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Title: Geofroy Tory - Painter and engraver; first royal printer; reformer of - orthography and typography under François I.
Author: Bernard, Auguste
Language: English
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Copyright Status: Not copyrighted in the United States. If you live elsewhere check the laws of your country before downloading this ebook. See comments about copyright issues at end of book.

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WASHINGTON. [Illustration]]




Bernard's _monograph on Tory was first published in_ 1857, _when M.
Bernard was already a recognized authority on the history of typography.
In_ 1865, _after an interval devoted largely to a search for further
information concerning Tory_, _and for probable examples of his work as an
artist_, _a second edition of the book appeared_, _enlarged by more than
one-half_, _arranged more systematically_, _and embellished with several
additional engravings of designs which are_, _in the author's opinion_,
_attributable to Tory. The Iconography, which forms the third part of this
revised edition, did not appear as such in the first edition, although a
small part of the material it contains may be found scattered through that
edition. It now occupies more space than the Biography and Bibliