the end of
Rabia II.
A circumstance took place about this time which is worthy of being
recorded. A great dispute having taken place between Ibrahím Páshá and
his father-in-law, Sinán Páshá, the former accused the latter, in the
presence of the diván, of maladministration, and charged him with being
the cause of all the insurrections which had happened, by his having
given places of trust and responsibility to men who were unfit to hold
these offices. On another occasion Ibrahím spoke in the same strain in
presence of the emperor, which so enraged Sinán that he said: “I am
represented to your majesty as a person every way unfit to hold office,
and though it be Ibrahím who has thought fit to do so, I challenge him
to go down to the court, and there let us try the edge and strength of
our daggers.” Thus saying, he seized him by his robes and thrust him
out of the presence of the emperor. These were times in which rebellion
and disorder, hatred and envy, reigned without; rudeness and asperity
within; and had the effect of marring the tranquillity of all ranks
and conditions.
_Sinán Páshá’s counsel to the Emperor._
One day when the grand vezír was sitting with his imperial majesty he
offered him the following counsel. “Sire,” said he, “it is inconsistent
with sound policy to have a commander-in-chief in hostile countries,
and it is incompatible for two to hold that office. In having a
commander-in-chief, or a person of this description, it falls either
to the grand vezír, or some other one of the vezírs, to hold it. If
the grand vezír exercise this function, then the káímakám, in order
to get himself into the vezírship, will throw all the hindrances he
possibly can in his way, and no good will be effected. On the other
hand, if it be a vezír who shall exercise that high office, then the
grand vezír, for fear his services should, perchance, recommend him to
hold the premiership, will, from mere envy, seek to hide what glory
he may acquire in the service of his country. For how many years have
ambition and envy of this kind been the cause of the ruin of our
armies, and the wasting of our treasures, without producing the least
benefit to the state, but, on the contrary, misfortune and disgrace!
Do you, therefore, Sire, imitate the example set before you by Sultán
Suleimán, and declare that you will, in person, take the chief command
of the army in the present war with the infidels on the north of our
frontiers. Do this, that, after you have gained victories, and restored
the fading glory of the Ottomans, you may then have it in your power to
make peace on honourable terms. The presence of the royal warrior in
the midst of his camp will inspire the enemies of our religion and of
our country with dread, and paralyze their efforts against us.” Khoja
Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí, being of one mind with the grand vezír, confirmed
his sentiments by an appeal to the practice of former emperors, who all
commanded in person, and who, by their valour and heroism, extended
the dominions of the Ottomans. The result was, that the grand sultán
determined on joining his army, and on conducting it to battle in
person.
Accordingly, every preparation for furthering the views of the royal
warrior was promptly attended to. Khoja Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí was
appointed to accompany the royal suite; and on the 1st of Rajab,
150,000 ducats were delivered out of the royal treasury to Kara
Mohammed Páshá, who was commissioned to proceed to Belgrade and make
the necessary purchases of provisions for the army. Artificers were
also sent out to mend the roads and bridges every where. Orders were
issued to have all kinds of vessels, and all sorts of apparatus in
a state of readiness on the Danube. The whole of the royal tents,
&c. were confided to the emperor’s chancellor, Hamza Páshá. To the
chief master of the horse, Tarnákjí Hasan Aghá, in conjunction with
a chávush, called Konáí Zádeh Mohammed, was committed the charge of
collecting in Caramania and thereabouts the necessary number of beasts
of burden for the war. In short, the preparations were decisive and
complete.
_Sinán Páshá’s death.—Ibrahím Páshá is made Grand Vezír._
Whilst the grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, was actively employed in carrying
on the preparations alluded to in the preceeding section, death put
an end to his blemished life. He did not survive the murder of Ferhád
Páshá a full year. His death took place on the 5th of Shabán. Ahmed
Aghá, Ketkhodá of the household troops, was deputed to carry the seals
to Ibrahím Páshá, who happened, at the time they were sent to him, to
be praying in St. Sophia. The learned and exalted men, Sa’d-ud-dín
Effendí and others, besides vezírs, who were present in the temple when
the seals were put into his hand, congratulated him on his elevation.
After having finished their religious duties they accompanied the
remains of the deceased grand vezír, and buried him in his own tomb,
when the newly created one, Ibrahím Páshá, returned to his own palace.
_Strife and contention between Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí and the Muftí._
On the third day after Ibrahím’s exaltation to the premiership, the
reverend Effendí, Sa’d-ud-dín, went to pay him a visit, and to do him
the honours due to his high office. Whilst the reverend father was
sitting and holding friendly conversation with the grand vezír, letters
were brought to his excellency, one of which was from Hasan Páshá,
son of Mohammed Páshá. This letter informed him of the submission of
the haughty Michael and of the Boyárs of Valachia. As the exalted
vezír was in the act of beginning to read these communications, the
Muftí arrived to congratulate the new minister, and formed one of the
company. These two magazines of learning and science sat, the one on
the right and the other on the left hand of the grand vezír, resembling
two lofty but firmly based mountains. These two august personages,
being noble, were permitted, of course, to sit and speak in the sublime
council. The papers above alluded to were put into the hands of the
reverend Effendí, who began to read their contents in a loud voice, and
gave his opinion freely on the points submitted to their consideration
and judgment. But the Muftí, from motives dictated by envy, opposed and
contradicted his reverend brother without ceremony. To his grave, wise,
and straight-forward advice he would give no place. This circumstance,
unfortunately, was the cause of producing a most serious altercation
between the two reverend prelates, which put a complete stop, for the
time being, to all further reading and cool deliberation. “Why,” said
the reverend Effendí, “if the Boyárs of Valachia, and Michael, have
petitioned for pardon, let no discouraging answer be returned to them.
Let them only be required to deliver up Michael’s son, as hostage,
in proof of the sincerity of their repentance. It is in this way, I
propose, their letters ought to be answered.” The superior priest, or
Muftí, under the influence of envy, opposed this judgment, and in his
turn maintained, that no offers whatever ought to be accepted at the
hands of the apostate Michael. The storm increased: mutual accusations
ensued. To such a length, indeed, did these reverend fathers carry
their animosity and personal reproach, that they completely exhausted
the patience of the other emírs present. At length the Muftí rose up
from his seat, turned himself to the grand vezír, and thus addressed
him: “If it please your excellency, we have come hither for the purpose
of congratulating you on your recent exaltation; not for contention
and strife: may the most high Allah, therefore, bless you in your high
office.” Thus saying, he returned to his own house. The other prelate
was very much offended at the Muftí for his outrageous conduct, who,
at the very commencement of their deliberations, began to oppose his
opinion and advice, and then marched off in a pet. This, he said, was
far from being honourable. However, he had this consolation afforded
him: his advice was adopted and followed. Orders accordingly were given
to Músá Chelebí, the secretary, to prepare a suitable answer to Michael
and the other Boyárs, and Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí returned home.
_The Emperor of the Moslems prepares to set out for the scene of war._
By the time the spring arrived the preparations deemed necessary
for the war were fully attended to, and on the 15th of Ramazán the
different commanders were appointed. Immediately after the feast in the
month of Shevál the royal pavilion was erected on the plains of Dávud
Páshá. The ulemá and great men were ordered to join the royal suite,
and record the deeds of the war. On the journey, Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí
regaled the royal ear, in presence of his vezírs, by talking to him
of foreign affairs. On reaching Adrianople, the reverend prelate’s
second son, Izzet Effendí, a eunuch and cazí of Adrianople, applied to
his father to importune the emperor in his favour for the cazíship of
Constantinople. The father’s request was graciously granted. The grand
army had scarcely commenced its march towards Philippopolis, when Izzet
Effendí directed his course to the metropolis, but was disappointed.
Abdul Helím Effendí, through the intercession of the queen-mother,
was confirmed in the office of which Izzet thought himself sure, and
was obliged to retrace his steps to the place whence he came. When
his father had learned that his wishes respecting his son had been
thwarted, he approached the grand vezír, and complained against the
Káímakám Hasan Páshá, for his want of politeness, and of the disdain
and contempt which had been shown to his son. The grand vezír went
immediately and laid the affair before the royal presence, and added,
that it had been owing to the intercession of the queen-mother the
favour had not been granted: but something else he intimated ought
to be conferred on the reverend priest as an equivalent. The monarch
ordered his minister to create him a military judge, which was
accordingly done. His father soon after this fell sick of a fever, but
was fully restored to health by the time the city of Agria was taken.
On the 8th of the month Dhu’l Kadah, the emperor removed from
Adrianople, and after reaching Philippopolis, the fifth stage, the cazí
of that city, Chelebí Kází, inspector of the river Ebras, gave him a
splendid entertainment in a large pavilion erected for the occasion.
During four days which the emperor passed in this city, nothing was
seen or heard but demonstrations of joy. Chelebí Kází was confirmed in
his office for life.
When the emperor arrived at Batchina, Mohammed Páshá, son of Sinán
Páshá, came with a choice body of troops and saluted him. Two days
afterwards, Jeráh Mohammed Páshá, who was sent to Belgrade to collect
provisions, &c. for the army, came out to meet the emperor, and had the
honour of kissing his hand. Shortly afterwards the emperor entered the
city of Belgrade, where every thing had been prepared for the reception
of the royal guest.
Soon after his majesty entered Belgrade, his royal pavilion was erected
on a small eminence opposite to the city, and demonstrations of joy
were every where manifested by the roar of cannon and the firing of
musketry. Provisions also were distributed among the troops, and a
considerable quantity of the same article was sent in boats up the
Danube to the fortresses on the frontiers. It is to be observed,
however, that the emperor, who was exceedingly displeased with Mohammed
Páshá, the son of Sinán Páshá, for having allowed the city of Osterghún
to fall into the hands of the enemy, and for neglecting to watch the
frontiers with greater vigilance than he had done, put him in prison,
and confiscated the whole of his property. One Kishedhán Alí Chávush,
a man lame in both his feet, and who had been appointed by the late
grand vezír to be resident custom-house officer at Belgrade, was
discovered to have been guilty of some crime or other, and therefore
ordered to be executed before one of the gates of the city; but his
majesty was satisfied with having him thrust into prison. Both these
prisoners, however, were afterwards set at liberty, and Mohammed
Páshá was reinstated in his vezírship. In consequence of the whole of
his property having been confiscated, he was not in circumstances to
enable him to accompany the army, and therefore remained at Belgrade.
The munificence of his late fellow-prisoner, however, made up this
deficiency to him, and he immediately set out and followed the royal
camp.
_A Council held._
His majesty, the asylum of the world, removed from Belgrade, crossed
the Save, and on arriving in the neighbourhood of Islancúmin, called
a general council of all his princes, great lords, and high vezírs.
In this council it was discussed whether it would be more advisable
to commence their operations by first laying siege to Komran, or
to proceed directly to Agria. To Jaghala Zádeh the first of these
two proposals seemed the most proper; but the other vezírs opposed
this. They said that Komran was a place of no note, and of no great
importance: neither would the reduction of it reflect any great credit
to their royal leader, nor very much intimidate the enemy. Agria, they
maintained, and justly too, was a place of great importance, it being
one of the largest and most populous cities of the Germans, the chief
or principal one within the limits of Hungary; famed also for the mines
which abound in its neighbourhood, and which are held in much esteem
by the infidels. The reduction of this city and fortress, continued
the speakers, will extend the glory and promote the honour of the
Moslem religion. This speech had the effect it was intended to have;
and, accordingly, the army, in order to reach Segdin, in the enemy’s
country, passed the fortresses of Tetul and Waradin, when the ághá of
the Janissaries was ordered to proceed with carpenters and erect a
bridge of boats across the Danube; which he accomplished in the space
of four days. The emperor, vezírs, and the army, after having crossed
this bridge, waited a whole day, until all the ordnance and heavy
baggage were also safely got across, when they proceeded to the plains
of Segdin, and pitched their camp opposite that fortress.
Here the royal camp was joined by the army of Romeilia with their
beglerbeg, Hasan Páshá, a heroic vezír, at their head, and the sight
of whom inspired the royal troops with animation and courage. His
battering cannon he caused to be transported in boats along the Danube
from Widin; and among other important services which he rendered on
this occasion, he caused all the other Romeilian princes to be sent
down the river Tisse to Segdin.
The army was not long at Segdin before a number of letters were
presented before the royal presence by a deputation from the borders,
which set forth the conduct of the detestable enemy in laying siege
to Khutván, and many other grievances which these infidels had given
occasion to complain of. The deputation added, that if immediate aid
were not afforded, the besieged Mussulmans would inevitably fall into
the hands of the enemy and perish.
To prevent, therefore, the disgrace of allowing these Mussulmans to
perish by the enemy’s sword, Jaghala Zádeh was ordered to proceed with
a party of troops to their aid, and beat off the besiegers. But Jaghala
Zádeh, another son of Sinán Páshá, was too tardy in his movements,
and before he had time to arrive to afford aid to Khutván, it was in
the hands of the abject enemy. All the men, women, and children were
put to death, and the fortress itself was made level with the ground.
The conduct of Jaghala Zádeh on this occasion was such as deserved
the severest punishment; but being highly esteemed and of noble
birth, he not only escaped with impunity, but even without reproof, a
circumstance which is truly marvellous and confounding.
About this same time, also, the troops created a tumult, and complained
against Hájí Ibrahím Páshá, the treasurer, under the pretext of not
receiving their dues; for which reason the treasurer was deposed and
Kej Dehán Alí, a chávush báshí, was appointed in his stead. On the
18th of the Moharrem the troops were all paid their wages, each man
receiving his usual allowance.
After the army had reached the vicinity of the fortress of Sonluk they
disembarked their serpent and dragon-mouthed cannon, which they had
conveyed thither by water, and transported them on sledges drawn by
oxen towards Agria, as also their heavy baggage. The royal camp, after
three other stages were accomplished, reached, without being observed,
an open field in the skirts of the city, where the necessary quantity
of arms and ammunition was immediately distributed among the troops.
_Agria besieged._
It was on the 28th of Moharrem that the Sháhin-Sháh of the universe
pitched his royal camp in the plains of Agria. The two first days were
employed in arranging the machinery for making the ditches and raising
mounds, and in examining the ground.
Agria appeared, in the distance, like a mountain. The top of the
fortress was hid in the clouds; its towers rose one above another; and
its lofty buildings and turrets filled the eye. The fortress itself was
situated on a high hill, and three parts of it presented a rock, on
which was built a wall so firmly constructed that cannon could hardly
affect it. A huge mineral rock adjoined it on the south side, and as
a guard to their outer works or fortifications, there was an immense
deep ditch cut in front of them. In short, it was a place of the
utmost strength—a first-rate fortress. There were in it at this time
two princes; the one a relation of the Emperor of Austria, who was the
commander of the Germans in it; the other the Prince of Hungary.
Before the commencement of hostilities the following communication
was sent to the two above-mentioned chiefs, and to the inhabitants of
Agria. “Be it known to the princes and all others in the city of Agria
that we (the Emperor of the Ottomans) have come with the intention of
reducing it. We, therefore, call upon you, in the name of the most
High Allah, to embrace our religion. If you become Mussulmans, then we
promise you shall sustain no injury from us, but shall be allowed to
live in tranquillity and in the possession of all your property. If,
on the other hand, you will not be converted, but continue obstinate
at all hazard, then we command you to abandon your present position,
and to set out for some other country. In the event of your not
embracing either of the alternatives now proposed, and prepare to offer
resistance; if you fire one cannon, musket, or mortar at us and our
army, then, by God and by God’s prophet, we shall commence a general
slaughter, and not one of you shall escape. Let this be known to you.”
The person who carried the above to Agria was seized as a spy and put
into prison.
In the meantime, however, the Moslem troops entered into the trenches
they had before this prepared, and during the night planted their
ordnance in the most proper position for annoying the walls and the
sides of the citadel. When all was in a state of preparation the
Moslems cried _Allah! Allah!_ and commenced the work of destruction.
Day and night the firing of cannon and musketry and the bursting of
mortars ceased not. The sound and roar of these instruments of death
from both sides shook the earth, whilst the volume of smoke formed a
black cloud above and around them. The brave, the heroic, the orthodox
Moslems relaxed not in their mighty efforts, nor once turned away their
faces from danger.
After a whole week’s constant fighting, as above described, the Moslems
succeeded in taking the outer line of the enemy’s fortifications, and
drove the enemy within the inner one. The Moslems slackened not in
pressing them hard; and by the constant springing of mines they at last
effected a breach; but in consequence of a constant fall of rain for
some days they found it impossible, though they made several heroic
attempts, to scale the walls. The artillery, however, continued to play
with effect.
On the 18th of the month Sefer the command of the Janissaries was
conferred on Mustafa Aghá. Next day, which was the Sabbath, and the
19th of the month, the rain fell in torrents, and the difficulty of
succeeding in reducing the place appeared to be greater than ever; yet
by constantly and unweariedly, and under every difficulty, persevering
in their efforts, they brought the besieged, about noon of that day, to
capitulate for their lives.
Next morning two begs and eight sons of begs came forth to the trenches
to the vezírs, whilst Begtásh Beg, beg of Sonluk, was sent into the
city as a hostage till the articles of the capitulation were fully
settled and signed. This negotiation being over the commissioners were
conducted into the imperial presence, when they informed his majesty
that one or two of them wished to embrace Islamism. Immediately they
were clothed in white robes, and the drums throughout the camp began
to beat in token of victory, and great rejoicings took place. The
beglerbeg of Romeili, the ághá of the Janissaries, the commander of
the artillery, and the head of the arsenal, entered the city and took
possession of it in the name of the Emperor of the Ottomans.
On the 20th of the last-mentioned month, the commander of the Spáhís
was ordered to conduct the weak and half-famished garrison of Agria, in
conformity to the articles of capitulation, which guaranteed to them
their lives, to the end of the first stage; but unfortunately for them,
though the emperor had promised them every security, and even granted
them passports, the men of the borders and the Tátár military, roused
with indignation and thirst for revenge, when they remembered the fate
of the inhabitants of Khutván, seized on what weapons lay nearest to
them, and massacred them all before they got out from among the tents.
Not one of them escaped, and their number amounted to about 5,000. The
two princes who had the command in Agria were sent to Belgrade.
The victorious Moslems commenced repairing the breaches which their
own artillery had effected in the walls of Agria, and on the same
day, _i.e._ on the 20th, the beglerbeg of Caramania, Khezr Páshá, and
the begs of Sonluk and Segdin, were ordered to repair to Khutván and
commence rebuilding it. Dilsiz Aghá was sent off to Constantinople with
tidings of the fall of Agria. On the 23rd provisions were distributed
among the various troops. The guns in the trenches were all conveyed
into the fortress. On the 25th, being the day of assembly (Friday),
the emperor and his suite converted the large churches of Agria into
mosques, in which public devotion was performed.
_The Moslems are threatened by another immense host of Infidels._
Some captives, who had been seized by Moslem spies, informed the
Osmánlí camp that Maximillian, with an army of 100,000 foot and horse,
composed of Bohemians, Poles, Italians, Spaniards, and others, was
encamped in the valley of Mehaj not far from Tokái, and only three
stages distant from Agria, where he had erected fortifications.
This information had only the effect of awakening more strongly the
enthusiasm of the Muselmans, who all with one voice declared they would
either bring renown on the Muselman name, or perish for their religion.
The news, however, turned out to be true.
In the _Fateh námeh_ it is said, that when it was known that the
Ottomans were collecting troops on the frontiers, and marching towards
Agria, an army of 300,000 men levied by the kings of Vienna and Spain,
by the Pope, and the ruler of Transylvania, in short by the seven
European monarchs, assembled also in the vicinity of Agria. This mighty
host was furnished with one hundred pieces of ordnance, and with every
kind of military apparatus. Its object was, so soon as the Moslem
army was fairly engaged in carrying on the siege of Agria, suddenly
to surround their camp, and cut them to pieces. The fate of Agria,
however, reached them before they found an opportunity of accomplishing
their object, and caused them to alter their manœuvres. They
retreated two stages, but it was only with the view of deceiving. Their
real purpose was, when they found the Moslem army had retired from
Agria, to return with all their force and retake it: but the Moslems,
who were informed of their movements, as well as of their purposes,
resolved on anticipating them on their own ground.
Maximillian being lame and afflicted with blindness, the crown was
conferred on his brother, Duke Matthias, and with it the whole command
of the army. It is related in some history, that after the Duke and the
ruler of Hungary had united in their hostility against the Osmánlís,
they debated over their cups about the propriety of attacking the
Moslem camp. Other histories say, however, that it was the Austrian
minister to whom the joint command was given.
_Ja’fer Páshá sent with a body of Troops to surprise the Enemy._
After it had been fully ascertained what the enemy meditated to do,
Ja’fer Páshá, one of the most illustrious vezírs, and an eunuch, was
dispatched with a chosen body of various troops to surprise the enemy
in their strong-hold. Ja’fer Páshá, on leaving the camp, began to
reflect what the issue of the expedition on which he was sent might be,
and therefore sent out spies, who brought him intelligence with regard
to the numerical force of the enemy, which was immense. Ja’fer Páshá,
on receiving the above intelligence, sent word to his Majesty that his
offering to contend with such a vast multitude with so small a force as
he possessed, could only terminate in disgrace and ruin. For his own
part, he said, the thought of his own life gave him no concern, and
that at all times he was ready to sacrifice it, when necessary, for the
honour and glory of the Mohammedan Faith: to proceed to the assault,
therefore, under such circumstances, could not fail, as he had before
observed, to throw disparagement on the Supreme authority: the great
men in the camp however said, that this story was a mere pretence; and,
in order to remove it, proposed sending the governor of Romeili with
his Romeilian troops to his assistance. This proposal was accompanied
by bitter reproach, and of course was very discouraging; yet Ja’fer
Páshá, notwithstanding all this untoward aspect of things, attempted
to face the enemy with the forces he had. After having girded on his
arms he divided his artillery into two divisions, and having rescued
his men out of the mud into which they had sunk, conducted the whole
to a secure spot, but from which the enemy could not yet be observed.
It was not long however before they began, like black mountains, to
make their appearance, and seemed as if they covered the whole surface
of the plains of Mehaj. Ja’fer Páshá, with a select body of borderers,
ascended an eminence in order to get a view of the enemy’s camp, which
had the appearance of an extended sea, whose raging billows beat
against the shore. Though the troops of Ja’fer Páshá amounted only to
three thousand, he resolved, few in comparison though they were, to
attempt something, and prepared to engage some of these iron-cased
infidels. They on perceiving his boldness dashed towards his standard
and knocked it down. The contest became general. Ja’fer himself fought
most desperately, though almost up to the breast in mud and water; and
continued thus to show his bravery, till all who were about him either
perished or fled from the contest, and he himself was nearly taken
prisoner: such was the heroic boldness which this brave man evinced
on this occasion of unequal battle. Several of the ághás came up to
him and begged him on bended knees to retreat. “It was no bravery,”
they observed, “for a handful of men to contend with a host; it was
not necessary, in order to escape the reproach of the enemy, to throw
one’s self into utter ruin and destruction: it was impossible for a
small number of men, however valiant they might be, and where there
was not _one_ to a thousand, either to resist such a vast multitude as
that with which they then contended, or even to make an impression upon
it. Return,” they still continued, “return to the Moslem camp, and do
not be the cause of the destruction of troops whom no one will blame.
Such conduct can never advance the general interest.” This exhortation
had not the desired effect on the mind of the valorous chief. It was
night before he consented to yield to their entreaties. One Ahmed, in
consequence of the darkness of the night, led his horse to the gates
of Agria. The whole of his ordnance and heavy baggage fell into the
hands of the enemy. About thirty or forty of the men perished; and had
not night come on, not one of those who had entered the lists with the
iron-cased soldiery would have escaped alive. Their retreat was however
marvellously quick, for they performed in one night a journey of three
days.
The emperor, on receiving intelligence of the above disaster, which was
now become public, was displeased with Ja’fer, reprimanded him for his
adventurous mode of attack, which ought to have been made during the
night, deposed him from all his offices, and granted his principality
to Mohammed Páshá, Sinán Páshá’s son.
On the morning after the disaster above described took place, the
grand vezír, the reverend prelate, Sa’d-ud-dín, the vezírs and other
magnates assembled in the royal pavilion, in order to take into grave
consideration the propriety of giving the enemy battle or not. In
this august assembly most of the grandees opposed the experiment of
offering the enemy battle. The excellent and reverend Sa’d-ud-dín,
however, formed an exception. He rose and addressed the assembly in the
following heroic speech: “Doubtless, it is right,” said he, “to give
battle to the enemy of our religion and perish to a man, rather than
suffer their insult to pass unnoticed and with impunity: for should
they perceive any unwillingness on our part to meet, or if they see
us begin to retrace our steps, then most assuredly they will attack
us. To act in this way, would be like alluring a bird into a gin. More
especially,” continued he, raising his voice, “was it ever heard that
an emperor of the Ottomans turned away his face from danger!” And
even after the members who composed this council entered the royal
apartment, he continued to express the same sentiments and with the
same freedom—and again added: “the situation in which this fortress
(Agria) is situated, is far from being favourable to our engaging
with them in so narrow a space. Should they, for instance, succeed in
placing their artillery on the surrounding hills, we shall find it
hard work to resist them. The plains where the enemy now lies encamped
afford ample space for performing heroic exploits: thither let us
march. This is the first and only thing which ought to be attended
to. We must attack them and not they us.” So much for the reverend
prelate. The bold and heroic speech of the veteran priest made a deep
impression on the heart of his royal master, and awakened within him
that innate bravery which he had inherited from his ancestors.
It was proposed by some in the assembly, that Hasan Páshá, the válí
of Romeili, should be appointed to conduct the next attack. This
was opposed. To conduct so important an expedition as the one now
contemplated, it was absolutely requisite, not only that the whole
of the army should be called into requisition, but that the emperor
himself should be its conductor. This last proposition met with the
royal approval, when the discussion, of course, came to an end. The
Reïs Effendí immediately sent off dispatches to Sultán Fateh Gheráí,
brother to the Tátár khán, in which he instructed him to be on the
look-out for such stragglers as might chance to fall in his way.
After the above-mentioned assembly or council broke up, the grand
vezír Ibrahím Páshá entered into the fortress, and made a selection
of such pieces of ordnance as could most easily be made use of in the
approaching conflict. Among other arrangements which the grand vezír
attended to, he appointed Súfí Sinán Páshá and Lála Mohammed Páshá,
governor of Anatolia, with his provincial troops, to take charge of the
garrison or rather fortress of Agria. Towards evening he returned to
the emperor’s pavilion, when a note from the reverend prelate was put
into his hand; it imported, that if the Anatolian troops were to occupy
the fortress of Agria, his majesty, when he entered the field of battle
in consequence of this arrangement, would necessarily be defenceless on
one side. “This,” said the sagacious prelate, “is a dangerous thing.
If the enemy should even attempt to get possession of Agria, its
present garrison is sufficiently able to hold out till succours can be
sent to them. From the garrison, in the day of battle, no aid can be
expected. It is therefore proper that the troops of Anatolia, according
to ancient custom, be appointed to form the right wing.” Lála Mohammed
Páshá was, accordingly, ordered to be in readiness with the troops
under his command.
After having made a distribution of provisions to those employed in
repairing the breaches and appointed to garrison the fortress, many
of whom were very ill off, the zealous, the orthodox army stood fully
prepared to take the field.
_The Orthodox Army advances to attack the Enemy._
Early in the morning of the 1st of the month of Rabia II. after the
troops were all properly adjusted, and when his Majesty, the asylum of
the world, had mounted his steed with pomp and great glory, the moslem,
the orthodox legions, commenced their march, which they continued till
after mid-day, when they happened to halt at the very place at which
Ja’fer Páshá halted, when he was sent to surprise the enemy, as before
related. The grand vezír lost no time in advancing a little farther, in
order to reconnoitre the enemy’s camp and apparent strength; and having
made his observations, he determined in his own mind on commencing
hostilities on the following day. He reached his own tent towards
evening, and after having offered up his devotions, he was suddenly put
into a state of surprise by the appearance of a royal letter which was
brought to him from the emperor, and which was as follows: “I appoint
thee, my lálá or adviser, to be commander-in-chief in this war: may
I not return to Constantinople?” The grand vezír, as may easily be
conceived, was utterly confounded and astonished at this sudden and
unexpected change in the emperor’s views, and hastened to consult the
Reïs Effendí on the subject. They were not long together, however,
when a messenger arrived to call them to the emperor, who wished to
see them. They proceeded to the royal pavilion together, and it was
about supper-time when they reached it. Here they were met by Ghaznafer
Aghá, the steward of the royal house, who took the vezír aside and
conversed with him privately, and both afterwards entered into the
royal apartment, and laid themselves down to sleep there. It was not
long after they had laid themselves down, when behold, sixty-three
iron-cased captives, which were sent by Fateh Gheráí Sultán, were
arranged before the royal pavilion. The object in sending these
prisoners was to elicit from them information respecting the enemy,
and the grand vezír and Ghaznafer were soon on the spot to put the
proper interrogatories to them. The grand vezír said to Ghaznafer in
their hearing, “Let the money promised by our gracious emperor be paid
to these men, and let them have security afforded to them of their
personal safety.” The ághá replied, that he would do all these things.
This stratagem of the vezír and the ághá had the effect intended,
_viz_. that of making the prisoners tell all they knew concerning their
late associates in arms. They confirmed the account, more than once
received before, of the confederacy formed among the European powers
for annihilating the Ottoman dominions; and moreover, that Zughmund,
the bán or chief of Transylvania, was amongst the enemy. The prisoners,
after having given the above information, were immediately slain, and
the grand vezír returned to his own tent.
Early the following morning, the 4th of the month, the troops were
again put into motion; but they left their heavy baggage behind them.
The emperor, with his right and left-hand troops, marched at a slow
pace, and halted at so great a distance from the enemy as to secure
himself from the reach of their cannon. This, however, was considered
to be a disgrace; and it was after showing him the impracticability
of any contact whatever at such a distance, that he ventured a little
farther in advance, when he ordered a general halt.
The royal personage now took up his position in front of his own
standard, and was supported by six divisions of his troops. The vezírs,
according to their rank, stood on his left, and the reverend prelate
Sa’d-ud-dín and two military judges on his right. The whole of their
cattle and such heavy baggage as they were obliged to carry along with
them, were put under the charge of a party of cavalry in the rear. The
Janissaries, full of enthusiasm, and ardent for contest and battle,
were placed in advance. The cannon-waggons were all chained and bound
together in front of the monarch and his royal suite. Hasan Páshá,
Válí of Romeili, and the Beglerbeg of Temisvar, took up their position
on one side; and the Beglerbeg of Anatolia, Lála Mohammed Páshá, the
Beglerbeg of Caramania, the Beglerbeg of Haleb, and the Beglerbeg of
Merœsh, in conformity with ancient custom, took up their position on
the other side (_i.e._ these chiefs commanded the right and left wings
which were composed of their respective troops). The advance guard was
put under the command of Jaghaleh Zádeh.
_The Battle of the first Day._
After the two hostile armies were once confronted, Sinán Páshá,
belonging to the Cherkess (Circassian), Fateh Gheráí and Murád Páshá,
the Beglerbeg of Diárbeker, besides some other valiant and heroic
chiefs, rode forth in front on their prancing horses, and giving the
cry of war, rushed forward, sword in hand, to the bloody conflict
and to death. They were, however, very much impeded in consequence
of the marshy nature of the ground. This marsh, which resembled a
small river, and which could only be forded at certain places, was
occasioned by water which issued from the valley of Mehaj, and in which
the enemy’s camp was strongly fortified. The conflict, however, was
begun, and became hotter and hotter. The vezírs stepped alternately
forward and encouraged and animated the divisions, as they moved
onwards to the mighty contest, and returned again to the emperor and
reported progress. In consequence, however, of the enemy’s cannon doing
execution at a great distance, the orthodox troops were not able to get
sufficiently close to their antagonists. About mid-day a cannon-ball
passed over the emperor’s head, but fortunately it did harm to no one;
though it clearly showed that the emperor’s person was in a dangerous
situation, and therefore his majesty was conveyed to a tent which
belonged to Yúnus Aghá, the commander of the cavalry, who afterwards
fell a martyr. The well-ordered divisions, nevertheless, maintained
their ranks unbroken, and continued firm.
On the opposite side of the marsh there was a dilapidated church
which formed a covert to thousands of the enemy, and against whom the
Cherkajís had hitherto directed their efforts. It happened, however,
that the body defended by this church rushed forth to the amount of
several thousands, and like wild swine, or as if enraged with wine,
commenced fording the marsh or river, in the intention of coming into
close quarters with their assailants. At this favourable moment, the
Moslems showered volleys of ball amongst them, and Jaghaleh Zádeh,
who was posted behind a hillock, coming up at the same time with his
Cherkajís, did immense execution, wounding and killing vast numbers
of them: so much so indeed, that he almost filled that part of the
marsh with their carcasses. Their drums and kettle-drums were seized,
and such of their officers as were taken alive, were conducted before
the royal presence. Those of them who escaped were terror-struck, and
endeavoured to regain their strong-hold, but were intercepted by a body
of Tátárs who made them all prisoners, and brought them bound in chains
to the emperor, who commanded that their bonnets (_i.e._ their heads)
should be made to roll on the ground.
Fortune, hitherto, declared herself in favour of the orthodox army;
but night coming on, and the atmosphere becoming dark and cloudy, both
sides retired from the conflict for the night. Several of the Musselman
veterans threw down their burdens on the spot, and waited with
cheerfulness of mind for a renewal of the contest. Others, however,
pitched their tents and went to rest. But, in fact, such was the tumult
and confusion altogether, that the greater part of the cavalry chose to
rest all night in their saddles. The sentinels were every where placed,
and silence at length ensued, till the following morning when the
battle was renewed.
_The Battle of the second Day.—The Defeat of the Enemy._
The morning at length arrived. It was the 5th of the month, and the
day of the Sabbath (Saturday). His imperial majesty was on horseback
by daylight; the drums were ordered to beat; the victorious troops
were arranged in proper order; and, placing their confidence in God,
they advanced with boldness to meet the enemy of their religion.
They perceived that none of the enemy occupied the position where
the church, which yesterday afforded them shelter, stood, but that
a great number of them had concentrated themselves near a church on
the plain, about half a league distant from the left ford, finding it
impracticable to defend the other fords. The orthodox army, like the
raging sea, rushed forward, crossed the river, and prepared to attack
their fortifications: the Janissaries put their hands to their muskets;
the field-pieces were properly stationed, and each man stood in his
place ready to commence at the first signal. The emperor himself did
not cross the river, but remained in a tent which was erected for him
on the bank. Jaghaleh Zádeh, who commanded the Cherkajís or vanguard,
took up his position immediately in front of the enemy.
Notwithstanding all this hostile attitude in which the Moslem, the
orthodox troops, arrayed themselves before their enemies, they,
singularly enough, never once showed their faces till about mid-day,
though in fact they had made every preparation. Suddenly, however,
about that time of the day, their foot soldiery came pouring forth in
chariots, and after them the iron-cased dragoons, troop after troop,
to the amount in all of fifteen or sixteen thousand, and formed, as it
were, an irresistible barrier. Their field-pieces were placed in the
most excellent order. At every step almost they fired their muskets and
discharged their cannon, and continued advancing on the Moslem army
like a horde of swine, whom even _Rustam_ and _Zál_[5] would hardly
think of resisting. Their columns resembled mountains of iron, and
their lines seemed incapable of being broken. The right wing of the
Moslems gave way, and were thrown into confusion: the left, composed
of the household troops, after making a mighty and heroic resistance,
was overpowered, when the enemy forced their way to the Moslem side of
the marsh. At this moment of vehement struggle and impetuous movement,
the Tátár troops advanced and supported their chief Fateh Gheráí, and
thus checked, in some degree, the progress of the enemy. That part of
the enemy which had succeeded in throwing the right wing into confusion
made a strong effort to reach the royal tent, and was only restrained
for a short time by the Romeilian troops, brought up by Hasan Páshá,
who with the utmost celerity attacked them in the rear, but was again
repulsed by the briskness of the enemy’s fire. The Spáhís, weakened by
the fatigue they had undergone, and hopeless of victory, were obliged
to withdraw. The rest of the troops, perceiving the field thus clear
of their companions in arms, conjectured at once that the emperor had
fled, and therefore immediately turned about, some taking the road to
Belgrade, some to Buda, and thus leaving the enemy complete masters of
the field. The victorious enemy now commenced the work of spoliation:
they entered the Moslem tents and laid their hands on every thing which
came in their way. Five thousand of these wretches came within bow-shot
of the emperor’s sejada, or prayer-carpet, when the most desperate
struggle ensued. Musselman and Káfir, laying aside their muskets,
betook themselves to their swords, and fell to cutting and slashing
each other with the most deadly animosity. The vezírs and nobles
rallied round his majesty’s person, and defended him with the most
heroic bravery; and when some of the execrated wretches endeavoured
to cut the cords of the royal tent, the ághás who were within it
rushed out and slew them. It was a period which might be called an
antetype of the day of the resurrection, wherein these Moslems, a mere
handful, evinced the warm and genuine feelings of their loyal hearts.
The reverend prelate, Sa’d-ud-dín, was not wanting in his duty: he
translated, explained, and enforced the following sentiment: “Victory
is gained by patience, and after difficulty comes prosperity,” which
was calculated both to console and tranquillize the afflicted monarch’s
mind: he augured, also, a happy reverse.
The despicable but now triumphant infidels, thinking themselves
perfectly secure from any further annoyance from the defeated Moslems,
were intent only on acquiring spoil. God did not let them, however,
escape without a mark of his signal vengeance. They dispersed
themselves among the tents of the royal camp in search of booty, and
thus became divided. Their minds were engrossed wholly in this way,
and it so happened, by the providence of God, whilst fearlessly thus
employed, that the grooms, cooks, muleteers, camel-drivers, grooms, and
other servants which remained in the camp, perceiving the scattered
condition of their vile visitors, seized, some on axes, some on knives,
or whatever other weapon fell into their hands, and fell upon these
regardless spoliators, and slew as many of them as they were able. This
unlooked-for retaliation so terrified these robbers that they all fled,
and never halted till they got beyond their own fortifications. The cry
that the infidels were routed was now sounded, and spread like wildfire
every where. The affrighted Moslems returned from their hiding-places
and commenced pursuing the fugitives, and slew immense numbers of
them. According to the most authentic accounts it appears, that in
this pursuit the pursuing army, lately vanquished but now triumphant,
killed no less than 100,000 of these infidels. The victory was most
decisive: the fear of the Moslems so seized upon them that they fled in
all directions. The Moslem pádisháh (emperor) was declared conqueror
in the battle of Mehaj: his righteous cause triumphed, and the fame
of Islamism and that of the Ottoman empire was raised to the highest
renown. Never at any former period did any emperor, by so simple and so
extraordinary a means, acquire so much glory. Some, however, have given
a very different account of this battle.
The Defterdar (treasurer or recorder) Ibrahím Effendí, who himself
was present in this war, relates it thus: On the morning of that day
(_i.e._ on which the Moslems were defeated, but afterwards became
conquerors, as above related), the Moslem army directed their movements
towards the church situated near the lake; but finding the enemy had
retreated within their fortifications they advanced, after having
crossed the ford in that quarter, towards the enemy’s strong-hold,
keeping their cannon in the rear. The enemy, keeping close within their
fortifications, did not venture to show themselves till near mid-day,
when they began to issue forth in multitudes. 1st. The German foot
soldiers, all of them covered with mail and carrying arms. 2d. Another
body of the same race covered with breast-plates of iron, carrying
arms called muskets, which were capable of discharging ten, fifteen,
or twenty drachms weight. 3d. A body of Hungarians, consisting of one
hundred companies, each company amounting to five hundred men, on foot
and carrying fire-arms. 4th. The Hungarian cavalry, whose display of
standards and flags made them resemble a mountain covered with trees.
Besides all these there were also Germans, Bohemians, Poles, and men
of other nations, who were mounted on horses, and carrying some three,
some four, some five Hungarian fire-arms. The whole of this immense
army exceeded fifty divisions.
This immense number of troops is stated in the infidels’ own history
of events belonging to the period referred to. The karals (kings)
and dukes of different nations and states who aided the Emperor of
Austria in this war, caused the number of their respective troops to
be taken down, and the whole put together amounted to more than two
hundred legions, besides another army which they say had not reached
the field of battle. But to continue. The hostile divisions advanced,
maintaining as they did so a constant fire of musketry and other
fire-arms. Murád Páshá and the Bostánjí báshí, Alí Páshá, were sent to
support Sinán Páshá; but the dreadful effect of the musketry was such
that they found it impossible to withstand it, and therefore retraced
their steps across the marsh, when they dispersed themselves through
the fields. The enemy continued to press forward, with drums beating
and the constant roar of cannon and of musketry, directly towards the
royal camp. Hasan Páshá and his Romeilian troops were ordered to take
up their position at the head of the ford on the right, and oppose
them; but this effort proved ineffectual. The showers of musketry which
were poured in amongst them prevented their maintaining their ground
for a moment, and therefore they retired and joined the main body. The
fearless and inconsiderate infidels no sooner reached the royal camp,
though the Moslems were by no means broken and dispersed, than they
recklessly gave themselves over to the work of spoliation and plunder.
Two regiments of them made towards the imperial treasures, dispersed
the Janissaries and Spáhís who had been appointed to guard them, drew
out the coffers from the tent in which they were placed, threw down
their cross-bearing banners, and began to dance for joy; but their joy
was not of long duration.
These disastrous appearances altogether were truly afflicting, and to
none did they appear more so than to Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí. He counselled
his majesty to continue firm and to maintain his position. “Such is the
state of matters at present,” said he to his majesty, “and such they
frequently were in the days of your illustrious progenitors; but depend
upon it,” continued the reverend prelate, “depend upon it, that by a
Mohammedan miracle the Mohammedan people, God willing, will yet obtain
the victory: keep up, therefore, sire, your spirits, and be of good
courage.” It is related that the emperor was informed of the disasters
which befell his army whilst he was sitting on horseback, and the
reverend prelate standing at his stirrup, to whom he dictated a humble
and earnest supplication, which the prelate offered up to God. The
Germans have recorded that this prayer or supplication was heard.
Of the enemy’s entering the royal camp, and of their having given
themselves over to the work of spoliation, we have already spoken. The
enemy were astonished beyond bounds at the sight of the vast riches and
wealth which the Osmánlí camp presented to their view. In fact, their
eyes had never before seen such a quantity of wealth. In their thirst
and greediness to acquire the valuables they every where saw around
them, they forgot, or laid aside the art of war. The repulsed Moslems,
seeing how their enemies were engaged, and watching their every motion,
began to reflect how they might recover their property which their
enemies were busily employed in appropriating to themselves. Just at
this moment, and towards evening, an army raised up by God himself
accomplished the destruction of these wretches. The grooms, cooks, and
other menials who belonged to the camp, and who still remained in it,
were roused to indignation. Some seized on axes, some on spades, or
similar instruments, and fell, with undaunted fury, on the robbers,
and slew many of them. The barbarians, by this circumstance, were
panic-struck, and began to run away. The cry now resounded that the
enemy had fled: the Moslems, who through fear had fled from the field
of battle, returned at this exhilarating sound, fell with exasperated
rage on the fugitives, and killed every one they were able to overtake.
Not a few even of those of them who wore chains perished from fear
and palpitation of heart. It may be affirmed, without incurring the
charge of overstepping the bounds of truth, that fifty thousand of
these hateful wretches fell by the edge of the sword. Very many of
them stuck in the mud, and were there beheaded. Twenty thousand of
their cavalry perished in one short hour on the right of the camp,
by the heroic bravery of Sinán Páshá and his men. Vast numbers of
them were drowned in the marsh. To complete their ruin, Fateh Gheráí,
with his Tátár troops, pursued them even to their own fortifications,
where they attempted to offer resistance, but again their courage
failed them. They left all, and escaped only with their heads to the
surrounding mountains. Ten thousand ducats, ninety-seven pieces of
ordnance, with the whole of their magazines of powder, their mortars,
their light guns, and in short, the whole of their arsenal fell into
the conquerors’ hands. Thus did these wretches meet with retributive
justice. To have slain so many in so short a period, it has been
observed, could not have been the work of mere mortals. Those who were
eye-witnesses, and who related these other facts, declared, that there
was no comparison between the number who died in actual battle to the
number that perished otherwise.
This victory was gained on the 5th of Rabia II., 1005 of the Hejirah.
_The Premiership conferred on Jaghaleh Zádeh Sinán Páshá._
After having finally defeated and put to flight the enemy, as above
related, Jaghaleh happened to reach the emperor before the grand vezír,
Ibrahím Páshá, had time to do so, and said to him: “Sire, your slave
has been the means of obtaining this glorious victory;” and boasted of
himself at no allowance. The reverend prelate, and Ghaznafer Aghá, who
witnessed his vanity, or who at least heard him tell of his exploits,
thought it would be but justice to confer the seals of office on him,
and therefore induced the emperor to promise to send them to him.
Being now, as he thought, firmly established in the office of prime
minister, he caused himself to be congratulated as such, and to have
his hand kissed. It was not long, however, before it began to be
rumoured that Jaghaleh was the very first who had taken flight. In the
meantime, the grand vezír also arrived and confirmed the joyful tidings
which had just a little before been communicated to the emperor; but
this had not the least effect in making him alter the resolution he had
come to with respect to the seals of office: neither did he give any
hint of it to the grand vezír himself, who, soon afterwards, returned
to his tent and devoted himself to the duty of conferring gifts and
presents on those who had signalized themselves with him in the battle,
not knowing that he was deposed. He also sent off couriers to recall
such of the Moslem fugitives as had not returned to their duty.
The following day, as Ibrahím was on the eve of accompanying Jeráh
Mohammed Páshá and Ja’fer Páshá to the field of battle, and examining
the ground lately occupied by the enemy’s camp, as well as all the
tents and other furniture which they had been under the necessity
of abandoning, the reverend prelate hastened to the royal tents to
enquire of Ghaznafer whether Ibrahím still retained the seals or not,
and wondered much whether his majesty was sincere in what he yesterday
proposed: “it would have been better,” he added, “if his majesty had
rejected Jaghaleh’s request.” The other replied, he did not know what
the emperor had done with respect to the seals. The prelate observed
that the change might occasion, at some future period, a disagreeable
tumult and uproar. Ghaznafer Aghá, the emperor’s chamberlain, said
he was afraid to say any thing further about the matter to his royal
master, but that he was a witness of his royal master’s attachment to
Ibrahím.
In the midst of this conversation between the emperor’s spiritual guide
and his chamberlain, the grand master of the horse went boldly into
his majesty’s presence, and related to him the whole of the prelate’s
conduct in this affair, and asked what evil he had seen in Ibrahím that
he should be so summarily dismissed. “As for this Ghaznafer,” said he,
“he is a Frank by birth, and of the same race with Jaghaleh, the son of
Sinán Páshá. It is right and proper therefore,” continued this grand
master of the stables, “to make enquiry into Ibrahím’s conduct. Let him
be called into your own presence, hear his account, and you will then
be convinced that the insinuations which have been made are false.”
Whilst this officer went out to order a horse for his majesty, that he
might go forth and examine matters on the field in person, the reverend
prelate renewed his efforts in favour of Jaghaleh; and the result was,
that the emperor, after a few moments of reflection, ordered an officer
of the Kapújís to proceed and take the seals from Ibrahím and give
them to Jaghaleh. This latter officer hastened to Ibrahím’s tent to
fulfil his commission; but not finding him there, he proceeded towards
the field of battle whither Ibrahím had gone, and met him returning to
the Moslem camp. He told him the purport of his mission, received the
seals, and went and delivered them to Jaghaleh.
The late victory and glory acquired by the Moslem army having been
acquired under the auspices of Ibrahím Páshá, it may easily be
conjectured that Jaghaleh did not much enjoy his promotion. His
imprudence and mismanagement, in short, his whole conduct created him
many enemies; but we shall hear of him afterwards.
_The Fugitives punished._
After Jaghaleh was confirmed in the premiership, he commenced an
inquiry with respect to those of the Moslems who had fled in the day
of battle, which inquiry continued for the space of three successive
days. The result of this inquiry was, that 30,000 were discovered to
have deserted their colours, and were therefore not only cut off
from receiving pay and provisions, but permission was given to slay
them wherever any of them might be found. Those who did return, in
consequence of the late grand vezír’s invitation, were miserably and
cruelly put to death. Yúnus Aghá, in whose tent the emperor took refuge
during the action, the Aghá of a regiment and many other worthies, he
caused to be beheaded. This Yúnus was master of the horse to the grand
vezír, Sinán Páshá, and was honoured by his majesty’s entering his tent
on the day of battle, as already related. Much innocent blood was made
to flow by the instrumentality of the new vezír, which roused a spirit
of general murmuring against him. By his imprudent and violent conduct
in trying to rectify the evil, he not only gave greater prominency
to it in the sight of the enemy, but confirmed those Muselman troops
who fell into the hands of the enemy in their terror of him, and
inclined them to stay where they were, or caused them to seek refuge
in their provinces. He executed all those who fell into his hands, and
confiscated their property. When he returned to Belgrade he degraded
Sohráb Páshá of Egypt, a man of great rank and office, and made him
wear old and tattered garments.
So great indeed was the consternation into which his intolerable
government plunged every one of the military, that very many of them
fled to Anatolia, which so roused the inhabitants of that country
that they were constrained to rise in their behalf, and thus caused
a rebellion which only terminated with his downfall. Among the many
instances of his maladministration, the following was by no means
the least: He removed Ghází Gheráí Khán, Khán of the Tátárs, from
holding the supreme authority, and placed Fateh Gheráí in his room, a
circumstance which caused great disorder and tumult among the Tátárs,
and finally led to the murder of the latter.
_The conquering Moslems return to Agria._
After the contemptible enemy had been defeated and routed, as before
related, the drums were kept beating and rejoicings celebrated
till supper-time that night. Next day a diván was summoned, and
congratulations offered on account of the success which the Muselmans
had achieved. They remained three days in the valley of Mehaj after
the troops were all gathered together. The command of the Janissaries
was conferred on Tarnákjí Aghá. The ninety-seven pieces of ordnance
taken from the enemy were transported to the fortress of Solnuk,
or distributed among the Beglerbegs and Begs of Sanjaks, and other
divisions of the army. On the 11th of Rabia II., the whole army
returned to Agria. About the middle of the same month, Alí Aghá, Aghá
of the household troops, was sent to Constantinople to announce the
success of the Moslem arms. One thousand Kúl Oghlí and one thousand
Agria Janissaries were registered and left as a garrison at Agria: and
Tarnákjí Aghá, and three thousand Janissaries were left there also as
an army of observation. The Beglerbeg of Romeili, Válí Páshá, and one
thousand Janissaries were appointed to garrison Buda.
_The Emperor returns to Constantinople._
Towards the end of Rabia II., the emperor, the asylum of the world,
left Agria, and passing through Solnuk, Segdin, and Waradin, arrived at
Belgrade, where he rested two days, appointed the fourth vezír, Hasan
Páshá, commander-in-chief of the army, and afterwards set out for the
metropolis.
_Jaghaleh, the grand vezír, deposed.—Ibrahím is re-appointed._
Jaghaleh Zádeh Sinán Páshá’s maladministration secured him, as might
easily have been prognosticated, the hatred and aversion of all
ranks, high and low, prince and people. As soon as the emperor had
reached the place called Khurmán, near Adrianople, he dispatched Omar
Aghá, secretary to the Chávush Báshí, to receive back the seals from
Jaghaleh, and to deliver them to Ibrahím Páshá, his predecessor in
office. Jaghaleh himself was exiled to Aksheher, beyond the Hellespont,
where he was doomed to spend his days in obscurity and inactivity.
Ibrahím Páshá was no sooner reinstated in the premiership than he
waited on his majesty, and paid him all due acknowledgment for the
honour conferred on him. On returning to the camp, he banished Mohammed
Aghá, master of the horse, the writer of this account; besides several
other favourites of the late grand vezír, whom he turned out of office.
Ghází Gheráí, the ex-khán, was reinstated in the regal dignity over
the Tátárs of the Crimea. Hasan Páshá, the son of Mohammed Páshá, who
was lately made commander-in-chief, was deposed, and Satúrjí Mohammed
Páshá appointed in his stead. Thus did Ibrahím Páshá compensate his
own friends for the injuries they had sustained in consequence of
his deposition. Even the reverend prelate Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí was
not allowed to escape without feeling the effects of the new vezír’s
displeasure. He was deposed from his high office, and to prevent him
from carrying on intrigue and fraud with the learned body of which he
was a member, he was obliged to live a recluse life, even that of a
hermit.
The services and heroism of Jaghaleh Zádeh we have already
contemplated. We have seen how he attributed the victory gained over
the infidels at Mehaj to his own bravery and proper management;
how he endeavoured to throw the services of Ibrahím Páshá into the
shade, and, in short, how he succeeded by fraud and artifice to get
himself created grand vezír. It is said that the emperor, when he
first petitioned to be made prime minister, demurred; and that it was
only after he represented the great interest he possessed among the
troops, who doubtless would create a tumult in his favour, if he was
not raised to the dignity of the premiership, that his majesty at last
agreed to confer the seals on him. In fact, he did not scruple even to
assert that there were not wanting signs of this disposition in the
soldiery at the very time he was speaking to the emperor, and thus
urged him to a compliance with his wishes. Jaghaleh was a man of great
intrepidity, but wrathful. His heart was unacquainted with gentleness
and compassion. In consequence of his reckless and horrible cruelties
towards the unfortunate fugitives, and other crimes, the hearts of all
were turned against him, and his downfall was sought. When Ibrahím was
again raised to the grand vezírship, new life seemed to be transfused
throughout all ranks; and all rejoiced at Jaghaleh’s misfortunes. The
chancellor, Alí Chelebí, who wrote a detail of the victories obtained
in the conquest of Agria, and in the battle of Mehaj, wrote it in the
name of Jaghaleh, as if he really were the conqueror, and praised
him in the most extravagant manner. For this he was not only sharply
rebuked, but also deposed. Okjí Zádeh was appointed in his stead.
When his majesty reached Dávud Páshá, on his return, he was there
met by the Káímakám Hasan Páshá, the eunuch, and the mufti, who came
thither with a splendid escort to congratulate his majesty on his
return, and on the successes which had attended the Moslem arms. On
the 6th of Jemadi II. the grandees and nobles preceded the army in
solemn procession to the imperial city, and conducted his majesty to
his royal palace, and for three successive days and nights the whole
exhibited nothing but demonstrations of joy. Núh Páshá was appointed
to the government of Caramania; and as a mortification to the reverend
prelate, so frequently mentioned in the course of this history, and
latterly so very unfortunate, his eldest son, Mohammed Effendí, was
deprived of his office of cazí, in Anatolia, which was given to Kúsh
Yahiah Effendí, who had been deposed from the jurisdiction of Mecca.
Two days after these changes and new appointments had taken place,
the prelate’s son-in-law, the governor of Romeili, Yahiah Effendí,
just mentioned, and the poet, Bákí Effendí, met and consulted together
how they might succeed in again bringing Sa’d-ud-dín into notice and
favour. They got the chancellor, Okjí Zádeh, to draw out a document in
his favour, recommending him to the cazíship of Mecca. But the grand
vezír, the prelate’s enemy, succeeded in getting some of the Aghás
about the queen-mother to hinder this document finding its way to the
royal presence, and kept it back two days.
In the meantime the reverend prelate was made acquainted with what was
going on in his favour, and sent his slaves and other property to the
empress, supposing she would, by her interference, prevent his being
sent to any place distant from the metropolis. He was mistaken: for an
answer to the above document or petition was sent to the petitioner,
which intimated that the reverend prelate, to prevent his exercising
fraud and deceit in future, should retire to a cell, and there pass
the remainder of his life in religious meditation. The learned body of
the Ulemá, however, ventured to oppose the grand vezír, and therefore
entered into consultation with the mufti, Bostán Zádeh, as to the way
they should act.
_Concerning Fateh Gheráí._
After the conquest of Agria, and the subsequent victory gained at
Mehaj, when Jeghala Zádeh Sínán Páshá was raised to the premiership,
as recorded in former sections of this work, he, in his imprudence,
caused Ghází Gheráí Khán to be removed from holding the khánship of
the Crimea, and put his brother, Fateh Gheráí, in his place; alleging
that Fateh Gheráí had rendered very great and important services in the
late war, and therefore ought, as his reward, to ascend the throne of
the Tátár kháns. Fateh Gheráí, more virtuous than the prime minister,
strongly dissuaded the premier from his purpose, urging as a powerful
reason, that were he to accede to the proposal, he would thereby be
invading the rights of his brother; of one who had been to him, he
said, not only a kind brother, but a father also. The grand vezír’s
solicitations, however, were too powerful to be long resisted, and
therefore he consented to be made khán. The new vezír, Ibrahím Páshá,
however, reversed this arrangement, for he was no sooner reinstated in
the premiership, than he meditated the re-installing of Ghází Gheráí
in his former dignities. He therefore called a council of the vezírs
and the other magnates of the state, and laid this subject as a matter
of discussion before them. This council prepared papers, which stated
that Ghází Gheráí had filled the Tátár throne with dignity, that he had
the esteem and good will of his tribe, and that the whole of the tribe
had paid a cheerful obedience to his sway; whereas, the papers went
on to say, that if Fateh Gheráí were allowed to usurp his authority
and place, a rebellion would doubtless be the consequence: besides, it
was further stated, that to place Fateh Gheráí on the throne of the
Tátárs would be to deprive the other, the lawful sovereign, of his just
rights and titles without his own consent, or even without any shadow
of reason whatever, and thus make him appear unworthy of holding the
office of khán.
Accordingly, letters were prepared in the name of both these princes
and committed to one Khundán Aghá, a Circassian, with instructions to
act according to circumstances. He was instructed, for instance, that
if he perceived, on his arrival in the Crimea, that the Tátárs still
adhered to Ghází Gheráí, he was to deliver to him the letter addressed
to him; and on the contrary, if he saw that they were in subjection to
Fateh Gheráí, he was in this case to deliver to him the one addressed
to him, and invite Ghází Gheráí to come to Turkey.
Khundán Aghá set out with these two royal letters and landed at Kafa,
in the Crimea, but found on his arrival there that Ghází Gheráí had
already embarked for the imperial dominions, though he had not yet
sailed. The officer, forgetting his instructions, attached himself
exclusively to the interests of the ex-khán, and without further
inquiry delivered the packet addressed to him, and exercised, besides,
other unwarrantable liberties. The ex-khán, on receipt of the above
packet, disembarked and returned to Kafa, took advantage of the frauds
exercised by the officer, showed the documents from Constantinople of
which the officer was the bearer, and, lastly, announced himself as
recalled by these documents to the exercise of the khánship.
When Fateh Gheráí perceived what was going on to his prejudice, as now
mentioned, he bestirred himself in order to thwart the purposes and
endeavours of the ex-khán. He, too, produced a royal mandate, which he
said had been sent to him, and which confirmed him in the khánship.
Hence arose a very serious dispute between these two royal brothers
respecting the khánship: the Tátárs became divided. Abdur-rahmán
Effendí maintained, that as Fateh Gheráí’s document was more recent,
it ought to be regarded as the only one which had any claim, and as
dispossessing Ghází Gheráí for ever of the throne of the Tátárs. The
mufti of Kafa thought otherwise. He said that all the imperial commands
which had been received acknowledged Ghází Gheráí as the legitimate
sovereign of the Crimea; that they confirmed him in the exercise of
regal authority; and that the document which Fateh Gheráí had presented
was altogether doubtful, if not an artifice to impose upon them. One
single paper, letter, or written document, he further maintained, was
not sufficient of itself for them to act upon; and to do so would be
both injudicious and imprudent. There can be no doubt, continued the
mufti, that to disobey or disregard the imperial authority, as vested
in the person of Ghází Gheráí, will be considered as obstinacy and
rebellion. After having delivered this speech he gave forth judgment
in favour of Ghází Gheráí, rejecting Fateh Gheráí’s pretensions
altogether as spurious. The whole of the tribe followed the high
priest, and declared in favour of Ghází Gheráí, leaving Fateh Gheráí
the victim of astonishment and surprise. Some forward persons, more
zealous than prudent, insisted that he, Fateh Gheráí, should do homage
to his elder brother and make an apology to him. The simple-hearted
prince, influenced by the arguments which were employed to incline
him to do so, went to his brother and did as he was required; but it
proved fatal to him. On coming out from his brother’s presence he was
met by a body of mirzás, adherents of the former, who fell upon him and
murdered him, cutting him to pieces. Not satisfied with this, they also
extirpated the whole of his family, leaving neither root nor branch.
Ghází Gheráí having been reinstated in the regal authority, the Mirzás
and Tátárs yielded obedience to his firmáns, and all rancour and
dispute was at an end. Fateh Gheráí, it must be acknowledged, was an
excellent man, a great hero, and well qualified to fill a throne. By
Jeghala’s uncalled-for interference in his favour he eventually lost
his life, and his whole family were rooted out from the face of the
earth.
Ghází Gheráí, now absolute and supreme, commanded a fortress to
be erected in the heart of Circassia, which was afterwards fully
completed. Khundán Aghá returned with great joy to Constantinople, and
related the success of his mission to the Crimea; but the emperor was
so very much displeased with him for the conduct he had pursued, that
his case was deferred for future consideration.
_New appearances of hostilities._
The loss of Yanuk on a former occasion, the conquest of Agria, and
the immense loss sustained in the valley of Mehaj this year, were
disasters, no doubt, which must have sensibly affected the Emperor of
Austria. He soon showed that this was really the case; for the grand
sultán had scarcely returned to his metropolis, when the Austrian
emperor again assembled another vast army, which was ordered to march
on Yanuk. Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, who was appointed commander-in-chief,
wrote a statement of the ill condition of the troops under his command
to the grand vezír, who again laid it before his majesty. Accordingly,
stores of all kinds and ten thousand ducats from the imperial coffers
were immediately voted for his use. The grand vezír himself made a
present of his own horses and beasts of burden, and the other vezírs
followed his example. Five regiments or legions and ten thousand
Janissaries, under the command of Alí Aghá, the deputy of the ághá of
the Janissaries, were appointed to take the field. Ahmed Effendí, son
of Etmekjí, was appointed military treasurer, and one thousand yúks
of money were put under his charge for the purpose of defraying the
expense of the war. The troops of Romeili, of Anatolia, of Caramania,
of Sivás, of Diárbeker, of Merœsh, and of Ruka, were all ordered on
this expedition. Letters were also issued to the Tátár Khán, ordering
him to be present with his troops.
The serdár or commander-in-chief, after the above arrangements were
fully attended to, commenced his march to Adrianople, reached Sofia on
the 7th of Dhu’l hijja, and the plains of Belgrade on the 29th of the
same, which concluded the year.
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1006 H.
On the 2nd day of the new year, _i.e._ the 2nd of the month Moharrem,
the commander-in-chief entered Belgrade with his army, and there they
rested for the space of twenty days, during which time provisions and
other necessaries were distributed among the various troops.
The beglerbeg of Anatolia, Mohammed Páshá, joined the grand army with
his provincial troops on the 8th of the month, on which day the whole
camp moved forward, crossed the Save, and marched towards Serim. The
Serdár followed on the 23rd, and joined his camp in the plains of the
last-mentioned place. The beglerbeg of Bosnia, Háfiz Ahmed Páshá,
joined himself and his provincials to the grand army at Zemún, and
Murád Páshá, the válí of Diárbeker, at Usk. The beglerbeg of Romeili,
Válí Páshá, and the beglerbeg of Buda, Mikaeljelí Ahmed Páshá, met the
grand army at the head of the lake, near Buda.
Information having been given that the enemy had laid siege to Yanuk,
it was determined, in a council of war, to march to the relief of that
fortress. Ten pieces of ordnance, small and great, taken from the
fortress of Buda, were put under the charge of the troops under Válí
Páshá and Ahmed Páshá. The grand army reached the plains of Dál on the
20th of the month, where it encamped; and here also it was joined by
the beglerbegs of Sivás and Ruka, with their respective troops. Here
also they received information confirming the intelligence they had
formerly obtained respecting the siege of Yanuk. By some prisoners
which were brought in they were assured that Maximillian, with forty
or fifty thousand troops, was busily engaged in the reduction of that
place. This information induced the Moslem army to go over to the
little island called Komran.
In the meantime, however, the veterans of Yanuk having a favourable
opportunity offered to them did not let it slip. They impetuously
rushed out of their strong-hold, seized about one thousand prisoners,
and slew twice that number.
As soon as the pieces of ordnance were brought forward, the Moslems
removed to Tata, placed their guns against it, and commenced firing
them on the 26th of the month Sefer. This fortress had undergone the
same fate with Yanuk, and was now in the hands of the enemy. It was
therefore considered of importance to attempt its reduction.
Towards the end of the month, the household troops were divided into
two divisions. One division was stationed near Osterghún, and the
other near Komran, as armies of observation. Mines were laid with the
utmost diligence; but to enter the breaches which had been effected
was found too difficult a task, owing to the steepness of the place.
When the attempt was made, the veterans who did so were driven back by
the bursting of shells, and by the stones which were hurled at them.
But though they did not succeed in entering the breaches, they did not
fail to distress the besieged by their field-pieces and mines. Such,
in fact, was the effect this mode of operation had on the minds of the
besieged, that they supposed that if they continued to hold out one day
longer, they would fall victims to their own temerity and obstinacy;
and, therefore, under cover of night, they left the fortress, fled
through the rushes and long grass, which grew in abundance about the
place, and made their way towards the fortress of Komran. Mohammed
Páshá, the beglerbeg of Anatolia, having that night the charge of the
watch, perceived their motions, pursued them with vigour, slew a number
of them, and made others of them prisoners. But it is necessary to
observe, that in consequence of the abundance of rushes and long grass
which grew along the sides of the lakes and in the channel between it
and Komran, many of these heathens escaped by hiding themselves among
them.
The place was taken on the 1st of Rabia II. after the enemy had
abandoned it, and those of the enemy who besieged Yanuk also fled.
The breaches made in the fortress of Yanuk were repaired in about
eight days, and afterwards about a thousand measures or bags of flour
were deposited in it. The garrison who had charge of it, and who
were hired to keep possession of it, came with their officers to the
commander-in-chief, and told him they had fulfilled their engagements,
demanded their stipulated hire, and, at the same time, to have their
names enrolled as worthy of promotion. They were continued in the
garrison for another year, and their case was represented to court.
On the 8th, the grand army was joined, whilst encamped at the head of
the lake, by Núh Páshá, the beglerbeg of Caramania, and on the 10th the
whole camp removed to Old Buda.
_A Council held.—The army marches on Wáj._
In the meantime the inhabitants of Buda sent in a representation to the
Serdár of the danger in which they considered themselves. They stated,
that ever since the reduction of Osterghún, Buda became, by that event,
a frontier city, and was, therefore, more in danger from the enemy.
They insisted that that was the only time for recovering so important a
place. “The summer,” they said, “is nearly at an end, and the enemy are
not so numerous as on former occasions. God willing,” they added, “the
vanquishing of it will not be difficult. If, on the other hand,” the
Budians still speaking, “you will not attempt what we think you should
attempt, we will in such a case send letters of complaint against you
to court. This is what we will do.”
In consequence of this representation by the Budians a council was
immediately held, and the subject seriously discussed. The Janissaries
decidedly opposed the measure as altogether out of time. They alleged
that the time of the year for making trenches and raising mounds was
past. Osterghún, they said, was not of such importance as some other
places, and therefore they did not think the request of the Budians
should be complied with. The Serdár, when he perceived that the
Budians insisted on his following their advice, turned round upon them
and said: “if you all come forth and assist in making the trenches and
mounds requisite in such an enterprise, and with heart and hand engage
to labour in the undertaking, we with the whole of our Moslem army will
return to lay siege to Osterghún.” The Budians promised to comply.
It so happened, however, that, after the head of artillery had embarked
twenty badlooshkas (a kind of ordnance) and ten pieces of large cannon
on board the transports which lay in the river (Danube), and all were
in a state of readiness to march, a heavy fall of snow, about a cubit
deep, fell during the night, which at once put a stop to the whole of
the enterprise. It was agreed on all hands to postpone the expedition
to some future but more advantageous period.
On the 12th of the month Teryákí, Hasan Páshá arrived in the camp
and informed the Serdár that the prince of Transylvania had attacked
Temiswar. In consequence of this intelligence, the beglerbeg of Sivás,
Mahmúd Páshá, the beglerbeg of Ruka, Alí Páshá, and the beglerbeg of
Adna, Mohammed Páshá, were all ordered with their respective troops to
march to the aid of Temiswar. About the same time, also, the Moslems
learned that a body of the enemy’s troops had passed Osterghún, and had
gone towards Wáj. This determined the Serdár to alter his plans, and to
march against them. In the space of five days the Moslem army passed
through the plains of Pest; and on the 15th of the month crossed the
bridge of the above place, when a tremendous fall of snow, the very
next day, began to fall, and occasioned much pain and uneasiness to the
troops. On the 18th, the army halted at a place called Armúdlí. Here
they waited for the arrival of their ordnance, which had been embarked
as before mentioned.
In the meantime a party of Tátárs brought into the camp about twenty
prisoners they had seized, and who informed the Serdár of the state
of the siege carried on against Temiswar. On the 21st, they encamped
before the fortress of Wáj. A considerable body of the enemy lay
encamped on a narrow kind of pass a little above Wáj, on the Danube.
On the land side they were guarded by a ridge of high mountains, and
by an extensive ditch in front. Within this trench or ditch they had
erected ramparts and bastions, and were every way supplied with all
sorts of implements of war. The Moslems finding it impracticable to
attack them in front, or on the mountain side, determined to attack
them from behind. They, accordingly, made arrangements with this
view. The advance guard of the Moslems, after four days’ march round
the mountain, advanced on them in the rear within the range of their
artillery, and were met by a few companies of Hungarian troops who
feigned resistance, but who soon retired within their works—thus
seeking to bring the Muselmans within the range of their artillery.
The beglerbegs of Anatolia, of Caramania, of Bosnia, of Sivás, with
their respective provincials, formed the right wing: the troops
of Romeili and of Buda formed the left: the Janissaries, with the
commander-in-chief at their head, formed the centre: the beglerbeg
of Diárbeker, Murád Páshá, and the beglerbeg of Uskudár, Delí Nasúh
Páshá, were attached to the advance guard. On the following morning
(_i. e._ the morning of the fifth day after commencing their march
round the mountain), and just as hostilities were about to begin, a
celebrated Spanish captain belonging to the Spanish infantry in the
enemy’s army submitted himself to the Osmánlís and embraced Islamism.
In the meantime, the Moslems considered that if they could succeed
in dispossessing the enemy’s foot soldiers of their position on the
heights of the mountain, who were very annoying to the Moslems, they
would be sure of gaining the victory. To accomplish this desirable
object, some of the most daring of the Janissaries and _Atoghláns_
rushed upon them with knives and other similar instruments in their
hands. These were supported in their attempt by the Bosnian and Budian
troops who were engaged with those of the enemy stationed on the out
works. The beglerbeg of Romeili was sent forward with a detachment to
succour those combatants, and by his dexterity succeeded in forcing a
considerable number of the enemy into the open field, where a great
many of them perished. This, however, only made room for more of them.
They issued forth, troop after troop, and by their cannon and muskets,
it must be acknowledged, committed serious mischief among the Moslems
immediately in contact with them, and whom it was found absolutely
necessary to aid by a body of Salihdárs. On this detachment having
been sent forward to aid the Moslem combatants, Maximillian, the
commander-in-chief of the infidels, came forth with his mighty hosts,
who, along with the guns on the fortifications, very much distressed
them; though they continued to fight manfully till night came on, when
the drum warned them to retire.
Those troops who attacked the infidels on the heights of the mountain
were led on by Delí Nasúh Páshá, the páshá of Uskudár, and who,
descending from his horse, fought on foot with the utmost bravery. It
would be impossible to relate all the heroic deeds which he and his
veteran associates achieved on that day. The day following, however,
the Moslems offered no battle, but attended to their sick and wounded,
and interred those martyrs who had fallen in the mortal contest. On the
second day they again commenced their military operations. The troops
of Romeili and Buda, supported by other divisions, presented themselves
before the enemy’s fortifications, when another desperate struggle
commenced, which lasted till night, as on the former day; but which,
alas! brought no victory to the Moslem arms. The Osmánlís now thought
it advisable, seeing they had been unable to conquer, and because the
winter had set in, which was unfavourable for warlike operations,
to retire and seek their safety in retreat. But lest injury should
happen to the bridges on the Danube and the Drave should they retire
in confusion by them, they chose another way of saving themselves;
and accordingly sent off their heavy baggage on the 28th, and soon
afterwards commenced their retreat, which they accomplished without
sustaining any serious injury. Such was the result of this campaign.
The orthodox troops, with their Serdár at their head, returned by
Armúdlí and Pest, and encamped before the mills near the island of
Koyún (or Sheep Island).
Whilst the camp continued at this place, another deputation arrived
and presented themselves before the serdár, and informed him of the
progress of the Transylvanians against Temiswar. The beglerbeg of Sivás
Mahmúd Páshá, with the Bosnian troops and some Romeilian chiefs, were
appointed to march to the aid of Temiswar, which they did on the 2d of
the second Rabia.
The troops under the serdár, however, began to murmur about their pay;
yet those of Yanuk were very active; for they erected a bridge across
the Danube in the space of three days, which the serdár crossed on the
5th of Rabia II., and marched to Kiris Elias, where he halted. Here he
learned that the enemy had broken up their camp, and had returned to
their own dominions. On the 8th he reached the plains of Hamza-beg,
where the beglerbeg of Buda took his leave of him and departed. Here
also the Serdár granted the whole of the troops leave to disperse, and
went himself directly to Belgrade, which he reached towards the end of
the month; and from that city he sent a statement of the campaign to
the court of Constantinople. The beglerbeg of Caramania, Nasúh Páshá,
and the beglerbeg of Bosnia, Teryákí Hasan Páshá, remained at Buda: as
also did the válí of Merœsh. A thousand of the troops were placed
in the garrison. The rest of the troops, after they were allowed to
disperse, sought winter quarters, some in Romeili, some in Anatolia,
some in Bajka, some in Súmber. The menials of the camp were also
permitted to disperse, but their ághás remained at Belgrade.
Proposals of peace with the infidels were at this time attempted, but
without any happy result. Khoja Murád Páshá, Hábel Effendí, cazí of
Buda, and Alí Páshá, the son-in-law of Murád Páshá, went to the plains
of Wáj, after the retreat of the Moslems, and endeavoured to negociate
an honourable peace: but the infidels’ noses were in the wind (_i.e._
exercised caution), and the Moslem negociators were obliged to return
without accomplishing the object of their mission.
_The Grand Vezír, Ibrahím Páshá, deposed.—Khádum Hasan Páshá succeeds
to the premiership._
Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, the commander-in-chief in the late campaign,
in order to exonerate himself from any blame which might attach to
him for not having been so successful in the late war as had been
expected, represented his want of success to the failure of the Tátár
khán’s fulfilling his injunctions to come to his assistance, and to
the smallness of the number of troops which acted under him. This
statement made no pleasant impression on the mind of the emperor, who
was by this time but too much displeased with the grand vezír for the
part he had acted towards this khán on a former occasion, as we have
already related in a preceding chapter. On this account, therefore,
as well as for some offence which the grand vezír had given to the
queen-mother; and also on account of some handsome presents which
Khádum Hasan Páshá had made: and moreover, because Ibrahím’s capacity
for governing had become more and more disputed, the emperor, for
these reasons, one day called the mufti into his royal presence and
began his conversation thus: “I purpose,” said the monarch, “to make a
change in the premiership: whom do you think worthy of being elevated
to that station?” The reverend mufti replied, that if he meant to
dismiss his servant Ibrahím, it must, of course, be for some crime.
What is that crime? The emperor, having thought a little, said “that
there was no end to his crimes,” and adverted to the part he had acted
with regard to the two Tátár princes. “Was it, think you,” said the
sublime monarch, “a crime of small magnitude that he should have been
the means of the death of Fateh Gheráí, and all its consequent evils?”
The reverend mufti, after hearkening to this apostrophe, proposed Jeráh
Páshá, the senior vezír. The emperor demurred, and said Jeráh had no
capacity for managing affairs; and that therefore he preferred giving
the office to Khádum Hasan Páshá, whose superior wisdom and prudence
was spoken of through the whole city of Constantinople. The reverend
mufti bowed, joined in his praises, and exaggerated his endowments.
On the 23d of Rabia II., after the sitting of the diván, the ketkhodá
of the household troops, Abdullah Aghá, was deputed by his majesty to
wait on Ibrahím and receive back the seals from him, and to present
them to Khádum Hasan Páshá. Ibrahím Páshá went to live in his own
garden, near the new emporium at Uskudár.
Khádum Hasan Páshá, in consequence of his splendid gifts and presents
to the queen-mother, and of his many promises of rendering service
to the state, was raised, in the course of that passing week, to
the dignity of grand vezír. This man, as might easily have been
anticipated, was attentive to nothing but his own aggrandizement, and
how to increase his own wealth. During the whole time he continued
in office, he sold places, received immense bribes, and amassed vast
riches. When any one asked him for a situation he used to say: “Do you
know to whom I shall give the presents you have sent me?” and other
similar impertinent questions. This exalted personage, however, soon
fell under the execrations of the people, and became every day more and
more hated and despised, but yet no one was able to oppose him.
One day, when his majesty went to St. Sophia, to offer up his devotions
in that temple, some desperate fellows approached him and requested
permission to slay his minister. His majesty, thinking it was out of
mere ill will they had so petitioned him, did not give his consent, and
they immediately desisted from their purpose. The emperor, however,
mentioned the circumstance to his mother, who let Ghaznafer Aghá into
the secret, and with him she concerted the overthrow of the prime
minister. He maintained that Hasan Páshá not only openly received
bribes, but that he had also cut off the supplies of the queen-mother;
that he had published complaints against her among all ranks of the
community, and thus made her the subject of conversation; that by
these and similar means he sought to rouse her servants to rebellion,
and herself to be removed to a distance from the court, in order that
he might obtain absolute power. All this representation, or rather
accusation, was confirmed by the ághá of the Janissaries, Ternakjí
Hasan. The emperor issued orders to investigate into the fact. But
those who were appointed to do this returned a verdict similar to the
above statement of accusation, or at least confirmatory of it.
In the meantime the reverend mufti, Bostání Zádeh, died, when Hasan
Páshá conferred the duty of expounding the law on the poet Bákí
Effendí, in conjunction with Karah Chelebí Zádeh. But the emperor not
approving of his choice, appointed Khoja Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí, with a
part of whose history we are already acquainted, and whom we saw lately
condemned to live the life of a hermit, to be mufti in room of Bostání
Zádeh. Notwithstanding this, however, Hasan Páshá wrote three times
officially on this subject to Bákí Effendí, and tried what he could to
prevent Sa’d-ud-dín succeeding to the muftiship; a circumstance which
awakened old but buried animosity and unpleasant correspondence between
the old prelate and the grand vezír. The conduct of the latter roused
the emperor’s anger, and without further delay he installed the old
reverend prelate into the office of mufti.
Khoja Effendí (_i.e._ Sa’d-ud-dín), the new mufti, Ghaznafer Aghá,
and Ternakjí Aghá, all three joined in accusing Hasan Páshá. They
represented his conduct with regard to the queen-mother, and the other
enormities of his life, in such a clear light before the emperor, as
showed him to be worthy of death. He was accordingly seized on the 2d
of Ramazán, conveyed on board a vessel, and was conducted to the Seven
Towers by Ferhád Aghá, the chief of the Bostánjís, and in five or six
days afterwards he was strangled during the night. The ághá of the
Janissaries, Ternakjí Hasan Aghá, sealed the doors of his palace, and
transferred the whole of his property to the imperial coffers; but it
did not amount to what was anticipated.
_Jeráh Mohammed Páshá raised to the premiership._
The grand vezírship having again become vacant, there was some
disposition shown to recall Ibrahím Páshá to that important office;
but by the dexterity of the reverend prelate, his old enemy, this was
thwarted, and Jeráh Mohammed Páshá was appointed to fill that high
station.
_The enemy gains advantage at Yanuk by stratagem._
The city and fortress of Yanuk about this time was put under the
government of Mahmúd Páshá, who had formerly been ághá of the
Janissaries, and subsequently beglerbeg of Fajir. The enemy permitted
no grain of any kind to be brought or conveyed to Yanuk, but in order
to corrupt and pervert the inhabitants, as well as the troops who were
in it, they permitted great quantities of wine to be carried thither
both in boats and waggons. In consequence of this traffic in wine, the
people of Yanuk acquired the habit of drinking, and so very relaxed did
they become, that their ramparts and gates were no longer watched with
that care and vigilance which was the case before wine was introduced
amongst them. Regardless alike of the Páshá’s warnings as of every
other advice, they vainly confided in the natural and artificial
strength of the place, and were no longer the active vigilant men they
used to be.
The beglerbeg of Yanuk was in the habit of receiving from the sanják of
Petcheví an annual quantity of grain, amounting to two or three hundred
waggons, but which, when returning, were frequently intercepted by the
enemy, who on all such occasions carried off the oxen. In this way
above five or six thousand of these animals had been stolen at various
times, and driven away into the enemy’s dominions. This great loss the
people of the sanják of Petcheví were obliged to sustain; but other
districts fared worse, and had not even so much as one left them. In
fact, some of the peasants were under the necessity of ploughing their
lands by their own strength and that of their wives.
About the commencement of the month of Ramazán this year, the enemy
committed great cruelty and excess. They attacked several hundreds of
waggons which were carrying provisions to Yanuk and Agria. The escort
of cavalry which accompanied these waggons, on seeing the enemy,
fled, leaving the poor drivers to shift for themselves. The number of
these amounted to about three hundred, who were either killed or made
prisoners. Between one and two thousand oxen and waggons were carried
off by the enemy.
The two thousand regular troops, and the two thousand Kúl-oghláns,
which had been left to garrison Yanuk, had most of their families in
the districts of Petcheví, Koban, and Alba Julia, and were therefore
strongly inclined on this account to abandon Yanuk altogether. The
fortress of Tata, which the year before had been demolished, and its
inhabitants destroyed, was allowed to remain in its state of ruin and
dilapidation.
The people of Yanuk appeared to be bound over by some spell or
infatuation not easily accounted for, if we except their propensity
for wine, which brought its own punishment. A swine of the name of
Palghi, kapúdán of Komran, sent some thousands of his foot soldiers to
surround Yanuk, whilst he himself with a thousand or two of cavalry
made his way towards its gate. The inhabitants and garrison were in a
profound state of inactivity and carelessness, and knew nothing of the
enemy’s approach. The gate was barricaded only with a single bar of fir
wood, and their drawbridge was not let down. Some few of these apostate
infidels who came to attack the place approached about midnight to
the gate, and feigned an alarm. The centinel, a boy, awaking from his
sleep, asked, “Who’s there?” They replied: “We are come from Petcheví
with provisions, were very near meeting the enemy, and have with much
difficulty escaped to this place. They are still in hard pursuit of
us, and will soon have us in their power, unless you open your gate
and let us in. Open then the gate, and let in the waggons loaded with
provisions.” As this conversation with the watch ended, the rest came
forward with their wooden mortars and placed them in front of the gate,
whilst the boy said he would run and inform the kapújí, and did so.
The treacherous enemy lost no time, for the centinel was scarcely gone
when they attacked the gate, splintered it to pieces, and rushed in on
the devoted people: some were lying drunk, some asleep, and all in a
state of total negligence and unconcern. Now the work of destruction
commenced. The troops in it saw when it was too late their danger, but
the sight of the enemy only roused them to madness. They fought with
the most desperate fury, and perished in the conflict. Thus did Yanuk
fall into the hands of the execrated enemy. The stratagem succeeded.
It has been said that the commander of the Janissaries of Yanuk
was brought alive, but in a state of drunkenness, before the
above-mentioned impious Palghi, kapúdán of Komran, and that ten or
fifteen thousand pieces of gold were found in his possession. After
interrogating him, the story goes on to say, as to what he meant to do
with such a quantity of money, and asking him why he had not laid it
out on the garrison, or if he thought that his money would watch the
fortress, the commander caused his head to be cut off and fixed upon a
pole. The same account also states that, notwithstanding the general
carnage, five or six Muselmans made their escape to Buda; the rest
were totally annihilated. The beglerbeg of Buda sent a report of this
disastrous affair to the commander-in-chief, which reached him on the
29th of Shabán.
The wooden mortars or guns above alluded to were something in the form
of a cannon—large mortars made of bronze, and surrounded by five or six
iron rings on the outside. Each mortar had two ears of the same metal
with itself, and the whole piece or apparatus was placed in a wooden
frame or case about as large as a small mat or carpet (about the size
of a hearthrug) and four or five fingers thick, and in which these ears
were fixed. The point of the mortar was seen outside of the frame, and
when it was charged with powder a circular plate was firmly fixed to
its mouth by ropes or straps. These mortars were placed on two-wheeled
carriages, which were provided with a long rod or pole behind them to
prevent the wheels or carriage, when the mortars were discharged, from
diverging from the proper line. Such were the instruments employed on
the above occasion.
_The Moslems determine on attacking Warad._
When the winter season was nearly over, and the approach of spring at
hand, Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, who had taken up his winter quarters
in Belgrade, and still retained the office of commander-in-chief,
though in the last campaign he had accomplished nothing of importance,
but permitted Yanuk to fall, and who seemed pleased with the apology
which the Tátár khán thought proper to offer for his negligence,
determined on renewing hostilities as soon as the season should permit.
Accordingly every preparation necessary for the undertaking was seen
to, and his camp was soon pitched in the plains of Belgrade. A great
quantity of money and of troops were on this occasion ordered to be
sent to him.
In a council held at Constantinople it was declared, by persons well
acquainted with the state and condition of the frontiers, that the
fortresses of Lipa, Yanwa, Warad, and Jena, in the jurisdiction of
Temiswar, had been seized on by the enemy, and that if active measures
were not timely adopted, Temiswar would most assuredly be wrested also
from the Moslem grasp.
Whilst the council was employed in consulting about these matters,
official documents were received from the commander-in-chief, which
confirmed the statements before made. It was the opinion of the grand
vezír, Jeráh Mohammed Páshá, that as the enemy was in possession
of the districts about Yanuk and Osterghún, the commander-in-chief
should direct his movements against the Transylvanians, who had, as
before observed, invaded the jurisdiction of Temiswar. As the frontier
fortresses in that quarter were all well furnished with men and
provisions, he observed, it seemed most prudent on this account to make
Transylvania the scene of the war. They all agreed that unless the
Transylvanians were thoroughly chastised, it would be impossible to
keep Valachia and Moldavia in a state of subjection. The royal mandate
for commencing this war was issued and sent to the commander-in-chief,
accompanied by a robe of honour. At the same time letters, and also
money, according to ancient custom, were sent to the khán of the
Tátárs, desiring him to assist the serdár with a Tátár army. The feudal
tenantry in Turkey who held superiorities sold them, received double
wages, and took their dependants. Five hundred yúks of money from the
imperial coffers were sent along with the camp, and the above tenantry
for the serdár. They departed from Constantinople for Belgrade in the
beginning of Shabán, which happened to be his majesty’s birth-day. The
camp of the serdár was erected on a hill called Khúnkár, in the plains
of the last-mentioned city, on the 12th of Ramazán. On the 23rd of
Shevál Válí Páshá, the beglerbeg of Romeili, who had wintered at Uskúb,
joined the commander-in-chief’s camp at the above place. On the 14th of
Dhu’l kada the serdár himself joined his army; and, after having had
information as to the certainty of the Tátár khán’s approach, sent off
couriers to the different cazís along the Danube, ordering them to have
provisions in readiness.
After it had been fully resolved on to carry the war into Transylvania,
a bridge was commenced on the 9th of Dhu’l hijja at a place or
promontory on the Danube called _Táshluk Búrún_, somewhere below
Belgrade, and which was completed in eighteen days, though it extended
1,850 cubits in length.
On the day the army began to cross over into the country of
Transylvania the serdár received certain information that the Tátár
khán with his army had reached Rusjuk. The provincial troops of
Caramania and Merœsh, with their respective chiefs, who had been
sent to garrison Buda, passed through the plains of Belgrade and
followed the grand army into Transylvania. Towards the end of Dhu’l
hijja the Moslem serdár or commander-in-chief joined his army, which
halted in the plains of Petcheva; but we must defer relating the
history of this war till we review the events of the following year.
_State of affairs in Bassra._
It was during this year that the hidden natural corruption and
depravity of Seyid Mobárek manifested itself, and when thousands of
detestable and wicked wretches joined in the rebellion which he was the
means of exciting in the jurisdiction of Bassra, who committed every
sort of devastation in the cities, towns, and villages throughout the
provinces of Bassra and Lahsa, killing, destroying, and plundering
where they were able. The government of Baghdád having been conferred
on the celebrated vezír, Hasan Páshá, about the commencement of
Ramazán, he was also appointed commander-in-chief over all the forces
in Baghdád, Sheherzúl, and in all the places appertaining to them.
Some time before this appointment took place, however, the inhabitants,
when they first became aware of the cruelties practised by these
rebels, sent an embassy to the Sháh of Persia, beseeching him to
send them succour to enable them to resist the encroachments of the
rebels. Their request was complied with: he sent them three hundred
Kizilbáshes under the command of three leaders, but who in fact became
more terrible oppressors than the faction had been whom they came to
repel. The cure was worse than the disease. A representation of this
circumstance was communicated to the court of Constantinople, who about
the end of Dhu’l hijja wrote expressly, and in the most peremptory
manner, to the sháh in reference to these matters.
Among the appointments to office which took place when Jeráh entered
on the premiership, the following may be mentioned. Jeghala Zádeh
Sinán Páshá was created kapúdán or lord high admiral; and Khezr Páshá,
from among the vezírs, was honoured with the government of Egypt. It
belongs to this period to mention, also, that in consequence of the
beglerbeg of Caramania having been employed with his provincial troops
in the Hungarian wars, the country was in a great measure left naked
and without protection. About three thousand insurgents took advantage
of this, and collected together in the absence of the governor and his
troops, and committed the most horrid excesses; but the inhabitants
uniting together opposed them and slew the greater part of these
reptiles.
But of all the remarkable events which had taken place during this
period, the following is the most astonishing. It has been recorded
by the pen of some one in a collection of facts, that on Friday the
18th of Rabia II., about mid-day, the lady of Bekerbeg, the beglerbeg
of Shám Sheríf (the noble city of Damascus), a woman of high rank,
called Ayesha, the daughter of a respectable officer in the army, was
delivered, after only three months pregnancy, of two male children,
and shortly after she brought forth twelve more, fully formed, but
not living, female children; in all two males and twelve females.
Such a phenomenon as this was is certainly not beyond the range of
possibility; but physicians denominate such occurrence _an error in
nature_.
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1007, H.
_Account of the late expedition continued from last year._
We have already, in a former section, noticed the purport of this
expedition, and left the grand army encamped in the plains of Petcheva.
On the 25th of Dhu’l hijja of that year they reached Betchgarak, where
they halted for some time.
About the middle of the thousand and seventh Moharrem (_i.e._ about
the middle of the month Moharrem, 1007 of the Hijrah), Válí Páshá,
beglerbeg of Romeili, died; and Mohammed Páshá, beglerbeg of Anatolia,
who had been stationed at Usk, was appointed to succeed him, and
immediately joined the grand army. Mohammed Páshá was succeeded at Usk
by Súfí Sinán Páshá, beglerbeg of Agria; and he again was succeeded by
Bektásh Páshá, governor of Solnuk.
At Betchgarak, a place rendered sacred by the death of the late
beglerbeg of Romeili, the army remained full fifty-five days waiting
for the arrival of the Tátár khán and his subsidiary troops.
During the stay of the grand army at this place, it happened that
messengers arrived from Buda who informed the commander-in-chief that
the fortress of Tata had been taken by the enemy, and immediately after
this other messengers brought him intelligence from Alba Julia that
Pulata was besieged. Without loss of time, therefore, and in the utmost
haste, he issued orders to the troops of Semendria to march to Buda and
strengthen that garrison.
In the meantime, information reached the Moslem camp that Ghází Gheráí
Khán, with his Tátár troops had arrived in the neighbourhood; and on
the 26th of Moharrem the khán joined the royal army with forty-five
thousand men. The Moslem serdár, on his approach, went out with great
pomp and shew, to meet his royal highness, and to perform the honours
due to him, and which were usual on such occasions; he also prepared a
splendid entertainment for him and his suite. The royal khán, in his
turn, made a suitable acknowledgment to the serdár and to the other
magnates of the Moslem camp. After the entertainment was over, the
serdár conducted his royal highness to his pavilion, and returned to
his own. He caused, however, another tent to be erected for the khán
near his own, and one for his females; and provided them with every
thing necessary for their accommodation and comfort. To each of one
hundred of the khán’s mirzás a robe of honour was given: but to the
royal auxiliary himself a splendid robe, an embroidered coat, two
Agria horses, and a saddle and bridle richly ornamented with gold and
precious gems were presented.
On the 27th, the commander-in-chief or serdár, the princes and
commanders of regiments went to pay their respects to his royal
highness, when a royal mandate which had been received from
Constantinople was read in the presence of these august personages.
After the mandate was read, the khán, the serdár, and the other
dignitaries present, stood up, offered up a prayer, and then
immediately entered into consultation as to the best means for
accomplishing the object of the expedition. The question as to the
route they should take formed one of the topics which occupied their
minds on this important occasion. After a good deal of conversation on
this subject, the chiefs of the borders observed, that there were three
roads which penetrated Transylvania. The first led to the fortress of
Lipovah; the second, to Sibish and Loghúsh; and the third, to Warad.
His royal highness Ghází Gheráí observed, it would be most proper to
go by the one which could be shown to be the most eligible for the
transporting of cannon and heavy baggage, and on which they could most
easily defend themselves in the event of being attacked. One of the
most distinguished of the border leaders replied by saying: “Sire, the
roads of Sibish and Loghúsh, and of Lipovah, are both difficult and
dangerous, and afford no means of defence against the enemy should
they be disposed to attack us. The road leading to Warad, on the
contrary, is broad and open, and on this account, as well as others, it
is the most preferable one: besides, it is the only one of the three
in which we can most efficiently as well as conveniently, accomplish
our object—the chastising of the Transylvanians.” “But,” said the khán,
“will the infidels of Warad not endeavour to intercept or ensnare us?
In the event of their attempting any of these expedients, is there no
danger, and shall we not be obliged to relinquish our object? In the
event of our succeeding in reducing it, can we keep possession of it
after we have taken it?” He asked further, whether the reduction of
the place would likely occupy much time. With the view of doing honour
to the prowess of the serdár, it was replied, though falsely, that two
or three pieces of ordnance were quite sufficient for the purpose of
accomplishing the reduction of Warad; and that, afterwards, they could
advance against Zighmund (probably the prince of Transylvania). This
representation weighed with the council. Etmekjí Zádeh, the defterdár
of the expedition, attended to every thing necessary for the attempt,
and provided the army with apparatus for occupying the fortress.
In consequence, however, of the great length of time which had elapsed,
since leaving Belgrade, including the fifty-five days they had to wait
for the khán, the half of the season for carrying on hostilities was
past, but still they were determined to do what they could. About the
middle of the month Sefer, one Yúghen, an ághá of Temiswar, and one
who was well acquainted with the roads, was appointed to conduct the
Moslem army to Warad. They reached a fortress on the river Murish,
called Jenad, before which they sat down and prepared for laying siege
to it. After the firing of a few guns, however, its inhabitants and
garrison became dismayed, abandoned it, and fled to the mountains and
thickets adjacent. This fortress, of course, was immediately taken
possession of, whilst the Tátár troops pursued the fugitives; killed
some, and took most of the rest prisoners. One hundred and fifty of
these vile wretches were brought to the door of the serdár’s tent, and
there beheaded. Jenad was put under the jurisdiction of prince Ibrahím
Shikshái, inspector of Belgrade.
From Jenad the army marched to a palanka called Dilagúsh, and thence
proceeded to Arad, of which, finding it deserted by its inhabitants,
they took possession.
Shortly after this, messengers arrived from the prince of Transylvania
with letters to his highness, the khán of the Tátárs, requesting
conditions of peace, or rather requesting the khán to intercede with
the Ottoman emperor and endeavour to bring about a peace. About the
same time also a great quantity of rain fell, which exceedingly annoyed
the Moslem troops.
On the 9th of Sefer Mustafa Páshá, the beglerbeg of Erzerúm, joined the
grand army with his provincials. On the 11th, the whole army crossed
the Murish, but experienced the greatest difficulty in doing so. They
marched along its banks for several stages, and stopped at a bridge
near a deserted palanka, called Ordúbek. At length, after experiencing
a thousand hardships in crossing rivers and passing through extensive
marshes, they arrived in the plains of Warad on the 24th of the month,
where they were joined by the beglerbeg of Wán, Yúsuf Páshá having
previously been joined, whilst at Ordúbek, by the army of Gula. Two
badlooshkas also, the one from Gula and the other from Temiswar, were
sent to them. The Tátár khán, on the army’s leaving Jenad, took a
different route with the intention of distressing and annoying the
peasantry throughout the country, and joined the grand army again at
Warad.
The fortress of Warad, before which the Moslem army took up its
position on the 29th, was situate on the boundaries which separate
Germany and Transylvania, was very strong, and surrounded by suburbs
and villages. So very large and extensive a place was Warad that it
could easily contain twenty thousand troops. Its gardens reached from
the suburbs to Pest, and its country houses and other dwellings were no
less extensive in number, it is conjectured, than the number which at
that time were between Constantinople and the gardens of Dávud Páshá.
It is impossible to describe accurately the whole of the gardens and
orchards, and the multitude of the inhabitants of Warad. Some one or
two years before the period we are now speaking of, a German army of
several thousands took possession of it, and had it in subjection when
the orthodox army, under the grand vezír and commander-in-chief Jeráh
Mohammed Páshá, appeared before it. The suburbs and villages were
inhabited by Hungarians.
_Warad besieged._
When the Tátár troops advanced to attack the suburbs of Warad, the
inhabitants came boldly forth, and for a whole day and night fought
with courage. But the Tátárs no sooner succeeded in setting fire to
their dwellings than they retired, put their families into waggons, and
tried to escape through their postern gates. The Tátárs pursued them
with vigour, slew the grown-up, made the young prisoners, and returned
with immense booty.
Immediately after these things, the khán of the Tátárs, and the serdár
of the Moslems, and other great men in the army formed themselves into
a council of war, and took into consideration whether they should
proceed onwards and desolate the country, or stop where they then were
and endeavor to vanquish the fortress of Warad. The whole council were
unanimous in thinking the latter plan the most advisable. So important
and so strong a place, and so very near the frontiers of the Ottoman
dominions, and which at once formed a key to Germany and Transylvania,
they unanimously considered ought not to be allowed to remain in the
hands of the enemy, and they therefore determined at once on reducing
it.
On the first of Rabia II., therefore, the army entered the suburbs, the
houses of which were well-built and handsome, and instead of preparing
themselves trenches, took possession of them. With the three pieces of
ordnance which they had brought along with them, they began battering
the fortress; but they found, when it was too late to rectify their
mistake, they had commenced a work far beyond their strength, and one
which they had not maturely considered. They discovered their rashness,
but not in sufficient time to correct their mistake. The object of the
expedition into the country, at the commencement of their operations,
was to lay it waste, and therefore they did not encumber themselves
with many cannon, that they might the more conveniently traverse the
territories of Transylvania, and thoroughly chastise the inhabitants.
They had no more cannon, therefore, than the three now mentioned:
neither were they provided with any apparatus for carrying on a siege.
This want they now began to feel when it could not be easily and
speedily remedied; and to subdue a place of such great strength as
Warad possessed, would require, they saw, an immense length of time.
The serdár was most sensibly touched when he discovered his error, and
was seriously affected by the mistake he had committed. He now began,
though too late, to reflect, that this same fortress, in former days,
had withstood, for the space of forty-five days, the utmost efforts of
one of the earlier kings, without being vanquished. Seeing he had no
chance of succeeding without a sufficient number of cannon, he wrote to
Súfí Sinán Páshá, beglerbeg of Agria, to join his camp, and to forward
without delay ten pieces of ordnance and other apparatus from the
fortress of Agria. In consequence of remissness or fraud, however, this
order was not complied with; or if complied with, was too late to be of
any use to the besiegers. All the powder and ball which could be found
in Gula and in the palankas round about, were expended without making
any impression on Warad. Two mines were also sprung, but with no better
effect.
The Tátárs, at this time, requested permission to range the country,
and commit what devastation they could, but the serdár refused to
give his consent; saying, he hoped to God they would yet take Warad,
and they would afterwards proceed together. It happened also, in the
mysterious providence of God, that for the space of forty days it
rained successively, and the rain which thus fell ran in torrents
through the plains and valleys. The ground everywhere round Warad
became soft, and in several places marshes were formed. The ditches
which the Janissaries had prepared were all filled with water and clay,
and the Janissaries themselves were forced to retire to their tents.
The whole of the army in these adverse circumstances became completely
discouraged, particularly the officers. The stream which issued from
the city swelled to such a degree as to become unpassable. In fact, it
was at last impracticable to go from one tent to another. The winds
also rose so awfully high as to tear away the very poles of the tents
out of the ground, and the cattle sunk to their bellies in the mud.
The troops also were for several days without meat, but this want was
supplied by a great number of sheep which had been driven to the plains
of Warad. The most of these sheep were sent thither by the peasants
of Solnuk, and nearly filled the whole country round Warad. The cursed
prince of Transylvania, they were also informed, had secured himself in
inaccessible mountains.
The Moslem army were thus exposed to all the inclemency of the weather,
and to every possible hardship, and distressed and annoyed by the
water which ran in torrents through their camp. In short, all this
accumulation of adverse circumstances completely overcame the spirit of
the Moslem troops: they became totally heartless, and could do nothing.
In the midst of all these indescribable distresses they were informed
by messengers from Buda that no fewer than 80,000 of the enemy had
attacked and destroyed Old Buda, and that at that very moment their
large cannon were employed in battering Buda itself. They added, that
if immediate aid were not afforded, Buda could not fail to fall into
the enemy’s hands. They had heard at an earlier period of the same day
on which this news was brought them, that a heavy body of the enemy had
passed through Yanuk and Wáj, and had gone to Old Buda. The persons who
brought the above intelligence maintained it was of no use to send one
or two thousand men; it was absolutely necessary, they said, that the
serdár should go in person with his whole army.
These sad and unwelcome messengers astonished and confounded the
afflicted serdár and his suffering army by the intelligence they
brought him. But his misfortunes were only increasing. The very
adverse circumstances in which the Moslem army were placed, and the
advance of the enemy against Buda, afforded a favourable opportunity
to the treacherous Michael, of cursed memory, to cross the Danube,
to attack the vezír Háfiz in Nicopolis, causing him to seek his
safety in flight; and to commit the most dreadful depredations. This
information became no sooner public, and its truth confirmed, than it
increased, of course, the embarrassments of Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, the
commander-in-chief. But they had still to increase: Tata, Besperim,
and Papa also fell into the hands of the hateful infidel enemy. These
things were more than sufficient to confound all judgment. They were
awful, terrible, and afflictive beyond expression: nevertheless, the
serdár still bore up under all the misfortunes of the campaign. He
determined, notwithstanding his perilous condition, to afford what aid
he could to the quarter above mentioned. Yet in a council afterwards
held, and in which the khán and the other magnates of the army were
consulted, the difficulty of sending foot soldiers became quite
apparent. Not only the distance but the difficulty which such troops
would have to encounter in crossing rivers like seas, the Danube, and
the Tise (Tibiscus), was clearly discerned to be beyond the power of
any but horsemen to accomplish. It was therefore agreed that a party of
some thousands of the Tátár rangers should be despatched without any
further delay as far as Pest, where they were to spread a report that
the khán and the serdár would soon appear with their respective troops,
and afford them effectual aid. This measure, it was conjectured, would
have the effect of strengthening such as had not fallen into the hands
of their enemy, and of discouraging, if possible, the latter. The Tátár
detachment proceeded.
In the meantime, the commander-in-chief was still looking in vain for
the arrival of the cannon from Agria. But, alas! he was disappointed.
Súfí Sinán Páshá arrived in the camp empty-handed. On being
interrogated why he did not send the ten pieces of cannon as commanded,
he returned for answer the senseless excuse, that no buffaloes could be
had to transport them. It can easily be imagined what was the grief and
affliction of the Moslem army, but it cannot be described. The whole
of the provisions which they had been able to find in the vicinity of
Warad was consumed, and the Tátárs were obliged to bring from a great
distance to the camp what flour or grain they were able to find. A keil
(measure) of barley was sold from three to five pieces of gold.
The serdár, it must be acknowledged, was the cause of the long delay of
the Moslem army before Warad, and of course, at least in some degree,
of the evils to which they had been subjected. We have already observed
how he refused to allow the Tátárs to go on a predatory excursion
through the country, saying he hoped God would give him the victory in
a day or two. He was miserably mistaken in his hopes, and accomplished
nothing; at least nothing good, as we have seen. The weather now became
so very cold that the men could keep neither hands nor feet warm.
Perceiving, therefore, that Warad was not to be subdued by the means
which he possessed, and as he had caused it to be reported about Pest
that he had raised the siege and had gone to Solnuk with the view of
succouring Buda, the serdár began to retreat. In consequence, however,
of the rivulets every where having swollen into rivers from the late
rains, the páshá of Temiswar, Ismael Páshá, was instructed to advance
and erect bridges for the army; but he did not erect even one; the
army had therefore, in consequence of this neglect, to do the best
they could. They crossed no fewer than twelve rivers, three of which,
however, had bridges over them, of the above description, by means of
rafts, and underwent immense difficulty and danger at every one which
they crossed. Numberless poor animals perished in these waters, and
the troops suffered most severely from the cold. The flour which they
carried along with them was spoiled and caused disease among the men,
and they were therefore obliged to throw it away. Their three pieces
of ordnance they succeeded in getting across these rivers by means of
strong ropes, and Khoja Murád Páshá, who was beglerbeg of Diárbeker,
Mohammed Páshá, beglerbeg of Haleb, and Súfí Sinán Páshá, in order
to encourage the troops, put their own necks into yokes, and helped
to drag them onwards. The distance between Warad and Gula was about
three days’ journey, but required twelve days on this occasion to
accomplish it, during the whole of which time they suffered a thousand
difficulties. Hundreds of men were left on the road by reason of the
cold or hunger, or sunk into the mud.
The army was met by Iskander Beg, who was afterwards created páshá,
and the ketkhodá of Teryákí, Hasan Páshá, in the plains of Gula, who
confirmed the intelligence they formerly had received that Besperim,
Polata, and Tata had fallen into the hands of the enemy, and earnestly
requested the serdár to send off, as soon as possible, what succours
he was able to the aid of those places which had been enabled still
to hold out. The serdár gave him fine promises and sent him away next
morning.
The army moved from Gula (Julia) to Solnuk. At both these places they
were obliged to pay a piece of gold for a loaf of bread. They expected
that at the latter place, where they halted a whole day, boats with
provisions would have been waiting for them; but in this also they
were grievously disappointed. When the troops saw that no boats with
provisions had arrived by the river Tise (Tibiscus), they were roused
into rage and commenced a tumult. Some of the Janissaries rushed upon
the serdár’s tent and pulled it down about his head. Each of them had
taken a piece of wood in his hand, with which they so belaboured the
poor commander-in-chief that he lay half murdered. They broke his skull
with their bludgeons and his arm with a stone, and afterwards commenced
the work of spoliation in his kitchen. It is certain that if some of
the other officers had not come to his assistance, they would have cut
him to pieces. The tent of the treasurer, Etmekjí Zádeh, shared the
same fate: it was not only thrown down but robbed, and he himself only
escaped with his life, which was entirely owing to the intervention of
some of their superiors. They now abandoned the idea of proceeding to
Buda. Towards evening the serdár was seen stepping round the tents, and
seemed as if afraid and ashamed to enter his own.
In consequence of all these disastrous events and distressing
circumstances, the strong fortress of Buda was committed to God, and
the Moslem army marched towards Segdin. Here they fortunately fell
in with a number of boats loaded with provisions on the Tise, when a
distribution of provisions immediately took place, which refreshed and
recruited the much-weakened strength of the army, at least in some
degree.
The accounts of the burning and destroying of the city or suburbs of
Buda, and all the evils which befell its inhabitants, must be reserved
to a future chapter. In the mean time, however, the unfortunate serdár,
pressed down and grieved with the misfortunes which had befallen his
orthodox army, became quite changed in his constitution. His soul
was vexed within him: his body became poor and lean; and in this
broken-down condition he retired to Belgrade. His royal highness,
the khán of the Crimea, went to Sonbúr, and his troops went into
winter-quarters in the sanják of Segdin. The beglerbeg of Romeili was
sent with his provincials to the sanják of Petcheví. The Janissaries and
other troops, after having been paid their arrears, were also sent into
winter quarters. The money necessary for paying these arrears had to be
borrowed from the rich men and merchants of Belgrade.
These arrangements were no sooner over than a very heavy fall of snow
fell, and a most intense cold commenced.
Thus ended this unfortunate campaign. No advantage was gained, but much
loss was sustained.
_Concerning the fall of Besperim, Polata, Tata, and the siege of Buda._
At the time it was first determined to carry the war into Transylvania,
the five thousand cavalry and the twelve thousand foot soldiers,
sent last year from Europe to Maximilian, the commander-in-chief of
the infidels, and an army of more than sixty thousand foot and horse
soldiers, composed of Germans, Hungarians, and other nations, under
Maximilian’s brother, the archduke Mathias, assembled near Yanuk, and
resolved on aiding and supporting the prince of Transylvania. When the
Moslem serdár, however, laid siege to Warad, as before mentioned, the
prince of Transylvania retired to the mountains, and there fortified
himself among inaccessible rocks. On this account the imperial troops
were not so necessary, at least such a powerful augmentation as that
above alluded to; therefore when the enemy perceived that Buda was
left in a defenceless state in consequence of the expedition which had
entered Transylvania, they immediately marched against that place.
This was the most proper time, said they to themselves, to endeavour
to take Buda; and though they should not happen to be successful in
the attempt, yet they would at least effect a manœuvre in favour
of Warad, and thus save it from the grasp of the Moslems, who had now
commenced laying siege to it.
These mighty hosts of the enemy on their way to Buda reduced the
fortresses of Besperim, Polata, Papa, and Tata, all of them places of
strength which belonged to the Ottoman empire; and in Rabia II. they
encamped before Old Buda with more than forty pieces of ordnance and
other apparatus of war. The greater number of the enemy’s troops was
transported thence in boats on the Danube to Buda itself, to which they
laid siege in this same month. After a few days of hostile operation
they laid the walls of the city even with the ground. When they had
accomplished this they commenced attacking the citadel both from the
land and water at the same time. On the seventh day of the siege the
bloody contest was renewed at sun-rise, and continued till the going
down of the same. The beglerbeg of Merœsh, Sinán Páshá, and the
ex-beglerbeg of Papa, Semender Páshá, who had come from Alba Julia to
aid the Budians; these two heroes from among the besieged died martyrs
on this day of unparalleled cruelty and blood. Teryákí Hasan Páshá,
governor of Bosnia, and Mohammed Beg, beg of Semendria, were wounded;
and many others whose days were numbered fell by the hands of these
infidels.
This numerous host of vile idolators continued their attacks
unremittingly, and maintained a continual brisk fire, which so
completely annoyed the besieged that they found themselves necessitated
to give way and retire from the city, and seek shelter in the inner
fortress. This movement they accomplished during the night season,
but by doing so they left the city entirely naked and defenceless.
The following morning the infidels occupied the vacant city, and with
all imaginable speed erected their forty pieces of heavy ordnance on
batteries against the inner fortress, and commenced directing more
than one thousand shots per day against it, besides the springing of
numerous mines. Night and day this machinery was employed without
interruption, and every other effort they could devise, in trying to
reduce the inner fortress. The besieged, however, held out manfully.
The place had been previously strengthened and put in a condition of
defence; but they sent off one messenger after another with letters to
the serdár and to the khán, when lying before Warad, calling on them to
come to their aid; and assuring them if they did not come, Buda would
fall a prey to the enemy. But the serdár was unable to afford them
the relief they required. With part of their forces they lay before
Warad, and the rest had scattered themselves through the country.
However, the khán sent them a chosen body of about seven thousand
Tátárs under the command of Shubá Mirzá. These were soon followed by
Bektásh Páshá, governor of Agria, with his Agrian troops; and these
again by two Tátár sultáns, with twenty thousand Tátár troops, which
his royal highness had succeeded in collecting for the same purpose.
Kalkái Selámet Gheráí, the brother of the khán, who had just at that
time returned from a plundering excursion, was likewise sent forward to
Buda with the party under his command, and which amounted to several
thousands. The beglerbeg of Buda, Mikaeljelí Ahmed Páshá, succeeded to
the beglerbegship of Sinán Páshá, who perished in the siege of the city
as before observed; and Soleimán Páshá, the beglerbeg of Temiswar, who
was at that time in the Moslem camp along with the serdár, succeeded
to the beglerbegship of Buda. This last, and a few hundred chosen
veterans, besides seven Sanjak begs, set out for Buda, which, by the
time they had reached it, had been forty days exposed to the efforts
of the infidels. It was the opinion of the acting commander-in-chief
in Buda, Ahmed Páshá, that it would be impossible for them to maintain
Buda, and, at the same time, protect Pest; he recommended, therefore,
that the garrison and people in Pest should join the besieged in Buda.
Whilst this imprudent project was in contemplation, the beg of Solnuk,
commonly called the _Earless_ Osmán Beg, a chief who had formerly
manifested a variety of heroic deeds at Timúr-kapú, reached Buda with a
valiant band of borderers from Solnuk in sufficient time to frustrate
the proposed project. Taking some of the men of Pest along with him,
he hastened towards Buda; forwarded a number of cannon; the other
troops formerly mentioned joined him: and, on his appearing with this
accumulated army before the citadel of Buda, the troops within it
were encouraged to come forth and receive their deliverers. All these
together formed a very considerable army, and were now in a condition
to cope with their enemies. Accordingly they were not long in employing
the force they had thus mustered, and with one consent attacked their
bitter foe with such vigour and resolution that they soon forced them
to raise the siege and to retire. Before they were expelled the city,
however, they burned and destroyed its temples and mosques, large
buildings, and public streets; and then withdrew to the valley of Wáj.
Thus, God Almighty saved the fortress of Buda from the hand of malice
and injustice.
_Khádem Háfiz Ahmed Páshá routed at Nicopolis by the odious Michael._
Háfiz Ahmed Páshá having been appointed to guard the banks of the
Danube, made Widin his head-quarters. Ramazán Zádeh, the governor
of Adna, who had been appointed along with him to the same service,
removed from Widin in Rabia II. of this same year, and went along with
a number of Sanjak begs towards Rusjuk and Selistria, places within
the jurisdiction allotted to them, but stopped at a place not far from
Nicopolis, called the plains of Sinadin.
When the odious and hateful Michael had learned that an expedition had
been sent into Transylvania, he feigned to have repented of all his
wicked deeds, and retired from public view. But he no sooner heard of
the fate of that expedition than he again began to exercise his cunning
to the prejudice of the Osmánlís. Accordingly, he sent a messenger, a
despicable wretch called Dimoo, to crave in the most humble and abject
manner conditions of peace from Háfiz Páshá. The deceitful messenger
had no sooner found access to the Páshá, and told the purport of his
errand, than he granted permission to the odious wretch Michael to come
and prostrate himself before him.
On that same day, the Páshá was employed in fitting up and adorning
his tents on the banks of the Danube, but ordered a boat to be held in
readiness for conveying Michael across when he arrived. Soon after the
deception had thus far succeeded, a number of waggons covered over with
scarlet cloth appeared at some little distance from the Páshá’s camp,
which the fraudulent messenger when interrogated concerning them said
were waggons conveying presents and treasures to the Páshá.
Whilst the Páshá and his men stood contemplating the loaded waggons
as they approached nearer, and suspecting no danger, suddenly a body
of troops made their appearance, and fell upon the astonished gazers
without allowing them a moment’s warning for self-defence. These were
Michael’s troops, and they amounted to more than twenty thousand,
whilst those under the command of Háfiz did not exceed three thousand,
and most of them, at that moment, were without any sort of defensive
weapon whatever. The waggons which were said to have been conveying
treasures and presents to the Páshá, turned out to be cannon which
they carried. The Moslems finding themselves thus miserably duped, and
seeing they were unable to resist such a force, had no alternative left
them but either to perish by the hands of these barbarians, or to seek
their safety in flight. This last appeared the most advisable, and they
endeavoured to accomplish it. The Páshá, in a state of madness, mounted
his horse, and all who were fortunate enough escaped to Maternevi.
Alas, many of the followers of Mohammed fell martyrs on that sad day.
The whole of their property and wealth fell into the hands of Michael
the apostate, and of those wretches who followed him.
The odious Michael, after having gained the advantage in the manner
above described, marched on Nicopolis, and laid siege to it; but he was
at length repelled. The struggle between the besiegers and the besieged
lasted twenty days, but the barbarians were at last obliged to retire
without having effected their purpose, and went towards Bekrish.
The unfortunate Páshá, like the rest of his men, lost all he had. It
has been said that some of Michael’s men brought him the garments and
shash which Háfiz usually wore, and that in derision of the Páshá he
put them on a decrepid old woman, whom he presented, thus dressed,
before his men, telling them, that he had caught the Moslem Páshá, and
thus excited their mirth at the poor Páshá’s expence.
The Páshá, however, made his way to Nicopolis, and repaired the
breaches which had been effected by Michael on that fortress. When on
the point of going into winter-quarters at Hazargrade, he received
information from the court of Constantinople that he was succeeded in
the command on the banks of the Danube by the fourth vezír, Mahmúd
Páshá. He accordingly returned to the metropolis about the middle of
Jemadi II., and was honoured with the dignity and office of fourth
vezír in room of Mahmúd.
_The grand Vezírship conferred a third time on Ibrahím Páshá._
When the want of that success which had attended the late campaign
had been fully considered, and that Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, the
commander-in-chief, had effected no good, or had acquired no advantage
whatever, but, on the contrary, had been the cause of much evil; that
it was owing to his want of military skill that Buda was allowed to be
laid siege to, and in a great measure destroyed; and, in short, that
it was to him and to the grand vezír, Jeráh Páshá’s, mismanagement,
conjointly, the whole of the misfortunes which befell the orthodox
troops during the late campaign were to be attributed, it was
considered wise to remove both from their respective offices. Ibrahím
Páshá, though more than once deposed from the grand vezírship, was yet
considered a man of great talent and strength of mind, fully competent
to fulfil the duties of the premiership, and at the same time those of
commander-in-chief. He was therefore again created grand vezír, and
the seals were accordingly sent to him. This appointment took place on
the 9th of Jemadi II. Jeráh Páshá was sick when this resolution passed,
and did not of course attend the diván on that occasion. He was,
however, carried to the palace of the chancellor, where the accusation
against him was read to him, and he was informed, pro formâ, that he
was deposed.
Four months after Ibrahím’s appointment to the premiership, it was
determined that he should assume the office of commander-in-chief
also, and proceed to Hungary. Kapúdán Khalíl Páshá, the káímakám,
and Jeghala Zádeh, Sinán Páshá, the second kapúdán, attended to the
necessary arrangements for the new army, which the grand vezír and
commander-in-chief was to conduct to Hungary. This new army left
Constantinople on the 27th of Shevál. Tarnákjí Hasan Aghá, ághá of
the Janissaries, commanded six divisions of the household troops:
the victorious banners were unfurled, and a declaration of war was
immediately issued.
Hasan Beg Zádeh informs us in his history that the winter was
so excessively cold when Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, the late
commander-in-chief, commenced his journey back, that it was with great
difficulty he was enabled to reach Constantinople. On his arrival
there, he found Ibrahím Páshá firmly installed in the office of grand
vezír, and busily employed in the discharge of the duties of that
high and important station. It was said, however, that in consequence
of the asylum of the world having hesitated about advancing from the
home treasury the necessary supply of money required for carrying on
the war, the noble commander-in-chief delayed his departure for some
time; and that, as a last resource, he had applied to the emperor’s
spiritual guide in the most earnest manner to get his master to grant
the supply required. The reverend effendí, in the greatest haste, and
under the pretext of calling a council, wrote to all the great men
to meet, and to them he made a representation of the urgency of the
commander-in-chief’s demand. The empress-mother also lent her aid,
and the thing at last was agreed to. Borhán Effendí was appointed
defterdár to the army: Lám Alí Chelebí defterdár to the governor of
Constantinople: Okjí Zádeh was made secretary: and Mudehí Chelebí was
appointed Reïs-ul-ketáb. Other appointments also took place. The all
potent commander-in-chief and the ághá of the Janissaries proceeded on
their march towards the seat of war. On reaching Selivría, Abúlsa’úd
Zádeh Effendí died, and the Muftí Effendí, through the intercession
of the father of the emperor’s principal eunuch, was appointed to the
presidency of Romeili; the grand vezír had, however, appointed before
this Ma’súm Effendí to the same office. Músá Chelebí, son of Mohammed
Effendí, was deposed from the office of high treasurer, and Borhán
was appointed in his stead. The latter, after having provided for the
army as far as Adrianople, returned to the metropolis. The ághá of the
Janissaries, Tarnákjí Hasan Aghá, separated from the grand army at
Chatalija, and marched his troops by way of Kirk Kilis to Belgrade.
_Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá murdered. Etmekjí Zádeh imprisoned._
Ibrahím Páshá, on his journey to Hungary, reached Adrianople in the
space of twelve days after his departure from Constantinople, whither
Etmekjí Zádeh Mohammed Páshá, who had been degraded from the office
of treasurer, which he held during the last war, had also come, but
who kept himself concealed. By means of Ibrahím’s lieutenant, Mohammed
Ketkhodá, he was introduced to the serdár or commander-in-chief, and
by means of large presents he got himself appointed high treasurer
in room of Borhán, whom the serdár contrived to send to Uskúb. But
this, however, was only the affair of a month; for a royal letter
soon arrived which ordered him to be apprehended and the whole of his
property to be confiscated. This order was issued in consequence of a
report which had been sent to his majesty respecting his conduct and
demerit; and the result would have been equally the same some time
before it did take place, had it not been secretly delayed for awhile.
Hasan Beg Zádeh says, that when the serdár had arrived in the plains of
Philippopolis he received some account of some manœuvres carried on
between his royal highness the khán of the Tátárs and his predecessor,
Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá. They had concocted a scheme prejudicial to the
interests of the Ottoman empire; the result of their manœuvring,
however, was fatal to Satúrjí. The serdár passed through Philippopolis
and arrived in the plains of Sofia, where he halted, and sent for the
ághá of the Janissaries, who was a stage or two in advance, and held
a consultation with him relative to some important affairs connected
with the object of the expedition. The ághá afterwards returned to
his troops. The commander-in-chief, it is to be observed, however,
had received injunctions from the court of Constantinople to deprive
Satúrjí of his life, the execution of which was committed to the ághá
above-mentioned, who was also instructed to accomplish this commission
on his arrival at Belgrade, where Satúrjí then was. This said ághá made
all the haste he was able; and on the 12th of Dhu’l hijja, when he
reached Hisárjik, near Belgrade, the serdár, Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá,
sent some of his ághás and other officers with their troops as far as
the plains of Belgrade to meet the ághá; unconscious all the while that
his head was devoted. His friend, the khán, had sent him an invitation
to come to him, and even warned him of his danger, but his mind was
totally indifferent to all danger; in consequence, moreover, of his
having received some friendly letters which had been sent him in the
name of the new serdár, though the serdár neither wrote nor sent them,
he heedlessly confided himself to the very person instructed to take
away his life. The ághá, to accomplish the deed, prepared a feast and
invited Satúrjí and his great men to dine with him at Hisárjik. On
their arrival they were individually presented with a robe, and other
tokens of respect which were conferred on them. Whilst they were thus
cheered and elated by the kindness of their host, and harbouring no
suspicion in their minds, this very host suddenly drew out of his
pocket the royal document or rather death-warrant, and caused his
soldiers, who were in readiness to obey, to slay the whole of his
guests in cold blood. Thus ended the unfortunate and afflicted life
of Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá. The cheerful feast became to him and his
associates the feast of death. His lieutenant, Ibrahím, was sick, and
did not accompany his superior; and when he learned his fate, he went
on board a vessel with Satúrjí’s khatíb, his friend, and put himself
under the protection of his royal highness, Ghází Gheráí, khán of the
Crimea. He so terrified the khán with the horrible stories he related
to him, that he resolved on setting out for his own country, and was
only prevented from doing so by some of his own mirzás, who were not so
easily alarmed.
In the meantime the commander-in-chief continued his march towards
Belgrade; and when he arrived at Batchina a messenger from the ághá met
him and informed him of the fate of Satúrjí. His whole property, and
that of his lieutenant, were seized and registered; at the same time
orders were also given to take possession of Etmekjí Zádeh’s property,
who was still at Belgrade, in order that that, as well as the property
of the other two, might be examined. On the 17th of Dhu’l hijja the
grand vezír and commander-in-chief reached the plains of Belgrade.
Etmekjí Zádeh, who, we have seen, was ordered to be imprisoned and
his property confiscated, lay without hope at this very time in
prison at Belgrade; but some who were well acquainted with the state
of affairs, and the necessities of the army in regard to their being
properly supplied with every thing requisite for their expedition into
the enemy’s country, as well as Etmekjí Zádeh’s fitness for this and
similar objects, obtained his release, and had him reinstated in his
former office. By the vigilance which he manifested in the discharge
of his duty he afforded no ground of uneasiness or discontent to the
Moslem troops, as he had done in the late campaign. He took good care
that the treasury and other departments under his inspection and
management were properly attended to.
The grand vezír remained at Belgrade till about the end of the month
last-mentioned (Dhu’l hijja), and saw that all the magazines and
storehouses were well filled with all sorts of provisions: he also put
a number of boats into a state of preparation.
_Strange conduct of the new Grand Vezír Ibrahím Páshá._
It is related by Alája Mohammed Aghá that he himself, at the time
Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá was killed, was present with Ibrahím Páshá when
on his way to Belgrade. His words are: “I was present in an assembly,
called together by the Páshá, when it was announced that Satúrjí
Mohammed Páshá was murdered. The Páshá fell into a great rage, and
asked furiously who had brought the intelligence. ‘It is false: it is
totally without foundation,’ said he, and then again asked the person
who announced it: ‘whence and from whom have you received this story?’
When the informer was about to say that he had been a witness to the
deed, the commander-in-chief broke out again in a furious rage and
said: ‘behold, this infidel utters falsehood in our presence; by the
head of the emperor, if this story turns out to be false you shall be
punished with death.’ After having thus exhausted his fury upon the
informer, he turned to the persons who composed the assembly, and thus
addressed them: ‘Muselmans, what an unlikely story is this! That an
ághá of the Janissaries should be guilty of the murder of so celebrated
a vezír as Satúrjí, without the emperor’s permission and unknown to
me, is unworthy of a moment’s belief: it is false.’ So great, indeed,
was the rage into which he put himself, that he actually foamed at the
mouth like a rabid animal.” The same historian goes on to say, that at
this time he stood before him, and on the páshá’s beckoning to him to
approach him he obeyed. “Go,” said the grand vezír, “and whereever you
find Etmekjí Zádeh take him to your tent and make him your prisoner.”
The narrator adds: “I immediately went in search of him and found him
in the tent of the ketkhodá. On asking him to accompany me he got up,
and we talked together till we arrived at my tent, when I invited him
to step in. He immediately appeared confused”—for this Alája Mohammed
Aghá was the chief executioner—“and asked the reason of his inviting
him into his tent. On informing him of the nature of the firmán which
had been sent to me regarding him, he instantly sent a person to inform
the ketkhodá of what had happened to him. The ketkhodá got into a
violent passion at the conduct of the ághá, and went directly to the
serdár and complained of him. The serdár swore he knew nothing of the
matter, and said it was false. ‘What is the ághá of a regiment,’ said
he, ‘that he should, without my permission, be so bold as to put a
defterdár into confinement;’ and many more words to the same effect.
He then called the ághá, asked him if he had done so and so, and by
whose authority he had so acted; and turning to the members of his
diván, said: ‘look, ye members of the diván, what times have appeared,
that an ághá of a regiment, without right or necessity, should take
it upon him to imprison a public functionary of so high rank as that
of Etmekjí Zádeh! I will certainly have him slain.’ After having thus
poured contumely on the poor ághá, he looked him in the face, and
exclaimed: ‘you infidel;’ then pressed his thumb in the palm of his
hand, and ordered him to be conveyed to prison: but he soon caused him
to be released again.” The same narrator says, there was no end to
the strange, deceitful, and injurious actions of which this ághá was
guilty. Etmekjí Zádeh found opportunity afterwards, however, of getting
the aforesaid ághá examined; his property, even to his bed, sold, and
himself degraded in the public estimation.
_Some other events of this year._
By some delusion of the devil, a fellow, under the pretext that he was
Sultán Soleimán, son of Selím II., who had been put to death, began
to exercise royal authority in one or two cities and villages in the
neighbourhood of Constantinople; but he was seized, his head cut off,
and his miserable body suspended from a tree.
This year, in the month of Rabia II., five French galleys, laden with
troops and military stores, entered by mistake into the harbour of
the island of Scio, and overpowered the garrison of that place. In
consequence of a strong gale of wind, however, these galleys were
driven from their moorings, and finally out to sea. Four hundred
Frenchmen were thus left upon the island, and these the inhabitants,
after the galleys had disappeared, slew with the edge of the sword.
In the month of Ramazán the emperor of Túrán (Scythia), Abdulkhán, by
means of his superior army took possession of the kingdom of Khorasán,
but was soon afterwards called to visit the world of spirits, when his
son Abdulmo’min reigned in his stead. The Usbek Tátárs not having been
satisfied with his administration, however, murdered him, and called
Núrud-dín Mohammed Khán, surnamed _Telún Khán_, to the government of
Túrán and Khorasán.
This same year also, the sháh of Persia, Sháh Abbás, marched his forces
against him into Khorasán, and slew him at Herat. He subdued also the
whole of that province, which contained twenty-four places of strength.
Under a show of justice, and of fidelity to the Ottoman court, he sent
an embassy to Constantinople, making an offer of them as a present to
the emperor.
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1008. H.
_Account of Ibrahím Páshá’s further operations._
In the beginning of Moharrem (the first month of the Mohammedan year)
the commander-in-chief Ibrahím Páshá, after having given orders
respecting all the boats and vessels at Belgrade, marched forward in
the utmost haste to the plains of Zimnún, where he encamped. On the
18th he reached Usk, where he remained nearly a whole week. On the
24th he crossed the bridge of that place, and reached the plains of
Mehaj on the 27th. Here he was joined by Mohammed Páshá, the beglerbeg
of Romeili, and by Alí Páshá, the beglerbeg of Rika. On the 29th the
serdár reviewed his army.
His royal highness, Ghází Gheráí, khán of the Crimea, having been much
afflicted in consequence of the death of Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, and
having been also very much perplexed on account of the share he had had
in his affairs, did not, on this occasion, join the grand army with his
auxiliary Tátárs. The fear he had entertained on this score, as well
as on account of some other parts of his conduct, strongly inclined
him to retire to his own country, lest he should be incarcerated, and
thus meet a fate similar to that which his late coadjutor, Satúrjí, had
met. In this moment of perplexity and doubt his mind was completely
relieved by the sight of handsome presents, which were brought him by
Ahmed Páshá, of Michaelej, Mohammed Páshá, beglerbeg of Sivás, and by
the ághá of the Salihdárs, who also, with great deference and respect,
invited him to join the grand army.
After a week’s halt at Mehaj, the grand army, on the 7th of Sefer,
moved forward to Banús, and were there met by Bálukjí Zádeh Mustafa,
accompanied by a messenger from Transylvania. On the 11th, the
army encamped at the head of a lake near the banks of the Danube,
where the commander-in-chief was apprized by letters from his royal
highness Ghází Gheráí, that the court of Vienna had sent him proposals
of peace. On the 21st he encamped in the plains of Ján Kúturán.
On this day (about the 19th of August) commenced the season of
autumn. On the fourth day after the above date, his royal highness
reached the opposite shores of the Danube, when his excellency the
commander-in-chief stepped into a boat and crossed over to pay him his
respects. At this stage, two pieces of cannon, which had been abandoned
by the enemy, were brought to the royal camp by the warriors of Alba
Julia. On the 27th, the army encamped with great eclat in the plains of
Kiris Elias, near Buda, and the Tátár army went to Pest, which lies on
the other side of the Danube. The navy which was ordered from Belgrade
also arrived. The inhabitants of Buda were inspired with courage and
joy at the sight of such an army and fleet as those which now presented
themselves before them. The beglerbeg of Buda having also arrived
with provisions from Kupán, orders were issued that same day for
commencing a bridge across the Danube. For accomplishing this object,
a considerable body of men were sent to Kizil-hisár to cut down trees.
Orders were also issued to put the grain and flour which had arrived
into granaries in Buda. The bridge above-mentioned was finished in
four days, and the grand army passed over to Pest. The serdár crossed
over on the 7th of Rabia II., having previously formed the resolution
of attacking the contemptible infidels, who happened to be posted at
Jegirdilin, opposite to Osterghún. On the same day, a beautiful horse,
with rich furniture, a splendidly ornamented dagger, and a number of
other costly presents, were sent to his royal highness, Ghází Gheráí,
khán of the Crimea. On the same day also, Jánbúlád Zádeh Hasan Páshá
joined the royal camp with the troops under his command. On the 10th of
the month, the grand army reached Amrúdlí. But the infidels of Wáj set
fire to this place during the night, and fled. On the 21st, whilst the
grand army remained encamped in the vicinity of Wáj, messengers arrived
from the enemy’s camp, proposing that the Moslem grand army should
postpone any further movement for the space of three days, in order to
bring about, if possible, a pacification. When the third day arrived,
the messenger waited first on the khán, and afterwards on the serdár,
when Murád Páshá, Ahmed Aghá, belonging to his royal highness the
khán, and Mohammed Ketkhodá were appointed commissioners, and ordered
to proceed to the enemy’s camp or tábúr, and negociate a peace. They
returned, however, in two days afterwards without having accomplished
any thing; and the Moslem army, without any further delay, put
themselves again in motion, passed under Novograde, situate on a hill,
without having sustained the least injury from the cannon of that
fortress; and arriving at a new palanka near Waragil, on the banks of
the Danube, opposite Vishégrade, they found it deserted by the enemy’s
troops who had held it in possession. The inhabitants endeavoured to
escape, but were all either killed or made prisoners. This palanka
was surrounded on three sides with a morass: the whole of its cannon
and powder fell into the hands of the Moslems, who set fire to the
place and burned it to the ground. Waragil, on the following day, was
evacuated, in like manner, and burned: nothing but the badness of the
roads saved the infidels of Waragil from experiencing the fate of those
of the palanka.
By this time, the infidel army discovered, as they thought, that the
Moslems meditated an attack on them about the 20th, and conjecturing
they would endeavour to cross by the two bridges which they had erected
below Osterghún, they stationed some of their bravest men in that
quarter, in order to resist them. The serdár, however, pursued the
plan he had first formed, and without a moment of unnecessary delay,
made towards Jegirdilin, where a considerable number of the enemy was
concentrated. Mohammed Khetkhodá thought it would be more advisable
to postpone any attack on the enemy for a day or so, and the khán
was of a similar opinion. The serdár, therefore, delayed; but on the
22nd he entered with his grand army the plains of Jegirdilin, which
so terrified the infidels that they quickly crossed the river and
concentrated themselves somewhere below Jegirdilin, but found that the
two bridges which had been erected there had been cut down. A number of
sick men whom they had left behind were all put to the sword: the grand
army advanced upon Osterghún.
In order to deceive the Moslems, and to retard their progress, the
project of negociating a peace was again had recourse to. The serdár
having received letters to this effect, he appointed Murád Páshá,
Mohammed Khetkhodá, and Ahmed Aghá to proceed to the head-quarters of
the enemy and negociate with the Archduke Matthias, the Palfi, and
the Groof. The Moslem commissioners laboured to get Agria exchanged
for Osterghún, but their proposals were received with coldness, and
insurmountable objections started, so that the Moslem commissioners
had to return without accomplishing any thing. Both parties, indeed,
withdrew from the conference, and the enemy retired to Komran.
The commander-in-chief, in a council of the khán’s omerá, determined,
in consequence of the royal firmán for carrying on the war this year
having restricted him to a depredatory mode of warfare, on putting this
method into execution. Accordingly, he sent off a number of warlike
troops along with a Tátár army into the enemy’s territories, to destroy
and seize what they could.
On the 2nd of Rabia II. the army crossed the rivers Abyúl and Warad,
and on the 5th reached the lake of Segmehal, near Uiwar. The predatory
army before-mentioned succeeded in making a number of captives, and
seizing some cattle, but by no means to the extent so powerful an army
was expected to have done. Whilst the serdár remained at Segmehal, the
beglerbegs went to Uiwar, and there learned for certain that the enemy
had retired to Komran.
As the winter was setting in, the ághás of the regiments were put
in mind of this, and instructed to return home. In the Nokhbeh
Tarikh it is said, the grand army returned on the 28th of Rabia II.
to Jegirdilin, passed by Filk and Khutván, and arrived at Pest on
the 6th of Rabia II., when each hired soldier received, in lieu of
provisions, two pieces of gold. On the 14th they reached Buda, when
his royal highness, Ghází Gheráí, khán of the Tátárs of the Crimea,
took his leave, and set out for his own dominions. The exalted
commander-in-chief did all he could to dissuade him, but in vain. His
royal highness was certainly not well pleased, and when he was urged
to remain he replied, that the time for the Tátár army to retire had
arrived; and accordingly he set off. It does not appear that there was
any particular intimacy between the khán and the serdár, though the
latter was not wanting either in politeness or attention. The fact
is (for what reason does not appear), that the khán was never once
pleasant, nor even showed an agreeable countenance. He never once
entered the serdár’s tent, and their intercourse, for the most part,
was on horseback.
The grand army, after passing through Geshgæmida, Sonbúr, and Baj,
arrived on the 22nd at a place opposite to Fúidwar, where they were met
by kapújís from Constantinople, who brought the serdár intelligence of
the death of the learned and reverend prelate, Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí,
and of the appointment of Sinán Effendí in his stead; also that Yúsuf
Páshá, whilst conducting back the boats and vessels to Belgrade, had
been attacked by a party of the enemy, in which struggle Yúsuf Páshá
fell to rise no more. On the 25th the army reached Agria, of deceitful
name,[6] where they halted a few days to thwart any further mischievous
purpose which the enemy might have against their boats. It began to be
reported that the odious Michael had subdued the whole of Transylvania.
On the 29th letters were brought to the serdár which confirmed this
report. On the 3rd of Jemadi II. the serdár crossed the bridge of
Waradin, at which place he caused the household troops to be paid their
wages. On the 7th he reached the plains of Belgrade. Here the ághá of
the janissaries, Tarnákjí Hasan Aghá, took his leave of the serdár and
departed for the metropolis. The troops of Anatolia and the rest of the
army were allowed to go into winter quarters at Belgrade.
By the good providence of God the army, notwithstanding the great
heat and droughts, returned without having sustained any particular
hardships in this campaign.
_The French soldiers stationed at Papa join the Osmánlís._
About three thousand of the French troops who had been sent to assist
the Germans against the Osmánlís, were appointed to garrison the
fortress of Papa. Having been in this fortress for about a whole year,
and having received no wages for the service which they had rendered,
they quarrelled with the Hungarian soldiers of that place, had frequent
sharp skirmishes with them, and at last slew them. On this account
they applied to Mohammed Páshá, beglerbeg of Romeili, who was at Buda,
and offered to deliver up Papa to him if he would agree to pay them
the wages which were due to them. They made a similar application to
Dervísh Páshá, beglerbeg of Bosnia, and who was stationed at Alba
Julia. Mohammed Páshá complied with the request of these Frenchmen,
and sent his lieutenant, Abdí Aghá, with four hundred men, and also
the beg of Alba Julia, Arnáúd Hasan Páshá, with his troops to support
the above renegadoes against all who came against them, and to avenge
the death of their brethren. The Moslem aid which was thus sent them
did it effectually; for they slew all who came to oppose them, carried
away with them all their wives and children, and distributed them for
slaves among those of the troops who had been most active. Three of the
most respectable and most honourable of these captives they sent, under
the charge of Hasan Páshá, to Belgrade. In the meantime a statement of
the amount of wages due to the Frenchmen by the Austrian government,
and which amounted to fifty thousand pieces of gold, and for which
they had stipulated to deliver up Papa to the Osmánlís, was sent
off to Constantinople without any unnecessary delay. The government
readily agreed to the proposal; but before the money could be sent to
them, the Germans surrounded Papa with cannon and soldiers, so that,
in fact, neither the money nor any thing else could be sent to them.
The poor Franks remained more than a month in this besieged condition,
and thinking it hopeless to wait any time longer in this state of
suspense and danger, they, under covert of the night, secretly left the
fortress, and tried to escape to the mountains near Alba Julia, about
six leagues distant. Not being acquainted with the road, they were
soon overtaken by German and Hungarian soldiers, who slew the greater
part of them. Nevertheless, five or six hundred of them, who escaped
falling into the hands of their pursuers, eventually found their way
to Alba Julia in a very weak and wounded condition. Five hundred of
them remained at Alba Julia, and the remainder went or were sent to the
serdár or commander-in-chief. This account of the Frenchmen of Papa is
taken from the Fezliké, but Hasan Beg Zádeh and Abdulkádír relate the
story somewhat differently.
From their account of the fact it appears, that the French who had
garrisoned Papa had written to Dervísh Páshá, proposing to deliver up
that fortress on the condition of receiving a sum equal to what was due
to them by the Austrian government; also of being received into regular
pay, and that pay to be regularly paid to them at the end of every
three months. Their number amounted, they stated, to two thousand,
and they promised to be every way serviceable to their new masters,
provided their offer was accepted. Sixty thousand ducats was the sum
they demanded, which the exalted serdár agreed should be advanced
to them, and immediately sent an account of the whole affair to the
court of Constantinople. The money required, and ten thousand ducats
in addition, for paying travelling expenses, were sent to Dervísh
Páshá, who sent it to the Franks. To the principal or leading man among
these Franks, who was a cardinal, a gold chain was sent along with the
sixty thousand ducats. As soon as the money and the gold chain were
delivered to the Franks, they put the Osmánlís in possession of Papa
and immediately joined Dervísh Páshá. They were afterwards escorted by
one of the ághás to Belgrade, where they entered into the service of
the Turks. The exalted serdár some time afterwards showed them very
great respect in the siege of Kaniza, they being the very first who
entered the trenches on that occasion. The same night on which they
entered into these trenches, the serdár gave them fifty thousand ducats
over and above the pay which was due to them. This race was found most
active and useful in the following campaigns, and were always preferred
to other infidels. Several hundreds of them afterwards accompanied
Sultán Osmán Khán in his wars, and were most serviceable to him whilst
engaged against the northern nations. These French or Franks did not
kill in the ordinary way. Such of the Russians and Cossacks as fell
into the hands of the Moslems were delivered over to these Franks, who
first fixed them alive on spits, and then roasted them before a fire,
turning them round and round till they perished by the process.
_Laudable qualities of Ibrahím Páshá._
Petchoghli says that Ibrahím Páshá, the commander-in-chief, was a man
of exemplary humility, possessing great benignity of nature and extreme
meekness. So great was his compassion and commiseration when any one
was brought before him for any crime, that he not unfrequently betrayed
weakness. On a certain occasion, when some peasants were brought into
his presence for rising up against the cazí of Púzgha and murdering
him, he took the blame to himself, and gave them a certificate which
signified that he had given them permission to perpetrate the crime
of killing the cazí. The reason he alleged for having acted thus was,
that if the peasants of the borders were too strictly dealt with, they
would, to escape the process of examination, go over to the enemy. He
manifested on several occasions similar compassion and forbearance
towards many of the enemy when they were brought before him.
It belongs to this part of our history to observe, that in Rabia II. of
this year, the janissaries of Shám (Syria) having exercised excessive
oppression towards the poor inhabitants of the province of Haleb
under the pretext of raising taxes, the governor, Hájí Ibrahím Páshá,
beglerbeg of Haleb, in order to suppress this mode of oppression,
caused seventeen of these Syrian janissaries to be seized and put to
death. This circumstance, however, gave rise to very serious commotions
afterwards, and was the cause of the shedding of much innocent blood.
The Georgian nation also revolted this year. Simon, the Hákim or
governor of this province, a faithless infidel, raised the standard of
rebellion and suddenly attacked Gúri, which he soon obliged to submit
to him; and afterwards razed part of the city to its foundation. By
the assistance of God, however, the governor-general of Tabríz and
Ván, Ja’fer Páshá, succeeded in getting him into his power, put him in
irons, cut off the head of Alexander, another of the Georgian princes,
seized upon his sons, and sent them along with Simon to Constantinople.
Simon was confined in the Seven Towers, but soon afterwards embraced
the Moslem faith. He died during the reign of Sultán Ahmed Khán.
Among the events which took place during this period, the following
is worthy of being remarked. There lived in Constantinople a certain
Jewess, who by means of an unlawful traffic acquired notoriety, and
was the means of seducing and corrupting several individuals of some
note. Her corrupt practices awakened the displeasure of the spáhís,
who raised a tumult, and prevailed upon the governor of the city,
Khalíl Páshá, to deliver her up, in order that the evil of which they
complained might be removed. The governor, who seemed to have some fear
of this wretch’s wickedness, and thinking it probable the queen-mother
might hear of her, ordered Kazánjí Zádeh, a Chávush báshí, to go and
demolish her dwelling. He did so; and not only caused her children to
be seized, but also hurried them and her away to the governor. They had
no sooner reached the stairs of the senate-house than the spáhís lost
all patience, drew their weapons, and murdered every one of them. Their
odious carcases were thrown out into the Meidán. But the perpetrators
did not stop here. They cut off the Jewess’ hands, the instruments of
bribery and corruption, and nailed them to the door of some of those
who had been involved in her crimes. The emperor, however, was much
offended at the shameless violence which the spáhís had exhibited,
and therefore removed Khalíl Páshá from his office for not having
restrained them. He appointed the eunuch Háfiz Páshá in his stead.
_Concerning Abulhelím._
This person, commonly called Karah Yázijí, or Scrivano, was one of the
principal actors in the rebellion which began to rage in the east.
Whilst the Moslem army was necessarily employed in repelling the
aggressions of the Hungarians and protecting its frontiers from the
inroads of these and other infidels, several insurrections broke out in
the east. Karah Yázijí, known by the name of Abdulhelím, the commander
of a cohort, headed a band of lawless and disaffected peasants, and
unfurled the standard of rebellion in the district of Rohá.
This same Yázijí was formerly beglerbeg of Ethiopia. Towards the close
of 1007, when Hasan Páshá was called on by the court of Constantinople
to give an account of his maladministration in Anatolia, the deputy of
Caramania, Mohammed Chávush, went with a thousand men to chastise him;
and after an hour or two’s fighting, dispersed Yázijí and his band of
rebels. Yázijí fled to Iconium.
When the government of Constantinople heard of these things, it
appointed Mohammed Páshá, the son of Sinán Páshá, and third vezír, to
the office of commander-in-chief of all the Asiatic troops; and he
immediately sailed for Alexandria.
When the new commander-in-chief arrived in the vicinity of Iconium,
he found that Hasan Páshá was two stages in advance of him, and had
joined himself to Karah Yázijí, who had subverted the fortress of
Rohá. Mohammed Páshá soon surrounded Rohá, and was not long in forcing
Yazijí to terms of accommodation. Yázijí was promised permission to
return to his own sanják on condition of his first delivering up Hasan
Páshá, which he accordingly did by letting him down by the wall of the
fortress: thus sacrificing his friend to save himself. Yazijí, without
any further ceremony or security, set off for Amasiah (a city in
Cappadocia), that being the sanják assigned to him.
It has been said of Karah Yazijí, that on finding that all his lead was
expended during the siege, he caused dollars to be melted down and made
into balls; and that it was only after these had been also expended he
was necessitated to sue for peace. Hasan Páshá was carried in chains
to Constantinople, had his hands and feet cut off in the diván, was
afterwards mounted on a beast of burden and exposed through the streets
of the city, and lastly, was empaled at the Woodgate as a public
spectacle.
Karah Yazijí not thinking himself secure, and fearing Mohammed Páshá
might be disposed to take vengeance upon him for his former practices,
again commenced to exercise cruelty and to excite rebellion; and it
was only after Mohammed Páshá’s lieutenant and several other ághás had
perished by his hands, that he was at last overpowered by the serdár,
Mohammed Páshá, himself. He now fled into the district of Sivás, and
fortified himself in the mountains which border on that district. The
winter season having arrived, Mohammed Páshá went into winter-quarters
at Diárbeker, determining that as soon as the winter was over he would
pursue the fugitive into his strong-holds.
In the meantime, however, Mahmúd Páshá, beglerbeg of Sivás, went to
Constantinople, and not only succeeded in obtaining a suspension of
hostilities against the wicked rebel, Karah Yazijí, but was himself, in
consequence of his representation, again received into favour. He made
it appear that his rebellion was owing to Mohammed Páshá’s tyranny,
and that it was on this account he had gone into the mountains. He, in
fact, represented him as a man worthy of important trust. The mufti
and the káímakám were so thoroughly persuaded of the truth of this
representation, that he was not only forgiven, but advanced to the
sanják of Chorum. When Mahmúd returned to Sivás, he and Karah Yazijí
were both employed in quelling the turbulence and insubordination which
existed throughout the country. The commander-in-chief, Mohammed Páshá,
was recalled. Hasan Beg Zádeh says that Chelebí Kází, the son of Siná
allah Effendí’s brother, had received large sums of money from Karah
Yazijí, and that he eagerly laboured by his representations, not only
to procure a pardon for Yazijí, but also obtained the sanják of Chorum
for him. He used his utmost efforts also to get Mohammed Páshá removed
from office.
_The state of Yemen._ (Arabia-felix.)
After the beglerbeg of Yemen, Hasan Páshá, had completely subdued, in
a series of battles, the rebels of that country who had raised the
standard of rebellion against the Ottoman government, the chief amongst
them, who appeared in the name of Imám Mehdí, and several other Arabs,
suffered death by decapitation; and the whole of his followers were
visited by retributive justice. The governor of Kokbán, Mohammed,
and the governor of Haja, Abd ur rahmán, having returned to their
obedience, afforded their aid to Sinán, the deputy, who was there left
to quell all disturbance, and things soon became quiet and settled.
_Ibrahím Páshá’s movements against Kaniza._
About the return of spring, and after the celebration of a religious
fast, which was about that time observed at Belgrade, the exalted
serdár, or commander-in-chief, pitched his camp in the plains of that
city, where he remained for the space of a month, making all the
necessary preparations for commencing a new campaign, and also to
afford time to the other troops to join the royal camp. Tarnákjí Aghá,
the ághá of the janissaries, the ághás of other regiments, and officers
of artillery, left the metropolis for Belgrade, about the commencement
of Dhu’l hijja of the last year, and reached the royal camp towards the
end of the same month. In consequence also of royal letters which had
been transmitted to his highness the khán of the Crimea, he furnished
a considerable supply of Tátár troops; and it was not long before
the serdár was informed that the troops which his royal highness
Ghází Gheráí, khán of the Crimea, had supplied, and which amounted to
several thousands, had arrived, under the command of a sultán, in the
neighbourhood of Belgrade.
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1009, H.
All things being now in readiness, the grand army removed from the
plains of Belgrade, crossed the Save towards the end of Moharrem, and
encamped in the plains of Zimnún; whence boats loaded with provisions
were forthwith sent to Buda. On the grand army’s arrival at the seventh
stage of its journey, it was determined to march upon Usk, with the
view of reducing Osterghún.
It is necessary to observe, that the infidels of Kaniza (Canischa,
in Hungary) were in the habit of perpetrating murders and committing
robberies on both sides of the Drave and of the Danube, and, in short,
had become very proud and exceedingly troublesome. Persons either going
to, or coming from, the mills of Belgrade, were frequently attacked
or carried off. About this time, or a little before it, they burned
down to the ground a palanka called Púrnawar, not far from the bridge
on the Save, by which the Moslem grand army had crossed that river,
and committed some other devastations besides. Tarnákjí Hasan Páshá,
who had been removed from Buda, and who at this time lived at Petcheví,
no sooner heard of these cruelties than he immediately set out with a
party of his followers in pursuit of the incendiaries, and on coming
up to them on the banks of the Drave, they fled across a bridge, and
afterwards destroyed it. This did not save them; for Hasan Páshá and
his men crossed the river on rafts, again pursued the fugitives,
killed some of them, made others of them prisoners, and the remainder
of the vile incendiaries perished in the Drave, and so went to hell.
The páshá and his men, after having performed these praiseworthy
exploits, repaired with flying colours to the camp of the grand army,
carrying their prisoners along with them, and for which service the
serdár immediately granted the páshá his due meed of praise. He made
some enquiry of the captives relative to the condition and strength of
the enemy, to attack which the Moslem army had so far advanced.
The exalted serdár, in a council of his great officers, when the
subject concerning the reduction of Osterghún was adverted to, said:
“Behold, great preparations have been made, many difficulties have
been overcome, and just as we were on the eve of entering the enemy’s
territories, these infidels of Kaniza have destroyed the bridge by
which the Moslem army was to pass on its return. I am much concerned
on this account, and therefore think it of the utmost importance that
Búbofché, which is not far off, should be first reduced. This effected,
we shall be able to command the whole of this quarter by placing a
garrison in it, and, at the same time, keep the road to Buda open.” All
the military chiefs, princes, and ághás approved of this proposal, and
the serdár’s mind was bent on vanquishing Kaniza. Accordingly, Hasan
Páshá, after the above consultation, set his men in order, crossed the
bridge at Usk, and sent his heroes towards Búbofché.
At this juncture of affairs, Dimoo, the odious Michael’s messenger,
arrived in the camp with letters and presents for the court of
Constantinople, (for Michael had submitted himself before this to the
Osmánlís,) and along with the reïs effendí, Hamza Effendí, set out for
that city on the 16th of Sefer, the day on which the army crossed the
bridge of Usk on its way to Shuklúshka, where they took among other
things an eighteen wakáyat cannon.[7] From Shuklúshka, a considerable
number of troops under the command of the beglerbeg of Diárbeker, Murád
Páshá, and Ketkhodá Mohammed, were ordered to advance upon Búbofché
and lay siege to it. On the arrival of the army before Búbofché, the
infidels made some little display of courage, by impetuously rushing
forth upon the Moslems, who had just commenced the siege. In this
sortie, one of the Mohammedan leaders fell a martyr, _viz._ the beg
of Sigetwar, Delí Nasúh Beg. After they were repulsed, the Moslems
commenced filling up the ditch which surrounded it, and in three days
afterwards the serdár appeared with the grand army before Sigetwar.
The contemptible enemy within this fortress, when they heard that the
serdár was coming to attack them, were so powerfully overcome by terror
that they yielded it up without resistance. Mohammed Ketkhodá conducted
them all to Novograde, on the lake Platten. In the meantime, the serdár
passed through Petcheví from Shuklúshka, and halted at Sigetwar. From
each of these fortresses he took some pieces of cannon, and on arriving
before Búbofché he found it occupied by his own troops.
In a council held at Búbofché some concern was expressed regarding
Buda, when Hasan Páshá said: “Thank God, Búbofché has been conquered
on very easy terms. It was the key, on this side, to Mekumúriah, and the
places of strength on the sea of Platten. Kaniza is the strong-hold
of the infidels in that quarter. If it can be easily reduced, a
great advantage in such a case will be obtained. Let us, therefore,
whilst the enemy in that quarter has no suspicion of our movements,
advance and take it at once.” The rest of the chiefs concurred in
these sentiments of Hasan: but the serdár again expressed some doubts
respecting the safety of Buda and the country adjacent. The chiefs,
however, were decided. “Let Hasan Páshá,” said they, “be sent to
Buda and attend to its safety: we are determined on marching against
Kaniza.” Hasan Páshá, accordingly, set out that very day for Buda. Lála
Mohammed Páshá, the beglerbeg of Romeili, and who had occupied Buda,
was ordered to join the royal camp with the troops under his command.
Taking five large pieces of cannon from Buda, and a party of those
Frenchmen formerly mentioned, he marched by way of Kopan to join the
grand army. On his way thither, he came upon a palanka, which after
two days’ fighting he took, and destroyed every soul he found within
it: for those who occupied this palanka were peasants who had thrown
off their allegiance to the Ottomans. The palanka called Lawah they
found deserted, took possession of it, and soon afterwards joined the
royal camp, which had now arrived before Kaniza. The serdár, on leaving
Búbofché, and arriving in the plains of the palanka of Perezancha,
issued orders to the Tátár troops to commence their depredatory mode of
warfare, and on the 1st of Rabia II. appeared with his grand army in
the plains of Kaniza, where he was joined by Lála Mohammed Páshá and
his provincials, as before observed.
This Kaniza (or Chanisca) was a very strong place, situate in an
island in the river Brak, which issues from the lake Platten, and
unites itself with the Drave. It was most difficult of access, being
surrounded on two sides by wood and marsh, which reached to both
branches of the river. Cannon could have no effect upon it, on account
of the earthen mounds which served as out-works for its protection:
neither was it found possible to make any impression upon it by the
springing of mines. Nevertheless, the serdár, putting his confidence
of success in God, gave orders to form the siege. Every day four or
five hundred balls were directed against it, but without any advantage
whatever. Seventeen days were spent in battering it at the gate
which opens towards Sigetwar with no better success. At length they
constructed, by means of branches of trees, a path across the river
sufficiently strong and broad to bear a waggon, but it stood only one
day. This temporary path or bridge was called Lassa, and was a second
time renewed.
On the 15th day of the month, about mid-day, the Moslems were put into
a state of consternation and surprize by a most tremendous report,
and the sight of huge pieces of rock and earth, as large as the human
body, flying through the air, and for the space of two hours Kaniza
was enveloped in smoke and dust. After the smoke and dust had cleared
away, they perceived that one of its two mighty towers had been carried
away. It would appear that the preceding evening, when some of the
Moslem prisoners who had been there confined, had been sent to fill
up some breaches which by this time had been effected, they saw the
door of the powder-magazine standing open, when one of them conveyed a
lighted match into this magazine, and so placed it that it might, in
the course of some hours, reach the powder. This then was the cause
of the Moslems’ surprise. More than one thousand kantars[8] were thus
ignited, and produced the explosion described, carrying off by its
irresistible force the tower already mentioned, the prison in which
lay one hundred and seventy Moslem captives, women and children, the
arsenal, and the palace of the prince or governor, and himself along
with it. For several days after this catastrophe no guns were fired
from the fortress, but they continued the use of their musketry.
In their distress and great amazement they sent word to the king (of
Hungary), informing him of what had befallen them, and beseeching him
to render them his aid.
Ferdinand, emperor of Germany, who had collected his troops with the
view of visiting Buda, heard that Hasan Páshá was there, and therefore
came with his whole army, which amounted to forty thousand foot and
horse, to the aid of Kaniza. His advance guard appeared on the 28th,
and the whole army took up its position in the neighbourhood of Kaniza.
The Moslem cavalry, eager to meet these infidels, advanced upon them;
but such was the briskness of the enemy’s musketry, that they were
obliged to retire. The janissaries now left their trenches, though the
Frenchmen remained in theirs, and advanced in their turn, but were soon
forced to retrace their steps and fly. The courage of the Moslem camp
was supported by the unfurled banners of the begs and governors at the
head of their respective troops. The enemy took good care, however,
not to play the same game they had played at Mehaj after the fall of
Agria, _i. e._ by rushing on the Moslem camp. They so placed their
guns as to make them tell more effectually upon the orthodox army; but
fortunately the balls passed over their heads. A whole day was spent in
hard skirmishing, when, towards night, the enemy retired within their
fortifications, and spent the whole of that night in strengthening
their position by means of ditches, mounds, &c. Next morning, the
infidel foot soldiery, with their cannon in front of them, advanced
to the charge. The Moslem commander-in-chief mounted on horseback,
arranged a body of his men behind a marsh: the janissaries and the
beglerbegs with their respective troops stood ready in their places.
The enemy continued to advance. The begs and páshás fell back upon
the janissaries, who also retreated. The standard-bearers and brave
commanders maintained their ground, but afterwards took shelter in the
woods. A fog coming on prevented them from discovering the movement of
the enemy, and they had nearly fallen victims when they returned from
the wood. Night coming on, the sound of drum recalled the enemy to
their fortifications. The following morning, the 1st of Rabia II., the
Moslems determined on a general battle. The beglerbegs mounted their
horses, and the foot and horse soldiers advanced; but the enemy had
placed before daybreak a number of men in various parts of the wood,
who showered so plentifully on the Moslems as they advanced to the
assault, that they were fairly staggered. Many of these orthodox men
fell martyrs on this occasion, and were thus hurled out of time.
When the Moslem army had thus advanced to give battle to these pagans
they supposed the Moslem camp was wholly deserted, and therefore
endeavoured to throw provisions and gunpowder into Kaniza; but they
were completely hindered from doing so by the exalted serdár, who
appeared with a party of cavalry and a body of Janissaries ready
to intercept them. The Janissaries, however, as on the two former
occasions, fled like a flock of sheep put in terror by a wolf, and
hastened back to the camp. The serdár endeavoured to rally them, and
to recall their courage by calling out to them, “My brave fellows,
why do you act thus cowardly?” but all in vain. The serdár, seeing he
could make nothing of his janissaries, turned about with those around
him, and entered into personal engagement with the hateful enemy, whose
sharp-shooters were only hindered from reaching the Moslem camp by a
marsh which intervened. The exalted serdár had only about three or four
hundred spáhís and salihdárs around his person when he entered the
place of general conflict: many of them fell at his side. The serdár
himself went behind a rising ground and stood there. Shortly afterwards
the ághá of the janissaries came running up to him, and letting down
his sword exclaimed, that all was lost. The exalted serdár, without
even looking at him, ordered the beglerbegs of Romeili and Anatolia,
and the commander of the artillery to advance with four divisions and
relieve those troops which had been engaged. The serdár, when he saw
that the greater part of his men were in active operation, and that few
had remained around his own person, was sorely grieved, and actually
became bent with pain. The troops, however, rallied again, and once
more made a vigorous attack on the enemy, in which the horse of the
commander of the artillery fell, but he was soon supplied with another.
The janissaries were very saving of themselves; not above forty or
fifty of them showed their heads beyond their tents. Some of the
cannoneers brought forward five falconets and two large field-pieces,
and commenced firing them in front of the serdár with such effect upon
the enemy as to cause them to draw together, and thus prevented them
from entering into the Moslem camp. The approach of night, however,
warned both armies to retire from the contest. Very many of the enemy
perished in this day’s struggle for conquest. The infidels, it may be
observed, never again ventured from their strong-hold. On the following
day, the 3rd of the month, the Moslem foot and cavalry advanced again
to meet the foe, and attacked them even in their own fortifications:
at night they returned to their camp. On the fourth the Moslems held a
consultation as to making a general assault on the fortifications of
the enemy. Two thousand Tátárs, who had been reserved in the camp,
were sent out to make what reprisals they could, and seized a number
of waggons laden with provisions for the enemy’s camp. When the enemy
saw that their provisions were cut off; that every road to their camp
was watched by these Tátárs; and that they could find no means by
which they might get Kaniza supplied with gunpowder; they on the 5th
abandoned their fortifications altogether, and made off with themselves
about the middle of the night of that date, leaving only a small
quantity of spoil behind them.
_Kaniza taken._
The Moslem army returned to the siege of Kaniza, and continued it seven
days after the enemy’s troops had fled. The besieged, finding that the
army which had purposely come to their assistance had been obliged to
fly in disgrace, as just now related, and being much weakened by the
incessant efforts of the besiegers, as well as by the efforts they were
continually called on to make in their own defence, became discouraged.
Yánush Towán Beg, who had succeeded the late prince that was killed
by the explosion formerly mentioned, went along with one Muklúsh, a
cavalry officer, to a certain place of the fortress, from which they
saw but too clearly that the host which had come to their aid had
fled. “All hope of safety is now gone,” they said: “our gunpowder is
expended, and these Turks will take Kaniza by force if we do not yield
in time. It is far more advisable to deliver it, and save our lives
before they do so, and give us no quarter.” The Hungarian part of the
garrison were willing to adopt this counsel, but the Austrian part of
it continued obstinate for awhile, yet soon afterwards concurred with
the rest. Such was the way they consulted among themselves.
On the evening of the 13th, which was the evening of the Sabbath, a
tremendous rain fell; yet the Moslems continued their hostilities till
daybreak next morning, when it was announced that they were, on the
following day, to commence a general assault. Every preparation for
this mighty effort was made; but when the besieged saw the conquering
Moslems moving on to the assault they hesitated no longer; they
immediately hoisted a flag of truce over their gate, and the sound of
their voices, imploring for mercy, reached the skies. They requested
that Khoja Sinán, of Petcheví, a trustworthy man, should be sent to
them as a pledge of their security. This was accordingly acceded to,
when immediately two or three of their chiefs, German and Hungarian
princes, wearing gold chains about their necks, came forth to meet
the exalted serdár, who presented them with robes, and granted them
passports at their own request. These princes observed, that it was
because they had no gunpowder they had submitted; “otherwise,” said
they, “you would not have reduced Kaniza. But,” added they, “are the
conditions on which you allow us to depart to resemble those promises
you made to us at the taking of Yanuk and Agria, when you sent an army
after us to murder us?” The exalted serdár gave them his solemn oath
that, with the exception of their cannon and other arms, which now
belonged to the emperor of the Ottomans, every thing else they were
at full liberty to take along with them, and to depart in peace. They
again, in consequence of this grace which the serdár had shown to them,
said, “We have two hundred horsemen and one thousand five hundred foot
soldiers in the garrison, besides women and children, who require
the means of conveyance.” The exalted serdár immediately ordered two
hundred camels to be provided for them for the purpose of conveying
their property and wives and children. On the following day they
evacuated Kaniza, delivered over the keys of the city to the serdár,
loaded the camels which the serdár had provided for them with their
families, goods and chattels, even to their geese and hens, plates and
cradles, and set out on their journey; and halted at a small distance.
In the meantime the head of the arsenal, and the commander of the
artillery, Mohammed Ketkhodá, entered into the fortress of Kaniza,
and took possession of it. Fifty-one pieces of large and twenty-five
of small cannon were found in it. The churches were converted into
mosques. The victorious troops entered into a friendly intercourse
with the men who had lately evacuated Kaniza, and made some purchases
of provisions and of such other articles as they had to dispose of.
Mohammed Páshá, governor of Romeili, and Mohammed Ketkhodá conducted
them as far as the fortress of Kapernak, about three days’ journey,
when they were met by a party of their own kind from that fortress,
and who made some splendid presents to the two chiefs, besides giving
cloth to the other officers of the party who conducted them sufficient
for one hundred garments, and as much as would make one for each of the
camel-drivers.
Hasan Beg Zádeh, who was present in this campaign, and who published an
account of it, was appointed to write an account of the victory, and
to send it by couriers to all parts of the empire. By the reduction
of Kaniza, many other districts and towns, besides Kish, Komar, and
Perzencha, were added to the Ottoman dominions, and were properly and
regularly supplied with rulers, judges, and garrisons.
When the secretary of customs, Abdí Effendí, who had been appointed
to carry the news of the victory which had attended the Moslem arms
to Constantinople, arrived there, three days and three nights were
dedicated by appointment to public rejoicings. Orders were also sent
to all the other great cities to follow the example of the metropolis.
A robe, a sash, and a richly-ornamented sword and dagger, a splendid
tent, besides other valuable presents, were ordered to be sent to the
serdár or commander-in-chief, Ibrahím Páshá, along with a royal letter
expressive of his majesty’s approbation. Splendid swords and daggers,
and also robes, were at the same time sent to all the beglerbegs in the
royal camp. To the historian of this campaign, Hasan Beg Zádeh, a robe
and a sword were also sent.
It is but just to observe, what the warriors who were present in
the late wars knew to be true, that the orthodox armies were on two
occasions in very great straits, and had suffered much, _viz._ at Agria
(at Mehaj near Agria) and at Kaniza. On the first of these occasions
the orthodox troops had to contend with an army composed of soldiers
belonging to the seven kings (_i.e._ to all the European powers). The
second was at Kaniza, and which we have endeavoured to describe; but
which was much more disastrous to the orthodox troops, on the whole,
than the former. Seven successive days’ hard fighting, from morning
till evening, and in which the enemy maintained the superiority till
God himself inspired their powerful enemy with terror, when they all
fled, was of itself no easy task. Forty-three days, from first to last,
were also spent in the arduous undertaking of reducing Kaniza, which
was forced to capitulate only in consequence of the misfortune which
had happened to its powder magazine, and which left the place almost
a naked rock in the midst of a marsh. The troops also suffered greatly
from the want of provisions, and which could not be obtained even for
money. A wakáyet of salt could not be had for a dollar: so great was
the scarcity of all sorts of provisions on this memorable occasion.
The janissaries (who certainly do not appear to have deserved any
praise) were on the point of retiring altogether, and would not, most
assuredly, have remained in the camp another day, had not the fortunate
events which we have described above, taken place. Such were the
difficulties which the orthodox Moslem army had to encounter in these
wars.
Kaniza, after having been put into a state of thorough defence, was,
with its dependencies, put under the command of the beg of Kústandil,
Alája Eili Hasan Páshá, and its spiritual jurisdiction was conferred
on Kádurí Effendí. Twenty odás, with their officers, under the command
of Sefer Aghá, a Segbán báshí, were left to garrison it; besides three
thousand more who were to act in the capacity of spáhís. Sigetwar,
Petcheví, Shuklúsh, Usk, and Kaniza, were all put under the supreme
jurisdiction of the above-mentioned Hasan Páshá. To each of the plebian
troops two pieces of money were given, and they were all registered
among the troops of Buda and Agria. The serdár, on his return from
Kaniza, halted near Perzencha, where he ordered a new apalanka to be
erected. Having crossed the Drave near Yakúah, he passed on towards
Usk, where he permitted his army to disperse. The beglerbeg of Romeili,
with his provincials, was sent into winter-quarters at Perizrin; and
the beglerbeg of Anatolia, with his troops, were sent for a similar
purpose to Banialúka. The ághá of the janissaries was allowed to return
to Constantinople, and the victorious serdár himself returned to
Belgrade.
_Hájí Ibrahím Páshá defeated by Kara Yazijí_ (Scrivano).
We have already had occasion to notice the conduct of the notorious
rebel, Kara Yazijí, and how in consequence of intrigue and false
representation, he was appointed to the sanják of Chorum. In
consequence of this odious rebel’s having returned to his former
doings, Ibrahím Páshá was sent from Constantinople with communications
to Hájí Ibrahím Páshá, a vezír of the sixth rank, who was to
conduct an army against the rebel, and who also had been appointed
commander-in-chief in room of Hasan Páshá, who had been removed from
the government of Baghdád. In the event of Hasan Páshá’s prolonging
his stay at Baghdád, he was further instructed to proceed with the
Anatolian troops, and endeavour by every effort he could employ to
get the above-mentioned rebel and his brother, Delí Husein, into his
power. Hájí Ibrahím Páshá, accordingly, went with his army in search
of these men, and fell in with them at Cæsarea, at the head of twenty
thousand insurgents, where he offered them battle, and which they did
not decline accepting. The contest was severe and bloody, and Ibrahím
was finally obliged to seek his safety in retreat. The victorious
insurgents pursued him with an ardour worthy of a better cause, slew
fifteen officers, and more than one thousand janissaries in the
pursuit. It was with much difficulty that Ibrahím escaped into Cæsarea,
and those of his followers who had not been so successful, fell victims
to the fury of the insurgent army.
This event which we have here recorded is said, in some histories, to
have occurred in 1008 of the Hijrah; but most of them place it among
the events of the year we are now noticing, _i.e._ 1009. Besides, the
orders which government had issued respecting this infidel, and which
were sent to the inhabitants of Cæsarea, are dated on one of the first
ten days of Rabia II., 1009 of Hijrah.
The story concerning Gira, the Jewess and her children, before noticed,
is mentioned in the Fezliké of Hájí Khalífeh as having taken place last
year, but the author of the history we have followed in relating the
account, and Kara Chelebí Zádeh Azíz Effendí, place it where we have
placed it. One of the sons of this infamous Gira, however, embraced the
Moslem faith, and thus escaped the death which the whole of the rest
of his family suffered. He went under the name of Iksák (lame) Mustafa
Chávush. He died in the khán or inn of Devlet Sultání Ibrahím. The
whole of the effects of Gira were confiscated by the government, and it
is said they amounted to a very great sum. Her wares, independent of
her jewels and estates, were sold for more than five hundred _yúks_ of
money.
The káímakám, or governor of Constantinople, Khalíl Páshá, on account
of some connivance he had with the Jewess whose tragic end we have
related, met with strong opposition from the spáhí tribe, and was
therefore removed from his high office, and was succeeded in it by
Khádem Háfiz Páshá, in the month of Shevál of this year; but who ten
days after was succeeded by Yemishjí Hasan Páshá. The reason for this
last change must now be explained.
During the time the Moslem army lay before Kaniza, Dimoo, the messenger
of the odious Michael, arrived at the Moslem camp with proposals to the
Ottoman government respecting the fortresses of Yanwah and Lipovah,
and was forwarded by the commander-in-chief to Constantinople; the
reïs-effendí was also sent along with him, bearing communications from
the commander in-chief.
The káímakám, Khádem Háfiz Páshá, remembering the stratagem which
Michael had practised on Háfiz Ahmed Páshá at Nicopolis, by means of
this said Dimoo, as before related, the anger of the Páshá was raised
to a high degree when he saw this messenger of deceit, and consulted
the mufti concerning him. The mufti gave it as his judgment that no
proposals whatever ought to be received from the odious Michael, nor
any agreement entered into with so infamous a wretch, who, along with
his deceitful ambassador, ought to suffer death. The káímakám, after
hearing the judgment of the high priest, and without further ceremony,
took summary vengeance on this satellite of mischief, by binding him to
a tree and punishing him according to the nature of his crimes. Besides
this act of summary justice exercised upon the person of Michael’s
messenger, and which was construed into an act of contempt manifested
towards the grand vezír and commander-in-chief, Ibrahím Páshá, who
had forwarded Dimoo to Constantinople, the káímakám, at the very time
Ibrahím was carrying on the siege of Kaniza, sent off a chávush with
orders to make inquiry about matters on the frontiers, without once
manifesting any regard to the authority of the commander-in-chief,
to whom all these affairs properly belonged. This instance of open
contempt awakened the displeasure of the grand vezír, which, no doubt,
was heightened by the conduct of the káímakám towards Dimoo, whom he
had sent to court, led him to seek revenge. The chávush he confined in
prison at Belgrade, and immediately wrote to the queen-mother, and to
the ághá of the sublime court, a statement of the káímakám’s conduct,
pointing out to them the evils that would result from the plan
pursued by Khádem Háfiz Páshá, both as it respected themselves and the
enemy. No messenger, he maintained, if such a method as the one above
described was to be pursued, would either come from the enemy to them,
or go from them to the enemy. In short, no consultation whatever, he
insisted, could be entered into, if the persons of messengers were not
to be respected. It was as much as to say, at least in the instance
adverted to, that no confidence whatever was to be placed in either
the sayings or doings of the commander-in-chief, or any trust in his
majesty’s minister-and much more to the same purpose. His statement was
laid before the throne, when immediately Khádem Háfiz Páshá was turned
out of office, and Yemishjí Hasan Páshá appointed in his stead.
The new káímakám was no sooner installed in office, than a royal
letter, no less fitted to embalm the heart than it was to console the
mind, was sent to the exalted serdár, Ibrahím Páshá, in return.
_The odious Michael’s troops defeated._
Forasmuch as the countries of Valachia, Transylvania, and Moldavia
having been, for several years past, disposed to rebellious
out-breakings, and as the injurious and odious Michael had been the
means of fostering and prolonging this spirit of insubordination among
these different nations, it was necessary to try to put a stop to
this mischievous wretch. Accordingly vezír Mahmúd Páshá, who had been
sent to these quarters, and Shabán Páshá, the beglerbeg of Cyprus,
who had been appointed to guard the banks of the Danube with his
galleys, passed over, with their respective men, into the country of
Valachia and repaired the fortress of Yerkok, and rebuilt its bridge
over the Danube. Whilst employed in carrying forward these works,
they sent their troops upon a depredatory excursion into the country
of Valachia, and who not only committed great devastation throughout
the country, but also completely robbed and laid desolate the mansion
and premises which belonged to Michael himself. When the Moslem army
were advancing towards the cities of Bekrish and Terghúshta, Michael,
his vezír, and the commander of his army, the bán of Karah Chewah,
met them with a very considerable force; but the Moslems soon gained
a complete victory over these infidels, and slew the greater part of
them. The heads of his commanders, his gilded banners, his drums and
kettle-drums, were all sent to the royal diván. Michael was defeated
in two other battles; his followers were either killed or dispersed;
all his ammunition and guns were seized, and he himself, despairing of
escaping with his life, perished by his own hands.
In consequence of some confusion which had arisen with respect to
the value of the coin, the new species, prepared by Yemishjí Hasan
Páshá, appeared on the 5th of Rabia II. of this year. The ducat, which
formerly went for two hundred akchas, now circulated for one hundred
and twenty; and the dollar for eighty akchas.
Information reached the capital in the month of Rajab that Ja’fer
Páshá, the governor of Tabríz, had departed this life.
By a prohibition of the emperor, in the month of Shevál, the hidden and
shameful practice of using fermented liquor was suppressed.
Simon, the governor of Georgia, according to the Fezliké, was brought
this year, (not last year, as elsewhere stated,) to Constantinople, and
confined in the Seven Towers.
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1010, H.
_The grand vezír, Ibrahím Páshá’s death.—Yemishjí Hasan Páshá succeeds
him in the premiership._
We now begin to detail the events of another year; but before doing so
we have to mention that the grand vezír and commander-in-chief, Ibrahím
Páshá, having formed the project towards the end of the last year of
concluding a peace with the enemies of his country, deputed Murád Páshá
and Mohammed Ketkhodá to proceed to Osterghún, and there treat with
Ferdinand’s commissioners. A thousand Segbán troops, with coloured
feathers in their bonnets, under the command of the beg of Semendria,
accompanied the embassy.
Towards the end of Dhu’l hijja (the last month of the Mohammedan year),
the commander-in-chief pitched his tent in the plains of Zimrún,
opposite Belgrade, and watched with anxiety for the arrival of Alí
Aghá, brother-in-law to Ghaznafer, who succeeded to the ágháship of the
janissaries. Tarnákjí Hasan Páshá was appointed to the government of
Kaniza. It is said that Murád Páshá and Mohammed Ketkhodá went to Usk.
The Commander-in-chief’s strength was now weakened by disease, and the
signs of his mortality became quite apparent. In this condition he sent
for his uncle’s son, Morteza Páshá, and delivered over to him his most
important earthly concerns; and on the 9th of Moharrem (the first month
of the Mohammedan year) he departed this life, and his soul fled to the
Paradise above. Morteza Páshá and Etmekjí Zádeh, the defterdár, sealed
up the whole of his effects. The beglerbeg of Romeili, Mohammed Páshá,
by this time had left his winter-quarters and had come to Alája Hisár,
where he heard of the death of the commander-in-chief. This message was
brought to him in great haste, because the late serdár had appointed
him to take the command of the army in the event of his death. The
following day, after the usual washings were over, and the funeral
service performed, Mohammed Páshá consigned the remains of Ibrahím to
a tomb adjoining the mosque of Bairám Beg. The account of Ibrahím’s
death, and a statement of the affairs of the borders, were forthwith
dispatched to Constantinople, and laid before the foot of the throne
and before the members of the diván.
In the meantime Murád Páshá and Mohammed Ketkhodá, who had been
appointed to proceed to Osterghún with the view of negotiating a peace,
finished the building of a palanka at one end of the bridge of Usk,
which the late serdár had authorized to erect. They afterwards received
an order of government to remain at this palanka.
Some few days after the decease of the late serdár, the ághá of the
janissaries arrived at Belgrade, and immediately removed the remains of
Ibrahím to Constantinople, where they were interred in the temple of
Sháh Zádeh.
According to one account, the news of Ibrahím’s death first reached
Constantinople about the 20th of Moharrem, when the seals were sent
to the káímakám, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá. After his advancement to the
premiership, he spent twenty days in preparing for his journey to
Belgrade. By some means or other he was allowed the tents, pavilions,
the equipage, the military arms, and, in short, the beasts of burden
which had belonged to his predecessor. He even married his relict, the
princess Ayesha.
The new grand vezír still postponed his journey to Belgrade, and at
length pretended it was too late in the season to proceed to that
quarter. “Nothing of importance,” he said, “could, by the time he
could arrive there, be accomplished.” He maintained, that no warlike
operation was immediately called for in the present circumstances
of the frontiers, or from the aspect presented by the enemy. Lála
Mohammed Páshá, who succeeded in the command after the death of
the late commander-in-chief, he further said, should be confirmed
in the serdárship, proceed, if necessary, with the force under his
command, and open the campaign. Thus did the new grand vezír excuse
his own tardiness, and try to dispense with the necessity of his
own departure. The Sheikh-ul-Islám, Siná-allah Effendí, thought
otherwise. He maintained it to be absolutely requisite that the new
grand vezír should proceed without a moment’s delay to Belgrade, and
urged this sentiment with great warmth even before the emperor. The
new grand vezír had no alternative left him but to proceed: but for
this interference of the high priest the grand vezír never ceased
to employ every stratagem he could against him, and at length had
him deposed. In the military and ecclesiastical departments he made
what changes he pleased: particularly in the first, and that too as
far as Adrianople; though this department properly belonged to the
Sheikh-ul-Islám Effendí. He advanced some, deposed others, as his
fancy directed, and some he degraded. The Sheikh-ul-Islám Effendí,
the high priest of the religion of Mohammed, felt his displeasure, as
well he might have anticipated, after having expressed himself in the
manner he did. Khoja Zádeh Mohammed Effendí was created mufti in the
room of Siná-allah Effendí. Bostán Zádeh Effendí and Shemish Effendí
were succeeded by Abdulhelím Effendí and by Isaád Effendí. The cazí
of Constantinople, Ketkhodá Mustafa Effendí, was replaced by Mustafa
Effendí of Adrianople, who was succeeded by Yahiah Effendí. The seventh
vezír, Khalíl Páshá, was made káímakám, and Háfiz Ahmed Páshá was made
third vezír. Tarnákjí, who had been deprived of his ágháship, but
afterwards appointed to the government of Baghdád, had to resign his
situation to Mohammed Páshá, son of Sinán Páshá, and Hasan Páshá was
made vezír at Constantinople. Hamza Effendí was made chancellor in room
of Okjí Zádeh. All these changes were effected by the new grand vezír.
On the ninth day of the month Sefer, the grand vezír and
commander-in-chief, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, left Constantinople with
great pomp and show, but did not encumber himself with tents or any
heavy baggage. Persons were previously appointed to proceed in advance
and have booths of branches of trees prepared at every station for his
army. By this mode of quick travelling he was enabled to reach Belgrade
by the 27th of the month, when he took possession of his predecessor’s
tents which had been erected in the plains of Zimún by the late grand
vezír himself. This was the first time he had entered a tent from the
day he left Constantinople till his arrival at Zimún.
The new grand vezír lost no time in attending to the duties of his
station and office. Provisions were distributed amongst the troops,
and full fifteen days were spent in arranging matters for commencing
another campaign. Before detailing the events of that campaign, we must
first advert to the success which the enemy had obtained at Alba Julia,
and some other affairs, but which properly belong to the events of the
preceding year.
The fall of Kaniza was a heavy loss to the enemy, and afflicted them
very much and universally.
Towards the end of winter the Duke Mathias, with his Austrian and
Hungarian commanders, came to the plains of Yanuk, where he assembled
an army of forty or fifty thousand men, composed of Germans,
Hungarians, Bohemians, and Polish troops. Twenty pieces of ordnance
and ten sháhí (royal guns) were attached to this mighty host, which
marched upon Alba Julia. Information having reached Belgrade, a short
time after the spring commenced, that the enemy had laid siege to
Alba Julia, the commander sent off, to the aid of the above place,
the beglerbegs of Romeili and Anatolia with the Bosnian army; but
before these auxiliary troops had time to cross the bridge of Usk,
Alba Julia was taken by the enemy, after a siege of nine days. Alba
Julia was no sooner taken than the enemy supplied it with a sufficient
garrison, and afterwards concentrated its whole force at a place in its
neighbourhood.
_Concerning Tarnákjí Hasan Páshá’s going to Kaniza._
Some time after the reduction of Kaniza, Tarnákjí Hasan Páshá having
arranged matters at Buda, left the care of that fortress to the
defterdár, Munker Kúshí Mohammed Effendí, and set out, towards the end
of winter, to Belgrade, to pay a visit to the serdár, Ibrahím Páshá.
This visit was not made in vain; for he succeeded with Ibrahím to have
himself appointed to the government of Kaniza, and the defterdár,
Munker Kúshí, to retain his charge at Buda. After his appointment he
left Belgrade and went to take charge of his new government, but was
not long at Kaniza before he heard of the death of his benefactor,
Ibrahím Páshá. In a state of grief, occasioned by this intelligence, he
left Kaniza and pitched his camp at a place called Ghurizghár, not far
from Sigetwar. A wonderful event happened on the day on which he made
the transition alluded to. It was excessively hot and sultry: suddenly,
in a moment, an unusual loud sound was heard in the air, and so
terrible as to frighten the horses. Everywhere they perceived immense
companies of crows in the air, above the tents, fighting with each
other, and which, after having fought their battle, as described, set
out directly towards Kaniza. About an hour after this wonderful scene
another of equal wonder presented itself. A host of eagles, similar to
that of the crows, made their appearance above the tents, performed the
same sort of manœuvres as their predecessors had done, and followed
the same direction which they had taken. Those who witnessed these
strange phenomena were, as may well be imagined, awfully surprised and
confounded: but Hasan Páshá was a man of great prudence and caution.
“It is a warning and a sign from God,” said he, in a solemn tone of
voice; “it is an intimation of two engagements with the enemies of our
religion.” After having repeated these words he called his deputy,
who, at that time, was Iskender Páshá, and desired him to proceed
to Belgrade and send him word who had been, or was to be, appointed
commander-in-chief; and also to request him, whoever he might be, to
send a reinforcement of troops to Kaniza. After having dispatched
this messenger, he himself returned to Kaniza, and paid all due care
and attention to put it into a state of defence and security. He sent
persons, also, to the sanjáks of Sigetwar, Petcheví, and Púzgha, to
collect provisions for the garrison; also others to spy out the
condition and strength of the enemy. These latter messengers brought
him the intelligence that the enemy had assembled an immense army at
Yanuk, and that eighty thousand Franks were expected to join them from
Frangistan. The páshá sent out other spies, and waited with anxiety for
their return.
_The enemy return to lay siege to Kaniza._
It is to be observed that before this, an augmentation of troops,
amounting to sixty thousand, foot and horse, supplied by Austria,
Spain, and France, had been shipped at a port belonging to Venice, and
disembarked on the shores of Croatia. The brother of the Roman pontiff
commanded the Italian troops (the troops supplied by Spain, probably).
Zerín Oghlí Majar, the beglerbegs of Aslobin, of the Black Herzog, with
King Ferdinand at their head, met the above-mentioned European troops
at Warashdin, in the country of Mekomúriah, and brought forty pieces of
large ordnance along with them.
In a council of war held on this occasion at Warashdin, they were all
nearly unanimous in thinking it most advantageous to lay siege to
Kaniza. Zerín Oghlí replied, in opposition to general opinion, that
first of all, the fortresses of Perzencha and of Búbofché should be
reduced; the ruined fortress of Sekish rebuilt and garrisoned: then to
go and take the fortress of Kushwar, which would have the effect of
dispersing the inhabitants of Koban and of its vicinity, _viz._ those
of Barcan. “That appears to me,” said he, “to be the plan we ought to
adopt. After we have accomplished these, let us support the German and
Hungarian army stationed near Alba Julia. If the Moslem serdár should
venture to attack them, we shall, in such a case, be ready to assist
them; if he should attack us, then they will be ready to come to our
assistance.” This counsel of Zerín Oghlí was rejected and the first
opinion adhered to. They determined on reducing Kaniza.
All this various information was carried to Hasan Páshá by his spies,
and he was immediately induced, without divulging a syllable of what
he had heard to any one, to issue orders to his begs and commanders
to prepare for entering the country of Mekomúriah on a depredatory
excursion on the shortest notice; and to have their arms and provisions
in readiness. These begs and commanders throughout his government
obeyed, and assembled with their troops in the fortress of Sigetwar.
This order to his begs and commanders was given under the pretext that
the enemy was marching towards Buda.
In the meantime the enemy’s troops advanced within one stage of Kaniza,
where they halted three days for the arrival of their artillery. They
thought, from the movements which they had perceived among Hasan
Páshá’s troops, that they had actually gone towards Buda, and that,
therefore, Kaniza would be obliged to yield without much resistance.
“Never mind; let the Turks go to Buda,” said they among themselves; “we
shall see what state Kaniza is in.” Thus saying, they sent out some
spies, who when they returned confirmed them in their blindness. “The
Turks,” said the spies, “have not the least idea of our approach; but
Hasan Páshá, the governor of Kaniza, says, our army has marched on to
Buda; and that he is therefore preparing to enter into the country of
Mekomúriah on a predatory excursion.” Such was the import of the report
of the spies; and it had the effect of filling the infidels with joy.
After considering all these appearances, apparently in their favour,
they advanced to the siege.
_The grand vezír and commander-in-chief, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, marches
against the enemy._
After the grand vezír had reached Belgrade he learned that Alba Julia
was besieged by the enemy’s troops, and therefore sent off a body
of men to its assistance. This auxiliary army had scarcely reached
the bridge of Usk, when information reached him that Alba Julia was
taken by the enemy. Immediately after this the news of Kaniza’s being
besieged was also communicated to him.
The experienced páshás at Usk entered into consultations as to the
plan they ought to adopt in the present circumstances. Some of them
proposed to go to Kaniza; others of them thought this unnecessary.
Every one had his own opinion: they were fairly divided. After much and
long disputation, it was at length observed, that if they should go to
Kaniza, it was more than probable the enemy’s army at Alba Julia would
pursue them. They would thus be exposed to two armies at once, each of
which was very powerful. In this case (said the speaker), it would not
be an easy thing to give an answer. Better that we march to Alba Julia;
and after we have defeated our enemies there, continued the speaker,
we, on our return, will march to the aid of Kaniza.
This counsel was agreed to; and, accordingly, letters were issued,
giving information of the resolution the páshás had come to. They
commenced their march towards Alba Julia, and on reaching Jankúterán
they were joined by the division which the grand vezír had formerly
sent forward to the aid of the Alba Julians, and also Munker Kúshí
Mohammed Páshá with the troops of Buda. In another council held at this
place they unanimously agreed to attack the enemy at once and with
vigour. Having taken eight badalooshkas and four large cannon from
Buda, they advanced in the greatest haste, and reached the plains of
Alba Julia on the first of Rabia II.
The enemy lay between two mountains, and had an immense ditch in front.
The Moslem army advanced, threw a bridge over the river which issued
from a lake, crossed this river on the following day, and attacked
the enemy in their tabúr or fortifications. The great and small guns
were put into immediate requisition. On the following morning, at
daybreak, the combatants on both sides were in motion, and the work of
destruction was again renewed and carried on till the darkness of the
night made it necessary for both parties to retire.
According to Hasan Beg Zádeh’s account of this battle, it would appear
that the janissaries, on the last of the days above-mentioned, when led
on to the attack by the commander, had fled before the opposing foe,
and were on the very point of making the commander their prisoner. God
protected him.
Petcheví says, that Mohammed Ketkhodá having secured an advantageous
position, slew immense numbers of the enemy. The enemy now advanced in
four columns, each column five hundred strong, and drove the Moslem
cavalry off the field. The salihdárs were ordered to advance to oppose
their progress, but were unable to effect any thing: night, however,
came on, when both parties retired from the conflict for a few hours,
but it was soon after renewed with double fury. In this day’s work of
death, towards evening, Mohammed Ketkhodá and Mohammed Munker Kúshí
Páshá, the governor of Buda, whilst advancing with their divisions to
an attack, fell in the field of battle.
According to Hasan Beg Zádeh and Abdulkádír’s accounts of this battle,
it appears that the Romeilian troops had been ordered to support the
attack in which the two chiefs now mentioned met their death, but that,
in consequence of some rancour which their commander, Mohammed Páshá,
entertained against Khetkhodá, they had failed: neither did any of
the other troops, they say, offer to do it. Petcheví says, however,
that he himself was present and an eye-witness: his words are, “I was
standing beside the páshá and looking at the contest. The páshá (_i.e._
the beglerbeg of Romeili) was not aware when this attack was made, and
therefore could not have rendered them any aid. After the return of the
divisions which they had led on to the attack, the martyrdom of these
heroes was announced to him, and he was excessively grieved that they
had advanced to that attack without having given him notice of it. Any
account of the matter differing from this is false.”
On the night of the last battle the enemy altered their position; for
when the Moslems, next day, moved slowly to meet their antagonists,
they found them closely concentrated in a narrow pass in the road
which led to the fortress of Polatah. Finding them thus situated, and
seeing they had succeeded, during the night, in casting a deep trench,
the Moslem army did not again offer to attack them. Under pretence of
winter having set in they retired altogether from the scene of contest
and battle.
The government of Buda was conferred on the beglerbeg of Romeili,
Mohammed Páshá. Four thousand janissaries, under the command of a
túrnají báshí, were ordered to accompany Mohammed Páshá to Buda. On
their return to that fortress they passed through the country of
Segdin. Winter having come on, preparations for assisting Kaniza were
immediately commenced.
_Kaniza is besieged._
We have already mentioned the manœuvre practised by Hasan Páshá,
governor of Kaniza, and the arrival of the infidel army within a stage
or one day’s journey of the above city and fortress.
On the 8th of Rabia II., five thousand of the above army appeared in
the vicinity of Kaniza, on the road which led to Vienna. The governor
gave the strictest orders to the head of the artillery not to fire on
them, and forbade any of the cavalry to venture out: for the object of
this hostile party, he observed, was to seize prisoners where and how
they could. Let the foot soldiers, continued he, meet them with their
fire-arms and contend with them; and he immediately placed a number
of effective men at each of the gates. The order of the governor was
obeyed. The heroes who went to dispute the progress of the enemy,
manfully maintained the bloody contest till mid-day, when the enemy
retired to their tábúr, leaving many of their men, as well as of their
horses, on the field of battle. Ferdinand was informed of the result;
but, it would seem, knew nothing of the attempt they had made, and
strongly reproved them for it.
Next day (the 9th), Ferdinand himself called one of his princes,
ordered him to advance with a party, and by all means endeavour to
seize some prisoners. This was the very object the party, the day
before, had in view. This second party advanced till they were under
the very guns of the fortress, and contended with the heroes formerly
mentioned till the hour of afternoon prayers, when they, instead
of retiring as on the previous day, stopped and cried out: “by the
religion of Mohammed, if you have only one gun fire it.” The heroes,
in compliance with the instructions of their governor, replied, that
though they might have such, yet that they had till then refrained
from using them, and had spared their lives. The enemy believed this,
and rejoicingly went and told it to Ferdinand the king. The king
immediately called a council of his great men, and communicated this
intelligence to them. On the following day (the 10th), he sent forth a
party a third time, who fought more desperately than on either of the
preceding days. On this occasion they again requested the Moslems to
fire a gun, that their king might hear its report in his camp or tábúr.
The former answer was returned to them, with this addition: “We are
here but for a few days, like strangers. Would a man live in a desolate
island-like place as this? Our emperor has many thousand palankas like
this Kaniza.”
It is to be observed, however, that when Hasan Páshá desired it to
be said that there were no cannon in Kaniza, his ághás opposed it by
saying, it was improper to mention it to the enemy; “for,” said they,
“if the enemy should happen to be either unwilling or afraid to attack
us, this saying will most assuredly have the effect of inducing them to
do so.” The Páshá replied: “attend you to my orders; there is something
that you do not yet know: I know when to employ the cannon: I reserve
them till then.” But to return. The infidels returned, as on the former
occasions, and informed Ferdinand what they had heard from the Moslems
about there being no cannon in the fortress of Kaniza. Ferdinand,
elated by this intelligence, called a council of his great men. “Let
us,” said he, “send out spies, and if the intelligence which they bring
us correspond to what we have just learned, then we will certainly root
them out. We will, afterwards, order our movements according to any
method which Prince Mathias, now below Yanuk, may see fit to adopt.”
So much for Ferdinand. Some of his counsellors, however, ventured to
think differently. “Let us first,” said they, “lay siege to Sigetwar
and take it: let us, in fact, take every one of the fortresses as far
as Usk, and root out the Turks from everyone of them.” Zerín Oghlí, who
was present in this sage assembly of warriors, was asked to give his
opinion. He did so. It was as follows: “In the reign of Sultán Soleimán
Khán I was shut up in this fortress (Sigetwar). The out-works of the
fortress can be easily taken, but the citadel is peculiarly strong.
It will require forty pieces of cannon for each one of its batteries
before any impression can be made upon it. It was after having thrown
a hundred thousand loads of earth into the lake, by which it is
surrounded, and as much again above its surface, that Sultán Soleimán
was enabled to surround the fortress and take it by force. If your
strength is sufficient for an exploit of that kind, and if the Turkish
troops do not turn upon you, then you may perhaps succeed. One thing
I know, that if you are able this year to deliver Kaniza out of the
hands of the Turks, you will accomplish a feat which will be without
a parallel: for, you must know, there is shut up in it an enchanter
whose artifices elude all detection. For twenty years past we have been
obliged to drink his poisonous draughts. Every time they announce that
he is either sick or dead, he is sure to appear in one or other of
our provinces and perpetrates immense evil. Hitherto no one has been
able to withstand him. He has completely vanquished, by his artifices,
every one who has opposed him.” Zerín Oghlí having finished his long
speech, one of the Frank princes, who had hearkened to it, said: “This
man (Zerín Oghlí) is not acquainted with our method of war, or he is
an ally of the Turks, and tries to intimidate us.” Zerín’s speech
was henceforth disregarded by the council, and Ferdinand said “that
next day, at all events, they would advance upon Kaniza: if the Turks
abandoned it, good and well; if not, we will lay siege to it. Let these
treacherous Hungarians (the inhabitants of Kaniza) see what will be the
fate of the fortress of Kaniza. After Kaniza is once disposed of, then
we shall take vengeance on them. They have every where instigated the
sword of the Ottoman to deeds of blood.”
On the 11th of Rabia II., about mid-day, this vile army of infidels,
with the beating of drums, sounding of cymbals, blowing of trumpets,
and ringing of bells, approached with great pomp, and with inverted
arms, the devoted city and fortress, and took up its position on the
banks of the river Berk, on the road which led to Vienna. A short time
after they had thus taken up their position, they perceived a number
of waggons which happened to be conveying provisions from Perzentcha
to Kaniza, but which the infatuated infidels thought were waggons come
to carry off the population of that city, and therefore gave orders
not to meddle with them in going in; determining to pursue them when
they again came out, and murder the whole of the people they might
find in them. They were, however, completely deceived. It is a curious
fact, but true, that the men who had escorted these waggons went to
the governor, after having safely entered Kaniza, and asked him what
was the meaning of the mighty army they had observed on the banks of
the Berk—for surely, said they, they are not enemies. The governor
pleasantly replied, that they had come on a visit: “but now that you
have all safely got into the fortress,” said he, “they shall be served
with a feast of red-hot melons without delay.”
The wisdom of the páshá in giving orders not to fire on the enemy, as
before observed, appeared most conspicuously to every one: for had he
ordered his guns to be fired at the enemy when they urged him to do so,
it is clear the waggons with provisions would certainly not have been
allowed to enter into Kaniza, but would in all probability have fallen
into the hands of the enemy, as well as the troops which escorted them.
But to return. The páshá called the heads of the artillery, and asked
them how many cannon there were in the place. Nearly one hundred, small
and great, was the answer. “Well then,” said the governor, “let them
all be charged, and as soon as you hear _Allah! Allah!_ discharge the
largest, and immediately afterwards, and at once, let the others be
discharged in the midst of the enemy.” The guns were accordingly loaded,
and the well-known signal waited for.
In the meantime the páshá bowed the knee twice in humble prayer. The
signal was at length given: the largest, and immediately after it
the rest, were fired, the roaring thundering noise of which made the
earth to quake. The enemy, as might well be imagined, were struck with
terror, and perceived when it was too late their mistake. Ferdinand was
standing, at the moment a volley of shot from the batteries of Kaniza
was poured in amongst his army, talking with four of his princes, three
of whom were shot dead on the spot. Many thousands besides perished.
This feast of red-hot melons made the enemy think of retiring across
the river; and whilst in the act of doing so they were hotly pursued
by the Moslem heroes, who fought with them till the night closed upon
them. The enemy having again encamped in the direction of Sigetwar, the
princes came forward and said to King Ferdinand, “Behold, sire, the
stratagem the Turks have laid for us! Let there be no quarter shown to
them: let us destroy them root and branch, and make them a spectacle
to the world.” The king replied, that he would see how they themselves
should act: it was the day of vengeance.
They now put their cannon in order, entered into the trenches, and
from this moment the siege of Kaniza may be said to have been properly
begun. Their first act of hostility, after commencing the siege, was
the discharging of three cannon, none of which did much injury. The
first passed harmlessly over the fortress: the second was not quite so
harmless, for it passed through the páshá’s palace, killed one of his
relations, and then rebounded towards Sigetwar: the third touched the
odá of the ághá of the janissaries, but did no injury. They afterwards,
at once, and from six different places, discharged forty large pieces
of cannon, the noise of which seemed to indicate the total annihilation
of the place.
When the enemy had laid siege to Kaniza, or at least when they first
appeared before it, Hasan Páshá called a council of his grandees, to
whom he observed: that though there was no scarcity of gunpowder,
or any want of water, and though they had abundance of provisions,
yet it was proper, he said, the commander-in-chief, Yemishjí Páshá,
before he removed from Belgrade, should be made acquainted with their
circumstances. Two heads of odás, one called Ahmed and the other
Mohammed, were appointed to accompany Karah Punjeh, a veteran of the
borders, and one who was well acquainted with all languages, with this
intelligence to the commander-in-chief. They left Kaniza by night,
passed through Sigetwar and Shukulwish, and arrived on the fourth day
after leaving the above city at Belgrade, when they laid the passport
of their mission before the commander-in-chief. The latter, after
holding a council, wrote letters to Hasan Páshá, assuring him that
he was on the point of coming to his assistance, and dismissed the
messengers. On the return of these messengers to Kaniza, they found
it so closely besieged that not even a bird could wing its way into
it without being discovered. The two odá báshís remained at Sigetwar
whilst Punjeh disguised himself, and by this means conveyed his
despatches into Kaniza, which had the effect of animating the hopes
of the besieged. But to return. The enemy having commenced, as before
observed, a regular siege, their efforts became unremitting. Every day
witnessed more than a thousand balls directed against the walls of
Kaniza; but the brave veterans within filled up during the night the
gaps which these horrible cannon effected in the day-time, with their
bed-clothes, and such other things as they could find. The heroic páshá
went about every where, and stimulated and encouraged the besieged.
For the space of a whole week they had not shut their gates, and the
foot veterans continued to make regular sorties against the besieging
foe. Their cattle also went in and out regularly, and the enemy did not
succeed in taking even so much as one of them, much less any prisoners.
The enemy having made no speed in their method of operations, thought
proper to change it. They recrossed at a place called the ford of
Mohammed Khetkhodá, and in the direction of Sigetwar effected mounds
and ditches to the number of fourteen, leaving, in the direction to
Vienna, where they had first taken up their position, five pieces of
ordnance and six thousand troops. After having accomplished these
manœuvres, they now began to throw vast quantities of rushes into
the Berk, over which a covering of wicker-work was placed. Over this
again they finally, though it took them more than forty days to
accomplish, made a kind of road or bridge corresponding in breadth to
one of their ditches, with which it communicated. They carried their
materials by means of light barrels made of fir, which were easily
dragged by two men. After having extended this road or bridge to the
walls of Kaniza, to which they firmly fixed it by means of iron rods,
and when all things were nearly in a state of readiness for commencing
an assault, Hasan Páshá, who was no careless observer of their
manœuvres, and who knew when and how to baffle the enemy, sent a few
heroes, who had volunteered their services, in a boat by night, when
the infidels were drowned in sleep, to set fire to their huge labour,
and which they punctually did. The bridge, and every living infidel who
happened to remain on it, perished in the flames.
Some time before this event in the history of this memorable siege,
Hasan Páshá wrote again to the commander-in-chief by the aforesaid
Punjeh. In these communications he urged Yemishjí Páshá to come at
least to Sigetwar, that by doing so he might encourage the spirits of
the besieged. “If this fortress should happen to be taken out of our
hands,” said he, “it will not easily again be retaken, and you will
find some difficulty in exonerating yourself.” Karah Punjeh proceeded
with this message, taking his two former companions along with him from
Sigetwar, where they had stopped, and met the serdár at Usk. Instead of
complying with the earnest request of Hasan, and fulfilling his former
promise, the serdár only sent him an encouraging letter, telling him he
was on his march to Alba Julia, but would, on his return, afford him
the aid he demanded. Karah Punjeh returned to Kaniza, and delivered,
secretly, his dispatches to Hasan Páshá, who, on reading them,
immediately had them copied, and added, as if from the serdár, that
he would soon arrive to the aid of the garrison. Next day he called a
council, made this copy, or rather forged letter, to be read in their
hearing, which produced all the effect the sagacious páshá wished. The
people were overjoyed, and resolved, every man of them, to hold out, at
the expense of life and all that was dear to them, to the very last;
but they anxiously looked for the arrival of the serdár.
The enemy, after the burning of their bridge, tried to repair their
loss by building another, in which labour they spent another twenty
days; but it also met with the fate of the former. Finding themselves
thus a second time foiled in their attempts, they commenced building
boats of fir-wood at the head of the Berk, which they covered over
with boards, over which they again placed cow-hides, with the view of
preventing the small arms of the besieged injuring those on board of
them. After having launched this flotilla, each of which carried one
hundred men, the infidels, on the night on which this took place, began
to make great rejoicings. Hasan Páshá, in the meantime, and on the same
night, sent out a party to try and seize some prisoners, who returned
with two. On their being presented before the páshá, he asked one of
them, privately, the cause of the enemy’s rejoicing; and was answered
that it was owing to the great success which had attended their arms
at Alba Julia. “How comes it to pass,” asked the páshá, “that all the
prisoners which we have hitherto taken belong to your nation (Germany)?
Are there no Hungarians and Croatians among you?” “Why,” answered the
prisoner, “the Hungarians are favourable to the Turks, and therefore
none of them are allowed to straggle from the camp.” The páshá again
asked him what number of Hungarians there might be in the army? He was
told, that besides Croatians, there were about thirty thousand in it.
After having thus questioned the first prisoner, he called the other
and questioned him in the same way, and he returned similar answers to
those given a little before by his fellow prisoner. The páshá, with
a stern voice, ordered the prisoners to be led forth, and to have
their heads struck off; secretly intimating, however, to Karah Omar,
to whom this order was given, to take the prisoners and show them the
one hundred and fifty pandúrs and the five hundred Hungarian horsemen
who had accompanied the waggons of provisions which had entered Kaniza
about the time the siege was begun, and whom the páshá had retained.
“Tell them,” said the páshá to Karah Omar Aghá, “that they are all
Hungarians, and that we expect a thousand volunteers of the same race
to join us in two or three days more. Say to them,” continued the
sagacious páshá, “that you yourself are one of their nation (Germany),
but that you have been in the service of the páshá since your youth;
that you have a thousand men under your command; that you have got so
much property that you cannot think of relinquishing it: that you will
be extremely happy if the German army succeed in taking Kaniza, but
that there are many amongst them who wish for no such thing; that there
is provision in the garrison of Kaniza sufficient for a whole year
to supply the number of inhabitants within it, who amount to thirty
thousand Turks alone; that there is abundance of gunpowder in it also:
then invite them to wait till the ice is formed, when you will let them
away. Our páshá, you will say to them, desired to have your heads,
but I have interceded with him in your behalf: I now release you, and
you may go when you please; but be sure to tell your superiors, when
you reach your own camp, of the kindness I have shown to you.” Karah
Aghá acted his part most masterly, gave them some pieces of white
bread, and sent them away, secretly, as it were, in a boat to their
own army. These two men had no sooner reached their companions, than
they went to inform Ferdinand of the history of their captivity, which
very much grieved him. The intelligence which the two captives seemed
to have in their power to communicate was any thing but pleasing to
King Ferdinand; and it was no less astonishing, when compared with his
former information, than it was unwelcome and distressing.
One morning, about this time of the siege, a voice was heard as if
coming from the enemy’s camp, which said, “Do not fire any of your
guns; we (there were more than one) have something to tell you.” “What
is it?” was the reply. “Why,” said these early visitors, “be it known
unto you that your commander-in-chief, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, has been
completely defeated and routed at Alba Julia. The heads of Mohammed
Ketkhodá and of Mohammed Páshá, the governor of Buda, have been sent
to our commander-in-chief, thanks be to God. Behold, here they are!”
and then held them up to the view of the besieged Moslems at the end
of long poles. “To-morrow,” continued the early vagrants, “tomorrow
our whole force will be brought to bear upon you. In whom is it that
you place your reliance? Your commander-in-chief has been defeated
and has fled. Deliver up this city and fortress, which belongs to our
king, and save yourselves from certain and inevitable destruction. Your
governor, Hasan Páshá, is a vain man, and seeks to ruin you: pay no
further regard to him. Save yourselves and your property; for the king
promises to secure both if you hearken to our advice. To-morrow, when
Duke Mathias returns to us from Alba Julia, no mercy will be shown to
you. If you stand in doubt with respect to the two heads now exposed to
your view, let any one of your number, who was acquainted with their
possessors, come forth and examine them, and satisfy himself. He shall
sustain no injury: on the contrary, our king will confer favours upon
him.”
These tidings greatly alarmed the inhabitants. “The serdár has been
defeated; our provisions and our gunpowder will fail us if that mighty
army should come against us,” said the frightened inhabitants to Hasan
Páshá, the intrepid governor, who had a mind ready to act in every
emergency. “My brave veterans, you all know,” said he, “that the
accursed enemy has promised us nothing. Do not let the sight of the
heads of the infidels, or their threatenings, by any means terrify you.
I have a few things to say to you—hear me, therefore, patiently. Renew
your engagements with me. Whether the heads which the infidels have
shown you be really the heads of the persons they have said they are,
is yet to be discovered. To ascertain this, let us send Karah Punjeh,
who will bring us correct information on this point. And should it even
turn out that they are the very heads of the two men above-mentioned,
that is no reason why we should be any way discouraged. It is not
on their account we have shut ourselves up in Kaniza. Long live the
emperor! If the meanest slave were desired to sacrifice his life, he
would willingly give his head, as those men gave theirs. We are here
for the defence of our religion, though now cooped up within the narrow
limits of this place. But I have some reason to think that this city
and fortress, God willing, will not fall into the hands of the enemy.
One of my reasons is as follows. When Ibrahím Páshá was, on a former
occasion, employed for the same length of time we have been besieged
in reducing a fortress, he would never have gained the victory, had he
not said: ‘if God will prosper my undertaking, I shall devote this
place to the illuminated city, Medina;’ when shortly afterwards it fell
into his hands. It is hoped that he who has devoted himself to the
Sultán of the prophets will not fall before the infidel. Another reason
is: the enemy commenced the siege on the night of the 12th Rabia I.,
which is the birth-night of our prophet. There is, therefore, hope to
his followers, who have been besieged on the very night which is held
sacred to the memory of him who came into the world on that night to
bless it, and is the rejoicing of all the prophets. Again: you, every
evening, sound the Mohammedan signal or watch-word, _Allah! Allah!_ and
though the enemy were at once to discharge his forty pieces of cannon,
yet God will manifest his care over those who trust in his name. I
pray God, that as he has not permitted us to fall into the hands of
the enemy, so this hateful army may never get away in safety.” This
speech of the páshá had a powerful effect on the minds of the besieged,
who were not only animated by it, but also prognosticated important
good from it. He again counselled them to pay no regard to the words
of their morning visitors, who had no other object, he said, but that
of deceiving them. “Show them your swords,” cried he again, “and these
dastardly fellows will see what metal you are of.”
The páshá, after having delivered the animated speech which we have
here recorded, proposed sinking the two heads into the river, on the
banks of which they were still exposed. He had scarcely spoken, when
a cherí báshí came forward and proposed to direct a cannon against
them. “Do so,” said the páshá, “and God prosper you.” The cherí báshí
immediately pointed the cannon called Bulbul at them, and in a moment
the two heads were at the bottom of the river. The infidels to whom
the charge of the heads had been given, and who spoke in the ears of
the besieged the speech on the occasion of their being first presented
to them, returned to their camp vexed and disgraced. The successful
cannoneer was honoured by the páshá with an annual pension.
When Ferdinand was informed of the result of his messengers’ embassy,
he became enraged, and said he would present ten villages to any one
who would bring him a prisoner from Kaniza. None of the infidels,
however, though they did all they could to accomplish the king’s
wishes, were able to succeed. God prevented them.
_Arrival of the Archduke Mathias._
Early in the morning of the day the events of which we have just
described, a movement was discovered among the enemy’s troops, and
soon after their foot and horse moved in the direction of Komran.
About mid-day the archduke, with his army and heavy baggage, made his
appearance, and soon encamped. His army, one division after another,
took up its position, and displayed immense pomp; no doubt with the
view of inspiring the besieged with an idea of their might, and thus of
dispiriting them.
These manœuvres and movements being over, the duke called a general
council of his great men, in which a variety of matters were discussed.
No one, however, could give him anything like a correct account of
Kaniza. Ferdinand declared, weeping, that in all his life he had
never met nor seen people like the Kanizians. “Whenever we speak in a
friendly manner to them,” said the indignant Ferdinand, “they brandish
their swords.” The duke replied in very harsh terms: accused him of
having acted himself some way or other treacherously, or “you are not,”
said the noble duke, “acquainted with the operations of war. I have
been up the country, and have reduced a city like Alba Julia, and have
contended all this while with Turkish armies. Several of their chief
men I have beheaded. It is now three months since you commenced your
operations, and you have not been able to take so much as one palanka.”
Such were some of the subjects which occupied the noble duke’s great
council. Ferdinand and his officers were indignant at the treatment
they had received from the archduke, and proposed, as they had
nothing, to leave him and his troops to carry on the siege which they
had so inauspiciously begun.
After the dismissal of the above-mentioned diván, the archduke tried
his own skill in manœuvring. He sent a message to the besieged,
the purport of which was: that their commander-in-chief, Yemishjí
Hasan Páshá, after having been defeated by him (the duke), had gone to
Sigetwar; that there were now two mighty armies ready to co-operate
against them; that the seven (European) kings were present, and sent
them their salam (salutations); that if they were determined to
maintain their integrity to their own sovereign, they might do so, and
yet deliver up Kaniza to its legitimate sovereign; that the winter
had arrived, when they would have no chance whatever of being supplied
with provisions. “Leave, then Kaniza,” continued the duke’s messengers,
“in peace and safety; not a hair of your head will we injure;” and
much more in the same strain, and requested a favourable answer. The
besieged, however, appeared to be firm and fearless. They brandished
their swords in token of defiance, which so provoked the messengers
that they cocked their pieces, but afterwards retired expressing their
contempt. It is certainly true, however, that when the Turks in Kaniza
saw the immense number of the enemy’s army they became afraid, and
seemed disposed, through fear, to yield to the enemy. They dreaded
that as soon as the messengers returned to Mathias, he would become so
enraged as never to stop till he reduced the city and fortress, and
killed them all.
From the continued effect of the cannon on the walls of Kaniza, in
several places they were, at length, laid even with the ground. The
enemy found means of secretly preparing a kind of bridge and other
apparatus. The boats which they had built were launched, and all
throughout the camp were ordered to stand to their arms. Three persons
were deputed by the enemy to go and endeavour, by offering money,
to get one or more of the besieged to desert. These persons made a
display of their ducats, and said that they expected that a Turk or two
would come and take them into the place, because they meant to become
Muselmans. Hasan Páshá, who saw through their design, said their object
was to try to get some one or more to desert to them, and ordered a
cannon to be pointed towards them. The signal for discharging it was
given, when, in a moment, the men were carried off by the shot, and
both fell in one place. The archduke was excessively chagrined when
he heard the result of this third mission. Two thousand eight hundred
chosen men, all volunteers, were put into a state of readiness for
scaling the walls. To encourage them he promised to give ten villages
to the first who should succeed in climbing the ramparts, and forty
villages to the man who would bring him Hasan Páshá. The following day
was appointed for attempting this heroic plan.
Hasan Páshá was not idle. His plans were deeply and wisely laid. As
soon as the enemy had set their boats afloat, he caused openings to be
made in the mound which surrounded Kaniza, exactly opposite the place
at which this fleet of boats was to touch, and placed large cannon, all
charged, in these openings, but in such a way as not to be discovered.
After the Páshá had seen all this accomplished, he called his principal
soldiers to him, offered up a short prayer, and afterwards addressed
them thus: “My brave fellows, let not the greatness of the multitude
of the enemy any way terrify you. God willing, we shall be revenged on
them. Every time the enemy has lighted the torch of war, God, in his
goodness, has invariably extinguished it again in their discomfiture.
Let me see you, therefore, act your part with bravery and true heroism:
let us all, in faithfulness to our religion, be firm, and oppose them
with courage. If we perish in the conflict, we shall be saints in
heaven. Our heroes, both in this world and at the day of judgment, are
truly honourable and worthy of esteem. Be then united and firm in your
efforts in your own defence, and exercise with boldness the weapons
in your hands. Let your activity manifest itself in boldly resisting
and repelling the efforts of the hateful enemy to make you slaves. I
have the utmost confidence the enemy’s machinations will be completely
frustrated.” In this way did Hasan Páshá encourage and animate his
troops and followers. These brave men and their companions in arms
entered into solemn compact, bade each other adieu, attended to all
their various duties of friendship and domestic affairs, as well as
those of eternity, and every thing seemed to bid defiance to the utmost
effort of the foe in trying to reduce Kaniza. After all things were
fully and properly attended to, they all, with firm and courageous
hearts, returned to their respective stations, and, like envious lions,
stood ready to grasp at their invading foe.
Meantime the enemy was busy. During the night season they accoutred
themselves in their various arms, and one division after another took
up its position in the trenches formerly prepared, till they were
completely filled; the boats were all manned with volunteers, and at
daylight the signal-gun was fired, the sound of which seemed to awaken
heaven and earth; and the ball passed over the wall at the gate leading
to Sigetwar, which was forty feet high, and was stopped by the odá
of Mahmúd Chorbájí. The enemy, immediately on this signal-gun being
fired, commenced an assault from five different places at once. When
their fleet of boats had sailed down opposite the fortress, the cannons
which had secretly been placed in hollows in the mound which surrounded
Kaniza, opened upon them, and soon sent them, with all on board of
them, to the bottom of the river. This powerful, but unexpected
reception, astonished the infidels completely, but it had also the
effect of rousing their fury to a greater height.
When the besieged Moslems first perceived the tumultuous assault of the
enemy, they were a little staggered and disheartened; but Hasan Páshá,
the heroic vezír, stepped in before them and stimulated their courage.
“My brave lions,” said he, “this day is a day of peculiar effort and
exertion: turn not away your faces from the contest, but be firm and
inflexible for one hour longer, and this impoverished straggling host
will be vanquished.” This speech, like all his former speeches, had
its desired effect upon the minds of the besieged, who became more
determined than ever to sell their lives as dearly as possible; and
they resolved to fall victims for the sake of their religion, rather
than yield up the city and fortress of Kaniza. Every assault of the
enemy was, therefore, resisted with such desperate bravery and courage
as to outmatch every thing. The commander of the janissaries and chief
of the cavalry, Sefer Aghá, performed the most astonishing feats of
bravery. He was, at that time, only a segbán báshí, but was afterwards
raised to the dignity of a páshá.
In the meantime, the artillery of the garrison committed the most
tremendous havoc among the infidels; but they were no sooner hewn down
than their places were filled up by others sent forward to maintain the
struggle. The awful sound which proceeded from the combatants on both
sides is indescribable. The confused noise of drums and trumpets, the
clash of arms, the thunder of cannon and musketry, and the bursts of
mortars, baffle all description. Heaven and earth trembled. The carnage
of that day was so awfully terrible that the compassionate angels in
the seventh heaven looked down on the scene with astonishment and
wonder, and entreated God to scatter and confound the associates of
idolatry.
The awful conflict we have just now endeavoured to delineate continued
with unremitting fury till midnight, when it pleased God to vouchsafe
his omnipotent aid to the besieged orthodox. At this moment the enemy
retreated to their fortifications, as if panic-struck, leaving behind
them eighteen thousand of their fellows, undistinguished and without
name. Among the wounded lay the brother of his holiness the Pope.
He was struck by a musket-ball, and soon afterwards perished. This
execrated wretch commanded thirty thousand troops.
After this remarkable success which had attended the Moslem arms, the
veterans approached the páshá, kissed his hand, and pronounced their
benedictions on his head. The wonderful páshá, on the other hand, was
all kindness, in return, for the honour shewn to him; and a thousand
expressions of praise and good wishes were uttered on this memorable
occasion.
When the eyes of the Moslems were opened to a clear view of the
advantages which God had afforded them, their hearts rejoiced. The awe
and terror with which the sight of so immense and desperate a host as
that which the enemy presented to their view sometimes inspired them,
now vanished completely from their minds. The heart of each of them
became firm and strong, like the tower of Alexander, and all of them
demanded to be allowed to assault the enemy in their turn.
After the victory had declared itself in favour of the orthodox
Moslems, as above described, Mathias and Ferdinand called their
princes, and held a council of war. “Although Kaniza was well supplied
with water,” it was said in the council, “the want of provisions,
however, would soon so press upon both its inhabitants and its garrison
as to force them to yield. If Turkish troops should happen to come to
their aid in their present circumstances, and we are able to beat them
off, then Kaniza would doubtless yield without further resistance. Let
us winter here,” continued the speaker, “but before the winter season
breaks let us send away our cannon.” The governor of Malta, Don Juan,
observed, “that if the cannon be removed, the Turks will rush forth,
and leave not a man of us alive upon the earth. Besides,” continued
he, “though those Turks stationed at Sigetwar may at present have no
intention of attacking us, they will, most assuredly, come and do
so, when they hear we have sent away our cannon. Without cannon, we
shall not be able to stand any time before them, and as to handling
the sword, we can have no chance whatever with them.” Such was the
manner in which this council of Austrian officers reasoned. They agreed
to continue the siege; they increased the number of their guns; they
erected a mound round Kaniza, and commenced firing at the rate of two
thousand balls per day. These did immense evil. The outer walls were
totally demolished. The houses were made level with the ground. But
the enthusiastic Moslems, such was their zeal, built up by night the
gaps and openings which these heavy cannon effected by day. From the
incessant fire which the enemy thus kept up, very many of the Moslems
fell martyrs during this period of the siege, in consequence of their
unsubdued zeal.
The garrison now began to experience a scarcity of powder. The páshá
called his artillery officers and the governor of the castle, and
conversed with them concerning this matter. The latter informed him,
that the enemy, on their lately retiring, had left an immense quantity
of sulphur and saltpetre behind them, which they had carefully removed
into Kaniza. It was very easy, he added, to make gunpowder out of these
materials. Uzun Ahmed, belonging to the fifth division of janissaries,
a Persian youth, and who had been accustomed to make this article, came
forward and informed the páshá of his skill in gunpowder, saying, at
the same time, it could easily be made by mixing the above-mentioned
materials with fine charcoal made of the nut-tree. Charcoal made of
the willow, however, would answer the purpose, he said. With this
last-mentioned sort of wood Kaniza was surrounded, and, accordingly,
orders were immediately issued to cut down for this purpose a
sufficient quantity, which was burned, and afterwards powdered in
a mortar. A sufficient number of persons were appointed to this
department of labour, and every day they delivered new-made gunpowder
in such quantities as was required.
But before proceeding any farther, we have to mention the desertion of
two of Hasan Páshá’s domestics, which bears on this part of our history.
One night, after the enemy had fully resolved on continuing the siege,
two of the páshá’s under-servants, both of them Hungarians by birth,
set off secretly to join their countrymen in the enemy’s army. This
circumstance very much distressed the besieged, for they had every
reason to fear these deserters would inform the besiegers as to the
state of the place. Hasan Páshá, always ready to take those advantages
which his own fertile mind was ever sure to point out to him, quieted
the fears of his followers, and gave them the most pointed instructions
to do what they could in trying to seize one or two prisoners. They
brought him several, to whom the páshá addressed himself thus: “I
have lately sent two confidential servants to your prince, do you
think they have met with his highness?” “Yes,” was the answer; and
then added: “that the karal (the king) asked them as to the number of
troops in Kaniza, when they said they did not know, but that they were
exceedingly numerous, and that provisions were becoming very scarce
in it. Keep up your fire,” said the two deserters, “for you have
every chance of succeeding.” Hasan Páshá again asked them what they
supposed might have been the number of Turks which had lately routed
them? Some said twenty, some thirty thousand, answered the prisoners.
The páshá then gave orders to have their hands and heads cut off, and
delivered them over to Karah Omar Aghá, but previously instructed him
to act towards the prisoners as he had done on a former occasion. Omar
knew how to act his part. He practised the same kind of deception on
these prisoners as he had done on those mentioned before, and, after
giving each of them a piece of white bread, sent them off in the same
way, telling them that the Hungarian troops had entered secretly into
friendly engagements with the troops of Sigetwar; that the páshá was
on the eve of attacking them by night with the troops of Kaniza,
whilst those of Sigetwar would attack them from behind at the same
moment. “Give my compliments,” said Omar, “to the karal, and let him be
attentive. In this place we have provisions and gunpowder for a whole
year. Let the king direct his movements accordingly.” The prisoners
returned and related to the karal what they had seen and heard, which
displeased him very much.
In the meantime Hasan Páshá called one of his scribes and dictated
the following letter to the commander-in-chief, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá,
wherein he said, after giving him all his high titles, “I have already
informed you of the state of our affairs. Thank God, our troops are
sufficient in number and in courage, and we have now abundance of
gunpowder, though at one time we had reason to fear we should run short
of that important article. The enemy, when they lately retired from
our walls, left an immense quantity of sulphur and saltpetre, of which
we prepare every day no less a quantity than two talents of gunpowder.
Our provisions are in abundance, at least for three months to come. We
have, moreover, entered into a friendly intercourse with the Hungarians
in the enemy’s army. I have just now sent out two of my domestics,
Kina’án and Khundán, two Hungarian youths who were brought up in my
service, to converse privately with the Hungarians in the enemy’s
army, and to tell the karal that both the gunpowder and provisions in
Kaniza are about finished; they are also instructed to return as soon
as they accomplish this business, or at least as soon as they can find
a fit opportunity of so doing. These two young men will tell the enemy
they have become renegadoes, and the infidels, I have no doubt, will
believe them. Be you ready to assist us if we should need your aid, and
as soon as the two men return I shall give you due notice: farewell.”
This letter was sealed, put into a satin bag or case, this was again
covered over with a skin, and the whole parcel put into a coarse cloth,
and was given to Karah Punjeh, with orders to convey it secretly into
the enemy’s camp, and lay it down where it might soon be discovered by
some of the enemy, who, no doubt, would carry it to their karal as some
valuable treasure. Karah Punjeh was ordered, at the same time, to make
his way, so soon as he had laid down his packet within the precincts of
the enemy’s camp, to the commander-in-chief, and request him to come
with his troops to the aid of Kaniza. Punjeh proceeded with his secret
despatches, dabbed the outside with some mud, found means of throwing
it, without being observed, into the enemy’s camp, and set off for
Sigetwar.
The stratagem succeeded to all the extent the contriver wished it;
for the packet was no sooner discovered than it was opened, and the
writing within it carried forthwith to the karal. The discoverers told
him where they had found it, but could give no account whatever as to
the way it had been brought into the camp. The contents of the letter
were no sooner read, than suspicion began to be entertained respecting
the two deserters from Hasan Páshá. They were actual spies, it was
said, and were therefore called to be examined. On being summoned they
were asked what situations they had held under the Moslem Páshá, and
what were their names. One of us, said they, is called Kina’án, and
the other Khundán; we were brought up in the páshá’s service, were
circumcised, and we became Muselmans; but now we have embraced the
religion of our fathers. Was it true, they were asked, that Kaniza had
nearly run short of gunpowder, but that that had been supplied? They
said it was true. Why, then, said the interrogators, did you say, when
you came to us, that they had little or no gunpowder? The object you
had in coming to us is too evident; and without any further enquiry
they delivered over the two unfortunate deserters to the executioner,
who immediately cut off their heads. These two heads were presented
before the walls of Kaniza, and the persons who had thus presented them
called out, at the same time, that the whole of Hasan Páshá’s stratagem
had been discovered. The people of Kaniza were no sooner made aware
whose the heads had been than they burst out in a fit of laughter, and
highly eulogized the wisdom of their páshá.
There is a different version of this story; it is as follows: The páshá
one day called together his officers, and desired them to have every
gun and musket in the place charged with powder, and to be ready to
fire them when a signal was given. This was to be done in token, as
it were, of rejoicing. About midnight, accordingly, when the signal
_Allah! Allah!_ was three times given, all the guns and muskets were
fired off, and the voice of rejoicing commenced. The intoxicated
infidels, hearing these demonstrations of joy, ran every where in order
to discover the cause of it. Hasan Páshá, in the mean time, called the
defterdár of Kaniza, Shabán Effendí, a very learned man, and after
consulting with him for some time in private, desired him to draw out
a letter for the commander-in-chief, which was as follows:—“You have
at last come to Sigetwar: may your arrival be propitious! The three
hundred and fifty janissaries, under the command of an ághá; the one
hundred thousand ducats; the one hundred talents of gunpowder; the
eighty talents of lead; and the one hundred talents of biscuits, came
all, without the least knowledge of the enemy, safe to hand about the
middle of the night of last Monday. You have been very generous; but
we were not in actual want of any of the things you have sent us. We
had provisions for a whole year; our gunpowder was abundant; and we had
thirty thousand heroic troops. At the same time, however, we have to
request you to send with our lieutenant, Iskender, fifteen thousand
chosen volunteers, to be here early on the morning of Sunday; but do
not you take the trouble of coming yourself. The Hungarian princes in
the enemy’s camp are our old friends and allies. Thousands of their
subjects come over to us every night, and they inform us of what
is going on without. We have also entered into compact with thirty
thousand Hungarian soldiers in the camp of the enemy, who are under
the command of the above princes. On Sunday morning, at daybreak,
when Iskender arrives from Sigetwar, we in the garrison of Kaniza and
the Hungarians in the camp will all at once commence an assault on
the hateful enemy within their strong-holds. We hope we shall not be
forgotten in your best wishes.”
Before this, however, two men had been sent into the enemy’s camp
with the view of seeking a fit opportunity of assassinating the karal
Ferdinand; but by the providence of God these poor fellows fell martyrs
to their zeal. Two other men were sent with a similar purpose; and
one Samúskú was hired to convey a letter, similar also to the one
before-mentioned, into the enemy’s camp. Great promises of reward
were made to this man if he accomplished the undertaking committed to
him; but when he was about half way he threw down the letter on the
road, and set off for Perzencha; next day, however, one of the enemy’s
cavalry happened to pass that way and found the letter. After looking
at it, he perceived it to be written in Turkish, brought it immediately
to the karal, and told him he had taken it by force from a Turk he had
met on the road; but that whilst looking at the writing, in order to
discover what it might be, the Turk had escaped. An interpreter was
called to decypher the contents of the letter. The interpreter said
it was a letter from Hasan Páshá to the commander-in-chief, and that
it contained some things which it would be improper to make public;
he therefore went aside and explained to the karal the whole of the
secrets in it, which absolutely astonished and counfounded him to such
a degree, that he did not know what to say or do. He called his vezír,
and consulted with him on the subject of the letter. The vezír said,
“our trusty friend, Karah Omar, among our enemies, sent us information,
you well remember, before this, of the defection of the Hungarians.
What he said is clearly verified. What steps shall we take?” “The very
first thing to be done,” said Ferdinand, “is to collect the whole
of our tents into one place, surround them with a ditch, then hold
a general council, and afterwards slay every one of these Hungarian
princes; and if the Turks should offer to attack us, we will give them
battle.” Thus saying, he rewarded the bearer of the letter with great
honours and said, “that had it not been for this letter, so opportunely
brought him, he must have fallen into very great difficulties. Christ
has had compassion on us,” said he; and then ordered the tents to be
collected into one place, and a mound to be thrown up around them, as
before stated.
Hasan Páshá, perceiving the motions of the enemy, sent out a party
by night in order to seize one or two prisoners: they returned with
two, and presented them before the illustrious páshá. The páshá spoke
kindly to them, and then inquired of them as to the state of affairs
in their camp. The prisoners related what they knew: they informed him
concerning the impression the letter which had fallen into the karal’s
hand, as above described, had had on his mind, and that the whole of
the Hungarians had fled, leaving all their tents and baggage behind
them. This news had such an effect on Hasan’s mind that he clasped his
hands together. But it was only in appearance. He wet his eyes, and
appeared to weep. He asked again and again, whether the account they
had given was true. The prisoners affirmed it as frequently; and added,
that they themselves had seen the Hungarian tents taken possession of
by the rest of the army. Hasan caused a black cloth, moistened with
the juice of onions, to be brought to him, with which he occasionally
wiped his eyes. This at once gave him, in the sight of the prisoners,
the appearance of one weeping and mourning, but it was no more than
appearance. After having satisfied himself with questioning the
prisoners, he ordered their heads to be cut off, delivered them over
to Karah Omar, and instructed him how to act. Omar played his part
to perfection. After dealing with them in the same manner as he had
done, in similar cases, on two former occasions, which the reader will
remember, he sent them away secretly; telling them, at the same time,
of the páshá’s intended plan of attacking them on the morning of the
following Sunday. “There can be no doubt, now that the Hungarians have
fled,” said the artful Omar, “but the páshá will pay you a visit in the
way I have said. Go your ways.”
The prisoners returned to their own camp, informed Ferdinand of
their history, and what Karah Omar had said to them. Ferdinand was
particularly grateful to this man, Karah Omar, who had so frequently
duped him; ordered bastions to be every where erected along his
ditches; promised each of his artillery-men a reward of a hundred
ducats, by way of stimulating their zeal; in short, the enemy began to
fire double the number of shots they had formerly done.
We have already related the enemy’s determination of wintering at
Kaniza, and what preparations they had made for this purpose: also, how
Karah Punjeh had deposited the deceptive letter in the enemy’s camp,
and his subsequent journey to the commander-in-chief to obtain aid for
the Kanaizians. The serdár made many promises; ordered the troops under
his command to be paid their wages, and said he would set out next
morning for Kaniza. His officers, however, remonstrated against his
resolution, by alleging that the weather being so very bad the thing
could not be even attempted. The serdár appeared determined, and swore
to the messengers, Karah Punjeh and his two companions, that though the
army to a man should refuse to go to the aid of Kaniza, he and his own
suite would most assuredly go. The messengers returned with this answer.
The enemy, as before observed, had surrounded their camp with a
ditch. The Austrian and other European troops were separated from
the Hungarian army, and the former were determined to reduce Kaniza,
whatever it might cost them. The Italian and French soldiers had become
so very inveterate, that they said they had come from their own country
to die, and that, therefore, they would not remove one step from Kaniza
before they had taken it.
On the seventy-fifth day of the siege, about mid-day, the heavens
became black with clouds, the wind blew from the south, and soft
showers of rain began to fall. Previously to this not a drop had fallen
for the space of three months. The rain now increased, and a most
bitterly cold wind began to blow, which made the surface of the waters
to freeze. Towards evening the rain became mixed with flakes of snow,
and about midnight the rain ceased, but the snow continued to fall.
This storm continued for three successive days and nights, and the fall
of snow was so deep as to reach a man’s waist. The enemy was now in
a very sad plight; but they were infatuated, and in their infatuation
ceased not from their hostilities.
At length, however, a report spread that the commander-in-chief had
come to Sigetwar. The enemy now thought of the contents of the letter
which had fallen into their hands, as before related, which were
confirmed by the information which the two discharged prisoners brought
them from Karah Omar. All was confusion and alarm, and every one became
concerned about his own personal safety. One company after another took
to their heels. Ferdinand tried to stop the fugitives, but without
effect. The condition of the enemy was desperate. The cattle they had
for transporting their ordnance had all fled towards Hungary during
the storm, and their ordnance remained in the ditches, and could not,
of course, be removed. Hasan Páshá knew all this, and determined on
attacking them next day. The snow ceased, and the sky became clear and
serene; but the sharp wind increased to such a degree as to freeze the
river into thick ice. In these circumstances, Hasan Páshá called the
famous Karah Omar Aghá, and ordered him to proceed with three hundred
chosen men to the enemy’s camp, supposing they had all fled. He gave
him his own standard. The Berk having been completely frozen over,
this detachment found no difficulty in crossing the river, which was
scarcely done when they were met by an infidel chief, who earnestly
entreated to be taken into Kaniza. He said he wished to embrace
Islamism, and stood before them in this imploring attitude with his
cap in his hand. Karah Omar conducted him forthwith to the páshá, who
perceiving his prisoner to have a richly ornamented head-dress on his
head, gave him a chair to sit upon. “I am,” said the supplicant, and
in answer to the páshá, “a Genoese captain, and commanded in this war
a thousand men. Forty thousand pieces of gold, besides other property,
I have left behind in my tent, and have come to embrace the Moslem
faith.” Thus saying, he wept. The páshá immediately placed one of his
extra turbans on his convert’s head, explained to him the Mohammedan
faith, then called his warriors together, and presented the convert
in his new dress. To Karah Omar he promised the sanják of Petcheví.
All the cannons and arms in the fortress were now put into a state of
readiness for commencing a pursuit after the enemy; and the whole of
the garrison had their eyes turned towards the enemy’s quarters. When
Karah Omar and his men were within a short distance of the enemy’s
ditches, all the guns and muskets in the fortress of Kaniza were
discharged at one instant. This explosion, along with the sound of drum
which accompanied it, as well as the cry of _Allah! Allah!_ from every
mouth in the garrison, made the poor devils in the enemy’s camp creep
together with absolute terror. What firmness had remained with them,
entirely vanished; they fled in all directions. Ferdinand and Mathias
issued from their tents, and endeavoured to rally their troops on the
road which led to Sigetwar. Karah Omar, on reaching their advanced
trenches, slew nine hundred of them before they had time to escape, and
took one hundred and fifty prisoners, whom he sent into the fortress.
In these trenches he seized twelve pieces of ordnance, besides other
arms and ammunition.
Hasan Páshá despatched other five hundred men to the aid of Karah Omar,
who, after having received this augmentation of force, conveyed the
whole of the cannon and ammunition which fell into his hands into the
fortress.
Next morning Hasan Páshá, after having offered up his devotions, sat
down on the gate opposite to Sigetwar, took out two purses, the one
containing ducats, the other dollars, and scattered these pieces of
money among those of his men who had been the active agents in seizing
prisoners, or who had brought in several heads. Eighteen thousand
heads, it was conjectured, had thus been brought to him. The páshá,
without any unnecessary delay, sent off an account of their wonderful
good fortune to the commander-in-chief, and immediately mounting his
horse, rode to the enemy’s forsaken trenches, and encouraged and
praised his men. Only about six hundred remained in the fortress: the
rest were all employed either pursuing the fugitive army, or taking
possession of their trenches. Four times did Ferdinand try to rally his
forces and retake them; but Hasan Páshá, who was now master of them,
turned his own guns (about forty in number) against him. Those of the
enemy who had kept together made their way to Perzencha, where they
found some little time to reflect on what had befallen them. It was
now they perceived with some clearness the stratagem which the Turks
had so effectually laid for them. Again Ferdinand rallied his men,
and again attempted to retake his trenches; but Hasan Páshá directed
the guns of the fortress, as well as their own, which had been left
on the trenches, against them with such effect as again to repulse
them with immense slaughter. The field was literally covered with dead
bodies. More than thirty thousand heads were again collected, and laid
before the páshá. He desired his troops to carry on the pursuit with
vigour, and not to lose time in searching the enemy’s tents, as they
should find time enough for that afterwards. “The enemy, you see,” said
he, “are abandoning their tents as fast as they are able, but let us
try and surprize Ferdinand before he leaves his own.” Accordingly, a
field-piece was directed against it, but the ball, though it shattered
his tent to pieces, and killed a number who were near it, did himself
no injury. Ferdinand had now no alternative left him but flight.
Accordingly, he, and those who still remained faithful to him, mounted
their horses, but were every moment in terror lest the Turks should
intercept them and cut them off. In this terror they made to the ford
of Paulet, where Ferdinand experienced great difficulty in crossing
it, and where a hundred of his few remaining troops perished. Thus did
Ferdinand leave the whole of his camp, his ordnance, his treasures, his
splendid furniture, and his glory behind him.
Hasan Páshá, after performing his afternoon’s devotions, called Meseli
Beg and Omar Beg, and ordered them to pursue the fugitives wherever
they could find traces of them, but prohibited their taking spoil till
the infidels were wholly rooted out, or completely dispersed. After
writing out a statement of the successes which had attended the Moslem
arms, he sent it off to the commander-in-chief, and then returned to
Kaniza.
On the following morning, after offering up his devotions as usual,
the páshá mounted his horse, rode to the camp, where he was cheered,
saluted, and had his hands kissed by his victorious troops, whom he,
in his turn, praised for their heroism and bravery. On entering into
Ferdinand’s tent, he perceived a lofty throne standing in the midst
of it, every where ornamented with silver and gold: its feet and top
were garnished and variegated with precious stones and other jewels;
a diamond was fixed in each of its supporters, each one of which was
equal in value to the revenue of Rúm (Europe or the Roman empire). On
each side of this throne were twelve chairs decked with crimson silk,
the borders of which were ornamented with pearls and other jewels. In
front of the throne was a table about six cubits in length, ornamented
and decorated like the former. In this pavilion of grandeur did the
pious Hasan Páshá perform his devotions, and returned thanks to God
for the victory with which their efforts had been crowned. With tears
in his eyes he acknowledged it as a favour from God, and as a sign of
their prophet’s benevolence, miraculously interposed in their behalf.
After having ended this oration, he drew his sword and split the throne
into pieces, sat down upon one of these, and his grandees and ághás,
according to their rank, sat down on the chairs which surrounded him.
He now again pronounced a long oration, and then wrote out a third
statement, giving an account of the patience, firmness, union, and
other excellent qualities of his men to the commander-in-chief. After
having finished his discourse, and had sent away the report to the
serdár, he asked who were the first who had entered into Ferdinand’s
pavilion. Three janissaries and four borderers presented themselves,
and said they were the first who had entered it. “Well then,” said
the noble-minded páshá, “with the exception of the tent itself, and
the arms that are in it, all the rest belongs to you.” As to the
rest of the tents, whether they belonged to Ferdinand or to others,
none of them were touched, but were strictly watched till such time
as the decision of the commander-in-chief could be obtained. The
forty-two pieces of cannon and five falconets which had been taken in
the trenches, were most beautifully ornamented by art, each being of
considerable value. They had the appearance of ingots of gold, and bore
the image of the emperor and of the pope, figures, which one who saw
them would have supposed had been executed or contrived by a skilful
artist who had studied the Seher Sámrí.[9] Besides this number of
cannon, fourteen thousand muskets, and as many spades and mattocks were
found in the enemy’s camp. Also several gold basins and plates: ten
thousand tents besides those which belonged to the superior officers;
weapons of all sorts and sizes; large and small drums, trumpets, bells,
chests, waggons, and carriages fell into the hands of the victorious
Moslems; but the number of all these things together is only known to
the Creator of men and angels. A vast quantity of articles of less
value fell also a prey to the conquerors, but it is not possible to
describe them all. As to articles of provision, which the enemy had
left behind them, it was quite wonderful. Viands and wine were found
preserved in silver and Chinese vessels; medicaments cherished by
caranfil (cloves), sweetmeats, other kinds of eatables mixed with
ferment, ginger, electuaries, and many other sorts, as much as would
supply the garrison of Kaniza for a whole year. The whole of the cannon
and arms were transported by order of the páshá into the fortress.
We have already noticed that Karah Omar Aghá, after the páshá had
augmented his party, was ordered to pursue the fugitive enemy. He did
so. As many of the enemy as had succeeded in reaching the ford of
Paulet were totally panic-struck, when they perceived Karah Omar with
his party of men pressing towards them. They threw away what heavy
baggage had yet remained to them, crossed the ford in the utmost hurry
and confusion, and took with them what they esteemed most valuable.
The Moslem pursuers slackened not their pace, crossed the ford after
them, and coming up to them, slew many of them. The fugitives were
now obliged, in order to escape with their lives, to throw away every
thing by which they had been encumbered, and even their arms, and took
to their heels as fast as they were able. It was not known how many of
them had perished, but about six thousand of the better sort of them
fell by the hands of their valiant pursuers. Several of their captains
were conveyed back to the páshá; but as the number of the prisoners
which were thus brought were too many to be retained, the páshá gave
orders to cut off the heads of all who were afterwards brought in on
the ditches, and to throw their bodies into the river. Some of the
prisoners, when they were asked the cause of their signal defeat and
dispersion, attributed it to the effect which the letters that had been
conveyed into their camp had had on their minds. A fearful terror, said
they, seized us, and we began to imagine we saw nothing but troops
of Turks with green turbans coming to your aid, and attacking us in
conjunction with you.
In this memorable retreat, Don Juan, Hersog of Malta, finding it
impossible to escape the danger of being taken prisoner, stripped off
his clothes, wrapped himself up in a shabby coverlet, and lay four days
in a ditch, pretending he was wounded. On the fifth day of the retreat,
some men belonging to Zerín Oghlí, who had come from Mekomúriah to
inquire into the state of matters, chanced to pass the ditch where this
helpless Hersog lay. He implored them to extricate him, which they did,
and carried him to Zerín Oghlí, who, when he learned who he was, showed
him great respect, and sent him away to his own country.
The loss sustained by the enemy in this campaign was truly great:
seventy or eighty thousand infidels, at the very least, must have
perished. Those Italian and German foot soldiers who escaped the sword
of the victorious Moslems, fell down on the roads benumbed with cold,
and remained there. The few naked and weeping wretches who had been so
fortunate as to reach their own countries, did so only with their lives.
Karah Omar Aghá of Petcheví relates the following story: “When we were
in pursuit of the infidels, flying before us, we sometimes came up to
ten or fifteen of them sitting and warming themselves before fires
which they had made; but, when they saw us approaching, they started
up upon their legs, took off their hats, and made obeisance to us. The
fact is, we were weary of cutting and slashing the poor wretches, and
therefore did not think it manly to kill men who were thus vanquished
and suffering like those just now mentioned. The like of these
creatures we passed, and went on slaughtering and hewing down all such
as still had the hardihood to carry arms. The vast quantity of articles
of value, as well as of arms, which the fugitives threw away, in their
hurry to escape, strewed the roads every where, and it required two
months’ time before they could be all collected and brought to Kaniza.”
Karah Omar Aghá was rewarded for his services in this campaign with the
sanják of Petcheví.
_Some further account of the affairs relative to Kaniza.—The arrival of
the Commander-in-chief at Sigetwar._
The commander-in-chief, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, notwithstanding the
opposition which had been manifested against his marching towards
Kaniza, during the cold season, forced his way as far as Sigetwar.
After the weather had become more intensely cold, a spirit of envy
and insubordination began to manifest itself among his troops.
They assembled together in a tumultuous manner, and attacked the
Commander-in-chief’s tent with stones; and three days afterwards,
when order seemed to have been restored, they broke loose and set off
for Belgrade. This took place on the 12th of Jemadi II. However, the
commander-in-chief received a letter from Hasan which announced to him
the success which had been obtained over the enemy in their expulsion
from Kaniza, and which gave him great joy. On the same day, towards
evening, he received another from the same quarter, intimating the
complete dispersion and defeat of the whole of the enemy’s army, a copy
of which he immediately transmitted to Constantinople. He afterwards
issued orders to the various troops to go into winter-quarters. He
himself remained at Shuklúshka. On the 15th of the above month, one
division of the troops, on its return, reached the bridge of Usk,
and passed over in safety; but the next division was not quite so
fortunate. Owing to the great and severe frost which had commenced, the
river Drave was frozen over, and on the 20th, when the next division
was crossing this bridge, it fell. All that were on it, at the time,
perished. It was repaired, however, in two or three days afterwards.
Hasan Páshá, the celebrated governor of Kaniza, went to Shuklúshka
to pay his respects to the commander-in-chief, who, in return, showed
to the heroic Páshá every mark of esteem, and granted a favourable
reception to every request he made to him. The government of Kústandil
was conferred on Meseli Beg, and Korah Omar Aghá was confirmed in the
sanjakship of Petcheví. To each of the veteran soldiers who sustained
the siege along with him five pieces of money were allowed, besides
the provisions which were due. Hasan Páshá dispatched his lieutenant,
Iskender Páshá, to court, whose arrival there gave the emperor the
sincerest joy. He approved of the distribution and appointments
which had been made, and raised Hasan to be one of his favourite
vezírs. Three robes of honour, a richly ornamented sword, and three
beautiful horses, were sent as presents to the celebrated páshá. The
commander-in-chief, in like manner, conferred marks of esteem upon him,
and sent his lieutenant, Mustafa Khetkodá, to Petcheví, to furnish
provisions for Kaniza, and then set out for Belgrade.
In consequence, however, of the violence of the mountain-like masses
of ice which drifted down the Save, the bridges on that river were
broken down, and the returning troops had to cross it in boats.
In this journey they suffered great hardship, and had to overcome
many difficulties before they reached Belgrade. About this time
the ághá of the janissaries, Alí Aghá, was sent to Constantinople
in order to negotiate a marriage between Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, the
commander-in-chief and prime minister to the Ottoman emperor, and the
sultana, the widow of the late prime minister, Ibrahím Páshá.
The following is a copy of a letter from the grand sultán to Hasan
Páshá in reference to his brave and wise conduct during the siege of
Kaniza. After having referred to the great glory which had accrued
this year, by his instrumentality, to the Ottoman empire, he says,
that the celebrated name of his choice servant, his prudent vezír, the
beglerbeg of Kaniza, Hasan Páshá, was to be inserted among the other
great and celebrated names recorded in the annals of the empire. He
then proceeds: “I have appointed you a vezír; and may my servants who
were with you in the siege of Kaniza, and who, in a peculiar sense,
are my children, receive a benediction; who, beyond all conception,
exemplified the most strenuous courage, not regarding their own lives
in their faithfulness to their religion and to us; who in the most
arduous struggle of human exertion never once flinched from the dangers
of either fire or water; who manfully and heroically maintained their
ground on the batteries of Kaniza; who in open battle, on the field
of blood, discomfited, routed the hateful enemy, and hewed them down
whenever they attempted to rally; who caused the iron-cased host to
fly, leaving all their valuables a prey to their pursuers; and, in
one word, who acquired peculiar glory by their unexampled heroism.
We therefore request that in every thing they continue to manifest
towards you the most implicit obedience, which will secure to them our
approbation. You will read this letter, which contains the expression
of our will, in the presence of our brave veterans, and cause them to
understand it. We sanction, by our royal authority, the distribution
of money, &c. to be made to our servants at Kaniza under your command.
We commend you all to the true God.”
The day on which this letter was read in Hasan Páshá’s diván there was
not one in it who did not weep; and many a kind and benevolent wish was
offered up for the happiness of the emperor of the Moslems. This solemn
scene was afterwards changed into that of joy, the demonstrations of
which were every where manifested. Three full months were spent in
collecting and bringing into Kaniza the cannon, arms, ammunition,
tents, &c. which the enemy had left behind them.
Many of the illustrious European young men who were employed in this
war lost their hands and feet by reason of the severe frost; and
several of them were killed in order to relieve them from pain and
sufferings. The Franks formerly mentioned purchased, at a low price,
about two hundred of the Spanish and Italian prisoners.
Before the spring of the following year commenced, about three thousand
villages put themselves under the protection of the Ottomans; and more
than two thousand peasants came from Usk, from Púzgha, from Petcheví,
from Shuklúwish, and from Bosnia, to repair the fortress of Kaniza.
Its outer works these labourers greatly enlarged and strengthened with
trees cut down for the purpose. They surrounded the whole with a line
of fortifications; erected minarets on its walls; built a mosque, a
palace, and an arsenal within the citadel; erected sheds over the guns,
and made a new bath. The successful warriors, however, never ceased to
make excursions into the enemy’s territories, almost as far as Vienna,
and uniformly returned with much booty and many captives.
_State of matters in the East.—Concerning Scrivano._
It had been determined by the court of Constantinople that Hájí
Ibrahím Páshá should go and have an interview with the late governor
of Baghdád, Hasan Páshá, the commander-in-chief in the east, and,
along with him, attack Karah Yázijí (Scrivano). Instead of paying
regard to these injunctions, however, he marched directly to Cæsarea,
where he gave the rebels battle, was routed, and at last obliged to
take refuge in the fortress of Cæsarea. When Hasan Páshá heard of this
terrible disaster, he, without loss of time, removed to Elbastan on
the 12th of Sefer of this year, met the rebel army at a place called
Sepetlú, where he arranged his troops in order of battle. The enemy did
not decline the combat. Early next morning at sun-rise the two armies
commenced a bloody contest, which continued without intermission till
after mid-day, when victory declared itself in favour of Hasan Páshá.
The rebels were routed with great slaughter, leaving one third of their
number, which had amounted to 30,000, lifeless on the field of battle,
besides the whole of their tents and baggage. Karah Yázijí fled with
the remnant of his broken forces into the Jánbeg mountains, where he
fortified himself. The victorious páshá pursued the rebels as far as
Tokat.
_Some other events of this year.—Karah Yázijí dies in the mountains of
Jánbeg._
Towards the end of Jemadi II. information was brought to the Moslem
authorities by some of the rebel chiefs, that Karah Yázijí had died in
the mountains, whither he had fled, in the month of Ramazán, but that
his brother, Delí Hasan, had succeeded him in the command of the rebels.
Háfiz Ahmed Páshá, third vezír and the governor of Anatolia, passed
over to Uskadár (Scutari) and proceeded to Kutahia. On the 12th of
Shevál the káímakám, Khalíl Páshá, was removed from office, and was
succeeded by Hasan Páshá, who at that time was the third vezír.
On the same day, _i.e._ on the 12th of Shevál, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá’s
commissioner, Alí Aghá, ághá of the janissaries, who had been sent to
Constantinople to contract a marriage between the commander-in-chief
and Ayesha Sultáná, the relict of the late grand vezír, Ibrahím Páshá,
met along with Yemenlí Hasan Aghá, the vezír’s own deputy, and Abdí
Chelebí, secretary of the customs, and fixed the dowry at four thousand
ducats. After the contract was settled and sealed, one Nesúh Aghá was
sent to Belgrade with the marriage documents to the serdár. Nesúh, who
had lost his commission among the spáhís, expected, on this occasion,
either to be raised to the ágháship of the janissaries, or to be made
chief master of the horse, what he was before; but neither of these
offices could be conferred on him at that time: he was, however, made
a kapújí báshí. This same Nesúh Aghá afterwards attained the rank of
páshá, and became, in the end, prime minister; but we shall have to
speak of him in the sequel.
On the 20th of Dhu’l kadah Alí Aghá left the Sublime Porte with his
troops and marched for Belgrade.
_Concerning the rebel Delí Hasan, the brother of Karah Yázijí.—Hasan
Páshá, the commander-in-chief, falls a martyr._
It is recorded by Sháh Verdí, who had been deputy or lieutenant to
Karah Yázijí, that when Karah Yázijí died, as already observed, his
followers took his body, and cutting it into pieces, afterwards buried
it in separate and distinct places, in order that the Osmánlís might
not have it in their power to burn it.
This same Verdí, Yolar Kapdí, and one Túyel, all three noted rebels,
joined the insurgent Delí Hasan, after the death of his brother, when
they left the mountains of Jánbeg with an insurgent army of several
thousand men, with the view of intercepting and seizing Hasan Páshá’s
heavy baggage whilst on its way from Diárbeker. The páshá not having
many troops along with him at this time, did not venture to give battle
to these desperate mountaineers, but fortified himself as well as he
was able in the fortress of Tokat. The city and suburbs, however, were
subjected to the cruelty of these barbarians, who not only robbed and
plundered wherever they were able, but also destroyed the páshá’s
beautiful flower-garden. Not satisfied with all these excesses, they
determined to attack the citadel and seize the páshá himself. For this
purpose they encamped on the outside of the city. Information of the
insurgent army having determined to lay siege to the fortress of Tokat
having reached the court of Constantinople, the governor of Diárbeker,
Khosrú Páshá, was created a vezír, and ordered to proceed with the army
of Kúrdistán and oppose the progress of the insurgents. No person,
however, had sufficient courage to inform Hasan Páshá that his office
was conferred on Khosrú Páshá.
In the meantime the insurgents, after continuing the siege for about
a month, had every prospect of succeeding in their attempts. Hasan
Páshá was in the habit of going every morning and sitting on a seat
in a certain place opposite the gate of the fortress, a circumstance
which was some way or other made known to the rebels. They accordingly
watched him, when one of them aimed his piece at him and shot him dead
on the spot. Delí Hasan wished no more, raised the siege, and set out
on a predatory excursion into Anatolia. The property of Hasan Páshá
which had fallen into the hands of the rebels they distributed amongst
them; and their power soon waxed so very considerable, that for the
space of seven or eight years they ruled the country with a rod of iron.
Yávuz Alí Aghá was made válí of Egypt this year. This same year, also,
a letter from the king of France was received, in which complaint
was made of the injuries which some of his subjects had sustained
from pirates belonging to some of the Turkish islands. The Turkish
government immediately issued the strongest prohibitions against
this traffic, and threatened to punish with rigour every instance of
transgression of this kind which should happen to come to its knowledge.
We have still to observe one other circumstance before commencing to
relate the events of the following year. During the time that Khalíl
Páshá was governor or deputy of Constantinople, the ulemá assembled
together, waited on his excellency, and demanded justice against the
spáhís for the disturbance and tumult which they had been the means
of raising in the metropolis lately. A report of the whole of their
proceedings was laid before his majesty, who issued a royal letter
relative to this meeting.
Ibrahím Khán, the valas pádisháh, was this year subdued by Sháh
Abbás.[10]
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1011, H.
_Hasan Páshá recovers Alba Julia._
Towards the end of the preceding year the páshá made every preparation
for commencing a new campaign in the beginning of this year. A new
bridge was erected on the Save: he was joined by the ághá of the
janissaries from Constantinople about the commencement of Moharrem,
and troops from all quarters poured into his camp. The troops that
accompanied the ághá from the metropolis received double wages:
provisions were distributed, and vessels laden with the same article
were sent off for Buda. The royal camp, in the greatest haste,
removed from Belgrade and arrived at Serim on the 15th of the month.
Badalooshka cannon were transported from Buda to the camp, and on the
22nd Alba Julia was put under siege. Lála Mohammed Páshá, from Buda,
encamped on the south side, in front of the city; the grand vezír
(_i.e._ the commander-in-chief, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá) took up his
position on one side, and the ághá of the janissaries, with nine pieces
of ordnance, presented himself before the gate. Mohammed Páshá, with
the army of Romeili and five pieces of ordnance, and Dervísh Páshá, the
beglerbeg of Bosnia, with the army of Buda, entered into entrenchments,
and immediately erected mounds. Three thousand chosen men and four
thousand pioneers were under the immediate eye of the grand vezír.
After a few days of constant battering, the besieging army sprung four
mines, which had some considerable effect, and soon afterwards they
took possession of the large tower, but were obliged to relinquish it.
The enemy, besides, had formed a kind of wall or mound within their
ramparts, which served to protect them against the besieging army’s
artillery. No great progress had hitherto been made.
On the 17th of the month Sefer, about the hour of dinner, and the hot
part of the day, a servant of Mohammed Páshá started suddenly upon his
feet, seized a standard, ran in the greatest haste to the tower, and
fixed it on its top. The janissaries and others no sooner saw this,
than they immediately went and took possession of it, causing the few
men who watched it to fly. The enemy, however, continued to trust to
their strong bulwarks, and thought themselves safe. They were miserably
mistaken. The Moslem and orthodox warriors opened upon them a brisk
fire of musketry, which drove them from their position. Mohammed Páshá
succeeded in getting into the city and took it. When the serdár heard
that his troops had taken the tower before-mentioned, he ordered his
tent to be immediately erected near it.
The enemy perceiving the progress of the besiegers, and that they were
assaulting them, in fact, from every quarter, fled into the inner
fortress. This last refuge of theirs was attacked in its turn. By means
of mounds which they soon raised for their own protection, they were
enabled to effect some mines, which they had no sooner ignited than one
of the towers was blown into the air and a sufficient breach made.
The courage of the poor devils when they saw this gave way, and they
offered to yield up the place. A certain number of their chief officers
came out and received, as on former occasions, garments and were sent
off with the rest of the military of Alba Julia to their own countries.
The victorious Moslems, after taking possession of this important
place, placed a sufficient garrison in it, and the rest of their troops
returned to Buda about the end of the month last mentioned.
_The Commander-in-chief conducts an expedition into Transylvania._
In consequence of the woiwoda of Transylvania having, contrary to all
law and justice, entered by violence into a fortress belonging to Sekul
Murish, one of the independent princes of Transylvania, where he seized
on its treasures and arms, and slew the men who were in it, the above
prince, during the winter season, came to the serdár and solicited his
aid, promising he would, if thus supplied with sufficient means, subdue
the whole of the region of Transylvania under the Mohammedan yoke. The
serdár placed confidence in his promises, and therefore determined to
aid him in person. All this had taken place before the reduction of
Alba Julia, for which, however, the serdár was preparing when the above
prince came to him.
The serdár, or commander-in-chief, having fully achieved what he was
at that time preparing for, as related in the preceding section, and
having no reason to expect danger from any quarter, passed over from
Buda to the plains of Pest. The infidels’ camp was at a place called
Jegirdelin, opposite to Osterghún.
As the orthodox Moslems used to call out every evening, _Allah! Allah!_
so also the infidels cried out from one certain place, every morning
and evening, the word _Yesú_, and immediately after this discharged
their large cannon. _Yesú_ is a corruption of _Isa_ (Jesus) in the
gospel. The sound of the guns fired by the infidels was heard at Pest.
Súfí Sinán Páshá was appointed commandant of Buda, for Kází Zádeh Alí
Páshá, the beglerbeg of Buda, who had been present at the siege of
Alba Julia, was there wounded by a musket-ball, and carried off the
field in a litter or sledge. This Alí Páshá came along with Hábel
Effendí, the cazí of Buda, to the serdár, and remonstrated against
leaving Buda defenceless. You will not be two stages distant, said
they, before the infidels will come and surround us. The danger of this
circumstance seemed to press very much upon their imagination, and
they did not fail to paint it in lively colours to the serdár. “Though
it be perfectly true,” said the serdár in return, “that we hear the
sound of the enemy’s cannon, yet it would be very unwise to leave Ardil
Oghlí (_i.e._ the prince of Transylvania) in possession of Lipovah
and Yanovah in the jurisdiction of Temiswar. There are only about six
or seven thousand troops in the enemy’s camp, and their object is
to terrify the Moslem army from entering Transylvania. They are not
sufficiently strong to offer to attack you. You have no reason whatever
to fear they will do so; be therefore easy in your minds on this
score.” Thus did the serdár endeavour to soothe their terrors; but Alí
Páshá replied: “My lord, allow me to inform you that some spies sent
out by me returned last night, and informed me that there are more than
eighty thousand soldiers and forty pieces of ordnance in the enemy’s
camp, and that their object is to attack Buda. Let Hábel Effendí note
down what I have now said, and if it turns out to be false, then you
may take what vengeance you please on me.” Yemishjí Páshá himself, a
proud obstinate Albanian, remained immoveable in maintaining his own
assertions, _viz._ that the enemy had no other view than merely to
frighten them from entering Transylvania, and that they had neither
strength nor intention to attack Buda. In the meantime, when Mohammed
Páshá, beglerbeg of Romeili, perceived the serdár’s obstinacy, he asked
to be permitted to make an excursion as far as Filk and Sitchan, and
carry thence what plunder he might be able to take. His request was not
acceded to; and the following day, the first of Rabia II., the serdár
marched off for Solnuk, which he reached in four days, carrying along
with him five pieces of cannon and one hundred sháhs (a kind of smaller
ordnance). In four days more he crossed the Tise, and on the 11th of
the same month reached the palanka of Sarwash. The troops of Julia and
Temiswar joined his camp at this place; but he had scarcely time to
hold a council of his great men, when, behold! messengers with evil
intelligence from Buda waited upon him.
_Pest taken.—Buda is besieged._
The enemy had no sooner heard of the commander-in-chiefs movements than
they began to put their cannon in order for marching. King Ferdinand
ordered his Hungarian, Croatian, and Frank army, and various captains
to advance before him. On arriving at Old Buda, they crossed over to
the island of Kislar, by means of a bridge of boats, thence proceeded
in boats to Pest, destroyed its bridge, and entered it on the side next
the river, where there happened to be no wall. On the land side they
planted their artillery. With the exception of a company of Moslems
who had occupied a large tower on the banks of the Danube, and who
had escaped by means of boats, the whole of the rest, men, women, and
children, fell into the hands of the invaders. About five thousand of
these hateful infidels were left in possession of Pest, whilst the
rest of their army returned and encamped before Old Buda, and took
possession of a palanka called Kiris Elias which belonged to it. At
Gul Bábá, opposite the great earthen tower, they placed ten pieces of
cannon, and opened entrenchments before the gates which open towards
Vienna and Awa, and thus commenced the siege of Buda.
The messengers who, post haste, brought intelligence of the enemy’s
movements to the serdár, found him, as before mentioned, engaged
in holding a council of his great men at Sarwash. The serdár, as
may easily be imagined, became absolutely frantic with rage when he
learned from the messenger the state of things at Buda. Without a
moment’s delay, however, he ordered off two thousand chosen men under
the command of Núh Páshá, the beglerbeg of Anatolia, to the aid of
Buda, whilst he himself followed the body of his army. In four days
he reached Pest, and encamped in its neighbourhood. Here he was soon
made to perceive that the enemy was hotly engaged in endeavouring to
reduce Buda, battering its walls with no less than twenty-eight pieces
of ordnance; nor were they in the least degree alarmed by the approach
of the Moslem forces. Pest, too, was filled with the enemy’s troops,
and therefore, at that time, not easily taken. They also erected a kind
of bridge between Kizlar áta and the last-mentioned place; and thus
effectually hindered all communications between the Moslem army and
Buda.
The obstinate Albanian (the commander-in-chief) now found more than
sufficient reason to repent his having left Buda. To no good purpose
whatever he opened ten pieces of artillery in one or two places against
Pest. He disposed his line of entrenchments in such a way as that the
people of Buda could easily salute their brethren near Pest. The one
besieged, the other besieging. The Moslems, however, contrived to erect
four badalooshkas, by means of which they broke down the bridge the
enemy had erected at Pest, and thus prevented any further intercourse
with it; but it was the cause of a greater increase of the enemy’s
number at Buda.
During the space of fifteen days the Moslem camp before Pest
experienced the most dreadful hardships for want of provisions. One
kíleh (a measure) of flour sold for twenty pieces of gold, and one
of barley for fifteen, and when no more could be had for any price,
the troops were obliged to be supplied, though at the utmost risk,
from Buda. This was secretly accomplished by boats, which were sent
over from under the water-gate. The Budians, however, began to murmur,
and remonstrated against supplying them with an article which they
themselves might soon be in need of. All further supply of this kind
was, therefore, prohibited; but this prohibition was, notwithstanding,
found ineffectual. Some for the love of money sold provisions, and
others there were who sent a supply to their friends.
At length, Alí Páshá, the same who counselled the commander-in-chief
against leaving Buda when he went on his fruitless expedition into
Transylvania, Hábel Effendí, Alí Páshá’s coadjutor, and the ághá of the
janissaries, went to the serdár and told him plainly they would not
afford any further supply of provisions. “If you,” said they, “continue
ten days longer, all the provisions in Buda will be exhausted: send us,
therefore, Mohammed Páshá with a certain number of troops, and do you
go away altogether.” Mohammed Páshá seemed at first inclined to decline
this proposal, but afterwards said, that he had been two years already
in Buda, but that if he was ordered to remain another year in it he
would endeavour to do his duty. The Budians fell upon their knees and
begged him to accept of the office; they also petitioned the serdár
himself, and kissed his beard; so earnest were they that Mohammed Páshá
should remain with them. The serdár condescended to grant them their
request. One thousand men whose pay had been advanced, and one thousand
feudatory troops were appointed to Buda, besides military stores and
money. He also sent a robe of honour to Mohammed Páshá. After the hour
of the afternoon prayers, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá turned his face towards
his barks, moved away on foot, bidding adieu to scenes which reflected
no honour on his military skill, prudence, or courage.
Mohammed Páshá was a man of grave deportment, chaste manners, and an
officer of inflexible firmness and of great courage. When in the siege,
if any of his troops raised a commotion on account of the scarcity of
provisions, he used to beat them most soundly, and then reprove them
for their rashness. Not one, in fact, ever ventured to show him any
resistance, such was the influence he maintained amongst his troops.
After the serdár took his leave, the troops destined for Buda entered
that place at the water-gate under covert of the night: their ordnance
was also conveyed during the same period.
Next day, the 1st of Rabia II., the commander-in-chief, Yemishjí Hasan
Páshá, passed through Keshkemet, and arrived at Waradin. Four large
cannon which he took with him were dragged along by his soldiers;
but he left two of them at Sonbúr, and the remaining two at Batchka.
Passing over the bridge at Waradin he pursued his journey towards
Belgrade.
In the meantime, Mohammed Páshá, after entering Buda, held a council
of his officers, to whom he delivered a comforting and encouraging
speech, and then dismissed them by telling them to go, every man, to
his respective post. Next morning, at daybreak, five hundred horsemen
were selected and sent out towards Awa, near which they dispersed two
pickets belonging to the enemy. Some of them they killed, and others
of them they made prisoners. The enemy, as before observed, had placed
a number of their cannon at Kiris Elias, and for the space of ten
successive days battered the walls and made several assaults, but they
were uniformly met and repulsed by showers of musketry, and the hurling
of bombs from the besieged. One day, when they thought they would carry
every thing before them by one general assault, the brave and orthodox
Moslems, as related in the Memoirs of Soleimán Páshá, rolled amongst
them a number of bombs charged with pieces of iron, which, when they
exploded, destroyed several thousands of the assailants, and completely
repulsed them. After this last, but very effectual check had been
given to them, they began to dig beneath the gate which looked towards
Vienna, with the view of laying mines, and in the most desperate manner
and with the utmost fury directed no less than two thousand cannon-shot
against the walls, by which means they at last effected a large
breach. The situation of the besieged was now truly perilous. But the
brave, heroic, and orthodox Moslems were determined to maintain their
resistance, or die in making that resistance. With this view, and in
the solemn hour of night, they entered into a sacred compact with each
other to devote themselves to death in defending Buda.
On the 10th of Rabia II., and in conformity to the counsel of
their brave commander, Mohammed Páshá, all the foot and horse that
were in the garrison at daybreak, rushed out of Buda with the
utmost impetuosity, and attacked the enemy unawares in their own
entrenchments, with such heroic bravery as absolutely confounded them.
The enemy’s camp or tábúr having been at some distance, it was not easy
for those in the entrenchments to get aid from thence, and before any
did arrive, the orthodox Moslems, for the space of two hours, committed
such tremendous havoc amongst them as to clear the entrenchments
of these intruders. Their cannon they spiked, and carried off the
greater part of their gunpowder to Buda, to which they had retreated,
exploding what they could not conveniently carry along with them. The
cazí of Buda, Hábel Effendí, an old man about eighty years of age, in
order to encourage the orthodox believers, such was his zeal, slew an
infidel with his own hands, a circumstance, no doubt, that made a deep
impression on the minds of the Musselmans, and which had a powerful
effect in urging them on to the work of destruction.
A shower of rain coming on about this time, and the season having been
far advanced, the infidels, in rage and despair, raised the siege and
set off for Osterghún, dragging their cannon along with them through
the mud which had been occasioned by the rain. The heroic Moslems,
perceiving their advantages, pursued the fugitive host, captured a
number of their cannon, which in their hurry they had been obliged to
leave sticking in the mud, and brought them back to Buda. Mohammed
Páshá rewarded each of his brave men with tokens of his esteem and
approbation, and sent a representation of the whole exploit to the
commander-in-chief, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá.
Mohammed Páshá was about this time promoted to the government of
Romeili.
_Ghází Gheráí Khán arrives with a Tátár army._
The grand vezír, Hasan Páshá, (_i. e._ Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, the
commander-in-chief,) after passing through Waradin, arrived in the
plains of Zimrún, where he learned that Ghází Gheráí Khán, who
for a good while past had not attended the wars, had arrived. It
would appear that in consequence of his malicious brothers, Salámet
Gheráí, Mohammed Gheráí, and Sháhín Gheráí, who had excited rebellion
and insubordination among the Tátárs, one party of whom had gone
into Romeili, and another to Anatolia, where they joined the rebel
Delí Hasan, the brother of Scrivano, the khán had found sufficient
employment at home. He was much afraid also that his brother, who had
joined Delí Hasan, would succeed with the latter in endeavouring to
deprive him of the khánship. On these accounts his highness, the khán
of the Crimea, had found it impracticable for the last two years to
render any service to the Ottomans, and thinking there was some reason
to suspect the emperor might be displeased with him, and therefore
depose him, he, to avert those evils, came forward with an army on this
occasion, had an interview with the serdár in the above plains, and
accompanied him to Belgrade.
His royal highness the Tátár khán lodged in the mansion belonging
to Etmekjí Zádeh, the treasurer. For two successive days the serdár
and he entertained each other in the most splendid manner. Petcheví
was pointed out to the khán for his winter-quarters; and Sigetwar,
Kopan, Mehaj, and other cantons beyond the Drave, were appointed for
a similar purpose to his men. The khán departed for Petcheví, and his
men were distributed in the above-mentioned towns and villages. His
royal highness the khán passed his time in every sort of indulgence
and pleasure, amusing himself occasionally in reading the good and bad
poets of Baghdád. Here he composed an epistle in verse on the evils
of coffee and wine. He was still haunted, however, by the fear of his
brother Salámet Gheráí, who, he was aware, meditated his downfall.
After the grand vezír had reached Belgrade, as already mentioned,
he ordered the troops to be paid their wages. The household troops
received their usual allowance; the feudatory troops received each
man two pieces of money, and the foot soldiers one. The ághá of
the janissaries was permitted to return to Constantinople, and the
feudatory troops were also allowed to retire.
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1012, H.
_Advantage gained by the rebel Delí Hasan.—Mahmúd Páshá is appointed in
the room of Khosrú Páshá._
We have before mentioned how the rebel Delí Hasan, towards the
conclusion of the preceding year, murdered Hasan Páshá in the city of
Tokat, and we have also related his subsequent march into Anatolia. The
beglerbeg of Diárbeker, vezír Khosrú Páshá, who had been sent with the
troops of Haleb and Meræsh, to chastise this notorious rebel, failed in
the attempt. Some of the above troops having refused obedience to his
authority, left him, and went to Sivás. The rest, on seeing this, under
the pretence that winter had arrived, dispersed themselves also, and
left him without a man.
An account of these disastrous events having found its way to Angora
(Ancyra), where the rebel then was, he hastened forward with the utmost
boldness to attack Háfiz Páshá, who commanded in Anatolia. When Háfiz,
who was by no means in a condition to face this formidable enemy, heard
of his movements, he shut himself up in Kutahia. The rebel advanced and
laid siege to the city: but after three days’ effort, in consequence of
cold and rain, was obliged to raise the siege; but he set fire to the
place, and set off for Karah Hisár, where he went into winter-quarters.
As soon as the Ottoman court had heard of these inauspicious affairs,
it appointed Gúzelcheh Mahmúd Páshá to succeed Khosrú Páshá in the chief
command. This appointment took place in the month of Rajab.
_Several changes take place._
In consequence of some malicious instigation of the soldiery, Sáa’tjí
Hasan Páshá was removed from the káímakámship, and Gúzelcheh Mahmúd
Páshá was appointed in his stead. These changes took place on the 20th
of Rajab. Alí Aghá, ághá of the janissaries, was also deposed, and his
office conferred on Delí Ferhád Aghá, a bostánjí báshí. Sáa’tjí Páshá
was conducted to the Seven Towers. On the night of the 22d, the mufti,
Mohammed Effendí, was deprived of his high office, which was conferred
on Siná-allah Effendí. This is the second time this reverend prelate
held this highest office of the priesthood. On this same occasion also
the cazí of Constantinople, Abdulmíámin Mustafa Effendí, was appointed
to succeed the cazí of Anatolia, Abdul Waháb, who had been in Egypt,
and who now became cazí of Constantinople in room of the former.
_Concerning Ghaznafer Aghá and Osmán Aghá, ághá of the palace._
On the 23d of Rajab the spáhí legion requested his majesty, the
emperor, to call a general diván for the purpose of taking into
consideration the state of the empire, every where torn and afflicted
with rebellion and insubordination. His majesty complied with this
requisition. Accordingly, the mufti, Siná-allah Effendí, the káímakám,
Mohammed Páshá, Siderín Akhí Zádeh, Abdul Míámin Mustafa Effendí,
and the ulemá, of all ranks, in all about thirty in number, met in
council. On the part of the spáhís, Hasan Khalífeh, Poiráz Osmán, and
the secretary Iksámí presented themselves before the royal diván and
spoke thus: “Sire, in consequence of the war which you find necessary
to carry on at a distance, the glory of the royal house is impaired,
and its dignity is diminished. The empire, from one end to the other,
is trampled upon. The government of Erzerúm is subjected to Gusah Nefer
Páshá’s soldiery and levends (a kind of volunteers); the government
of Sivás is under the oppressive rule of Ahmed Páshá; Caramania is in
the power of Delí Hasan; the sanjáks of Merzefún, of Kostamúní, and of
Kankarí, in like manner, are in the hands of the rebels Tevíl and Karah
Seyed. The insurgents and rebels have seized the whole world. Five or
six times a commander-in-chief has been appointed, but no good result
has followed; nothing has been accomplished.” After talking a great
deal in this manner, and pointing out the injustice and corruption
which had crept into the administration, they adverted to one or two
flagrant instances as proofs of their assertions. It was with great
difficulty that Sáa’tjí Hasan Páshá, who had been confined in the Seven
Towers, escaped undergoing the extreme sentence of the law on this
occasion. The fourth vezír, Tarnákjí Páshá, was also brought forth,
and would have undergone the sentence of death; but in consequence of
the intercession of the janissaries he was pardoned. The kapú ághá,
Ghaznafer Aghá, who had been the means of raising Khosrú Páshá and
Osmán Aghá, the ághá of the palace, who were afterwards presented,
were not so fortunate. The emperor, when all these transactions were
over, returned to the haram or seraglio, whilst the exclamations of the
people ascended to the very heavens in his behalf. The populace soon
after dispersed themselves.
_Yemishjí Hasan Páshá returns to Constantinople._
Soon after the grand vezír, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, had dismissed
the khán of the Tátárs, to go into winter-quarters at Petcheví, he
delivered over to Lála Mohammed Páshá the whole of the affairs of the
frontiers. The magazines of provisions and other stores in Belgrade he
committed to Etmekjí Zádeh, the treasurer, and to Mohammed Páshá; and
appointed his own lieutenant, Mustafa Aghá, to collect provisions in
the districts of Bosnia and Buda.
Having heard of the late transactions in Constantinople which had
been occasioned by the spáhís, he imagined, and not without good
reasons, that he was in danger of losing his own life; he therefore
took a company of unemployed servants along with him, and set out for
Constantinople. On reaching Yaghodina he was met by Hasan Aghá, a
kapújí báshí, who informed him that Siná-allah Effendí, in compliance
with the wishes of the spáhís, had been created mufti. Another
messenger, called Yemenlí Hasan Aghá, a khetkhodá of the court, brought
him a letter, which stated that if he wished his own existence to be
continued, to make all the haste he possibly could. He recommenced his
journey immediately, but was considerably impeded in crossing the river
Múrov, owing to the masses of ice which floated upon its surface.
However, he got safely over it, and when he arrived at Nisa he met
another messenger, who brought him a letter apprizing him of the fate
of Ghaznafer, who suffered death along with Osmán. At a place called
Khurmán he was met by two other kapújí báshís, who brought him a royal
letter, and another from the queen-mother, both of which invited him
to court, and which also were sufficient tokens of their good-will. He
immediately returned a humble answer to these communications by the two
persons who brought them to him. On his reaching Adrianople he took up
his lodgings for a few hours in the house of Etmekjí Zádeh, his own
treasurer, who was then at Belgrade. Yahiah Effendí, who was afterwards
raised to the office of high priest, happening to be disengaged when
the grand vezír arrived, waited on him, and both together, about
seven o’clock in the evening, set out for the metropolis. On reaching
Selivría they were met by Yemenlí Hasan Aghá, a kapú ketkhodá, and Sárí
Alí Aghá, superintendant of the Soleimáníyeh, who strongly charged
them not to delay entering the palace that night, for if they did,
the messengers assured them the spáhís would next morning completely
prevent their doing so. The grand vezír immediately descended from
his chariot, mounted a swift charger, and reached the royal palace
about four o’clock in the afternoon on the 25th of the month Shabán.
The emperor received him most graciously, and welcomed his arrival in
the kindest manner. After the grand vezír had delivered a statement
to the emperor, of the affairs on the frontiers, he received a visit
from the káímakám, Mahmúd Páshá, who no sooner departed, than the two
military judges came to pay their respects to him also. When these
exalted prelates were about retiring, he desired them to go to the
mufti and give him his compliments; “Tell him,” said the grand vezír,
“that had it not been the night-season, I would have called on him
to pay him my respects in person at his own fortunate mansion; that
as I did not wish to disturb him at so unseasonable an hour of the
night, I have preferred waiting till tomorrow, when I shall not fail
to visit him. But be sure,” continued he, “to come back and tell me
how he received your message.” The reverend prelates, however, did
not return. The morning arrived, and no word whatever from the mufti,
nor any account of the prelates. This presaged no good. He, however,
ascertained by some other means, that the principal actors in the late
tumult had gone that morning to the mufti, and complained to him in
the most violent manner against him. “This vezír,” said they, “has, by
his bad management, and want of skill in the command of the troops on
the frontiers, allowed the infidels to gain some important advantages
over the orthodox Moslems, and has thus tarnished the glory and pride
of the Osmánlís.” Having preferred this complaint, they insisted on the
mufti’s giving them a decree to take away his life. The mufti complied.
These accusers, after succeeding with the head of their religion,
hastened away to the governor, Mahmúd Páshá, to show it to him. In some
histories it is said that this decree was delivered to the soldiery by
Mahmúd when the grand vezír was about entering the city on his return
from Belgrade. However, to make the thing as sure as the accusers
could, they went to the two military judges, and asked them to tell
them if the instrument which the mufti had issued was legal, and if so,
to sign it; which after some little importunity they did.
_Mahmúd Páshá reports these proceedings to the Emperor, who refuses to
sanction the deed of the Muftí._
Mahmúd Páshá, the governor of Constantinople, wrote out a report of the
proceedings which were carrying on against the life of the grand vezír,
Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, enclosed in it the decree of the high-priest,
which had been confirmed by the signatures of the two military judges,
and sent it to the emperor. In this report the cunning governor assured
the grand sultán, that if he did interpose in behalf of his vezír
serious mischief would inevitably be the result. The emperor, after
receiving this document and its enclosures, caused it to be published
that Mahmúd Páshá had stipulated with the heads of the disaffected to
give them thirty thousand ducats, and that he, in the event of grace
being shown to Yemishjí, had instructed them to raise a tremendous
tumult. This was a sufficient answer to Mahmúd’s report. The emperor,
moreover, declared that he had perfect knowledge of the whole of
his vezír’s conduct, and that if it had appeared that he had acted
unworthily of his high station, he, the emperor, knew how to punish
him. He was much displeased with the interference which had been made.
After having sent this answer to the proper quarter, he called an
officer of the court, and instructed him in the necessity there existed
of his going that very night and taking summary vengeance on Mahmúd
Páshá, and which he conceived would have the effect of intimidating
the disaffected soldiery. This commission was no sooner delivered than
the emperor sent the whole of the papers which had been sent to him
by Mahmúd to his grand vezír. The person to whom this business had
been entrusted was Kásim Aghá, who on delivering the above papers to
the grand vezír, informed him that he was on his way to murder Mahmúd
Páshá. Mahmúd Páshá, however, had got scent of the purpose which had
been formed against him, and either hid himself or absconded. The grand
vezír, on examining the documents which had been put into his hand,
was, no doubt, greatly astonished to find amongst them an official
decree of the highest spiritual authority for the taking away of his
own life.
After the grand vezír had fully weighed Mahmúd’s statement and the
decree of the mufti, confirmed, as it was, by the authority of the
military judges, was not only astonished and confounded, as might
easily be imagined, but also greatly afflicted. The soldiery who had
been anxiously looking for the emperor’s consent to his execution, no
sooner heard of the kind reception the grand vezír had met with at
court, than they began to vociferate loudly that they would proceed to
his palace and there murder him forthwith. They, accordingly, rushed
into the At-maidán, where they began to concert how they might be able
to effect their bloody deed. The grand vezír was no sooner apprized,
on the other hand, of the menacing of the mob, than he, in terror of
his life no doubt, ordered his gate to be firmly barricaded, and ran
to hide himself in the apartment next to that in which the sultana his
bride lived; for the marriage was not yet consummated.
When the spáhí mob, in conformity to their plan, had reached the gate
of the grand vezír’s palace, they found the gate firmly shut against
them, but which, had it not been that the night was setting in, they
would have burst open. This circumstance, it would appear, caused them
to change their mind, and agreeing to defer their purpose till the
following morning, they immediately dispersed.
The poor grand vezír and commander-in-chief felt the insecurity of
their situation, and being haunted by the horrors of a cruel and
untimely death, which his imagination pictured to him, he, at the
hour when every true Muselman was offering up his nightly devotions,
issued from his palace in disguised garments, accompanied by only two
faithful servants, and proceeded to the palace of the ághá of the
janissaries, called “the Palace of delight.” Here he was visited by
Yemenlí Aghá and Sárí Alí Aghá who desired him to take his ink-stand
and a few sheets of paper and to proceed without delay to the ághá
of the palace. The unfortunate vezír mounted a horse and went as he
was directed. On reaching the palace and entering into the hall of
audience, he there saw Hasan Páshá and the ághá of the janissaries with
his suite busily engaged in some affairs. The latter called the vezír
to advance, and directed him to draw out the following statement:—“That
the present acting mufti, Siná-allah Effendí, had been guilty of
affording countenance and protection to some of the insurgents; that
his brother’s son, Chelebí Kází, had, in a most unrighteous manner,
accepted of thirty thousand dollars from the rebel Scrivano; that he
had caused Mohammed Páshá, son of Sinán Páshá, to be deposed; that he
had joined with the multitude of spáhís in intimidating the diván;
that he had caused the ághá of the palace and the kizlar ághá (or ághá
of the seraglio) to be beheaded; that he had thrown the whole of the
community into a state of excitement by his murderous persecution of
the grand vezír; in short, that he was the moving cause of all the
disturbance, insubordination, rebellion and violence, which had lately
taken place in the city. Further: that the whole of the janissaries
were thoroughly convinced that this high-priest should be turned out of
his office, as a preliminary to the settling of those commotions which
agitated the public mind; that he should be banished to the island of
Rhodes, and his place filled by a man possessed of piety and orthodox
principles; that Mustafa Effendí, military judge of Anatolia, should
be the person to succeed him in his high office, because he was a man
possessed of piety and religion, and was, moreover, continent and
abstemious.”
Such were the contents of the statement above alluded to, and which the
grand vezír, when written out, wrapped up in a cloth and kept till the
proper moment for presenting it should arrive. His friends also sent
intimation, similar to what the statement contained, to the vezírs,
ulemá, armour-bearers, heads of the artillery, and to all the principal
persons in the community who were able to read; and all the faithful
subjects of his majesty were called upon to assemble under arms at
the mosque of Soleimán, and there wait to hear a declaration of his
majesty’s will and pleasure.
The paper containing the accusations against the mufti was sent by
night, by a trustworthy person, to the sultán in his own private
apartments. The morning arrived, and the multitude began to assemble in
the vicinity of the Soleimáníyeh. The whole of the janissaries stood
fully accoutred under arms at the foot of the stairs opposite their
own barracks, and all strangers were ordered to withdraw. Hasan Páshá
and Ferhád Aghá, the ághá of the janissaries, stood forward on the top
of the stairs above-mentioned, produced a royal letter which one of
them read in the hearing of the janissaries. This royal letter assured
them of his majesty’s good opinion of them, and said that they did and
ever should participate of his grace and favour. “From the days of my
august and noble ancestors until this day,” it was more particularly
stated in this royal document, “you have always conducted yourselves
with propriety, and have never been guilty of any irregularity or
insubordination. You have uniformly obeyed my royal injunctions with
the utmost zeal and precision; and now I request you to aid my grand
vezír in chastising those unruly persons who have been the cause of
exciting turbulence and commotion in our royal city.”
The janissaries who had been instructed how to act their part in
this matter replied, after having pronounced many blessings on their
sovereign’s head, that they had some certain reasonable things to
advance, and begged they might be laid before the august throne. “The
muftis of former days,” they said, “used to be very much attached to
the royal house, but the present one, Siná-allah Effendí, was a traitor
to the true interests of the Ottomans. He has been bribed by Scrivano,
through his nephew, Chelebí Kází, with a sum of thirty thousand
dollars; he has deposed Mohammed Páshá, son of Sinán Páshá; he joined
the turbulent multitude who lately intimidated the diván, causing
some of its principal members to be executed; and at this moment he
is exciting the mob to be satisfied with nothing less than the grand
vezír’s life, having even issued a decree for this purpose. It is
our opinion,” continued the janissaries, “that he should be forthwith
chastised, and that Mahmúd Páshá, his chief coadjutor in this tumult,
should be executed without delay; that the turbulent and seditious
among the spáhí mob should be delivered up, and in the event of this
being declined, to visit the whole tribe with summary vengeance. If
they show a disposition to resist, then let them stand prepared for
combat, for we are ready to meet them.”
The grand vezír expressed his satisfaction, came forward along with
the ághá to their view, and sat down. The vezírs ulemá, and other
dignitaries and nobles also assembled. Sinán Páshá, son of Jeghala,
declined attending, but a messenger who was sent after him forced him
to comply whether he would or not.
After these magnates had assembled in council, the names of the
principal conspirators were all registered, their persons proscribed,
and a list of them was sent to their chief commanders.
Next morning, however, the discontented spáhís assembled under arms
before the menagerie. The grand vezír ordered some ághás to go to the
spáhí troops and demand the persons whose names had been noted down.
If they deliver them up to you, said he, bring them hither; if not,
tell them they must abide by the consequence. The ághás did as they
were commanded. On their appearing before the spáhís they showed their
credentials and demanded the persons whose names had been taken down,
but the spáhís declared they would not give one of them up, supposing,
no doubt, the emperor would not proceed to extremities. These ághás
sent back these lieutenants with the ungracious answer of the spáhís.
In the meantime, two kapújís arrived from the palace, who delivered
a packet to the grand vezír which announced to him that the change
he had proposed in the muftiship was most graciously acceded to. He
turned about to Abdulmíámin Mustafa Effendí and informed him that his
majesty had most kindly appointed him mufti. The new mufti made a
suitable reply, and the grand vezír, after considering the whole of the
contents of the royal communication, took Mustafa Effendí by the arm
and introduced him, as such, to all the vezírs and magistrates present,
when they all paid him the homage due to his elevated rank.
After all these ceremonies were concluded, the new mufti was requested
to wait on his majesty, who entered into conversation with him
respecting the conduct of the insurgents, who still maintained their
obstinacy, and asked him what punishment, he thought ought to be
inflicted on them. The mufti replied, “that the law ought to take its
course; that all who continued to manifest disobedience to his high
injunctions were rebels; and that the spáhís ought to deliver up, for
condign punishment, the chief actors in the tumult and rebellion which
then reigned to so terrible a degree throughout the city.”
The grand vezír again addressed the lieutenants of the ághás who had
brought him the resolution of the turbulent spáhís, and desired them to
return and inform them of the judgment of the new mufti; then to come
back to him, bringing along with them the proscribed persons, provided
they gave them up. “If they do not deliver them up,” said he, “then
inform them that the whole tribe of spáhís shall be entirely cut off
from serving any longer in the state, and their privileges be done away
with.” They were, moreover, to be informed, that the emperor expected
immediate obedience; that if they did not at once show signs of regret
by availing themselves of the overture made to them, he had determined
to take summary vengeance on them all; that their heads would be cut
off at the bottom of the stairs on which he, the grand vezír, stood.
The officers proceeded with their message, and delivered it in due form.
In the meantime, however, the grand vezír called one Devlet Aghá, a
kapújí báshí (who was in an after reign grand vezír), and desired him
to take forty of the household troops and proceed to the house of
Siná-allah, the mufti effendí, seize his person, put him on board a
vessel, and banish him to the island of Rhodes. Devlet Aghá proceeded
with his party to seize the person of the high priest, as directed, but
before he had reached his house the reverend father had fled and hid
himself.
Devlet Aghá not finding the object of his pursuit, called Hamza Aghá,
a kapújí báshí, and Murád Effendí, the second recorder, and desired
them to proceed and seal up the palace of the fugitive, Mahmúd Páshá,
sometimes called Gúzelcheh Mahmúd Páshá. At the same time persons were
sent to shut the gates of Constantinople, and to watch them. These
proceedings were announced in the At-maidán to the assembled spáhís,
who became so terrified that they all dispersed in the greatest dismay.
The ághá of the janissaries mounted his horse, and conducting his
troops through the streets of the city, soon restored peace and order
in all quarters of Constantinople. The great men and vezírs returned
to their respective mansions. Ferhád, the ághá of the janissaries,
no sooner restored order in the city than he went in pursuit of the
rebels. The grand vezír spent the remainder of that day in the house
of the ághá of the palace; and Ferhád, on proceeding to a barrack
belonging to the spáhís situate near the arsenal, immediately ransacked
it of every thing valuable, and slew a number of this turbulent
tribe. This circumstance laid a foundation of enmity between these
two powerful bodies, _viz._ the janissaries and spáhís. The barring
and locking of the gates of Constantinople proved also a great
inconvenience to the inhabitants, inasmuch as they were prevented from
burying their dead in the usual way.
Such, for a whole day and night, was the agitated state of the city,
occasioned by the events we have related.
_Poiráz Osmán and other rebels executed._
The following day, at an early hour, the mufti, the vezírs, the
grandees, the ulemá, and others, met for consultation in the house of
the ághá of the palace, and continued their deliberations in reference
to the interests of religion and the benefit of the state till the
hour of prayer. The grand vezír then mounted his horse and went to
pay a visit to his august majesty, accompanied by the new mufti and
the military judge of Anatolia, Mustafa Effendí, who, it will be
remembered, was recommended by the janissaries to fill the office of
the high priest. The grand vezír was preceded by a body of armed foot
soldiers to the imperial palace, and after having had the honour of
kissing his sovereign’s hand, the emperor entered into conversation
with him and the other august persons that accompanied him about
the state of public affairs. The serdár, after the above interview,
returned in great pomp to the At-maidán, where the janissaries, who
had met there by appointment, fired several rounds, and the cavalry
went through their evolutions in token of joy for the success which had
attended the grand vezír.
The mufti and the military judge, after having conversed some little
while with the grand vezír, retired to their own homes.
Now that peace and good order had been established, the inhabitants
came forward in multitudes to congratulate the grand vezír on his
escape from the snares which had been laid for him, and to express
their gratitude for his having quenched the fury of the spáhís. On
this same day, in the afternoon, two messengers, one after the other,
arrived, and informed the vezír that Poiráz Osmán and Ohgúz Mohammed,
two of the principal leaders in the late disturbance, had been seized,
and that Mustafa Aghá, the ághá of the spáhís, was conducting these
two culprits into his presence. In a short time they appeared bound in
chains before him: the vezír addressed them thus: “Osmán Beg, I showed
you much respect and attention in the late war on the frontiers; I
conferred on you offices of trust and profit, and have heaped favours
upon you. Is this, then, the return you make? Is this according to
your solemn promises? What can be the reason that you have acted thus?
Why have you joined yourself to my enemies?” Poiráz Osmán replied;
“O, exalted páshá, why do you force me to speak? I certainly did not
commit the evil you impute to me in order that I should afterwards
offer an apology. What has happened to me has been my lot. I have not
trampled on your goodness so as to banish from my view all thoughts of
providence. I feel that I am every way worthy of punishment; at the
same time I humbly request you, in the exercise of your consummate
benevolence, not to allow me, a guilty man, to be strangled like a
woman, but kill me yourself with your sword.” “God forbid,” said the
vezír in return, “that we should kill a heroic man of your stamp,
especially as we know you must have been disadvantageously placed.
But what,” continued the páshá, “induced you to adopt the course you
have taken? I wish you to give me an explanation;” and then urged
him to do so. Osmán Beg replied, “When I came to Constantinople, I
perceived the spáhís going on with their mischievous purposes, but
at first declined taking any share in them. Kátib Jezámí and others
came running about me; and when I tried to escape them they followed
me, urging me to join them. They used to tell me this and that; that
the mufti, all the vezírs, the military judge, and other great men
were in the plot; that they should without doubt accomplish their
purpose; ‘your making yourself singular,’ they said, ‘will not retard
the execution of our plan, and your obstinacy will only serve to bring
evil upon yourself.’ They took me one day to the mufti’s deputy, who
invited me to a splendid feast; I assembled that day with the rebels,
but did not, for a while, mix with them; I was afterwards invited by
Mahmúd Páshá to wait on him. I did so, and he constrained me to declare
my sentiments; to say on what side I was. ‘Osmán,’ said Mahmúd, ‘we
have concocted this great measure, and your not taking a decided share
in it is not wise; and to oppose the general voice, you know, is not
safe, especially as the conspirators have thirty thousand ducats at
their disposal. Do not, my friend, make yourself obnoxious;’ and much
more to the same purpose. From Mahmúd’s I was conducted to the mufti
effendí, Siná-allah himself, and thence to the military judge. Each of
the spiritual dignitaries employed many arguments to induce me to join
them. I was at last, from what I had seen and heard, persuaded that
all the men of name and power had espoused this unfortunate party’s
interest, and were united in carrying it forward to a conclusion. The
thirty thousand ducats were every now and then referred to. To make
the story short, the devil tempted me; I became one of their number,
and was one of the most active in the whole of the disturbance and
insubordination which have lately manifested themselves.” This seems a
very candid confession, but it helped the unfortunate culprit nothing.
The grand vezír looked in the poor devil’s face with astonishment,
and wondered at his statement. He ordered Aghá Mustafa to conduct the
culprits into the royal presence, where the whole of the above facts
were again elicited, and the result was, that the emperor ordered
their heads to be severed from their bodies, which was immediately
complied with. A day or two afterwards the insurgent Dipa kiz Rizván
met with a similar fate; so did also Ghuzáz Alí and Burnáz Mohammed;
but the infamous and wicked Kátib Jezámí could nowhere be found.
Strict search for him it must, however, be confessed, was not made. It
appears that he had collected a great quantity of gold together, had
himself put into a coffin, and was carried over from Constantinople to
Uskudár (Scutari), whence, with a few servants, he fled on horseback.
His servants, falling in love with his money, however, took the
opportunity, when they reached a mountainous part of the country, to
murder him, and took the whole of his gold to themselves. Whilst these
wretches were disputing and maliciously contending as to the mode of
dividing their spoil, one of their number fled from them; and thus the
story of Kátib Jezámí was made known.
Hasan Khalífeh, another of the heads of the insurgents who had been
previously involved in other desperate acts, thinking himself perfectly
secure, entered into coffee-houses, and spent part of the nights of
the month of Ramazán in gay conversation, and in the participation of
good cheer along with some of his friends in the above houses; but on
the 11th night of that month, whilst enjoying his pleasure in one of
these cafés, he was seized and hurried away into the presence of the
emperor, when he was without mercy instantly sent to the mansions of
the dead. In this way the whole of the ringleaders of the insurgents
were disposed of: the world was thus delivered from their mischievous
existence.
As to Gúzelcheh Mohammed Páshá, the deputy-governor of Constantinople,
he fled and hid himself at the very commencement of the tumult, as
before observed; but he was afterwards discovered in the habit of a
súfí, near the mosque built by Hájí Khosrú, a rich man, on the outside
of Constantinople. He threw himself on the mercy of the sublime Sultán,
and thus escaped with his life.
New troubles, however, arose. A foundation for enmity between the
spáhís and the janissaries was laid by the proceedings of the grand
vezír, as before hinted. Peace and order had scarcely begun to be
felt, when a dispute arose between these two powerful military bodies,
and was carried on with the utmost asperity. Whenever any of the one
party met any of the other, a battle uniformly took place. But it
was beyond the walls of Constantinople that this hostility was most
fiercely manifested. The proud vezír’s passion for murder and bloodshed
continued unabated: his thirst for vengeance against the remaining
objects of his hatred he never failed to satiate whenever he found an
opportunity of doing so. He thought that the measure he had employed
in crushing the rebellion which had been raised against himself had
been completely effectual. He was proud of his own doings, and began
to publish abroad in the palace of the emperor Alexander (the court
of Constantinople) his own mighty deeds; and supposed he was every
way such a favourite with the emperor that nothing he could ask would
be refused. In this exalted state of his imagination, he passed five
successive inglorious fast days in the greatest transports and joy.
Having fully acquired the victory and glory which he thought necessary
for himself, he began to increase his own abstemiousness and piety in
a corresponding measure; but his fury and malignity for promoting the
purposes of his own heart were in proportion to the good qualities he
had formerly manifested. In short, he exercised violence and cruelty
without restraint. He shed blood, and punished to excess; any one who
was so unhappy as to displease him, however trifling the offence might
have been, was certain of feeling his vengeance, and that was generally
death. Without even the shadow of any rational pretext whatever, he
caused one Alí Aghá, the brother-in-law of the ághá of the palace, to
be strangled. The very day after this deed was committed, he went to
the diván, and caused Tarnákjí Hasan Páshá to be singled out from among
the senators in the diván, and ordered his head to be struck off even
under the sacred roof; but for what crime he suffered death no one
knew. The grand vezír, in fact, was absolute and supreme, and therefore
irresistible.
Hasan Páshá, formerly mentioned, was about this time appointed to the
government of Baghdád, to which he repaired.
Azím Zádeh Effendí relates, what is not at all to be wondered at in
those days of mourning, that this same grand vezír had formed the
design also of numbering among the slain Sáa’tjí Hasan Páshá, who had
been formerly governor of Constantinople, but that he had the good
fortune to make his escape to Trebisond. Háfiz Páshá, the eunuch, who
formerly had been káímakám of the Sublime Porte, was sent by him to
the Seven Towers, and he lay there without the hope of escape. Others
besides these now mentioned felt his resentment, and that too for mere
trifles: for neglecting to shew him the respect he conceived to be due
to him, or if he had any suspicion of their acting contrary to his
views of such things.
About this same time also he began to lay his hand upon the merchants,
and to extort money from them. By the advice of Yázijí Zádeh, he
got the ulemá to extend his powers and privileges, by which means
he exercised oppression and tyranny, cruelty and rapine, in every
direction.
_Other affairs of this period._
On the 11th of Ramazán, Jeráh Mohammed Páshá was appointed to take
the command of the troops who had been ordered to act against the
insurgents; but this appointment was again rescinded on the 25th
following, and Jeghala Zádeh was fixed upon. Khosrú Páshá, who had
been removed from the government of Egypt, was appointed vezír over
the emperor’s private property, and was ordered to take his seat in
the diván; and on the 1st of Dhu’l Kadah, he was appointed to take
the command of the troops who served on the banks of the Danube.
Ferhád Aghá having been deposed from the command of the janissaries,
Kásim Aghá, deputy of the Kapújís, was appointed in his stead. Delí
Hasan, the rebel-chief, who had gone to winter at Karah-hísár, sent
his deputy, Sháh Verdí, to Constantinople, to solicit pardon for all
his past offences, and promising obedience in future. Through the
good offices of the túrnají báshí, who had recommended to employ him
on the frontiers of Romeili, where he might have an opportunity of
manifesting his courage, he was too suddenly received back into favour,
and the country of Bosnia was rashly conferred on him. This same
túrnají báshí accompanied Hasan’s deputy back, and carried with him for
the reconciled chief a drum, a flag, and a robe of honour, which the
government thought proper to send him. After having dispersed his rebel
troops, he passed over to Romeili about the beginning of Dhu’l Kadah,
and got the command of about four hundred men. The above-mentioned
túrnají báshí was also sent with a body of janissaries to the camp of
Mohammed Páshá at Belgrade, who had succeeded to the grand vezír in the
command of the army on the frontiers, and having left Buda, had come to
Belgrade. Here he collected his troops, and waited with some anxiety
for the arrival of the janissaries, whom he expected the túrnají
báshí would bring with him; and also for Delí Hasan. In the month of
Dhu’l Kadah, Núh Páshá, the beglerbeg of Anatolia, who had succeeded
Jeghala Zádeh in the east, and who had been appointed to the government
of Caramania, Sivás, Merœsh, Haleb, and Adna, was appointed to
conduct the war against those rebel chiefs who had continued their
hostility, after Delí Hasan had reconciled himself. But when these
rebels, however, did make peace, the sons of the khán of the Crimea,
Salámet Gheráí, Mohammed Gheráí, and Shaher Gheráí, who had gone over
to them, returned to the court of their brother, the ruling khán, when
their unnatural conduct was pardoned. This took place towards the
end of Dhu’l Hijja. On the 27th of the same month, the emperor was
exceedingly enraged against the royal prince called Mahmúd Sultán,
for some vicious conduct which had manifested itself in him. The true
reason seems to have been this. One of the mesháiekh, or doctors,
entered into a correspondence with Sultán Mahmúd, which flattered him
with the prospect of mounting the Ottoman throne. This correspondence
fell into the hands of the Kizlar Aghá, who informed the emperor of
what was going on. The prince was first seized, then his mother, the
sheikh or doctor, and all the other persons who were any away connected
with the secret. This conduct, on the part of the persons concerned,
awakened, as well it might, the suspicion of the emperor, who deemed
it of so serious nature, that at the end of one month after they had
been apprehended they were made to feel what they had every reason to
dread. Mahmúd was a youth of great bravery and heroism. When at any
time he saw his father in a thoughtful mood about the issue of the
rebellion, which we have lately described, he used to say to him: “Make
me commander-in-chief, and I will soon bring these rebels to submit,
either by the sword or by acts of kindness: the thing is by no means
difficult.” The emperor, however, did not like to hear him express
himself in that way, and therefore prohibited the use of such language.
Among the strange events of this year is the following. Abd-ur-rahmán,
sometimes called Nedázlí, a teacher in an academy in Constantinople,
was apprehended on the 10th Jamadi II., and put to death in the
royal diván on a charge of impiety and atheism. Akhí Zádeh Effendí
the chief-priest of Romeili, and Asa’d Effendí the chief-priest
of Anatolia, were the two judges who condemned the unhappy man.
Asa’d Effendí, in a letter he sent to Tarnákjí Hasan Páshá, says
“he had never met in all his life such another Zendik (sadducee) as
Abd-ur-rahmán. He avowed most thoroughly,” continues Asa’d Effendí,
“his disbelief of the resurrection, heaven and hell, reward and
punishment. I asked him to reply to several texts, and employed many
strong and perspicuous arguments with the view of rescuing him from his
unbelief and depravity, but he would not recant. So great an unbeliever
was he, in his perverted judgment on points on which there can be no
doubt! But neither was he to be considered as an insane person, for
he argued strongly for his own views and mode of belief. There is
no hope whatever of convincing a madman; and this sadducee, when he
was not brought to repentance, deserved to die, and to this doom he
was subjected. If your excellency had been here you would, with your
own hands, have slain him. The world is delivered from his corrupt
opinions, Muselmans from his influence, and the orthodox faith from the
slanders of his tongue.”
_Concerning the operations of the new Commander-in-chief Mohammed
Páshá._
Soon after the grand vezír’s return to Constantinople last year, Lálá
Mohammed Páshá, whom he had left in the supreme command at Buda, was
appointed serdár in his room, or commander-in-chief of the whole of the
Turkish forces on the frontiers.
Lálá Mohammed Páshá, as before hinted, left Buda and came to Belgrade,
whence he issued orders to all the troops to assemble at his
head-quarters. After these orders had been attended to, and the various
troops had accordingly assembled at Belgrade, he found it would be
too late in the year to wait for the arrival of the janissaries, whom
the túrnají báshí was conducting to him from Constantinople, or for
Delí Hasan (lately a powerful and mischievous rebel). In short, the
season had already been far advanced, and therefore Mohammed Páshá
returned towards Buda with the whole of his army. After crossing the
bridge of Usk he encamped at a place called Kúrwah, where he received
a visit from Delí Hasan Páshá, now the beglerbeg of Bosnia. When this
man first came over to Romeili, under the semblance of having returned
to obedience, he still cherished in his heart, notwithstanding this
appearance, his old sentiments of disaffection. For some small offence
which the master of the vessel in which he sailed from Anatolia had
given him, he got into a rage and shot him dead. His conduct at
Adrianople was still more flagrant. He collected there, by violence,
an immense quantity of spoil; robbed the saddler of that place of
all the furniture he had in his premises; laid a heavy contribution
on the inhabitants, and did not leave the place till a certain number
of _yúks_ of money had been given to him. He acted in this tyrannical
way at Philippopolis, Sofia, and other cities through which he passed
with his troops, amounting to ten thousand foot and horse, on his
way to join the commander-in-chief. These troops had a most strange
appearance. Many of them were naked-looking wretches, wearing amulets
and chains about their necks; others of them had camel-bells fixed to
their stirrups, and also wore amulets and chains on their backs; others
were without caps or bonnets, and wore long hair like women, divided
into tresses; others again had no covering for their legs. Each man of
this motley crew carried a sort of spear, having a white flag about two
spans long at the top. Thus arranged and accoutred, they surrounded the
serdár’s tent with their matches burning in their hands, and crooked
daggers stuck in their girdles. After having arranged themselves
properly and being put in right order, the serdár sent one hundred and
forty garments for the better sort amongst them, and cloth for as many
more. Four hundred of them offered to enter the ranks of the serdár;
but he replied he would see about it, and afterwards dismissed this
savage-looking multitude.
His royal highness Ghází Gheráí, khán of the Crimea, who had wintered
at Petcheví, made an excursion into the enemy’s dominions, but had not
been so successful in the enterprize as he at first anticipated. When
the commander-in-chief[11] was on his way from Buda to Belgrade he paid
his royal highness a visit; but on account of some misunderstanding or
other, the khán returned to his own dominions without offering, in any
way, to assist the besieged in Buda, which we lately left under the
command of Mohammed Páshá, afterwards appointed commander-in-chief. The
enemy’s camp, below Pest, was about fifty thousand strong. They had
constructed a bridge across to the island of Chíl, and occupied that
island with the view of preventing boats passing with provisions to
Buda.
When the army under Mohammed Páshá, the commander-in-chief, had taken
up its position in the neighbourhood of the enemy’s camp, the whole
of the enemy’s guns were directed against the Moslems, who, from the
necessity they were under of preparing themselves trenches, were not
in a condition to act on the offensive, or even on the defensive.
The Moslems appeared, even to themselves, to have been in a dilemma
at this time, and did not seem to know how to conduct their military
manœuvres. They were aware, at least some of their leaders were so,
that if they had sent out detachments to harass the country around
Pest, the enemy would not fail to take advantage of this, and come
and attack them when less able to offer them effectual resistance. As
the recovering of Buda was their chief object, they were unwilling to
retire before they had at least supplied it with a sufficient quantity
of provisions, and thus encourage the Budians to maintain their heroic
resistance. The opinions of the warriors, however, were various and
conflictive: one party proposed one thing, another opposed this, and a
third had a new plan altogether. At length, however, now that Yemishjí
Páshá was no more at their head, they resolved on constructing bridges,
and attacking the enemy that had taken possession of the Chíl. This
was talked over and considered. Kúchuk Osmán Aghá, Fedái Beg, ághá of
the salihdárs, some emírs well acquainted with the use of small-arms,
and three thousand segbáns, with ten pieces of cannon, were ordered to
effect a landing on the island during the night, and raise bastions,
mounds, &c. The commander of the segbáns, who acted in the room of the
ághá of the janissaries, came forward, and said that he had ordered
three or four thousand of the common soldiers to this service, as it
was unnecessary, and even improper, he said, to employ the janissaries
in a species of labour which was beneath their rank in the army. These
sentiments did not sound well in the ears of those veterans who thought
otherwise; they said that the success of the undertaking depended
on the janissaries being employed in it. A warm discussion ensued,
and every one gave his own opinion. One party proposed that Serkhúsh
Ibrahím Páshá, cousin to the commander-in-chief, should conduct this
expedition. This was opposed by another party, who proposed that Murád
Páshá, beglerbeg of Romeili, with his provincial troops, should be
sent. This was also rejected; and it is no wonder if the conflicting
opinions which prevailed in the Moslem camp on this occasion should
have proved the means of its utter ruin and destruction. From this very
terrible result, however, they were saved, though at the expense of
many lives.
Dervísh Páshá, who had been deposed from the government of Bosnia, was
finally fixed on to conduct the expedition. On his reaching a bridge
which the Moslems had just constructed for his use, he broke out
into a rage when he saw it, and declared it altogether defective and
dangerous. Mohammed Páshá, when the fact was explained to him, smoothed
him down by telling him it should be, without delay, put into a proper
state. “I need only tell you,” said the serdár, “in order to secure
your services, that the janissaries in Constantinople, in consequence
of their having met with the emperor’s countenance, and that of the
prime minister, have become excessively tyrannical and turbulent. When
you reflect on this, and when you consider that those of the same body
of men amongst us here have manifested a similar spirit, you will not,
I am sure, flinch from the duty assigned you.” This speech had the
desired effect. Dervísh swore that he regarded his own life no more
than he did a draught of water. “My reflection forbids me,” answered
he, with no small degree of generous warmth, “to feel concern about
self, but it demands of me, on the other hand, to be every way alive
to the interests of my government, and to the glory of my religion.
No sacrifice can be too great for either of these.” Thus saying, he
proceeded. By means of boats four or five thousand horse and ten
thousand foot were conveyed across to the above island under covert of
the night.
It is very singular, as well as very remarkable, that at this time
Mohammed Páshá was visited by a sort of deep lethargy, which seemed
extremely alarming; so much so, in fact, that he could not raise his
head, and when he opened his eyes he spoke nonsense. In the meantime
midnight had passed away, and the troops, which had effected a descent
on the island of Chíl, had made no trenches nor erected any bastions.
The segbáns who formed part of the expedition obstinately refused to
open trenches. “We fought on the other side,” said they, “without the
use of trenches, and we will not use them here.” The other janissaries,
however, dug trenches for themselves.
On the morning of the 4th of the month Sefer these unruly troops stood
forth without order, and without any preconcerted plan, just like an
army of locusts; and instead of acting in concert, and under regular
authority, they spread out into small parties, and began to harass and
plunder the country round Pest. They killed a few in these excursions,
and seized a handful of others, with whom they returned to their camp.
The bridge above referred to, though immense labour had been used
in getting it ready, was not as yet fully finished. The enemy, who
had been watching the movements of the Moslems, now put themselves
in motion. They resembled a horde of swine following each other. The
Hungarian cavalry attacked with fury those of the Moslems, and the
bloody contest continued for several hours. It was very awful to see
so many thousands of men in battle-array, some dying on the field and
others drowning in the Danube. An auxiliary force of some hundreds of
Moslems was conveyed over to the aid of their brethren in the island,
whilst the cannon in the camp were made to play on the enemy with some
effect. Dervísh Páshá, who commanded the expedition, was left with
only ten pages around him; but he maintained his ground with matchless
heroism. He tried, though in vain, to rally around him his troops, who
were flying in all directions. Seeing himself abandoned by his men, and
having no hope of succour from any quarter, he rushed in among a body
of the enemy with the few who had remained faithful to him, and died
sword in hand.
In this very disastrous attempt no less than six thousand of the
turbulent segbáns perished. The enemy, on perceiving the advantage
they had gained, advanced their guns to the edge of the river, and
destroyed the bridge which had cost the Moslems so much trouble in
constructing. This was not all. They soon after sent over in boats a
host of troops to the Moslem side of the river, and during the night
effected a number of trenches. They also commenced constructing a
bridge, and every thing seemed to pronounce in favour of the enemy. The
Moslems had met with a severe check, and the enemy was advancing upon
them. For three successive days they remained (_i.e._ the Moslem army)
in a state of apparent inactivity, and the enemy had nearly finished
their new bridge, when, on the fourth day, Delí Hasan Páshá, by order
of the serdár, advanced with his troops to the very edge of the enemy’s
new trenches; but finding it impracticable, from their great depth, to
penetrate them, he returned. He contrived, however, a more effectual
method; this was, to divide his men into two bodies, and cause them
to enter in at the two ends of the trenches. Never was any thing more
decisive. Out of ten thousand of the very best part of the enemy’s
troops, and which had occupied these trenches, only about two hundred
of them escaped the edge of the sword: all the rest perished. The two
hundred who did escape, made towards their boats; but had scarcely
reached the middle of the river, on their return to the Chíl, when
their boats upset and all on board sunk to the bottom.
After these wonderful and auspicious events, the serdár, Mohammed
Páshá, raised his camp and directed his steps towards Buda; but the
enemy, not in the least awed by the heavy loss they had just sustained,
sent another body of several thousands to attack him in the rear. Few
of these returned to their camp. Mohammed Páshá, who had fortunately
received an augmentation of two thousand men from Buda, attacked the
pursuing army from two points, and utterly defeated them. On the 12th
of the month, when engaged in throwing provisions into Buda, the enemy
again advanced, in the hope of thwarting the páshá’s purpose; but they
were met with such vigour, that they were obliged to retrace their
steps as fast as they were able. The enemy now retired upon Pest,
removing, as they advanced on that place, the bridges which they had
constructed on the Danube.
The winter season having set in, the serdár directed his thoughts
towards making arrangements for the better protection of Alba Julia
and Buda. With this view, Hasan Aghá, the túrnají báshí, was left with
a number of troops to watch the movements of the enemy. The válí of
Romeili, Murád Páshá, with his provincials, was left to garrison Buda
itself; and Delí Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Bosnia, was sent to Usk. On
the 14th of Rabia II. the commander-in-chief, with the remainder of
his army, returned to Belgrade, which he reached about the end of the
month. The troops were allowed to retire into winter-quarters, and a
report of the whole of the campaign was sent off to Constantinople.
In the month of Moharrem of this year, Súfí Sinán Páshá was recalled
to Constantinople, and raised to the dignity of vezír. The government
of Shám (Syria) was conferred on Ferhád Aghá, who had been deposed
from the ágháship of the janissaries. Núh Páshá was appointed
commander-in-chief in Anatolia, and Háfiz Ahmed Páshá was recalled from
Kutahia to Constantinople. He arrived there on the 24th of Sefer, and
brought fifteen thousand ducats along with him, which were all seized
by the government. The day after his arrival he went and took his seat
in the diván; but towards the evening of the same day, Kásim Aghá, the
ághá of the janissaries, seized him in his own palace, sealed up his
effects, and conducted him to the Seven Towers, whence, after eighteen
days’ confinement, he was set at liberty, and sent off to his own villa
in the neighbourhood of Mikhalij (Moalich). The whole of his property
in Constantinople was taken possession of in the name of the emperor.
Had it not been for the interposition of the vezír, Hasan Páshá, and
others, he certainly would have been put to death. In the month of
Moharrem, also, Sáa’tjí Hasan Páshá was appointed to the government of
Erzerúm, and was sent away during the severity of the winter by sea
to Tribazond. Núh Páshá, who had been appointed commander-in-chief in
Anatolia over the troops who were to act against the insurgents in
that quarter, was displaced by the grand vezír, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá,
in consequence of an old grudge which he still continued to cherish
against him, and Nesúh Páshá, beglerbeg of Haleb, was appointed in his
room. Nesúh Páshá was a man of great worth, probity, and experience. He
was ordered to go to Larenda, in his native country.
_The grand vezír Yemishjí Hasan Páshá is deposed.—Dies by a violent
death._
The grand vezír, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, took care to appoint skilful
commanders every where on the Turkish frontiers; succeeded in crushing
the sedition which had broken out in the city, and in restoring
tranquillity; tamed the spirit of his factious and turbulent troops,
and took ample vengeance on all his enemies. In short, Hasan Páshá,
the prime minister, was without a rival, and acted with absolute
authority. His success was his ruin. His insolent vapouring pride and
vanity grew to such a height, that even the friendship of those who
were most attached to him was turned into hatred and enmity, and their
esteem into disgust. The reverend mufti, Mustafa Effendí, Mustafa son
of Rázieh, the ághá of the janissaries, Kásim Aghá, besides other
persons of note, began now to cherish an utter aversion towards this
unsufferably proud and haughty vezír. These great men, and others of
their order and rank, ventured, at last, to make a communication of his
tyranny and misrule to the emperor; who, on receiving it, immediately
wrote to the mufti, and others learned in the law, with regard to the
nature of the misconduct charged against his vezír, and requested their
opinion. These great and wise men acted their own part, and the result
was, that both secret and open hostility began to be exercised against
the grand vezír. It was alleged that he had the settled intention of
banishing the queen-mother; that to accomplish this he had secured
the concurrence of the janissaries, by promising to break open the
treasury-chest of St. Sophia, and distributing the money in it amongst
them. Kásim Aghá, to give this story the appearance of veracity,
pretended he was able to substantiate the whole by credible witnesses.
In short, the emperor and his mother were thoroughly persuaded of the
truth of these allegations, and the following assertion had the effect
of strengthening his majesty’s convictions: “If your majesty,” said
his accusers, “were just now to send for the seals of office, he would
refuse to deliver them up.”
One day, when the grand vezír, without entertaining the least suspicion
of what was going on against him, went to Dávud Páshá on a visit to
the emperor, and not finding the ághá of the palace, felt some concern
as to how he might be introduced to his majesty, and therefore sent
in a note intimating he had important communications to make to his
royal ear; instead of having been graciously invited to enter, as he
expected, he was coolly told, he would have an opportunity of laying
his communications before the diván. This cold reception, as well as
the answer which was returned him, he was at no loss to interpret:
he perceived at once a change had taken place in his majesty’s mind
towards him. He waited, therefore, with anxiety for the meeting of
the diván, which took place on the Saturday following. Prior to the
meeting of the diván, however, the ághá of the janissaries wrote a
note to his majesty, which insinuated that there was great danger to
be apprehended from the grand vezír, and that if prompt measures were
not immediately taken with him, a serious tumult would most certainly
ensue. In the diván, he stated the same things at great length, and
concluded by saying, “that if instant precaution was not taken to
thwart the purposes of the proud vezír, the seditious doctrines he had
sown among the janissaries would soon, he was afraid, be felt in all
their mischievous consequences. Try,” continued the ághá, “and require
him to deliver up the seals of his vezírship, and I am willing to
forfeit your majesty’s good-will if the janissaries do not rise to a
man in resistance.” This speech excited his majesty’s anger.
In the meantime, the ketkhodá of the kapújís went to the grand vezír,
and informed him how matters stood, and of the part Kásim Aghá had
acted; and also that the military judges demanded his presence in the
diván. The grand vezír, however, did not think proper to appear in
the diván; but this ághá, bent on ruining him, did not leave a stone
unturned in trying to accomplish his purpose. Towards evening, one
Turk Ahmed Aghá, a kapújí báshí, brought the vezír a written message,
which purported to be from his majesty. On reading this document, he
set off in a sorrowful mood towards the imperial gardens, but contrived
at the same time to send word to those ághás who were his friends, of
the emperor’s purpose to deprive him of his office; and who immediately
went to stir up the janissaries to offer resistance. They assembled
themselves together in a tumultuous manner, hastened to Kásim Aghá’s
gate, and charged him with being the cause of the emperor’s change
of mind towards the grand vezír, shut him up in one of his rooms,
and made his gate fast with locks and bars: thence they proceeded to
the mufti and military judges, and threatened that if they did not
immediately induce the emperor to restore Yemishjí Hasan Páshá to the
premiership they would burn down their dwellings, and shed the blood
of any who should venture to oppose them. They also wrote out their
own sentiments, in order to present them to his majesty, but which
they delayed sending till the following day. After having menaced the
reverend and learned gentleman above-mentioned, they returned to pay
Kásim Aghá a second visit; but he had effected his escape, and had gone
to Jeráh Mohammed Páshá. On not finding Kásim Aghá a prisoner in his
own house as they had left him, the enraged janissaries took the seals
of his ágháship, and conferred them on Turk Ahmed Aghá. The vezírship
they conferred on Sárukjí Mustafa Páshá, who had been governor of Wán;
but the seals of the premiership they meant to confer on Yávuz Alí
Páshá, who was expected from Egypt.
Such were the transactions which took place on the above occasion, and
such the result. The diván, as a matter of prudence, was forbidden to
meet for a week.
On the following morning the infuriated janissaries, with one accord,
proceeded to the emperor’s palace, and demanded with a loud voice that
Yemishjí Hasan Páshá should be reinstated in the premiership. This
demand, however, was only made to the officers and servants of the
palace, but no doubt with the view of their communicating the desire of
the janissaries to the royal ear.
It happened that on that day the reverend mufti, and other spiritual
dignitaries, had gone with their retinue to the royal palace, where
they met the new-made ághá of the janissaries, Turk Ahmed, and whom
they earnestly exhorted to retrace his steps, and not follow irregular
courses. In short, this mode of address made an impression on the
mind of Turk Ahmed, and it seems to have communicated itself to the
rest of the mutineers; for we find the janissaries suddenly changed
their minds, and said, “It is no matter of ours who is at the helm of
affairs: the emperor may appoint whom he pleases.” The unfortunate
grand vezír’s friends among the ketkhodás and chief chávushes, and some
others, still maintained his cause, and continued for a while longer
to persevere in his behalf; but they, too, when they saw that their
perseverance would end in no good in his behalf, followed the example
of the others.
This unsettled state of things continued for the space of ten days,
when ten eunuchs, under the command of the bostán báshí, by supreme
authority suddenly seized on Yemishjí Hasan Páshá in the royal mint,
dragged him forth into the garden of Khundán Aghá, and there despatched
him, leaving his friends and followers to lament over him. Thus ended
the life and activities of Yemishjí Hasan Páshá.
It may not be improper briefly to advert here to the cause of that
enmity which excited Kásim Aghá against the grand vezír, and which had
its origin in the following circumstance.
When Háfiz Ahmed Páshá was sent to the Seven Towers, and his property
seized, that part of it which was not considered fit to be appropriated
to his majesty’s own use was ordered to be sold. Kásim Aghá was the
person appointed to execute this business in the first instance; but
the grand vezír, on the part of the diván, associated with Kásim
the son Poghacha, the third treasurer. The latter, perceiving some
disposition to purloin in the former, withstood him. Kásim, fired with
indignation, said that the emperor had committed to him the sale of the
confiscated property, and asked him, with an air of disdain, by whose
authority he had ventured to mix in matters that did not belong to him.
The other defended himself, and maintained that it was the special
duty of the defterdárs to attend to matters of that kind, and not to
ághás. “Why,” said Kásim, in wrath, “I hope it will be my lot one day
to dispose in this very way of your property, and of the property of
him who sent you hither.” The treasurer, who was not possessed of
superabundant meekness, communicated these unguarded sayings to the
grand vezír, and of course displeased him exceedingly. When Kásim, some
time afterwards, appeared before him, he reproved him for his conduct,
and threatened to be revenged on him. This, then, was the cause of that
hostility and ill will manifested by Kásim Aghá, as above related, and
which also led him to other actions not less vindictive and cruel.
After the murder of the grand vezír had been perpetrated, he not only
got the treasurer, Altí Poghacha’s son deposed, but succeeded also in
keeping him confined in the Seven Towers for a considerable time, and
caused the whole of his property to be confiscated—thus verifying, in
part at least, the truth of his own prediction. Yemishjí Hasan Páshá’s
secretary he caused to be arrested, and made him advance security for
his future conduct. Yáishá Zádeh Hamzah Effendí, the _reïs-ul-ketáb_,
or _reïs-effendí_, was by his means sent to prison, and the whole of
his property would also have been confiscated, had it not been for
the good offices of the ághá of the salihdárs, who interfered in his
behalf. Kátibmim, the secretary to Jeráh Mohammed Páshá, was made
reïs-effendí in room of Hamza Effendí.
This Kásim, though only an ághá, seems to have acted with as much
authority and controul, in fact, as if he had been possessed of
absolute and supreme dominion over the lives and fortunes of men. We
shall hear more of him just now, and still more afterwards.
_Kásim Páshá is made Governor of Constantinople._
In consequence of the káímakám having been afflicted with the gout, he
found himself unable to attend his duty in the diván, and therefore did
not appear there, except on the days on which petitions were presented
to his majesty. Hamza Páshá, the lord high chancellor, acted for him,
and gave him a detail of all such matters as usually came before that
assembly.
One day, however, Kásim Páshá (very lately only an ághá) invented
some means or other of getting the reverend mufti, Mustafa Effendí,
invited to the royal palace, where the emperor conversed with him on
topics of a general nature, and afterwards suddenly adverted to the
case of the afflicted Jeráh Páshá; spoke of the excellent fitness
of Kásim Páshá for the despatch of public affairs, and so forth. It
now began to be circulated abroad that the mufti had said that Jeráh
Páshá, the most laborious and active of all the emperor’s servants,
and the most beloved among the list of vezírs, was, in consequence of
disease, unable to attend to the arduous services which his responsible
situation demanded, or even to be present in the diván. The part which
Hamza Páshá, the lord high chancellor, had acted in the diván, was
mentioned with approbation, and, in words, encouraged; but the affairs
of government, it was said, had become so very great and numerous,
that it was absolutely impossible for him, however willing he might
be, to fulfil the duties of the governor or deputy of Constantinople;
and therefore it was considered more advantageous to the state to
allow Jeráh Páshá to retire, and appoint another able person to the
deputyship. It was urged that Kásim Páshá was a man every way qualified
for the high situation, and on the 8th of Jemadi II. Jeráh was informed
that his further continuance in office was dispensed with, and that
Kásim Páshá was appointed to succeed him.
Kásim Páshá entered on the duties of his high station with zeal and
alacrity, and, along with the mufti, attended incessantly to all the
variety of business which came before him, with the most consummate
skill and prudence. Mustafa Páshá, one of the vezírs, on account of
some impropriety which appeared in his conduct, was sent to Anatolia,
and Kúrd Páshá was appointed to fill his situation in the diván.
The mufti and the new deputy took care, however, to get their own
friends and favourites into comfortable and snug places, by turning
others out.
Yemishjí Hasan Páshá was deposed in the month of Rabia II. and
assassinated in Jemadi II. following of this current year. In
consequence of there having been no vezír in the diván at the death of
the late grand vezír, who was considered worthy of wearing the robes of
the premier, the seals were deposited, in the meantime, in the treasury
of the Soleimáníyeh. Jeráh Páshá, the deputy of Constantinople, and his
successor Kásim Páshá, attended to the duties peculiar to the premier’s
office till a new one was appointed, which was not long after. Yávuz
Alí Páshá having been recalled from the government of Egypt, he
appointed the oldest of the emírs of that province to act as his
deputy, and immediately commenced his journey towards Constantinople.
His near approach to that city was no sooner ascertained, than the
seals of the grand vezírship were sent him by the hands of Kúlí Dilsiz,
a relation of his own. This took place in Jemadi II., about the time
the late grand vezír was assassinated.
_The commencement of a rupture with Persia._
This year, one thousand and twelve, is recognized in the history of the
empire as a year of defection and rebellion. It was this year that the
ungracious Sháh Abbás, the king of Persia, violated his engagements
with the Sublime Porte, by stirring up rebellion and exercising tyranny
and oppression on her frontiers. The governors and commanders on the
frontier provinces had hitherto manifested the strictest obedience
and good government, but now became tyrants through the influence of
Persia. Neglecting the law of God and despising the commands of the
emperor, they began to exercise their tyranny and oppression not only
on the peasantry but even on those in power. In short, the Persians
succeeded amazingly in perverting and corrupting the hitherto faithful
Moslems on the frontiers.
Amongst those who had been thus gained over by one means or other to
the side of the heretical Persians was one Ghází Beg, a descendant of
Sháh Kúlí of Kúrdistán, and governor of Silmás. He and some of his
followers dreading the resentment of the Sublime Porte, wrote letters
to the Persian sháh to take them under his protection, and requested
him to send them aid. The fox-like sháh, however, cunningly put off
granting them their request for some little time, thinking it too early
for bringing about the base designs he had formed against the Osmánlís.
He, however, sent to Ghází Beg, by a hypocritical impure wretch of the
name of Jemshíd, a cap, a sword, and a shawl, flattering him with every
sort of promise of support from the sháh. Ghází Beg, thinking he had
got all he wanted, began to force the people of his government to wear
caps similar to the heretical one which was sent to him, instead of
those they usually wore. In short, Ghází Beg and his associates became
complete heretics and did not scruple to show it.
The people of Tabríz were thrown into a state of great rage and
indignation at this conduct, and determined on making Ghází Beg and
his followers to feel it. They accordingly resolved on calling to
their aid the people of Nakhcheván, a city not far from Tabríz, in
the view of bringing the people of Silmás to an account for their
infidelity and heresy. This mission was committed to the care of the
válí of the province of Tabríz, Alí Páshá, who, along with others who
had accompanied him, no sooner reached Nakhcheván, than they made
known to the citizens the purport of their embassy. Adherence to the
emperor of the Muselmans, on the one hand, and the chastisement of the
apostate sháh, on the other, was the burden of their message and the
subject of consultation. The enlightened vezír, Sheríf Páshá, válí
of Reván (Erivan), in the view of suppressing the rising rebellion
and corruption, wrote to all quarters, exhorting every one to lend
his aid to this good work; but without any good effect. Finding his
exhortations had not been attended to, he ordered his deputy, Osmán
Aghá, to march with a general army against the heretics; but carefully
warned them to show the heretics, in the first instance, forbearance
and compassion. “If they,” said the mild páshá, “abjure their heresy
and return to the bosom of Islamism again, well; if not, then you
must commence a regular war against them.” The troops from Nakhcheván
and those of Tabríz met at a place which had been previously fixed
on; but before proceeding to extremities they, in conformity to the
orders received from the páshá, first despatched a messenger to
recall the heretics in question to their ancient faith. The proud
and haughty apostates, however, were not to be gained over in that
way. They had taken refuge in the fortress called Karní Yáruk, and
from their batteries answered the Moslem messenger with the sound of
cannon and musketry, as a token of defiance. This was enough: the
means of recalling them to the true faith had been employed, but
were contemptuously rejected; it was therefore proper to attempt
their reduction by force. The Moslem and orthodox army accordingly
advanced and environed Karní Yáruk with the view of laying siege to
it, notwithstanding its immense elevation and great strength. With the
utmost care, and avoiding, as well as possible, the showers of bullets
and arrows which were discharged from the ramparts of the garrison,
they succeeded in mounting so far as to place their standard on its
walls. After employing a whole week in scattering fire and death
among the besieged, the author of the evil began to perceive that all
further resistance would be vain, and, therefore, leaving his wife
and child, threw himself over the wall of the garrison, and made the
best of his way to the sháh. His sons and followers maintained their
resistance for a day or two longer, and then proposed to capitulate.
The orthodox permitted them to retire to any place they chose, and
to take the whole of their property along with them; every Osmánlí
having been prohibited, in the strongest manner, laying a finger on
them, or on their goods, which they were allowed to take along with
them. After this fortress and a few others had been reduced under the
Ottoman power, the troops of Nakhcheván and of Tabríz returned to their
respective homes.
_The Sháh of Persia marches upon Tabríz._
After the Kúrd, Ghází Beg, had made his escape from Karní Yáruk, as
above related, he made his way to the court of Persia, at Ispahan,
where he related the dangers he had undergone and escaped, the success
of the Osmánlís, and earnestly and vehemently urged the Persian
monarch to instant and open hostility against the Turks. He represented
the country of the fire-worshippers, especially the principal city in
it, Tabríz, as abounding with wealth, and that the treasury of it at
that moment was full of money. He said, moreover, that the troops were
very few, if any, and that that was a proper time for pillaging it.
This representation of the Kúrd was all that was necessary for
awakening the cupidity of the perverted sháh, who at once resolved
on reducing the whole of that country under his own authority. This
avaricious sháh, regardless of treaty and common faith, thought of
nothing else but how he might succeed in the attempt. Two or three
thousand of his best troops, Mamlúks, were pushed forward from Ispahan
to Tabríz, by means of caravans, a journey of twenty days, but which
these caravans accomplished in nine, such was the mighty haste they had
made. On the 19th of Rabia II. they erected the standard of hostility
in the plains of Tabríz.
A day or two after the appearance of these invaders the treacherous
Zulfekár Khán, and a number of other rebels, to the number of fifteen
thousand, collected together at a village belonging to some súfís, with
the view of intercepting the Tabrízian army returning from Nakhcheván;
and there they proposed to give them battle as soon as they arrived.
The Tabrízian warriors, after having parted with the Nakhchevánís,
began to retrace their steps homewards, and had reached within a
short distance of the very place where their enemies lay encamped,
with the view of intercepting them and cutting them off. Their
commander-in-chief, Alí Páshá, was made aware by letters of the state
of matters, and of the defection which the presence of the Mamlúks had
occasioned. These letters were sent him from some of the emírs on the
frontiers; but to prevent discouragement arising in the minds of the
Tabrízian warriors, and in order to keep them together, he kept the
information he had received to himself, determined to meet the Persian
heretics with his little orthodox band, only fifteen hundred, whatever
might be the number that should oppose him.
On the morning of the 22d of the month last-mentioned, at sun-rise,
the enemy presented themselves in battle array, their unfurled
banners streaming in the air; and such was the majestic but terrific
appearance which this host of heretics showed, that it completely awed
the little band of Tabrízian troops into something like terror. The
sháh of the _red heads_ (_i.e._ of the Persians) put his host, numerous
as ants, into order, and his trumpets began to be sounded. This sight
increased the terror of the Moslems; but they were determined to meet
them, whatever might be the result. They did so, and fought the infidel
host with a bravery altogether unparalleled; the skill and management
they manifested was extraordinary. They scattered death and fury amidst
the odious heretics. By their immense ardour, their hearts burning
bright with the purest zeal, they successfully repulsed the successive
assaults of the cold-hearted heretics, and fairly despoiled them of
their vain-glorious appearance of valour. A noted rebel of the name of
Gholám Alí Oghlí, who had acted in the capacity of a cherkají báshí to
the enemy, and who had manifested great bravery among the heretics,
fell by the hands of the heroic Karah Hasan. When this circumstance
happened, the cowardly and heartless heretics began to give way; they
were evidently disheartened. It so happened, however, that at this time
one Timúrjí Oghlí, a well-known person, but whose principles were more
detestable than even those of the heretics, though he pretended every
thing valorous, went over, nevertheless, to the enemy with a hundred
of his followers; a circumstance, it must be acknowledged, which had a
powerful effect in depressing the hearts of the faithful few.
But soon a fire broke out within them, which not only destroyed every
thorn of doubt, but also burned up all the rubbish of their suspicious
speculations, with regard to the point to be gained, when again,
with redoubled valour, they set their faces firmly to the contest,
and fought with such desperate courage as can hardly be described.
The contest, however, was most unequal: a few hundreds against many
thousands; but yet a most bloody one. Many a sultán’s head remained
bonnetless on the field of battle; many a khán’s family was left
unprotected in this most desperate struggle, which lasted from sun-rise
till mid-day. True it is that the Tabrízians are a most bold, fierce,
and heroic tribe; and yet, notwithstanding these qualities which shone
in them so conspicuously on the above occasion, their caution and
acuteness was such, that only ten or fifteen of them tasted the cup of
martyrdom, a circumstance which seems truly wonderful. It is recorded,
that a man of immense strength, belonging to the Tabrízians, vanquished
by his sword about sixty of the enemy, the greater part of whom he made
thorns and briars for the fire of hell.
The result of the bloody contest we have to record was fatal to the
Tabrízians. The hateful heretics, like a multitude of ants, ran upon
their antagonists and overcame them by dint of numbers. On that
lamentable day, Mohammed Páshá, who had formerly been governor of
Nakhcheván, and the beglerbeg of Akhiska, Khalíl Páshá, after having
blotted out of the book of life many of the red heads, fell martyrs on
the field. Alí Páshá, himself a Tabrízian, the válí of the province,
performed, on the above day, the most incredible acts of bravery
recorded in history. The sháh himself could not help admiring the
heroism which inspired Alí Páshá, and spoke with approbation of the
wonderful feats he performed before him. In short, the sháh himself
declared that had there not been treachery somewhere, the victory would
not have been so easily won. Such of the brave Tabrízians as had not
the good fortune of falling in battle contending with these hateful
heretics were, of course, subjected to a fate which they esteem truly
vile and abject. They were made prisoners.
The city and fortress of Tabríz, about the middle of the first Jemadi,
after a siege of twenty-two days, yielded, on the conditions of their
persons and property being respected. These the heretics promised,
but failed most shamefully in fulfilling them. As soon as they got
possession of Tabríz, they began to plunder and rob the inhabitants
without mercy, made their persons slaves, and furthermore began to
annoy them with the delirium of their heresy. The cazí effendí of
the city, not choosing to submit to heretics, fled the city, and
endeavoured to make his way to Wán, but he was pursued by some of the
red heads, who cruelly murdered him on the road.
The heretical sháh, in addition to all the other enormities he and
his despicable soldiery committed, violated also the chastity of the
females of Tabríz, without ceremony and without compunction.
After Tabríz had fallen into the hands of these heretics, its
inhabitants robbed and made slaves, and the women ravished, the sháh
turned his thoughts towards vanquishing other cities, and accordingly
sent off troops in all directions. The sháh himself determined on the
reduction of Nakhcheván, and therefore made every preparation for
the attempt. Two days were spent in the plains of Tabríz in making
them, during which time the heretics enjoyed themselves in eating and
drinking.
One of those detachments sent out by the sháh was headed by a vile
person of the name of Kesáb Hájí, a noted heretic of Urdúbád, his
native city, and famous from ancient times for its heresy and atheism.
When the Osmánlís first conquered this city, for it was at the time we
are speaking of under the Ottoman dominion, it was wonderfully raised
and exalted by means of the self-evident and convincing doctrines of
the Koran, which were introduced amongst its inhabitants; but the
wicked people, notwithstanding, turned again to their beloved heresy.
Kesáb Hájí, with the troops committed to his charge, marched upon this
city. His thorough acquaintance with the people, and his knowledge of
the country round about, pointed him out as the most fit person for
the undertaking. When this corrupted fellow, and his no less corrupted
soldiery had crossed the river near Urdúbád, and appeared before the
walls of the city, the hypocritical and disaffected inhabitants came
forth to meet them with demonstrations of joy, and hastened to show
them all the honour and respect they were able. As a proof of the
sincerity of their joy they garnished their houses and streets, shaved
their under-beard, and changed the make of their garments. In this way,
and by these means, the city of Urdúbád, or otherwise called Sawed
Kallah, was taken.
For a day or two the Ottoman garrison in the fortress showed some
disposition to maintain the place and respect the honour of the sultán;
but the inhabitants of the country came forward to the aid of the
invaders, and with their assistance the walls were thrown down, the
arms of the garrison and also their property, whatever it was, the
conquerors distributed among themselves, and afterwards gave themselves
up to eating and drinking.
Another, of the name of Cherak Sultán, commanded a second of those
companies or cohorts sent out by the heretical sháh, and was ordered to
attack a village called Gelha, which, with the aid of its inhabitants,
he took without opposition. Mustafa Aghá, who had been sent thither by
the court of Constantinople for the purpose of collecting and managing
grain and fruit, with difficulty escaped with his head.
Several other places were subjected in a similar manner, and the
heretics spared no means whatever in accomplishing their purposes
against the Osmánlís. Information reached Nakhcheván of the success
which had attended the enemy every where, and of the tyranny and
oppression they exercised over the lives and fortunes of those who
had been so unhappy as to fall into their hands. The Nakhchevánís
were greatly distressed, and fear seized them. However, a reverse of
fortune seemed to be awaiting the orthodox believers. Kesáb Hájí,
who had subdued Urdúbád, remained in it as governor and commander in
the name of the sháh of Persia, but his exaltation was not of long
duration. The válí of Reván, Sheríf Páshá, an aged and experienced
general, perceiving the general defection, and that there was no end
to it, was roused to indignation, and determined on endeavouring to
stop the torrent that seemed to threaten the whole of the Osmánlí
dominions in that quarter. He accordingly deputed Mohammed Páshá, son
of Khezer Páshá, to march against Urdúbád with five or six hundred
veterans and surprise its new governor. These veterans, with the speed
of messengers of death, arrived one morning before daylight at the
place of their destination, and, as a visitation from heaven, fell upon
the wretched heretics with such sudden fury and effect, that only a few
of them escaped the edge of the sword. Those of them who did escape
the vengeance of the orthodox Moslems, fled into holes and caves in
the mountains and in the fields and hid themselves. Kesáb Hájí, who
by some means or other had been deprived of his horse, scampered off
from the scene of carnage, and, like a fox, secreted himself in a den,
leaving his associates to struggle the best way they could: but it was
to no purpose; he did not save himself; for one of the veteran Moslems
having perceived him, followed him into his hole, and seized him. His
associate in the government of Urdúbád, one Beyendur, suffered the
death due to his villany and crimes; but Kesáb Hájí himself, though he
was afterwards put to death, had the honour of having a crown of infamy
placed on his head, was dragged by Mohammed Páshá to the residence
of the válí, and along with the whole of the severed heads of the
infidels of Urdúbád, was presented in his presence. The judicious and
experienced válí failed not to pay all due respect to the hero of the
victorious Moslems.
It is worthy of remark, however, that the enemy no sooner came to know
of the movements of the Moslems, in reference to Urdúbád, than they
sent off a considerable force in the view of succouring the heretics in
it, in the event of the Moslems offering to subdue that city. They were
too late, however, to gain their object, and when they heard of its
fate they retraced their steps.
_The capture of Nakhcheván._
The fortress or city of Nakhcheván was a place of no great strength,
having been built of weak materials. Most of its buildings were
made of clay and mortar; its walls low; and ever since the time the
greater part of them were thrown down, provisions have not been very
plentiful in it. But it was near to Reván, and if it happened at any
time to be deprived of the aid of the military, and was in danger from
enemies, Reván formed a near and accessible asylum for their families
and property, and whence they might easily annoy their enemies. Reván
itself was exceedingly strong and well fortified, having abundance of
cannon and provisions within it. A river, like Kokjeh-sú, ran under its
walls, and the country every where around it was fertile. Such at least
was the account of it which its rulers, at that time, sent to the sháh
when they had reason to expect the place was likely to be subjected to
difficulties, and which was conveyed to him by one Mohammed Aghá, an
officer of the páshá.
The heretics, notwithstanding the several checks which they had
received, continued, nevertheless, to make encroachments on the Moslem
frontiers. Nakhcheván fell into their hands, and some other places
also; but though they struggled hard, for three successive days, to
reduce Reván, they were, in the end, obliged to retreat, leaving nearly
two hundred of their number on the field, whilst only six or seven of
the Moslems met their death in the contest.
When the news of the sháh’s perfidious breach of the peace, and of
the disastrous events which followed thereon, reached the court of
Constantinople, the emperor and his ministers were plunged into a
state of the greatest surprise and consternation. The communications
which had announced this unwelcome intelligence were despatched by
Sáa’tjí Hasan Páshá, who had been sent to the government of Erzerúm,
and by Sheríf Páshá, governor of Nakhcheván and Reván. The intelligence
referred to, not only spoke, in particular, of the conquests which the
sháh had gained on the frontiers, and of his having put Alí Páshá,
beglerbeg of Tabríz, in irons; but also depicted, in the strongest and
most explicit manner, that unless a speedy and efficient reinforcement
were afforded the Moslems in Asia, not only Reván but other important
cities would, unquestionably, fall into the hands of the heretics.
Such were the alarming accounts which, at this period, troubled the
Sublime Porte; but they were no sooner received than the káímakám, the
civil and military governor of Constantinople, immediately despatched
an officer to assemble together the mufti, the vezírs and the military
judges, in order to lay these important matters before them. This
council, after having fully considered the various topics which had
been submitted to them, sent a report of their deliberations to his
august majesty, who was pleased to express his approbation of their
resolutions. Sáa’tjí Hasan Páshá was, accordingly, appointed to the
chief command in the east: and whatever number of troops and apparatus
of war he might require for effectually repelling the heretics, were
likewise ordered to be sent to him forthwith. An imperial edict, in
conformity with these resolutions, was immediately issued to the
various commanders in the eastern provinces; but in consequence of the
emperor’s translation to another world, an event which took place soon
after the issuing of the above edict, the preparations in favour of
Sáa’tjí Hasan Páshá were necessarily postponed for awhile.
_Death of Sultán Mohammed Khán, son of Murád Khán._
On the 22d of Jemadi II., as the emperor, Sultán Mohammed Khán, was
returning to his royal palace from some place where he had been, he was
met by an inspired person, at the head of the street which conducted
to his royal mansion, who cried out, that in fifty-six days a very
important event would happen, and then warned his majesty to take care
of himself. This extraordinary and unexpected mode of salutation not
only surprised his august majesty, as well it might, but also the
whole of the citizens. It so happened, that on the 14th of Rajab the
emperor’s constitution became so very much altered and weakened as
altogether to baffle the skill and advice of his medical advisers.
Nothing that they could devise had the least effect in affording him
any relief, and in four days afterwards, on the 18th of the above
month, his triumphant spirit, in the thirty-seventh year and eighth
month of his age, took its flight to the upper world; having reigned
nine years and two months.
Sultán Ahmed Khán, the heir apparent, was declared his father’s
successor, and early on the following morning, the whole of the vezírs,
emírs, and other magnates of the state, assembled in the royal diván to
express their allegiance to the new emperor, and to do him the honours
peculiar on such an occasion. The royal coffin for the deceased monarch
was brought into the court of the palace, where an immense multitude
had collected to hear the funeral service performed by the reverend
mufti, Mustafa Effendí. This ceremony being over, the royal remains
were removed and deposited in a tomb in St. Sophia, near that of Sultán
Selím.
Sultán Mohammed Khán was a prince who possessed rare talents and
acquirements. His manners were grave, and his deportment polite and
dignified, though it had something of severity in it. He was kind,
generous and benevolent, and most attentive to the duties of religion,
but at the same time most strict in the administration of justice. He
uniformly maintained a punctual regard to the appointed or canonical
hours of devotion; and, in short, was a bright example of religion and
piety to the whole of the community. The fame of his virtues, like
those of his exalted progenitors, have all been embalmed in the poetry
of his people.
Of his noble and exalted sons, Sultán Selím entered Paradise on the
3d of Ramazán 1005. The cup of martyrdom was administered to Sultán
Mahmúd on the 27th of Dhúl hijja 1011. _Note._ It has been recorded
that a certain sheikh had announced to Sultán Mohammed Khán, that this
young prince had formed the design of ascending the Ottoman throne,
for which reason his father, as soon as he was made acquainted with
the fact, employed the above sheikh to deprive him of his life. The
prince, however, was innocent of the charge laid against him. He was
buried in the mausoleum allotted to the princes of the blood. Ahmed had
the good fortune of succeeding his father, as we have already noticed,
and Sultán Mustafa chose a retired life, though in the course of his
eventful life he twice became emperor. Sultán Jehángír died in infancy.
_Of learned men._
Ja’fer Effendí died in 982 of the Hijrah; Haider Effendí in 988; Azemí
Effendí in 990; Nováí Effendí in 1003.
_Concerning Grand Vezírs, and other great men._
Sinán Páshá was three times grand vezír, and commander-in-chief of
the troops which had been employed against Yanuk. When returning to
Constantinople he was ordered into exile; and Ferhád Páshá, who was
at that time káímakám, was created grand vezír a second time, and
also commander-in-chief. He was, however, deposed at the time he was
employed in erecting a bridge on the Danube when on his march to
Valachia, and was murdered in 1004. Sinán Páshá was again created grand
vezír in 1003. He went in great haste to chastise the rebel Michael,
but after having surmounted great difficulties in the mud, in which he
was very nearly lost, he returned in disgrace to Rusjuk. Lálá Mohammed
Páshá succeeded Sinán in 1004, but died ten days after his exaltation
to the premiership. Sinán Páshá succeeded a fifth time to the dignity
of grand vezír. It was he who had induced the late emperor to take a
personal share in the war with the infidels of the north. In Shabán
of that same year he took his journey into the eternal world. Sinán
was a native of Arnáúd, or Albania. He was, at the commencement of his
career, a cup-bearer in the court of Selím II., and became successively
military commander in the sanjáks of Malatiyeh, Kostamúní, Gaza, and
Tripoli. He was afterwards made beglerbeg of Erzerúm, then of Haleb,
and then again of Egypt. In consequence of some disturbance which had
taken place in Yemen he was sent thither, though in the seventy-seventh
year of his age, to quell it, which he did most successfully. He was
again sent to Egypt, but was recalled to Constantinople, where he at
once became vezír and head of the admiralty. In 980 he conquered Tunis,
and returned at the time Sultán Murád Khán mounted the throne, and
became one of his vezírs. In his eighty-eighth year he was appointed
to conduct the war against the Persians, and succeeded Ahmed Páshá in
the grand vezírship. In 994 he was governor of Syria. In 997 he was
again in the vezírship. In 999 he was deposed. In 1001 he was a third
time created grand vezír. In 1003-4 he was out, and again in the same
office. He was now very far advanced in age, being beyond ninety, when
he fell ill of a very severe cold he had caught, and died of it on the
5th of Shabán 1004, and was buried near Tevekil Cheshmeh (the fountain
of hope) in his own tomb. He was five times grand vezír and as often
commander-in-chief. One hundred orations were pronounced throughout the
empire in praise of this extraordinary man, who was considered third in
rank to Raslim Páshá and Mohammed Páshá of former days.
Ibrahím Páshá, being second vezír, was raised to the premiership,
and went out to the war. At the taking of Agria in 1005, Jeghala
Zádeh Sinán Páshá was created grand vezír in Ibrahím’s room; but
forty-five days afterwards the latter was made grand vezír a second
time. Khádem Hasan Páshá was created grand vezír in 1006, but was
soon afterwards deposed and murdered. Jeráh Páshá succeeded him in
office. Ibrahím Páshá was called a third time to adorn the office of
premier, and died a short time after the taking of Kaniza. Yemishjí
Hasan Páshá, who had arrived at the lofty preeminence of filling the
offices of grand vezír and commander-in-chief, was, for his obstinacy
and inhumanity, assassinated. Yávuz Alí Páshá, who had been recalled
from the government of Egypt, was, in 1012, raised to the premiership.
Khalíl Páshá was by birth a Bosnian. On his leaving the royal harem
he advanced by degrees to various honours and places of trust, and
at last became grand vezír, and son-in-law to his majesty. He was
succeeded in the deputyship of Constantinople by Ibrahím Páshá, who
was also created second vezír. He died on the 19th of Rajab, and was
buried near Tekelí Tásh, opposite Alí Páshá’s mosque. The eunuch, Háfiz
Ahmed Páshá, was also governor or deputy of Constantinople; and so was
Sáa’tjí Hasan Páshá, but was afterwards degraded. Gúzelcheh Mahmúd
Páshá succeeded to the same high office, but having been implicated in
one of the late tumults, he fled and remained concealed for a while.
He rose again, however, to the dignity of vezír. Hasan Páshá, son of
Sokollí Mohammed Páshá, was shot by a musket-ball at Tokat. He was
válí of Baghdád, and having marched to quell the rebellions which began
to assume a formidable appearance in that quarter, he fell a martyr
by their rebellious hands. The reader may easily recall to his memory
this part of his history as recorded in a former part of this work.
Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, who had conducted the unsuccessful war against
Warad, was assassinated at Belgrade. Mustafa Páshá was the son of
the honourable Rázieh (a lady), and became a vezír of the kubba.[12]
Hájí Ibrahím Páshá having been routed by the rebels in the east, was
deposed, and afterwards died a martyr in Egypt. Tarnákjí Hasan Páshá,
who had been appointed governor of the province of Baghdád, on coming
out from the royal palace after he had paid his respects to the emperor
for the honour he had conferred on him, killed Yemishjí Hasan Páshá,
the late grand vezír.
_Concerning the ulemá, or higher order of ecclesiastics._
Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí Ben Hasanján, tutor or domestic chaplain to the
late emperor, a very reverend judge in all ecclesiastical affairs,
counsellor of state and privy counsellor to his majesty, was raised
to all these high offices during the reign of the late monarch, and
died on the 12th of Rabia II., 1008, whilst employed in celebrating,
in St. Sophia, the service peculiar to his majesty’s nativity. His
remains were conveyed to the mosque erected by Sultán Mohammed, and
were afterwards interred in a select spot in Abúaiyúb. Siná-allah
Effendí performed the funeral ceremony, and his four sons, all of them
ulemá and pillars of religion and of the state, conveyed their father’s
remains to the place of interment. The very reverend Mohammedan father,
Bostán, filled, on two occasions, the office of high priest: he died in
1007. Abdulmomín Mustafa Effendí succeeded Siná-allah Effendí during
the disturbance which had taken place in the affair of Yemishjí Hasan
Páshá, which we have already recorded. He was judge in Anatolia, and
was raised by Yemishjí to the muftiship, but he became afterwards
the cause of his benefactor’s death. Abdulbákí, the famous Turkish
poet, was repeatedly chief judge in Greece, but died whilst out of
office in 1008. Hesám-ud-dín, the son of Karah Chelebí Effendí, was
repeatedly chief judge in Romeili, but died out of office in 1008.
Ahmed-ul-nasárí was descended from Abdullah: he was one of the most
excellent of men. Ibrahím Chelebí has given a very full and complete
exposition of his Multeka al Bahrín.[13] He was more than once chief
judge in Greece; was thence translated into Egypt, and thence again
to the Ka’ba, where he died. Muselleh-ud-dín Bostán Zádeh died after
he had retired from the cazíship of Greece. The very reverend and
learned Bostán Chelebí Zádeh died during his incumbency in Turkey.
The dignified Mustafa Ebn Abú-as-sa’úd-al-omádí was successor to the
last-mentioned, and died in 1008. The respectable Abdul helím died out
of office. Kúsh Yahia Effendí retired from office in 1006, and died the
following year at sea, on his way to Egypt. Many more names might be
added to this list of learned and excellent men, but there would be no
end of them, they are so numerous.
_Of the Mesháiekh, or priests._
Sheikh Muhad ul hamíd wrote a commentary during the time he was
preacher or lecturer in St. Sophia: he was a learned divine. Sheikh
Khezer, the son of a distinguished officer, was a very learned man,
and translated some excellent works. He fell a martyr in the battle of
Agria. Sheikh Shems-ud-dín was a man of such uncommon abstemiousness,
piety, sympathy, and fine feeling, as were not to be imitated. He
exerted himself in the battle of Agria. He translated Imám A’zím’s
system of ethics into Turkish. He is the author of several other
works. Sheikh Mírmírán was very conspicuous for his great temperance
and piety. He was one of those authors who embellished their writings
with drawings. He fell a martyr at the battle of Agria in company with
Beyabáshí Zádeh, and his pure body was not afterwards found. Sheikh
Mahmúd Effendí is noticed in the register of the reign of Murád: he was
a man of great eminence, and was much esteemed by the reigning monarch
in consequence of his political abilities. Sheikh Hasan Effendí was
sheikh in Ibrahím Páshá’s religious establishment: he went on a journey
to Yemen, where he died. Sheikh Váa’z was a man of the first-rate
talents: he was preacher in the mosque of Soleimán; on the days of
assembly he expounded the doctrines of religion to the people, and
immediately after answered and explained difficult questions. He was
strongly opposed to every thing inconsistent with religion, and laid
the severest prohibitions on those who were guilty of transgressing the
precepts of the true faith. Some of the nobles, on account of this very
great strictness, spoke reproachfully of him, and once or twice got him
banished the city; but by the gracious assistance of God he overcame
his enemies, and was again allowed to return to the metropolis.
Sheikh Ismáíl employed himself in the chapel or monastery of Galata
in translating poetry. He left behind him a beautiful paraphrase or
commentary on the Mesnevi, or book of moral doctrines. His seven
published volumes have not escaped the censure of some of the learned;
but it must be acknowledged that he was a man of charming and excellent
qualities. He died in 1012.
Sultán Ahmed Khán ascended the throne of the Ottomans on the 18th of
Rajab, and began his regal authority by a written message to Kásim
Páshá, the káímakám. This written message was folded in a napkin, and
handed to a certain officer, who was desired to deliver it into Kásim’s
own hand. The officer being informed that the message committed to his
charge was a royal one, hastened with all speed, and delivered it to
his excellency the deputy. The deputy, however, found himself unable
to read the communication, and therefore applied to the officer for
information as to the person who sent it. The officer replied that the
ághá of the palace had delivered it to him, and had told him at the
same time it was a royal message. Kásim appeared exceedingly surprised,
and said, the writing wanted the points, and was, therefore, unlike
his majesty’s manner of writing. The letters, continued he, cannot
be deciphered, and of course the meaning cannot be discovered. He
appeared as it were perplexed and confounded at this unaccountable
circumstance, and called Hasan Beg Zádeh to read it to him. Hasan drew
near to the páshá, and read and explained the mysterious document,
which ran thus: “Thou art Kásim Páshá. My father, in the providence
of God, is now no more, and I have ascended the throne of power. You
shall maintain order and good government in the city. If any villany
or wickedness should happen, I shall cut off your head. The conclusion
of the sultán’s words.” Kásim had no sooner heard and understood the
import of the _khati sheríf_, than he became absorbed in grief and
astonishment: so much so, indeed, that many of his friends were led to
think his health was affected; for none, except those in the palace,
knew as yet any thing of the decease of Sultán Mohammed Khán, which
had happened only a few hours before the message had been sent to
Kásim. Kásim, however, thought of a contrivance by which he might know
the utmost of a matter which he had reason to fear presaged no good
to him. Accordingly, he wrote to the ághá of the palace, and stated,
that he, a poor insignificant creature, had just received an imperial
note, the meaning of which, however, he was incapable of discovering.
“Perhaps,” continued the sly and cunning deputy, “it may have been
intended to try us, or it is an intimation that our services are no
longer necessary. In either case, we hope you will have the goodness
to remove our doubts upon the subject.” This note was sent by the same
person who had been the bearer of the imperial edict to himself; and it
was not long before he was called into the chamber of audience, where
he beheld Sultán Ahmed Khán sitting in great splendour on the chair of
state, and who explained to him the meaning of the document which had
alarmed him so much. Kásim Páshá kissed the ground and retired, and the
sultán proceeded to the diván and took his seat on the royal chair. A
messenger was immediately afterwards sent with a note to the mufti,
informing him of what had happened at the palace, and orders were
issued also to the ághá of the artificers to get a royal bier prepared;
the nobles and grandees of the state were invited to assemble. The
servants of the diván, when they saw the preparations that were going
forward, supposed Sultán Mohammed Khán was coming forth, and that all
the arrangements which had been made, and were making, were on his
account. It was no such thing. A throne was erected, but it was not for
him. Their eyes, however, were soon opened to the whole secret. The
mufti, Mustafa Effendí, arrived, and proceeded along under the golden
arch, accompanied by all the vezírs, until he and they reached the foot
of a throne, which had purposely been erected for the occasion. The
young prince, dressed in mourning, advanced towards them and saluted
them; then approached the throne, and desired he might be inaugurated
thereon. The Chávushes immediately raised their voices, and sounded
his praises to the third heaven. Silence being again obtained, the
reverend mufti, the vezírs, and all the other dignitaries, approached
him and congratulated the new emperor. This ceremony ended, the emperor
made his saláms and retired; the throne which had been erected was
removed, and shortly afterwards all the vezírs, ulemá, and great men,
were supplied with black crape for their turbans; but such as were
not furnished with this emblem of sorrow and respect for the deceased
monarch, put black bands on their arms. All now waited without at the
gate of the mansion of felicity for the appearance of the remains of
Sultán Mohammed Khán.
At this time, notwithstanding the delicacy, as well as solemnity, of
the occasion, Kásim Páshá could not hide the ambition which filled his
breast. His eye and heart were on the grand vezírship, and without
incurring the risk of delay, he tried to persuade the reverend mufti to
sound his majesty on this point. The project, however, did not succeed.
The royal remains, after having been put into a coffin, were brought
forth, and the reverend mufti performed the funeral ceremonies,
according to custom. Ahmed, the new emperor, retired within the palace;
and the vezírs and great men accompanied the royal bier to St. Sophia,
where the corpse was interred in the royal sepulchre. Provisions were
distributed amongst the poor and orphans in the city, for the benefit
of the soul of the deceased, and other acts of charity were performed
with the same view.
The ambitious Kásim Páshá sought to ingratiate himself into the favour
of the new emperor, and desired to be called into his presence. His
efforts, however, not only failed, but terminated in a prohibition of
his approaching his sacred majesty on any account whatever. Once more
despair became his companion; he however found courage and confidence
to try his fortune once more. Having neglected or forgotten on the
day of inauguration to show respect to Mustafa Effendí, the emperor’s
spiritual guide, and hearing that he was held in great estimation
by his master, he sent a deputation to him with splendid gifts and
presents, with the view of gaining his good offices in his behalf; but
he was again thwarted. Alí Páshá, _i. e._ Yávuz Alí Páshá, the grand
vezír, who was now in power, and possessed great influence in his
majesty’s counsels, was the person who caused Kásim Páshá’s removal and
banishment from court altogether.
_The arrival of the fleet.—Concerning the grand vezír, Yávuz Alí Páshá._
It so happened that the very day on which his majesty’s inauguration
was performed the royal fleet arrived from the Mediterranean, and the
admiral, Jeghala Zádeh Sinán Páshá, had the honour of kissing the new
emperor’s hand. The admiral, by that imperial command, was decorated
with a robe of honour.
Yávuz Alí Páshá had been recalled from Egypt with the view of being
raised to the premiership; and though the seals of office had been
actually sent to him when it was known that he had arrived in Turkey,
yet he did not reach Constantinople till the 25th of Rajab. On arriving
there he waited on his royal master, and afterwards went to the royal
diván where he took his seat in it. The vezírs and the military
judges also attended, and sat in their respective places. To the new
minister was committed the distribution of the emperor’s munificence
on his exaltation to the throne of his fathers, and he, it must be
observed, brought with him from Egypt two years’ arrears of taxes;
a circumstance, no doubt, which rendered it more easy for him to be
liberal than perhaps he otherwise could have been. Seven hundred
thousand pieces of gold were accordingly taken from the royal treasury,
and sent to the various troops throughout the empire. This fact alone
was a sufficient indication of the wide extent of the pecuniary
resources of the Ottoman government, and may well excite surprise:
but the fact is certain, and Alí Páshá, by whose means this handsome,
but vast sum, was allotted for the use of the military and naval
services, had no sooner made the necessary arrangements respecting its
distribution, than he dressed himself in his ministerial robes, and
went to the palace of Siávush Páshá to hold a council. Hereupon Kásim
Páshá, the káímakám and second vezír, and Kúrd Páshá, third vezír,
by virtue of their offices, entered and took their seats. The result
of the deliberations of the council (at which Alí Páshá, the grand
vezír, presided), was in the passing of some wholesome regulations with
respect to just and equitable government, which materially affected
the iron hand of oppression and tyranny in some quarters. The council,
after having fixed the tariff or tax to be paid to the government, and
settled other points of importance to the due administration of law and
justice, the people were regularly warned to take care not to trespass
on these and similar regulations.
In the beginning of Shabán, the orthodox emperor went in solemn
procession to the tomb of his fathers, and there performed the duty and
showed the respect due to their memory. On the second day of the month
the money which Alí Páshá brought with him from Egypt was transferred
to the imperial treasury. On the same day Mustafa Aghá, the ághá of
the kapú, who was very old and infirm, was removed from office, and
Kor Mohammed Aghá, the ághá of the seraglio, was appointed in his
stead. On the 6th, the mother of the deceased emperor was removed to
the old palace. Abdulrezák Aghá, ághá of the royal palace, was removed
from office, and replaced by Mustafa Aghá. On the 20th his majesty
attended divine service and performed his devotions in the mosque
of Soleimáníyeh; and at night a convivial meeting was held in the
royal palace in honour of the founder of the Moslem faith, with every
demonstration of joy. The same religious ceremony was also observed
throughout other cities. But on the festival day, which soon followed,
the fear of increasing a disorder with which the emperor was afflicted,
prevented his showing himself to the people, a circumstance which
turned their joy into sorrow. He was confined the whole of the day to
his palace, owing to the great pain he suffered, which, however, soon
abated; and he speedily recovered.
_Alí Páshá, grand vezír, is appointed Commander-in-chief over the
troops employed against Hungary, and Jeghala Zádeh is appointed to the
command in the East._
The emperor of Austria continuing to carry on his hostilities in
the north, and Sháh Abbás having unfurled the standard of rebellion
against the Ottoman empire in the east, it was considered absolutely
necessary, in order to support the glory of the empire, to aid in the
most vigorous manner the troops which had been sent to both these
quarters. Accordingly, on the 1st of Ramazán, the grand vezír, Alí
Páshá, was appointed to command the troops employed against the
perverse and wicked Hungarians; and, in three days afterwards, he
relinquished for a while the premiership. The actual kapúdán, or
admiral, Jeghala Zádeh Sinán Páshá, was appointed at the same time to
conduct the Moslem armies against the mixed horde of red-heads (_i.
e._ the Persians). These two military heroes made all due preparations
for their respective expeditions. Jeghala, with the troops appointed
to accompany him from Constantinople, passed over to Scutari on the
15th of Dhu’l hijja. The grand vezír, however, put off his departure
till the commencement of the following year. Hasan Beg Zádeh says
in his history, that it was in a council held in the grand vezír’s
palace that Jeghala Zádeh was appointed to the command of the eastern
troops; but that the grand vezír himself, preferring to remain at the
helm of affairs, wished some one of the other vezírs to be appointed
general against the infidels in the north. He proposed this himself,
and added that he would attend to what was necessary for both armies,
and send them such a supply of men and arms as they might require. This
proposal was not opposed by those who were present on the occasion; but
the mufti hearing of it, declared it to be absolutely necessary that
the grand vezír himself should take the command; and in a subsequent
council, where he was present, maintained that unless the grand vezír
took the command nothing would be done. “Therefore,” said he to his
face, “you must be the person to take the command of the troops in the
north, and setting aside all excuse, you must prepare to set out.” Such
was the bold and intrepid way the mufti addressed him, and at length
persuaded the emperor to issue his firmán accordingly. The grand vezír,
however, tried several methods to rid himself of the appointment; but
finding his efforts unsuccessful, he commenced making arrangements for
the journey which lay before him.
_A variety of changes in the ecclesiastical and military
establishments._
Asa’d Effendí succeeded to the spiritual jurisdiction of Romeili in the
room of the mufti’s son-in-law. On the 22d of Dhu’l hijja, the cazí
of Constantinople, Káfzádeh Feizallah, was degraded, and his office
conferred on Yehiá Effendí. Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Yemen, was
appointed, towards the end of Rajab, to the government of Egypt; and
his deputy, Sinán Ketkhodá, was made beglerbeg of Yemen in his room.
Kásim Páshá, lately deputy or governor of the Sublime Porte, who,
as we have seen, had been anxious to be made grand vezír, was sadly
disappointed in his views. The grand vezírship had been conferred
by his late majesty on Alí Páshá; and however fit Kásim might have
been for holding that high office, yet it could not, without a breach
of faith and the most palpable injustice, be conferred on him. His
conduct, in fact, showed him, in every point of view to have been
wholly unworthy of the high distinction he so ambitiously and so
perseveringly sought. He was, however, appointed to hold some office
in the city of Baghdád, but neglecting to set off for that city he
awakened the displeasure of the grand vezír, who ordered him forthwith
to set out for Scutari. Here again he loitered away his time, and
it was not till the expiration of several months that he was again
forced to proceed. On reaching Yenísheher, he soon began to oppress
and tyrannize over the inhabitants in the most shameful manner, but
this he expiated with his life. We shall have to advert to this man’s
conduct and death when we come to relate the events of the following
year. About the end of Shevál, Mohammed Páshá, son of Sinán Páshá, who
had been removed from the government of Shám (Syria), but had become a
vezír, was created beglerbeg of Caramania. Hájí Ibrahím Páshá, who had
risen from a defterdár to the rank of beglerbeg, was appointed to the
government of Mesir (Egypt); and Mustafa Páshá, son of Rázieh Khán,
was raised to the government of Shám. Ferhád Páshá, who at first had
been only a bostánjí báshí, but was at this time commandant in Shám,
was raised to the beglerbegship of Haleb (Aleppo), and the válí of
Haleb to that of Sivás. All these appointments were effected by the
instrumentality of Alí Páshá, the grand vezír. Evils resulted from some
of those appointments, and there were not wanting a class of persons
who were much dissatisfied. Murád Páshá, the heroic commander in Buda,
was appointed to a special vezírship; and he, with the vezír Hasan
Páshá, who had been válí of Yemen, were recalled to the Sublime Porte.
Súfí Sinán Páshá, on whom the dignity of vezír had been conferred, but
who had not hitherto had the honour of taking his seat in the diván,
was now called on to do so. On the 6th of Dhu’l Kadah, Khoja Ahmed
Aghá, ághá of the janissaries, was degraded, and the second kapújí
báshí, Nukásh Hasan Aghá, was appointed in his stead.
_Some further account of Delí Hasan (brother of Scrivano)._
To a considerable part of this man’s life and conduct we have already
adverted. We have related how he succeeded to the command of the
insurgents whom his brother, Karah Yázijí (Scrivano, literally the
Black Writer) had headed: how he defeated and slew Hasan Páshá at
Tokat. These things are well known; and it is not to be denied, that
it was only when it was found impracticable to overcome him by arms
that the tempting offer of the government of Bosnia made him at least
feign submission. Many were the enormities which this man committed,
and his success was wonderful. When he went to Belgrade, as observed
in a former section of this work, he sent his lieutenant to Bosna
Serái. This deputy, whose name was Kúrd Ketkhodá, had imbibed the
spirit of his superior; for he perpetrated the most dreadful acts of
tyranny and savage oppression throughout the country of Bosnia. So
terrible and so numerous were the base deeds of this execrable fellow,
that the inhabitants determined on resistance. It was not long ere an
opportunity offered for putting their determination into practice.
Having one day seized on a servant belonging to some tanners he put him
in chains, and this so roused the resentment of the inhabitants that
they all rushed towards his palace and set fire to it. One Khulpil, an
apprentice, slew Kúrd Ketkhodá himself, and the whole of his mansion
perished with him. The people of Banialúka also, with one consent,
drove out of their city such of his creatures as were in it.
As to Delí Hasan himself, he appeared at one time worthy of confidence,
and at another the very reverse. Most of the men who had accompanied
him from Asia perished in the late war, and those of them who returned
with him to Bosnia met with no kind reception there. The inhabitants
could not endure the sight of them, and therefore appointed to
themselves a leader from among their own emírs, whose name was Sefer.
They also wrote to the commander-in-chief, Mohammed Páshá, declaring
they were resolved to oppose the tyrants who had come among them; and
they kept their word; but in their first attack on Delí Hasan and his
barbarians they were worsted. However, gaining experience by their
disaster, they were better prepared for a second attempt, in which they
were completely triumphant. They not only defeated the barbarians, but
seized on the whole of Delí Hasan’s baggage. Delí Hasan escaped with
his life with great difficulty by swimming across the deep river which
passes Izvernik, and sent Sháh-verdí, his acting lieutenant, to the
commander-in-chief at Belgrade with a complaint against the Bosnians.
Sháh-verdí, however, never once thought of returning to tell him what
success he had met with. The commander-in-chief, more generous than
his ambassador, sent him an officer to console him, and afterwards
succeeded in persuading the government of Constantinople to appoint him
to the jurisdiction of Temisvar in lieu of that of Bosnia.
_Continuation of the account of the war carried on against the
heretics.—The Sháh reduces Reván._
We come now to relate, that though the sháh’s troops had been repulsed
before Reván in their first attempts against that city, they at last
prevailed. The sháh having again resumed his operations against Reván,
pressed the besieged exceedingly, and afterwards sent a messenger to
the inhabitants, calling upon them to capitulate. The Revánís, however,
were not so disposed, and in their zeal slew the messenger, in order to
convince the sháh how determined they were. The sháh was exasperated at
this, collected his whole force against their city, and redoubled his
efforts; and in consequence of his having succeeded in destroying the
aqueducts which conveyed water under-ground into the city, he by this
means subjected them to a famine of water, a most dreadful privation.
They, however, managed to collect so much of this necessary element
in wells and ditches within the city, as in some measure to assuage
their thirst, and were thus enabled to maintain their defiance of the
enemy. Finding, however, that continued resistance only augmented
their danger; that their resources were daily becoming less, and
that they were wholly cut off from receiving any succour whatever
from the Moslem army, they became totally dispirited. Exertion and
deaths weakened them so much that the enemy at length, by one vigorous
assault, took the city. Many of the Sunnís were made prisoners by the
conquerors, but the greater part of them perished by their swords. Thus
fell Reván, after a siege of seven weeks. At the commencement of the
siege the number of the inhabitants amounted to five or six thousand.
One thousand five hundred of this number died in defence of their city,
and about five hundred were carried off by death. About one half of the
whole became traitors, so that, in fact, only five hundred, at most,
was the whole strength of Reván when it fell into the hands of the
red-heads.
_The Sháh conquers Shirwán._
According to the celebrated historian, Hasan Beg Zádeh, Ketábjí Omar
Páshá succeeded Khádem Hasan Páshá as governor of Shirwán; but he
having been deposed, the government was conferred on Mahmúd Páshá,
son of Jeghala Zádeh Sinán Páshá. Alája Atlú Hasan Páshá, who had
distinguished himself by his bravery and heroism in the wars in
Hungary, being appointed to the government of Erzerúm, sent thither
one Mustafa Chávush, a relation of his wife, a most extraordinary
man, as his deputy, but this man from the severity of his conduct
excited the people of Erzerúm, proverbial for their ferocity, to acts
of violence. They stoned and banished the poor deputy out of the
city, and grasped the whole of his property. The governor himself, on
hearing of these outrages, went to Shirwán, but the inhabitants were
determined that neither he nor his deputy should enter their city; they
however delivered back the things they had seized. Hasan Páshá had no
alternative left him but to send a representation of the case to the
court of Constantinople, whence he received a letter, appointing him
to the government of Shirwán. This new appointment, it would seem, was
made before Mahmúd Páshá, also a vezír’s son, and governor of Shirwán,
was apprized of his having been superseded by Hasan Páshá. Hasan Páshá,
however, having spent about a month before he thought of proceeding to
his new government, died ere he commenced the journey, and Mahmúd was
confirmed in his superiority of Shirwán. It has been said been said
that his death had been occasioned by a poisonous draught administered
to him at a feast at which he had been present.
The Kuzil báshes at this time advanced on Shumakhai and took it, and
shortly afterwards Shirwán met with the same fate. Mohammed Effendí,
who was academical lecturer of Karah Bágh, relates that Sháh Abbás
spared neither young nor old, but subjected all to a general slaughter
with a recklessness not to be described. Mahmúd Páshá happened to be at
Shumakhai when it was attacked, but made his escape to Greece.
_Kars is besieged.—Other acts of hostility by the red-heads._
Hasan Beg Zádeh relates, that when Sháh Abbás had laid siege to Reván,
or shortly after, Sheríf Mohammed Páshá, having obtained the promise of
personal security, went to wait on the sháh, who in the most cowardly
and barbarous manner slew him. It was during the time the sháh was
engaged in reducing the above-mentioned city, that a division of the
Persian army, under the command of Emír Gunah Khán, was sent to reduce
the fortress of Akcha Kalla. Emír Gunah Khán having succeeded in the
taking of Akcha Kalla without fighting a single battle, drove the whole
of the Armenian peasantry in that quarter to Ispahan. The country
around Reván, having fallen into the hands of the enemy, was conferred
on this heretical chief.
After the sháh had accomplished the reduction of Reván, he led his
forces against Kars, and laid siege to it. The warriors of Kars, and
about four hundred Osmánlís, who had escaped thither from Reván, the
greater part of whom were wounded, were animated by such a spirit of
valour as vigorously to resist the invading host. The perverted sháh
was completely enraged; and sent them word, that when he took the place
he would not spare one of them.
Kurus, another place, but of less note, also fell into the hands of the
enemy, but the poor Musselmans who had escaped were surrounded by Gusah
Sefer Páshá, emír of Erzerúm. About this same time also, the enemy
attempted the taking of Akhiska, at least they manifested a disposition
to do so; but God protected it. Karah Kásh Páshá was, at that time,
hákim or governor of Akhiska, and was present in it when this hostile
disposition was manifested. Three hundred Persians, who had advanced
with full purpose of attacking the above place, took up their quarters
in a large dwelling not far from it, in which they gave themselves up
to most shameful actions. Thither they collected the females belonging
to the Armenian peasantry, and carried on with them the most obscene
courses. Their husbands, of course, were enraged at seeing their wives
thus used; and, therefore, secretly sent word to Sefer Sheríf Páshá;
who, without loss of time, attacked them with the few men who had
escaped from Reván. The mode of attack was rather singular: they made
a hole in the roof of the house wherein these voluptuous wretches had
taken up their quarters, and after they had fairly entered it, they
rose up and slew every one of these drunken revellers, who never once
dreamt of the destruction that awaited them. Their heads were severed
from their bodies and sent to Constantinople.
Sheríf Páshá, and also Karah Kásh Páshá, to whom we have been
referring, perished in a defeat which Jeghala Zádeh afterwards
sustained. It is said in the Fezliké, however, that the sháh, after he
had conquered Reván, shewed very great respect to Sheríf Páshá, and
conferred on him the superintendence of the mosques and other religious
establishments; and also that Sheríf Páshá spent the remainder of his
life at Meshhed. About four hundred families who had accepted of offers
which the sháh had made them, were all sent off to Kurus under the
charge of Mohammed Páshá, son of Khezer Páshá.
About this period, Sáa’tjí Hasan Páshá, the beglerbeg of Erzerúm, and
the commander-in-chief of the Turkish forces in the east, died, and
the troops became dispersed; but before we can attend further to the
relation of the affairs of the east, we have to commence the events of
the following year.
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1013, H.
On the 20th of Moharrem, a tremendous earthquake, which happened at
Bassra, effected the demolition of the greater number of houses, both
inside and outside of the city, and under their ruins many thousand
individuals perished.
_The grand vezír, Alí Páshá, sets put for Belgrade._
We have noticed in a former section of this work the great reluctance
the grand vezír, Alí Páshá, had evinced against going to the Hungarian
wars, and how strenuously he had endeavoured to get his appointment as
commander-in-chief over the forces employed on the Hungarian frontiers
countermanded, but to no purpose. All he could do or say had no effect
in altering the determination of the emperor. He was obliged to
proceed. The Bosnian and Romeilian troops, the ághá of the janissaries,
six legions of spáhís, and other divisions of troops were appointed to
accompany the grand vezír. The lord high treasurer, Etmekjí Zádeh, was
also ordered to join the expedition.
The grand vezír, previous to his departure, appointed Súfí Sinán Páshá
his deputy, in room of Háfiz Ahmed Páshá, whom he intended to send to
the government of Bosnia. Háfiz Ahmed Páshá retired into a garden on
the outside of the city, and there remained five or ten days, under the
pretence of waiting for the arrival of camels and mules to enable him
to commence his journey to Bosnia. When the prime minister learned,
however, that Háfiz Ahmed Páshá delayed in the manner he did, he sent
him the most peremptory orders to set out without any further delay.
He intimated, moreover, in a note which he afterwards sent him, that
his obstinacy would force him to be guilty of shedding blood. “If you
will not obey,” said the haughty premier, “I shall come in person
and terminate your existence upon earth.” This intimation was enough
to convince Háfiz that his life was in actual danger, and he now did
all he could to show that he was earnest in obeying the injunctions
which had been laid upon him, though he secretly, at the same time,
endeavoured to thwart the views of the premier.
The grand vezír, Alí Páshá, at length left Constantinople, and with
great pomp and show proceeded to Dávud Páshá, where his tent had been
erected for him. The grandees and nobles of every rank accompanied
the illustrious commander, and showed him every mark of esteem and
respect; and it is certainly true that no vezír ever met with more
honour from any emperor than did Alí Páshá from the reigning monarch.
On the fifth day of the above month his imperial majesty accompanied
the heroic army as far as Halkalú, where he took a view of them from
his lofty palace, and admired the splendid appearance they presented.
The grand vezír, on this occasion, requested his majesty to order the
funds necessary for conducting his army and carrying on the war to be
sent him; but whilst waiting at the above place for the anticipated
ducats, he received a most threatening royal letter, which intimated
to him in the plainest terms, that, if he wished to keep his head on
his shoulders, he must not delay his march one single day longer.
The grand vezír, compelled to activity, was making arrangements the
following day for complying with the threatening intimation which had
been sent him, when it began to be rumoured that the bostánjí báshí
had been sent by royal orders to call Háfiz Ahmed Páshá to court,
and that he was appointed by royal commission to the káímakámship of
Constantinople. Súfí Sinán Páshá, who had been appointed to this high
office by the grand vezír, as before observed, had actually entered on
the duties of the deputyship, and had done the customary obeisance to
the emperor after his appointment: such, indeed, was the fact. On the
Friday of that week, as Háfiz Ahmed Páshá was performing his devotions,
the royal commission appointing him to the deputyship of Constantinople
reached him. He accordingly without delay repaired to his own palace,
and ordered the diván to meet on the following day. He also sent his
saláms (compliments) to Súfí Sinán Páshá, and with the view of making
him acquainted with the change his majesty had thought proper to
make, desired him likewise to attend. Súfí Sinán, when he saw Háfiz’s
messenger, thought, at first, he was come from Alí Páshá, and asked him
if the grand vezír had sent him. “No,” said the officer, “it was Háfiz
Ahmed Páshá.” “Am I to understand by this message,” asked Súfí Sinán,
with some degree of surprise, “that Háfiz is appointed káímakám?” The
officer answered in the affirmative. Súfí Sinán, on having his doubts
solved, rose up and went to congratulate Háfiz on his appointment, as
if he had been altogether a neutral person, and in no way affected by
the change.
Early next morning, Háfiz Ahmed Páshá went to the diván, where he
caused several propositions to be drawn up in reference to the two holy
cities, Mecca and Medina, which were afterwards read in the presence of
his majesty. Before the members of the diván had dismissed, however,
he caused another paper to be drawn out, wherein he asked permission
to go and see the grand vezír. This paper he folded up with the other
papers relative to Mecca and Medina, and laid them before the throne;
returned to his own palace, he ordered his horse to be in readiness,
as he meant, he said, to set out on a journey to Chatálijeh, a
considerable distance from Constantinople. The distance however, on the
one hand, and the heat of the weather on the other, he considered were
so great that he should be unable to be back in time for the meeting
of the diván on the following day; he therefore gave up all idea of
proceeding, and entering into a secret chamber, commenced talking of
visiting his majesty and the grand vezír. Whilst his domestics were
wondering in themselves what he would next take into his head, an
officer from the emperor’s chaplain arrived, and advised the páshá not
to go to the vezír. “There was no need for it,” he said; “besides the
grand vezír was a furious man, and might offer him some disrespect.”
Such was the import of the officer’s advice, which he had been desired
to communicate by his master to Háfiz. However, Háfiz was successful in
another way, which was this: One Kullili Dilsiz soon afterwards called
on Háfiz, and told him that he was carrying letters to the grand vezír
from the emperor, which had some reference to him, and advised him
to take an opportunity of following him. He did so; had an interview
with the grand vezír at Chatálijeh; and returned in time sufficient to
attend the diván the following morning.
It has been conjectured that the grand vezír (now called the serdár
or commander-in-chief), on his arrival at Adrianople, had removed
Abulmeymín Mustafa Effendí from the office of the high priesthood, and
had appointed Siná allah Effendí in his stead. His removal was entirely
owing to the enmity and preconcerted measures of the late Kásim Páshá,
and the emperor’s chaplain.
Alí Páshá, the serdár or commander-in-chief, continued his march
towards Belgrade; but a disease with which he had been afflicted was
so very much increased by the late unhappy events which had distressed
him, that his health declined considerably. The vexation he endured in
consequence of the instalment of Háfiz Ahmed Páshá into the deputyship,
preyed so much on his spirits that by the time he reached Sophia, he
was unable to take food or nourishment of any kind. He became worse and
worse at every succeeding stage, and had scarcely reached Belgrade,
and saluted Mohammed Páshá, the acting commander-in-chief, when he
gave up the ghost. His death took place on the 28th of the month
Sefer. Such is the history and end of Alí Yávuz Páshá grand vezír and
commander-in-chief.
We must now advert to the history of the other commander-in-chief,
Jeghala Zádeh Sinán Páshá, who was appointed to conduct the Moslem army
against the Persians.
Jeghala Sinán Páshá was the oldest of all the beglerbegs when he
was appointed to the chief command in the east: he was once, for a
short time, grand vezír; afterwards válí of Syria; and lastly lord
high admiral of the Ottoman fleet. This office he held at the moment
when the government had fixed on him for taking the command of the
forces employed against the Persians. He was, therefore, a person who
was acquainted with the art of war, both by sea and land. It was in
consequence of the high reputation which he had acquired, and of the
knowledge which he possessed of the countries of the east, and in which
he himself had served, that the late grand vezír had requested his
appointment.
On the 16th of Dhu’l hijja he passed over to Scutari, as we have
already observed; and on the 17th he commenced his march with such
troops as were there waiting for him, and which were composed of
various kinds. On reaching Nicomedia (in Bythinia) the feudatory troops
which composed his right wing began to represent that they belonged,
properly, to the army of Romeili, and asked if they were to be paid
wages if they continued in conjunction with the army of Anatolia. A
firmán was immediately issued which assured them that they should. On
arriving on the confines of Erzerúm, he was joined by the followers
of the late Delí Hasan, along with their leader Karah Kásh Ahmed, who
all swore fealty to the Ottoman government, pretending at least to
have repented of their misconduct and rebellion. In a few days more
he was joined by several others, particularly by the beglerbeg of
Erzerúm, Gusháh Sefer (a very brave man, and remarkably well skilled
in horsemanship, who was raised to dignity and honour from the humble
situation of serving in the imperial kitchen) with four thousand men,
well armed, whom he had collected in the greatest haste. The active
Ahmed Páshá, beglerbeg of Wán, with three or four thousand veterans,
met the grand army in the plains of Pas. On the 15th of Jemadi II., the
whole of the Moslem army reached Kurus, when they halted for ten days,
in order to give time for other troops to join the royal standard,
and for the return of Karah Kásh Ahmed, who had been sent out on a
depredatory excursion.
Sháh Abbás, when he heard of the advance of the Osmánlís, removed his
troops from Reván and from Akcha Kalla, where they had been posted, and
retreated. This information had no sooner reached the Moslem camp, than
Sefer Páshá addressed the commander-in-chief for permission to advance
with a party of veterans and intercept the sháh in his retreat. “His
army was comparatively small,” said Sefer, “and if you advance with the
grand army in the ordinary way, to my support, I am not without hopes,
if you agree to my proposal, of being able to bring the sháh bound in
fetters before you.” Such was the heroic language of Sefer Páshá, but
the serdár was deaf to all his entreaties. He pretended to be waiting
for the arrival of Karah Kásh; and even when Karah Kásh did arrive, he
was as far as ever from complying with Sefer Páshá’s proposal. Thus,
by delay and hesitation, the enemy was not only allowed to withdraw to
a greater distance, but had time afforded them for preparing to offer
a more formidable resistance; whilst the grand army by this procedure,
was exposed to greater danger, to more difficulties, and to a less
chance of success.
The commander-in-chief was indeed at length roused to some activity;
but it was only when he perceived the season for warlike operations
fast passing away, without his having gained one single advantage,
that he was thus roused. Without paying any regard to the councils of
Sefer Páshá, which might have been attended with glorious results,
had he allowed himself to be swayed by them, he again commenced his
march in pursuit of the retreating enemy, and even sent letters to
the sháh offering him battle, but the wary sháh paid no regard to
his invitations. By the time the grand army reached Nakhcheván, the
sháh and his army had safely got into the jurisdiction of Tabríz.
The commander-in-chief now saw his error, but it was too late to
correct it; and he was destined, in consequence of his own tardiness
and want of skill, to become more pre-eminently the sport of fortune.
The country round Nakhcheván had been, a little before, the theatre
of rebellion and of devastation; and in consequence of this, the
cities and villages were enduring the greatest calamity from famine,
at the time the Moslem army arrived in Nakhcheván. The serdár, when
he perceived the dismal condition he and his army were in, proposed
marching towards Shirván, where his son, Mahmúd Páshá, was beglerbeg.
The chiefs of the army appeared before the serdár, and told him
he might do what he liked, and take what journey he pleased, but
the heretics were not to be overtaken. It was quite impracticable,
they said, to follow them with a large army; nor would it prove any
advantage, they further observed, to march against Tabríz and lay
siege to it. The season for retiring into winter-quarters was just at
hand, and they therefore thought it would be more prudent to return
to their own country. The serdár was totally averse to this proposal,
and endeavoured to dissuade them from urging this measure. He did so
by representing to them how desirable it was to terminate the campaign
honourably; that there still remained a chance of their succeeding;
and that it would be much more wise, under all circumstances, to take
up their winter-quarters in Gunjah and in Karabágh, than to return to
Turkey before they had accomplished something worthy of their name.
This speech had the desired effect: the troops struck their tents, and
marched forward towards Tabríz. After having passed the river Ars,
and accomplished a few stages, they learned that they were within a
stage or two of coming up with the sháh, who was retreating with all
his might before them. Sefer Páshá, Ahmed Páshá, beglerbeg of Sivás,
and Alasha Atlí Hasan Páshá, earnestly implored the commander-in-chief
to be allowed to proceed with a body of light troops and overtake the
sháh, but he again refused to grant them their request, and maintained
his usual obstinacy. On reaching Wán, he distributed his troops into
different cantonments, but he himself remained at Wán for the winter.
The more discerning of the troops, it must be observed, however,
opposed the serdár, and endeavoured to dissuade him from disbanding
his army, but their efforts were all in vain. They represented to him
that the steps he was about to take were altogether inconsistent
with the general safety; and for a commander-in-chief to winter on
the frontiers, without any army, might be very aptly compared, they
said, “to a head without hands or feet.” Moreover, they maintained
that the thing was altogether unprecedented. The serdár, as we have
already observed, continued inflexible; took up his quarters in Wán,
and conferred the government of the country on Ahmed Páshá. Ahmed Páshá
being indisposed when this appointment took place, the serdár sent his
chief physician to perform the duties of the new governor, and finally
conferred the situation on Alí Páshá.
In the meantime, however, the serdár found means to conciliate the
Kúrdistán chiefs, and called them together to the city of Wán, with the
view of consulting them about his affairs and the state of things in
general. But the sháh no sooner learned that the serdár had dispersed
his army than he collected together his detestable and diabolical
heretics, with the intention of attacking Wán. He accordingly
despatched a division of these atheists towards Wán, whilst he himself,
under cover of the night, followed that division with the whole of his
disposable forces, and took up his position before Wán, but at such a
distance that no cannon could reach him. At daylight on the following
morning the unfortunate and infatuated serdár had his eyes opened to
the very critical and hazardous situation into which his obstinacy had
brought him. He tried to make the best of it he could. He assembled
all the Kurds and others that were in Wán together, and deputed one
Rázieh Zádeh Mustafa to take the command of them. Mustafa and his
troops made a sortie, but they found the heretics too numerous for them
and returned. Khundán Aghá and his two sons were unfortunately taken
prisoners by the Kuzil báshes on the above occasion.
The serdár was now heartily sorry, and well he might, for the steps he
had taken. He repented most sincerely that he had remained at Wán, but
his repentance was too late to avail him. After deeply considering what
method he should take to save his own life, he resolved on trying to
make his escape to Erzerúm. He accordingly took ship at Wán, and landed
at a place called Adaljuwaz. Losing no time at this place, he hastened
with all the speed he could make towards Erzerúm, having been furnished
with horses for his journey by Emír Sháh, the governor and other
officers at Adaljuwaz. On arriving within a short distance of Erzerúm,
the beglerbeg of Erzerúm, Gusah Sefer Páshá, went out to meet him,
taking along with him an equipage more suitable to the dignity of the
commander-in-chief than that with which he had travelled from Adaljuwaz.
The sháh, even after he had heard of the sudden departure of the
serdár, ceased not in his endeavours to reduce the city and fortress of
Wán for the space of forty days, but was at last obliged to raise the
siege, and then marched towards Tabríz and Nakhcheván. On this march,
however, he surrounded an Osmánlí place of strength called Makú; but
all he gained by laying siege to this fortress was only disgrace.
Before concluding this long section it is necessary to observe, in
connection with what we have related with regard to Jeghala Zádeh
Sinán Páshá, the commander-in-chief, that at the time the command of
the forces in the east devolved upon him, or at least not long after
it, Ja’fer Páshá was appointed lord high admiral in room of Jeghala;
and that he sailed for the Mediterranean with sixty galleys. In some
histories it is said, that it was the admiral Kehyah Páshá Zádeh
Mustafa Páshá who was appointed to the deputyship of Constantinople at
the time Alí Páshá and Jeghala Zádeh were made commanders-in-chief.
_Lálá Mohammed Páshá succeeds Alí Páshá in all his offices._
After the death of the grand vezír, Alí Páshá, which event had taken
place at Belgrade almost immediately after his arrival there, as we
have already noticed, a kapújí báshí of the name of Kúrd Mustafa
Páshá, brought accounts, in a sealed packet, to the government of
Constantinople that Alí Páshá was no more. The officer presented them
to the káímakám, Háfiz Páshá, who, however, declined receiving them.
Hereupon the emperor’s chaplain called the officer to the royal palace,
in order that it might be ascertained to whom it belonged to receive
the packet. He complained that Háfiz Páshá refused to have any thing
to do with the packet, though he knew it was an official despatch,
whilst at the same time it was evident that the forces employed against
the Hungarians were in the utmost need of having a commanding general
appointed over them. It would appear, however, that before the accounts
referred to had arrived, Lálá Mohammed Páshá had been raised by royal
appointment to the chief command of the army, but that the commission
had not reached him in sufficient time. He was now raised to the
dignity of grand vezír.
Lálá Mohammed Páshá no sooner found himself raised to the highest
offices which could be conferred on him, than he began with all
imaginable speed to make arrangements for renewing hostilities,
succeeded in taking several Hungarian towns, and afterwards returned
with the body of his army to Buda.
Having formed the design of recovering Osterghún, in order to secure
success as much as possible, he conferred on Bektásh Páshá, of Usk, the
jurisdiction of Buda, appointed him to the advanced guard, which was
composed of three thousand chosen men, and ordered him to march towards
the last-mentioned place.
_The infidels abandon Pest._
A report having been circulated that Lálá Mohammed Páshá, the
celebrated commander of the Moslem army, was advancing on his march
from Belgrade, the infidels who garrisoned Pest, which they had wrested
from the Moslems in consequence of the weakness and pusillanimity of
Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, the former commander-in-chief, fled in the utmost
precipitation, leaving, in fact, the whole of their arms of all kinds
behind them. Such was the panic into which they were thrown by the fame
of Lálá Mohammed Páshá, of whose heroism they had some knowledge. Their
flight was a sufficient proof of the estimation in which they held his
military talents.
When the new serdár, Lálá Mohammed Páshá, heard that the enemy had
abandoned Pest, he crossed the Danube and took possession of it.
The hateful infidels, with the view of totally destroying it, it is
necessary to observe, had left the place exposed to the destructive
effect of several mines which they had prepared for that purpose, and
which, had they not been discovered in sufficient time, would certainly
have buried the whole place, and all that was in it, in ruins.
Fortunately for the inhabitants, as well as for the Moslem troops who
had entered it, a sick soldier, who had been left behind in Pest, had
given a hint to the conquerors of the mines referred to, which were
almost on the point of ignition at the moment they were discovered.
This very remarkable deliverance from so very terrible and inevitable
a ruin was properly and religiously improved by the orthodox faithful
from the highest to the lowest.
The commander-in-chief made arrangements for repairing and fortifying
Pest; also for rebuilding the tower of Ján Kúrturán, and supplied both
places with a sufficient number of troops and a proper quantity of
provisions. The victorious troops of Lálá Mohammed Páshá entered Buda a
little after the commencement of Rabia II., and immediately afterwards
the bridge which had extended between Pest and Buda, but which had
been cut down by the hatchets of the infidels, was again ordered to be
rebuilt according to its former model.
The Moslem veterans were also agreeably surprised to learn that a
similar terror with that which had seized the infidels at Pest, had
also overtaken the infidels at Khutván, and had produced a similar
result. The injuries which the houses of the faithful had sustained
in both places, either by burning or otherwise, were ordered to be
repaired.
_The fortress of Wáj conquered._
The celebrated serdár, Lálá Mohammed Páshá, now proceeded to reduce
Wáj, which for the space of two years had been under the complete sway
of the infidels, and encamped at Eskí Buda (Old Buda), immediately
opposite to Wáj. By means of boats he conveyed across the Danube
his troops, and on the 21st of Jemadi II. Wáj was besieged on all
sides. The infidels in this fortress thinking, however, that they
were about to be visited by retributive justice, put on an appearance
of fortitude, though, as will appear, they were totally overcome by
terror. On the very first night of the siege they contrived secretly
to set fire to a tower and a palanka in the island opposite to Wáj,
took to their boats, and set off, about the middle of the night, for
Osterghún. The Moslems, of course, took possession of Wáj.
_Osterghún is laid siege to._
The victorious Moslems, the terror of whose arms spread dismay among
the infidels, marched upon Osterghún, and on the 23d of Jemadi II.
formed the siege of that place. Every gun and musket throughout the
whole army were put in requisition, and every arrangement was made for
commencing hostilities; but, alas, the constant fall of snow and rain,
the winter season having commenced, rendered it impracticable for the
troops to make any use of trenches, or at least they found it difficult
to stand in them. The truth seems to be, that too much time had been
taken up in repairing and attending to the lately retaken fortresses,
Pest, Khutwán, and Wáj, and also with the rebuilding of the bridge
formerly mentioned, to be able, at so late a period of the year, to
carry on the siege of Osterghún with any great prospect of success.
In consequence of the length of time the Moslems spent unnecessarily
with the fortresses they had retaken, as just observed, the infidels
found ample opportunity to erect tabúrs or fortifications on the
opposite bank of the river, and to extend a bridge from Osterghún
to these fortifications. The whole line of these tabúrs were also
protected by a range of field-pieces, and every thing, in fact,
presented a most formidable appearance. For several successive nights
the enemy rushed forth upon the Moslems, attacked them with the utmost
celerity, and succeeded in killing many of their bravest heroes.
When it was resolved to augment the number of Moslems who were
actually engaged in endeavouring to reduce Osterghún (_i.e._ those
who were immediately engaged in active operations against it), the
janissaries refused to comply, and urgently demanded that the siege
should be raised. The commander-in-chief perceiving himself involved
in difficulties of no ordinary kind, ordered Toktamish Gheráí, the son
of his royal highness Ghází Gheráí, who had that year joined the royal
camp instead of his royal father, to go, with a few thousands of his
Tátárs, along with Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Romeili, and some of his
troops, and scour the country round about, commit all the damage to the
enemy they could, and take what spoil they could find.
The commander-in-chief, after a period of thirty-one days uselessly
spent in endeavouring to reconquer Osterghún, was obliged to raise
the siege and return to Buda. Having made the necessary arrangements
with regard to the garrisons on the frontiers, for protecting the
Ottoman dominions in that quarter, the commander-in-chief set out for
Belgrade, and arrived there on the 3d of Rajab.
The stipulated period of the old pretorian band in Buda for serving
having expired, one thousand of them were again hired, and divided into
four companies.
We have still to add, by way of appendix, what Petcheví says in
reference to the siege of Osterghún, which we have been describing.
“Nukásh Hasan Páshá acted at the above siege,” he says, “as ághá of
the janissaries, but he was so cowardly that he never once showed his
face where he anticipated danger. For this dereliction of duty and
disgraceful pusillanimity, the commander-in-chief deprived him of his
office, and degraded him. He afterwards, however, sent a petition to
the court of Constantinople, requesting to have the judgment of the
serdár reversed, but his petition was regarded with contempt.”
The same historian observes, “that formerly, when Ibrahím Páshá was
commander-in-chief, the Tátárs, emírs, and other great men under his
command, had proposed to exchange Osterghún for Agria; because the
latter was much more distant from Buda than the former, and therefore
not of such importance to the Ottomans.” When Mohammed Ketkhodá, vezír
Murád Páshá, Ahmed Aghá, the khán’s vezír, and Hábel Effendí, the
cazí of Buda, went to the enemy’s camp, as the reader may remember,
with the view of endeavouring to negotiate a peace between the two
belligerent powers, the proposals above-mentioned were the principal
subjects submitted to the consideration of the negotiators; but no
settlement of any kind at that time was agreed to, and things remained
as they had been until this period, when the infidels began to show
a disposition favourable to a cessation of hostilities. Accordingly,
ten counts, ornamented with golden chains, and the great ministers of
state, arrived (probably at Belgrade), and gave their consent to the
propositions above alluded to, and Petcheví Ibrahím Effendí, whose
sentiments we are here quoting, was sent to the Sublime Porte as the
bearer of the propositions for a general pacification. Petcheví, on
arriving at Constantinople, presented his dispatches to the káímakám,
and to the reverend mufti, the venerable Siná-allah Effendí. Siná-allah
Effendí appeared greatly surprised at the nature and import of the
propositions which had been thus submitted; and exclaimed, “that they
were such as could never be agreed to; that they were altogether unfit
to be expressed in words; that they were unworthy of ever having been
thought of,” he therefore rejected them with scorn, and ordered the
officer who had brought them to retrace his steps, and deliver this
answer. The messenger obeyed, and met the commander-in-chief in the
plains of Serim; who having anticipated the result of his mission, and
without allowing him time to tell the message wherewith he was charged,
replied abruptly, “we must bear the disgrace;” and, immediately,
without any further reference to the subject, began to call the
messenger’s attention to the recent appearance of Botchkai, one of the
Transylvanian princes, to whose exploits our attention must now be
turned.
_Concerning Botchkai._
The Germans are of the race of infidels or unbelievers, and a distinct
and peculiar sect of Christians, who are divided among themselves.
The principal chief or head of these different tribes of Christians,
as they may be denominated, has the titles of emperor and Cæsar. The
dukes of Austria and of Hungary are of the race of the emperor. The
Nemcheh, or German nation, having acquired a superiority over the
rest, subverted the whole or most of the fortresses belonging to Ardil
(Transylvania) and Mejár (Hungary), and have all along, ever since,
exercised towards these two tribes every species of oppression and
tyranny. The Hungarian and Transylvanian natives, as well as their
nobles, in consequence of the humiliating and degrading subjection to
which the German tribe had reduced them, were obliged, of course, to
feign submission to their oppressors; but cherished in their minds,
nevertheless, the most unquenchable hatred and enmity. The Germans,
ever since the time they had acquired dominion over these two nations,
manifested the utmost contempt towards them, but especially towards the
former. To the princes and nobles of Mejár (Hungary) they showed less
courtesy and respect than they did to even the vilest and lowest among
themselves, and made them the objects of many indignities and of low
reproach: yet the ancient Hungarians, unlike their degenerate sons,
often repelled the aggressions of their German neighbours with evident
advantages, and maintained many a bloody battle with them.
Things continued much in the same way as we have endeavoured to
describe, till Botchkai, one of the Hungarian princes, a brave and
heroic infidel, called together the branches of his family, to whom
he addressed himself thus: “How long are we patiently to submit to
the reproach, as well as oppression and tyranny, resulting from a
disgraceful subjection to these Germans? Thank God, the Ottoman
emperors have always proved our generous friends. King John took refuge
under the wings of the emperor Soleimán, and the royal dignity was
maintained so long as one of his children and grandchildren remained
to fill the throne of Hungary. Let us follow the heroic example of
our ancestor; and when we are once supported by the strong arm of
the Turks, we shall then be able to take ample vengeance on our
oppressors.” This sentiment Botchkai urged with all the warmth and
zeal he was able to put forth, and his speech had the desired effect.
They unanimously agreed to put themselves under the sheltering power
of the Ottomans; elected Botchkai to the dignity and prerogatives of
a king, and appointed him their commander-in-chief. Immediately, or
at least as soon as they found it convenient, and that was about the
middle of this present year, they wrote letters to the Moslem general,
wherein they made a formal offer to put themselves under the protection
of the Moslem government; that they would be friends to those who
were friendly to it, and enemies to those who were its enemies; that
they agreed to serve the emperor of the Ottomans; and that they were
ready to draw their swords against their German oppressors at his
bidding; and requested, moreover, the serdár, as soon as he knew
their sentiments, to make them known to the Moslem government at
Constantinople.
The court of Constantinople, on being put in possession of the
documents relative to the earnest wishes of the Hungarians, not only
acquiesced in their solicitations, but also sent the most positive
instructions to the commanding general to enter into an immediate
engagement with the petitioners, and to assure them of the aid and
protection of his government. The commanding general lost no time in
communicating to Botchkai and his associates the views of the Sublime
Porte, which had the effect not only of confirming them in their
hatred and enmity towards the Germans, but also of increasing, day
after day, the number of their followers.
_A battle fought between the Germans and the Hungarians._
On the 27th of Jemadi II. these two sorts of infidels (_i.e._ the
Germans and Hungarians) met, and fought a tremendous battle, in which
Botchkai, supported by Ottoman arms, was completely victorious. More
than ten thousand Germans fell on the field of battle, and their heads,
besides a number of prisoners and several standards, he transmitted to
the Moslem royal camp. The Moslem general eulogized the Hungarian hero
for his uncommon bravery, and sent him a sword and a robe of honour as
tokens of his high esteem for him, which, of course, had the effect
of stimulating him in his career to greater deeds of valour. Warad,
which had been wrested from the Hungarians, and which Satúrjí Mohammed
Páshá had endeavoured in vain to reconquer, as before observed, fell
into the hands of Botchkai, who put every infidel German he found in it
to the sword. He dispersed or overcame with immense loss to the enemy
every army the Germans brought to oppose him. He reduced the city and
fortress of Tokay; subdued Wakasha, and took several German provinces;
and in a very short period, the greater portion of Hungary fell under
his dominion. Still bent on further conquest, Botchkai sent a number of
princes he had taken prisoners, and also some splendid presents, to the
Moslem general, accompanied by letters requesting further aid against
the Germans; in compliance with which request, the Moslem commander
ordered four thousand Tátárs under the command of a nephew of Toktamish
Gheráí to accompany Bektásh Páshá, and a portion of the feudatory
troops under him, to his assistance. On the same occasion, or soon
afterwards, a diploma for exercising regal authority over Transylvania,
a robe of honour, some ammunition and standards were also sent him on
the part of the Ottoman government.
The rise and exploits of Botchkai are, however, differently related.
Petcheví says, that the former emír, with whom Botchkai had been
conjoined, was taken prisoner by the infidels, the Germans, but had
made his escape. One day, as he was dressing his garden, Botchkai
began to converse with the ex-emir about the Germans, when the other
replied: “Send me to the Ottoman general, and I promise you I will
bring the whole of the Moslem army to your assistance; and, moreover, I
pledge myself to get you made king of Transylvania.”
The speaker, it may be observed in passing, had himself some thoughts
of throwing off the German yoke some time before this, and it was for a
rumour of this kind which had reached the ear of the emperor of Austria
that he had been imprisoned; but as no sufficient evidence of this his
intention had been produced, he was set at liberty. But to return.
Botchkai replied that the inhabitants of the country were in general
Christians, and would not on that very account humble themselves so
far as to put themselves under the Turks. “Why,” said the ex-emir,
“they did so in the days of Soleimán, and it was well with them. Why
not do it at this time?” After having conversed for some time on this
subject, Botchkai yielded to the advice of his adviser and sent him to
the vezír; who was introduced to his excellency by Mohammed Páshá’s
nephew, at that time interpreter to Bektásh Páshá. He spent a few days
in secret consultation with his excellency, to whom he explained the
object of his mission, and then returned. But it was not till after
three or four such interviews were held and a contract entered into,
that Botchkai unfurled the standard of rebellion against the emperor
of Austria. It was not, moreover, till Botchkai had completely subdued
the whole of the German fortresses on both sides of the river Tise
(Tibiscus), that he came forward to seek that aid from the Muselmans
which, no doubt, had been promised him.
The emperor of Austria was no sooner apprized of Botchkai’s revolt,
than he sent a person of the name of Báshtái Yúrkí with German forces
to chastise the rebel; but the former were totally defeated in the
very first engagement. Botchkai, in the meantime, having received a
reinforcement of Tátár and Temiswar troops from the grand vezír, his
courage was amazingly increased, and he followed up his victory with
rapidity and zeal. Every town and village which owned subjection to
the German despot he exposed to all the horrors of war and rapine, and
returned with immense booty, and joined the Moslem army in the capacity
of a vassal of the Ottoman empire.
The promise which the vezír had made to obtain for him the royalty of
Hungary (not of Transylvania, as before mentioned) he also punctually
fulfilled after he returned to Constantinople, as we shall afterwards
see. Gúzelcheh Mahmúd Páshá, who, in consequence of the part he had
acted in the tumult which had taken place in the affair of Yemishjí
Hasan Páshá, as formerly mentioned, had fled in disguise, and had lived
all this interval in a sort of monastery or cell belonging to some
Súfis, received his majesty’s pardon, was raised to the dignity of his
former vezírship, and afterwards married Ayesha Sultána, the widow
of the late Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, for whom he paid a dowry of four
thousand akchas (pieces of money).
_Concerning the defeat of Kásim Páshá._
We noticed sometime ago, that Kásim Páshá, on the 22d of Rabia
II., had been appointed to the government of Baghdád. We referred
particularly also to his conduct towards Alí Páshá, and to the tyranny
and oppression he had exercised at Scutari. In the neighbourhood of
Brúsa, whither he had gone after leaving, or rather after he was
obliged to leave Scutari, he committed the same kind of shameless
excesses he had been guilty of in other places. Complaints against his
cruelty and tyranny having been laid before the emperor, a bostánjí
báshí was forthwith dispatched with orders to cut him off, but who
was so overawed by the páshá that he had not the resolution to fulfil
his mission. The grand vezír, because he did not obey the order of
government, removed the bostánjí báshí from his office, and appointed
Dervísh Aghá, ketkhodá of the bostánjís, in his stead. This is the same
Dervísh Aghá who afterwards obtained a near access to the emperor’s
ear, and was made páshá for the important services he had rendered
to the state. But to proceed. Kásim Páshá not only escaped the snare
which had been laid for him, and the death he ought to have suffered,
but was actually appointed to the government of Kutahia. Here he also
manifested a spirit of carelessness and indifference, which eventually
entailed upon him the punishment which had formerly been meditated
against him. In order, however, to make sure of this, it was considered
wise to send him a royal letter appointing him to the deputyship of
Constantinople, in room of Háfiz Páshá, and an invitation to him to
return and take possession of that office. Confiding in the royal
letter Kásim returned to Constantinople, and was hardly one day in
office, when he received three royal communications on important
affairs, which, at once, had the effect of clearing away all doubt from
his mind as to his being firmly fixed in the deputyship. This being
the case, as he believed, he that very day appointed his predecessor
Háfiz Páshá, third vezír. Ibrahím Aghá he made master of the horse,
and Mím Ibrahím his remembrancer. About supper-time Chobán Soleimán,
chief of the royal messengers, waited upon the new deputy, and informed
him that on the following morning a council was to be held in the
royal presence; and also that the emperor’s chaplain, the mufti, the
vezírs, and other magnates of the state, had all been invited to
attend. Accordingly, at daybreak next morning Kásim Páshá proceeded
to the diván with great pomp and ceremony. On entering into the royal
presence, and before all who were present, he advanced towards the
emperor and did obeisance. The emperor, without any sort of preamble,
began immediately to question him with respect to his conduct in
neglecting to obey his royal mandates on more occasions than one. Kásim
was confounded, and could find nothing to say in reply: to vindicate
himself was impossible. The emperor then turned to the high-priest
and consulted with him as to the nature of the guilt and crime with
which Kásim stood chargeable, and from which he could in no way clear
himself, when the reverend prelate gave it forth as his verdict,
that Kásim should be put to death. This sentence had scarcely been
pronounced, when, on a signal having been given, in rushed a number of
bostánjís, who instantly severed Kásim Páshá’s head from his body. His
carcass, by imperial orders, was carried in a dray and thrown into a
ditch before the gates of Adrianople. Thus ended the eventful life of
this ambitious and turbulent páshá.
_Sárukjí Mustafa Páshá is made deputy of Constantinople.—Other
promotions take place._
Immediately after Kásim Páshá was dispatched, as we have just now
related, the emperor of sublime dignity and glory turned to Sárukjí
Mustafa Páshá, and appointed him to the deputyship or káímakámship of
Constantinople, saying, in the presence of the whole council, that
if he should be found guilty of any maladministration, he should deal
with him as he had done to him that was lying before him—pointing to
the body of Kásim Páshá—and thus warned him of his danger. After this
solemn address to the new deputy the council broke up, and every one
went to his own house.
The new deputy, Sárukjí Mustafa Páshá, began his administration by
effecting various changes in the different departments of the palace.
Gúrjí Mohammed Páshá, chief eunuch in the royal harem, he raised to
the dignity of third vezír; who, in consequence of this promotion, had
it in his power to advance and befriend his own friends. Dávud Páshá,
chief of the kapújís, and Mustafa Aghá, grand master of the horse,
were, in about a week or two afterwards, exalted to the dignity of
vezírs, and were married to two of Sultán Mohammed Khán’s daughters.
Nukásh Hasan Aghá, who had been deposed from the command of the
janissaries for his pusillanimity, came to Islambol, where his friends
had interested themselves in his favour. He was created beglerbeg
of Romeili, and soon afterwards was raised to the dignity of vezír.
This deputy, amongst his other acts of administration, secured above
a million of money to the royal treasury; and, in fact, every person
wondered at the changes and alterations he had effected.
Towards the end of Jemadi II. a messenger arrived from Egypt, bringing
to the court of Constantinople the sad intelligence that the Egyptian
troops had murdered Hájí Ibrahím Páshá. The eunuch, Gúrjí Mohammed
Páshá, who had lately been raised to the rank of _third_ vezír, was
appointed válí of Egypt in the room of the deceased. The galley in
which the new válí had embarked reached the port of Alexandria in one
week’s time; and after having entered upon the government of Egypt, he
put to death every individual of those who had been in any way involved
in the tumult in which his predecessor had perished. By force of arms
he established peace throughout the whole of his jurisdiction, attended
to the state of the finances, and inspired all ranks with terror.
On the 25th of Rajab the válí of Romeili, Hasan Páshá, was advanced
to the rank of fourth vezír; Hasan Aghá, the brother of Tarnákjí
Páshá, was, in the same month, made commander of the janissaries. The
government of Algiers was conferred on Mustafa Aghá, who had been chief
of the eunuchs in the days of Selím II.
_Sárukjí Mustafa Páshá is murdered.—Súfí Sinán succeeds him._
It was not very long after Sárukjí Mustafa Páshá had entered on the
duties of his office as deputy of Constantinople, when some violence
began to be manifested by the troops on account of the pay which was
due to them. Whilst the lord high treasurer, Mohammed Páshá, son of
Músá Chelebí, was straining every nerve to meet the demands of the
military, some of his enemies had an interview with the emperor’s
chaplain, who lodged accusations with his excellency the deputy against
him. The deputy, not perceiving the evil that was soon to happen to
himself, deposed him and appointed one Háfiz Mahmúd to succeed him; a
man who was every way unfit for so high and important a situation as
that of chief treasurer, and one, too, whom the emperor abhorred. The
deputy’s infatuation did not stop here; he endeavoured, with all his
might, to get Siná-allah Effendí, the reverend mufti, removed from
his spiritual jurisdiction, and to place Mohammed Effendí, the eldest
son of Khojeh, in his stead. The reverend mufti no sooner received
intelligence of the deputy’s manœuvres, than he immediately entered,
with the emperor’s chaplain, into a conspiracy against the life of
Sárukjí Páshá. They used every means they could think of to blacken
his character in the opinion of the emperor, and succeeded but too
well in exciting his displeasure against him. One day, as he went on
some business connected with his office to the royal palace, he was
desired to wait on his majesty; but on his retiring he was seized, an
executioner was called, and in an instant his head was cut off. His
body was thrown into a well in the court of the diván,[14] and Súfí
Sinán Páshá was appointed káímakám in his stead.
Gúzelcheh Mahmúd Páshá, who had been restored to favour and was raised
to a vezírship, again fell under his majesty’s displeasure, and was
degraded. This took place on the 12th of the _first_ Rabia, and Nesúh
Páshá, who had been removed from the government of Aleppo, was
appointed to succeed him in the vezírship, and also to the command
of the army employed in Anatolia in quelling the rebellion in that
quarter. On the 2d of Dhu’l kadah, Nukásh Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of
Romeili, reached the rank and dignity of vezír, and Tarú Hasan Páshá
was confirmed in the above government.
_The emperor goes to hunt.—Sultán Osmán Khán is born._
The emperor, who was exceedingly fond of the chace, went out with his
friends and great men on the 11th of Jemadi II., _i.e._ on the 24th of
Teshrín evel (a Syro-macedonian month, October), to enjoy the pleasures
of the chace in the country round about the gardens of Romeili, in the
vicinity of Constantinople.
During the time the grand sultán was enjoying the pleasures which the
chace afforded him, the ághá of the royal house arrived and announced
to his majesty the joyful intelligence of the birth of a son, which
filled every heart with the sincerest joy. When the young prince
was afterwards named Sultán Osmán, seven days and seven nights were
dedicated, by an imperial firmán, to rejoicings. On the 17th of Shevál,
which was the 26th of Shubat (a Syro-macedonian month corresponding to
February), Sultán Mohammed was also born to him.
_The grand vezír, Lálá Mohammed Páshá, returns to Constantinople._
We lately left Lálá Mohammed Páshá, the reader will remember, at
Belgrade. From this frontier city he was suddenly recalled to court,
and reached the Sublime Porte on the 20th of Ramazán, when his majesty
condescended to show him very many expressions of kindness and respect.
On the 20th of Shabán, Káfzádeh Feizallah Effendí was translated from
the jurisdiction of Anatolia and made military judge of Romeili, being
succeeded in Anatolia by Yehiá Effendí of Constantinople. About the end
of the month of Dhu’l hijja Káfzádeh Effendí, at the request of the
grand vezír, was degraded, and Yehiá Effendí was made military judge
in his room. Kemál Effendí succeeded to the jurisdiction of Anatolia.
Fatimah, the daughter of Sultán Murád Khán, and the widow of Khalíl
Páshá, was contracted in marriage to vezír Murád Páshá, who commanded
on the banks of the Danube, and who was recalled to Constantinople.
_Continuation of the affairs in the East._
The state of matters in the eastern provinces became every day more
desperate. Kalander Oghlí and Karah Seyed, two notorious rebels, laid
waste the whole of the country round Aïdín and Sarúkhán, perpetrating
every excess and committing every evil they were able against the
followers of Mohammed. In one quarter Túyel Khalíl, and one Sachlí
in another, created, by their cruelties, alarm and terror in almost
every district throughout Anatolia. In consequence of these very awful
disasters, inflicted by bands of ruthless barbarians, letters from
all quarters flowed into the government, beseeching it for aid and
protection against these lawless and merciless hordes. The káímakám,
Súfí Sinán Páshá, taking the matter into earnest consideration,
waited one day on his imperial majesty, and insisted with him, in
the most urgent manner, that one of the vezírs should be appointed
commander-in-chief of the army in Anatolia. His majesty, in the
presence of the whole of his nobles, appointed Dávud Páshá, and
urged him to make no delay. Dávud Páshá, however, excused himself,
but afterwards began to make preparations. In the meantime Kejdehán
Alí Páshá, beglerbeg of Anatolia, was ordered to proceed with the
whole of the provincial army of Anatolia, and join Jeghala Zádeh, the
commander-in-chief in the east. He was further ordered to unite in his
march with Nesúh Páshá, who protected the frontiers; and both were
ordered to march together with their respective armies, and overthrow
the rebels, whose excesses were become altogether without limits.
Kejdehán Alí Páshá proceeded according to orders; attached his troops
to those of Nesúh Páshá, and marched together to meet the rebels under
Túyel, who had conquered the greater part of Caramania and Anatolia.
This rebel army they met in the plains of Bolawadin; but the result of
the meeting of these two hostile armies we must defer relating till we
enter on the affairs of the following year, which we shall immediately
commence.
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1014, II.
It having been considered of the last importance to ascertain the
actual state of the Hungarian frontiers, Mohammed Páshá was granted
full power over the troops, and to employ them in any way he thought
proper. It was also the emperor’s declared determination and wish that
Osterghún should be reconquered from the enemy if possible. With this
view Hasan Aghá, Tarnákjí’s brother, and ághá of the janissaries, was
appointed to proceed with a large body of janissaries to Belgrade,
and afterwards join the commander-in-chief at Buda. This body of
troops left Constantinople on the 27th of Dhu’l hijja, and halted at
Dávud Páshá for the purpose of making some further arrangements for
the journey. Abdul Bákí Effendí was appointed treasurer to the army;
Etmekjí Zádeh had been sent to Romeili to collect the taxes; Súfí Sinán
Páshá having been in full power, and deputy of the Sublime Porte, sent
Dávud Páshá to command the garrison of Kostamúní; and Nesúh Páshá
was made commander in Anatolia, and appointed to protect the Ottoman
boundaries in that quarter.
Hasan Aghá, after having remained a week at Dávud Páshá, recommenced
his march towards Belgrade, which place he reached about the latter
end of the month Sefer. Having refreshed his troops and attended to
the other necessary preparations for prosecuting his march to Buda, he
left Belgrade and passed the plains of Zimún for that fortress on the
4th of Rabia II. The whole army assembled at Usk, where a council of
war was held. The commander-in-chief proposed for the consultation of
the counsellors, what measure ought first to be adopted for securing
the desired success? The borderers and several of the chiefs of the
army thought it was by all means most advisable to proceed directly
to Buda and Alba Julia, and check the progress of the enemy in those
quarters, or at least protect them against any assault which the enemy
might threaten. Information had already arrived, they said, which
fully announced the threatening aspect the enemy was assuming with
regard to both these places. The enemy, they were aware, was making
every preparation in Komran for renewing hostilities, and already had
acquired some success. It was their imperative duty, continued the
speakers, to march immediately to Buda and Alba Julia, and protect
these places against the enemy of their country and of their faith.
Such were the arguments employed on one side of the question. Others,
however, opposed them, and argued differently. They, in the weakness
of their judgment, maintained that Buda and Alba Julia were places
of strength, and well furnished with the means of self-defence; so
much so, indeed, they said, that the enemy had given up all hope of
succeeding against them. These two places, the objects of so much
concern and anxiety, therefore, might very well, and without any
danger, they maintained, be left to their own resources. But there is
Mekamúriah, said these trifling advocates. It presented a fine field
for enriching the army: the inhabitants were in a state of quietness,
and no way in a capacity to offer resistance: they were rich. Let,
therefore, the army, reiterated these orators, march into Mekamúriah
without delay.
This motion was vigorously opposed by the opposite party, and many
arguments were adduced to show the danger that would arise if adopted
and acted upon: but the majority of the council was in favour of it;
and for no other reason, but that it promised to satisfy their thirst
for wealth. The commander-in-chief yielded to the majority, ordered the
janissaries to proceed towards Kaniza, not very distant from which lay
the country of Mekamúriah, and resolved on following them, on the next
day, with the body of the grand army acting under his command.
Having given his orders he waited on the venerable cazí who accompanied
the camp, Ahmed Effendí, and informed him of the resolution the council
had adopted, and requested him to give his opinion. The reverend
prelate expressed, in no unmeasured terms, his entire disapprobation of
that resolution. “It is no mark of sound judgment,” said the venerable
man, “to adopt a method which leaves in our rear the enemy watching our
movements, whilst we are pursuing an uncertain object from motives of
ambition. Moreover, it is entirely contrary to the will of the emperor,
who expressly declared that it was his utmost wish that we should, in
the first instance, attempt the reduction of Osterghún. Having had,
therefore, the emperor’s mind on the subject, it is as clear as day
that nothing could be more improper than to pursue the plan which has
been adopted, and, in part, acted upon. If, in prosecuting your present
plan, so much as one village belonging to the Ottoman empire should
fall into the hands of the enemy, you will find yourself at a loss to
give any satisfactory answer when you happen to be interrogated on that
point. I would observe, moreover, that only about eighty days remain
for continuing this campaign, and that should you, in pursuance of the
resolution of the council, follow the course which promises to enrich
the soldiery, no less than twenty or thirty days will be necessary for
this purpose. The soldiery, bent on acquiring spoil, will pay no regard
to your commands when once they are let loose after plunder. They will
become disunited and scattered; neither can you expect that this year
you will ever induce them again to act as a regular military force.
If, in these circumstances, the enemy should commence their hostile
movements, with whom, let me ask you, will you march to meet them? What
preparations can you effect? What aid can you command? Now, however,
that you have time and troops at command, turn your thoughts towards
Osterghún, and endeavour at least to fulfil the emperor’s express
desire. If you attend to this advice, though you should even fail in
the attempt, you are sure to escape reproach.” The clear and cogent
mode of the worthy prelate’s reasoning made a very deep impression
on the mind of the commanding general; in short, he was like one
awakened from sleep. The arguments of the priest carried irresistible
conviction, and the general was no longer in doubt as to the line of
conduct he ought to pursue. He immediately resolved on proceeding to
Buda, countermanded the march of the janissaries, who by that time had
marched a stage on their way towards Kaniza, and made arrangements for
laying siege to Osterghún.
The reverend priest acted in the transactions we have alluded to
without the least fear of blame or reproach. His open and manly
conduct, so utterly void of any thing like hypocrisy, was such as
threw a glory and dignity around his sacred office and character, and
secured him the high approbation of the vezír himself, and all others.
Petcheví relates this account somewhat differently, and Káteb Chelebí,
in his Fezliké, confirms his view of the matter, but it is of no
importance to show wherein the two accounts differ.
The commanding general having resolved, as we have seen, on laying
siege to Osterghún, the army commenced its march towards that place.
The beglerbeg of Bosnia, with the troops under his command, was ordered
forward to Buda. Twenty-five pieces of artillery, thirty thousand
balls, ten thousand talents of gunpowder and other ammunition were
transported in boats towards the place which was soon destined to
become the scene of action and of blood. The spáhís and janissaries,
on reaching the plains of Mehaj, were all furnished with the weapons
peculiar to each, and about the middle of Rabia II. the Moslem camp
was pitched in the vicinity of Osterghún. On the same day, also, on
which they had pitched their tents every disposition for commencing
hostilities was quickly and promptly attended to. On one side of
Osterghún was a high hill whereon stood a considerable castle; and
it being probable that a secret way from it to the city might be
discovered, by which much mischief to the besiegers might be avoided,
Mustafa Páshá, beglerbeg of Buda, was ordered, with a body of troops,
to assault this fortress or castle, called Dipadilin, which he did on
all sides. Jegirdilin, another fortress or castle, in connection with
Osterghún, and with which the Moslems had become well acquainted in a
former siege, was also subjected to the operations of war. Vishégrade,
situate somewhere on the Danube between Osterghún and Wáj, and which
could easily prevent provisions or stores being transported by water
to the aid of the Moslem army, was, after a short siege, allowed to
capitulate. Khádem Khosrú Páshá, the beglerbeg of Bosnia, who commanded
at the siege of Vishégrade, found the garrison was composed of those
Franks whom the Pope had sent in aid of the Germans, as formerly
mentioned, and who had been distributed into the different forts in the
hands of the Austrians. Like their brethren, the Franks at Alba Julia,
they entered voluntarily, and on similar terms, the service of the
grand sultán. At the commencement of the siege their number amounted to
more than a thousand, but most of them perished before they had agreed
to capitulate.
We now return to Dipadilin. Vishégrade having been disposed of in
the way now related, part of Khosrú Páshá’s troops, and the Franks
above-mentioned, were sent to join the troops employed under the
beglerbeg of Buda against Dipadilin. This augmentation of force so
terrified the besieged that they became discouraged; but the hearts
and hands of the Moslems were so mightily strengthened by it, that on
the 6th of Jemadi II., the sixth day of the siege, after the hour of
morning devotions, they fired off three large guns, and all at once
rushed forward to a general assault. It so happened, by the providence
of God, that the morning was very dark and hazy; so much so, indeed,
that objects could hardly be seen at the shortest distance; and thus
the Moslems entered the place before they were discovered. Not only
this place, but, in short, every other between it and Osterghún, in
the short space of this one day, fell into the hands of the Moslem
conquerors. Not one of the infidels in any of these different places
escaped with his life: more than four thousand, it was said, perished.
The count, who commanded in Osterghún, came forth to stimulate and
encourage the infidels to oppose the Moslems, but he never returned:
his body was found among the slain. A number of troops, and a quantity
of provisions and other stores, which had been advancing by the Danube
to the aid of the Moslems, but which, on account of the infidels in
Vishégrade, were hindered from reaching their destination, were at
once, by the fall of that place, allowed to proceed. The troops on
board, having received intimation from the commander who carried on the
siege of Vishégrade, disembarked, took up their quarters in a small
island, attacked those of the enemy who had been employed in menacing
them whenever they offered to sail forward, and slew about two hundred
of them. These and the other troops now joined their brethren who
were set down before Osterghún itself, the downfall of which was the
principal object in the Moslem army’s taking the field this year.
_Osterghún set fire to._
The janissaries having extended their trenches, on one side, to
within a small distance of the city or suburbs, and as the cannon
placed on the hill Dipadilin were kept constantly firing on the city
and fortress, the commanding general, in pressing the siege, ordered
the palanka of the city or suburbs to be set fire to. When the
besieged perceived this palanka on fire many of them rushed forth and
endeavoured to extinguish it, but not one of those who did so ever
returned again.
_The city and fortress taken._
On the 16th of Jemadi II. three successive general assaults were made,
in the last of which the city was taken, and two thousand infidels that
were found in it were immediately dispatched to the flames of hell.
Mustafa Páshá, who had vanquished Dipadilin, was sent to reduce a tower
called the Water Tower; which he did completely. On the 10th day, after
taking possession of the city or suburbs, another assault was announced
to the troops, who prepared for the onset. The enemy’s troops within
the fortress perceiving with what determined perseverance the besiegers
were animated, and fully convinced they should not be able to resist
an assault, if it were attempted, but which they had every reason to
anticipate, they, in this hopeless condition, offered to capitulate.
When this proposal of the besieged was announced to the commanding
general, he sent his confidant Petcheví Ibrahím Effendí,[15] the
person who first informed him of the proposal of the enemy, to settle
the articles of capitulation. These he settled in conformity to
ancient custom. On the 21st of the month, five thousand four hundred
miserable-looking wretches issued forth from the citadel, loaded with
what private property they were able to carry—which they had been
allowed to take with them—were put on board transports, and sent off
to their own infidel country. One of their chief captains, however,
embraced the Moslem religion, and was much caressed and befriended by
the commanding general. All the Franks in Osterghún who followed the
example of their brethren, who had lately entered the service of the
grand sultán, shared the same immunities as those formerly mentioned.
The injuries which Osterghún and Dipadilin had sustained in the siege
were ordered to be forthwith repaired. The noble temple of Osterghún,
which had been desecrated ever since the enemy had entered the city,
and filled with their abominations, was also ordered to be purified;
divine service according to Mohammedan usage was performed in it. A
sufficient garrison was appointed: Petcheví Ibrahím Effendí and two
other officers were sent off for Constantinople with intelligence of
the splendid victory gained over the infidels; and in consideration
of which, each spáhí received two, and each foot soldier one piece
of money. The commanding general, after this distribution of money
among his troops had taken place, directed his course towards Buda and
Belgrade.
There can be no doubt that the fall of Osterghún contributed very
much to induce the court of Vienna to submit, or rather to offer the
conditions which they not long afterwards forwarded to the court of
Constantinople.
_Progress of Botchkai._
Botchkai, of whom we have before spoken, when thoroughly strengthened
and supported by Ottoman forces, nothing withstood him: he was every
where victorious. During the time that the Moslem general was employed
in the reduction of Osterghún, Botchkai formed the design of laying
siege to the fortress of Uivár, and therefore requested to be supplied
with Moslem troops for that purpose. In accordance with this request
Sinán Páshá, the beglerbeg of Agria, the princes of Serim, of Alasha
Hisár, of Semendria, and the prince of Terhalah with a thousand Tátárs
and a body of Circassians, were sent to his assistance. Botchkai
committed the command of his army to an infidel of the name of Humnaí,
a Hungarian prince. Bektásh Páshá, formerly mentioned, was also
engaged in the siege of Uivár. One thousand of the janissaries who
had been engaged in the siege of Osterghún, and a considerable number
of provincial troops, under the Khosrú Páshá, beglerbeg of Bosnia,
were afterwards sent forward to Uivár; over whom, as well as over
those Moslem troops already sent, he was made chief commander. Uivár,
however, though at first it showed some little courage, soon submitted
to Botchkai, who having expressed a desire that it should remain under
his dominion, the commanding general, in conformity with the promise
which had been made to him with regard to making him ruler of Mejár
or Ardil, or both, deputed Teryákí Hasan Páshá to accompany Ahmed
Effendí, the priest of the camp, and formally to install Botchkai in
the possession of Uivár.
About this same period, Teryákí Hasan Páshá was sent with a division
of the Romeilian troops to reduce Besperim and Polatah. The last of
these only he subjected to the Moslem yoke, and afterwards returned
and joined the royal camp in the vicinity of Buda. The beglerbeg of
Buda, Bosniak Mustafa Páshá, in the meantime, was degraded, and his
beglerbegship was conferred on Alí Páshá son of Kází Zádeh, ruler of
Silistria. The jurisdictions or sanjáks of Semendria, of Nicopolis, of
Silistria, of Chormin, and of Wiza, were all put under the guardianship
of the garrison of Buda.
After the fortress, which had been reduced, had been all repaired, the
victorious general made preparations for returning to Belgrade.
_Botchkai pays a visit to the commanding General._
When the grand vezír, Lálá Mohammed Páshá, returned, last year, to
Constantinople, he did not forget to lay before his royal master a
statement of the promise or engagements he, as the organ of the Ottoman
government, had entered into with Botchkai; the result of which was
a splendid crown, valued at three thousand ducats, and, moreover,
richly studded with precious stones, for Botchkai. One Seyed Mohammed
was sent to Botchkai from the commanding general, to inform him of
what was going on in his favour, and to invite him to wait upon him.
The commanding general, who at this time was encamped near Pest, no
sooner heard of the near approach of Botchkai, who, in obedience to
the invitation sent him, was coming to wait on him, than he ordered a
splendid royal pavilion, handsomely adorned with fine curtains, to be
erected for his royal visitor. The whole of the troops were ordered to
stand under arms, and in proper order to receive him. The flooring of
the pavilion was made of precious odoriferous wood or planks; and, in
short, every thing suitable to the dignity of the approaching monarch
was punctually attended to. At length Botchkai, attended by a guard of
ten thousand Hungarians, besides many distinguished princes, arrived
in the Moslem camp, and went immediately to pay his respects to the
commanding general. The splendid and highly valuable crown, above
referred to, was brought forth and placed on his head by the hands of
the general. A richly-ornamented sword was presented him on the same
occasion: and immediately afterwards he was declared to be raised,
by Ottoman imperial munificence, to the sovereignty of Hungary. The
banners and standards, which the Ottoman government condescended to
send him, were presented to him in due form. Botchkai made all due
acknowledgment for the dignity and honour conferred on him, kissed the
commanding general’s hand, and said: “We are now become the emperor’s
servants. Those who are hired with money, serve generally out of fear
of reproach or of punishment; but we, inasmuch as we are favoured
servants, still manifest the most genuine and cheerful obedience.”
Thus, the contract first made with Botchkai was fully ratified and
signed; the field-pieces in the camp were fired in token of joy; great
demonstrations of heartfelt pleasure were every where, throughout
the camp, instituted, and cheerfully observed; and Botchkai, now
created king of Hungary, took leave of his friends and returned to his
newly-acquired dominions.
Botchkai, after he was advanced to the rank and dignity of a sovereign
prince, contributed very much to the welfare of the Moslem religion. So
much so, indeed, that the infidel Germans, who were filled with hatred
against him, when they found it impossible to take him in open battle,
endeavoured by every means they could devise to poison him, which at
last they accomplished.
When tidings of the death of Botchkai reached the Sublime Porte, the
government proceeded to make choice of another of the Transylvanian
princes to succeed him in the sovereignty of Transylvania,[16] and
Batori Ghabor was the one who was elevated to that dignity. The
elevation of Batori Ghabor, as now hinted, had the effect of widening
the breach between Turkey and Austria, but it eventually led to the
latter’s negociating for peace.
The commanding general, who unfortunately became indisposed, remained
a few days in Buda arranging and settling matters with his servants,
appointed the celebrated hero Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Romeili,
commandant of Buda, and set out for Belgrade. On reaching this city, he
paid off the troops, and allowed them to return to their own provinces;
but he himself spent the winter there, where he enjoyed all the
pleasures of life.
The Moslem army, by the assistance of God, achieved this year the
advantages and triumph which they sought. This one campaign brought
them more glory than any one of the preceding twelve. In fact, the
Moslems accomplished more this year than they had done in all the
others put together: so wonderfully successful had they been. The
wealth they had acquired was altogether unprecedented in the history of
their wars with the northern infidels.
The exalted commanding general, after having gone to Belgrade, as
before mentioned, procured double pay for the troops. Petcheví Ibrahím
Effendí was appointed to see the distribution properly attended to.
_Peace is proposed by the Archduke Mathias._
Botchkai, of whom we have had a great deal to say, vexed and distressed
the Austrians to the very utmost; which at last had the effect of
inducing the Archduke Mathias, who was at that time in Vienna, when he
perceived the danger which threatened to subvert from him the whole of
his dominions, to send an embassy to the Moslem commander-in-chief. He
clearly saw that his troops were not able to resist the superior force
of the Ottomans, or withstand the powerful and vigorous hostility of
Botchkai. His only army in Transylvania also was on the very point of
being surrounded. When made aware of all these alarming circumstances,
he sent the embassy alluded to, and, at the same time, informed the
emperor his brother, who was at Prague, the capital of Bohemia, of what
he had done. He stated in his communications to the emperor, that if a
treaty of peace was not agreed upon he should by degrees be stripped
of all his dominions in Hungary. “Part of them would fall,” he said,
“under the Turks, and the rest would be trampled under the feet of
Transylvanian cavalry.” The emperor, well aware that peace was every
way desirable, expressed his approbation of the steps Mathias had taken
to bring about so very requisite an object.
The emperor, however, in conformity to the principles of his vain
religion, applied to the ungracious Pope of Rome for his advice, who
expressed himself altogether hostile to the measure proposed. This
audacious pope[17] had the hardihood and wickedness to write back to
the emperor, desiring him to get his brother to withdraw the proposals
he had made, or if he refused to do so, to kill him. Such was the
advice of the pope.
The emperor informed his brother of the sentiments which his holiness
had expressed, and urged him in the strongest manner to pay implicit
regard to them: assured him, moreover, that it was of much more
consequence to him to have the prince of religion on his side, than any
relative, however near to him; and therefore conjured him to continue
the war. Mathias replied, that it was of the utmost moment to him to
have peace on any terms; that preliminaries had been entered into, and
that he was determined not to recede.
In the meantime Mathias collected what Hungarian and Transylvanian
forces he was able, who, when united with the troops he had sent to
protect his Transylvanian dominions, formed a very considerable army.
With this army he purposed advancing upon Prague, but the death of the
emperor,[18] which happened at this time, put a stop to this warlike
attempt.
The death of the emperor changed the aspect of affairs in relation
to Mathias altogether, and bound him, in consequence of the law of
succession, to respect the unworthy injunctions of the pope. This pope,
to reproach and mortify Mathias for having offered conditions of peace
to the Turks, raised Maximilian, a younger brother, an infidel, to the
imperial dignity, to the exclusion of the lawful heir. It was that very
same Maximilian, who, with his 70,000 infidels, was defeated before
Agria by the heroic Sultán Ahmed Khán; that same Maximilian who hardly
escaped from the scene of action with his life; who, unable to mount
his horse or gird on his sword, fled away on foot; who, preferring a
monastic life, ran off to the pope and entered into a monastery; it
was that very same Maximilian whom the pope, in the plentitude of his
power, and in the bitterness of his wrath, nominated to fill the throne
of the Roman emperors, and whom he sent into Hungary. Mathias, however,
prepared to dispute his pretensions, and with the army he had led, or
had intended to lead against his deceased brother, he stood ready to
meet this Maximilian. But Maximilian’s courage failed him, and Mathias,
without striking a blow, ascended the throne of the Cæsars. Maximilian
being now unable to promote the pope’s purposes, was appointed to the
government of Vienna, and Mathias repaired to Prague, the imperial
city, and commenced the exercise of his imperial prerogatives.
After Maximilian had gone to Vienna, he, in conformity to an agreement
between him and Mathias, who was bent on promoting a treaty of peace,
sent, the year peace was concluded, two hundred thousand dollars
towards fulfilling the stipulations of that treaty, but he was exempted
for the space of twenty years from any farther demands of this kind;
though during each of the three years in which the negociations were
carried on, he sent presents to the commander-in-chief, accompanied by
letters humbly imploring a speedy termination of all hostilities.
_Concerning Jeghala Zádeh’s operations on the confines of Persia._
Notwithstanding the misfortunes which fell, during the events of the
last year, to the lot of Jeghala Zádeh Sinán Páshá, he was this year,
again in a condition to raise his standard in the province of Erzerúm.
He removed his son, Mohammed Páshá, from Shirwán, and placed him in the
government of Diárbeker, whilst that of the former reverted to Ahmed
Páshá, son of Hasan Páshá.
Having heard that the Persians had concentrated their forces at
Tabríz, he pushed forward his army as far as Salamas. This took place
on the 21st of Rabia II. The perverted sháh came to Khúi, where
the advance-army of both sides met; but the Persians, after having
sustained some loss, were obliged to retreat. At Hamla another of
their divisions was completely routed. On the following day, the sháh
divided his army into three divisions on the lake of Tabríz, on the
banks of which his troops had concentrated themselves on the preceding
day. He himself, from motives of security to his own person, took up
his position on a rising ground in the neighbourhood.
In the meantime, Gusah Sefer Páshá, the válí of Erzerúm,
without counsel or advice, and contrary to the orders of the
commander-in-chief, and followed by Tekelí Páshá, beglerbeg of Tabríz,
Rázieh Zádeh, the válí of Sivás, his brother, Akhúyin Ahmed Páshá,
Haider Páshá Zádeh, Alí Páshá, and others, amounting in all to fifteen
beglerbegs, and more than twenty sanják begs, advanced to attack
the advance-guard of the enemy. The commanding officer, it is to be
observed, had actually cautioned them against being too hasty, and
warned them not to be rash in advancing; but this advice was regarded
with contempt by the persons above-mentioned, who, in other respects,
had acted arrogantly and disrespectfully towards the commander-in
chief, and now rushed forward with their respective troops, attacked
the division under the khán, and fought the heretics till the sun
had passed the meridian. Verily, Sefer Páshá, more like a lion or a
tiger, committed the most dreadful havoc among these infidels and
enemies of the faith. The red-heads, finding it impossible to resist
the impetuosity and heroism of this valiant troop, fell back upon
the division under Zulfekár Khán. The heroic Moslems, however, again
rallied their little band together, and attacked this division also.
The combat was most desperate, and continued till near evening, when,
in the utmost confusion and consternation, they retreated upon the
division which the sháh himself commanded, though not actually in
person. Here they made an attempt to stand, but with no better success.
It was now within half-an-hour of sun-set, and so terrible was the fear
which Sefer Páshá had inspired into these heretics that they fled into
the mountains, leaving their whole baggage, and even their commander,
behind them.
After these singular advantages obtained over the Persians, the sháh,
with those who still adhered to him, endeavoured to make his way up a
mountain, but not thinking himself safe there he retreated about half a
stage, where, on a rising ground, surrounded with a thousand terrors,
he pitched his tent.
It turned out, however, that the Kizilbásh army, supported by the
sháh’s body-guard, resolved on attacking the commanding general’s camp,
which, they supposed, was left without any to defend it. But these
dogs were met by a body of janissaries, salihdárs, and others, who
stood ready to receive them, and who, with their arrows and small arms,
drove them back. The contest, however, was obstinate, and maintained
till sun-set, when the despicable wretches, after seeing many of their
number wounded and perishing on the field of battle, fled back to their
encampments. But Sefer Páshá, who was returning from the scene where
he had performed so many and such wonderful exploits, met this horde
as they were flying from the face of the Moslems, who had opposed
and repulsed them just a little before, and fell upon him and his
heroic followers. He and his party, of course, were much fatigued by
their late exertions, which had been crowned with the most singular
success; whilst the enemy, who thus attacked them, were comparatively
fresh, and consequently it was not to be wondered at if they declined
accepting a battle. This they did not altogether avoid, though a number
of them, among whom was Tekelí Páshá, Jelalí Karah Kásh Páshá, and
Kechkár Páshá, with their respective followers, fled to the camp and
escaped; whilst their companions fought till they fell martyrs on the
field. In this bloody contest, Sefer Páshá, the hero of the party, and
whose weapon nothing could resist, was at last wounded, and shortly
afterwards his horse fell with him. Some of the Kizilbáshes seized him
and several other wounded veterans, and dragged them before the sháh,
who ordered some of them to be killed, and to reserve the others. To
Sefer Páshá he said, “if you will submit to me, and join our sect
(_i.e._ the sect of Alí), I shall confer honour upon you.” The firm
Moslem replied, by wishing “a thousand curses to fall upon him and upon
every heretic of his sect.” The prisoner, who was bound to a stake, and
exhibited to the view of the multitude, loaded the heretical sháh with
every species of reproach and contumely, when immediately some of the
vagabond red-heads rushed upon him and slew him. Thus ended this brave
man. It is true that the commanding officer sent more than once to
dissuade him and his rash companions from their precipitate measures,
but it is also true that Sefer Páshá, though a very brave man, was yet
very obstinate and contumacious. Karah Kásh, and some others of his
desperate followers, disregarding all subordination, resolved on being
revenged on their enemies.
It is remarkable, and indeed it is one of the inscrutable ways of
Providence, that those who fell in these various skirmishes were for
the most part those levends or volunteers who had been very lately
engaged in rebellion against the Ottomans. It rarely happened,
throughout the whole of these struggles, that any of the sworn and
paid troops fell. The Moslem army, generally, suffered no injury. But
these levends, in God’s distribution of justice, were made to expiate
their former crimes and villany by making them wash their filth in this
bloody fountain.—But to return.
The carnage to which we have above alluded was put a stop to by
the return of night, when the contending parties were under the
necessity of retiring. The Kizilbáshes, however, retreated, but the
commander-in-chief maintained his ground, or at least he remained where
he was (for it does not appear that he had any personal share in the
actions which had taken place). During the night season the chiefs
and nobles of Kúrdistán came to wait on the commander-in-chief, with
the view of consulting with him as to the circumstances in which they
were then placed, and of the probable result of their movements and
operations; but they were refused admittance, and were told that the
commanding general was fatigued and could not see them. The chiefs
returned to their own camp; but it soon began to be circulated that
the commanding general had fled, and therefore the Kurds, when they
heard this, struck their tents, and were on the eve of retiring, when
Karah Kásh struck his tents also. The rest of these auxiliary native
troops followed the example set before them, and the whole body of
them set out for Wán. Jánbulát Zádeh Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Aleppo,
was returning from the field of battle, where he had also been engaged
the day before, when he met these fugitives, who informed him, though
falsely, that the power of the commander-in-chief was completely
broken. Believing that what they had assured him of was true, he
returned; but learning afterwards that he had been deceived by them, he
directed his steps towards the Moslem camp. To prevent, if possible,
these fugitives occasioning any loss to the Moslem army, he from these
disinterested views changed his mind, joined them, and went to Wán
along with them.
The commander-in-chief collected, in the meantime, the whole of the
troops who had remained with him in the camp, gave them all the
cheering encouragement he was able, put them in regular order, and
led them to the outside of the camp. On turning his eye towards the
place which the enemy had occupied the day before, he could perceive
no movement whatever that indicated their presence there. Whilst he
and his army stood in amazement, and wondering what the result of so
unexpected an occurrence might be, they were summoned to activity
by Kechkár Páshá, beglerbeg of Wán, who asked them to what purpose
they were standing and gazing; when immediately the report, that the
Kizilbáshes had come and taken away their cannon, was sounded. Their
consternation increased, and they were unable to look at one another.
Several of them fled. Of the whole of the army which the commander
brought into the field, only two thousand household troops remained to
him. Such of these as were foot-soldiers he mounted on camels, and in a
short time, the commander and his remaining two thousand men were also
on the way to Wán; having left nearly the whole of his camp, guns, and
treasures behind him.
The sháh of Persia, thinking it was very probable, however, that the
Osmánlís by their sudden disappearance, and by the relinquishing
of their camp-ground, had laid a stratagem for him, kept aloof for
two days, and was afraid to enter: but at the end of this period he
received certain intelligence, that the commander had actually fled to
Wán, and he then ventured to visit the place where the Osmánlí camp had
stood. With the exception of a few hired servants and some trifling
articles, which had been left, the sháh found nothing to reward him for
his trouble.
After the commander-in-chief had reached Wán, Jánbulát Zádeh Hasan
Páshá waited upon him and told him how he had acted in keeping the
troops who had fled from his camp together; how he had brought them to
a place of safety, and offered every apology which the circumstance
of the case seemed to have demanded: thinking, no doubt, that the
commander would express his approbation of his conduct. He was much
mistaken. The commander was not made of such material as to be moved by
a flood of tears and expressions of humiliation and contrition. Calling
him, therefore, to account for his dereliction of duty he made him
answer for it with his life.
It has been related of Jánbulát Zádeh that he was advised by his
friends, when he purposed to wait on the commander-in-chief, not to do
so, because of the ill fortune his stars had predicted at his birth,
and which he himself, from his own profound knowledge in the science of
astrology, had clearly demonstrated to them. His friends succeeded, in
the first instance, in preserving him from having any interview with
the short-tailed dragons;[19] but his lofty feeling of pride ruined
him. “If I sleep,” said he, in the pride of his heart, “Jeghala Oghlí
(the commander-in-chief) will not certainly have the courage to watch.”
His pride brought him to his end. His death was the means of awakening
in the minds of the troops, a feeling of great dissatisfaction. Thirty
thousand of his troops or followers returned to Haleb, having chosen
his brother, Alí Beg, and Hezer Beg as their commanders, and who,
in revenge of Hasan Páshá, son of Jánbulát’s, death, desolated that
province, and continued their rebellion till they were overthrown by
the celebrated Murád Páshá at a later period, as we shall relate in its
proper place.
The commander-in-chief, the sport of fortune, left Wán and returned to
Diárbeker on the 21st of Dhu’l hijja, where he died of a fever which
the thoughts of his misfortunes had occasioned. He was a man whose
avarice had no bounds. His constantly causing responsible persons to be
changed from one place to another was productive of the most serious
evils. He conferred the government of Syria on Sinán Páshá Zádeh,
and shortly afterwards on Osmán Páshá. Nesúh Páshá, who was válí of
Aleppo, he removed, and put Hasan Páshá, son of Jánbulát of the sanják
of Kilis, into his place, on the promise of his paying him a certain
rent. And many more are the evils he occasioned, besides those we have
mentioned.
_A battle between Serkosh Ibrahím Páshá and the Croatians._
Botchkai having promised to aid the Moslems against the infidels,
the grand vezír, Mohammed Páshá, after the reduction of Osterghún,
appointed his nephew, Serkosh Ibrahím Páshá, beglerbeg of Kaniza,
and another military commander, belonging to Botchkai, to conduct an
expedition of twenty thousand men, composed of Tátárs, Majarians, and
Bosnians, to invade the territories of the enemy. This expedition
commenced marching on the 5th of Jemadi II., and took the road
which led to Vienna. On the confines of Croatia it was opposed by
a considerable body of troops, there assembled for the purpose of
checking its progress. A battle ensued, and the conflict was obstinate
and bloody: several thousands of the infidels perished. Three times did
this mighty army of the Germans attack the Turkish confederates, but
was vanquished in its third attempt.
In the vicinity of the place where the confederates vanquished the
German or Croatian army there were two fortresses or castles, which
were under the dominion of the Pope. The names of these fortresses
or castles were Súnbúrhil and Karmand, which the confederate army
reduced, and slew every living German it found in them. Afterwards ten
thousand of these same confederates marched in the direction of Vienna
and Allemagne on a predatory excursion, and after having ravaged the
countries through which they passed, they returned in triumph. The
quantity of spoil and number of prisoners which they brought back with
them, it is impossible to estimate. Very many of the German nobility
were among the captives, and the Hungarian gentry were glad to come and
join the camp of the confederates. Nevertheless Zerín Oghlí, and Bekár
Oghlí, were not among those who thus joined the camp of the conquerors.
These two Hungarian chiefs considered it beneath their dignity to
bow to Botchkai’s general, one of the two chief commanders of the
confederates, but they sent some of their chief captains as their
proxies.
_Mohammed Páshá, the son of Sinán Páshá, killed._
Mohammed Páshá, son of Sinán Páshá, in consequence of his having been
disappointed in his views of the government of Syria, through the
ill will of Jeghala Zádeh, commander-in-chief of the eastern provinces,
he petitioned the court of Constantinople, and complained against the
serdár. That court, however, was pleased to confer Syria on Osmán Páshá
in preference to him or any one else. When Mohammed Páshá learned that
Osmán was appointed to Syria, he set out in great haste and wrath for
Constantinople, where he meant to prefer his own claims. One day he
entered into conversation with the vezírs, as they sat in council,
about his own affairs; but he was reminded of the maladministration
he himself had been guilty of in the places where he had acted as válí
or governor. As he was retiring from the presence of this council,
more disposed to accuse him than to hear his complaints, he was called
back and conducted into the royal presence. Here he was strictly
interrogated as to his own conduct, but having been unable to answer
the interrogatories which had been put to him, he was put to death in
the royal presence without any further ceremony.
_The emperor, whilst at Adrianople, hears further intelligence as to
the state of the rebellion in Anatolia._
On the 1st of Jemadi I. the emperor went on a hunting excursion to
Chetalmah, and thence, in three days, to Adrianople. He was only eight
days in this city, where he had begun to distribute favours, when he
received intelligence of the state and progress of the rebellion and
disaffection which reigned in the province of Anatolia. In consequence,
therefore, of the above unpleasant intelligence, he set out from
Adrianople, reached the metropolis in six days, and immediately adopted
means for curbing the rebellion and for chastising the rebels in
Anatolia.
Nesúh Páshá, who last year had been transferred from the government
of Haleb, was created commander of the troops employed against the
insurgents in Anatolia. Indeed, it was considered of the utmost
importance, by the government of Constantinople, that a vezír should
be appointed to each of the eastern provinces, in order to check and
subdue any spirit of rebellion which might arise, and which, in fact,
seems to have been very generally the case with them all. Dávud Páshá,
it will be remembered, was appointed to the east, but in consequence
of his having evinced some inability or weakness he was laid aside,
and Kijdehán Alí Páshá was raised to the government of Anatolia in his
stead. He also, it will likewise be remembered, was ordered to join his
troops to those of Nesúh Páshá, and after they (_i.e._ he and Nesúh
Páshá) had succeeded in crushing the rebellion in Anatolia, they were
then to join Jeghala Zádeh, who acted as commander-in-chief against the
Persians.
We have to relate, however, that Nesúh Páshá, and the troops under
his command, sustained a serious defeat at the bridge of Bolawadin.
At this bridge Nesúh, on the 1st of Rajab, was met by one Túyel, who
headed a body of insurgents: the one army was at one end and the
other at the other. Nesúh made all the preparations his circumstances
could allow for commencing an engagement, putting his foot and horse
in order of battle. The sound of his drums and trumpets reached the
very parapets of heaven: his artillery was drawn up in regular order,
and made to face the enemy. Nesúh thought his formidable appearance
would have deterred the insurgents from ever attempting the bridge
or river; but he was mistaken. The cavalry of these long-tailed and
curiously-turbanned heretics had scarcely begun to move, than they
instantly crossed the river or bog and put their swords and spears into
immediate requisition against Nesúh’s cavalry. These, as well as the
whole of the rest of the Osmánlí army, gave way; most of them were cut
to pieces, and those who fell into the hands of these barbarians were
dragged into the presence of Túyel, where, for the most part at least,
they suffered a more ignominious death: Nesúh himself was indebted to
the swiftness of his horse for the safety of his life. He fled, and
never checked the bridle of his charger till he reached a place called
Bekár-báshí, in the city of Seyed.
Túyel, who was left master of the field, and of the whole baggage of
the conquered Osmánlís, set fire to the city of Bolawadin, massacred
the whole of its inhabitants with the utmost ferociousness, and
desolated the whole of that region from one end to the other.
Nesúh Páshá, after resting himself about two days, went to Kutahia,
where Kijdehán, against whom he entertained an old grudge, then was,
laid the whole blame of his defeat on his shoulders, and slew the
innocent without mercy.
Kijdehán was a man that possessed a bitter and scurrilous tongue, and
who spared nobody. To escape, therefore, the reproaches of his tongue,
_i.e._ that he and those of his men who, like himself, had escaped the
general carnage, might not be made the subjects of his ridicule and
bitter reproach, he slew him. This, also, is asserted in the Fezliké,
that, before this, and prior to the defeat he had sustained at the
bridge of Bolawadin, he most unworthily, as well as unjustly, traduced
the character of the inestimable and highly-respected Mohammed Chávush
of Caramania, whom he crucified at Iconium, where he had met with him.
This Mohammed Chávush was son to Karah Alí, and was raised to the
situation he held in Caramania from the Chávush báshás.
Well aware that his conduct and ill fame would eventually reach the
ears of the emperor, and that his displeasure might easily be excited
against him, so as to make him the object of his vengeance, he, in
order to prevent these results, determined on going to Constantinople.
Accordingly he set out for Scutari, and thence to the Sublime Porte:
went to the royal palace, and caused it to be announced that he
had come from Anatolia to implore further aid to be sent to that
quarter. Having been called to enter the royal presence, he gave such
a representation of the state of matters as actually succeeded in
inclining the emperor to cross over into Anatolia and take a personal
share in the war with the insurgents. He, therefore, called together
the khoaja effendí, the reverend mufti and the vezírs, and confronted
them with Nesúh Páshá, in order to converse on the subject with him.
At this interview with Nesúh, however, there was much disputing and
great contention. All were opposed to the emperor’s determination;
but he himself remained inflexible. The emperor’s best friends used
their utmost efforts to dissuade him from the purpose he had formed,
by endeavouring to point out to him a variety of dangers; but all in
vain, and the consequence was, when they saw he could not be moved from
his resolution, they all withdrew very much displeased. The vezírs,
however, commenced making the necessary preparations for the emperor’s
intended journey, but at the same time used a variety of methods, such
as representing to him that the fleet had not arrived, and that at any
rate the season for safe sailing was fast passing away, in order, if
possible, to induce him to alter his mind; but all to no purpose.
The emperor, notwithstanding all the efforts which had been employed
to dissuade him from his undertaking; notwithstanding, also, that the
winter had fully set in, and the roughness of the sea, he continued
bent on proceeding. A royal firmán was sent off to Nukásh Hasan Páshá
to have the palace at Brúsa in a state of complete preparation for
the arrival of his majesty, and Dervísh Aghá, bostánjí báshí, who
was afterwards created a vezír, but subsequently assassinated, was
appointed commandant of Istámbol.
In the meantime, however, the empress-mother took her journey to the
other world, and her remains were conducted by her royal son and the
great men of the state, to St. Sophia, where the funeral service was
performed. They were afterwards interred in the tomb of Sultán Mohammed
III., on which occasion charities and alms deeds were attended to in
behalf of the deceased.
It was thought that the death of his mother might have so affected
the sultán as to cause him to give up all thoughts of his intended
expedition into Anatolia; but it had no such effect. On the seventh
day after his mother’s decease, he became quite impatient, ordered
the only three galleys which were then in the harbour to be held in
readiness, and on the 2d day of Rajab he set sail for Brúsa. On the
day after his arrival in Brúsa, he summoned his vezírs, the military
judges, and other magnates, to assemble in council in the royal palace
of that place, where he himself was. Súfí Sinán Páshá, the káímakám,
who had taken no active hand in making preparations for the emperor’s
expedition, was not called, or if called, did not attend. Dávud Páshá
and Nesúh Páshá had both been previously sent to keep possession of two
places on the frontiers. Mohammed Páshá, son of Ové Páshá, likewise
made no movement towards Brúsa, but he wrote to the emperor’s chaplain,
informing him that he had twenty thousand troops in full readiness.
“If I shall be called,” said he, in his communication to the royal
chaplain, “to be exalted to the vezírship, without either the aid of
troops or apparatus from the government, I will go, and to the utmost
of my power, endeavour to reduce the insurgents.” The title of vezír,
and the appointment to the chief command, was forthwith sent him, and
he was invited to wait on his majesty in his palace at Brúsa, in order
that his majesty might confer with him respecting the enemy against
whom he was to proceed. Mohammed, however, acknowledged neither the one
nor the other of these royal intimations; nor did he think it worth
his while to come to Brúsa to wait on his benefactor; or to proceed a
single step against the insurgents. On the contrary, he went to Gúzel
Hisár, where he gave himself up to every variety of pleasure. The
reverend tutor felt disgrace and grief at the shameful way the cunning
páshá had duped him, and, in fact, poor Khoaja Effendí, in consequence
of this, most completely lost his influence with the emperor.
On the 14th of the last mentioned month (_viz._ Rajab), about four
or five thousand spáhís, who had fled to Anatolia to escape the
vengeance of Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, which had been excited against them
in consequence of the tumult which the spáhí legion had raised in
Constantinople in the days of the late emperor, and for which many of
their superiors had been put to death, returned to their obedience, and
were again received into favour. These spáhís were as great rebels as
any in Anatolia, and committed every species of robbery and spoliation.
On making their submission they appeared armed and accoutred before
Súfí Sinán Páshá, the vezírs and the military judges, and preferred
the grounds on which they conceived they had been aggrieved, and which
had led them to act as they had done. Their case was laid before his
majesty, who not only forgave them, but also restored their officers
to their former situations, rewarded them with tokens of favour by
conferring robes on them, distributed to them their pay, and dividing
them into two bodies sent one division to Kutahia to remain under the
orders of Dávud Páshá, and the other under Nesúh Páshá.
Dervísh Aghá, who had been appointed in his majesty’s absence to the
commandership of Constantinople, was forbidden to exercise any further
authority in that capacity, on account of some misconduct which he had
been guilty of. Mustafa Páshá, one of the vezírs, was sent back to act
in his stead.
On the 16th his majesty, after having paid a visit to the sepulchres
of his ancestors, and the tombs of the venerable saints, returned and
bathed himself in a fountain. On the 19th he set sail from Modanieh,
and arrived in the imperial city on the same day.
_An overture made to Túyel._
On the 9th of Shabán of this year, a conciliatory letter was sent to
Túyel, the chief ring-leader among the insurgents, and also the offer
of a beglerbegship; but no answer as to his having accepted the offer
made to him, was returned: on the contrary, acting under the influence
of his brother, his violence and cruelty increased beyond all bounds.
The káímakám, in order to put a stop to the enormities which this rebel
and others were guilty of, and which were every day increasing, tried
to ensnare this terrible rebel. To induce him to throw down the weapons
of his rebellion, the deputy proposed joining Anatolia, Sivás, and
Haleb into one, and to offer the government of these united districts
to Túyel. When the deputy presented this proposal, and also a letter he
had received from Túyel, on the 17th of the last mentioned month, for
his majesty’s approbation, however, he met with a serious repulse, and
for his temerity was turned out of office. Khezer Páshá was raised to
the deputyship.
On the 24th, the chief butler, Mohammed Aghá, was raised to the
government of Syria. On the 9th of Ramazán, the bostánjí báshí, Dervísh
Aghá, was created admiral: he was highly esteemed by the emperor. On
the 9th of Shevál, the cazí of Constantinople, Rezván Effendí, was
degraded, and Hasan Effendí, son of Akhí, succeeded him in the cazíship.
_The grand vezír, Mohammed Páshá, is recalled to Constantinople._
When tidings of the disgrace and ignominy which befell Jeghala Zádeh
in the east, and of his death at Diárbeker, had reached the royal ear,
it was resolved on, in council, to send a statement of the affairs of
the east to Mohammed Páshá, the commander-in-chief at Belgrade, and
to request him to return to Constantinople, in order that he might
proceed to the east and take the command of the troops there. In the
royal communication which, in conformity to the above resolution was
sent to him, it was thus stated: that in the event of his declining to
accept the proposal sent him, he might remain where he was, but only
in the character of second vezír, and to return the seals of office.
But before these communications had reached the grand vezír he had
petitioned to be allowed to return to the seat of government.
_A commotion among the Janissaries and Spáhís._
A little after the commencement of the month of Ramazán, the
janissaries, in consequence of not having received the pay and clothing
that were due to them, began to show signs of impatience and insolence.
The spáhís, following their example, the very next day began to talk
loudly about their own dues, and soon acquired a most dangerous aspect.
Without ceremony, and in no way intimidated by their vicinity to the
royal palace, they threw stones at their officers before its very gate,
gave the most abusive language to the treasurer, and threatened him
in no measured terms. They complained of the person who had formerly
weighed out their money to them, and got him turned out of office. His
friends, however, interfered, and asked the reason of depriving him of
his official situation, but to no purpose. The discontent and tumult
increased, and at length reached the ears of the emperor. On the 23d
of Ramazán, early in the morning, the emperor, dressed in a scarlet
robe, very indicative of the state of his mind, for he was enraged,
came forth and sat down in Báyazíd’s portico; called together his
vezírs, ághás, notaries, and other principal officers, and delivered
a very warm and animated speech, in their hearing, to the mob; and in
which he severely rebuked them. He said, that though he had written
to them, that so soon as his treasurer, who was engaged in collecting
the taxes, should return, their wages and all their just rights would
be punctually attended to, they, instead of giving credit to his royal
word, as they ought to have done, and behaving themselves orderly,
became unruly, turbulent, and abusive, and that, too, before the very
portals of his palace.
The multitude, at hearing the emperor’s speech, were completely
confounded, and not one of them was able to say a single word in reply,
or in justification of the conduct they had manifested. One Yúsuf Aghá,
however, head of the Moghreb and Yemin regiments, advanced and thus
addressed his majesty. “May it please your majesty, the sole cause of
the unreasonable conduct which has been manifested is attributable
to the slaves brought up in the royal haram, and those foreigners
who have been introduced into the spáhí legion at the request of the
khán of the Crimea.” His majesty, on hearing the sentiments expressed
by Yúsuf Aghá, enquired the names of the persons who had excited the
irregularity and tumult which had prevailed. The vezír pointed out
to him the ringleaders, and immediately a sign was given to take
vengeance on them for their folly and temerity. Shahbáz Aghá, chief
of the salihdárs; Koorgha Zádeh, notary to the spáhí legion; and Yek
Cheshm Mohammed Effendí, were made the objects of imperial vengeance on
this occasion. Others who had been involved in the same condemnation
with the above were also visited with a similar punishment. The
comptroller of the cavalry, after he was conducted to the place of
execution, escaped the death which awaited him by the intervention of
the grand vezír, who interceded in his behalf. The ketkhodá of the
spáhís escaped in a similar way.
The grand sultán, after these various instances of his severity and
justice, concluded his harangue by warning the tumultuous soldiery
(spáhís) of their danger; assuring them, that if ever afterwards they
should manifest a similar spirit of insubordination, he would take
vengeance on their whole legion; and dismissed the crowd, desiring them
at the same time to remove the bodies of their companions from the
place of execution.
The officers belonging to the spáhís were all changed; and the
treasurer, Etmekjí Zádeh, no sooner arrived than the wages of the spáhí
troops were forthwith paid them.
_The commander-in-chief arrives at Constantinople._
When the hostilities which for a long time had raged on the frontiers
of Hungary, had ceased to threaten the peace and security of the
Ottoman dominions, the rebellion in Anatolia began to wear a much more
serious aspect than it had done at any former period. The grand vezír,
Mohammed Páshá, as we formerly mentioned, was fixed on to take the
chief command in Anatolia, with the view of bringing the troubles of
that country to a termination. The celebrated Mohammed Páshá no sooner
received the royal intimation on this head than he appointed Teryákí
Páshá, beglerbeg of Romeili, as his deputy at Belgrade, whither he had
called him; and Kúski Mohammed Effendí as defterdár in his absence.
Having committed the management of the affairs of the frontiers to
these two officers, he left Belgrade on the fourth day of the grand
festival (_i.e._ Easter), and arrived at the Sublime Porte on the 7th
of Dhu’l Kadah, when his majesty showed him every token of esteem and
respect.
_Delí Hasan killed at Temisvar._
We have had frequent occasion to advert to the history of Delí Hasan,
the brother of Karah Yázijí (Scrivano). We have mentioned how he had
been raised to the government of Bosnia; the evil deeds he had been
there guilty of; his expulsion thence; and his subsequent appointment
to the government of Temisvar. Here he acted nearly two years in the
character of válí, and had it in his power, by good conduct, to remove
the unfavourable impressions which his former deportment had but too
justly given rise to.
After the reduction of Osterghún, his excellency the
commander-in-chief, sent word to the inhabitants of Temisvar to have an
eye on Delí Hasan, and to watch his movements. This hint was enough.
One day some of the garrison of Temisvar went out as if they had
meant to follow the chase, but instead of this fell upon Delí Hasan
and his suite, the latter of whom they killed. Delí Hasan fled to
Belgrade, where Ghází Hasan Páshá, the káímakám, received him as his
guest. He afterwards, however, placed him within the fortress, and
sent an account of his arrival at Belgrade to Constantinople; whence
a sentence of death against Delí Hasan, his brother’s son, Kúchuk
Beg, was instantly returned, and both of them underwent that sentence
accordingly.
It has been reported, that whilst Delí Hasan was in Bosnia, he had
attempted a most daring crime against the Ottoman government, which
however had failed. As this story is not less wonderful in its
development than it was audacious in its contrivance, we shall here
relate it. Delí Hasan, it would appear, wrote letters to the Venetians
and to the pope, asking them to have a fleet in readiness opposite the
fortress of Rasna; promising, in these letters, that he would deliver
up that fortress to them, and that he would afterwards reduce several
other places of strength on the shores of the Archipelago, and deliver
them over to them also; but it was necessary, he added, that they
should pay him a hundred thousand pieces of gold in advance. It was
in this manner he proposed to stipulate with the enemy. No answer to
these proposals having reached him whilst he was in Bosnia, he, after
his translation to Temisvar, hired a fellow for a hundred pieces of
gold, and sent him off with a duplicate of his former communications
to the two parties above-mentioned. This hired peasant, or whatever he
was, instead of fulfilling his engagement, went and waited upon Murád
Páshá, the then commander-in-chief, told him all he knew, and showed
him Delí Hasan’s letters. The commander desired him to proceed without
delay and deliver them in the proper quarter, but to be sure to call
on him when he returned. The messenger set out as he had been desired,
and delivered his papers in the manner he had been directed: when the
king of Spain and the pope sent, each of them, an agent along with
Delí Hasan’s messenger, who was to communicate to him the views of
these personages. These two agents and the messenger reached Zimnún,
where the two former took up their lodgings in a certain house, whilst
the latter proceeded to inform the authorities of their arrival, and
the purport of their message: and which, among other things, went on
to say, that they, the bearers, were the accredited agents of the two
personages formerly mentioned, that the words of these men might be as
much relied on as if they had been heard proceeding from the lips of
their principals; that they had sworn fidelity to the trust reposed in
them, and that, therefore, every apprehension of fraud being practised
ought to be banished. Such, in fact, was the story these agents
themselves delivered before Abdí Alí, Murád Páshá’s deputy, whom they
actually supposed was Delí Hasan himself. These messengers, or agents,
were moreover commissioned to say, that as soon as they returned with
an answer to the pope and the king of Spain, a draft on the Franks
residing in Belgrade for one hundred thousand pieces of gold would be
instantly sent to Delí Hasan. Such is the version of this story: and
it is hardly necessary to say that these two accredited infidels were
immediately put to death.
Tobacco, which had been introduced in Turkey from Frangistan, had been
made the subject of much discussion, and seems, this year, through the
bitter contention which the use of it had occasioned, to have become
more in vogue that at any former period since its introduction; though
it had been productive of certain evil to those who received it, or who
had any thing to do with it.
_Concerning the grand vezír, Lálá Mohammed Páshá.—His death.—Dervísh
Páshá raised to the vezírship._
Lálá Mohammed Páshá, the grand vezír and commander-in-chief, the reader
will remember, returned to Constantinople: and though the affairs
between Austria and the Sublime Porte had not been finally settled,
yet such was the necessity of restoring the peace and tranquility of
Anatolia, that every other consideration was made subservient to this.
It was maintained, in a council held in the imperial presence, to be of
paramount importance that two chief commanders should be appointed: the
one to proceed to the frontiers of Hungary, the other to the east; that
the grand vezír, in order to have it in his power to send efficient
supplies to both quarters, should remain at the seat of government, and
there discharge the duties of his high office.
In this council reference was made to the inefficiency, ill-management,
and ill-success of former commanders in the east, and therefore the
members of the council proposed Nesúh Páshá as the person who was by
far the most competent to perform the duties of commander-in-chief in
the east. It was moreover alleged in his favour, that he was son-in-law
to the emperor; a circumstance which could not fail, it was said, to
secure the affections of the Kurds. Nesúh was, accordingly, made third
vezír and commander-in-chief of the forces in the eastern provinces;
and Murád Páshá was appointed to the command and management of the
affairs on the frontiers of Hungary. After these deliberations had
been fully attended to, the emperor expressed his approbation of the
resolutions which had been adopted, and issued orders for drawing out
a commission for each of the two newly-elected commanders, defining
the power and authority they were to exercise. The government of
Baghdád was annexed to the vezírship and dominion already possessed
by Nesúh, and he was, moreover, made commander-in-chief against the
Persians. The válí of Romeili, and the princes of the borders, with
their respective armies, were ordered to march towards Hungary. The
government of Aleppo was conferred on Hasan, ághá of the janissaries,
who was expected to repress the disturbances which afflicted that
portion of the Ottoman dominions. The káímakám, Khezer Páshá, was
appointed to the guardianship of the fortresses on the Danube.
The grand vezír, the heroic Lálá Mohammed Páshá who most scrupulously
attended to all these new arrangements was, notwithstanding, thwarted
in some of his purposes by Dervísh Páshá, who had succeeded to the
admiralship in the room of Jeghala Zádeh. By his intrigues the brother
of Tarnákjí Hasan Aghá was deprived of his ágháship, and ordered to
proceed to the government of Aleppo, although the grand vezír intended
to confer on him the province of Romeili as a reward for his heroism
at the taking of Osterghún, of which he was the principal cause.
Dervísh was obstinate, and conferred, or was the means of conferring,
the ágháship of the janissaries on Maryol Hasan Aghá. Poor Hasan Páshá
was obliged to set out for Aleppo, and had scarcely got to Adrianople,
which was about half-way, when he was attacked by a monstrous rebel of
the name of Jemshíd, who murdered him.
Dervísh Páshá, still bent on evil purposes, expressed his
disapprobation of the appointments conferred on Nesúh Páshá; and,
in short, wrought so effectually on the mind of the emperor by his
representations, that he succeeded in procuring him to issue an order
for the grand vezír himself to repair to the east and take the chief
command in that quarter. When Mohammed Páshá entered the council, the
emperor addressed him by saying that it was found necessary that he
(the grand vezír) should be the person who should take the command
of the forces employed against Persia, and ordered him to commence
preparations for the journey. He concluded this speech by saying
farther: that it was expected that this year a peace with Austria would
be concluded. The grand vezír, when he heard the emperor’s sentiments,
was speechless and confounded. The emperor repeated his commands, and
the vezír, without making any reply, returned to his own house, where
he in vain endeavoured to collect his thoughts and calm the agitation
of his mind.
On the following morning Nesúh Páshá waited on him to congratulate him
on his appointment, and spoke to him in as consolatary and soothing a
manner as he was able. “Let us,” said he, “go together: let us render
all the services we can for the welfare of our country: God willing,
you will find in Asia so many things to comfort and delight you as will
cause you to forget your northern campaigns.” Nesúh, by this mode of
address, succeeded in bringing the mind of the afflicted grand vezír to
some degree of peace and tranquillity.
In the council above alluded to, Dervísh Páshá preferred several
accusations against the grand vezír, but which he, the grand vezír,
rebutted by giving a circumstantial relation of all the services
in which he had been engaged, and concluded by saying he had some
reason to fear that the negociations with Austria might still prove
abortive—“and thus,” said he, weeping, “our last twelve years of war
will end in nothing.” He again requested the emperor to permit him
to proceed to the frontiers of Hungary and conclude the peace, the
preliminaries of which had been entered into during his own active
service in the north. Nesúh, he said, was the emperor’s son-in-law,
was every way competent for accomplishing the emperor’s wishes in the
east, and therefore earnestly besought the grand Sultán to stand by
his first appointment. All, however, was in vain. The emperor remained
inflexible, and forced Lálá Mohammed Páshá, whether he would or not,
to erect his tent at Scutari. In consequence of these circumstances,
so repugnant to the mind of the grand vezír, as well as others which
carried along with them their vexations, his health became very much
impaired, and yet notwithstanding, he was forced that very week,
by repeated orders, to repair to Scutari. It so happened, in the
providence of God, however, that whilst he was presiding in his own
diván he was struck by a paralytic stroke. His ághás carried him to
his tent, and immediately his physicians were called in to administer
what aid they were able. An account of this circumstance reached the
metropolis, when the wicked Dervísh Páshá had the audacity to represent
to his majesty that the grand vezír’s disease was wholly feigned;
and instigated him to send a violent and threatening letter to Lálá
Mohammed Páshá, the very next day, accusing him of feigning himself
unwell, and ordering him, in the most peremptory manner, to begin his
march without delay.
The afflicted Lálá Mohammed Páshá caused a humble petition to be
written out and laid before his majesty; in which he stated that he
required above all things, if his majesty entertained any doubts as
to the ill state of his health, that he would send any one of his
most confidential servants to see him, and report accordingly. It was
utterly impossible for him, in his weak state of health, he said, to
leave Scutari unless he was carried in a couch. The emperor was induced
by this to send the ághá of the palace to the prime minister, who, when
he returned, informed his majesty that the minister was so very weak
as to be under the necessity of keeping his bed; in short, that he was
seriously and dangerously ill. When his majesty received this report of
his minister’s state of health he ceased pressing him any farther.
When the official messenger above referred to first waited on the prime
minister, he, the minister, became so much affected that he could not
restrain his tears. “Are my services,” said he, in the bitterness of
his spirit, “are my services to my country so little thought of that
doubts of my veracity should be entertained? Kiss the border of my
emperor’s robe when you return, and tell him the weak state in which
I am. When I die I leave behind me six orphans, and I hope God will
reward the emperor for whatever kindness and favour he may show to
them.” The officer, on hearing the grand vezír express himself thus,
and having had besides the evidence of his senses to convince him of
the dangerous state of his health, he, too, was so overcome with sorrow
that he returned to his master, the grand Sultán, and declared to him,
weeping, that the worth of this minister was unknown, and therefore not
appreciated. “Why is it,” continued the ághá of the palace, “that your
majesty has hearkened to the calumny of his enemies? The consequence
is, you see, that he is likely to be prematurely cut off.” The answer
to all this was, that if he died another would be found to fill his
place.
On the third day of this grand vezír’s illness—an illness, there
is every reason to believe, wholly occasioned by the treatment of
the emperor—his troubles terminated with his life: he gave up the
ghost. The rest of the vezírs, the great men of the state, and ulemá,
assembled together and attended his remains to the temple of Sultán
Mohammed Ghází, where the funeral service was performed; and he was
afterwards interred in his own burial ground in the neighbourhood of
Abí-eyúb. Among the procession which accompanied the bier of Lálá
Mohammed Páshá to the place of interment, was Dervísh Páshá, the lord
high admiral of the Turkish fleet, the bitter and relentless enemy of
the deceased, but who had his eye on the premiership. He returned to
his own house, joyfully anticipating that the seals of office would be
conferred on himself. This was what he wished and what he strived for,
but at the expense of every honest virtue and upright feeling.
Muftí Siná-allah Effendí relates, that a Portuguese physician who
attended Lálá Mohammed Páshá in his illness, had, through the
instrumentality of Dervísh Páshá, administered to him, in the form of
medicine, what proved mortal to the patient.
When the testament of the late grand vezír was presented to the
emperor, he ordered the sums of money that were mentioned in it to be
applied to the defraying of the war, but the rest of his effects he
permitted to be given to the afflicted children of the deceased. Out of
one hundred and fifty thousand ducats and one hundred yúks of dollars,
which had belonged to Lálá Mohammed Páshá, and which had been seized
at the instigation of Dervísh Páshá for the purpose above explained,
only a small portion of his extensive wealth fell to the share of his
helpless orphans.
The wicked Dervísh Páshá now arrived at the summit of his wishes.
The seals were no sooner conferred on him than he recommended Ja’fer
Páshá, the European, who had been three times beglerbeg of Cyprus, to
succeed to his vacant situation in the admiralty, and spoke of him as
being very skilful in naval affairs. Ja’fer Páshá was, in consequence,
appointed lord high admiral of the Ottoman fleet in the room of Dervísh
Páshá, who had succeeded to the grand vezírship.
When the new prime minister first took his seat in the diván after his
elevation to the premiership, he intimated to the chávush báshí that
the members of the diván were not to view him in the light of former
ministers, “Whoever puts off a poor man’s case till tomorrow, when it
ought to be attended to to-day,” said this fierce minister, “shall
have his head cut off: _that_,” continued he solemnly opening a book,
“shall be his fate, and from which he shall in nowise escape.”
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1015, H.
On the afternoon of the same day the son of an aged man who had retired
from his beglerbegship was beheaded, and his property seized by the
avaricious Dervísh; but though all who witnessed this cruel transaction
hesitated not to speak of it as an act of foul murder, yet it had not
the effect of preventing a concourse of nobles and grandees coming to
congratulate the new grand vezír on his elevation to the premiership.
On the third day after Dervísh Páshá’s exaltation, the emperor’s
chaplain waited on him to pay his respects; and the mufti effendí, the
Moslem high priest, after having performed the public service at the
mosque, waited on the prime minister and kindly joined with him in his
afternoon devotions. When the reverend mufti was about to retire, the
grand vezír informed him that there would be no public diván on the
following day, but that a council would be held in the royal presence,
and at which he invited him to be present. The reverend high priest
bowed and promised to attend.
Next morning the whole of the ministers and the reverend effendís
met in council in the imperial presence, and after listening to the
opening speech of the emperor, they were informed that it was then
too far in the season to prosecute any farther, that year, the object
which he had in view in ordering preparations in behalf of Anatolia
and the east; and then added, that it would be far more advisable to
let things remain as they then were until the following year, when
the preparations alluded to would be again resumed. The council, on
hearing these sentiments uttered, were struck dumb with surprise. At
length the mufti effendí spoke. “With indecent impatience, certainly,”
said the reverend prelate, “your slave (Lálá Mohammed Páshá) was
hurried in the work of preparation for the war in the east, and
contrary to the views of almost all here present, his tent was ordered
to be erected at Scutari. Is it prudent, think you, sire, to call
back to Constantinople the camp there established? Rather let the
commander-in-chief (probably Nesúh) go on to Aleppo; there winter,
and make preparations for commencing, in the spring, hostilities
against the Persians.” His majesty to this replied, by asking him
what advantage he thought would accrue from following that advice. “
Why,” rejoined the reverend prelate, “the advantage which will accrue
is this: the royal camp will not have gone forth for no purpose: the
royal pavilion (the serdár’s tent) will not have been erected in the
sight of friend and foe in vain. When Sultán Soleimán Khán went to the
Nakhcheván war he wintered at Aleppo, and when the following spring
arrived, he marched to the east. Such is the method which ought now
to be pursued.” The emperor again enquired what good he supposed or
imagined would result from following the course he had pointed out. The
reverend mufti hastily replied: “was it creditable that a Moslem army,
encamped at Scutari, and ready for entering into the scene of action,
should be recalled before that army had accomplished the purpose for
which it had been assembled? At least, should not that army, I ask,
even though it should accomplish nothing more, be sent to protect our
possessions in the east?” The emperor, pressed by the reasoning of
the high priest, answered, that Ferhád Páshá might proceed with a few
troops, and take the camp at Scutari along with him. “Well, then,”
asked Siná-allah Effendí, “shall not a sum of money be allowed for
the purpose of purchasing provisions for them?” The emperor briefly
answered, “that there was no money in the treasury; and whence,” said
he, “can I furnish money for that purpose?” The reverend prelate,
still persevering in pressing the emperor, asked if the treasury of
Egypt might not afford a supply. “That,” rejoined the emperor, “is
for our private expenses; we cannot part with the funds supplied from
that quarter.” “Why, then,” continued the high priest, and without
being in the least awed or terrified, “how did your ancestor, Sultán
Soleimán Khán, do when he went to the war at Sigetwar at a time when
his treasury was drained? Thus: he took all the gold and silver vessels
which were in the royal house, sent them to the mint, caused them to be
melted down into specie, and thus provided himself with the means of
paying the expense of the war. Doubtless,” added the bold and fearless
priest, “doubtless, the treasury of Egypt can well afford to advance
the sum requisite for the object now proposed.” The emperor knit his
brow and thus addressed the mufti: “Thou dost not comprehend my
meaning, effendí; thou understandest not my words. Times are not always
alike. The circumstance you refer to was requisite for that time. Why
is it that you assume the present exigency to be similar to that which
existed at the period you have mentioned?” The menla, perceiving his
oratory had made no impression on the mind of the emperor, rose up with
the rest of the counsellors and departed.
Kátib Chelebí says, in his Fezliké, that Hasan Beg Zádeh has
recorded this story in his history as a well authenticated fact.
The circumstance referred to in the reign of Soleimán and that now
related, can admit, we think, of no comparison, and it would be an
error in judgment to suppose them similar. The opinion of the emperor,
as expressed in the conversation we have related, seems to have been
incontestably correct.
Dervísh Páshá was very much offended at the bold and fearless way in
which the reverend mufti expressed himself in the above council; he
perceived, or thought he perceived, the mufti had laboured hard to
get him sent off to the eastern provinces. So much, indeed, did this
evil-minded vezír feel himself aggrieved by the sentiments expressed
by the mufti, that he determined on getting him deprived of his
theological prerogative of issuing fetwas; a difficulty, however,
presented itself, to get rid of which he was much puzzled. “If,”
thought he, “I make Khoaja Zádeh mufti (the emperor’s chaplain), his
two brothers, already in power, will form a union with him, and then
they will deny me the liberty of speech.” This thought had the effect
of making him change his mind with regard to Khoaja Zádeh, and he at
last raised Abulmeymín Mustafa Effendí, a second time, to the sacred
office of mufti.
Although Dervísh Páshá had used every method he could contrive, however
unworthy, of getting the late grand vezír, Lálá Mohammed Páshá, sent
to the eastern provinces, yet he himself, now that he was made grand
vezír, manifested the utmost unwillingness to undertake the task he
wished so earnestly to impose upon his predecessor. Being, as he
thought, secure in the premiership, and courted by all ranks of men,
he became lavish in his promises, and exposed himself to the art and
cunning of sycophants who crowded round him. One of the thousand
flatterers who sounded his praises, and who was anxious to be put in
possession of a good situation, when talking with him one day, went the
length, in his fulsome adulations, thus to address him: “My lord, thou
art the sun that illuminates the world, which scatters a reviving light
throughout all regions, and which removes the darkness from the world.”
This contemptible, mean fellow, who ascribed to him epithets which only
belong to God, he promoted to a situation of honour and emolument;
demonstrations that this sort of flattery and adulation was pleasing to
his heart and suitable to the state of his mind.
To escape the fatigues incident to a military life, he found or
invented means to prevent his being sent to take command of the Ottoman
armies, and got the emperor to favour his remaining at home. What he
himself declined he transferred to another. Ferhád Páshá was fixed on
to take the command of the troops destined for the east, which were
still encamped at Scutari. Ferhád’s inexperience and unfitness for the
important office assigned him was but too evident to every one; but to
promote his own views and purposes Dervísh Páshá got this man appointed
commander-in-chief, notwithstanding his utter unfitness for so great
an undertaking as that of commanding the army of the east against the
enemies of the Ottoman empire.
Ferhád passed over to Scutari on the 4th of the month Sefer. Osmán
Aghá, ketkhodá of the janissaries, with 10,000 troops, six companies of
artillery, and the provincial troops of Caramania and Sivás, were all
to act under his command.
This expedition, however, as might have been anticipated, failed. Want
of generalship in the commander, added to the absence of common feeling
between him and his various troops; his ignorance, rashness, and
scurrility of tongue, all contributed to estrange the troops from him.
A violent contention having taken place between him and the spáhís,
they raised a commotion about their pay, and attacked his tent with
stones, and soon demolished it. With the exception of these disgraceful
scenes to which we have here adverted, this expedition achieved nothing
worthy of remark. A certain writer, Mahmúd Chelebí, relates, that when
this mad Ferhád went to Brúsa, he collected about him a number of
necessitous adventurers, and, when remonstrated with respecting this,
he was accustomed to reply in the most harsh and profane language. In
other respects his conduct was also similar: his troops dispersed; some
of them having received no pay, were obliged to proceed to Turkey to
receive it; and he himself, after being degraded, took up his residence
at Iconium, where he died of grief.
_Dervísh Páshá is murdered.—Murád Páshá is made grand vezír._
Ferhád Páshá, we have seen, was sent to take the command of the war
in the east, and Dervísh Páshá, the grand vezír, remained at home. In
consequence of his utter want of the talents and skill of a general,
and his total unfitness, in every respect, for the important office
assigned him, Ferhád failed most deplorably in obtaining the least
advantage; on the contrary, his conduct was productive of the most
serious evils. Kilmamemkila, the son of Kalander, a noted rebel,
during the time Ferhád was commander-in-chief, entered into Aydin and
Sarúkhán (sanjáks of Anatolia), where he committed the most dreadful
outrages and violence. A number of the inhabitants hastened to
Constantinople and complained bitterly to the emperor against Ferhád
and his adventurers, who, they said, tyrannized over them and oppressed
them. These evils, of course, were attributed, in the first instance,
to the maladministration of the grand vezír, who, instead of having
taken upon himself the charge of the expedition, had sent Ferhád, of
whom we have heard so much, to supply his place. The eyes of the people
began to be opened to see and to appreciate the conduct of the prime
minister, and in their hearts they became totally opposed to him, and
those who had the nearest approach to his majesty’s ear began to urge
his removal. The late reverend mufti, Siná-allah Effendí, who, for
having spoken his mind freely and openly, the reader will remember,
had been turned out of the muftiship, was now again, a third time,
installed into that high office, which Abulmeymín Mustafa Effendí
had scarcely enjoyed three months. Things now began to wear a new
aspect. The maladministration of the grand vezír could no longer be
concealed or connived at. The excesses of Dervísh Páshá and his wicked
government were represented to his majesty, who had hitherto favoured
his minister. These things, with the complaints which had reached him
from Anatolia, greatly excited his displeasure; and so clear and
evident did his minister’s guilty conduct appear, that he became as
much opposed to him as he had previously been swayed by his advice.
The emperor, now thoroughly satisfied of the maladministration of his
minister, summoned the reverend mufti and the reverend professors, in
order to converse with them respecting the grand vezír’s conduct and
mismanagement, and to consult with them as to the person most competent
to fill the office of premier. This consultation, as might easily have
been foreseen, terminated unfavourably to the interests of the grand
vezír, who soon afterwards expiated his crimes by the forfeiture of his
life. A hare’s sleep (_i.e._ a false promise) having been given to him,
he was, for a short time, flattered and caressed, until he was one day
called to the royal palace, when he was suddenly assassinated by the
bostánjís. It is said that he was first strangled with a tent-rope, but
a short time after a movement being perceived in his feet, the emperor
drew his dagger and cut his throat.
_The cause of his death more particularly related._
We have already adverted to the wicked and fraudulent methods which
Dervísh practised during his short vezírship, and for which he suffered
the just reward: the following assisted to accelerate his miserable
end. One of those Jews usually employed by the grandees was engaged in
the service of Dervísh Páshá, and, owing to the fidelity with which
he served his master, he succeeded in securing a very near access to
him. It was a practice among these Jews, when any of them were thus
employed, to keep an account of what they expended as well as of what
they received. The Jew just referred to kept an account of this kind,
and the páshá, his master, had every confidence in his integrity and
honesty, and, in short, intrusted him with all his money transactions.
Dervísh Páshá having begun to build a palace, the outlay was wholly
left to the management of this agent. When it was nearly finished, he
asked the Jew, his factor, for an account of the expenditure, which was
instantly put into his hand. The páshá, on looking over the various
items, perceived that a very large sum had already been expended,
and remarked with astonishment, knitting his brows, that such was
the case, for he was an avaricious, regardless, fraudulent man. The
Jew, conscious of his own honesty, and that he had acted according to
the rules which had been prescribed for his conduct, became greatly
enraged, especially when he perceived that the páshá was seeking his
ruin, and therefore he at once hit on the following cunning stratagem
by which he might be revenged on his unjust master. He took back the
statement of accounts, and, in the presence of the páshá, tore it in
pieces and threw it into the fire, saying, it was not with a view of
robbing his master that he kept a statement of the outlay, for the
whole belonged to him, whose servant he was. “Is it not well known
to you,” added he, “that whatever I may have gained by acting as
your factor, I have not appropriated the least part of it to my own
use? Nevertheless, if you inquire what has been expended, the answer
is easy: I have kept a statement of the expenses, but the páshá has
deceived himself, and has been negligent.” The foolish but avaricious
páshá believed the Jew and dismissed him, but the Jew had not yet done
with him. He instantly set about laying a stratagem, as already hinted,
for ensnaring his obnoxious master. In order to accomplish this, he
instructed some labourers, who were employed at the páshá’s palace,
to dig, by night, underneath the ground, a passage from the páshá’s
palace to the wall of the imperial treasury. And although several men
were employed, during the night, in digging out this subterraneous
passage, yet none, except those in the secret, were aware of it. When
the mouth of the passage was finished, he caused them to build it
up with stones, and then ordered them to retire. The malicious Jew,
after having succeeded thus far in his mischievous plan, entered into
a secret alliance with the kapú ághá, a collector of taxes, and an
enemy to Dervísh Páshá, to whom he communicated the whole secret, and
whom, by making him splendid presents, he gained to act along with him
in the sequel of this mystery. The Jew, after this, wrote a letter to
the kapú ághá, wherein he secretly, as it were, accused the páshá of
dishonest practices, and described to him the subterraneous passage
above-mentioned. The kapú ághá informed his majesty of the fact; and
he, believing the account to be correct, especially when he considered
the numerous complaints which had already been lodged against the
páshá, was roused to indignation against his treacherous and deceitful
minister, and caused him to be slain.
A very short time before this tragical event, a tax of a thousand
akchas for each of the palaces in Constantinople was ordered to be
levied upon the inhabitants, but which the death of Dervísh Páshá
fortunately saved them from paying, and for which they were most
thankful.
Dervísh Páshá perished about the commencement of Shabán, and on the
10th of the same month, Siná-allah Effendí, after mature deliberation,
recommended the celebrated Murád Páshá for the office of grand vezír,
who, in consequence of this, was immediately recalled from Belgrade to
the Sublime Porte.
The following is a copy of the letter which the emperor sent him on
that occasion.
“Murád Páshá, thou art my vezír. Without the advice or persuasion of
any one, but by our own special royal will, we have thought fit to
confer on you the grand vezírship, and have sent you the imperial
seals. It is hoped the Divine Majesty will assist you and further you
in your labours. We shall carefully attend to the endeavours you make
in every department. You will, therefore, be solicitous to come to our
sublime city.”
Murád Páshá, at the time he was thus honoured, was busily engaged
in carrying on negociations for a final peace with Austria, the
preliminaries of which had been entered into some time before. Several
important personages who had an interest in the making of the treaty,
on the part of Hungary, had been invited to Belgrade to consult with
Murád Páshá.
The time we are now speaking of was one of very great pressure and
distraction to the vezír, who found himself involved in pecuniary
difficulties of no small moment; but by the kind intervention of
Chelebí Effendí, cazí of Belgrade, who was become very rich, he was
considerably relieved by a loan of two thousand pieces of gold. But yet
such were the urgent demands made upon him that he found it beyond his
powers to carry on the government. One day some of those soldiers who
served for their food, were detected plundering some shops, and about
fifty of them were publicly scourged before his own tent.
When the vezír Murád Páshá was raised to the dignity of grand vezír, he
did not forget the friendship and generosity of the reverend cazí, and
even before he left Belgrade raised him to the cazíship of Aleppo.
_Peace concluded with Austria._
When Lálá Mohammed Páshá was recalled to Constantinople, the power of
concluding a peace with Austria, as well as the command of the army
of the north, was committed to the vezír, Murád Páshá, who was sent
off to the frontiers of Hungary immediately on his being chosen to
succeed Lálá Mohammed. On reaching Buda he there assembled the troops
who were to act under him, gave a favourable answer with respect to
the conditions proposed by Austria, and nominated his son-in-law Kází
Zádeh, Alí Páshá, beglerbeg of Buda, Hábel Effendí, the cazí of that
place, Nezir-ud-dín Zádeh Mustafa Effendí, a grandee of Buda, and
Khádem Ahmed deputy to Alí Páshá, to proceed to the Straits of Sidova,
somewhere between Komran and Osterghún, where they met the Austrian
commissioners composed of German and Hungarian princes and ambassadors.
Botchkai’s consent and permission had been obtained. The Austrian
commissioners were lodged on the north side of the Danube, and the
Moslem commissioners at Osterghún.
On the 1st of Rajab, the commissioners, on both sides, embarked in
boats on the Danube, and in the middle of that river, they, after
some considerable debate, altercation, and warm contest, concluded a
treaty of peace, the articles of which, we shall here insert. It is to
be observed however that, according to the contract entered into with
Botchkai, the whole of the Majar nation was put under his jurisdiction,
as were also the fortresses of Filk, Yanuk, and all the other places
of strength. Matters remained in this state till the demise of the
late grand vezír, Lálá Mohammed Páshá, when Botchkai ceased pressing
his claims. Murád Páshá, therefore, met the wishes of the other
contracting power, gave his consent to the treaty agreed on by the
comissioners. The following, in substance, is a copy of the articles
of that treaty. The Austrian commissioners, who were vested with full
powers, say, in the document which they signed and presented to the
Moslem commissioners, that they, in the name of Adolphus II., who, by
the grace of God, is emperor of Alaman (Germany), Hungary, Bohemia,
Dalmatia, Croatia, and of the maritime provinces, concluded a treaty
of peace with the commissioners of his sublime majesty, Sultán Ahmed
Khán, for the space of twenty years. (Here the names of the Moslem
commissioners are introduced, and are the same as those formerly
mentioned.) The names of the Austrian commissioners are mentioned at
the commencement of the above document, and are as follows Yanúsh
Amoorlardi, councellor of state, governor of Komran, and captain of
all the frontier troops; Adolphus Ehwalanjan, counsellor of state and
commander-in-chief; Nicolas Ashtwan, kapúdán of the other side of the
Danube; Francis Gusenlegan, kapúdán of this side of the Danube and
counsellor of state; Claudius Rewaid, count of Farsewer.
_Article_ I. That ambassadors of the emperor of Austria shall be
permitted to proceed to the Sublime Porte, and that the correspondence
between the court of Constantinople and that of Vienna be expressed in
such friendly terms as a father writes to his son, or a son to a father.
_Article_ II. That the Ottoman royal letters shall style the emperor of
Austria, Roman Emperor; not king.
_Article_ III. That when, by the grace of God, peace is once concluded,
neither Tátár tribes, nor any other military force belonging to
the Sublime Porte, shall commit any hostility against any of the
territories belonging to the Roman emperor.
_Article_ IV. That the territories belonging to the contracting powers,
whether surrounded by water or not, shall not be injured by either
party; that the villages on the confines of Hungary shall not be
molested by the Osmánlís; that the king of Spain, if he agree to the
treaty, shall also not be molested.
_Article_ V. That all the inhabitants on the frontiers be prohibited
from tresspassing on the confines of either party; that should any
person, from either side, be guilty of the refraction of this article,
and be seized, he shall be presented before the governor or kapúdán of
that place, who shall make proper enquiry as to what he has been guilty
of, and punish or acquit accordingly.
_Article_ VI. No castle or fortress, during the peace, shall be
plundered, attacked, nor taken by any stratagem. If any one of the
fortresses be taken by fraud or craft, it shall be restored. Those
places given to Botchkai shall remain as they were fixed at Vienna.
_Article_ VII. All captives taken before the peace shall be set
at liberty for the ransom that may be stipulated: such as are not
ransomed shall be exchanged for other captives; and no captives shall
be taken after the ratification of this treaty. If by any means any
captive be taken, the party who took him shall liberate him gratis.
The contracting powers agree, that persons who shall be convicted of
seizing captives shall be punished by the government to which they
belong.
_Article_ VIII. If any of the inhabitants of Temisvar, of Bosnia, of
Agria, or of Kaniza, offend against this treaty, information must be
given to their respective governors; and in the event of such offenders
not being punished, the beglerbeg of Buda, who shall be appointed
superintendent of all these districts, shall be requested to see
justice fairly administered. In like manner must the governor of Yanuk,
the kapúdáns on this side (the Ottoman side), and the banis of Croatia
be instructed to see this treaty respected.
_Article_ IX. The fortresses belonging to both the contracting powers
may be repaired; but no new fortress or palanka shall be erected on the
frontiers of either country.
_Article_ X. As to the two hundred thousand dollars promised to his
Sublime Majesty by this treaty, it is stipulated, that so soon as the
imperial ambassador shall have arrived with this sum at Constantinople,
the exalted serdár shall send a Sanjak prince with a present suitable
to the dignity of the Ottoman court to give to the duke. When the
royal presents destined for the Ottoman sultán shall have arrived, the
sultán shall return a gift of greater magnitude than usual to the Roman
emperor.
_Article_ XI. The Austrian ambassador shall proceed at once to
Constantinople with the stipulated sum of money and the royal presents.
_Article_ XII. The peace now concluded shall continue to be maintained
for the space of twenty years, commencing from the 1st of the thousand
and fifteenth Rajab (_i. e._ from 1st of Rajab 1015) of the Mohammedan
era, which is the 1600th of the Christian era: but no more presents
than those now mentioned shall be sent for the space of three years.
Whatever presents may be thought necessary to be sent after these three
years are expired, shall remain undetermined. If during the term of
this peace the emperor of the Moslems, or the emperor of Austria, or
the king of Hungary, should depart this life, their sons, successors,
and relations shall be bound to respect the articles of this treaty,
and not to violate the peace on any account.
_Article_ XIII. The palanka of Wáj shall remain in its present
(dilapidated) condition, and shall not be enlarged.
_Article_ XIV. When the Austrian ambassadors arrive at Constantinople
they shall be allowed whatever they may stand in need of.
_Article_ XV. The villages which paid tribute or taxes before the
reduction of Agria (_i. e._ the villages of that district) shall
continue to pay the same still.
_Article_ XVI. Those villages which belonged to Filk, Sichan, and
Novograde, but now connected with Agria, Khutván, Buda, and Osterghún,
shall pay their accustomed dues.
_Article_ XVII. Those villages which were accustomed to pay taxes when
Osterghún fell into the hands of the Austrian emperor shall still
continue to pay him their dues as formerly. All the other villages on
the frontiers shall continue to pay their usual taxes to whichever
government they may belong. In consequence of the unsettled state of
the district of Kaniza, a person shall be nominated by the Moslem
government, who, along with Bíkám Oghlí, shall make enquiry into the
state of matters, and determine which of the villages of that district
belong to Kaniza, and which not; when their taxes shall be regulated
according to what is right.
_Concerning Nesúh Páshá._
On the 4th of Moharrem in this year, Nesúh Páshá, who, by the
instrumentality of the late grand vezír, Mohammed Páshá, had been
appointed to the government of Baghdád, went to take possession of
his new government. On reaching the Euphrates he learned, that Píáleh
Páshá, the deposed governor of Bassora, had succeeded in gaining the
good-will of the people of Baghdád, and that by means of flattery
and promises he had secured the affections of the soldiery. He also
received intelligence concerning the rebel Mohammed, son of Túyel Ahmed
Oghlí, who had been válí of Irák. The beglerbeg of Wærka, Mír Sheríf,
whom Nesúh met on his march to Baghdád, showed him much respect, and
promised him his support. Nesúh was furnished with letters and robes of
honour to Seyed Khán Beg, one of those Kúrd princes who, before Nesúh’s
time, had come on business to Baghdád: also to the begs of Sehran, and
to Obrish Oghlí Emír Ahmed, an Arab prince. These letters enjoined the
several parties above specified, in the most flattering manner, to
attach themselves without delay to the interests of Nesúh Páshá, the
emperor’s commander-in-chief, and to proceed with him to Baghdád then
in the hands of the rebels.
Obrish Oghlí, and the other chiefs, sent the commander-in-chief
deceitful answers; and after waiting at Mosul for nearly six weeks for
their arrival, he found at last that he had been duped by their fraud.
To add to his distress, he found also, that the letter which he had
sent off to Seyed Khán had been intercepted, and that the rebels were
thus apprized of his march upon Baghdád.
It may be proper to observe, however, that before the imperial letters
above alluded to arrived, the Válí Páshá, Píáleh Páshá, and Emír Sheríf
Páshá, had advanced as far as Arabel, whence they wrote to Seyed Khán,
and to the emírs of Seheran to join them, but without any good result.
The Turkoman tribe, however, which for some insignificant advantage
had been tempted to revolt, joined the rebels. Upon this, and trusting
to the promises of Abúrish Oghlí, they entered the city of Baghdád
on the 3d of Shabán, the very day fixed on by him, but they neither
heard nor saw any thing of him. The Kurds and Arabian insurgents,
who had been sent by Arazil and Abúrish Oghlí, and who now supported
Túyel Oghlí in his rebellion, also entered Baghdád, and prepared for
resistance. Túyel, it would appear, had secretly succeeded, by means
of 30,000 ducats, in bribing a number of faithless mercenaries, who
served in the army under Nesúh. Túyel, in consequence of the success
his bribery had met with, ventured out of the city and offered battle
to Nesúh. At the commencement of this engagement, the superiority of
Nesúh’s troops over their adversaries seemed evident; but a body of the
mercenaries who had been bribed joining the insurgents, the remainder
of the army fled from the field. This catastrophe was attended with
terrible consequences to Nesúh; yet although his army, by this revolt,
was considerably weakened, he nevertheless, with Válí Páshá, Píáleh
Páshá, and Mír Sheríf, fought with unparalleled bravery. Válí Páshá
fell on the field of battle, and Nesúh was wounded in two places. A
considerable number of brave soldiers who fought under the banner of
Nesúh, besides many princes who had attended Mír Sheríf, also died
martyrs in this bloody contest. Nesúh and Mír Sheríf however, when they
perceived the battle turning against them, succeeded in getting their
fighting Muselmans to retire from the unequal conflict. Nesúh retreated
to an island which belonged to Mír Sheríf, where he remained until
the severe cold weather set in, and thence he sent a report of his
misfortunes to the court of Constantinople. Túyel, not long after this
victory which he had gained, was murdered in the city of Baghdád.
_Death of Botchkai._
Petrus, the pope’s legate in Hungary, and Arúmendi, Botchkai’s intimate
friend, informed the court of Constantinople that King Botchkai
Ashetwan had departed this life on the 5th of Ramazán. Some time before
his death he summoned to his presence the two above-mentioned persons,
and nominated as his successor his sister’s son-in-law, his own vezír,
the bravest prince that was in Hungary, one Hemon; and whose name
had been inserted in the contract between Botchkai and the Ottoman
government as the successor of Botchkai to the crown of Transylvania.
Hemon having been raised to the throne of Transylvania, as now
described, the Sublime Porte sent him a robe of honour lined with
wolf-skin, and a sanják, as tokens of esteem. This Hemon, called also
Hemon Baturi, was a descendant of the ancient kings of Transylvania,
and on this account was chosen successor to Botchkai.
_Other events of the current year._
On the night of the 4th of Moharrem a destructive fire broke out in
the Jewish quarter of the city: the desolating element reaching as far
as Khoaja Páshá’s bath, and Khoaja’s academy, and destroying squares
and streets in its progress. The damage which this fire occasioned was
immense.
On the 27th of the month Gúrjí, Mohammed Páshá, lately removed from
the government of Egypt, was appointed to the government of Bosnia;
and the government of Kaniza was conferred on Aghá Khosrú Páshá. On
the 11th of Rabia II., in consequence of the rebel Kalander Oghlí
having gone to the vicinity of Kewah, all the cavalry, Chashingírs
and Chávushes, who had any property in that quarter, were ordered
to repair thither. On the 16th of Jemadi I. the government received
information that the insurgent Jánbúlát had suddenly fallen on the
governor of Aleppo, Hasan Páshá, brother to Tarnákjí, and had slain
him. On the same day intelligence was also received that Alí Páshá,
the son of the same Jánbúlát, who had raised the standard of rebellion
in the jurisdiction of Aleppo, had fought and overcome in battle Emír
Seif Oghlí, beglerbeg of Tripoli, in Syria, who had been obliged to
take refuge in that city. On the 21st, the master of the horse, Ja’fer
Aghá, having been appointed governor of Ethiopia, his predecessor was
removed to Yemen, where he succeeded Sinán Páshá, who had been ordered
to return to Turkey. On the 18th of Ramazán, Kalander Oghlí, with the
rebels under his command, most completely overthrew and defeated Hasan
Páshá, beglerbeg of Anatolia; also Ahmed, the former governor of that
province, and the beg of Sarúkhán, Hájí Beg, in the neighbourhood of
Sarúkhán. Kalander Oghlí, after having obtained this decisive victory,
threatened to attack Magnesia, and it was, therefore, found necessary
to strengthen Brúsa. On the third of Dhu’l hijja, several of the
youths attached to the royal house were promoted to offices of honour,
according to the usual rule. A number of other promotions and changes
took place, but they are not worth while mentioning.
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1016, H.
_The grand vezír, Murád Páshá, returns to court._
Murád Páshá, after the peace between Turkey and Austria was fully
settled and agreed to, enjoyed, at Belgrade, some degree of quiet and
tranquillity, until he was suddenly recalled to court. The official
messenger who had carried to Murád Páshá the emperor’s orders, no
sooner arrived at the place of his destination, than Murád Páshá, along
with the Austrian ambassadors, who had carried with them thither the
sum of money stipulated by the treaty of peace, set out in the greatest
haste for the Sublime Porte, where they arrived about the end of
Moharrem.
Not long after his arrival in the metropolis, it was resolved, in
consequence of the harrassing state of the eastern provinces and the
continued aggressions of the Persians, that the grand vezír, Murád
Páshá, should be sent with a splendid army to bring the countries of
the east into a state of tranquillity and subordination, and to act
against the Persians.
In consequence of the long-continued war which the Ottomans had been
obliged to carry on against the northern infidels, and which drained
to so great a degree the military resources of the empire, the inland
provinces were, in a manner, left destitute of sufficient military
force to preserve them quiet and peaceable. Anatolia, when thus freed
of the presence of the military, became much disturbed by every kind
of faction, rebellion, and insubordination: each faction had its own
leader or chieftain. They procured supplies of arms, formed themselves
into companies of foot and horse, and presented every where a most
formidable appearance.
One of the leaders of these rebels was Abdul helím, better known by the
name of Karah Yázijí (usually called Scrivano), who was at one time
in the suite of the governor of the province. At first he was only
segbán, but afterwards he became súbáshlik. The discontented portion of
the inhabitants of Anatolia chose this man for their chieftain, who,
by his wicked devices, soon brought the whole country into a state
of insubordination and violence. In 1009 he pillaged and sacked the
countries of Chorum, Sivás, and Tokat. Sometimes victorious, sometimes
defeated, he was, at last, obliged to betake himself to the mountains
of Jánbeg.
Another of these rebel-chiefs was one Hasan Páshá. Being governor
of the province, his cruelty, oppression, and injustice became so
intolerable, that he was necessitated, for the safety of his life, to
take flight. He joined the infamous Scrivano at the moment he was beset
in the fortress of Ráh, and effected his deliverance, but he himself
being taken, was delivered over to the Moslem commander, who sent him
to Constantinople, where he suffered the punishment deserved by his
crimes.
His brother, Delí Hasan, was another of these rebel-chiefs. He followed
in the footsteps of Scrivano, and was murdered, as the reader may
remember, when on his way from Temisvar to Belgrade.
Kalander Oghlí, called also Mohammed, likewise headed the revolt. He
was at first in the service of some of the beglerbegs, and afterwards
a lieutenant to a great man who had employed him. When Jeghala Zádeh
was commander-in-chief in the east, Kalander Oghlí insinuated himself,
in some way or other, into his favour, from which he received some
benefit. In 1013 he selected a number of rebels and became their chief.
Being bold and intrepid as well as wicked, he committed very serious
evils; but we shall afterwards have to advert to his history.
Another of these malignants was one Karah Seyed, a wretch who was so
thoroughly embued with evil qualities, as to be an object of general
detestation and hatred. The miseries, murders, and spoliation which
this fiend committed were horrible. He joined his fortunes with those
of Kalander; but placing confidence in him was like placing confidence
in a mud-wall.
The next of these villains that we shall notice are Túyel and Yúsuf
Páshá, who, like those already mentioned, met with the fate they
deserved. The greater number of those who had been engaged in the
recent and former rebellions were either killed or dispersed, or
perished in some other way. The most infamous of those who still
remained in open rebellion were Alí Beg, son of Jánbulát, and Kalander
Oghlí; but Murád Páshá was preparing to chastise them.
_Murád Páshá gains a victory over the rebels._
The grand vezír, Murád Páshá, no sooner returned to Constantinople,
than he commenced preparations for the war in the east. On the 19th of
the 1016th Sefer (_i. e._ on the 19th of the month Sefer of this year)
he passed over to Scutari, and on the 7th of Rabia I. he marched direct
towards Aleppo. The beglerbegship of Romeili was conferred on Tarnákjí
Hasan Páshá, and that of Anatolia on Marjol Hasan Páshá. Khalíl Aghá,
colonel of the janissaries, was appointed chief herald. Bákí Páshá was
made treasurer for the army, and the dignity of káímakám was conferred
on Mustafa Páshá, of the garrison of Brúsa, who took possession of his
new office on the 22d of the month Sefer.
When the serdár, Murád Páshá, conspicuous in dignity, reached Iconium,
Kalander Oghlí, who on two former occasions had opposed and defeated
two páshás, and who had spread the most terrible consternation
throughout the country, hearing of Murád’s march on Iconium, determined
to fall upon Ancora, the inhabitants of which had done him considerable
injury. Thinking this was the best time to be revenged on them, he left
Sarúkhán and directed his movements towards Ancora.
In the meantime, however, Murád, after a few days’ rest at Iconium,
made some new arrangements. He appointed Bábá Akhí Zádeh, who was
orthodox in his views and sentiments, to the high-priest’s office,
which happened at that time to be vacant. A considerable number of the
inhabitants, who had been active in the rebellion, he caused to be
executed; and filled the wells of Iconium with their vile bodies. One
of those who suffered death on that occasion was a cursed heretic of
the name of Ahmed Beg. Murád Páshá also crucified a man named Mustafa,
stabbed the deputy-governor, when Abdur-rahmán was cazí of Iconium,
burned the palace of Delí Ahmed, the governor of Caramania, the owner
of it losing his life in the flames, and put to the sword more than a
thousand souls, who had either been infected with heresy, or who had
taken part in the rebellion. In short, Murád Páshá marched about in the
character of a prince, and put to death whomever he pleased. When this
Ahmed Beg, the scourge of the whole country, was brought before this
deep-discerning commander, the páshá thus addressed him: “I am about
leaving you at Iconium till my return from taking vengeance on the son
of Jánbulát: guard the city and keep a good look out. But should you
require aid for this purpose, what number of men do you think you could
muster?” The fearless wretch replied, “thirty thousand at least.” The
commander expressed, though feignedly, his approbation, and dismissed
him: but in an oration to those who, it would seem, had pleaded in his
behalf, he observed that to leave alive upon the earth a man, who,
in his absence, could raise thirty thousand men, and to permit him to
have the power of fortifying the city against him, would not be acting
wisely. In this way, and by these arguments, he put to silence the
friends and advocates of Ahmed Beg; and shortly afterwards, caused him
to be strangled, and his carcass thrown into a well.
_Ebn Kalander goes to Ancora._
Kalander Oghlí, well knowing that to encounter the serdár would be his
certain destruction, retired, as we have already seen, towards Ancora.
On his march to this place he picked up all the cattle and horses which
fell in his way, and passed by the confines of Caramania, plundering
and robbing every town and village through which he marched. On
approaching Ancora he forwarded a messenger to announce his arrival, as
if he had been commissioned by royal authority.
In the city of Ancora there lived, at that time, one Ahmed Effendí
Zádeh Waldin, who had been present in the royal camp during the war
that was carried on against Hungary; and who, from the high opinion
entertained of his abilities, was appointed cazí of Ancora, with
the view of seeing its unfinished fortifications completed, and of
preserving the place against the aggressions of the rebels. When the
above messenger, accompanied by four hundred men, presented himself
before the city, this judge of the law proposed answering him thus:
that it was unlawful to permit an armed troop of criminals to enter the
city; that the gates must not be opened to them; and that if it should
be necessary to act on the defensive, they would sooner fight than
allow them entrance. This decisive method of answering the intruders
was not only approved of by the rest of the citizens, but communicated
by them to the messengers, who carried it to Kalander. This information
enraged him greatly, but he soon hit on a stratagem which he put into
practice. He appeared before the walls of the city, and sending a
messenger, with conditions of peace, requested the judge of the law
to come out and confer with him on certain points; intimating, at the
same time, that he would be entirely swayed by the judgment of the
reverend Effendí. The judge prepared himself, and came forth with a
certain number of horsemen, to meet his opponent, who was attended
by his suite; and both, sitting on horseback, entered into close
conversation. Kalander commenced thus: “The emperor has assigned to
me, in perpetual possession, this province, and has given the adjacent
sanjáks to my followers. Why have you declined receiving us into the
city? Why have you shut its gates against my herald?” The judge boldly
replied, “If this country be conferred on you, as you say, why are you
not come with the royal standard unfurled? You have the appearance of
a band of robbers. You have trampled down the corn-fields belonging
to the Muselmans; you have violently carried away the property of the
country; you have driven your cattle into our corn-fields. The eyes of
the citizens are afraid to dwell upon public robbers; and their hearts
failed them when they heard of your approach. This, then, is the reason
why they have shut their gates against your herald. They were alarmed,
lest, as soon as you should enter, you would commence the work of
cruelty, robbery, and death; but now that you have exhibited the royal
pleasure, we are your servants. Therefore, we request that you draw out
a list of what you deem necessary, and send it to us by faithful men.
But, in order that you may tranquillize the fears of the citizens, it
will be proper for you to retire to some considerable distance from
their view. When they perceive your peaceful conduct, I shall not fail
to do what I can to interest the people of the city in your behalf;
then I shall come forth to you into our own camp, and learn from you
what honours you will confer on me, in return: as soon as the people
are quieted you may enter the city.”
This seemingly gracious reception so intoxicated Kalander and his
followers, that about thirty of these wretches, accompanied by their
chief’s deputy, actually went into the city and delivered to the judge
a list of such things as they principally required—such as trowsers,
coats, and other articles. Whilst they were waiting a few days for the
articles in question, Kalander’s deputy began to discover the villany
of his base nature. In fact, he was hardly two days in the city when
he began to lay his hands on the beautiful young females he saw, which
exasperated the people to such a degree that they were on the point of
murdering him. The judge, at the moment they were about to take summary
vengeance on the wretch, interfered and restrained their fury, by
representing to them that by their acting in such a manner they would
endanger the lives of other Muselmans as well as their own. Under the
pretext, therefore, of delivering the audacious wretch out of their
hands, he thrust him into prison in the inner fortress. His companions
he distributed among different families in the character of guests,
as they supposed, where he told them they would receive the rights of
hospitality, and where they would be protected from insult in case of
any tumult arising. The cazí, in this way, got them all safely lodged
within the citadel, and not one of them was able to make his escape.
During this interval, Kalander was impatiently waiting for the return
of his men; but he little knew the person he had to deal with. The
reverend judge had no sooner secured his prize, than he wrote off
an account of the whole affair to Murád Páshá, who, in return,
congratulated his correspondent on his adroitness and success; and
informed him, by letter, that an army would soon be in pursuit of
his visitors, cautioning him, at the same time, to be on the look
out. The person who had the charge of this letter was way-laid and
intercepted, by which means Kalander became acquainted with the whole
of the mystery. He now perceived the design of the cazí, and determined
on attacking the city: but he was just as little aware of the heroism
and skill in war which cazí Effendí, the son of Waldin, possessed,
as he before was of his powers of stratagem. The citizens too were
not without spirit. They formed themselves into regular companies,
and fell with ardour on their assailants, maintaining the struggle
with desperate heroism, and hurling defiance at Kalander, who made no
less than eight different assaults, so intent was he on reducing the
Ancorians. But the showers of musket and cannon-shot from the batteries
made such havock among this besieging horde as both cooled and repelled
them, until at last they seemed to have given up all idea of success.
At this moment it began to be rumoured that a body of troops, under
the command of Tekelí, Mohammed Páshá, was marching on Ancora, which
rumour induced the besiegers to retire to the distance of one stage.
Tekelí, it would appear, had some little skirmishes with these rebels,
but their numbers were so very superior to those under his command,
that he chose rather to hasten into the city than to risk any general
engagement.
It was not long after these things, that Tekelí was put in possession
of the sanják of Komstamúní, when he pursued Kalander Oghlí with
additional forces, and forty pieces of cannon.
The commander-in-chief having determined on the total destruction of
Jánbúlát, seems, for the time, to have overlooked the rebel Kalander.
He removed his troops from Iconium; and marching towards Aleppo, where
Jánbúlát then was, he encamped before the city of Larendo; whence he
dispatched the regiments of the red and yellow standards, under their
respective leaders, and a body of janissaries to Selukeh, in Syria,
with orders to destroy Meseli Chávush, a powerful and noted rebel in
that quarter. This expedition, on reaching its destination, found
the rebel had taken refuge in the mountains, and had there fortified
himself. The ardent and zealous Moslem troops, however, pursued him
even into his strong-holds, one or two of which they took, slaying all
his followers that fell in their way, and dispersing the remainder. A
few of the principal leaders, who had acted among the insurgents, were
seized and sent to the commander-in-chief.
The exalted serdár, bent on falling in with Jánbúlát, removed from
Larendo and came to Arkalah, where he found himself opposed by Jemshíd,
another of the rebel chieftains, from the neighbourhood of Adna, and
who scrupled not to give battle to the royal troops. He and his rebel
army, however, were soon broken and overthrown. He himself escaped
by flight, but his deluded followers were either destroyed or made
prisoners. Such of them as were taken alive were conducted into the
presence of the serdár, and there ordered to be beheaded.
When the grand vezír, Murád Páshá, reached the confines of Aleppo, he
was there informed, just as he was on the eve of approaching the pass
of Bukras, that Jánbúlát, with twenty thousand foot and twenty thousand
horse, was strongly entrenched within this pass. The exalted serdár,
on hearing this report, changed his route, and went forward to the
plains of Gozarjinlik. This movement he effected on 29th of Jemadi II.
The royal camp was joined at this place by the beglerbeg of Merœsh,
Zulfekár Páshá, with a powerful auxiliary army. In three days
afterwards he removed his camp to Durma, on the river Kunuk. Jánbúlát
Oghlí, on learning that the Moslem army had passed on to Durma, left
his position; and, on the 2d of Rajab, marched with his army of forty
thousand half the distance, intent on giving battle to the serdár, and
encamped in the valley of Uruj. The advance guards of both armies met,
and a sharp skirmish took place; but that of the rebels was totally
defeated; the greater part of them perished, and those who were made
prisoners, being conducted into the presence of the serdár were,
without mercy or compassion, instantly put to death.
The following day, Tuesday, in the morning, the grand vezír prepared
for a general engagement, put his numerous troops in order, and then
encouraged and fortified the hearts of his soldiers.
Jánbúlát, in like manner, prepared for the contest. He placed his
deputy with a division of his rebellious troops, against the army of
Anatolia, which formed the right wing of Murád: his segbáns he opposed
to the Romeilian troops, which formed his left wing, and he himself
took up his position immediately opposite the centre of the royal army.
It has been said, that Jánbúlát had written before this to the Moslem
commander-in-chief offering to make peace, but that the latter did
not believe him sincere. He even, whilst endeavouring to bring this
about, stepped to the front of his army and forbade them to fight; but
they, by oaths and curses, caused him to retire, and erected their
banners. However these things might be, the battle commenced, and it
was a bloody one. Zulfekár Páshá, beglerbeg of Merœsh, fought with
uncommon bravery, and caused the heads of the enemy to roll along the
ground. Jánbúlát attacked the left wing of the royalists, composed
of the Romeilian army commanded by its intrepid válí, Hasan Páshá,
but was met with heroism, on the part of these troops, exceeding
all imagination. The conflict was awful and bloody, and lasted till
night. Twenty-six thousand heads were conveyed into the presence of
the powerful Osmánlí chief, and heaped up before his pavilion: twenty
persons were incessantly employed in cutting off the heads of the vast
number of prisoners which were brought in alive. The janissaries,
headed by their chief, as well as the other troops, distinguished
themselves in the most brilliant manner on this occasion.
Jánbúlát, after this severe defeat, fled to Kilis. But finding it
unsafe for him to remain there, he marched on to Aleppo, plundered the
rich men of the city, threw some of his troops into the citadel, and
the following morning, as he was going out at the gate, to continue his
flight—for such was the fear he was in, that he remained only one night
at Aleppo—the women and children raised a tremendous hue and cry after
him, loading him with anathemas, and covering him with dirt and mud.
After he was once fairly out of their sight the inhabitants commenced a
search after such of his followers as had hid themselves in the city,
and succeeded in finding out and killing more than a thousand of these
wretches before Murád Páshá arrived at Aleppo.
The day after the battle a council was held in the victorious and
glorious pavilion, when the grandees of the army pressed in to
congratulate their commander-in-chief.
It has been related that the son of Máín Fekhr-ud-dín had headed the
sons of Gilibi and the Dirzi soldiery, and fought under Jánbulát in the
above-mentioned battle. Fekhr-ud-dín fled to the fortress of Shukif, in
the desert, where he shut himself up.
The exalted commander-in-chief, when on his march from the field of
battle to Aleppo, touched at Kilis, where he seized on the whole of the
property belonging to the last-mentioned rebel. On the 19th of Rajab
he erected his pavilion in the Kokmaidan of Aleppo, whither all the
great men of the city repaired in order to pay him their respects, and
to congratulate him on his success against the rebels. Some few vile
wretches, who had hitherto eluded detection, were now brought forth
and executed. The few troops which Jánbulát had left in the citadel,
after a day or two, offered to surrender. The officers were furnished
with letters of protection, but the common soldiery, on coming out of
the citadel, were all executed. The government of Aleppo was conferred
on Dishleng Hasan Páshá, and the cazíship of the same on an old
acquaintance of the cazí of the royal camp, Cheshmi Effendí. Hasan
Páshá, válí of Romeili, having been advanced to the rank and dignity of
a vezír, returned to Turkey, and Marjol Hasan Páshá succeeded him as
válí of Romeili.
_Murád Páshá winters at Aleppo.—Troops are sent to Baghdád._
The grand vezír, Murád Páshá, with the view of preserving the peace
and tranquillity of the country, determined on keeping a certain number
of his best troops somewhere near Aleppo, where he himself resolved
on passing the winter. Accordingly, the spáhís were sent into the
territories of Damascus, and the Salihdárs to Tripoli, in Syria. The
janissaries remained with the commander-in-chief at Aleppo, and the
troops of Romeili, of Anatolia, and of Caramania were allowed to return
to their respective countries.
In Aleppo the serdár and his janissaries spent the six months of winter
in every sort of pleasure and festivity. Rebels, from one hundred
to two hundred, were every day brought to Aleppo and there executed
without compassion or commiseration.
The grand vezír, Murád Páshá, in the midst of the various scenes of
pleasure which Aleppo afforded, was one day astounded at learning
that about the time he had entered into winter quarters, Mustafa, the
brother of Ahmed Túyel Oghlí, who had met with his death at Baghdád,
had succeeded the deceased in the command of the rebels in that
quarter, and who amounted to several thousands. Murád Páshá was not
long in considering how to act: he determined on their overthrow.
Accordingly, he conferred the government of Baghdád on Mohammed Páshá,
son of Jeghala Zádeh Sinán Páshá, giving him a body of paid troops; and
he appointed Mír Ahmed, son of Abúrish, prince of Annet and Hadisa,
and Kúrd Mír Sheríf Páshá, besides several other provincial lords,
to accompany him to the conquest of Baghdád, now in the hands of the
rebels.
The expedition just mentioned had no sooner arrived within a small
distance of Baghdád than they were met by Mustafa, who had prepared
to oppose the Moslem army. This happened on the 1st of Shevál; but
Mustafa, who had not rightly estimated the courage and heroism of
the Osmánlí troops, found, to his sad experience, that he and his
rebels were no match for them; in a word, he was defeated and routed,
and shut himself up in the city, thinking there to defend himself.
This, however, was a delusion. The heroic Osmánlís were not long
in approaching and laying siege to the city, and perceiving that
resistance would be worse than useless, he proposed to deliver up the
city on the condition of personal security. This was agreed to, and he
was allowed to embark; but the boat into which he had entered had no
sooner moved away from the bank or wharf than, from its unequal weight,
occasioned by the vast numbers of segbáns who had crowded in along with
him, it upset, and all, with the exception of Mustafa himself and a
few others, were drowned in the river; even those few who did escape
were nearly all killed by bullets which were sent across after them.
Mohammed Páshá, after having thus vanquished the rebels and dispersed
them, entered into Baghdád triumphant and victorious.
_Jánbulát Oghlí seeks refuge in Constantinople.—Kalander commits new
depredations._
Kalander Oghlí, after having sustained the defeats and disappointments
formerly mentioned, and knowing that Murád Páshá had passed on to
Aleppo, again resolved on mischief. After leaving Ancora, finding
himself kept in awe by Tekelí, he passed into Anatolia, and proceeded
to the neighbourhood of Brúsa. Here he was joined by Kanalí Oghlí, the
chief of a sanják in that country, a disaffected villain, with a number
of others of similar character, amounting to very near a thousand; and
here he again commenced his usual depredations.
Jánbulát Oghlí Alí Páshá, of whose history and fortunes we have already
spoken, finding nowhere any asylum to which he might flee for safety,
took his winding-sheet on his shoulders, as it were, and resolved
on returning to Turkey. With this view he went to the vicinity of
Eskí-sheher with a certain number of volunteers, whence he sent a
humble letter by one Haidar Beg, his fraternal uncle, to the court of
Constantinople.
About the time Jánbulát Oghlí came into the vicinity of Brúsa,
Kalander Oghlí sent some of his principal adherents to meet him, and
to assure him that he also had repented, and inviting him to come
and take counsel with him, and proceed together in company. Jánbulát
Oghlí accepted of the invitation and went; but Kalander Oghlí had
changed his tone and said, “Do not you separate from me, and you shall
see me take ample revenge on our opponents: this is the very moment
for accomplishing it.” Jánbulát Oghlí, not relishing the views and
intentions of his entertainer, purposed with himself to escape secretly
from him; and with this view he one night cut a hole in the wall of
the apartment in which he lodged, and getting out, hastened off with
all dispatch towards Constantinople, taking only a few of his nearest
relations along with him. More disaffected fellows, who had accompanied
him to Brúsa, joined themselves, when they found he had absconded, to
the infamous Kalander Oghlí, who, when he first went to that quarter,
found himself surrounded with serious difficulties. Having been thus
strengthened, however, by the levends who had accompanied Jánbulát
Oghlí, he marched on Brúsa, to which he set fire, and robbed and
spoiled several other places besides. This daring robber, however, was
soon obliged to decamp. Nukásh Hasan Páshá, with a body of troops,
was ordered to attack him on one side, and vezír Yúsuf Páshá to do
the same on the other. But he did not wait their arrival. On leaving
Brúsa he set out towards Mikhalij, and continued his route till he was
opposed by the Lake of Ulú-ábád. This lake is surrounded on the south
by very steep rocks, which extend northwards, along the river, to the
Mediterranean Sea. The infamous robber, on approaching this lake,
perceived that it formed the natural boundary between Brúsa and the
countries of Mikhalij, Garem-asta, and Pighala. At the foot of this
lake was an ancient bridge, which was the only passage by which the
rebel could cross. On the opposite side, however, there was a fortified
castle; but how to get across the bridge with safety to himself and
followers, and make his way to a narrow gap which he knew to exist
somewhere in the mountains or range of rocks on the south of the lake
or river, was to him the subject of the utmost concern. He prepared,
however, to take it at all hazard; but finding the castle was in the
hands of the people of Garem-asta, his courage failed him, and without
attempting any farther the execution of his plan, he proceeded to a
place in the neighbourhood called Chatalú, where he remained till the
commencement of the feast which follows the Mohammedan lent: when, as
he thought, he might succeed better. On the arrival of this festival,
the garrison, intent on celebrating it, began to do so on the first
evening, and left the castle exposed and defenceless. The villain
taking advantage of this neglect on the part of the garrison, crossed
the bridge, and entered the country of Garem-asta, where he unfurled
the standard of rebellion, traversed the country, and took possession
of the town of Mikhalij. His pursuers, at least one of them, Nukásh
Hasan Páshá, following hard after him, reached Ulú-ábád, where he
encamped. The rebel and his followers no sooner discovered this to
be the case, than they fell back upon the bridge by which they had
passed in the manner described, and effectually prevented Nukásh from
crossing. The rebels took good care not to disturb any of the towns and
villages in this neighbourhood: they were therefore all quiet, and took
no part against them; and winter coming on, Nukásh, on account of its
severity, was unable to act against them.
In the meantime, a reinforcement under the command of the governor
of Silistria was sent off to join the dispirited Nukásh. The rebels
met this reinforcement at Gunan, where they gave them battle. In this
engagement, Ahmed Páshá, governor of Silistria, fought with such
ardent and daring bravery, that there was not a part of his body which
remained unhurt, and he was, at last, obliged to be carried from
the field of battle, and soon afterwards he expired. The orthodox
Moslems lost the day: and the victorious rebel-chief marched into
the districts of Aydin and Sarúkhán, with fire and sword, and passed
through Caramania, when he was joined by some of his former associates,
who brought him a considerable increase of strength, and thus this
detestable rebel, who but very lately had only a few followers, became
now a most formidable enemy.
On the arrival of spring, the troops, who had been dispersed into
winter-quarters, began to assemble at Aleppo, around their celebrated
chief, Murád Páshá. As it was of the utmost importance that the
treasurer, Etmekjí Zádeh Ahmed Páshá, who was to carry funds for the
use of the army, should, for safety sake, accompany back the Romeilian
troops, he was appointed to take the command of these troops, and
to conduct them to Aleppo. The rebel, Kalander Oghlí, so lately
victorious, was at this time in Caramania; and knowing that Etmekjí
Zádeh was a person unskilled in war, he determined, as soon as he
learned that he was on his way, to intercept him, and, if possible,
seize the money he was carrying to the grand army. Etmekjí Zádeh was
apprized, however, of his intentions, and sent the troops and the money
by the way of Ancora; both of which reached the commander-in-chief in
safety.
_Jánbulát Oghlí meets with a happy reverse of fortune._
Jánbulát Oghlí, whom we lately spoke of as on his way to
Constantinople, after having escaped the snares which the notorious
Kalander Oghlí had laid for him, arrived at Bazarjik on the 9th of
Ramazán. His uncle, Haidar Beg, and his deputy, Hasan, whom he had
sent to the court of Constantinople with letters of submission,
arrived there on the 21st of the same month, and soon afterwards
appeared before the emperor, to whom they expressed themselves thus:
“We are come to confess our misdeeds, and to receive the punishment
due to them. Our lives are in your hand.” Their crimes were forgiven,
and Jánbulát Oghlí’s deputy was sent back to his master with the
emperor’s letter of forbearance and grace; whilst his uncle, Haidar
Beg, was allowed to remain in the metropolis. The bostánjí báshí was
sent back to Nicomedia with the galley in which he had brought Haidar
Beg, to take in Jánbulát Oghlí, and convey him to Constantinople. It
is remarkable that it was at the very time that this galley arrived
at Nicomedia to receive Jánbulát Oghlí, that he had been inveighled
by Kalander Oghlí. The bostánjí báshí, not finding him at Nicomedia,
and being anxious of discharging his duty, ignorant alike of what had
become of him, and of the trap which had been laid for him, he and his
bostánjís set out for Brúsa in search of him, where they met him as
he was fleeing from Kalander Oghlí, from whose snares he had made his
escape in the manner we have already described. His deputy advanced
towards him, put his majesty’s letter of clemency into his hand, when
all of them proceeded to the galley, on board which they embarked, and
reached Constantinople about the end of Ramazán. Jánbulát Oghlí, in
conformity to the promise which had been given to him after he had been
introduced into the royal presence, was again received into favour. He
remained about a whole week in the imperial gardens, and went every
day to converse with his majesty. Not long afterwards he was created
beglerbeg of Temisvar, and sent off to take charge of his government.
After having, for the space of two years, sustained this high rank
and office, he began again to manifest the baseness of his nature.
His innate scorpion-like disposition developed itself in the acts of
tyranny and oppression which he perpetrated on the inhabitants, whom
he robbed and spoiled without mercy. The people seeing themselves thus
subjected to this merciless plunderer, determined on ridding themselves
of him, and raising a tumult, threatened to murder him. Alarmed by
these symptoms of revenge, he fled to Belgrade, where he remained in
prison till the grand vezír, Murád Páshá, returned to Constantinople,
and sent orders to cazí Zádeh Alí Páshá, protector of the frontiers, to
put him to death.
_Some more particulars belonging to this year._
In the month of Sefer, the commandant of Brúsa, Mustafa Páshá, was
called to fill the office of káímakám in the city of Constantinople.
On the 10th of Rabia II. Yemenlí Hasan Páshá was removed from the
government of Egypt, and returned with the fleet which conveyed the
annual taxes. By the same conveyance also, seventeen begs and four
beglerbegs, who had been removed from office by the advice of Mohammed
Páshá, the válí of Egypt, arrived at Constantinople. Hasan Páshá,
however, was again, in Jemadi II., reinstated in his vezírship, and
died on the 9th of Rajab. On the 11th of Shevál Nukásh Hasan Páshá was
appointed commandant of Brúsa (probably when he was sent after the
notorious Kalander Oghlí). On the 28th of this month, after having
received the very distressing and afflicting intelligence of the
progress and success of the insurgents, and of their having nearly
reached Brúsa, a general council of the great men of the state was
summoned for the purpose of consulting what methods ought to be adopted
for stopping the further progress of the rebellion. It was immediately
agreed to fortify Brúsa; and to send vezír Dávud Páshá to Nicomedia,
and Khezer Páshá to Scutari, to see these places fortified also; and
to which they repaired. On the 22d of Shevál, Háfiz Ahmed Aghá, chief
of the falconers, in consequence of the splendid talents he possessed,
both as a man of science and a soldier, arrived at the dignity of
becoming the emperor’s favourite. This led to a vezírship, when he
became lord high admiral, in room of the European, Ja’fer Páshá.
On the 16th of Dhu’l Kadah of this year, the khán of the Crimea,
Ghází Gheráí, departed this life. The messengers who brought this
intelligence to Constantinople informed the Ottoman government, that
Toktamish Gheráí, the khán’s son, had, in virtue of his deceased
father’s will, at least under this pretext, and without waiting for
the sanction of the Turkish government, assumed the regal authority.
This stretch of authority manifested by the presuming youth did not
at all please the emperor, who, it would appear, intended to confer
the khánship on Salámet Gheráí. This Salámet Gheráí was, at one time,
the accomplice of Delí Hasan, of notorious memory, who although he
repented, suffered four years’ imprisonment in the fortress of Romeili.
Out of this condition the emperor raised him, and now conferred on him
the khánship of the Crimea, become vacant by the death of Ghází Gheráí.
His brother, Kalkái Mohammed Gheráí, who had been his fellow-prisoner,
was also raised to a participation in the khánship, and both were sent
off for the Crimea. On the 21st of this same month, after having kissed
the emperor’s hand, they commenced their journey: Salámet went by sea,
and Kalkái by land.
Whilst Toktamish Gheráí was waiting with anxiety for the return of
the messengers from the Sublime Porte, who, he hoped, would bring
him intimations of the emperor’s approbation, his expectations were
suddenly blasted by receiving, through some other channel, the
unexpected news that his uncle, Salámet Gheráí, had been declared
his father’s successor. Thinking to save his own life, he set out
for Turkey, accompanied by his next eldest brother, Sefer Gheráí. On
passing the river Uzí, and arriving at Akkerman, he employed the utmost
precaution to avoid falling in with Kalkái, who was travelling by land:
yet notwithstanding all his watchfulness, he actually did meet with
him, when instantly a combat ensued, in which encounter the followers
of Toktamish were all dispersed. He himself, and his brother, fell into
the hands of Kalkái, and were murdered, but not before they had slain a
host of their antagonists.
Kalkái, pursuing his journey, arrived in the Crimea, and took
possession of the high office assigned him; but soon began to manifest
symptoms of corruption most derogatory to his exalted station; and
for which Salámet Gheráí meditated his death. Kalkái was some way or
other informed of his brother’s intentions, and, to escape what he had
thus reason to fear, set out with his brother, Sháhin Gheráí, to the
Circassian country, where he wandered about as an outlaw, and where
he was afterwards visited by retributive justice for the murder of
Toktamish: but we shall have to return to his history afterwards.
In the meantime, the new khán, Salámet Gheráí, was not allowed to enjoy
his elevation for any length of time, having been carried off by death.
He was succeeded in the khánship by Jánbeg Gheráí.
Hasan Beg Zádeh observes with respect to this portion of history, that
it was no sooner known that Toktamish had usurped the regal dignity,
than the admiral of the Crimean sea, Háfiz Ahmed Páshá, and the son
of the emperor’s tutor or chaplain, represented to his majesty, that
Toktamish Gheráí was not acceptable to the people, and that they wished
Salámet Gheráí to be made their khán. The pure and disinterested mufti,
deceived by Etmekjí Zádeh, spoke to the emperor in favour of Ghází
Gheráí’s son, Toktamish, and assured his majesty, that the Tátárs would
not accept of Salámet Gheráí as their khán. It turned out, however,
that, after Salámet Gheráí, accompanied by a cup-bearer, had arrived
in the Crimea, and succeeded to the possession of the Tátár throne,
without any opposition having been offered, the emperor, hearing of
it, and urged by an imperfect judgment, contrary to every principle of
rectitude, deprived the mufti, Siná-allah Effendí, of his high office,
and gave it to Mohammed Effendí, a son of his own chaplain. This office
continued long afterwards to be occupied by one of his sons.
_An ambassador arrives from Poland.—A former treaty is renewed._
Zighmun (Sigismund), king of Poland, at this time sent an ambassador
to Constantinople, with the view of negotiating a continuance of the
friendly relation which had subsisted betwixt Turkey and Poland since
the last treaty of peace, entered into during the reign of Sultán
Mohammed Khán III. In this treaty it was stipulated, on the part of the
Turkish government, that none of the countries over which Sigismund
reigned should be invaded by either the grand sultán or the khán of
the Crimea: and in like manner it was stipulated by Sigismund, that
none of the princes under him, or any of his rebellious Cossaks, should
ever transgress the Moslem boundaries. In conformity with the above
treaty, it was now stipulated, that the king of Poland, after strict
examination and search, should return all the prisoners who had been
taken during the interval of the peace, and that the Ottoman government
should act in a similar way, by returning such of his infidel captives
as the Ottomans had seized, to officers appointed by the king: that all
traders, whether by sea or land, were to pay the accustomed dues in all
such places as they should happen to visit: that Poland, according to
ancient custom, was to continue to pay to the khán of the Tátárs what
it was in the habit of paying: that when the khán and his Tátárs are
required to join the Ottoman army, they shall not pass through any part
of the dominions of Poland, but take some other way: that in the event
of any foreign enemy attacking Poland, the Tátárs are, in such a case,
to aid the King of Poland if required to do so: that the Walachian and
Moldavian nations shall not make inroads on the frontiers of Poland:
that the inspectors or commanders of ports and the collectors of the
revenue in Silistria and Akkerman shall permit no traders or merchants,
except those trading with both countries, to enter Poland by any
of the above-mentioned places: that should any slave or captive be
found in the possession of any of those traders, whether crossing or
recrossing the frontiers, all such traders shall be deprived of them,
and the captives or slaves shall be sent to the proper quarter: that
all traders or merchants shall pay whatever lawful impost is or may be
fixed on; but no tax shall be laid on the money or specie which they
may have or bring along with them to either country: that though the
dollar, bearing the impression of the lion, which is current in Poland,
be less in weight than the proper standard, it shall still be received,
and the loss arising from this circumstance shall be mutual: that the
royal firmán shall prohibit the receiving of usury within the Ottoman
empire in future, and ordain, moreover, that hereafter the standard
of the dollar, for the purposes and advantage of trade, shall be of
various values: that should any of the Polish merchants choose to set
free any slave or slaves, by ransoming them with money, they may do so;
but no Muselman shall be either bought or sold. All the above articles
having been approved of by the emperor, were signed on the 20th of
Rabia I. of this year.
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1017, H.
_The commander-in-chief, Murád Páshá, pursues Kalander Oghlí._
On the return of spring, about the commencement of Moharrem, the
commander-in-chief caused his tent to be erected outside of Aleppo,
between the two gates called Bankúsa and Kizil, where it remained until
towards the end of the month Sefer, and at which place the various
corps assembled.
In relating the events of the last year we referred particularly to
the turbulent state of Anatolia and Caramania, and we mentioned the
names of the principal insurgent-chiefs who had every where committed
deeds of violence and of oppression in those districts. Some of these
chiefs, we saw, were reduced by the skilful management of Murád, and
by promises of lucrative and honourable situations; some were slain,
and some turned their arms against one another. The most formidable
of these rebel-chiefs was Jánbulát Oghlí, whose history we have
already related. There remained still, however, one or two others who
had escaped the vengeance due to their misdeeds; these were Kalander
Oghlí and Karah Seyed, his associate. Around the standards of these
two rebels the followers of the other chiefs had rallied, and during
the winter season ravaged the neighbourhood of Brúsa and Magnesia,
perpetrating acts of cruelty and oppression wherever they went. We
have before related the burning of Brúsa by Kalander Oghlí, and how he
thought of intercepting Etmekjí Zádeh, who, he supposed, was carrying
funds to the grand army under Murád. The number of infidels that had
collected round him and Karah Seyed amounted to 30,000.
An account of their number and plans having been transmitted to the
commander-in-chief, Murád Páshá, he, without waiting until the whole
of his troops had joined his camp at Aleppo, removed from that place
on the 1st of Rabia I. with the janissary and household troops, and
marched towards Merœsh, where he was joined by the army of Egypt
under the command of Kansú Beg. On arriving at the river Jeihún (Oxus
or Bactrus) he threw some bridges across it, by means of which he
passed over with his army, and afterwards pitched his camp in the
plains of Koksú, where he was again joined by Emír Hasan, son of
Yúsuf, son of Seif, who, besides his own soldiers, brought along with
him the Syrian troops from Tripoli.
When Kalander Oghlí saw that Etmekjí Zádeh had escaped the snares
he had laid for him, and that all hope of capturing the money, the
great object of his heart, had failed, he and thirteen others of his
associate rebel-chiefs, besides Karah Seyed, held a council in order
to consider how they should act. “Without further delay,” said the
principal rebel-chiefs, “let us at once march against Murád Páshá, and
should we happen to be successful in our attack upon him, and defeat
the old man, all the country on this side of Scutari will be ours.”
This proposal, however, did not meet the approbation of Seyed Arab, one
of their number, who said in reply, “The province of Anatolia is very
extensive. If the Osmánlí serdár should come and attack us, it will be
our wisdom to avoid coming in contact with him; for it would be most
hazardous to venture a battle with him.” This counsel of Seyed Arab
was far from meeting with the concurrence of his associates, who were
all bent on encountering the Osmánlí hero, for their cup of pride and
arrogance was now full.
Mesli Chávush, who had been sent with a body of men from Larenda to
oppose the rebels as formerly mentioned, but who had been unsuccessful,
received a letter from Kalander Oghlí, proposing to Mesli Chávush
that he should join him, and that they should unite their respective
forces, and attack the Ottoman general. This letter was couched in the
most friendly terms; but as a specimen of the vanity which the author
of it possessed, we shall transcribe it verbatim. He begins: “The
commencement of my transactions is known to the world. The Ottomans, by
exciting rebellion and breaking treaties, have acquired a superiority,
and therefore their arrogance has attained the very highest pitch.
Inured, as they are, to the practice of open daylight tyranny and
oppression, I have relinquished all connection with them. I despise
their friendship, and have turned away my face from them. Having taken
my measures, I entered into Mekhalij, Aydin, and Sarúkhán; I have
ravaged and laid waste all these places, and am returned with immense
spoil. Our numbers increased daily. When we went to Iconium, the
beglerbeg of Caramania, Zulfekár Páshá, the governor, shut himself up
in the fortress, and permitted the whole country-round to be plundered
and ravaged, without once endeavouring to do any thing to save the
property of the inhabitants. From Iconium we proceeded to Caramania,
where we took up our residence. Had not the Osmánlís cut off all hope,
these excesses had not taken place. After what has happened to Jánbulát
Oghlí there is no submitting to them. By the help of God, I, and the
numerous active and heroic veterans that accompany me, shall soon
finish that old dotard (Murád Páshá). Should fortune declare against
us, however, and he become victorious, why, even then, the fame of our
deeds will sufficiently immortalize our names.” Mesli, by this letter,
was induced to associate his fortunes with this notorious rebel, and
secretly entered into compact with him.
These secret transactions, however, being made known to the
commander-in-chief Murád Páshá, he, in order to prevent the junction
of these two robbers, gave Mesli the government of a sanják on the
condition of his not accompanying him in the war. The emperor also, in
a short time afterwards, sent him a promise of the government of the
province of Caramania.
When Kalander Oghlí had learned that the Osmánlí general had come
half-way from Aleppo on his march against him, he harangued his
rebel-troops thus: “The Osmánlí general has no troops, except the
Pretorian bands. They, too, in consequence of the hardships they have
suffered from hunger and cold at Aleppo, are very much weakened.
Moreover,” continued he, “the whole of his treasures and the archives
are in his train. Be courageous, therefore, and acquit yourselves
like good soldiers, my brave companions. Fall on his camp with heroic
ardour, and your fame will be remembered till the resurrection. By
taking this step of intrepidity and boldness, which I recommend to you,
you will put yourselves in possession of both arms and treasures.” This
speech had the effect intended. The spirit of his rebel army—amounting
to twenty thousand foot and horse—was roused to thirst for the
achievements held out to their view. They accordingly commenced their
movements, traversed the country of Caramania, passed through gardens
and corn-fields, robbed and plundered the Turkmans, and at length
approached the plains of Koksú, where the Osmánlí general was encamped.
Murád Páshá, who had been watching the movements of the rebels, was
informed, by means of his spies, that Kalander Oghlí, with twenty
thousand rebels, had made a considerable advance upon him with the
intention of disputing with him the pass of Koksú, and of checking his
progress. Murád made instant preparation for battle; but as the mouth
of the pass of Koksú, to which the rebels, he was informed, were fast
approaching, was still four stages distant from him; and as it was of
the utmost importance to prevent the enemy from taking possession of
it, he sent a few companies of musketeer janissaries and about thirty
Chorbájís under the command of Delí Pírí Aghá, to take possession of
it before the arrival of the rebels. They accomplished the journey in
three days, and took up their position within the mouth of the pass.
Murád erected his pavilion on a rising ground, whilst his pretorian
bands extended their camp along its declivity: the troops of Egypt
encamped in the plains to the left of the serdár, contiguous to the
hill on which his tent was erected. On this hill also the whole of the
baggage was properly disposed of: ditches, at proper distances, were
cut, and filled with janissary troops; in short, all necessary means
and precautions were taken.
In the meantime, the rebels advanced with the view of securing the
pass of Koksú, but found they were too late, it being in possession of
the janissaries under Delí Pírí, and, therefore, without attempting
to dislodge them, they retired. Perceiving, however, the defensive
aspect of the royalists, and their determination to fight, Kalander
Oglí put his troops in order of battle, and prepared for the contest.
Murád’s van-guard acted rather precipitately on this occasion; for,
before he had issued any order for commencing an attack, they, without
waiting for advice, advanced and offered battle to the van-guard of
the enemy, which immediately advanced in their turn to the bank of the
river separating the two armies, where a very warm skirmish took place.
The main body of the royalists remained on the hill or rising-ground
on which they had encamped; and the enemy thinking that the Egyptian
army, with which they were now contending, was the Osmánlí force that
had accompanied the serdár, rushed forth in terrific numbers, and the
assault became general. Murád putting his right and left wings into
motion, gave the word of command, and, like the rushing of a mighty
torrent, descended from the hill into the field of battle. The right
wing entered into close combat with the division under Karah Seyed, and
the left with that under Kalander Oghlí himself. The battle now became
general; they fought fiercely. The serdár’s right wing, composed of
the valiant spáhís, and headed by the chief of Malatieh, Karah Kásh
Ahmed Páshá, and the serdár’s own deputy, Omar Ketkhodá, suceeded in
completely routing the accursed wretches under Karah Seyed. The left
wing composed of salihdárs and the troops from Tripoli, commanded by
Mír Hasan, son of Seif, and the Egyptian troops, commanded by Kansú
Beg, fought the rebels under Kalander Oghlí with such unparalleled
bravery as made the very heavens reverberate with approbation and
applause.
The ever-watchful commander-in-chief, perceiving that a detachment
of the enemy had formed the design of seizing on his baggage, very
opportunely sent a party of janissaries to the brow of the hill where
it was stationed, who successfully repelled every attempt on that
quarter. The enemy’s squadrons, becoming desperate and furious with
rage, exerted their utmost skill and force to cut down the Moslems
who opposed them, but without much success. The commanding general
now advanced a few paces, riding on his swift chestnut, and brought
the whole of his disposable force to bear on these hateful devils;
and calling to his assistance those troops he had sent to guard the
baggage, in a short time the whole of the rebels were put to flight.
Their defeat was most decisive. It has been said that a voice was
heard in the rebel army which said, “for whom are you fighting? Murád
Páshá has laid a stratagem for you. Zulfekár Páshá, with the army of
Caramania has come by the way of the hills, and has seized on your
camp.” This report had the effect of hastening the flight, and served
to give the Moslem army the superiority.
On the second day after the battle, the commanding general took up
his position in that part of the field which had been the enemy’s
camp. Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Aleppo, was appointed to pursue the
fugitive rebels with a detachment of troops. Mír Hasan Ebn Seif, with
his Malatian soldiers, Karah Kásh Ahmed Páshá, with the troops of
Tripoli, and several other principal officers; besides ten thousand
horse, composed chiefly of Turcomans and Syrian troops, made up the
detachment which was sent in pursuit of the rebels. The scattered and
dispersed infidels, however, were now roaming about in the fields in
the wildest disorder and distress of soul, terrifying and murdering
the peasants wherever they met any. The pursuing Osmánlís followed
hard after them, cutting and slashing all they overtook, and at last,
closed up in a corner, as it were, such of the rebels as had had the
good fortune to escape the general slaughter, were necessitated to
make one last effort of resistance in self-defence. This effort was
not only feeble but vain; and they were again forced to flee. Throwing
away the provisions they had with them, they struggled hard to escape
with their lives. Many of them having been on foot, were obliged to
throw away their arms and accoutrements; and those of them who actually
did escape the sword of vengeance, made their way through the province
of Erzerúm to Ardehán, experiencing the most dreadful privations.
Notwithstanding the hot pursuit after these wretched fugitives, in
which so very many of them perished, some few of them, besides those
who had made their way to Ardehán, escaped to Emír Gunah Khán. Their
arrival, and their requesting the sháh’s protection, were no sooner
made known than they were cordially received; but when they were
afterwards questioned as to the motive they had in rebelling against
their lawful sovereign, and when, at the same time, they were told that
their unfortunate coming into the sháh’s dominions might, eventually,
be the means of bringing foreign troops into his country, they seemed
quite at a loss, and said some few incoherent things in justification
of their conduct. A representation of their circumstances, and of their
wicked rebellion against the Ottoman government was laid before the
sháh, but they, after having their clothes altered after the Persian
fashion, and agreeing to become kizil báshes (red heads), were promised
the protection they sought for. The apostates cheerfully embraced
the alternative offered them, looking upon it as a real favour, and
instantly became incorporated with the kizil báshes. They were, in
all, two thousand in number, and were sent off by one hundred and two
hundreds to a country of misfortune, where they were dispersed, and
left to experience the evil effects of their own misconduct.
His excellency the commander-in-chief, after having defeated and routed
the rebel-army, as before described, marched towards the country of
Cæsarea and Sivás, and encamped at a place called Chubuk Awásí, where
he waited ten days for the return of the detachment which had gone in
pursuit of the rebels. Whilst remaining at Chubuk Awásí messengers
from Baghdád brought him letters which informed him that Jeghala Zádeh
Mohammed Páshá had fully succeeded in vanquishing the rebel called
Mustafa Ben Túyel. This account has been recorded by one of the poets
of that time, who enumerated the achievements of Murád Páshá both in
the east and west.
_His Excellency Murád Páshá hastens after the brother of Túyel Mahmúd._
His excellency, the commander-in-chief, removed his camp from Chubuk
Awásí and went to Sivás, where, after a halt of ten days, he learned
that the infamous Meymún, brother to Túyel Mahmúd, who had conquered
Baghdád and vanquished his ketkhodá, Hasan, had, with six thousand
rebels, desolated the country round Kúr Sheher; but that after having
heard of the defeat of Kalander Oghlí they hastily decamped, robbing
and plundering what they could find in the vicinity of that city. They
committed all the mischief they were able in every village and hamlet
through which they passed, pillaging such of the Turcomans as fell in
their way, and prepared to follow Kalander into Persia. Murád Páshá no
sooner received this intelligence than he made all haste to intercept
them if possible. Following this impulse, he left his heavy baggage
and camp in the plains of Sivás, under the charge of the defterdár,
Bákí Páshá, and marched off with about two thousand or more spáhís,
under the command of the ághá of the janissaries, besides some few
others, making all the haste he was able. Each person carried with him
seven days’ provision, a small coverlet in the form of a canopy, or
at least to be used as such, and a carpet to sleep on when necessary.
This precipitate movement took place on the evening of the 17th of
Jemadi II., and was continued, without the least intermission, for the
space of six days and seven nights. His excellency, Murád Páshá, in
his ninetieth year, fell sick on this hurried march, and was sometimes
obliged to descend from his horse, when he lay on the ground, having
the appearance of a corpse. These fits of sickness, however, were not
of any continuance: in a short time he was again enabled to mount and
continue his journey. On the seventh day, the expedition reached Karah
Hisár, where they made enquiry respecting the rebels they were in
search of, and were informed that the rebel force had lodged in that
place on the preceding night; but that they had set out by daybreak
for the narrow pass called the valley or hollow of Karah Hasan, where
they, it would appear, had halted. Two thousand men, under the command
of Píáleh Páshá, formerly of Bassora, were instantly dispatched to
the hiding-place of the rebels. Murád, with the remainder of his
veterans, followed close upon them, and arrived, though not first,
at the valley or hollow where the rebels were hid. On the morning of
the 23d of Jemadi, as these rebels, no way anticipating a visit from
Murád Páshá, were saddling and loading their beasts of burden, they
were suddenly, as if by a thunderbolt from heaven, put into the utmost
consternation by perceiving Píáleh and his men come within their
hiding-place; and who, like a flash of lightning, and before giving
them time to enquire what had come over them, fell upon them at once.
The resistance of the rebels was not of long continuance. Those of
their foot-soldiers that were fortunate enough to escape the sword,
fled out of the hollow, and made to the mountains: and their horsemen,
though they, at one time, made an attempt to maintain their ground,
fled also in the utmost confusion. Orders had been previously given
(_i.e._ before the engagement), that none of the Moslems should lose
any time in gathering up the spoil until the rebels had been completely
vanquished. These orders, however, were neglected by some. The soldiers
who were in front, seeing the property of the rebels lying scattered
around them, were overcome by the temptation: they forgot their duty
by beginning to appropriate to themselves the spoils which the rebels
in their panic had abandoned. The result was, that the rebels found
time to rally again; and, perceiving how their pursuers were employed,
returned to a renewal of the combat with a spirit and vigour far
superior to that which they had shown at the commencement. The struggle
now became hot and doubtful. The governor of Adnah, Mustafa Páshá, and
one or two Chorbájís fell in the contest: the advanced troops gave way,
and began to retreat, but were stopped by Khalíl Aghá, ághá of the
janissaries, who had hurriedly stepped forward with the men under him,
and prevented their flight. At this instant, and not before, did the
commander-in-chief make his appearance; who, with the reinforcement
which he brought with him, completely turned the fate of the day. The
rebels finding themselves utterly unable to resist the force which
was now brought to bear upon them, fell into confusion, and again
retreated. The Moslems followed hard upon them, and drove them entirely
out of the valley or hollow where the engagement had hitherto been
carried on. The rebels, however, on getting into the plains called
Kilwerat, again contrived to rally, and returned to the charge; but
were soon totally broken, and forced to betake themselves to their
usual expedient—flight. All those who had escaped the vengeance of the
sword of the orthodox Muselmans followed the example of Kalander Oghlí.
The whole of their baggage, of whatever kind it was, fell into the
hands of the victors: very many of their men on foot were seized and
brought back into the presence of Murád, who had, on account of the ill
state of his health, remained on the field of battle, and who ordered
them all to be executed without commiseration as they were brought
before him. The dead bodies of the rebels were put into heaps in the
field, and towers were made of their heads.
After these things, information was sent to Sivás of this new victory
which the orthodox Moslems had gained in the valley of Karah Hasan; and
orders, at the same time, were sent to the royal camp to advance to
the place where the commanding general then was. These orders having
been duly obeyed, the victorious and gallant serdár was again, on the
25th of Jemadi I., in motion, and on the 3d of Jemadi II. encamped at
a place called Sadáklú, within a stage of Beybúrd; where, after a day
or two’s rest, he was joined by Bákí Páshá and the troops under his
command. At the expiration of these days he removed his camp to the
valley of Sinvar, in the vicinity of Beybúrd, where he was joined by
such of his troops as had not before returned from the pursuit of the
rebels. The heads of the prisoners they had brought along with them
were severed from their bodies, and made into heaps like mountains.
Robes of honour were conferred on the gallant chiefs who had been
active on this occasion, and presents were made to the heroic troops.
About the middle of the month last mentioned, the válí of Diárbeker,
Nesúh Páshá, with vezír-like pomp, sound of music, and martial display
joined the royal camp. One thousand musketeers wearing fine scarlet
robes; five hundred foot-guards wearing yellow regimentals; and five
hundred more wearing black caps; and five thousand cavalry, was the
display which Nesúh made on this occasion. But of what use was all
this display? He and they ought to have come earlier, and to have
been on the field of battle, to share in the dangers and the glory of
the combat. After making the splendid display above alluded to, he
advanced towards the commanding general, and, when within bow-shot of
him, descended from his horse, proceeded on foot till he approached
the general, who, by this time, had come four paces to meet him, when
he fell on his knees and kissed the general’s foot. The general, in
return, showed him the respect due to his station, kissed his hand,
and conducted him into his pavilion, telling him in a friendly manner
that he was welcome, and calling him _son_. Nesúh Páshá bowed his head
to the ground, and made this reply: “My noble lord will pardon me. My
fault in not having arrived at an earlier period, and taking a share
in the late important events, is great.” “What,” said the general,
“was the reason that you have been so tardy? You have a most splendid
army, thank God. You heard that the troops under my command amount to
no more than the number that wintered with me at Aleppo. The distance
between Diárbeker and Aleppo is not very great: but in reality you
were near. If your not coming to my assistance was intended as a mark
of disrespect to me, it was not disrespect to me, let me tell you,
but disrespect for the emperor. If it had so happened that we had
been discomfited, were you in circumstances to have advanced and met
Kalander Oghlí? What do you think would be the judicial sentence of a
judge on hearing of a Moslem army being too weak to act against a foe,
whilst a powerful Moslem army was at no great distance from it and did
not come to its aid?” Nesúh was absolutely unable to make any reply to
these pointed interrogatories, and held down his head. “Son,” said
the general again, “son, what means this multitude of men? They are
now unnecessary. Sixteen thousand men have been found sufficient to
overcome Jánbulát Oghlí, and his followers have been all dispersed, or
have been made to flee. You are already acquainted with the history of
Kalander Oghlí. It was by no means the wish of the emperor that even
one of these segbáns (foot-guards or soldiers), now with you, should
ever have been in Anatolia; so that when you return to your government
or province you must certainly disband them. If you be obstinate and
disobey, remember the emperor has long hands (meaning great power).
If one of those instruments of power, such as you have seen, be sent
to execute you, you need not be much surprised?” In this way Murád
Páshá conversed with Nesúh, and exhorted him; and afterwards made
him a present of two robes of honour. In the afternoon of the same
day, Nesúh Páshá returned to Murád’s pavilion, bringing along with
him some very splendid and valuable presents for him, dined with him,
and continued in his company till the night was so far advanced that
he required torches when he returned to his own tent. On the 27th of
Jemadi II., Zulfekár Páshá, governor of Caramania, returned to the
royal camp with his troops: so also did Etmekjí Zádeh, válí of Romeili,
with his provincial troops, and brought along with him the money
destined for the army; having marched by the way of Ancora. Though
both of these officers had incurred the displeasure of the commanding
general for the tardiness they had discovered, yet when he reflected
on his own splendid achievements, he forgave them most freely. It is
impossible to relate all the great and important services rendered by
this celebrated, heroic, prudent, and skilful, though aged commander.
Suffice it to say, that he took ample vengeance on the rebels, and
cleared, in a great measure, the countries they infested of their
presence and influence. When an account of the success he had obtained
over Kalander Oghlí was sent to his majesty, his majesty, with feelings
of the purest kindness, called the messenger into his presence, asked
him most particularly as to the state of the war and the success of
his general, showed peculiar marks of respect to the messenger himself
ordered two suits of garments and a richly ornamented sword to be sent
to Murád Páshá, and at the same time a robe of honour for each of the
grandees in Murád’s army, besides some letters expressive of his
best wishes for them all. Murád Páshá, not long afterwards, had it in
his power to announce to the government of Constantinople his success
against the brother of Túyel, whom he completely defeated.
_The commander-in-chief, Murád Páshá, is recalled to court._
Notwithstanding the grace and favour which his excellency, Murád
Páshá, had shown to Etmekjí Zádeh, who had failed to arrive with his
Romeilian troops in sufficient time to assist against the two rebel
chiefs so frequently mentioned, _viz._ Kalander Oghlí and Túyel; and
notwithstanding that, instead of meeting with merited reproach for
his tardiness, he was honoured with special marks of kindness, yet
Etmekjí Zádeh, from an idea that he was not altogether safe from the
influence of any evil designs which Murád Páshá might harbour against
him, wrote to his friends at Constantinople in the most pressing manner
to use their influence to have him recalled. Accordingly, on the 7th of
Rajab, the commander-in-chief received a royal mandate, desiring him
to confer the government of Romeili on whom he would, but by all means
to send back the emperor’s defterdár, Etmekjí Zádeh Ahmed Páshá, to
Constantinople. The royal firmán commanded farther, that Murád Páshá
should march his army to Erzerúm, there winter, and in the spring march
against the Persians. Such was the import of the royal firmán.
The enlightened and skilful general answered as follows: “Sire, you
have been pleased to recall Ahmed Páshá, the válí of Romeili. His
coming or not coming to the assistance of the orthodox army was of
no importance; nor can his staying here yield them any advantage.
As to your slave (Murád himself), you have ordered him to go into
winter-quarters at Erzerúm. Is the province of Anatolia become so
completely defended and guarded as to render it safe for me to winter
in Erzerúm, and in the spring to open a campaign against Persia? Should
the rebels who may still exist assemble themselves together, are the
vezírs of your august court competent to quell or disperse them? In
this affair let the gracious will of the emperor be done. The time
for distributing the troops into winter-quarters is at hand. A kíleh
(a certain measure) of barley sells at five ducats, and the wakáyet
(about 2-1/4 lbs.) of bread has risen to a ghorúsh (a dollar).” So
much for the sentiments of Murád to his sovereign. Immediately on
sending the above he commenced making arrangements for obeying the
imperial firmán; but when his multitudinous troops assembled together,
they declared it impracticable to do so, because of the dearth which
prevailed in Erzerúm. “The emperor,” said they, “is not acquainted
with the state and circumstances of that province: he listens only
to the voice of those flatterers who surround him: they, as well as
the káímakám, have no wish to see the noble general-in-chief return
to Constantinople. They have the whole management of affairs in their
own hands, and they see well, that should the grand vezír (Murád
Páshá) return, the impracticability of the plans they have recommended
would be made to appear. We have been now (continued the military)
two years in the war, and have achieved several important victories.
We shall now return home.” The general, after having given utterance
to these unceremonious sentiments, called the cazí of the camp, and
caused him to write out a statement of the prices of provisions, and
gave a copy of it, as well as a statement of their own sentiments, to
the kapújís who had conveyed the imperial firmán, and forthwith sent
them back to the grand sultán. On the following day his excellency,
the commander-in-chief, appointed Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Erzerúm,
and a number of begs, with Chukál Oghlí Hasan Aghá, and about thirty
chorbájís, to accompany the imperial messengers. Karah Hisár, in
the east, he conferred on Turkijeh Bilmaz, and the province of Wán
on Tekelí Mohammed Páshá: Zulfekár Páshá was sent back to his own
government in Caramania, and Etmekjí Zádeh and the Romeilian troops he
dismissed to European Turkey. He also allowed Nesúh Páshá to return
to his own government at Diárbeker, and he himself, about the 15th of
Rajab, went to Tokat. He had been scarcely two days at Tokat, when just
as he was in the act of paying his troops, he received another imperial
firmán which was expressed in these terms: “At whatever station our
imperial firmán reaches you, there winter.” This was brief enough; but
the commanding general, by private letters which he had received by the
same conveyance which brought him the above short firmán, was let into
the secret. These letters assured him that several of the influential
and ruling party at court were altogether averse to his returning to
Constantinople; that one of these, Kapúdán Háfiz Ahmed Páshá, was the
emperor’s favourite; that he, as also the káímakám, Mustafa Páshá, the
reverend mufti, Mohammed Effendí, his old enemy, and Mustafa, ághá of
the palace, had, by leaguing together, represented to his majesty that
the rebellion in Anatolia had been altogether crushed, and that instead
of recalling Murád Páshá, he ought to be sent against the sháh of
Persia.
When his excellency, Murád Páshá, was thus informed how matters stood,
he answered the royal firmán in the following terms: “Sire, you have
been pleased to order me to winter at Erzerúm and in the spring to
march against the Persians. What is to be done? It is the will of my
sovereign. Your slave is now a weak old man of ninety years of age;
but I trust I shall fall a martyr in the field of battle. When I
march against the sháh of Persia, the armed rebels, who now lurk in
their hiding-places, will then find an opportunity of again becoming
troublesome. They are waiting for a chance of this kind, especially
Meseli Chávush, Aydin, and Yúsuf of Sarúkhán, besides several others of
the same description. Should what I have now hinted be realized, and
they again commence the work of violence and mischief, will you not, in
that case, have to send hither from Romeili another commander-in-chief?
Leave us, if you please, where we are. The master of the work knows
his own duty best. Do not you follow the counsels of those sycophants
who surround you. Permit us to eradicate the enemies amongst ourselves
first, and then we shall direct our movements against the kingdom of
Persia.” This answer was sent back to the emperor by means of the
persons who had brought him the royal firmán, whilst he himself made
preparations for returning to Constantinople.
On the 9th of Ramazán he arrived at Scutari, and on the following
day, with a splendid retinue and four hundred standards taken from
the rebels, each of which bore, in bright letters, the names of the
rebel-chiefs under whom it had been carried, he passed over to the
metropolis, dressed himself in a double suit of fine robes, put
a turban ornamented with feathers on his head, and went into the
emperor’s presence to do obeisance before him. The emperor was in a
short time convinced of the worth and dignity of his general’s talents
and general conduct, and immediately ordered splendid robes, such as
were suitable to the imperial grandeur to confer, to be given to Murád
Páshá. The public in general, poets and historians, spoke of him in the
most laudatory manner.
It is not to be concealed that, from the day the celebrated Murád Páshá
passed over to Scutari, as commander-in-chief of the eastern forces,
the services which he had rendered to his sovereign and country were
immense. Thirty thousand, at least, of those rebels who had served
under Jánbulát Oghlí, Kalander Oghlí, and Túyel, including those who
had been murdered by the peasantry, perished by his means. What may
have been the number of those who perished otherwise, is not known. In
villages, and in small towns, sometimes from a hundred to a thousand,
and even as many as three thousand of the rebels who had fortified
themselves within them, were all slain with the sword. Forty-eight
principal rebel chiefs and twenty-five thousand rebels are said to have
perished in flight. In the Register of Tokat it is inserted, that by
far the greater part of these numbers, whose heads had been made to
roll on the ground in front of the serdár’s pavilion, had been rooted
out by Murád Páshá’s troops. To these now mentioned may be added about
thirty thousand more who had been seized alive and executed, and the
number of rebels who perished in this war could not have been less than
100,000 souls.
The enemies of the grand vezír and commander-in-chief, Murád Páshá,
when they saw the honours which had been heaped upon him, were not
only exceedingly grieved, but their hatred and malignity increased
and led them, moreover, to employ villainous means to ruin him. They
insinuated, for instance, that Murád had seized on all Jánbulát Oghlí’s
treasures and effects which had remained with his wife and children
at Aleppo; and for the truth of this charge they appealed to some of
Jánbulát Oghlí’s sons, whom Murád Páshá had sent to the royal haram.
They, of course, were his enemies, and had the hardihood to assert that
the treasurer, Bákí Páshá, had spent six whole months in selling and
disposing of their father’s property. This was a vile exaggeration. It
happened, however, that one day, when Bákí Páshá was sitting in the
diván, the ághá of the janissaries received a royal firmán ordering
him to convey Bákí Páshá to the Seven Towers. The ághá, without
Murád Páshá’s knowing any thing of the matter, proceeded to the
diván, seized on Bákí Páshá, and conveyed him in a boat to the prison
above-mentioned. This took place on a Tuesday; and after the vezírs had
entered into the royal audience he addressed them thus: “I have ordered
Bákí Páshá to the Seven Towers; let Ahmed Páshá (_i. e._ Etmekjí Zádeh)
be reinstated into the office of lord high treasurer, and let Bákí
Páshá be examined with respect to Jánbúlát Oghlí’s property, that we
may know what he has done with it: also let the strictest enquiry be
made of Murád Páshá.” “Why,” replied Murád Páshá, “having been anxious
to preserve the most valuable and most precious of Jánbúlát Oghlí’s
effects for your royal majesty, I prevented them from being sold; and
brought them along with me, to be delivered over to your royal majesty.
Let Bákí Páshá answer for the rest.” The new lord high-treasurer, Ahmed
Páshá, on examining his predecessor in office with regard to this
matter, was undauntedly informed that he (_i. e._ Bákí Páshá), with
the exception of the articles which Murád Páshá had claimed for his
royal majesty, had disposed of the rest for the purpose of defraying
the expenses of the war. No more was said about it; and Bákí Páshá,
after having lain forty days in the Seven Towers, was set at liberty.
He passed the winter at Constantinople, and was employed in making
arrangements for commencing a new campaign in the spring.
The lord high-admiral, Háfiz Páshá, after having cruized along the
shores of Romeili, sailed to the port of Alexandria, took in the
taxes which had been gathered in Egypt, and returned to Istámbol. The
government of Syria was conferred on him, and the admiralship on Khalíl
Aghá, ághá of the janissaries. The ágháship of the janissaries was
conferred on Mohammed Aghá, Spáhí Zádeh, of the artillery department.
_Concerning Mohammed Páshá in Egypt._
After the murder of Ibrahím Páshá in Egypt, in the year 1012, the
disturbance in that country became every day more and more serious and
alarming; but by the prudent and efficient measures employed by Gúrjí
Mohammed Páshá, who, in 1016, was sent thither to quell the tumults
which had been raised there, they were to a considerable extent
allayed. He slew a vast number of the insurgents; whilst, at the same
time, he brought the others for the most part, under subjection, at
least to all appearance. But Mohammed Páshá having been succeeded in
office by Hasan Páshá, from Yemen, a man of extraordinary mildness,
the insurgents, subdued though not crushed, were again emboldened to
rise in rebellion, and to commit outrages more terrible than they had
formerly been guilty of.
The origin of the evil just now alluded to seems to have been this.
The válís or governors who had been sent to Egypt, made it a first
principle to press heavy upon the inspectors of taxes, by forcing
them to advance large sums of money, taking from some ten thousand,
from others twenty thousand, and from others forty thousand ducats,
according to circumstances, and only on payment of these enormous sums
were they confirmed in their office. These inspectors and those others
employed in raising the taxes or revenue were, from this circumstance,
necessarily constrained to lay such heavy duties upon the inhabitants,
to enable them to meet the demands of the válí, as were far beyond
what was necessary, or they were well able to pay. The inspectors and
revenue officers too, in order to meet their own extravagance and
dissipation, made the burdens of the people still more intolerable and
grievous. In short, to so high a pitch did they carry this system of
taxation, that the wretched inhabitants, not any longer able to endure
it, rose in rebellion, and determined, at all hazards, to resist an
oppression which they evidently foresaw would utterly ruin them.
This was the state in which the country was involved when Mohammed
Páshá entered upon the government of Egypt. He, very properly, set
himself, at once, to correct abuses and to punish offenders. The
money which came into the hands of the collectors, and which usually
amounted to more than one hundred thousand ducats per annum, he, by
a wise regulation, prevented from being subject to any deductions
whatever. He also made a new regulation, by which the tax-gatherers
were, in future, to be guided. Without the consent and approbation
of the diván of Mesir, they were to impose no tax whatever, nor to
advance, unnecessarily, money to the inspectors. In the third place,
he confirmed in their situations those inspectors and tax-gatherers
who had acted with moderation; but such of these classes as had been
convicted of extortions and injustice, he caused to be seized: some of
them he dismissed with contempt and ignominy, and others he sent out of
the world altogether.
By these methods he soon established confidence in his administration,
and all classes of the people seemed satisfied with the arrangements
which he adopted. The want of confidence, and unhappy tumults, which
the injustice and oppression to which we have adverted had occasioned
in Egypt, were happily, by his means, removed. In short, to so great
a degree were peace and security every where established, that the
weakest and most timorous could travel to and from Grand Cairo with the
greatest safety. By his wisdom and prudence he gained the concurrence
and good will of the chief men among the people, as well as of the
officers belonging to the Chávushes, cavalry and janissaries, as well
as of the city-guards or militia. And, in order to do away with all
grounds of discontent and opposition, he called a general meeting, at
which the whole of the nobles, princes, inspectors, revenue-officers,
and six companies of feudatory troops were present; to whom, in the
most earnest manner, he expressed himself thus: “His majesty is by
no means disposed to permit tyranny and oppression to exist anywhere
within his dominions. Ever since the moment that I, his servant, came
into possession of this government, to which I was preferred, it has
been my study, in obedience to his will, to remove oppression, tyranny,
and injustice; and to afford peace, safety, and happiness to the
people in the different departments in Egypt. This is in accordance
with the express wish of his majesty, who is every way opposed to
injustice and oppression, as well as to every kind of invasion of the
rights and privileges of the people. In confirmation of this, I need
only repeat to you his own words.” Here he produced the emperor’s
commission, which he caused to be read aloud, and which ran thus:
“Behold, we have relieved you from those burdens which the governors,
revenue-officers, and other functionaries, have been in the habit of
imposing on you; it is, therefore, the duty of the people to break off
all friendly intercourse with those persons who have been convicted of
such base practices.” The whole of the assembled multitude, on hearing
the emperor’s sentiments read to them, expressed, in return, their
best wishes for his well-being. Those in this assembly who had been
in the habit of acting corruptly were, for their own sakes, silent
and assumed the appearance of being content; but it was only because
they were unable to effect any opposition. Such, however, was the
general impression made on this occasion on the mind of the people,
particularly by the mildness and meekness manifested by the vezír, that
they remained, for a time, afterwards quiet; but the peace was not of
long duration. The mercenary tribe who had been deprived of the power
of exercising tyranny and injustice on the people, collected together,
and falling on those persons who had succeeded them in the revenue
department, slew them without mercy. Determined on further resistance
to the new arrangements, they entered into a sort of confederacy,
whereby they bound themselves not to desist from their demands until
they had obtained acquiescence in them.
Information of these things having been communicated to the vezír, he
instantly called together his great men, and represented to them the
state of matters with respect to those desperadoes who had just been
guilty of shedding innocent blood, and now had formed themselves into a
confederacy in opposition to the will of the emperor. Therefore, said
he, let the whole of them be collected into the maidán or square, in
order that the thing may be properly investigated. This was accordingly
done. On the same occasion, also, the various troops were brought
into the maidán and formed into companies in front of the fortress
immediately opposite to the refractory multitude. The Páshá intimated
to the latter that whosoever among them wished to be obedient to
the emperor, should pass over to the side where his military stood,
and join himself to one or other of his divisions or companies. The
confederates cried out, that they were not rebels: that they deprecated
the idea of being unfaithful to the emperor. “Our wages,” continued
they, “not having been sufficient to maintain our existence, we could
not have lived, unless we had imposed extra contributions on the
people: our actual poverty was the cause.” The Páshá, not satisfied
with these declarations (altogether foreign to the purpose for which
they had been assembled), and wishing to find out the secret of their
confederacy, as well as a confession of their guilt, thought that if
he permitted them, now that they were fully in his power, to retire
to their own homes, he could not so easily, afterwards, effect his
purpose, nor secure the ringleaders amongst them; he therefore told
them, that though he should keep them all night standing on their feet
where they were, he would not let them move a step till they delivered
up to him their ringleaders. He then ordered the guns on the batteries
to be directed against them, and assured them that their destruction
was inevitable if they did not instantly comply with his wishes. This
method of dealing had the desired effect. After hearing the Páshá’s
speech, wherein he pointedly informed them that unless they gave up
the principal ringleaders, and especially those amongst them who had
been guilty of the late murders, the cannon and musketry would open a
fire upon them without delay; and seeing preparations for carrying his
threat into effect, and that it only awaited the páshá’s command, their
danger became too apparent to admit of disguise. They were astonished
by the situation in which they were placed, and delivered over a
certain number from amongst them to the páshá, and afterwards retired,
but full of rage and fury.
After these different commotions and disturbances, and during this
present year, a certain number of Egyptian troops were ordered to be
sent to the aid of his excellency, the commander-in-chief, Murád Páshá,
in Anatolia. Mohammed Páshá, on receiving the above firmán, selected
the number required from among the most turbulent and disorderly of
the tribe of tax-gatherers[20] we have been speaking of, and sent them
off under the command of Kansú Beg. During the whole of the struggle
carried on with Kalandar Oghlí they manifested the utmost bravery, and
were present in almost every engagement till the end of the war, or at
least till the rebels were all dispersed. At this period they presented
themselves before the commanding-general, and demanded, as the reward
of their services, the office of collecting the revenues of Egypt.
Murád, anxious to satisfy them, gave them a document by which he put
them in possession of the places they wanted, but with no enlargement
of powers or authority beyond what were customary from ancient times.
On the return of these military tax-gatherers to Egypt they presented
the document which Murád Páshá had given to them to Mohammed Páshá,
who told them they should be rewarded for their services according
to circumstances. “Such of them,” he said, “as had no experience or
skill, could not expect the favour they wished. Besides,” continued he,
“your wishes are directly opposed to the declared will of the emperor,
who, by his firmán, has abolished the practice altogether.” When these
ignorant and insolent fellows found themselves thus thwarted in their
views and purposes they became exceedingly enraged, began to form plots
amongst themselves, and communicated their wicked designs to all the
discontented paupers and robbers throughout the country. They craftily
enticed the discontented about Aradel, always famous for disloyalty,
to join them; they likewise gained over some Kurds and some wretched
labourers by promises of money. All these malcontents found means, some
way or other, to assemble together at a place called Khánegáh, within
two stages of Cairo.
The páshá, hearing of their movements, and being fully aware of the
object they had in view, ordered Khoaja Mustafa Beg to advance with a
number of troops of various kinds to oppose them. Yúsuf Beg commanded
his advance-guard, and Kansú Beg, collector of the revenue, with all
those under him, joined the expedition. Mustafa Beg pitched his camp in
the plains of Adeleya, not far from Cairo.
The malcontents by this time had themselves properly and regularly
organized, and had appointed themselves leaders. No sooner did they
hear of an army being sent against them, and of the place where it was
encamped, than they, towards evening, sent two hundred horsemen to
reconnoiter the camp of Mustafa. Mustafa conjectured this party had the
intention of attacking him by night, and not having sufficient force to
sustain an attack, he sent word immediately to Egypt, which however did
not reach that city till about the fifth hour of the night, when the
several public criers announced the danger which threatened Mustafa,
calling, at the same time, on every one, on pain of punishment, to
rally round their commanders. So promptly was this announcement
attended to, that before daylight every military man in Egypt was
on his way to Adeleya. On reaching Adeleya they perceived the danger
which had been announced in Egypt was by no means an imaginary one.
The royalists, in the circumstances in which they found themselves at
this juncture of events, thought it would be most advisable to send the
six-fingered sheikh, Mohammed Effendí, to speak to the insurgents about
the unreasonableness of their conduct; but the rebels turned a deaf
ear to all his exhortations and expostulations. They were too sensible
of their advantages, and too ardent in pursuit of them, to attend to
the worthy priest. He tendered them many good advices, and made them
many fine promises, provided they would follow his counsels; but they
still remained obstinate, and prepared for battle. The commander, after
this fruitless negotiation, removed with his troops to Berkat a l’haj,
where he remained till the following day, when he marched against the
insurgents. They, in their turn, advanced towards him, and soon both
armies stood facing each other. By this time, however, the royalists
were greatly increased in numbers by detachments which had joined them
from other places; and when the insurgents found themselves opposed
by an army far superior to every thing they had anticipated, their
courage failed them. They now began mutually to accuse each other for
the steps they had taken, each one blaming his neighbour; and at length
several of them came to the commander, craving forgiveness. In the most
abject manner, they dismounted from their horses, and threw themselves
on the ground, supplicating for mercy at his hands. The commander,
Mustafa Beg, said he had it not in his power to grant it them, as he
should be obliged to carry them all, bound in chains, to Mohammed
Páshá, whose province it was both to forgive and set them at liberty,
as he pleased. Those who thus submitted, however, met with clemency,
and were incorporated with one or other of the military bodies brought
against them; but such as remained obstinate, and chose rather to try
their strength than submit, met with the fate they deserved: their dead
bodies were made into heaps on the field of battle. About forty of them
escaped into the desert, but of their life or death nothing more was
ever heard. Mustafa Beg now returned to Cairo, bringing with him about
forty or fifty of the principal leaders in chains, and presented them
before the válí, Mohammed Páshá, as trophies of his victory. Mustafa
was highly honoured on account of his success against the insurgents,
and the heads of those whom he brought bound in chains were ordered to
be cut off on the spot. About as many as were thus put to death were
killed by Mustafa himself before he left the scene of action. About
three hundred of the insurgents were shipped off at Suez, and sent into
Arabia, and the rest of them were, through the intervention of the
great men of Egypt, pardoned, and set at liberty, after having promised
in the presence of their intercessors every thing that was required of
them.
After succeeding in crushing the insurgents, as above described,
and establishing good order everywhere, Mohammed Páshá extended his
prudent and capacious mind to every department of government, as well
as to other objects of utility. _One of his measures was_, regulating
the coin of Egypt, which had been very much worn and obliterated,
and which of course had caused much confusion, and even deception in
buying and selling. _Another was_, rectifying the abuses and unlawful
practices carried on between the farmers and the tax-gatherers, which
had occasioned, not unfrequently, a deficiency in the public granaries
and magazines. _A third was_—The janissaries and other troops in Egypt
having no barracks, and being besides unmarried, he erected, within the
fortress, suitable odás for them to live in. By this means the garrison
or fortress was always furnished with troops, whilst the inhabitants,
at the same time, were screened from the violence of the soldiery. _A
fourth was_—He took charge of the golden and silver girdles or hoops
which had been made for defending the pillars of Mecca, and the cistern
of pure gold, all which had been sent to Egypt from Constantinople, and
forwarded them with proper artists to the place of their destination.
These artists not only performed that work without either fee or
reward, but rendered several other important services to that holy
place. For instance, they enlarged and renewed the pulpit, which was
formerly too narrow; they renewed the portico which runs along the
cistern; they beautified and adorned the pillars in the centre of
that noble edifice, and also its walls; the metaf (or the place round
which pilgrims walked in procession) was rendered smooth and equal;
they repaired or built anew the court, and carried away the whole of
the rubbish and dirt which had for years been accumulating in the
vicinity of the sacred temple; they also caused the beds or canals
of the waters of Mecca and Arfat to be repaired. _A fifth was_—The
repairs of the wells of Azlam, a place which was about half-way between
Mecca and Cairo, where the pilgrims and the well-furnished caravans of
Egypt used to meet, which were in a great measure rendered useless by
the rebellious Arabs. It would appear that the válí of Egypt, Sheríf
Páshá, had, in 1004, opened these wells, commonly called the wells
of Ibrahím Páshá, and to prevent their being rendered useless by the
Arabs, he built a fortress in their neighbourhood, and placed some
few troops in it. This, of course, proved a source of great comfort
to pilgrims and other travellers, inasmuch as it served as a place
of refreshment and repose. A very heavy rain afterwards demolished
this fortress, and the Arabs, to the annoyance of pilgrims, rendered
the wells useless. The vezír, whose good deeds we are here recording,
rebuilt the demolished fortress, put a garrison in it, and repaired
the wells. _The sixth was_—A work similar to the one we have last
mentioned, which he caused to be constructed at Adjerú, between Cairo
and Akba. _A seventh was_—The erection of shops in the vicinity of the
great temple in Cairo. _The eighth was_—The erection of a khánegáh
(an edifice for religious purposes), and also of eleemosinary places
for sheíkhs, dervishes, and others. On the annual commemoration of
Mohammed’s nativity he distributed numerous presents amongst those
who read on that occasion. _A ninth was_—The erection of new houses
near the odás which had been built for the janissaries; a huge wall or
mass of rock, forty cubits broad and sixty long, having fallen down
by accident, the space which these ruins had occupied he caused to be
cleared away, erected new houses on it, and filled them with families.
_A tenth was_—The rebuilding of the redoubt or fortress between Cairo
and Shám. This building having been demolished by heavy rains, and
having also become the haunt of worthless Arabs, he ordered it to be
rebuilt, and supplied it with water. _An eleventh was_—The rebuilding
of the fortress or redoubt of Yúnus, which was in a similar condition
to the one last mentioned. He also placed a number of paid soldiers in
it, and ordered a mosque and a bath to be erected in it. _A twelfth
was_—The rebuilding of the fortress of Beít Khaberín, between Gaza and
Balad al Khalíl-rahman; on which also he ordered a mosque and a bath
to be erected, and an aqueduct to be constructed. The painted tiles in
the dome erected by Sultán Soleímán Khán having become mutilated and
loose, he replaced them with new tiles.
This wonderful man, after having governed Egypt for four years and five
months, was recalled to Constantinople. Whether at Cairo or journeying,
he was in the habit of visiting holy and consecrated places, and
of offering up prayers for the emperor; thus gaining to himself
advantages in both worlds. After his return to Constantinople, Jouher
Khán Sultána, daughter of the grand sultán, thought him worthy of her
affections, and the result was that he became the emperor’s son-in-law.
The articles of the treaty of peace between Turkey and Austria, which
may be called the treaty of Sidova, was finally ratified and signed by
the Ottoman emperor on the 1st of Rajab in this year.
_A great earthquake._
The fortress or city of Nova, situate on the sea-coast, belonging
to the dominions of the archduke (of Austria), was visited by a
tremendous earthquake, which almost entirely overthrew it. Forty-four
yúks,[21] the average of the receipt of its custom-house, were expended
in erecting a new one. A magazine of salt, which stood on the shore,
and near the custom-house, and which brought a revenue of four or five
yúks per annum, sustained considerable injury by the shock, inasmuch as
it caused the sea to retire to the distance of about a bow-shot.
A Spanish fleet of about thirty ships approached within three miles
of this city, either about the time of the earthquake, or some time
either after or before it, with hostile intentions. The governor of
that sanják happened to be at that very time engaged in the war in
Transylvania; but the defterdár of Bosnia hastened to the aid of Nova,
and commenced firing its cannon, when the Spaniards disgracefully
retired.
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1018, H.
_The grand vezír and commander-in-chief, Murád Páshá, is again sent to
the East._
We have already mentioned the return of Murád Páshá to Constantinople,
and the reception he there met with. Every preparation for resuming
warlike operations in the east was carried on, during the winter
months, with the utmost activity and vigour, and early in the spring
the pavilion of the commanding-general was again erected in the
plains of Scutari. Before this, however, it is to be observed, that
the commander-in-chief wrote to Meseli Chávush, who had taken part in
the late rebellion in Anatolia, but who had not yet been subdued, to
hold himself in readiness for acting under him against the Persians,
and desired him to join the royal camp along with Zulfekár. In the
communication he sent Meseli he promised, though only with the view
of getting him into his own hands, to confer on him the government of
Caramania, and that he would bestow that of Anatolia on Zulfekár. In
a private letter to Zulfekár, however, he expressed himself thus: “I
have employed every method I could to get Meseli Chávush into my power,
but have hitherto failed. Having secured himself among inaccessible
rocks, I did not think it proper to risk troops in searching him out.
Under the pretext of esteem for him, a sanják in the interior has been
conferred on him, and I have written to him to join the army destined
against Persia, and have promised him the government of Caramania to
induce him to do so. Use what dissimulation you can, and perhaps you
may succeed in getting him into your power. The love of office will
induce him to come to you. Remove all his suspicions by showing him
every mark of respect; you will thus secure his confidence, and incline
him to come and join the grand army. You are not to permit him to do
this, however, but as soon as you have him in your power, cut off his
head and send it to Constantinople. If you succeed in compassing his
destruction, I promise to give you the government of Anatolia, and also
a vezírship, as a reward for your services. You will, if you succeed,
do the emperor a very important service, who will, besides the honour
which shall be conferred on you, present your son, Mohammed Beg, with
a province in the interior. You will act, I have no doubt, like a man:
I have committed the whole affair to you.”
In a similar way to that in which he addressed Meseli he also wrote to
Yúsuf Páshá, who had been ketkhodá to Oveis Páshá of Aydin, Sarúkhán,
and Mantesha. This Yúsuf Páshá was at the head of a body of rebels
which amounted to four thousand armed men, beside some cavalry. The
letter which Murád Páshá sent to this rebel-chief was couched in these
terms: “My son, I have heard of some of your virtues and high talents,
which I esteem very much. Although you have such a considerable number
of men under you, yet no rumour of any injustice practised by you is
any where heard. The reverse of injustice in you must be the case.
Still, however innocent though you appear to be, you are considered
a rebel; free yourself, then, if you are a man, from the odious
imputation. You are a person every way fit for taking part in the war
against the Persians: it may even be proper to give you the command
of troops for this purpose. If you show that you have regretted your
former conduct, you may depend on obtaining the emperor’s favour.
Those men who have rebelled against the benign Ottoman government have
met with no pity. Jánbulát Oghlí, Kalander Oghlí, and Karah Seyed,
were the most conspicuous of rebels; but what is become of them?
Attend to my counsel, and be my son here and hereafter (_i.e._ in
both worlds). In order to persuade you to do so, I swear, in the most
solemn manner, that you shall suffer no injury whatever from our most
gracious monarch. I, an old, frail man, am ordered to march against the
Persians, and I ask you to accompany me. You may, perhaps, chance to
acquire great wealth, and at all events you will be put in possession
of Magnesia: you will thus have an opportunity of acquitting yourself
in the eye of the emperor, and securing his favour. If, in rejecting
the counsel I have now tendered to you, you decline going to the
Persian war, then I am free of the oath I have made to you. I need not
say any thing more to you. You are safe if you come to Scutari. There
you can remain a few days and look about you, when afterwards you shall
have the honour, along with me, of kissing the emperor’s hand. Come to
what conclusion you think best, but remember what will be the result
if you now neglect to follow my advice. Answer this letter at any rate.”
When this letter reached Yúsuf Páshá, he called his friends together
and read the contents of it in their hearing. “Why,” said his
rebel-associates, “whoever may be so foolish as to give credit to the
vain and deceitful words of this letter, will find, to his experience,
that he will have to part with his precious life. It is altogether
preposterous to put any faith in that old man’s oath. In answer to the
question, ‘whether we shall be able to stand our own ground, should he,
when he finds us obstinate, come against us?’ we would shortly say,
‘Anatolia is a wide country, and we have no necessity to meet him; let
us go to some distance out of his way. The winter will soon arrive, and
he and his army will then be obliged to retire into winter-quarters,
when we may rest in safety.’” Others replied, “That a decree affecting
their life might, in the event of proving obstinate, be issued against
them, when the whole country would rise up to be revenged on them.
Better,” said they, “that we agree to follow the advice given in the
letter from the commanding-general, and return to our obedience. Let
us, however, use every precaution: he cannot kill us before our time
come. What a terrible rebel was Zulfekár once, and he did not kill him!
He called him his son. Turkijeh Bilmaz Hasan and others after the days
of Karah Yazijí (Scrivano) were not trampled under foot and murdered.
Was not Tekelí Mohammed Páshá a notorious rebel? and when he fell into
his hands he did not murder him.” Such was the way these wise men
reasoned among themselves, and at last agreed to send the following
answer: “You have invited us to come to you, and we are no way disposed
to resist your will. Your oath has inspired us with confidence, and
as soon as your excellency arrives at Scutari we shall show you our
sincerity.” This answer was sent with the person who had brought Murád
Páshá’s communication to Yúsuf Páshá, as before mentioned.
We must now return to Murád’s own operations. After having transported
his troops and baggage to the Asiatic side, he took up his lodgings
in his own pavilion, which had been previously erected for him. The
emperor himself also visited the city of Scutari, and took up his
residence in the gardens of that city, whither his council was summoned
to attend. His vezír (Murád) told him it was not the custom of his
illustrious progenitors to do so: that Istámbol was the place where a
council should properly be held. “Gúrjí Mohammed Páshá,” continued his
vezír, “is káímakám, let him attend to the affairs of the faithful. As
soon as the lord high treasurer, Ahmed Páshá, settles the pecuniary
affairs of his department let him come over, when I shall hand in to
your majesty a report how matters stand.” This advice of the vezír
pleased his majesty, at least it appeared to do so, for he did not urge
the meeting of his council any more. Not long afterwards, however, the
emperor wrote to Murád to hasten his departure for the Persian war, and
to delay no longer. Murád Páshá, on receiving this imperial notice,
waited on his majesty, and said, he had something particular to say to
him. They both retired into a private apartment, when the grand vezír
addressed him thus, premising, however, that what he had to say to him
must be kept a secret, which the other faithfully promised to observe.
“Be it known, therefore, to your majesty,” said the premier, “that
though we have been ostensibly engaged in preparing for the Persian
war, it has been, in fact, for a different object that we have been so
engaged. The notorious rebel, Meseli Chávush, is in possession of six
or seven fortresses or places of strength in the mountainous part of
Anatolia. It would not be safe to send an army into the mountains after
him, because by hurling down stones he might destroy numbers of our
orthodox believers”—here he related the steps he had taken in writing
to Meseli. The asylum of the world appeared surprised, and asked him if
he was capable of murdering a person who, in the faith of his promises,
put himself in his power? His excellency, the grand vezír, replied:
“If, in obedience to your orders, we march against Persia, how will
you act with the rebel-chief of Aydin and Sarúkhán, Yúsuf Páshá?” “By
God,” said his majesty, “you have remarked well; that rebel had totally
escaped my memory; his case has not been attended to.” The grand vezír
then informed him of the steps he had pursued with regard to him, and
of the result, which we need not again repeat, and added: “if these
two notorious rebels are once in our power, the whole of the province
of Anatolia will not only be regained, but peace and tranquillity will
also be restored. Let your majesty keep what I have been saying to you
a perfect secret: let nothing of it transpire.” His majesty ejaculated
a short prayer, wished him God-speed, and dismissed him.
_Yúsuf Páshá arrives at Scutari._
About a month after the grand vezír had the above interview with the
emperor, Yúsuf Páshá’s followers arrived at Scutari, and he himself
in three days after them, when he ordered them to erect their tents.
The grand vezír showed him every mark of esteem and friendship, and
permitted him, when he appeared in his presence, to be seated at his
side. “Be my son,” said the vezír, “here and hereafter,” presented him
with a double suit of robes, and ordered robes to be given to a hundred
of his men. A few days afterwards he presented him to his majesty, to
whom Yúsuf had brought some very important and valuable presents; and
on this occasion he was honoured with another robe from his sovereign.
About this time, the grand vezír, Murád Páshá, received an answer to
his communication to Zulfekár, which informed him that Meseli Chávush
had arrived. The vezír wrote back to assure him that he would not fail
in his promises, and urged him to do the work assigned him. Another
month passed away, and Yúsuf Páshá became impatient to be employed
against the Persians, for whose wealth and property he thirsted. The
grand vezír, however, found means to put him off from day to day, for
Meseli was not yet disposed of, and on this, in a great measure, his
own fate depended.
In the mean time, in consequence of some representation made to the
emperor from some quarter or other, Murád Páshá was again ordered to
set out on his march to the frontiers of Persia, and that too without
delay, unless he wished another to supersede him in the chief command.
This order was peremptory; within the space of three days he must be on
his march. The grand vezír, on receiving this intimation, again waited
on his majesty and said to him, “Sire, your slave explained to your
majesty how matters stood, the last time I had the honour of speaking
with you: it certainly must have escaped your blessed memory.” “No,
by no means,” answered his majesty, “I have perfect recollection of
it; nor have I intimated a syllable of it to any one.” “Why,” replied
the vezír, “if you approved of what I at that time proposed to your
majesty, wherefore is it that you have ordered me to march? We have
Yúsuf Páshá in our power. If we despatch him just now, Mesli Chávush
will, when he hears of it, make his escape from Zulfekár, and become
more formidable than ever: it will be no easy matter to get hold of him
again. As soon as we set out for the Persian campaign, he will come and
attack Scutari. Pay no regard, sire, to the speeches of your cazís, for
they are unacquainted with the state of matters; they will be brought
to understand things better afterwards. Leave me to act as I think
proper.” The emperor was again overcome by the reasoning of his vezír,
and left him to do as he thought best, and dismissed him.
_Mesli Chávush and Yúsuf Páshá are murdered._
Mesli Chávush, who had joined Zulfekár, lived with the latter on
terms of apparent intimacy and friendship, but which, on the part
of Zulfekár, could not have been sincere, whatever he might have
manifested to the contrary. His apparent friendship had the effect he
wished, and that was to disarm Mesli of all fear and suspicion as to
his own safety.
One day he proposed that both should pay a visit in company to the
country or sanják which had been promised to Mesli, to which Mesli
agreed. On this journey they spent a month: they went from Iconium to
Larenda, and visited the fortresses of Mút, Mirah, Kúnis, and Tumrak,
each of which was so impregnably situated among rocks, that an Osmánlí
army would have found it next to impossible to reduce it. Such were the
places which Mesli commanded, and which had rendered him formidable to
the Osmánlí government.
After an excursion of one and twenty days of pleasure they returned
to Iconium, whence, in a day or two afterwards, they went to Miram,
having taken their respective followers and equipages along with
them. Here also they went about together in the greatest apparent
friendship, visited together the different spectacles which were to be
seen there, and went together to the different places of amusement.
Zulfekár was seeking all this while a fit opportunity for accomplishing
Murád Páshá’s wishes, and it was not long before such an opportunity
offered itself. Mesli was sitting one day with a turban or tiara on his
head, and like a prince was enjoying his pleasures, without fear or
suspicion of any thing, when some of the men of his ostensible friend,
who had been previously instructed how to act, fell upon him and
despatched him. One of these came secretly behind him, and secured his
head in a sort of noose with one hand, and with the other stabbed him
with his dagger. The rest of the assassins, when they saw the struggle
which ensued, came hastily forward, and after strangling him, cut off
his head. Whatever valuables were found in his possession were seized
by Murád’s lieutenant, for the purpose of being afterwards confiscated.
Zulfekár Páshá and the defterdár of Caramania, Yúnus Effendí, went to
take an account of the property he possessed in the fortresses which
he had taken; and his head, under the charge of ten men, was sent off
to Scutari, to Murád Páshá. The men who had the charge of Mesli’s head
reached the place of their destination in five days, and communicated
secretly to the grand vezír the purport of their visit to Scutari. He
immediately waited on the emperor and communicated to him the news of
the fate of Mesli; and added, that the head of the rebel Yúsuf Páshá
would not be much longer on his shoulders. We ought to have mentioned,
however, that the head of Mesli was, after having been fixed on the
point of a spear and carried publicly through the camp, placed before
the grand vezír’s tent. When the grand vezír announced to his majesty,
that the head of a formidable enemy had been brought into the camp, and
as we have already observed, that the head of Yúsuf Páshá would not
remain long on his shoulders, he started up from his sofa in surprise,
and said “May God, my dear father, reward you for your many services to
me,” and desired him to do as he thought fit.
On the following morning he sent a messenger to invite Yúsuf Páshá to
come and take a cup of coffee with him. The messenger, whilst on his
way, met Yúsuf Páshá, and delivering to him the invitation, conducted
him to the vezír’s tent. On going into the tent his excellency
addressed him in the most gracious and flattering terms, calling him
his son, and so forth. “How could I drink my coffee without you, my
son: you know how much I esteem you; come, let us retire to the back
part of the tent, where we shall not be disturbed, and where we shall
be at liberty to converse with more freedom. God willing, you shall
have permission tomorrow to march against the Kizilbáshes.” After
sitting down, and just as one of the domestics was handing Yúsuf a
cup of coffee, and before he had time to lay hold of it, an officer
announced to his lordship, Murád Páshá, that Hasan Beg, beg of Avlonia,
had arrived. His lordship affected surprise, and said, it was a hard
case to be so much oppressed with business as to have no time to enjoy
himself for a few moments. “But there is no help for it,” said he; “I
must step out for a little, but do you, sir,” (addressing Yúsuf Páshá)
“make yourself comfortable.” The grand vezír no sooner went out of
the tent, than he desired three or four of his officers to enter the
tent and take a dish of coffee with his son Yúsuf Páshá. These men
accomplished the vezír’s wishes. As the unfortunate Yúsuf Páshá was
in the act of receiving a cup of coffee into his hand, he was tripped
up by one of these assassins, when the rest, pouncing upon him, cut
off his head, and placed it on a table. On the vezír’s re-entering, he
ordered his body to be thrown out, and sent word to the defterdár to
seize on the whole of his property. When some of the soldiery heard
of the fate of Yúsuf Páshá, they ran into his tent and seized on all
the spoil they could find in it. Yúsuf Páshá’s deputy and some of
his principal followers were also put to death, and the rest of his
associates fled.
After these things, the grand vezír waited on his majesty and informed
him of what had taken place. “Let this suffice,” said the vezír; “we
need now proceed no farther. Even here, at Scutari, your majesty has
been avenged on two of your most formidable enemies, to each of whom
great forbearance has been shown. The province of Anatolia will now
enjoy peace and quietness, and now the war with Persia may again be
renewed.” The emperor bestowed great praise on his vezír: the whole of
the property that belonged to Yúsuf Páshá’s followers, who had been
put to death, was ordered to be confiscated; the beasts of burden,
and several packages of valuable articles which had belonged to his
lieutenant, or which were in his possession, were all sent over to
the tulip-garden in Constantinople. The whole of the articles which
had belonged to the rebels were afterwards sold, and the price of
them put into the imperial coffers. The head of Mesli and the body of
Yúsuf Páshá remained exposed for two days in the Maidán. The sanják
which had been promised to Mesli was conferred on Mohammed Beg, son of
Zulfekár.
_Treachery in some of the grand vezír’s domestics discovered._
The grand vezír, Murád Páshá, had also premeditated the death of the
lord high treasurer, Ahmed Páshá, usually called Etmekjí Zádeh, and,
with this view, asked the emperor’s consent to assassinate him. The
emperor, though very reluctantly, yielded to the wish of his vezír,
who immediately gave directions to his domestics and officers how
to act in this matter when Ahmed Páshá, who was then expected from
Constantinople, should arrive. He placed a sentinel on the shore,
who, so soon as he saw Ahmed Páshá arrive, was to give him notice:
the executioners put themselves in readiness. It was not long before
the sentinel above-mentioned announced the approach of Ahmed Páshá;
and informed Murád, that at the moment he was stepping on shore, a
young man came sailing up to him in a boat, and put a sealed note into
his hand. Ahmed Páshá no sooner read the contents of this note, the
sentinel said, than he immediately sailed back for Constantinople.
This information necessarily awakened surprise and doubt in the mind
of the grand vezír, who secretly set about employing persons to find
out the boatman who had been commissioned to convey the bearer of the
note. The boatman, on his discovery, related to the grand vezír all
the particulars as to the manner in which he had been hired, and the
trouble he had endured before he met with Ahmed Páshá at the pier.
The vezír asked him if he thought he should be able to recognize the
young man who had delivered the note to Ahmed Páshá, and whose dress
he had already described. He replied in the affirmative: stating, that
he, the young man, on delivering the note, had gone directly towards
the camp. The vezír immediately caused the boatman to change his
clothes, and despatched him, with some of his officers, to the camp, to
commence the search. The whole camp, from tent to tent, was minutely
examined for several days without success, when a mere accident
discovered the delinquent. Two of the vezír’s domestics had fallen
into a violent dispute, in which they mutually accused each other of
treachery to their master. The treasurer, Hasan Aghá, overheard them,
and resolved to chastise them; when one of them whispered something
into his ear. This induced the treasurer to conduct him into the
presence of the vezír, when he confessed that he and four others of
his fellow-domestics had been in the practice of receiving daily a
pecuniary remuneration from Ahmed Páshá for giving him information of
every thing they knew relative to their master’s administration or
conduct. The boatman was again called and confronted with this person,
and immediately recognized him as being the very man who had given the
note to Ahmed Páshá. His four accomplices were instantly executed, but
he himself was not only pardoned, but rewarded with a spahilik and a
handsome sum of money, for having disclosed the fact. He was, however,
dismissed the vezír’s service.
_The arrival of Yúsuf Páshá’s and Mesli Chávush’s wealth.—A display of
ill will and malevolence._
The persons who had been sent to take possession of the property of
Yúsuf Páshá and Mesli returned, two hundred camel-loads of property
which had belonged to these two men having been regularly registered
and taken possession of. The emperor, on hearing of this, remarked
to Murád Páshá, the grand vezír, how successful they had been; not
only in vanquishing the two potent enemies above alluded to, but in
being also able to replace, in a great measure, the funds which had
been expended in fitting out the expedition, by the spoil which had
fallen into their hands. But the grand vezír, notwithstanding all he
had done, had still many enemies. Mustafa Aghá, ághá of the palace;
the lord high treasurer, Ahmed Páshá, or Etmekjí Zádeh; and Mustafa
Páshá, who had formerly been governor of Constantinople, took every
opportunity they could to injure him. They talked amongst themselves,
and in the presence of others, that Murád Páshá was entirely averse
to his being employed against the Persians. “He is an old frail man,”
they said (sneeringly), “and the emperor will not force him.” A hint
of this conversation was communicated to his majesty by Muftí Mohammed
Effendí. The emperor was displeased at the liberty they had taken with
his vezír, and said, “He was a warrior, a most worthy hájí, and a
most active and useful vezír: he restored all Anatolia to peace and
tranquillity: he overcame and defeated the rebels, and delivered the
country of the two formidable rebel-chiefs mentioned at the head of
this section: he performed and achieved great deeds; and nothing but
envy,” continued his majesty, “could have induced them so to speak of
him. That he was by no means pleased with the liberty they had taken,
and that the vezír might either go or stay, as he himself saw fit.”
This strong expression of his majesty’s disposition silenced, for the
time at least, the vezír’s enemies.
After a stay of four complete months at Scutari, the troops returned to
Constantinople just about the time of the full moon of the following
or fifth month, and seven days before the commencement of autumn, or
the time for entering into winter-quarters. Preparations for commencing
hostilities against Persia in the following spring were immediately
begun and attended to during the interval.
_Concerning the naval operations of the lord high admiral, Khalíl
Páshá.—Karah Jehennem taken._
When Kapúdán (or lord high admiral of the Turkish fleet) Khalíl Páshá
sailed this year for the Mediterranean, and after he had cruised round
the largest cape or promontory of Silivria, the second station from the
metropolis, an Algerine vessel, commanded by a Genoese, met a Spanish
pinnace, which had on board the son of the infidel viceroy of Sicily,
a relative of the king of Spain, and about five hundred soldiers. This
pinnace was destined to convey the young man to see his high relative,
the king of Spain, and to carry certain valuable presents to the same.
The soldiers, of course, were sent as a guard to both. When this
pinnace met with the Algerine vessel, a most desperate battle ensued,
which terminated in the capture of the former. Every living infidel
found in this vessel, and the whole of the presents before mentioned,
were according to custom distributed amongst the conquerors. The youth
referred to was carried and delivered as a present to his majesty the
Ottoman emperor. The person who had brought him to the admiral of the
Turkish fleet received handsome rewards for having done so; and the
young slave, after he was carried to Constantinople, and actually
presented before the emperor, was instructed in the Moslem religion,
which he readily embraced, and was placed in a special chamber of the
palace.
The Turkish fleet now proceeded to Scio, where the admiral received
intimation that six mountain-like vessels (of war), belonging to some
of the infidel powers, had arrived from Egypt, and were then before
Cyprus. The admiral went immediately in pursuit of them; but heard
or saw nothing more of them till he arrived before the haven of Báf,
where he was informed that they had sailed to the coast of Syria, and
had done some mischief in several places. The admiral, Khalíl Páshá,
hastened with all the speed he could make, and by break of day he
descried their top-sails, when they appeared to be about thirty miles
distant. At mid-day, or some little time after it, he made up to them,
when a tremendous cannonading commenced from both sides, which was
continued till night intervened. The Turkish admiral, though night
did come on, never slackened his movements, but continued to keep up
with them, whilst the enemy, manifesting no symptoms of fear whatever,
lighted up their lanterns, and made all the sail they were able.
Day-light no sooner arrived, however, than the battle again commenced.
A certain person in the Turkish fleet, a corsair, who had been brought
from Barbary by the emperor, and on whom he had conferred the sanják
in the Morea, came along the admiral’s ship, and advised him not to
come into close contact with the enemy, but to continue playing upon
them at some distance. This advice was attended to, and in a short
time their masts and rigging were shattered and destroyed, and they
themselves totally disabled. In this state they were boarded, and the
troops on board, five hundred in number, one hundred and sixty guns,
and two thousand muskets, were all seized and disposed of. Four of
these captured vessels were conducted to Tamagusta (in Cyprus). One of
the three vessels, which was called Karah Jehennem (Black-hell), and
resembled a lofty castle, was sent to Constantinople as a trophy of the
admiral’s victory. The admiral, after having gained this victory, made
the circuit of Sidon, Bairut, Alexandretta near Aleppo, and Tripoli,
but did not meet any of the enemy in the whole of this tract. He
returned to Tamagusta, took in provisions, and then set sail for the
port of Constantinople, where a royal letter and a sable robe, tokens
of his sovereign’s approbation, awaited his arrival. He also had the
honour of kissing the royal hand, and was raised to the rank of vezír.
On the 9th of Rajab, in this year, the digging of the foundation of the
noble mosque of Ahmed Sultán, in the At Maidán, was commenced; and on
the 8th of Shevál all the ulemá, vezírs, sheíkhs, and seyeds, assembled
together to celebrate the ceremony of laying the first stone.
_Ancient treaty with France renewed._
Franciscus Sawari, ambassador of Haricus, king of France (Henry IV.),
at the court of Constantinople, at this time presented a request,
that the existing treaty of friendship between the Ottoman emperor
and the king of France should again be renewed. This was done; and
the treaty which was entered into during the reign of the late Sultán
Mohammed Khán formed the basis of the new one. By the new treaty, or
rather, by this renewed treaty, it was stipulated among other things
as follows: 1. That not only British and Venetian vessels, but also
those of Genoa, of Portugal, of the two Sicilies, of Ancona, of Spain,
and of Florence, trading to Turkey, should be permitted to do so only
under the French flag; and that the commanders of all such vessels
were to announce their arrival to the French consul of the place or
port to which they might come for the purpose of trade. 2. That all
persons belonging to France, going to visit Jerusalem, or the monks
living at the Holy Sepulchre, or returning from the same, were to be
allowed to go and return without molestation or interruption. 3. That
the prohibition laid on spun and unspun cotton and on morocco-leather,
during the reign of Soleimán, was to be removed. 4. The prohibition
laid on bee’s-wax and hides in the days of Mohammed Khán was also to
be removed. 5. That all such specie as traders brought along with them
was to be received at its usual or current value. 6. Vessels belonging
to the French government, employed in carrying provisions from one
country unfriendly to Turkey to another country of that description,
were, though discovered by Turkish ships, to be allowed to pass
unmolested; and, in the event of any vessel belonging to a French
subject being seized whilst carrying provisions from any part of the
Ottoman dominions, it was to be set at liberty, its freight was to
remain untouched, and no more, than three hundred _akchas_ were to be
levied on the articles of lading. 7. French vessels entering into any
of the havens belonging to the Barbary states were to be respected;
and gunpowder, lead, sail-cloth, or any other articles which might be
needed, were to be furnished them: for, formerly, the Algerines were
in the habit of kidnapping and making slaves of French merchants, and
seizing their property. Frequent prohibitions against this practice
had been issued during the reign of Sultán Mohammed Khán; and the
governor, who happened to be in office when an aggression of this kind
took place, was deposed, and ordered to make full restitution. 8.
Fishing vessels were to be allowed to fish, and also to take coral on
the coasts of Algiers and Tunis. 9. All interpreters belonging to the
French embassy were, according to ancient custom, to be free from all
kinds of imposts or taxes. 10. French subjects, on paying the just dues
to their ambassadors and consuls, were to have all disputes which might
arise settled by them: they were to oppress or injure none. 11. Those
having a dispute or law-suit with any consul, the dispute or law-suit
was to be settled in Turkey. 12. The French ambassador on entering into
the royal diván, or into the privy-council, was to have precedence,
according to ancient custom, of the Spanish, and all other ambassadors
whatever. 13. When a French prisoner or captive was discovered, and the
consul declared him to be so, then his master or owner was to send him
to Constantinople, where his case was to be thoroughly investigated.
14. Frenchmen, or persons belonging to any country subject to France,
living in Turkey, were not to be required to pay a poll-tax. 15.
Frenchmen living at any of the sea-ports belonging to Turkey, were not
to be prohibited from appointing their own consuls; and such consuls
were to be free from all taxes whatever. 16. If a dispute should happen
to arise with a French trader, and an appeal was made to a cazí, the
cazí was not to decide, unless the French trader had an interpreter
present to interpret for him. 18. French ships sailing to or from
Constantinople were to meet with no hindrances in the Dardanelles, or
force or violence from any Turkish ship, whether of war or not, in the
open or high seas. A friendly intercourse between vessels belonging to
both nations, was to be faithfully observed. The end or conclusion of
the treaty.
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1019, H.
_The grand vezír and commander-in-chief, Murád Páshá, goes to Tabríz._
The victorious hero, the grand vezír and commander-in-chief, Murád
Páshá, having fully completed all his preparations for opening the
campaign in the east, re-appointed Gúrjí Mohammed Páshá governor of
Constantinople, and passed over with his brilliant army to Scutari, on
the 5th of the month Sefer. The commanding general, impatiently anxious
to march against Persia, left Scutari about the beginning of Rabia
I., and reaching the frontiers of that country, he was joined by the
various beglerbegs with their respective troops, who had been appointed
for this war. His army, in a short time, became greatly increased.
Having heard that the sháh of Persia intended to take up his position
in the vicinity of Tabríz, and as the winter season was nigh at hand,
he hastened towards that place with all the speed he was able, and
was not long in arriving in its neighbourhood. The inhabitants having
all fled, and left the city exposed and desolate, the orthodox troops
entered, and demolished or set fire to its buildings. The sháh having
advanced nearer, shewed a disposition to try his strength, and posted
himself upon a hill near the city. It was not long, however, before
his courage forsook him; for in a general engagement, in which he was
soon involved, his troops were defeated and put to flight, leaving the
field to the victorious Moslems. Finding it therefore dangerous to
stay much longer, and seeing that the winter was fast approaching, he
felt it necessary to seek a place of repose and safety for himself and
his army. In this way, and for these reasons, the war was necessarily
postponed till the following year. In the meantime, however, the
orthodox army did all the mischief they could to the enemy’s country,
and then returned, when his excellency the commanding general, Murád
Páshá, went with the household troops to Diárbeker.
After defeating the sháh, his excellency, Murád Páshá, sent him a
letter, to which the following was received as answer: “You say that
we have violated the agreement made in the days of Sháh Ismael II. He
was not long enough at the helm of affairs to cause any rupture. Your
governors on the frontiers having coveted the goods of our merchants,
have murdered several of them. We have represented our grievances to
your august majesty, the emperor, but no redress whatever has been
afforded. The honour of our dignity cannot endure this, especially
as we are now come, by the grace of God, into the possession of our
paternal hereditary dominions. We have been braved by a Tátár army.
Formerly, Islám Gheráí and Ghází Gheráí brought their armies as far
as Shirván, but were defeated by the kizilbáshes, and the two kháns
made prisoners. If they should again attempt a similar invasion, they
shall pay dearly for it; they shall meet their reward. The great wealth
which the emperor of the Osmánlís can command is not unknown to us. We
also have our heroes. The sight of your numerous hosts will not move
them. If it be thought proper to abide by the conditions granted by
Sultán Soleímán Khán to Tahmasp, my grandfather, then I am his august
majesty’s servant. When one is not brave and bold in his hostility,
his friendship is not to be depended on. Our friendship may be
contemplated. If, therefore, you are not satisfied, then let that which
is behind the curtain of fate discover itself—Farewell.”
His excellency, the grand vezír, wrote thus in reply: “You say you are
braved or threatened by a vain-glorious army of Tátárs. A Tátár is
like any other servant of the emperor. Though the two kháns were made
prisoners, yet there is nothing strange or surprising in that. It has
happened, not unfrequently, in the history of past events, that the
vanquished have sometimes become conquerors. If you compute the number
of those belonging to you who have been made captives, your motive for
protracting hostilities must arise from some other cause; as that the
power of the emperor appeared to have become less, or that he needed
to make an apology. I also am a servant of the emperor. I have some
hope my sentiments will have a good effect. I have entered in between
you with the view of effecting a reconciliation. So soon, then, as the
line of boundaries can be settled as it was formerly, I shall return:
otherwise it is not his majesty’s pleasure that one of the name of
Abbás should remain a sovereign in the palace of the world. How many
years has the Moslem army wintered in this quarter? The secret decrees
of fate are seemingly developed or developing by this fact. God seems
ready to take vengeance.”
Some time before this answer was sent, however, Murád received a
letter from the sháh by Shams-ud-dín Mohammed Aghá, proposing terms of
peace. The grand vezír, after a long consultation about this matter,
returned an answer by one Khair-ud-dín Chávush, whom he sent along with
the sháh’s messenger when he returned. Very near a whole year passed
away, however, before the sháh deigned to return any answer to the
grand vezír’s communications; but on the 27th of Jemadi II., when the
Moslem army, numerous as the stars, arrived at Erzerúm with the view of
protecting and defending the imperial possessions secured by treaty to
the Ottoman government in the days of Sultán Murád Khán, at this date
Khair-ud-dín Chávush and Mohammed Aghá arrived, bringing with them a
letter from the sháh. This letter contained hardly any thing more than
what his former one did respecting the grounds of complaint, which
we need not again repeat. Suffice it to say, that the correspondence
on both sides was carried on to a great length. It was said, that if
there existed a real desire to promote an agreement, it should be in
accordance with those stipulations entered into during former reigns;
but it is quite evident the emperor had no intention of entering into
engagements which would strip him of his possessions in those quarters
which had been conquered during the reign of Sultán Murád Khán.
_Other events of this year._
On the 2d of Rabia I., when the commanding-general removed from Scutari
and had arrived at Mai dipa, he received intelligence of the death
of his highness, Ahmed Gheráí, khán of the Crimea, and by his kind
interference Jánbeg Gheráí was raised to the khánship. On the 15th of
Rabia II. the ornamenting, repairing, and beautifying of the Kaaba and
its dependencies were finished, which cost in all 18,141 miscals.[22]
The work was commenced last year and finished in this.
The lord high admiral, Khalíl Páshá, having again put to sea with the
royal fleet, he appointed Mímí Beg, beg of Rhodes, chief over a number
of other begs, and dispatched him off in one of the vessels which
had been destined for conveying provisions from Alexandria. Mímí Beg
accomplished the task assigned to him, and afterwards fell in with an
enemy’s ship of war at a place called Funka, which he soon disabled
and sunk. Khalíl Páshá himself, whilst continuing his cruizing voyage
after vessels belonging to the infidels, pursued his course along
Negropont, Modon, and Navarin. At one or other of these places he
received intelligence from Mímí Beg, that five large vessels belonging
to Tuscany were somewhere at sea near Cyprus. The admiral immediately
steered away from the shores of the Morea towards Cyprus, which place
he reached about the commencement of Rajab after a sail of eight days,
and discovered the above vessels before Oghuz Búrni, near Báf, watching
the arrival of the Egyptian fleet. The admiral, Khalíl Páshá, now
prepared for battle; but in consequence of a heavy gale of wind which
suddenly arose, he found it impossible, notwithstanding his utmost
efforts, to come into actual contact with them. Night came on; the wind
became more fierce and boisterous, and by daylight on the following
morning no traces of the enemy’s vessels could be discovered; nor was
it known whither they had steered. The Turkish admiral now directed his
course towards the island of Rhodes, and during the voyage picked up
a straggling adventurer and one or two of the enemy’s ships. Soleimán
Páshá, also, whom he had ordered away with ten vessels in search of the
Tuscany ships, returned with two corsairs and two other vessels which
he had taken in the roads of Messina and Malta, and joined the Turkish
fleet, which directed its course to the port of Constantinople, having
about eight prizes and a hundred captives to grace its entrance into
that port; and when the admiral presented himself before the exalted
diván, orders were given to confer on him a robe of honour for the
services which he had rendered.
During the winter of this year messengers from the sháh arrived with
letters containing humble proposals of peace, offering, at the same
time, as one of the conditions, to pay an annual tax of two hundred
yúks (loads) of silk for those provinces which had been wrested out of
his hands, though they formerly formed part of the Persian dominions.
He also requested that the government of Turkey, if it pleased, might
have a beglerbeg over those provinces. The sagacious Murád Páshá wrote
a report of these offers, and sent it along with the sháh’s messengers
to the court of Constantinople. The purpose of his sending these
ambassadors to the court of Istámbol was to excite the sháh’s hopes,
and thus give him a hare’s sleep, while, in fact, he was meditating the
devastation of the country on the return of spring.
_The death of Murád Páshá, grand vezír and commander-in-chief.—Nesúh
Páshá succeeds to the premiership._
At the time his excellency, the grand vezír and commander-in-chief,
Murád Páshá, went to Tabríz, the válí of Diárbeker, Nesúh Páshá, sent
a private letter to the emperor, stating that if he would remove Murád
Páshá out of the premiership, and confer the seals on himself, he
would, in return, make him a present of forty thousand gold pieces
in ready money, and bear the expense, besides, of the increase of
provisions which was to be made to the army. This letter the emperor
enclosed in a government despatch for Murád Páshá, and sent it off
by a courier. The commanding-general was no doubt surprised when he
read the document which had been sent to him, and immediately sent for
Nesúh. Nesúh, no way aware of the reason for which he had been invited,
appeared before the grand vezír without suspicion. The latter handed to
him his own letter to the emperor, and asked him if he could recognize
the hand-writing. Nesúh, a bold and fearless Albanian, replied,
without a moment’s hesitation, it was his. “You ought, then,” said the
commanding-general, “to advance the gold you have promised, and provide
the provisions for the army which you have also stipulated.” Nesúh, no
way embarrassed, showed his readiness to comply. Those officers who
surrounded Murád Páshá, on this occasion, seemed very much surprised
at what had transpired, and said, that many a commanding-general would
have punished with death a fault much less than that which Nesúh had
committed. “You are certainly,” said they, in their surprise and
indignation, “seeking to compass this base and worthless hypocrite’s
destruction?” His excellency, the commanding-general, with his usual
prudence and good-nature, denied having entertained any such intention.
“On the contrary,” said he, “a bold, active and dexterous man of this
kind may be very useful to the government; and what he has offered to
do may prove to be of advantage.” He added a few more remarks which
were intended to make an impression on the mind of his rival.
The winter-months passed away, and the time for again marching against
the heretical sháh approached. The commander-in-chief caused his
pavilion to be erected on the outside of the walls of Diárbeker.
This very movement, inasmuch as it presaged hostility, alarmed the
sháh to such a degree that he again sent to the commanding general
a supplicating letter, similar to that he had formerly sent him,
praying for a cessation of hostilities. The illustrious commander
amused him with hopes, but was all the while making preparations for
commencing the attack. But in the midst of all this, it pleased God
to remove him by death. This event took place on the 25th of Jemadi
I.; and Mohammed Aghá, ághá of the janissaries, was, in conformity to
Murád’s own desire, expressed some time before his death, appointed
by the government, in the mean time, to take the command of the army.
When Nesúh Páshá’s friends heard of Murád’s death, they used their
utmost efforts to get him into the premiership, the great object of
his ambition. On the 12th of the following month the wishes of both
were realized by the seals of office being sent to Nesúh. He was made
commander-in-chief of the forces at the same time.
The new grand vezír commenced his career in manifesting the same
determined hostility against the sháh that his predecessor had done.
This, of course, doubly increased the fears of the Persian king (the
subversion of whose dominions had been the ardent desire of Murád
Páshá), and led him to repeat his former intreaties: promising, at
the same time, to submit to that subjection to the Ottoman emperor
which had formerly been yielded to that monarch. But before these last
proffers had been announced at Constantinople, the sháh requested to
be allowed some delay to provide the quantity of silk which he had
stipulated. This petition was incautiously listened to by the new
minister, who, by this time, had disbanded his army. He was, moreover,
much to blame for permitting the sháh’s ambassadors to proceed to
Constantinople. They, themselves, were importunate in demanding from
the grand vezír permission to proceed thither on the object of their
embassy, alleging that on the frontiers no proper settlement between
the two countries could be effected; but by some inexplicable conduct
of the new grand vezír, a whole year passed away before matters were
fully and properly adjusted.
In addition to the repairs and ornaments which had been bestowed on the
Ka’ba, it was still found necessary to bind the pillars thereof in two
different places with hoops, and for which purpose iron ones, plated
with pure gold and choice silver, were provided. The aqueduct, which
had been necessarily altered in the days of Soleimán, was furnished
and ornamented with splendid boards. The emperor, being intent on
beautifying the Ka’ba still more, removed into the garden of Stavros,
where the contemplated work for the holy place might be carried on
to better purpose under his own inspection. With this view he called
thither all the goldsmiths, provided bellows, and the work immediately
commenced under his own auspices, and the inspection of all his great
men. This work, and the artizans employed on it, were afterwards
removed to the garden of Davd Páshá, where the emperor himself took
up his abode; and when the whole was finished, in conformity with the
pattern which had been chosen, a pavilion was raised in front of the
works for his majesty, and a throne was erected within it on which he
sat. In this position, surrounded by the mufti, ulemá and his vezírs,
he contemplated the articles which had been made; conferred robes of
honour on those of his grandees of every rank and degree, who were
present, as tokens of his royal munificence and approbation; and on the
same day, raised Mohammed Aghá of the Salihdárs to the government of
Egypt. About this same time the emperor ordered a shade or covering to
be erected over the well near the arsenal.
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1020, H.
_Naval affairs._
The Turkish fleet, under the command of the lord high-admiral, Khalíl
Páshá, after having sailed from the port of Constantinople in the
spring of this year, was met by Mohammed Beg, beg of the Morea, who
had been previously sent out for the purpose of capturing such hostile
vessels as might fall in his way, and who informed the admiral that
he had conducted a prize-vessel into the port of Eyúbia. The fleet
now sailed for Rhodes, where the ships were all properly pitched,
and afterwards sailed for the island of Cyprus. Whilst the admiral
was directing his course for this place, he received a royal letter,
ordering him to convoy the ships destined for Egypt, which were
conveying the articles for the Ka’ba. Just at this time he received
intelligence that two hostile vessels had been seen sailing somewhere
between Cyprus and Tripoli, and therefore he instantly dispatched Mímí
Beg, beg of Rhodes, with twenty-five galleys, in search of them: but he
himself conducted the Egyptian vessels half-way through the high seas,
and then directed his course towards the shores of Anatolia.
Mímí Beg was not long in meeting with a hostile vessel, the commander
of which was a Maltese and a pirate, and which, after some hard
fighting, he took and brought into Rhodes, where he met with the
admiral. He was afterwards sent with five galleys to conduct the válí
of Egypt from Scio through the high seas towards Alexandria. Lálá
Ja’fer Beg was also sent with ten vessels to cruize along the enemy’s
coasts, but was much retarded by contrary winds. Off the Cape of Maneah
he met two vessels, who having instantly hoisted the enemy’s flag, he
prepared to attack them. The battle was long and bloody, and it was not
till near night that he succeeded in overpowering them. The admiral,
at the end of this voyage, sent these and four other vessels which had
been captured, to the port of Constantinople. The two vessels taken
by Lálá Ja’fer Beg, it was said, belonged to the Venetian state, and
therefore, in consequence of that state being included in the last
treaty made with France, a very great deal of talk and speculation took
place.
On the return of the lord high-admiral to Constantinople, he was
honoured with tokens of the imperial approbation for the services he
had rendered. Within the three years he had acted as lord high admiral
of the Turkish fleet, he captured more than fifty ships, small and
great; the emperor, however, willing to show favour to Mohammed Páshá,
who had been governor in Egypt, and whose exploits and virtuous deeds
we have recorded, and who was every way worthy of the seals (though
these, in the meantime, had been conferred on Nesúh Páshá), appointed
him to the command of the fleet, that being the most honourable
situation he had to confer on him at the time.
About the middle of Rabia II., whilst the emperor was enjoying himself
in the gardens of Dávud Páshá, Sultán Selím was born, but died before
the end of the month. Towards the end of the month Dhu’l hijja, the
youngest of the princesses was united in marriage to Nesúh Páshá, and
the contract was concluded in the presence of the reverend mufti and
the vezírs of the court.
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1021, H.
_Naval affairs continued._
In the month of Rajab of this year the lord high admiral, Mohammed
Páshá, set sail with the royal fleet in search of prizes and further
conquests. On reaching the coasts of Sidon and Bairut he found Maán
Oghlí, a madman, who in the vanity of his mind had arrogated to himself
princely titles, and had secured for himself some places of strength in
the hilly part of the country, and who, moreover, had been a coadjutor
of Jánbúlát Oghlí, and had done much mischief to the province of
Syria. He afterwards entered into a friendly relation with the Turkish
government, stipulating to pay an annual tribute of the products of the
country he ruled, but had failed in fulfilling his engagements. The
admiral, in consequence of this failure, landed some of his men with
the intention of forcing Maán Oghlí into compliance. Force, however,
was not necessary, for Maán Oghlí sent the admiral a submissive letter,
accompanied by a larger sum than he had stipulated, as an equivalent
for his neglect. The fleet returned to the port of Constantinople,
and deposited in the imperial treasury the gifts and presents which
had been received from Maán Oghlí. But it is to be observed that the
admiral, whilst sailing through the straits of Súsam, allowed the enemy
to seize no less than nine of his vessels; for which he was deposed.
Khalíl Páshá was again made lord high admiral.
_Nesúh Páshá arrives in Constantinople along with the Persian
ambassadors._
After Nesúh Páshá had given the despicable kizilbáshes hopes that their
wishes would be complied with on the part of the Ottoman government,
the sháh seized the opportunity thus afforded him, and instantly
transmitted to Nesúh at Diárbeker two hundred loads of silk under
the charge of Kází Khán, his military judge, and the cazís of Kazwín
and Isfahán, additional ambassadors, who arrived at Diárbeker on the
26th of Rabia II. Nesúh Páshá, without loss of time, set out for
Constantinople with the above silk and the messengers, and reached it
about the beginning of Shabán. The grand vezír met with the honours
due to his high station, and the ambassadors with that respect which
it was the custom to bestow. The emperor, who had been at Dávud Páshá,
returned with a great show of military pomp and grandeur to the city on
the 16th of Shabán. By his orders suitable lodgings were assigned to
the Persian ambassadors, and amusements afforded them, and on the 21st
they were permitted to appear in the royal presence. They presented to
his majesty, the asylum of the world, the gifts and presents they had
brought along with them from their master, receiving in return robes of
honour, and being permitted to kiss the skirt of his majesty’s robe.
The sháh had chosen his ambassadors from amongst the most cunning and
shrewd of his learned men, as being the fittest for answering or asking
questions in the royal diván, should they ever be called thither. When,
however, they were actually introduced into that august assembly, they
were overpowered with awe. Kází Khán, the foremost and most learned
of their number, felt his inability to speak when he attempted to
do so. “Please your majesty,” said he, with a faltering voice which
betokened the agitation of his mind, “Sháh Abbás is your slave”—here
he paused, and could not utter another syllable, but delivered over
their credentials to the grand vezír, who handed them to his majesty,
and then retired. They were again, on the 26th of Ramazán, allowed
to be present at the royal diván, and were thence conducted into the
imperial hall of audience, where answers to their communications were
delivered to them. They again received robes, according to custom,
and were allowed to retrace their steps to their own country. Hasan
Páshá, beglerbeg of Erzerúm, and Anjúlí Mustafa Chávush were ordered to
accompany them, with the view of settling and determining the frontiers
of Armenia; but the negotiations with Persia were not finally settled
until the year of the Hijrah 1024.
On the 28th of Jemadi I. the grand sultán had another son born, _viz._
Murád Khán, who was, on the 4th of Shevál, ordered, by a royal firmán,
to be conveyed, according to ancient custom, to the royal harem, where
the royal youths were brought up.
A beglerbegship was conferred on Karah Kásh Mohammed Aghá, chief of
the falconers. About the middle of the last-mentioned month the grand
princess, Ayesha Sultána, who was betrothed to the grand vezír, Nesúh
Páshá, was sent home to him, on which occasion a most splendid banquet
was given.
_Sultán Ahmed Khán takes a journey to Adrianople._
His majesty the emperor, having resolved on taking a journey to
Adrianople, on the 8th of Dhu’l kadah he ordered the members of the
royal diván, his household troops, his right and left-hand troops of
Egypt, and a body of spáhís to proceed on the journey from Dávud Páshá.
Two days before this mighty cavalcade left Dávud Páshá, the princes of
the blood, under the charge of Mustafa Aghá, ághá of the royal palace,
set out. The grand vezír, Nesúh Páshá, Dávud Páshá, Yúsuf Páshá, Khalíl
Páshá, also the reverend mufti, Mohammed Effendí, Dámád Effendí, the
late mufti, Asa’d-ud-dín Effendí, who had been deposed for the share
he had in the late tumult, Zekeriáh Effendí, Yahia Effendí, Mustafa
Effendí, and Abdul Azíz Effendí, all the grandees of the empire, and a
splendid detachment of troops of various kinds accompanied his majesty
on his leaving Dávud Páshá for Adrianople. This royal procession or
cavalcade proceeded by way of Felúri, where such of the members of the
administration as did not accompany the emperor to Adrianople took
their leave of him and returned. On the high priest of the empire, in
consequence of the necessary absence of Mustafa Effendí, the royal
chronologer, the duty of marking events devolved. The royal cavalcade
rested the first night at Kúchuk Chekmejeh, and the following day
reached Búiúk Chekmejeh. At daybreak it was again in motion. The
immense number of janissaries, spáhís, and other troops in the royal
retinue now commenced the sport of the chase as they proceeded on their
journey, which sport was accompanied by the sound of drums and other
instruments. In the afternoon they reached Silivria. The emperor rose
about midnight, performed his devotions on the highway, and was no
sooner on horseback than his armourers and fencing-masters were again
in their places. On reaching a place called Chorlí the royal party
was allowed to rest there for the space of three days, in consequence
of the fatigue which the emperor’s soláks and other foot-soldiers had
sustained from the rains which had fallen during the previous days. On
leaving Chorlí they advanced to Sultání, but as there was no suitable
mansion for his majesty at this place, a pavilion had been erected
for his reception. From Sultání they advanced to Burgas. During this
journey the horsemen exercised themselves in throwing the javelin: the
vezírs and ághás, even to the grand vezír himself, took a share in the
sports of the day. The emperor partook with keenness of the passing
pleasures, exercising his fleet steed, throwing the javelin, and, in
short, was the phœnix of the whole company of lancers. The sound of
mirth and joviality was re-echoed by the vault of heaven. The grand
vezír was so astonished at the feats which his majesty performed, that
he descended from his horse, approached his majesty’s stirrup on foot,
and kissed it. It is quite certain that the display of horsemanship and
throwing of the javelin which his majesty exhibited on this occasion
was altogether unequalled. The royal party passed through Eskí Bábá
and Hafsa, and on the tenth day of the journey, about mid-day, reached
Adrianople.
The emperor and his suite, after offering up their devotions at the
Selímiya, mounted their horses and crossed the bridge of Soleimán,
exhibiting a great display of pomp and grandeur, and arrived at the
royal palace of that city. The ághá of the palace, Elháj Mustafa Aghá,
and other reverend dignitaries belonging to the royal house, made such
a display of silver-plate and gold vessels as to excite great wonder.
In short, so plentiful were articles of this description, that, in
passing into the royal apartments, one was obliged to walk over them;
the whole of his domestics that waited on him were made rich. Here
diváns were held, and petitions of all kinds attended to. Within the
palace a mosque was fitted up. The emperor himself, his domestics, and
hatchet-bearers, went out every day to follow the chase, accompanied
by his hounds and panthers. He ordered his bostánjí báshí to search
out the places which abounded with most game, over a district of
three days’ journey. Near the village of Cholmek the field, as the
chase was pursued by sultáns of other days, extended to the distance
of several leagues. In or about the beginning of Dhu’l hijja, the
emperor, accompanied by his domestics, the odabáshí Ja’fer Aghá, the
salihdár Mohammed Aghá, the chakadár Ahmed, and the stirrup-holder
Ismael Aghá, set out at night, and by daybreak reached a green meadow,
where his majesty offered up his morning devotions. On a rising ground
near this meadow a pavilion for his majesty had been erected, and from
this spot he again commenced following the pleasures of the chase. The
country every where around abounded with wild-game. The grey-hounds and
panthers were let loose; such of the peasants as brought in the game
that had been seized, received munificent rewards, by which many a poor
peasant was made rich; eighteen deers, one hundred and fifty hares,
forty foxes, and a vast number of pheasants were collected on this
occasion; and rewards, according to the laws of the chase, were also
distributed.
The emperor, on leaving the above place, entered into Sultán Murád
Khán’s garden with the view of taking some repose, whilst the whole
of the game which had been taken was conveyed into his presence, when
he ordered portions of it to be sent to the grand vezír and other
ministers and military judges, who had not been present at this chase.
In like manner, portions were sent to the royal harem, and to the other
departments of the royal house. The sublime emperor then returned
to Adrianople; but it was not long before he again engaged in the
pleasures of the chase at a place called Kúrd Kíásí, about a stage
distant from Adrianople, where the grand vezír prepared a splendid
entertainment before the chase commenced. This chase took place about
the beginning of the month of January, and all the vezírs and other
officers of government were present at the convivial entertainment
which Nesúh Páshá had given. The persons who had been employed in
bringing in the game, whether whole or only the skins, received
handsome rewards. The whole number of game taken on this occasion
amounted to nine hundred and fifteen, and the number taken on former
occasions to one thousand two hundred. The emperor enjoyed himself
also in hunting along with his falconers, and outstripped the whole
of his ághás, having caught nearly nine hundred birds. On meeting a
peasant he condescended to enquire into his circumstances—what injury
or oppression he might be enduring: and if he returned an answer that
manifested content, he was sure to meet with an act of benevolence
on the part of the royal enquirer. When he entered into a village,
the villagers met him with the most valuable of their goods and best
cattle, and offered them as presents; but for the most part he sent
some of his domestics to prevent this display of kindness. In fact,
such was the generosity of his own benevolent nature that many of the
poor natives were made rich by his liberality. Every Friday night,
according to his custom at Constantinople, he called together ten
commanders or governors of garrisons, and made them read together, or
separately, ten chapters of the holy writings, during the first watches
of the night. Thus did the emperor, by donations of gold and silver,
and by enriching his mind with reading, secure to himself a rich
remuneration.
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1022, H.
_The emperor, Sultán Ahmed Khán, goes to Gallipoli._
The emperor having resolved on taking a journey to Gallipoli, left
Adrianople for the latter place on the 24th of Sefer. Nesúh Páshá, the
grand vezír, provided every thing necessary for him at the different
stations through which he was to pass, and prohibited every where the
exercise of oppression and tyranny. His majesty passed through the
meadows belonging to Mohammed Páshá, which happened to be the first
station; and next day, on coming to a place called Degirmenlik, he
entered on the chase. Having no meat, he and his suite were obliged to
rest satisfied with the flesh of such birds as they took on the field.
From Degirmenlik he moved onwards to Ieserarkinah, near which he spent
two or three days more in hunting, having had his pavilion erected in a
delightful spot in the neighbourhood of that place. After quitting this
spot he continued his route till mid-day, when, impelled by the desire
of the chase, he again betook himself to hunting through the fields,
which he continued till he came to Karah Bekár, were he again joined
the royal cavalcade, which had been moving slowly forward, and rested
there for the night. On the following day he halted at Altún Tásh,
the day after at the station called Ahmed Páshá, and the third day at
Kighanlu, near Mulghra, not far from the Kogher mountains, which so
large a body of men as that which accompanied the emperor would find
very difficult, if not impracticable, to cross. He, therefore, selected
a certain number of janissaries and spáhís to accompany him across
these mountains to Gallipoli, and sent the rest of his troops, with
their ordnance and baggage, to Rodosjuk. They were, however, very much
impeded in their march, owing to the fall of a great quantity of snow
and rain. The emperor and his party, about three thousand in number,
proceeded on their journey towards Urúsha, and on the following day
came to Búlair, where they pitched their tents in a sort of plain near
the tomb of the heroic Soleimán Páshá, where the emperor again engaged
in the amusements of the chase. He visited the above tomb, distributed
some alms, and ordered the coffin to be renewed and ornamented. The
emperor, on reaching Gallipoli, ordered his tent to be erected in the
open fields, whither the grandees of the city, about sixty of the
ulemá, besides the officers of justice, came to salute his majesty and
to welcome him to their city. About eight o’clock in the evening the
emperor, accompanied by the grand vezír, those ághás who had been his
companions in the sports of the field, and his domestics, entered the
city, and took up his abode in a pavilion which had been previously
erected for him near the fortress. Great rejoicings took place, and
the firing of guns, both on the land and water, commenced; the priests
read the service which is usually read on the emperor’s birth-day, and
many alms were dispensed among the poor and indigent. The pleasure-boat
which the bostánjí báshí sent from Constantinople, was occasionally
used by his majesty in taking a pleasure-sail.
_The emperor leaves Gallipoli for the imperial city._
The grand sultán, not wishing to prolong his stay at Gallipoli, ordered
the signal drum to beat, and left that city on the fifteenth day
after his departure from Adrianople, _i.e._ on the 19th of Rabia I.
When he reached Búlair, on his return, he again visited the tomb of
the heroic Soleimán Páshá, which, by this time, had been renewed and
decorated after the manner of that in the Ka’ba. The emperor laid a
sword across the coffin, which was covered over with cloth; ordered
prayers to be offered up; distributed alms among the poor of the place,
and afterwards prosecuted his march towards the royal city. He halted
for the night at a place called Kowak. On the second following day,
after descending from Bilban, he reached Rudosjuk, where the troops he
left behind him, when he proposed crossing the Kogher mountains for
Gallipoli, were waiting for his return.
_Mohammed Gheráí arrives at Rudosjuk._
Mohammed Gheráí, who had made himself obnoxious to his brother, Salámet
Gheráí, the reigning khán of the Crimea, (who had joined himself to
Sháhín Gheráí, and, along with some Circassian tribes among whom he
lived, had committed great depredations among the Crimean Tátárs,) no
sooner heard of the death of Salámet Gheráí, and the efforts which
Jánbeg Gheráí had employed to prevent either his or his brother’s
succeeding to the khánship, than he appeared with four hundred men in
Romeili, and advanced with the utmost haste to solicit the support and
countenance of the Turkish government in his own behalf. The grand
vezír, on hearing of his approach, sent some of his ághás to meet him,
and to bring him to Rudosjuk, where he had the felicity of kissing
the emperor’s foot. The emperor, after holding a diván, promised
that equity should be done; and attached two kapújí báshís to two
of Mohammed Gheráí’s officers, who were to bring the two contending
princes to an agreement between themselves.
The emperor’s nativity was again celebrated at Rudosjuk. At night
candles were lighted up, and muskets were fired. The front of the
imperial pavilion was brilliantly illuminated with a vast number of
lamps. On the following day he set out for Kopurjí Cháier, passed
through the village of Amúrcha, and on the third day arrived in the
plains of Silivria. Here he was met by the kapúdán, Mohammed Páshá, the
bostánjí báshí, Hasan Aghá, with his whole body of bostánjís. Many of
the ulemá and servants of the government came to this place also, to
welcome him back. In the evening, as the emperor was going towards the
gardens of Silivria, he was met by his reverence the mufti Mohammed
Effendí, and other learned men. When the mufti saw him approaching, he
advanced, kissed the hem of his garment, and pronounced a blessing on
his head. The sultán, on the other hand, no sooner saw the venerable
prelate drawing near to him, than he checked the steed on which he was
mounted, in order to allow him time to perform the above ceremony,
and then invited the mufti and his learned associates to mount and
accompany him in his jaunt, when they all entered into a variety of
conversation. Other ulemá, and heads of seminaries of learning, came
also on this occasion and paid him their respects. The emperor, after
meeting with so many tokens of esteem from his learned subjects,
ordered preparations to be made for going to the gardens of Dávud
Páshá. The night on which he arrived at these gardens the whole space
occupied by his soldiery of various kinds was brilliantly illuminated,
and the small and great guns fired a salute. On the 24th of Rabia I. he
entered the capital, whilst his troops and retinue formed a beautiful
and orderly procession. In a very few days afterwards, however, _i.e._
on the 1st of Rabia II., he passed over to his palace at Scutari, where
he followed the amusements of the chase. Sometimes he went to Stavros,
sometimes to the port of the metropolis, and sometimes to the gardens
of Dávud Páshá, in pursuit of the same sport and amusement.
On the 5th of Rajab of this year he went to the gardens of Chatálijeh,
and returned to Constantinople on the 12th of the same. On the
following day, after having spent the night comfortably, he went to the
Halkalú gardens, where he gave audience to the grand vezír. From these
gardens he retired to those of Dávud Páshá, and thence returned to the
imperial palace.
About this time seven of the chaste and unsullied daughters of the
emperor’s uncles, brought up in the old palace, were given in marriage
to rich and powerful ághás, who were favourites of his majesty. On
the 23d of Rajab the emperor removed to the gardens of Beshektásh,
where he either spent his time in the library, or in the orchards of
that place, and returned to his own palace in the month of Shabán,
where, night after night, he attended to the duties of religion, and
to the distribution of alms. He ordered Súfí Mustafa Effendí, his own
Imán, to draw out a statement from authentic documents of all his
royal children; and a list of twenty-six names, male and female, was
returned to him. To each of these he sent by this prelate, and others
who were joined with him in the commission, immense presents; and as
many of them as had arrived at the age of puberty, received a suitable
provision.
During the month of Ramazán he was most assiduous in offering up his
devotions; and on the Leilet ul kadr,[23] he made such a distribution
of money and of other benefits as had never been exemplified in any
of his predecessors. After the termination of the fast, the usual
salutations were attended to, and he again began to enjoy the pleasures
which his palace afforded.
It having been alleged that the use of wine had been the cause of the
disturbances and tumults which had taken place in the city from time to
time, the pious and religious emperor, in order to put a stop to this
forbidden and pernicious practice throughout the empire, ordered the
laws to be enforced. The taverns were a perfect nuisance; and therefore
the keepers of them had their licenses taken from them: the sellers of
wine were obliged to flee, and their houses or shops were thrown down,
without paying any regard whatever to the vast advantage which accrued
to the government from this traffic; because of the great evil which it
had done to the morals of the inhabitants. It was not long, however,
before the use of wine again became as general as ever.
_A messenger from Holland arrives in Constantinople._
Messengers, with valuable gifts and rich presents for the Ottoman
emperor, from the válí of Holland, a country bordering on the ocean
on the north of France, with some large merchant-vessels carrying a
variety of merchandize from the same country, arrived this year at the
port of Constantinople. When the owners or skippers of these vessels
asked leave to depart, they were allowed to do so, and so also were the
messengers or ambassadors who had been honoured with lodgings in the
imperial gardens of Scutari.
Kitanjí Omar Páshá was commissioned by the Ottoman government to
proceed to Walachia and Moldavia, with the view of fixing and settling
the authority of the Voivodas who had been appointed by government
in these provinces, for since the days of the apostate Michael
these countries had been in a most unsettled state. The chief of
Transylvania, during the troubles which reigned in these two provinces,
found means to attach some few fortresses to the jurisdiction of
Temisvar; but when he learned that Sultán Ahmed Khán was in Adrianople,
he became terrified, and instantly relinquished Lipova and Yanova,
which of course were taken possession of by some of the border
chieftains.
Afterwards, when a Polish army entered the territories of Moldavia, the
governor of Silistria, Delí Hasan Páshá, marched against it and routed
it.
_A mosque is built in the garden of Stavros._
No mosque having hitherto been built in the garden of Stavros, orders
were issued this year to erect one, besides some other necessary
erections. The household troops and the attendants of the grand vezír
finished the whole in the space of forty days. The emperor sometimes
resided in this garden, and not unfrequently amused himself by sailing
in his pleasure-boat in the straits of Constantinople.
_Sultán Ahmed Khán resolves on a second journey to Adrianople._
Sultán Ahmed Khán, of restless disposition, like his great ancestor,
Sultán Selím Khán, resolved on again visiting the city of Adrianople.
Accordingly the grand vezír, Nesúh Páshá, the nobles, the emperor’s
favourites, and ághás of the stirrup, were ordered, on the 9th of
Shevál, to repair a second time to Adrianople. In conformity to custom,
the vezírs and ulemá accompanied his majesty as far as Dávud Páshá,
where they all took leave of him and returned to the city. At Burghas
the emperor took up his lodgings in the mansion of Mohammed Páshá,
the martyr, and attended the chase. On his first going forth to this
sport, and whilst endeavouring to raise the wild beasts, a huge boar,
resembling the devil, presented himself, and in his fury and rage
terrified every one away: the emperor alone had courage to seize a
spear, and, like a flash of burning light, attacked the ferocious
animal. The grand vezír hurried forward to aid his master, and on
finding, brave and powerful as the sultán really was, and though he
had succeeded in stupifying the wild beast, that he had not yet killed
it, immediately thrust his spear into the body of the wild boar, when
the dogs instantly fell upon it. It amused the emperor exceedingly to
see the manner in which the dogs applied their teeth to the carcass
of the wild beast. In three days after this event the emperor reached
Adrianople, where he spent the winter, alternately following the chase
and attending to religious solemnities.
_Nesúh Páshá’s enmity to the lord high treasurer, Etmekjí Zádeh. Ahmed
Páshá._
Nesúh Páshá, the grand vezír, having a second time accompanied Sultán
Ahmed Khán to Adrianople, acquired, by his apparent diligence in
serving his royal master, a peculiar intimacy with him; but Etmekjí
Zádeh, from his office in the vezírship and in the treasury, stood
in the way of his arriving at the possession of absolute sway. Nesúh
Páshá thirsted for this; and being, moreover, a man without the least
virtue, he could not endure to see the prosperity of Etmekjí Zádeh, and
therefore not only hated and envied him, but also sought opportunity
to ruin him. Thinking he had something to accuse him of, and by which
at least he hoped to lessen him in the esteem of his master, he
represented to his majesty the pusillanimity which he discovered during
the late war with Persia. This he did whilst travelling to Adrianople,
and recurred to this part of Etmekjí’s history so frequently, that
his majesty determined on depriving him of his office as lord high
treasurer, and also of the government of Caramania, to which he had
been appointed. Nesúh had the envious satisfaction of seeing the object
of his hatred humbled; but by the intervention of Etmekjí’s friends in
about a week afterwards he was raised to the government of Aleppo, and
Lunka Zádeh was made lord high treasurer in his room: Abdulbákí Páshá
was made second treasurer, and Kalander was made third.
_Begzádeh, a celebrated spáhí, assassinated._
Etmekjí Zádeh having been, as before observed, appointed to the
government of Aleppo, the grand vezír sent him off to take charge of
it. About this time Begzádeh, one of the most celebrated spáhí chiefs,
a native of Khorassan, and a man of intrepid bravery and fortitude,
incurred the displeasure of the grand vezír. This spáhí, when he first
entered the service, had only a salary of twelve akchas; but by his
bravery, and other splendid talents which he possessed, he came at
last to have the command of twelve thousand spáhís, who were entirely
obedient to his will. This Begzádeh came to Constantinople when Nesúh
Páshá was there, but feared to have any interview with him. At length,
however, Soklún Mesli Aghá, the ághá of the janissaries, undertook
to introduce him to the grand vezír, promising by an oath no injury
would happen to him. The other consented, and the vezír, after he
was introduced to him, took special care to show him every mark of
esteem and respect due to his character and station, promising, at
the same time, to attend to all his requests. This state of affairs
continued for about four months, during the whole of which time
Begzádeh had constant access to the grand vezír, and shared in his
apparent kindness. The deceitful vezír, however, had formed the plan of
murdering him. He several times proposed to the ághá above-mentioned
to perpetrate this deed, but Mesli pleaded his promise and oath, and
would not consent to be guilty of so base a crime. The grand vezír
was determined, and under the pretext of settling some business which
related to the Turcomans, sent off Begzádeh to Aleppo. Immediately
after his departure for that city the grand vezír sent an order to
Etmekjí Zádeh, the válí of Aleppo, to take away the life of Begzádeh.
The order was thus: “Your head or his.” This was sent off by the
notorious executioner, Káísh Mohammed. The válí no sooner received
this peremptory mandate than he, though reluctantly, entered into the
views of the grand vezír, because, in fact, he felt afraid of him. On
the last day of one of the festivals, as Begzádeh was reclining on a
pillow and trimming his beard, Káísh Mohammed rose up and left the
company, but soon returning again with a hatchet he had in readiness,
with one blow cut off one of his ears, when instantly Begzádeh,
though a powerful man, fell down on one side and gave up the ghost.
The grand vezír rewarded Káísh Mohammed for this deed of blood with
an ágháship, and sent the hateful wretch into Romeili. He was a most
merciless, blood-thirsty villain, and the instrument by which very
many lost their lives. He at last, however, perished by the hands of
the kizilbáshes.
_Other events and circumstances of this year._
On the 10th day of Moharrem, Chokadár Khás, Mohammed Aghá, was
appointed to the command of the janissaries, and in four or five months
afterwards was raised to the government of Romeili. One of the seven
daughters of the late Sultán Murád Khán was given away in marriage,
and the rest of them were similarly disposed of. On the 1st of Shevál,
the royal prince, Sultán Hasan, was born, and Omar Aghá was sent to
Adrianople, where the emperor then was, to inform him of the birth
of this prince. In the month of Shevál, at the time the emperor was
preparing to go to Adrianople, and when he entered into the garden of
Floreiya, he conferred on Khalíl Páshá the second kapúdánship. The
guardianship of the foot of the throne was given to Gúrjí Mohammed
Páshá, who had been deputy of Constantinople. A royal edict to build
ten more galleys at the royal expense, was issued this year. An order
was also issued, during the time the emperor was at Adrianople, to
build a palace in the royal garden, near the port of Constantinople. On
the 25th of Shevál, the day on which his majesty reached Adrianople,
the Bostánjí báshí, Hasan Aghá, who had remained in Constantinople,
received the sanják of Sefd (in Syria). The country adjacent, which
belonged to Maán Oghlí, who by this time had fled to Europe, was
annexed to Sefd. Kashiki Hasan Aghá was made Bostánjí báshí. The
lately-created válí of Sefd went to Adrianople to do homage to the
emperor for the dignity and honour conferred on him, and afterwards set
out for his new government.
The emperor, finding himself in a great measure at ease and free from
care, determined on taking some recreation in a pleasure-boat or yacht,
and therefore ordered one to be constructed. The whole of the river
Tonja, as far as his place of hunting, was cleared of wood, stones,
and every thing that might obstruct the passage of his yacht, by
janissaries, spáhís, and other soldiers, which they accomplished in a
short time. He ordered the boat to be brought from Constantinople to
Rudosjuk, which was transported from that place to the river Tonja on
sledges. After the new yacht was painted and ornamented, he employed
it for the purpose for which it had been made. He ordered another, of a
peculiar construction, to be conveyed from Gallipoli to Adrianople.
_The treaty of peace with Persia adverted to._
This year a copy of the articles of agreement entered into with the
sháh of Persia was written out by the reverend mufti, Mohammed Effendí,
and sent to the court of Persia. In conformity to ancient treaties it
was agreed: 1st, That the Persians should make use of no expressions of
contempt, of execration, of reproach, or of abuse against the chosen
friends and contending heroes of the faith, the prelates and priests
of Islamism, and the orthodox followers of the same. 2d, None worthy
of the name of Iránís, of whatever class (according to the agreement
which sháh Tehemasp had promised to abide by), were to be obliged to
hear wicked or profane reading, or explanations (of the law); and all
of this name who wished to enter the Osmánlí dominions, were not to
be prohibited. 3d, Such Musselmans as were in service or in garrisons
at the making of this treaty, were not to be vexed or oppressed. 4th,
The frontier lines were to remain as they were in the reign of Sultán
Selím Khán. 5th, The estates which belonged to Sanjár Oghlí, of happy
memory, were to be added to the territories of Baghdád, without any
resistance being offered. 6th, When the chief cities in the district
of Sheherirúz were set free from the power of Helú Khán, they were
never again to receive any aid or assistance from the Persians. 7th,
All pilgrims, travelling from the east by the way of Aleppo and Shám,
were not to be allowed to travel by the road of Baghdád and Bassora,
without a sufficient guard. 8th, To Shamkhál Khán and other rulers in
Dághistán, who from ancient times had been on a friendly footing with
Turkey, or to any part of their dominions, no injury was to be done;
they were also, by the same treaty, to sustain no loss whatever. 9th,
When once the Turkish fortresses or redoubts, which had been erected
for the purpose of preventing unfortunate Russians[24] from passing and
repassing, were relinquished, the sháh was, under no pretext whatever,
to place garrisons in them. 10th, The frontiers were to be protected.
In conformity to the spirit of this treaty, the frontier páshás,
_viz._ the válí of Baghdád, Mohammed Páshá, and the beglerbeg of Wán,
Mohammed Páshá, received an imperial commission to proceed and settle,
along with the Persian commissioners, the line of frontier between the
dominions of the Ottoman emperor and those of the sháh of Persia.
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1023, H.
_The Moslem Emperor returns to Constantinople._
In the commencement of the month of Moharrem the happy and fortunate
monarch Sultán Ahmed Khán began to retrace his steps towards his royal
residence at the Sublime Porte. The troops who had accompanied his
majesty to Adrianople were, previous to his own departure, allowed to
return home. His majesty himself accomplished the journey in fifteen
days, seven of which he rested, having arrived at Constantinople about
the middle of the month. The day on which he entered the city two of
his sons, Sultán Osmán and Sultán Mohammed, mounted on swift chargers,
went out to meet their royal father, and returned along with him,
riding in front of the janissaries. Some few days after his arrival in
the royal residence he retired into the Terskháneh, and resided for a
while in the mansion which he had ordered to be erected in it, and was
now completed. Being naturally fond of this garden, he caused it to be
decorated with flowers and shrubs taken from the interior garden of his
seraglio or harem.
_The admiral, Khalíl Páshá, goes to sea._
The admiral Khalíl Páshá set sail with forty-five vessels for
Beshektásh, whence, after a few days’ riding, he proceeded to the
island of Scio, which he reached after a sail of twenty-two days. Here
he learned that no less than twenty-seven hostile ships had entered
a harbour belonging to the island of Skyro, but which, he afterwards
heard, had gone to the island of Súsam. Thither he directed his course,
having been previously joined by Mímí Beg, kapúdán of Rhodes, with
twenty galleys: but before the Turkish fleet could make up to them
they escaped through the straits of the islands of Andro and Istendil
(Tino), and made their way to some of the sea-ports belonging to his
holiness the pope. Khalíl Páshá on the 2d of Jemadi I. arrived before
Corone, passed Modon, and on the 15th reached Avarín (Navarin): thence
he sent out two vessels for the purpose of reconnoitring the coast.
After having got all his ships properly pitched at this place, he
again, on the 21st, set sail with fifty-nine ships of various size
towards the shores of the infidels. After passing Messina, he reached
the island of Malta on the 28th of the month; on the same day he
effected a descent on that island.
Along the shore, at the distance of about a mile from each other, a set
of towers had been erected, which, by means of igniting in succession
a certain quantity of gunpowder in each, communicated a signal to the
chief fortress of the island. This was done on this occasion; and in
a very short time some thousands, foot and horse, came rushing forth
to meet the invaders, when a most terrible battle ensued, and was
maintained till after mid-day. Several hundreds of these infidels
became food for the sword, and a good number of them were taken
prisoners. The deputy grand master, the lords of Malta, with several
other persons of distinction, fell in the struggle. The heroic and
warlike Moslems followed up their advantages to the very walls of their
chief city or fortress; burned the whole of their harvest of anise and
cummin; cut down their olive and other fruit trees; carried off their
flocks of sheeps and herds of cattle; and reached the fleet at the time
of the evening prayers. The fleet now sailed past the city, when each
galley, as it passed, fired a broadside against it, and directed its
course towards Tripoli in Barbary; but not before they had committed
some more mischief on another part of the island.[25]
The fleet, as we have already observed, sailed for Tripoli. The
distance between Malta and Tripoli is two hundred and twenty miles,
and the fleet did not reach the harbour of the latter place till
the 2d of Jemadi II., having left Malta about the end of Jemadi I.
The inhabitants of Tripoli were at this time in a most disorganized
state. One Seferdeíá had usurped the government, had been guilty of
murder, robbery, and every species of oppression, and even refused to
permit the Turkish fleet to enter the harbour. By wise and prudent
management, however, this Seferdeíá was induced to come on board the
báshtirdeh (the admiral’s ship), when his person was instantly secured
and placed in irons. His associates and followers, on learning the
fate of their chief, shut themselves up in the city, determined on
resisting and fighting to the last. But by the timely mediation of a
number of reverend fathers their misconduct was overlooked, and the
city was again restored to its former government. The whole of the
property and wealth which the rebel Seferdeíá had accumulated was
registered, and afterwards confiscated. After these proceedings had
ended, the admiral ordered his pavilion to be erected on shore; held a
council for examining into the nature and extent of the crimes which
the rebel-prisoner had committed, and proofs of which the nobles,
ulemá, and the people in general furnished in abundance. The admiral,
after hearing all the evidence which was brought before him in regard
to Seferdeíá’s crime, and finding that the general voice demanded
his life, ordered him to be brought forward, caused his crimes to be
recorded, and afterwards hanged him in front of the gate of the city.
The fleet left Tripoli on the 10th of the last-mentioned month, and
arrived before Navarin on the 14th of the same. The ships which had
been sent out to reconnoitre the enemy’s coasts joined the fleet at the
last-mentioned station, bringing along with them a prize laden with
wheat.
_Punishment inflicted on the infidels of Maneíah._
The Turkish fleet reached Yaswah on the 24th of the last-mentioned
month, where it was joined by three vessels belonging to Tunis,
commanded by Murád Beg. The inhabitants of the mountain of Maneíah,
in the Morea, had formerly been visited by an army, which had taken
ample vengeance on them for their hostile and rebellious spirit. Such
of them, at that time, as had not perished, or who had not been made
captives, submitted themselves, and were pardoned: but ever since the
year 1020, forgetting their former visitation, and the promises which
they then made, they have manifested nothing but a spirit of rebellion.
Arslán Páshá, with some Romeilian troops, was sent to chastise them and
bring them again under subjection. The admiral, who had had orders to
render him, towards the end of the voyage, every assistance, no sooner
reached Yaswah than he landed a number of his troops for this express
purpose. The páshá proceeded with this reinforcement to the mountains,
and soon brought the rebels to their senses, having killed many of them
and taken a number of others prisoners. They agreed to pay the ordinary
taxes, and promised never to show insubordination in future.
_Mímí Páshá falls a martyr._
About this time a sword and two robes of honour were transmitted to the
kapúdán páshá, Khalíl Páshá, from the court of Constantinople. Ma’áraf
Beg, called Sanjován Oghlí, and the beg of Damietta, Mímí Beg, were
ordered, towards the end of Rajab, to go and guard the island of Borák.
After having reached this island they ordered all their vessels to be
properly pitched, and went to wait on the governor of the island. On
their return, however, to their ships they were suddenly attacked by a
party which had belonged to an enemy’s vessel, when, by the permission
of God, Mímí Beg fell a martyr. The son of Sanjován made his escape in
some way or other, but their two vessels were carried off by the enemy.
The admiral, on the 10th of Ramazán, reached the island of Mewkina,
where he captured a prize; on the 14th he arrived at Scio, and reached
the port of Constantinople on the 25th of Shevál.
_The cossacks become troublesome._
The tribe of cossacks had been in the habit of coming along the Black
Sea in skiffs, and ravaging the villages on the banks of the Danube,
near the mouth of that river. In the month of Rajab of this year a
party of them, conducted by some apostate runaways, came and reduced
the city of Sinope, called Medinet-alashuk, situate on the shores of
the Black Sea, in the province of Anatolia. The inhabitants of this
ancient city were no way apprehensive of danger from these cossacks,
and before they had the least intimation of their approach were
attacked by this horde, who slew every Muselman that fell in their
way. They plundered and ransacked the city, made its families slaves,
and then set fire to the buildings. In short, they not only desolated
the whole place, but robbed and spoiled every house and family in the
neighbourhood, and afterwards set off in their boats. Ibrahím Páshá,
who had been sent to guard the mouth of the Danube, hearing of the fate
of Sinope, immediately prepared his boats, sixty in number, and sailed
down one of the outlets of that river with the view of intercepting
them, but in vain. The accursed infidels heard of this fleet of boats
that was waiting their arrival, and therefore, before coming up to the
mouth of the river, they drew to shore, fixed their boats on a kind of
drays, and proceeded overland towards a part of the river higher up.
Though they found means of avoiding Ibrahím and his fleet of boats,
they did not escape the Tátárs. A party of this hardy and fearless
race of men fell upon them just as they were in the act of launching
their boats, and recovered the whole of the property and families they
had carried off with them. Numbers of these barbarians perished in the
struggle, and others of them were made prisoners. Some few of their
boats which had succeeded in getting off before the Tátárs came upon
them, were pursued by Ibrahím, and were either sunk or taken. In the
beginning of Ramazán twenty cossacks were sent as trophies, under the
charge of some of Ibrahím Páshá’s men, to the Sublime Porte. It is
said, that one messenger after another had arrived in Constantinople
with information respecting the assault which Sinope had sustained
from the cossacks; and that when the emperor asked the grand vezír,
Nesúh Páshá, concerning the truth of the matter, he declared, though
falsely, that he knew nothing about it. The emperor, however, was
not satisfied with this answer, and applied to the learned mufti for
information, who unhesitatingly told him the truth. The emperor was
exceedingly angry at the grand vezír for the falsehood he had told him.
_Some fortresses built on the Ouzi (Borysthenes)._
About this time Ahmed Páshá, the beglerbeg of Romeili, crossed the
Danube with his provincial troops, and proceeded, in conformity
to imperial orders, to the ford of Aksú, the place at which the
mischievous cossacks in Moldavia were accustomed to cross, where he
was ordered to erect two fortresses, one on each side of that ford.
On arriving at the place of his destination he found that the persons
who had been appointed to provide materials for the proposed buildings
had, in fact, done nothing. The journey to Aksú was a pathless desert
of twenty days’ march, and presented nothing but brackish water and
barrenness the whole way. The páshá sent a report to the emperor of
the state of things, and was recalled; but as the infidels had been
threatening another irruption, the páshá repaired and strengthened all
the other fortresses in that quarter. About this same time, also, Karah
Kásh Mohammed Páshá, beglerbeg of Kaniza, rebuilt or repaired about ten
of the fortresses which had formerly been wrested from the infidels,
and had lain waste or unoccupied ever since. Three new ones were added
to these, and whilst employed in erecting them the infidels became
alarmed, and sent friendly letters; because, in fact, they began to
anticipate, when they perceived the activity of the Osmánlís, that the
peace was at an end.
_Concerning Maán Oghlí._
Maán Oghlí Fekhr-ud-dín governed the whole of the country along the
shores of Syria as far as the confines of Sefd. He had stipulated,
as before observed, to send annually a certain portion of the
productions of that country to Constantinople, which stipulation
he generally fulfilled. It happened, however, that in consequence
of some misunderstanding which had taken place between him and the
grand vezír, Nesúh Páshá, at some former period, in order to vex and
perplex the vezír, he absolutely declined granting the stipulated
tribute. The vezír on this account, and with the view of utterly
destroying him, ordered the válí of Syria, Vezír Háfiz Páshá, who had
been six years governor in that province, to march against him with
the troops of his own province, those of Anatolia, of Caramania, and
of Diárbeker. This hostile movement against Maán Oghlí commenced in
1022, and was repeated this year also. But Maán Oghlí’s castles were
all situate among rocks and mountains, and garrisoned by the heretics
of the country; he had besides a great armed body of many thousands of
the detestable Durzís,[26] whom he kept as his guards. His principal
fortresses were Shátuf, Paneiyas, Dair al kamar, and some others of a
similar description, all which were filled with armed men. Yet when
any of these places were threatened by the Osmánlís, and any of Maán
Oghlí’s segbáns showed themselves, their heads were made to roll on the
ground. Owing, however, to the inaccessible position of his castles,
and to their being well supplied with every warlike apparatus, the
Osmánlí general, Háfiz Páshá, found it imperative to use every exertion
to press Maán Oghlí, especially as the winter coming on, would make
it necessary for him and his army to retire into winter-quarters.
The result was, that these mountaineers began to feel the want of
provisions, and Maán Oghlí, perceiving the determined vigour with
which the Osmánlí general carried on his operations, to save his own
life became a French proselyte, or at least ingratiated himself into
the favour of the French, promising he would assist a French army in
acquiring a conquest in the environs of Jerusalem. He accordingly set
sail in a French vessel from the nearest port and arrived in Europe,
whence he wrote to his followers an account of the esteem and favour
he had met in Europe. Amongst other falsehoods, he told them, in order
to encourage them to continue their resistance and keep possession of
their strong-holds, that he was on the point of returning to them with
a victorious army in French ships provided by European princes: he also
promised his segbáns their wages.
Vezír Háfiz Páshá, in the meantime, continued to press the strong-holds
of Maán Oghlí; and having been strengthened by an augmentation of
new forces, he was enabled to lay siege to them. He was, moreover,
supplied with artillery from Constantinople, which he applied so
effectually against the strong-holds of the enemy, that he succeeded in
reducing some of them, whilst others submitted of their own accord. He
sent an encouraging message to Maán Oghlí’s segbáns, and two thousand
of them joined the Osmánlí army. The castles which were in the most
elevated and inaccessible situations stood out for a while, but they
also offered to capitulate on terms which they deemed necessary for
their own safety. At this moment, however, five light ships, conveying
a number of troops and cannon for Maán Oghlí’s garrisons, arrived. The
infamous wretch, Maán Oghlí’s deputy, came out to receive these cannon,
and was in the act of having them conveyed into his strong-hold,
when Háfiz Páshá, who had received a hint of what was going on,
sent a pretty strong party with the view of seizing the cannon. The
mountaineers no sooner saw the Osmánlís advancing upon them than they
fled back into their fastnesses, and the French or Europeans ran to
their ships, leaving every thing behind them a prey to the royalists,
who were commanded by Hasan Páshá. These mountaineers still trusted,
however, that Maán Oghlí himself would, some time during the winter,
arrive to their aid with his auxiliary army from Europe. This story
gained ground. The Durzís, to the amount of ten thousand, fortified
the strong places in the mountains, and secured, moreover, some narrow
passes belonging to Shuf (in Syria). The Moslems, however, never
ceased to carry on their operations. These Durzís went in a body to a
place called Aien-rahela; and whilst Háfiz Páshá was engaged in laying
siege to some of their strong-holds, Hasan Páshá joined him with his
body of troops. A most tremendous battle now ensued between a body of
these Durzís and the Moslem or royal army, in which two hundred of the
former lost their heads; the rest fled to the mountains, and their
dwellings were all burned to the ground. Again, on the same day, those
of the same race who had assembled in the neighbourhood of Kufra-nahm
(Capernaum) were scattered, and at Ebn Maherin three hundred more
of them were deprived of their heads: one of their chiefs, called
Izz-ud-dín, was among the slain. A division of the Moslem troops was
also sent to Dair al kamar, where about three hundred more of these
Durzís perished. Násir-ud-dín, chief of this fortress, came to the
pavilion of the commanding-general, and implored him to spare his life,
which he granted him.
At the taking of Dair al kamar, the Osmánlís experienced great
difficulties, before they gained the victory which crowned their
arduous efforts; and which was chiefly owing to their having changed
their mode of assault for that of the springing of mines. One thousand
five hundred of the Segbáns that had joined the Moslems were sent
to meet Hasan Páshá son of Seif, governor of Tripoli, in Syria,
who was marching to reduce a place called Múrj Pásin, the chief of
which, a relative of Maán Oghlí, called Násir-ud-dín, with more than
a thousand of his followers advanced to meet the son of Seif, when
a most desperate encounter ensued; in which the rebel-chief was not
only made a prisoner, but several hundred of the Durzís lost their
lives. Múrj Pásin itself escaped at this time, but it was afterwards
visited when all the Durzís in it were scattered, and their chiefs
obliged to flee. Four thousand of these mercenaries, under the command
of one, Sheríf-ud-dín, were afterwards defeated in one of the defiles
in the mountains called Rúm, where they lost five hundred men. In a
short time, seven hundred more of these Durzís were numbered among
their slain. In the above-mentioned defile, called Rúm, Sheríf-ud-dín
himself, and above one thousand Durzís perished in a battle which was
fought there. The Osmánlís were every where victorious against these
detestable heretics, and burned their dwellings. Some short time
afterwards they learned that Emír Yúnus, the brother of Maán Oghlí,
had posted himself with four thousand armed men below the fortress of
Banias. They were, however, soon dispersed, and the Osmánlí army now
found time to carry on, with more leisure, the sieges of the various
other strong-holds which had hitherto stood out. Fekhr-ud-dín Maán
Oghlí’s first appearance of insubordination and rebellion took place in
1021, and he continued to manifest it more or less for a considerable
time: sometimes he broke out in acts of hostile rebellion; sometimes
again he sued for peace: and thus he continued till the reign of
Sultán Ahmed Khán, when he was overcome by Kúchuk Ahmed Páshá, and was
afterwards conducted to the At Maidán, in Constantinople, where he met
with the punishment due to his crimes, as we shall afterwards see.
_The grand vezír, Nesúh Páshá, murdered.—The seals are conferred on
Mohammed Páshá._
Nesúh Páshá was by birth a plebeian, and of one of the villages of
Gomlajena. On his being brought into the imperial palace, he was
attached to the hatchet-bearers in the old palace, and served under
Mahmúd Aghá, the emperor’s favourite. He left this situation with the
rank of chávush, and acted for some time as the voivoda of Zula. In
1007 he was advanced to the rank of ketkhodá of the household troops;
was afterwards made under-master of the horse, and after enjoying
this situation for some time, he was raised to the rank and dignity
of governor of Aleppo, where he continued till Jeghala Zádeh gave
the government of that city to Jánbúlát Oghlí. Once or twice he was
employed against the rebels, but was defeated. Having been created
válí of Baghdád, he waged war against the militia of that district. He
was for a considerable time válí of Diárbeker, and formed a permanent
friendship with the Kurds, by marrying the daughter of the mírsheríf
of Kúrdistán. During the time he held these situations, particularly
those of Aleppo and Diárbeker, he accumulated immense wealth. When the
celebrated Murád Páshá fell sick at Diárbeker, Nesúh became his deputy,
and after Murád’s death succeeded him in the premiership, as well
as in the chief command of the army of the east. After negotiations
had been entered into with the sháh of Persia, and when that prince
had agreed to the articles proposed by the Ottoman government, Nesúh
Páshá returned to Constantinople in 1021, and became son-in-law to the
emperor; but the princess was only three years old when the marriage
contract was made.
Although Nesúh was a man of unequalled strength and bravery, yet in
battle he was seldom successful. After the death of Murád Páshá it
was expected (especially when the splendid apparatus his predecessor
had provided against the Persians was considered) that he would have
employed his resources against that people and utterly ruin them; but
instead of this, he heedlessly agreed to make peace with them. By his
power of address, and the servility of manner which he was capable of
showing, he acquired such an ascendency over the emperor that he acted
with despotic sway. His pride and haughtiness knew no bounds; nor
would he allow any one, if he could prevent it, to share his master’s
favours. By his influence vezírs were turned out of their vezírships,
and others of them were exposed to the greatest insults. Some of the
most faithful servants around his majesty’s person he supplanted by
creatures of his own stamp. His being at enmity with the reverend
mufti, Mohammed Effendí, led him to manifest contempt for the whole
body of the ulemá, and caused him to make himself friends of worthless
and ignorant men. In every assembly he and his vile associates showed
the most marked disrespect for that august and venerable dignitary of
the mosque; and every person, whoever he was, if he only suspected
him of having any share in the emperor’s favour, was sure to meet
with reproach and persecution. His conduct at last, however, was seen
through by his majesty, and produced in the monarch’s mind a complete
change towards his vezír.
Sím Zádeh, a native of Bosnia, states that Nesúh united great
magnanimity of mind with a competent share of knowledge and science,
and possessed many other excellent qualities; but that he wanted
rectitude and was thoughtless. He says, moreover, that Nesúh Páshá
maintained no intercourse with persons who were of a wrathful and
furious disposition. His enmity against the reverend mufti wholly
arose from his pride, ambition, and haughtiness. One day when the
mufti was sitting in the Yalí gardens along with some of his friends,
the conversation happened to turn upon the evil conduct and bad
administration of the grand vezír. Suddenly, at this time, a six-oared
boat approached the Yalí gardens, when it was announced that the grand
vezír had arrived. The mufti hastened to meet him as he disembarked.
The vezír had on his head a small turban, appeared very much perplexed,
and his features became changed. On his meeting the reverend prelate,
he saluted him, and hardly giving him time to return the salutation, he
stepped into his boat again and sailed away. The reverend mufti, and
those about him, were very much surprised at the strange conduct and
appearance of the premier; but they did not know the mystery of the
case. They took an opportunity, however, to ask him whether he had been
at the emperor’s council, but he answered that he had not gone, though
he had been invited to attend; and added some other things which seemed
to intimate that matters were not right with him.
It would be endless to recount the evils which Nesúh was guilty of,
both before and after he was made grand vezír. His cruelty and shedding
of innocent blood, his avarice, his tyranny and oppression, were
enormous. The emperor not unfrequently remonstrated with him, both in
the language of kindness and of threatening, but it had no good effect
upon him. Khezer Effendí, who had been raised to the chancellorship
for having told him the truth, he contrived to have sent to Anatolia
on business; and afterwards despatched a man after him to murder him,
which deed he perpetrated. When speaking to his friends of the fate of
the unfortunate Effendí, he used to say, he had helped him out of this
vain world to a crown of martyrdom in the next. He was destitute of
religion; and his exalted station was his ruin. Even his own domestics
united at last against him, and deemed him worthy of death. It seemed
as if every thing conspired to render it imperative that a judicial
sentence should go forth against him. The mufti, Mohammed Effendí, the
ághá of the palace, Mustafa Aghá, and those about the emperor’s person,
apprehensive of their own safety from the snares and stratagems of the
grand vezír, were incessant in preferring complaints against him for
his villany and shocking perversities, which at last had the effect of
rousing the emperor’s displeasure to such a degree, that he determined
on cutting him off. Nesúh saw the storm that was now rising, and
therefore fled from the emperor’s presence. This explains the mystery
of his going to the Yalí garden, as before observed. His death was
determined on: justice had lifted up her hand against him.
It was announced to the grandees of the state, that his majesty
intended to be present, on Friday the 13th of Ramazán, at the public
assembly in the mosque. The astrologers informed the grand vezír that
his horoscope had run its course; that his felicity was at an end;
that his stars had prognosticated evil and not good concerning him;
and that if he would escape the impending danger, he must avoid seeing
the face of the emperor. The grand vezír, fearing the danger to which
he was exposed, feigned himself sick, and determined on throwing
himself on the emperor’s compassion when he came forth to attend at
the mosque. The emperor, however, did not come forth on the day he had
announced; for he too was afraid of the grand vezír: but he issued
orders to take away his life. This was communicated to the ághá of the
janissaries, who was desired to proceed and do the work. This ághá and
his janissaries soon surrounded the palace of the grand vezír, when the
bostánjí báshí, Hasan Aghá, with a hundred bostánjís, rushed into the
premier’s inner chamber, where he was sitting, and instantly strangled
him. The seals of office they carried away with them, and delivered
them to the emperor.
The end of Nesúh Páshá was no less humbling than his previous fortune
had been auspicious. The whole object of his life was to amass wealth.
From his first appearance in public he advanced through all the various
gradations of military office, but never gained any victory worthy of
notice. The desire of accumulating wealth and property was this man’s
foible.
In the account of Nesúh Páshá which we have perused there are some
other things recorded which we must here insert. After the death of the
celebrated Murád Páshá, and when Nesúh was made premier in his stead,
he seized on Murád’s lieutenant, and threw him, and one Hasan Aghá, who
had offended him, into prison. The former he caused to be executed on
the battlements of the prison, and rooted out every individual of his
family: the latter met with the same fate shortly afterwards.
When Alí Páshá, the válí of Baghdád, and son-in-law of the lamented
Murád Páshá, was on the eve of retiring to his government, his
father-in-law strongly advised him against meeting Nesúh. Alí Páshá
neglected this advice, had an interview with him, and received several
tokens of apparent kindness from Nesúh. He not only conferred a
variety of presents upon him, but even sent some of his own domestics
along with him under the pretence of rendering him service, whilst,
in fact, Nesúh meant them only as spies. When the latter returned
to Constantinople he removed Alí Páshá from office, and three times
sent him word not to show his face in the metropolis. Alí Páshá, as
might have been expected, was very much astonished at this treatment,
and wondered what the crime might be for which he was thus treated.
Leaving, therefore, his heavy baggage at Eskí-sheher, he secretly
returned to Constantinople. The grand vezír made three several
attempts to get the emperor to agree to deprive Alí of his life, but
without success. On a fourth attempt of the same kind, the emperor,
instead of listening to the advice and importunity of his minister,
created Alí Páshá a vezír, and secured him against the machinations of
the vindictive premier. After the assassination of the latter Alí Páshá
was raised to the government of Buda.
The writer, whose sentiments we have introduced into the preceding
paragraph, says, moreover, that when Nesúh Páshá accompanied the
emperor to Adrianople, he wrote to Mohammed Gheráí, who, along with
Sháhín Gheráí, had been the cause of a tumult among the Tátárs,
desiring him to come to Adrianople, where he would introduce him to
the emperor, and get him made khán. Mohammed Gheráí took the hint, and
immediately set out for Adrianople. The emperor having gone out one
day to follow the chase, chanced to spy a troop of armed Circassian
horsemen, and Mohammed Gheráí at their head. The emperor, who did not
seem to know the reason of their appearance in such circumstances,
enquired why they had come. The result was, even though the vezír fully
explained to the emperor the reason of Mohammed Gheráí’s arrival, that
he was instantly seized and carried off to the Seven Towers, and there
incarcerated. Persons were also sent to Kili to seize Sháhín Gheráí,
but he made his escape before they arrived there.
_Chief reasons for accomplishing the death of Nesúh Páshá._
At the time Nesúh Páshá accompanied the emperor to the city of
Adrianople, one of his friends, called Jebráil Aghá, happened to lodge
at the house of a Seyed, where he made some attempt on the virtue of
the wife of his landlord. The enraged Seyed appeared on Friday in
the mosque, where the emperor and all the Muselmans were assembled
for worship, and stepping into the middle of the court, took off his
turban, and thus addressed his majesty: “Please your majesty, you
are emperor of the Osmánlís. Who then is this wicked wretch (meaning
Nesúh), who, with his Kurds, Turks, and similar tyrants, dares to offer
violence in this city? They affix to their own names those of angels,
who live near to God, and yet are not ashamed to commit crime and be
guilty of corruption. By the great God,” said he, flinging away the
muslin cloth that was round his turban, in a rage, “I do not know of
whom I should first complain.” The emperor was very much grieved at
hearing this story.
On the emperor’s return to Constantinople, the grand vezír formed the
design of assassinating the reverend mufti, Mohammed Effendí, and
the ághá of the palace, but was afraid of the emperor. He employed,
however, one Behrám Khetkhodá to go as far as the country of Albania,
and secure for himself, at every stage, a certain number of horses to
be in readiness. His object in this was, that as soon as Behrám had
assassinated the two reverend prelates above-mentioned, he might make
his escape. Behrám, however, was a man of prudence and good sense, and
would not agree to perform the task which the grand vezír had imposed
upon him. Information of this, and of other things which this wicked
premier had been guilty of, coming to the emperor’s ears, he determined
on cutting him off, and made arrangements for that purpose. The grand
vezír having at last come to perceive that the emperor was for some
reason or other displeased with him, came one day into his presence,
in order to sound him. “How is it,” said the vezír, “that you pay no
attention to any thing I say? If I am not worthy of holding the office
of first minister, and you give the seals to another of your servants,
I shall certainly destroy myself by taking poison.” The emperor,
at hearing this mode of address from his minister, was roused into
indignation, and said, “You treacherous villain, the report of your
having caused poison to be administered to my faithful servant, Murád
Páshá, is but too true.” Nesúh was forthwith despatched; and the offer
of the premiership was made to the second vezír, Mohammed Páshá, and
son-in-law to the emperor.
After the world was rid of Nesúh Páshá, things began to wear a new and
more favourable aspect. The evils of which he had been guilty were
incalculable, and most injurious; and never did any man depart more
from the spirit of his office than did this man. His sons after him,
though they had acquired some grandeur and dignity in the state, were,
like himself, unfortunate. Two of them met with a fate similar to
that of their father, and another of them was allowed to pine away in
solitude and neglect.
After the death of Nesúh, several persons who had been deposed during
his administration were restored to their offices or to others still
more important. Among these was Alí Páshá formerly mentioned, whose
services in the late war with Austria, and his wise administration at
Baghdád, had become known to the emperor. Mahmúd Páshá, the son of
Jeghala Zádeh, was another who was confirmed in his dignity of vezír.
On the 21st of Ramazán, Hasan Páshá, who had been at one time beglerbeg
of Diárbeker, was again appointed to that government; and, at the same
time, protector of the frontiers. Some other appointments took place on
this occasion.
_Concerning Betlan Gabor._
Betlan, or Bethlem, Gabor was a descendant of the Baturi line of
Transylvanian princes. Baturi Gabor, better known by the appellation of
Delí Karal (the foolish king), was a madman and a tyrant. He seized on
the property of the other chiefs and nobles of Transylvania, and slew
such of them as had the courage to oppose his tyranny and oppression:
some were proscribed by him, and others, to escape his fury, fled the
country. Betlan Gabor was one of the latter, and came to Belgrade at
the time when Yemishjí Hasan Páshá was commander-in-chief, who allowed
Betlan Gabor a salary of one hundred and twenty pieces of money. Betlan
remained the whole of that winter at Semendria, and afterwards returned
to Transylvania: but in 1021, he was again, for fear of Baturi Gabor,
obliged to take refuge in Turkey. Having been successively deputy to
Iskander Páshá and to Hasan Páshá, and being well acquainted with both
the Arabic and Persian languages, he accompanied Nikrúm, the Austrian
ambassador, to the court of Constantinople. Nesúh Páshá, the grand
vezír, conferred on Betlan Gabor the government of Kaniza. By the
intervention of Iskander Páshá it was that he was first introduced to
the premier, who made himself acquainted with the circumstances of his
case. Betlan informed him of the conduct of his relative, Delí Karal;
and this led to the measures which the government afterwards adopted
for crushing Baturi Gabor.
Under the pretence of repairing the fortress of Buda, it was considered
necessary to augment the troops in that quarter; but these, in fact,
were to be employed against Baturi Gabor, Delí Karal. Orders for
augmenting the troops were accordingly issued. Iskander Páshá assembled
his troops in the plains of Serim, marched to Temisvar, passed through
Timúr kapú, and entered Transylvania. Nesúh Páshá appointed Kelánjí
Omar Páshá to take the command of the army, and ordered Sháhín Gheráí
and the begs of Valachia and Moldavia to join the main body.
When Delí Karal heard of the formidable array which was gathering
against him, he shut himself up in Waradin and fortified the place. In
the meantime Iskander Páshá proceeded to Belgrade, in Transylvania, and
there installed Betlan Gabor as king of that country. It was not to be
imagined, however, that so long as the mad king was allowed to continue
in existence, Betlan Gabor would find it an easy matter to reign
undisturbed in the possession of Transylvania. By the advice of Betlan,
Iskander Páshá showed various acts of kindness to such of the voivodas
as could be depended upon, and thus secured their good-will and that
of their subjects in behalf of the new-made king. Iskander Páshá,
after having settled all these matters, thought proper to evacuate the
country; but he had scarcely done so when Delí Karal ventured out of
his strong-hold, and, with the view of attacking Betlan, began to muster
what forces he could. One of the voivodas, however, placed himself in
a certain pass through which the old king was to pass, and actually
shot him on his first appearance. Betlan Gabor was no sooner rid of his
antagonist than he began to reign without fear, and, of course, without
a rival; sent a letter to his friend, Iskander Páshá, who was still at
Timúr kapú, informing him of his good fortune, and thanking him for
the services he had rendered to him. When Iskander Páshá received this
letter he began to make arrangements with regard to the cities and
provinces of Transylvania, and settled things on the same footing as
they had been in former times.
_The treaty of Transylvania._
Betlan Gabor having given the strongest assurances and the most
faithful pledges of his attachment and subserviency to the Ottoman
government, the latter entered into a perpetual league with him, both
offensive and defensive, constructed in conformity to the league
entered into in the days of Soleimán, which was signed on the 23d of
Jemadi I. of this current year. The league or treaty was as follows:—
“In consequence of the demise of the ruler of Transylvania, and the
entirely new state of things in that country, the Ottoman government,
in compliance with the wish of the princes and three estates of the
nobles of Transylvania, has appointed from amongst them a descendant
of the kings of Transylvania, and one brought up amongst them, to be
ruler of that country. It therefore decrees, that none of the nobles
or plebeians shall, without their own consent, be obliged to leave the
country; nor shall any who has been obliged to submit to the new order
of things, suffer any molestation whatever. 2. So long as the ruler,
nobles, and commons of Transylvania remain firm in their submission to
the Sublime Porte, no neighbouring power shall be permitted to invade
that country. 3. None of the captives which the Transylvanians may have
taken shall be employed against the common enemy. 4. All the cities
and villages in the confines of Solnak, Gullah, Lipah, and Temisvar
shall continue to pay such taxes and imposts as they were accustomed
to pay to the Ottoman government before the rebellion occasioned by
Baturi Zigmund; the government of Transylvania shall not hinder or
forbid the payment of these taxes and imposts on any account whatever.
5. The Transylvanian government shall on no pretence whatever molest
the districts of Salmish, or those places belonging to Turkey in the
districts of Shemadeyma and Yarfatnah. 6. Such of the Turkish peasantry
as may have removed to Transylvania, and are still there, shall be sent
back to the places whence they came. 7. The Transylvanian government
shall in like manner, and in conformity to former agreement, from
time to time send its accustomed tribute to the Ottoman government.
8. The Transylvanian government shall form a friendly union with the
voivodas of Valachia and Moldavia, and shall render to them friendly
aid when necessary. 9. In like manner, it shall afford to Turkey, on
due notice being given, its aid and assistance with that fidelity
which its relation to that country demands. 10. The boundaries of the
country of Transylvania are to remain as they were fixed at the making
of the treaty of Vienna, and are not to be altered. 11. None of the
Transylvanian princes who may have attached themselves to the ruling
prince shall be molested.”
_Another treaty._
The princes of Upper-Hungary, during the reign of Soleimán, were all
subject to the Ottoman government, but were afterwards obliged to
submit to the emperor of Germany. Within these few years, however,
king Botchkai and the princes of Upper-Hungary broke their allegiance
to that power, and became again subjects of the Ottoman government. It
was on this account that the Ottoman government conferred on Botchkai,
by treaty, the sovereignty and other emblems of royal authority over
those cities which had either revolted from the dominion of Austria, or
had been rescued from it: these however, after the death of Botchkai,
again fell under the dominion of Austria. The Germans, forgetting
integrity and honour with the Transylvanian princes, sought to wrest
from their hands every place of strength which had still remained to
them; and, moreover, employed violent measures in endeavouring to bring
the inhabitants to embrace their system of faith. In consequence of
these outrages on the part of the Germans, the inhabitants began again
to manifest their old hostility against their oppressors; and wishing
to secure the favour and protection of the Turkish government, sent
one of their most experienced leaders, Belzai Zigmund Betlan Gabor,
the present ruler of Transylvania, to request from that government
a renewal of former treaties. The following were therefore agreed
to. 1. That so long as the Hungarian princes, kapúdáns, and other
chiefs of that nation should maintain a faithful subjection to the
Turkish government, the latter power agreed to enter into a treaty,
both offensive and defensive; promising, also, to maintain a friendly
compact with Betlan Gabor, and to assist him in the event of any
hostile invasion. 2. As a proof of their sincerity and integrity,
they were this year, according to their ability, to transmit to the
court of Constantinople certain presents. 3. In the event of their
being called upon to render aid or assistance, none of their castles
or cities were to be invaded, but should remain undisturbed. 4. No
greater taxes were to be demanded than what they had been accustomed
to pay in former times. 5. In the event of the king of Poland, or
the rulers of Valachia and Moldavia, wishing to purchase any of the
fortresses of Transylvania, they were not to give their consent to such
a transaction. 6. Should either of the voivodas of Valachia or Moldavia
become disaffected to the Ottoman government, and take refuge in
Transylvania, he was not to be allowed to remain there, but be sent to
Constantinople, and all his slaves were to be set free without ransom.
This treaty, which was made with Betlan Gabor, who had been deputed
by the Hungarian princes to negotiate in their behalf, concludes by
assuring him that the Ottoman government would continue its ancient
custom of sending to every new ruling prince its accustomed gifts
of standards, ensigns, ermines, and robes of honour. Copies of this
contract were secretly sent to the parties concerned.
This year Tahmuras Khán withdrew from Sháh Abbás, and entered into a
special relation with the Turkish government.
_The grand vezír and commander-in-chief marches against Persia._
In the treaty entered into by Kází Ján, the Persian ambassador who had
accompanied Nesúh Páshá to Constantinople, as the reader may remember,
it was stipulated on the part of the Persian sháh, to furnish the
head of the Ottoman government with one hundred loads of silk and one
hundred loads of precious wares. For the last two years, however, this
tribute had been withheld, and the sháh, thus endeavouring to rid
himself of his engagements, violated the treaty. The emperors patience
forsook him; his rage kindled into a flame. He sent a royal letter to
the grand vezír, Mohammed Páshá, to assemble the whole of the household
troops, those of Romeili and Anatolia, and march immediately against
Persia. The grand vezír appointed Gúrjí Mohammed Páshá to be his deputy
in Constantinople; Lunka Zádeh was made treasurer; and the government
of Bosnia was conferred on Sulfi Bákí Páshá.
On the 23d of Rabia II. the grand vezír passed over with his splendid
army to Scutari, remained there about three weeks, and reached Aleppo
in the month of Shabán. Dervísh Tálib Effendí, the ordinary of the
ancient mosque of Selím, and chief of the astrologers, accompanied
Mohammed Páshá in the capacity of astrologer, and was never absent from
him.
In consequence of the lateness of the season, however, the
commander-in-chief was obliged to distribute his troops into
winter-quarters, intending to commence hostilities as soon as the
proper time arrived. He himself took up his quarters in the palace
of Aleppo, the válí of which, Etmekjí Zádeh, having been recalled to
court, he appointed his deputy in room of Gúrjí Mohammed Páshá, and
sent him off.
_A messenger arrives from the sháh._
After the departure of the great army mentioned in the preceding
section, information reached the court of Constantinople from one
Enjelí, who had been deputed to the court of Persia, that Kásim Beg,
ambassador from the sháh of Persia, had arrived on the confines of
Reván with the stipulated silk; but such was the displeasure which his
majesty felt at the conduct of the sháh that he absolutely refused
to recall his army; and when the ambassador actually arrived at
Constantinople, which happened to be at the very time that the Osmánlí
army entered Aleppo, he was refused the honour and respect usually
shown to one of his character, though he was supplied with whatever he
required. A whole year passed away, however, before his majesty deigned
to read the sháh’s communication, or even to look at the presents sent
to him.
_The peace with Austria renewed.—New articles added._
The peace with Austria having been renewed this year, twelve new
articles were added. The commissioners on both sides met at Vienna. The
Ottoman commissioners were Ahmed Aghá, of the horse-guards, the deputy
of Alí Páshá, the governor of Buda, and Gashir Ghurajeiyan. Those of
the emperor Mathias were his first and second ministers, the treasurer
or chancellor of the kingdom of Hungary, besides some other persons
of note. The treaty of peace between Austria and Turkey was entered
into, as will be remembered, at Sidova, with Murád Páshá, and was to
be maintained for the space of twenty years. The revised or renewed
treaty was dated, according to the Christian era, in the year 1615;
but according to the Moslem era, the 1st of Jemadi II. 1024.
The _First_ of the twelve new articles annexed to the treaty of Sidova,
bound both parties to maintain the peace for the period stipulated upon
in that treaty. _Second._ The various articles mentioned in the treaty
of Sidova were to remain in full force. _Third._ The frontier lines, as
well as the grounds of complaint between the villages situate on these
frontiers, were to be examined and settled. Further: The discontent
manifested by one hundred and fifty villages attached to Osterghún were
also, according to this article, to be examined. It was agreed to by
both sides, that sixty villages in the district of Osterghún should be
subjected to the Ottoman government, and four months were allowed for
the settling of this point. _Fourth._ The prisoners taken by either
party during the negotiations which were carried on at Sidova were to
be set at liberty. A list of all the fortresses which Ahmed Ketkhodá
had erected since the commencement of the peace was ordered to be
given in; and all the palankas erected by both parties, contrary to
the articles of the peace, were to be examined within the first four
months, and erased. _Sixth._ Neither of the contracting parties was
to harbour or encourage false or hypocritical persons, but to inform
against them. _Seventh._ The churches belonging to the Christians
within the Turkish dominions were to be repaired; and the gospels were
to be read according to custom. _Eighth._ The uninhabited portions
of land on the frontiers were declared to be free for the use of the
peasantry of the province to which such portions belonged, and by this
article they were allowed to settle on them without hindrance. _Ninth._
Traders belonging to either country were to be allowed to pass and
repass from the one to the other, provided such traders were furnished
with proper passports from their respective authorities. Into whatever
district or province they should enter or pass through, they were, by
this article, obliged to show their passes; and the commander of that
place or district, and the head of the excise, were either to affix
their seals to them, or endorse them, but without any fee or reward.
It was further provided by this article, that if the roads by which
such traders travelled were unsafe, they were to be furnished with a
proper escort; but they were to pay all dues and imposts punctually.
_Tenth._ Merchant-vessels coming to Turkey from any of the dominions
of the Roman emperor (_i. e._ the emperor of Austria) or from Austria
with merchandize, were not to be allowed to do so unless they came
under the imperial flag, and were furnished with sufficient documents
besides. If, in opposition to the spirit of this article, any should
venture to do so, the agents and consuls of its respective governments
were to be authorized to seize him. Traders coming in ships to Turkey
from any of the above-mentioned dominions, or from Spain, or from any
other nation carrying the imperial flag, were in like manner to be
allowed to do so on paying the Ottoman government three per cent.,
and two per cent. to their respective consuls, on all such wares and
merchandize as they might buy or sell. The consuls or agents were not
only to settle all matters for such traders, but were also to be at
full liberty to arrest any one of them who might have neglected paying
into the government treasury his lawful dues. If any dispute should
happen to arise between merchants about money, it was provided by this
article, that the cazí of the place or city where such dispute had
taken place should have power to decide the question; but with this
proviso, that the sum about which the dispute arose was not more than
four thousand pieces of money: if above this sum, the litigants were
to be obliged to refer the matter in dispute to the military judge of
Constantinople. _Eleventh._ After this treaty was again settled and
signed, all letters, messengers, or other persons coming or going from
or to either country belonging to the contracting powers, were to be
respected by the authorities on the frontiers; and if the roads were
unsafe or dangerous, a sufficient escort was to be provided. _Twelfth._
It was decreed by this article, that from this time no voivodas or
servants of governors were to enter any of the frontier villages; but
the inhabitants themselves were, nevertheless, to pay or deliver,
according to law, whatever amount of dues they might owe.
_Death of the reverend Muftí.—His brother, Isaád Effendí, succeeds him._
The venerable and amiable Muftí Effendí, who was tutor to Sultán Murád
Khán, was born on the 28th of Shabán 975, when his father was rector of
the academy of Yelderím Khán, in Brúsa; and who, along with a private
tutor, exercised the greatest assiduity in training and enriching the
young mind of his son, who by their instructions acquired the most
perfect education. In 994, he was honoured with the rectorship of the
academy of Esmíkhán. In three years afterwards he was introduced at
court, and in two years more he made a transition from the Selímiya
to the Soleimáníyeh. In 1000, he was dignified with the cazíship
of Mecca. Not being satisfied with this situation he returned to
Constantinople, and was made cazí of that city in 1004. In the same
year he was transferred to the jurisdiction of Anatolia. He was present
at the taking of Agria, but was afterwards suspended from office for
the space of two years. In 1007 he was raised to the jurisdiction of
Romeili. In 1010 he succeeded to the muftiship in room of Siná Effendí.
In the following year he was deposed, but in 1017 he again succeeded
Siná Effendí in the same high office which he had held four times.
Seven years afterwards he received a gratuity of six thousand pieces of
silver, and was incorporated with the Historiographers. On the 5th of
Jemadi II. of this year, he departed into the world of spirits, having
died of the plague. He was buried in the tomb of his fathers. His
brother, Isaád Effendí, succeeded him in the high priesthood.
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1024, H.
_The grand vezír and commander-in-chief march to Reván_
We lately left the grand vezír and commander-in-chief, Mohammed
Páshá, at Aleppo; we now return to record his operations against the
Persians. On the arrival of spring the various troops began to move
from their respective cantonments, and in the beginning of Rabia II.
the general’s pavilion was erected in the Kokmaidan. On the 7th of
the month such of the army as could be collected in so short a time
marched off for Reván. After crossing the meadows of Koksú and arriving
at the plains of Aksheher, the commanding-general was joined by Dávud
Páshá beglerbeg of Romeili, with his provincial troops, having also
been entrusted with funds for the grand army. About the beginning of
Jemadi II. the army reached Erzerúm; from the fortress of which the
commanding-general took seven pieces of ordnance. After distributing
provisions, &c. among the household troops, the royal camp was joined
by the troops of Anatolia, Caramania, and Sivás. Firmáns were also
sent to the beglerbeg of Diárbeker, Diláver Páshá, and Tekelí Mohammed
Páshá, beglerbeg of Wán, to march with their respective troops towards
Reván. The válí of Baghdád, Mustafa Páshá, also collected a number of
Mosul and Seyed Khán troops, and sent forward two divisions of these
foreigners under the command of proper officers. Towards the end of the
month the grand army reached Kars, which had formerly been destroyed by
the Persians, but was now rebuilt, and was furnished with a garrison
and cannon. About the middle of Jemadi II. the grand army reached the
plains of Reván. During the season preparations for opening trenches
were attended to, and thus the siege of Reván was commenced. Amir
Gunah Khán had taken good care to have the fortress not only strongly
fortified, but also well filled with troops and ammunition. The sháh
himself, with the army under his own command, was at Nakhcheván. The
Moslem army in the meantime surrounded Reván with field-pieces, and for
the space of twenty days continued battering its walls; but without
visible advantage. Finding their efforts in this way to be vain, they
began to collect earth, which during the night-season they formed into
mounds for their artillery, in order to employ this apparatus more
effectively. After accomplishing this vast labour, they succeeded in
effecting some breaches, and then commenced a general assault; but
were repulsed with immense loss. The ághá of the janissaries, Mesli
Aghá, perished; and Turkijeh Bilmaz was wounded: the troops who had
been engaged in the assault were withdrawn. It is said, however, that
one night, when Tekelí Mohammed Páshá, governor of Wán, was on guard,
some thousands of red-heads, under the guidance of four kháns, issued
forth and entered into a narrow pass, with the view of lying in ambush.
Tekelí, however, observed them, immediately marched against them, and
defeated them most completely. One thousand heads and five hundred
living infidels were conveyed to the Moslem camp, as trophies of
Tekelí’s victory. The fame of his bravery was spread abroad.
The sháh, in order to make a display of his own might, was in the habit
of causing fires to be kindled on the tops of the surrounding hills,
but the Moslems continued to carry on the siege with all the vigour
they were able, but were opposed, inch by inch, by the red-heads, who
frequently rushed out even as far as the trenches, and fought most
furiously. At length, however, the Moslems succeeded in beating down a
considerable portion of their walls and battlements. This so alarmed
the besieged, that they, in order to prevent another general assault,
which they saw would be fatal to them, proposed an armistice for four
days. “We will consult our sháh,” said they, “and afterwards deliver
up the place to you.” Their request was agreed to, and for four days
not a gun was fired on either side. But the execrable race completely
deceived the commanding-general.
Hasan Beg Zádeh says in his history that the chief-cannoneer had
directed the mouth of a cannon against the palace of Amir Gunah Khán,
but instead of hitting it, it struck the house of the avaricious sháh’s
ignorant chancellor, and shattered it to pieces. He tried a second
time, but failed.
It is certain that after the Moslems had succeeded in beating down the
wall they ought to have pursued their advantages, and have pushed into
the city; but it would appear they altogether neglected this. During
the armistice they repaired the breaches which had been made, and again
commenced hostilities. Forty days were spent in the siege of Reván,
and nothing more was effected than what we have related. The Moslems,
indeed, tried the springing of mines, but to no purpose; and at last
the whole of their ammunition was expended: winter was drawing on; and,
in short, they were obliged to withdraw their artillery from Reván. The
loss sustained by the Moslems on this occasion obliged them to make a
disadvantageous peace, in which it was agreed to take one-half of the
silk and presents which had been stipulated in the treaty that was made
when Nesúh Páshá was grand vezír. The whole of the provisions, &c.
which had been sent forward for the use of the troops at Reván would
have proved insufficient, and at any rate have been lost.
After the last treaty above alluded to was settled and signed, the
Kizilbáshes came into the camp of the Moslems, when a mutual exchange
of articles took place. The Moslem army, having first sent their
artillery away to Kars, retired from Reván in the month of Ramazán.
Whilst passing through the plains of Loghan, immense numbers of them
perished from the cold. Having supplied Kars with military stores, the
army advanced to Erzerúm, where the household troops were paid off and
sent away into Romeili for the winter. The commander-in-chief and his
suite remained at Erzerúm.
_The grand vezír and commanding-general, Mohammed Páshá, is
deposed.—Khalíl Páshá is advanced to the premiership._
All the efforts employed this year against the Persians, as we have
seen, ended in disappointment, disgrace, and loss. The failure of the
vast army conducted by Mohammed Páshá against a place of such little
importance as Reván, being only a fortress of clay, and the great
expense which this expedition had occasioned, created a tremendous stir
at Constantinople. The emperor was no sooner informed of the disasters
which his army had experienced, and of the utter failure of the
expedition, which were wholly to be attributed to the want of proper
skill in the commander-in-chief, his own son-in-law, Mohammed Páshá,
than his mind was much hurt, and he immediately determined on deposing
him. With this view, and in this state of mind, he assembled the mufti
and all his ministers in the imperial gardens, in order to consult
them on the state of public affairs. Etmekjí Zádeh, who, it will be
remembered, had succeeded Gúrjí Mohammed Páshá in the deputyship of
Constantinople, became exalted in his own imagination at the chance,
as he thought, of his succeeding Mohammed Páshá in all his offices.
In the pride and vanity of his heart he proceeded to the place of
deliberation. Before he reached it, however, the reverend mufti had
an interview with his majesty, who informed him of the purpose he had
formed of conferring the high and important offices of grand vezír
and commander-in-chief of the army on one of his vezírs, and asked
him to tell him who he thought was worthy of being raised to these
high dignities. The mufti replied, “That as Etmekjí Zádeh filled the
office of deputy of Constantinople, the honour might, perhaps, belong
to him.” “That may be true,” said his majesty in return; “but he has
been sometimes guilty of falsehood, and such a person is not fit to
hold the premiership.” The reverend prelate approved of the sentiments
expressed by his majesty, and then added, “that Etmekjí Zádeh was not
only a liar, but also a wicked tyrant.” “Mention, then,” said his
majesty, “some other one.” The reverend prelate without any hesitation
recommended Khalíl Páshá, “an officer,” he said, “who, as he knew,
had gained to himself, by his bravery and skill in the navy, signal
honours, and was every way worthy as well as competent for holding the
high offices now vacant.” “That,” said his majesty, “is the very man I
have been thinking of.” The reverend prelate now took his leave of his
royal master, and had scarcely gone out when Etmekjí Zádeh came in, to
whom the emperor put the same question he had put to the mufti. “Please
your majesty,” replied Etmekjí, “I am at your service, and am willing
to sacrifice my life in the service of the crown.” The emperor was
silent, and the other thinking this silence on the part of the emperor
betokened his majesty’s selection of himself, he went out. Khalíl Páshá
now entered, when his majesty saluted him by informing him that he was
appointed grand vezír and commander-in-chief: “The seals shall be sent
after you,” added the emperor. Khalíl kissed his majesty’s hand for
the honours he had conferred on him, and returned to his own mansion:
so did also the other vezírs, but none of them knew any thing of the
appointment of Khalíl Páshá.
Etmekjí Zádeh, full of the idea of being raised to the premiership,
as he vainly thought, got his table spread out and covered with all
sorts of viands for his friends, and impatiently waited for the arrival
of the seals, which he believed would be sent him. But he waited in
vain: they were sent to Khalíl Páshá. This fact was soon announced
to Etmekjí, even at the very time he was regaling himself with his
friends, as before hinted, and which had such a paralyzing effect on
the constitution of Etmekjí, that his hands refused to touch the food
which stood before him. His friends were all struck with surprise: they
wondered at the sudden change which had appeared in their host: they
were silent and retired. This unexpected piece of information was first
communicated by a messenger who came to call the Reïs effendí, one of
Etmekjí Zádeh’s guests, desiring him to wait on the new minister.
Hasan Aghá, son-in-law to Mesli Aghá, ághá of the janissaries, who fell
before Reván, was, though only a kúl ketkhodá, appointed to succeed
his father-in-law; but this appointment not meeting with his majesty’s
approbation, Hasan Aghá, bostánjí báshí, was appointed to the command
of the janissaries, and was sent off to Erzerúm, where the janissaries
then were.
_The Persian ambassador is imprisoned._
As soon as the sháh of Persia had learned that a mighty army was
marching against his dominions, he sent off an ambassador, as before
related, not with two years’ tribute of silk and presents, which he
owed, but with one year’s only. On the arrival of the ambassador in the
city of felicity (Constantinople), accommodations were afforded him,
but the usual honours were denied. In fact, the monarch was so much
enraged, that he afterwards sent him to the Seven Towers.
In the meantime the new grand vezír was busily employed in making
preparations for renewing the war against Persia, and an imperial
letter, with money for the journey, was sent to the khán of the Crimea,
Ján Beg, calling upon him to join the royal camp with a Tátár army.
The disappointed Etmekjí Zádeh entered into wicked and treacherous
designs against the new grand vezír. One of his creatures was brought
before the diván for having murdered a servant who had belonged to the
prime minister, for which he was instantly dispatched by order of the
emperor. Etmekjí himself was notorious for his acts of corruption, and
was therefore banished the seat of government.
The preparations for renewing the war being fully completed, the grand
vezír and commander-in-chief, with his newly organized army, passed
over to Scutari. Etmekjí Zádeh’s ambition was again awakened; he
thought he should now be made káímakám of Constantinople, which office
he lately held; but he was again disappointed, for the emperor had
conferred that responsible situation on Súfí Mohammed Páshá, governor
of Buda, who was instantly recalled and installed. Etmekjí Zádeh could
bear his disappointments no longer, and overcome with grief he was
taken ill. But we must, for a little, advert to some other events which
claim our attention.
The governor of Kaniza, Ahmed Páshá, Ghraj-ban Gasper, who had been
raised to the principality of the island of Naxia, and the hákim of
Prague arrived in Constantinople with credentials from the emperor
Mathias, requesting a conference with respect to the late treaty of
peace. It would appear that before the treaty was finally settled the
commandant of Buda, Alí Páshá, was removed from the frontiers, and
Hasan Páshá was appointed in his stead; the latter, not knowing the
advance which had been made towards laying a foundation for a solid
peace, disturbed the tranquillity of the country in several instances,
and committed some serious evils besides. However, he died, and Alí
Páshá, at the establishment of the peace, being again re-appointed
to the government of Buda, not only restored peace and good order,
but also settled the boundaries of the villages belonging to both
countries, and the payment of all dues, as they had been in the days
of Soleimán. It was in reference to these and similar matters that
the personages before-mentioned came to Constantinople, in order that
they, along with Charizghal, the Austrian ambassador at the court of
Constantinople, might be able to arrange matters in conformity to the
articles of the peace.
_Iskander Páshá marches against the Cossacks._
The emperor having determined on rooting out the troublesome and
factious Cossacks on the Black Sea, ordered his fleet to be in
readiness, and commanded Iskander Páshá, governor of Bosnia, to conduct
the Romeilian troops by land against them; but both the expeditions
against the Cossacks did not proceed till after the new year. About
this time the Transylvanian ambassador arrived, and informed the
government of Turkey, that certain German princes who had committed
violence and robbery on the borders of Transylvania, but who had been
severely chastised, and obliged to retire in disgrace, were again
threatening to invade that country with their collective force. The
Osmánlí government, in order to maintain its guardianship over that
country, and to awe the invaders, sent a number of troops towards its
frontiers, and wrote for an explanation to the Austrian ambassador
at the court of Constantinople. The ambassador replied, that his
master was wholly ignorant of the fact. The Ottoman emperor was
unwilling to enter into any hostile attitude, but found it requisite
to support his allies; especially as one of the engagements entered
into with the emperor of Austria was in favour of Transylvania. The
emperor, therefore, in accordance with his own peculiar engagements
with Transylvania, wrote to Iskander Páshá, who had been appointed
to conduct the land expedition against the Cossacks, to take fifteen
thousand of the troops, foot and horse, under his own command, conduct
them in person, or give the command to some other fit officer, and
oppose the threatened invasion of Transylvania. “You are by all means,”
said the emperor in his letter, “to deliver out of their hands the
fortress of Yanovah.”
In Petcheví’s narrative it is said that Dúmnah, the widow of Eremia
(Jeremiah), the former voivoda of Moldavia, had great possessions in
Poland, and that an infidel of the name of Korsákí, of the race of
Russian and Polish nobles, was her son-in-law. This Korsákí, wishing
to recover Moldavia for her youngest son, raised an army of twenty
thousand native Russian vagabonds, and another of as many Poles,
entered Moldavia, took possession of that province, and thrust out
Stephan, whom the Osmánlí government had fixed there as voivoda of the
country. To reinstate the ex-voivoda, Serkosh Ibrahím Páshá, governor
of Silistria, the begs of Bender and Akkerman, and a Tátár army were
instantly dispatched; but were completely defeated and routed in the
very first engagement. At this time, Iskander Páshá, who had been
removed from Agria, was employed in some service in Constantinople. The
káímakám, Gúrjí Mohammed Páshá, appointed him governor of Bosnia; and
afterwards sent him into Moldavia with the Bosnian, Serm, Semendrian,
Alájahisár and Walehet troops. Ibrahím Páshá, with the Silistrian
troops, was ordered to join Iskander’s camp. Iskander Páshá, having
penetrated into Moldavia with his mighty force, met with the army
of Dúmnah, headed by Korsákí, her son-in-law, near a village called
Istaphanish, where a most sanguinary battle took place, but in which
the Moslems were triumphant. The two sons of Dúmnah, and her son-in-law
Korsákí, were made prisoners; and all the three, along with five
hundred Cossacks who carried muskets, were sent bound in chains to
Constantinople. So many living prisoners had not, in modern times, been
presented before the royal diván.
Iskander Páshá, the conquering Iskander, was every where hailed as the
deliverer of the country: he again placed the ex-voivoda Istaphan in
his former government, and succeeded in restoring peace and good order.
It is worthy of remark, before closing the events of this year, that
the daughter of Dúmnah, the wife of Korsákí, a woman of extraordinary
excellence, fell into the hands of a Tátár, and could no where be
found. She was, however, afterwards ransomed for thirty thousand
dollars, and was found pregnant by the Tátár, to whom she had borne two
daughters; a circumstance which, for a time, was much talked of both in
Poland and amongst the Moslems.
_The grand vezír and commander-in-chief goes to Diárbeker, where he
winters.—Ján Beg Gheráí, the khán of Crimea, joins the royal camp._
On the 8th of Jemadi II. the grand vezír and commander-in-chief passed
over with a splendid army to Scutari; but because of the great distance
of the Persian frontiers he was ordered to winter at Diárbeker. On
arriving in this city he was informed that his highness the khán of
the Crimea, Ján Beg Gheráí, had left Kaffa with an army forty thousand
strong, and that he was on his march to join the grand army. The
commanding general, however, sent him word, that before joining the
royal camp at Diárbeker he should ravage the frontier territories of
Persia, _viz._ Gunjah, Nakhcheván, and Jelha; which he did, carrying
off about a thousand captives, and as many cattle. On approaching the
royal camp, the grand vezír and commander-in-chief went out to meet his
highness the khán of the Crimea, and conducted him to his tent. After
the table was removed, the grand vezír presented his highness the khán,
in the name of the emperor, with a splendidly ornamented sword, a steed
richly caparisoned, and five thousand pieces of gold, for the purpose
of covering his expences in the war. His mirzás were also presented
with robes of honour: the Osmánlí beglerbegs bowed and did obeisance in
his presence, and then conducted him to his own camp. After a day or
two the island of Ebn Omar, in the jurisdiction of Mír Sheríf Páshá,
was assigned to him and his Tátár army for winter-quarters.
_A division is sent to protect Gúrjistán (Georgia) from the grasp of
the heretics._
In the meantime the governor of Gúrili sent letters to the commanding
general, informing him of the intention of the kizilbáshes of subduing
the province of Gúrjistán (Georgia). The general, in order to afford
protection to Gúrjistán, sent the beglerbeg of Batum, Omar Páshá, and
his provincial troops; also Murteza Beg, beg of Childer, Sefer Páshá,
and other chiefs of that nation; and the emírs of Gúrilí, of Dadyou,
and of Askukbásh, with their respective provincial troops, to the aid
of the Georgians. Moreover, the whole of the janissaries in Erzerúm
and in Trebizond, with their respective officers, and the governors of
Dághistán, were ordered to join the camp of Omar Páshá, to whom the
chief command was committed.
_Iskander Páshá concludes a peace with the Cossacks._
Iskander Páshá, who had been appointed to chastise the Cossacks on the
borders of the Black Sea, but who had been called away to support the
Transylvanian kingdom against the aggressions of some German princes,
now, accompanied by Betlan Gabor, and the voivadas of Valachia and
Moldavia, with their respective armies, besides a division which he
himself conducted from Buda, advanced so far as a palanka, called
Búdila, on the banks of the Túrla (Tyras), which runs through Moldavia.
The hettman of the Poles, and Istanislar Zulghosh, commander-in-chief
and minister of Sigismund, king of Poland, with a Polish army, were
posted at a place called Bazuja. As both armies were on the eve of
commencing the work of death, ambassadors from both sides entered
opportunely into a reciprocal conference with regard to the conduct of
the Cossacks, and the result was: 1st, That the hettman became security
for the Cossacks, that they should no more enter the Black Sea by
the river Ouzi, and vex or molest the Moslem population residing on
its shores. 2d, That they should never again invade the kingdoms of
Transylvania, Moldavia, and Valachia. 3d, That they should never permit
Hootaba Oghlí Shirnán, nor any other to pass through their territories
with the view of disturbing the peace and tranquillity of any or all
of these kingdoms or countries. He agreed, moreover, in the fourth
place, that the gifts and presents usually sent to the khán should be
punctually remitted as in former times. All these stipulations, which
the hettman agreed to guarantee, were signed by himself and other
responsible persons in his camp; were also written out in the Turkish
and Polish languages, and a copy of them sent with his ambassador to
the court of Constantinople. It was agreed by Iskander Páshá, on
the part of the Tátárs, that they should not invade or molest the
territories of Poland. These stipulations, on both sides, were ratified
and signed on the 6th of Ramazán of this present year, when commercial
intercourse was again opened between the countries included in this
treaty.
This year the emperor of Austria sent his most favoured minister, the
governor or kapúdán of the city of Prague, to Constantinople with his
tribute of gifts and presents to the emperor of the Ottomans. The
Austrian ambassador having been required to remain at Constantinople
till the commissioners formerly mentioned had come to an amicable
conclusion with respect to the affairs which had called them together,
did so, until he was required by letters to repair to the borders, as
affairs were on the eve of being settled. He accordingly set out for
Buda, where the commissioners then were, and, after every thing was
finally settled, he was permitted to return to his own country.
_Concerning the naval affairs of this year._
The lord high-admiral, Alí Páshá, with the view of distressing the
infidel coasts, sailed for the Mediterranean with the Turkish fleet.
He foolishly neglected, before going to sea, to condemn such of his
ships as were not sea-worthy; and, as if he had been educated for
the naval service, he set sail of his own accord. On the evening of
the 20th of Shabán, as he reached the wide and extended ocean, a
tremendous hurricane arose which soon forced the vessels of the fleet
to separate from each other. On the following morning, the hurricane
still continuing, he perceived this to have been the case: four ships,
containing ammunition and arms, two galleys having janissaries on
board, besides five other vessels, were wrecked, and every soul on
board of them perished. Two large vessels and one galley were driven
by the winds to the coasts of Tripoli West, but were not injured. The
galley which had a company of troops on board, for seven days and as
many nights was driven at the mercy of the tempest. Soídán Oghlí,
who at this time was beg of Tripoli, supplied these vessels with
every thing that they required, and sent them back. After a period of
twenty-days the remaining part of the scattered fleet collected round
the kapúdán, at Corone, when it was discovered that eleven vessels had
perished. The time for sailing being now over, the fleet returned to
the port of Constantinople in the month of Dhu’l Kaddah.
_Death of Sultán Ahmed Khán.—Sultán Mustafa Khán is inaugurated._
The disease of the stomach, by which his majesty had been afflicted,
became, during the first ten days of the month of Dhu’l Kaddah, so much
increased as entirely to resist the skill of the physicians; and on
Thursday night (_i.e._ the night preceding Thursday), the 23d of Dhu’l
Kaddah (November 17th, 1617), he passed into the eternal world.
In consequence of the tender age of the heir-apparent, his uncle,
Sultán Mustafa, in conformity to his deceased brother’s own choice
and agreement, succeeded to the throne of the Ottoman empire. Before
the hour of morning prayers, therefore, the káímakám or deputy of
Constantinople, Mohammed Páshá, the reverend mufti, Isaád Effendí, and
the other nobles and grandees of the state, assembling together in
the royal diván, prepared a chair of state; and on Thursday the 12th
of Teshrín Sání (November), Sultán Mustafa ascended the throne of the
khalifat, and was solemnly inaugurated by the assembled nobles and
grandees; heralds being sent to proclaim the same in the royal mosques.
On the same day, the remains of Sultán Ahmed Khán were carried out
into the court of the palace, whence, after the metropolitan priest
had performed the funeral obsequies, they were borne to the place of
interment, accompanied by all the vezírs and grandees, walking on foot
and dressed in mourning.
_Character of Sultán Ahmed Khán._
The pious royal defunct was a prince who, discarding envy, was the
protector and encourager of the learned and the lovers of concord. He
was the friend and support of the neglected, infirm, and poor, who
were obedient to the laws, and of those who rooted out wickedness
and heresy. He ascended the throne of his illustrious progenitors
when he was only fourteen, and reigned fourteen years. His gracious
but powerful firmáns were some of the benefits he conferred, and his
reign is embalmed in the pages of poetry as the most prosperous. He
was a zealous and active emperor, who incessantly manifested his good
disposition.
It is related by Shábán Deddán, who had performed the office of washing
the emperor, that he had perceived in the emperor’s beard two white
hairs, which he (the emperor) during his life time would not allow to
be extracted. “When with astonishment, and desirous of information,
I showed them to his nearest relatives,” says Deddán, “they informed
me, that these two hairs began to appear after the commander-in-chief
had been sent against the Persians.” He was a prince who was kind to
persons of every class, whose conduct deserved to be esteemed. In
short, religion prospered during his reign. The benefits he conferred
on Medina and Mecca exceeded those of all his predecessors. He
purchased the two palaces in the At Meidán, belonging to Ahmed Páshá
and Mohammed Páshá, on the area of which he caused a splendid temple
to be built, which has not its equal on the face of the earth. In the
galleries, on the tops of its six minarets, are shown the number of
the Osmánlí Sultáns who have reigned; and from which also the Moslem
muezzíns (public criers) proclaim the joys of paradise. Its lamps are
all suspended: some of them are covered over with gold, and others are
ornamented with gems. Both within and without, the utmost skill of the
artist has been expended. This unequalled temple is very lofty. Some
of the beautiful buildings which surround it are also memorials of the
royal founder.
_Concerning Sultán Ahmed Khán’s sons._
Sultán Mustafa Khán, the paternal uncle of the heir-apparent, Sultán
Osmán Khán, who afterwards fell a martyr in a tumult of the people,
mounted the Ottoman throne. The mother of Osmán was a noble and august
lady, and the principal concubine of his father. The royal offspring,
Sultán Mohammed, when preparing for the northern wars, was, through
the perfidy of Osmán, murdered. Sultán Murád Khán, the conqueror of
Baghdád, another of the royal princes, became sáhibkirán (emperor).
His august mother, called the Moon-faced, was a favourite of Ahmed his
father. Sultán Báyazíd was born three months later than Murád, and
died a martyr. Sultán Soleimán shared the same fate with Báyazíd, and
in the same year. Sultán Kásim was as successful in arms as Murád had
been. His mother was also a favourite of the deceased emperor. Ibrahím
became emperor, as we shall afterwards see. His mother, like those
already mentioned, was a favourite of Ahmed.
_Vezírs who were contemporary with Sultán Ahmed Khán._
Kásim Páshá was káímakám when Sultán Ahmed Khán ascended the throne,
but was afterwards murdered, as has been already observed. Alí Páshá
Yávuz died at Belgrade at the time he was commander-in-chief. Ghází
Lálá Mohammed Páshá, the conqueror of Osterghún, died of the palsy.
Dervísh Páshá, who was raised from among the bostánjí báshís to the
premiership, was deposed by the people, and deservedly murdered for
his wickedness. The next in order was the celebrated Murád Páshá, who
was succeeded by the infamous Nesúh, son-in-law to the grand sultán;
but who, on account of his maladministration and bad conduct, fell
under his father-in-law’s displeasure, and was executed as an example
to others. Mohammed Páshá, called Oghuz, another son-in-law of the
emperor, was deposed, and died at Aleppo. Khalíl Páshá, the last grand
vezír, was at the time of Ahmed’s death engaged in an expedition
against the Persians. Háfiz Ahmed Páshá, the eunuch, has been already
mentioned, and his virtues and good deeds have been recorded. Súfí
Sinán Páshá was twice káímakám, and as often deposed. Sárukjí Mustafa
Páshá fell into disgrace when he was káímakám, and was killed. Khezer
Páshá, governor of Cairo, was afterwards made káímakám. Gúrjí Mohammed
Páshá, the eunuch, was celebrated for his prudence, and his modesty
commanded respect. Ahmed Páshá, usually called Etmekjí Zádeh, the
celebrated lord high treasurer, became obnoxious to every successive
vezír; and each, in his turn, persecuted and sought to kill him.
Through his fawning disposition, and the distribution of gifts, he
contrived, as we shall afterwards see, to die a natural death. Kúrd
Páshá was a vezír at the time that Ahmed ascended the throne, but
was afterwards degraded. Gúzelcheh Mahmúd Páshá was made a vezír,
but was degraded. Jeghala Zádeh Sinán Páshá died of grief because of
the defeats he had sustained when fighting against the kizilbáshes.
Mohammed Páshá Ebn Khoaja Sinán Páshá was a very celebrated vezír, but
was barbarously murdered. Súfí Mohammed Páshá was káímakám at the time
of Sultán Ahmed Khán’s death.
_Some of the events which took place during the reign of Mustafa Khán._
When it pleased God to remove by death Sultán Ahmed Khán, his brother,
Sultán Mustafa Khán, was, on the 23d of Dhu’l Kadah, 1026 of the
Hijrah, raised to the vacant throne. Mustafa discovered, however, a
deficiency of judgment; but it was attributed to his long confinement,
and it was hoped he would by experience acquire a right knowledge of
the duties which belonged to his exalted station. In the meantime,
matters were conducted by the metropolitan priest, Isaád Effendí.
The new emperor, according to custom, went to the tomb of his
predecessor, at which he girded himself with a sword, when all the
nobles and grandees instantly made their obeisance before him. After
having visited the tombs of his other noble ancestors, he caused
alms and donations to be distributed. He was then placed on a chair
of state, and heralds, by supreme authority, were sent every where
announcing Mustafa’s exaltation.
Mustafa Aghá Salihdár Sheheriárí was raised to the government of Cairo.
The royal foster-mother was given to him in marriage. The government of
Syria was conferred on Tchokadár Aghá: that of Caramania was given to
the ághá of the falconers. Some other friends of the emperor met with
tokens of the royal favour about the same time.
_Sultán Mustafa Khán is deposed._
According to Hasan Beg Zádeh, the ághá of the royal house, Mustafa
Aghá, who during the preceding reign had exercised absolute authority,
began again, under the new emperor, to manifest a desire to exercise
the same unlimited power. He wished to have all the nobles and grandees
of the state obedient to his nod. The emperor, who was himself without
any restraint, did not interfere; and, in short, seemed to give himself
no concern about it whatever. This conduct excited much discussion.
The ághá’s incapacity to govern became quite notorious, and therefore
the necessity for deposing him became equally clear. It began to be
openly spoken, that if he remained much longer at the head of the
administration, he would, without doubt, waste and destroy the whole of
the imperial treasures. Some of the great doctors and learned men who
had been well acquainted with the affairs of the state, wrote to the
queen-mother, pointing out to her the necessity there was for removing
the above-mentioned ághá from the royal house. Overcome by the tears
of the ághá, and the sweetness of his tongue, she, however, paid no
regard to the communication sent her. In short, fraud and mismanagement
arrived at such a pitch of notoriety, that the people began not only to
look on the emperor with aversion, but to assemble for the purpose of
actually deposing him. The aforesaid ághá wrote to the reverend mufti,
to the rest of the learned men, and to the nobles, that all the princes
of the blood were on the very eve of being murdered; and called on
them to come forward and prevent the extinction of the Ottoman race.
On their receiving this intelligence, they were roused to fury, and
immediately agreed to the deposition of the emperor. In the beginning
of Rabia I., under the pretence of distributing to the household troops
their wages, they succeeded in getting them properly equipped, and
arranged into proper order to answer their own purposes. They then
barricaded the emperor’s apartment; and, by a postern door, brought
forth the young Osmán, and placed him on the throne of Mustafa his
uncle. The emperor’s friends about him no sooner perceived the soldiers
than they immediately anticipated the deposition of their master, and
began to regret, when too late, that the advice which had been given to
the queen-mother had not been followed.
Hájí Khalífeh says, in his Fezlikeh, that this infamous emperor was,
for some time, deprived of the use of his reason, and became quite
remarkable for his strange gestures before people. He used to wander
among the tombs, throw money into the sea to the fish, and scatter
it on the roads; proofs sufficient of the derangement of his mind.
This ághá too, he states further, in order to preserve the civil and
religious institutions of the country free from confusion and outrage,
wrote to the mufti, Isaád Effendí, and to the káímakám, Súfí Mohammed
Páshá, with regard to the state of the emperor’s mind, assuring them
that there remained no possible chance of ever bringing him again
to his right senses. If prompt measures were not instantly taken, he
maintained, the funds of the state would soon be totally annihilated.
Accordingly, the household troops, under the pretence of paying
them their wages, were collected and arranged in the manner before
described; when Sultán Mustafa Khán, on the first of Rabia I., was
deposed, as before observed, after a reign of only three months and ten
days, and he retired into his former privacy.
_Sultán Osmán Khán inaugurated._
On the first of Rabia I., after all the vezírs and other magnates of
the state had assembled in royal diván, and after the household troops
had been properly arranged, the ághá of the palace, Mustafa Aghá
himself, shut the door of the emperor Mustafa’s apartment, and brought
forth Sultán Osmán Khán, when he was instantly placed on the chair of
state, and was solemnly inaugurated by the vezírs and nobles assembled.
After this ceremony was once over, and the fact announced to the
assembled multitude, they were allowed to retire.
The new emperor, in conformity to ancient custom, proceeded with
great pomp to the Abí-eyúb, where he girded on his sword, visited the
tombs of his ancestors, distributed alms among the poor and indigent,
gave donations to his friends, such as royal bounty confers on such
occasions, but which, in this instance, was rather too much for the
imperial coffers to afford; for every inauguration cost, generally,
three thousand yúks of money (3,000,000 dollars). Besides, on this as
well as on the late former inauguration, the usual presents made to the
army were sent to it. The son-in-law of the reverend mufti, Mohammed
Effendí, _viz._ the kapújí báshí, Mustafa Aghá, was, on this occasion,
the bearer of the royal gifts to the army, which he conveyed to the
commander-in-chief. On his arriving at Diárbeker, the head-quarters of
the grand army, he was honoured with the ágháship of the janissaries,
and was afterwards raised to the government of Diárbeker itself.
_Concerning Mohammed Gheráí._
On the very day of Osmán’s inauguration Mohammed Gheráí Khán, who had
been incarcerated in the Seven Towers, found means of escaping from his
place of confinement, and with a small party of Tátárs absconded. When
this fact was noised abroad the káímakám, Mohammed Páshá, dispatched
Hájí Súbáshí by water and Iskander Páshá by land in search of the
fugitive. Hájí Súbáshí steered his course towards Varna, and happened
to reach it before Iskander Páshá, who had directed his steps to the
same place. Hájí apprized the inhabitants of the purport of his visit
to Varna, and put them all on the alert. On the afternoon of the same
day Mohammed Gheráí also reached it, and halted underneath a large tree
in the fields. This was no sooner discovered than the inhabitants made
an attempt at surrounding him and his party. Mohammed Gheráí, however,
was determined not to allow himself to fall into their hands without
making a struggle in his own defence, and therefore prepared to offer
resistance. With an arrow from his bow he shot one of the janissaries,
but afterwards yielded the contest and entered the City; when Iskander
Páshá, who by this time had arrived at Varna, took him under his own
charge, and conducted him back to Constantinople; and he was again
confined within the Seven Towers, from which he had so lately made his
escape. Iskander Páshá, it is to be observed, showed him nevertheless
the respect due to his birth and rank.
Hasan Beg Zádeh relates this account somewhat differently, but the
difference is not so great as to render it necessary to give his
version of the story. It has been also said, that Mohammed Gheráí’s
brother, Sháhín Gheráí, had fled to the court of Persia, but that when
the sháh had told him of Osmán’s inauguration, he resolved on returning
home. When Sháhín Gheráí was on the eve of setting out on his return
to his own country, the sháh, it has been said, did him the honour of
holding his stirrup and bridle till he mounted his horse. After taking
his leave of the sháh, the latter called him back, and asked him if, in
the event of the Osmánlí commanding general employing him against him,
he would obey. “By all means,” was the reply. “Will you draw your sword
and fight against my troops?” asked the sháh again. “Without doubt I
will,” returned the undaunted Tátár prince. On hearing this heroic
reply, the sháh shook his head at him. But the whole of this story
seems to have been a sort of pleasant raillery. We must now return to
the affairs of Khahíl Páshá’s expedition.
When the spring season arrived Khalíl Páshá removed from Diárbeker,
where he had wintered; and, after collecting his forces in the plains
of Choluk, directed his march towards Tabríz, by the roads of Bedlís
and Wán. The sháh was stationed at Ardabíl. The khán and his Tátár
army, leaving their winter-quarters, joined the grand army at Wán,
where, after holding a council of war, it was agreed to march without
delay upon Ardabíl. It is necessary to observe here, however, that
sometime before this Karchúgheráí Khán had driven the whole of the
people in the country towards Ardabíl, with the view of saving them
from the advancing Osmánlí army.
_Ján Beg, khán of the Tátárs, defeated._
After the Osmánlí grand army had appeared before Tabríz, a reciprocal
intercourse was entered into by the two belligerent powers, with the
view of effecting a cessation of hostilities and promoting a peace. The
commissioner employed on the part of the Osmánlís was the defterdár,
Hákim Aghá, who, when proceeding to Ardabíl, had perceived the governor
of Tabríz, Karchúgheráí Khán, with a Persian army, employed in guarding
an immense host of the country inhabitants and others, small and
great, near Ardabíl; and therefore, on his return to the Osmánlí camp,
recommended that a strong detachment of the Tátár army, and a division
of the other cavalry, should instantly advance upon them and seize
upon their property; they might easily, he said, vanquish any force
which the enemy could oppose to them, and thus acquire immense spoil.
The Tátárs and some of the other troops were elated by the prospect
of booty. A council was held, in which the defterdár, Bákí Páshá, and
some other intelligent officers, expressed their entire disapprobation
of the proposed movement. They alleged, and wisely too, that an army
which must first accomplish seven or eight stages, could not be in a
very fit condition, all at once, either to give a battle or sustain an
attack. They asked, moreover, what proof there was that the enemy was
not sufficiently vigilant and strong? But his highness, the Tátár Khán,
the grand vezír’s deputy, and Abáza Páshá, had been completely gained
over to the other side of the question by Hákim Osmán’s representation;
and a thirst for acquiring booty having infected the troops, every
obstacle which could be mentioned was treated with contempt. The moment
for enriching themselves had arrived; and why, they triumphantly asked,
put off longer time? It was highly improper, and every way impossible,
they maintained, that so much spoil as that which now offered itself,
could be overlooked: nor would they fail in obtaining it, if they would
but be true to themselves. Such were the arguments which the advocates
for Hákim’s proposals advanced; and the commanding general himself
was, at last, completely swayed over to their side. It was, therefore,
agreed that a strong detachment should instantly advance. Accordingly
his highness the Tátár Khán, and the whole of his troops; the governor
of Diárbeker, Mustafa Páshá, Alája Páshá, governor of Wán; Osmán Páshá,
governor of Sivás: Arslán Páshá, governor of Romeili, with ten sanjáks
and their officers; and Abáza Mohammed Páshá, governor of Aleppo,
set out. The command of this mighty detachment was intrusted to the
beglerbeg of Diárbeker, Hasan Páshá. The turnají báshí, and a certain
number of janissaries, were also attached to it, and all set forward
in the utmost haste and precipitation. The rest of the janissaries
caught the infatuation. The idea of acquiring wealth had filled their
minds, and they were determined to have a share of the general spoil.
They took their empty bags, in the hope of getting them filled, and
off they set on their beasts of burden in the track of their brethren
who had gone before them. So great, in fact, was the eagerness with
which the royal army advanced in pursuit of the treasures they had
promised themselves, that they accomplished the eight days’ journey in
even less than two; having never once halted, except to feed. Those
in front and those in the rear moved forward, alike without order
and without subordination, towards Ardabíl, till they arrived in the
plains of Sarav, where they first had a glimpse of the kizilbáshes,
with whom they must contend for the prey. Karchúgheráí Khán, aware
of the advance of the Osmánlís, had placed the greater part of his
troops in ambuscade; whilst, at the same time, in order to deceive
the Osmánlís, he showed, at some little distance, two small bodies,
which at once attracted the attention of these ardent heroes. Next
morning the Osmánlís, in their eagerness for conquest, and in their
thirst for spoil, without order or government, and without taking any
kind of precaution, commenced an attack. Those who had been placed
in ambuscade now rushed forth upon the fatigued Moslems, when a most
desperate battle, which lasted two hours, was fought; but the Osmánlís
were at length obliged to give way. The commander, Hasan Páshá, Arslán
Páshá, governor of Romeili, and Mustafa Páshá, governor of Diárbeker,
fell in the bloody contest. Almají Mohammed Páshá and Rushvánlí Mustafa
Páshá were made prisoners. The greater part of those whose horses were
fatigued furnished food to the sword of the foe: many of the noble and
heroic Tátárs met with the same fate; but the common horde of Tátárs
fled. The khán himself continued firm, and fought with great bravery,
till he was nearly surrounded by the enemy, when he too gave way.
The janissaries were very active in supporting him, pouring in shots
of musketry among those who had been endeavouring to seize him, and
levelled many of them with the dust. It was owing entirely to their
vigorous assistance that he escaped falling into the hands of the
kizilbáshes, and got to a place of safety. The defeat of the Osmánlís
was complete. The brave troops of Shám were unable to maintain their
ground; five hundred of them had been made prisoners by Karchúgheráí
Khán, and were murdered; their officers were sent to the sháh. In this
sanguinary combat very many of the foe also perished. The ungracious
sháh, during the whole of the bloody conflict, shut himself up within
the city of Ardabíl, giving himself up to humble supplications; and
would hardly believe the intelligence which announced the defeat of the
Osmánlí army.
Hasan Beg Zádeh says, in his version of this story, that when Khalíl
Páshá was marching against Ardabíl, Sháhín Gheráí deserted to the
enemy, and betrayed the cause of the Osmánlís. In consequence of the
information which he imparted to the kizilbáshes, they sent one or
two emissaries into the Tátár camp, who circulated among the Tátárs
that the Persians were in a state of entire defencelessness. This,
of course, roused the Tátárs, and hurried them heedlessly onward.
The words of Hákim Osmán had the same effect on, or they imparted
impetuosity to the Osmánlís themselves, and the result was as we have
related it, _i. e._ both the Osmánlís and Tátárs were defeated and
routed. Among those who fell on this memorable occasion were the khán’s
military judge and an Osmánlí sheikh of the name of Islám.
The news of this terrible disaster reached the royal camp during the
night season: the troops in the camp were called to arms, and a council
of war was held. Bákí Páshá, with his wise associates, advised to
advance, without a moment’s delay, upon Ardabíl; “for,” said they, “if
we retreat, the enemy will be encouraged and emboldened to pursue us,
and will most certainly attack us, when every one will try to escape
the best way he can. Our fate will resemble that which befell Jeghala
Zádeh of former days.” This mode of address had the effect of animating
the troops in the camp, when it was resolved to march forward by break
of day, which they did.
The advance of the main army, under the commander-in-chief, towards
Ardabíl, did not hinder the sháh, though the Osmánlís had manifested
no want of firmness, from making some invidious remarks to those
around him. He tauntingly asked, if the Romeilian strangers were
not yet defeated? whilst, at the same time, he sent messenger after
messenger with this message: “Come, let us make peace: you are coming
with hostile intentions: your late defeat has been owing to your
vain and premature haste.” With such words of bitter reproach as
these did he fill his letters to the commanding general; and yet, at
bottom, he was most anxious to conclude a peace. Last of all, on a day
which blew a hurricane, one Búrún Kásim, a messenger from the sháh,
entered the Osmánlí camp, and immediately presented himself before the
commander-in-chief, who was at the time sitting in council with the
other grandees of the army. “Why,” said the commander-in-chief to the
ambassador of the kizilbáshes, “the red-heads, proud of the victory
they have gained, have taunted us with disgraceful reproaches under
the appearance of asking a peace: and if we retreat you are ready to
fall upon us. Your professed desire of peace is hollow: which of your
words can I believe?” Búrún Kásim, the sháh’s ambassador, stormed.
“What,” said the intrepid vezír, but with a view of giving a facetious
turn to the conversation, “is it customary, Kásim Beg, for the storm
to blow so furiously in this country?” Kásim Beg was prevented from
making a reply by Bákí Páshá, a man of knowledge and experience, as
before hinted, who at this moment addressed the commander-in-chief
thus: “No, my lord; this violent storm is only the effect of the wind
of Búrún Kásim Beg’s nose.”[27] This jocular answer of Bákí Páshá was
not without its effect on the mind of Kásim Beg, who now changed his
tone, and said he wished God might not visit Bákí Páshá with just
vengeance. “Will you never,” said he, “leave off your devilish wit:
your wish is, to leave us recorded in the history of romance.” The
grand vezír and those about him could not refrain from laughing most
heartily at hearing Kásim Beg, and looked astonished. Kásim was again
filled with rage, but it evaporated into air. When Sháh Abbás heard
of this ludicrous story he praised Bákí Páshá for his malicious wit,
and sent him no fewer than three loads of handsome presents on account
of his facetious craftiness. But to return. The Osmánlí main army
on approaching Sarav, having had abundance of provisions, proposed
presenting themselves before Ardabíl, now only one stage distant, the
following day. One messenger after another, however, assured them that
the city was abandoned, that the lamps near the tomb of Sheikh Súfí and
all manner of valuables had been removed; in a word, that the whole
of the sepulchres of all the former sháhs were deserted. Under these
circumstances, it appeared to the Moslems to answer no good purpose
to advance any farther; and after having considered the matter in
every point of view, the commander-in-chief renewed the treaty which
had been entered into at the time Nesúh Páshá was grand vezír. It
was, therefore, settled and signed that the sháh of Persia was, in
future, to send annually to the court of Constantinople a tribute of
two hundred loads of silk, and one hundred loads of other rarities.
The crafty sháh, as if he meant to show how pleased he was with this
renewal of the treaty, sent eight hundred camel-loads of provision of
various kinds to the Moslem camp, which were accordingly distributed
among the troops. To the grand vezír alone he sent nine camel-loads
of sweetmeats, of preserved fruits of various sorts, of lemons and
oranges, of fine flour, of rice, and of sugar, each loaf of which
weighed from five to ten wakiyet. To the ághá of the janissaries, to
the grand vezír’s deputy, and to the other páshás and grandees of the
army he sent two, three, or five similar loads of presents, each as
he thought proper. All these loads of presents were sent as tokens of
the sháh’s friendship, and were conveyed to their respective owners by
Mirzá Mohammed Hasan, his ambassador to the Moslem camp. On the part of
the grand vezír several royal presents were sent to the sháh in return,
and the treaty, after receiving the commander-in-chief’s signature, was
sent him, along with Mohammed Aghá, the jibbají báshí. The Persian sháh
set at liberty the whole of the Osmánlí prisoners that had been seized,
and that yet remained alive, who returned to the Osmánlí camp, which,
on some of the first days of Dhu’l kadah, was removed from Serav, and
the army marched towards Erzerúm. In the month of Dhu’l hijja the
troops were all permitted to return to their respective homes, and the
grand vezír went to Tocat, where he expected to winter; but he was
deposed. In the following year, however, he was made lord high admiral
of the Turkish fleet.
_The arrival of the king of Poland’s ambassador._
Some time before the last events which we have recorded took place,
Gurgrofshá, a relative of the king of Poland, and one of his privy
counsellors, arrived in Constantinople as ambassador from the court
of Poland, complaining of several inroads having been made upon the
dominions of Poland by the Tátárs, even since the time of the last
treaty, and praying that that part of the treaty which referred to
the Tátárs maintaining the peace might be enforced. The grand vezír
immediately wrote to Ján Beg, khán of the Crimea, to maintain the peace
inviolate.
_An ambassador arrives from Fez._
The ambassador of the Pádisháh of Fez arrived at Constantinople with
letters and some valuable presents for the Ottoman emperor. He also
complained of some depredations which had been committed by some of the
wild and wandering Arabs in the districts near Bussorah, and praying
that a stop might be put to their ravages. A messenger was instantly
despatched with respect to this matter to the proper quarter.
_A phenomenon._
There appeared one evening in the heavens a bright pillar or column
which shone like a comet; the appearance of which occasioned among the
people a variety of conjectures.
_Death of Etmekjí Zádeh Ahmed Páshá._
We lately left this man chagrined and sick, because of the repeated
disappointments which he had met with. On his first appearance in
public life he was employed as a collector of taxes at Adrianople, and
by degrees rose to one of the most important offices in the state,
that of lord high treasurer: which office he held for several years,
till he was created káímakám of Constantinople. When Oghuz Mohammed
Páshá, the emperor’s son-in-law, was deposed, and Khalíl Páshá, lord
high admiral of the fleet, succeeded him in the premiership, Etmekjí
Zádeh felt as if he had been neglected because that office had not been
conferred on himself. When this same minister went afterwards on the
expedition against the Persians, Etmekjí thought and expected he would
again be made deputy of the Sublime Porte; but the appointment of Súfí
Mohammed Páshá to this office showed him his expectations had been
vain. The consequence was, that he became sorrowful and dangerously
ill. His illness increased with his grief, and after giving a hundred
_yúks_ of money for the purpose of repairing the fortress of Uzí, and
for erecting a fortification at Kilbúrún on the opposite side, and
nominating the reverend mufti his executor for paying such sums of
money as he had appropriated for pious purposes, he died about the
beginning of the following year. A thousand _yúks_ of money which
had not been disposed of before his death were appropriated to the
imperial coffers. He was interred in the tomb of the honourable Mahmúd
Effendí of Scutari, who had performed the funeral service in Báyazíd’s
mosque. A school in Constantinople, an inn in Adrianople, an unfinished
edifice, besides several other buildings for benevolent purposes, are
monuments of his generosity. He was one of the most celebrated men of
his day.
_On the state of the coin._
About the commencement of the month of Moharrem of this year a firmán
was issued to coin new silver coin and the piece of ten aspres, and
Beker Effendí, the second defterdár, was made inspector of the mint.
By means of a sum of ten purses of gold he established other mints in
other parts of the empire. After a certain time had elapsed, the new
coin was ordered to be put in circulation, and the old condemned. The
new coin having been discovered to be deficient, however, the old,
which possessed full weight, was again allowed to come into use.
_The seals of the premiership are again conferred on Mohammed Páshá,
the emperor’s son-in-law._
Súfí Mohammed Páshá was, at the time of Sultán Osmán Khán’s
inauguration, deputy of the Sublime Porte; but for some mismanagement
of which he had been guilty at the ceremonies which took place on that
occasion, and for the vast treasures he, for want of judgment, had
expended at that time, was disgraced and turned out of office, and
Mohammed Páshá, the emperor’s son-in-law, was made káímakám in his
stead. The reverend mufti, who had been implicated in the affair of the
late deputy, Súfí Mohammed Páshá, was removed by the emperor from being
head of religion and science, whilst that distinguished honour was
conferred on his own chaplain, Omar Khoaja: the reverend mufti, Isaád
Effendí, retaining only the prerogative of issuing _fetvás_. About the
beginning of the month of Sefer this year, Khalíl Páshá, in consequence
of the want of skill and good generalship which he had manifested
in the late war with the Persians, was formally deposed, and the
káímakám or deputy of the Sublime Porte, Mohammed Páshá, the emperor’s
son-in-law, was created grand vezír in his stead. When Khalíl Páshá
reached Scutari on his way back, he was presented with the government
of Syria, which, however, he declined: he preferred retiring with two
domestics into a cell in Mohammed Effendí’s convent, alleging that he
was an old man of the poor and indigent ancient sheíkhs, and wished for
no new preferment. By Mohammed Effendí’s intercession in his behalf,
however, his fault was overlooked.
_The arrival of a Persian ambassador._
In the month of Jemadi I., the Persian ambassador, Búrún Kásim,
sometimes called Kásim Beg, but in his credentials, Alí Sultán
Khalífeh, arrived at Scutari with one hundred loads of silk, four
elephants, and one rhinoceros, with other gifts for the emperor of
the Ottomans. From Scutari he passed over to the imperial city, and
was lodged in the palace of Pertev Páshá. His letter to the emperor
specified, in all its various ramifications, the treaty signed by
Khalíl Páshá.
_A remarkable phenomenon._
In a communication from Mohammed Páshá, commandant of Buda, it was
stated, that one afternoon, about the middle of the month of Shabán
there appeared, in the German peleponesus on the north of Hungary,
a black circular cloud, from which blood dropped like rain. This
atmospheric appearance was accompanied by a most tremendous burst
of thunder, and in the cloud there was seen the appearance of fiery
crosses. After this cloud had condensed itself, a great quantity of
smoke began to issue from it in all directions; and shortly afterwards
another tremendous burst of thunder was heard. Those who heard it were
stupified and confounded: the cattle in the field fell upon their
knees, turned their heads towards the heavens, and then fled wild
in all directions, many of which were never afterwards found. Some
short time after the last burst of thunder, three successive sounds
were heard issuing from the heavens, which, from their hideousness,
might have awakened the dead. From this cloud, also, descended black
round hail or balls, about the size of a cubit, which rolled along the
ground. Some of these hail-stones which were taken up weighed three
kintals.
_Betlan Gabor._
After Betlan Gabor had been fully established in the government of
Transylvania, he accompanied Iskander Páshá in his expedition against
the Poles, on which occasion he led ten thousand foot and twelve
thousand horse into the country of Moldavia, near the fortress of
Sordukna; but, in consequence of the peace which on that occasion was
entered into with the ambassador of the king of Poland, he returned
home with his troops.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] See preface to a translation of the Maritime Wars of the Turks, by
James Mitchell.
[2] Author of the Maritime Wars of the Turks, and other celebrated
works in Turkish.
[3] بيمارم اي اجل بوكيجه بكله يانم آل
[4] ناصيمده كاتب قدرة نه يازدي بلمدم
آه كيم بوكلشن عالمده هركز كو لدم
[5] Ancient heroes of Persian fable.
[6] Why Agria is thus termed cannot be discovered; but it is probable
the writer meant to convey the idea, that the success which attended
the Moslem arms at that place, only led the Osmánlís into all the
misfortunes which afterwards befell them.
[7] A wakáyat is about 2-1/4 lb.
[8] A kantar is about 120 lb. weight.
[9] سحر سامري, or the magic of Samri, who, according to Mohammed,
induced the children of Israel to worship the golden calf in the
absence of Moses.
[10] The translator feels at a loss to discover who this valas pádisháh
was, but thinks the writer meant to convey some sentiment under the
form of a metaphor. The words of the text are:
ولاس پادشاهي ابراهيم خان بوسالده شاه عباس بنچه سنه كرفتار اولمشدر
[11] This was Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, the grand vezír, when on his way to
Constantinople. It will be remembered under what circumstances he gave
up the chief command to Mohammed Páshá at Buda; and also that Pest was
at that time in the hands of the enemy. It is to the subsequent history
of the contest between the Musselmans and the Austrians that the writer
seeks now to draw the attention of his reader.
[12] The vezírs of the kubba or cupola are those immediately under the
grand vezír.
[13] A work on Mohammedan jurisprudence.
[14] Thus did his majesty verify his threatening to Sárukjí Páshá,
when, after appointing him to the deputyship, he pointed to the dead
carcass of Kásim Páshá.
[15] A Mohamedan writer, usually called by the first of these
appellations, and frequently quoted by Naima in this history.
[16] There is something irrelevant in this. Botchkai is represented
as having been raised to the sovereignty of Hungary, and not of
Transylvania. The first of these is written مجار Majar, which is
Hungary; and the second اردل Ardil, which is Transylvania, and
which is said in the text to have been supplied with a new sovereign
in room of Botchkai, who was created king of Majar or Hungary by the
Ottoman emperor. But it seems not unlikely that by Majar, lower Hungary
is meant, and of which Ardil or Transylvania was considered a portion.
We find the word هونغاريا _Hungaria_ employed, a few sentences
afterwards, to mean the country of which the emperor of Austria’s
brother was duke.
[17] Probably Paul V., who was certainly capable of doing what Naima
here asserts. He has been charged by others of having fostered civil
war in Bohemia, Hungary, England, France, and Germany.
[18] Rodolph II.; but his name is not mentioned in the text.
[19] اژدر هاي دم بريده
[20] A sort of military farmers, who rented the revenues of Egypt.
[21] A yúk is about 1,000 dollars.
[22] A gold coin, a drachm and a half weight.
[23] The night of power, the 27th of Ramazán, when the koran began to
descend from heaven.
[24] Russian pilgrims either going to or coming from Jerusalem.
[25] The letters which had been sent from the fleet stated that the
descent had been altogether sudden and unexpected at first. The fleet,
these letters said, on arriving before or opposite a monastery on the
island not far from the city, the admiral forbade Mímí Beg to leave his
ship; but he landed his janissaries and other troops, who as soon as
they individually reached the shore, such was their eagerness, cried
out _Allah! Allah!_ as they proceeded; which so alarmed the inhabitants
that they all fled into the city with their servants. The Moslems, on
reaching the monastery, were obliged, by reason of the cannon which
played upon them from the fortress, to give up; and because they
found it impracticable to keep the footing they had gained, they were
constrained to return to their vessels. Forty or fifty were left on the
island, but they effected no good whatever. The fleet, we are told on
the same authority, seized, between Messina and Malta, on its return,
a vessel, the crew of which informed the admiral that the twenty-seven
ships he had been in quest of had entered Messina, where there were
several other vessels belonging to the enemy.
[26] A rude race living in the mountains of Lebanon and in Kúrdistán.
[27] Búrún signifies nose.
END
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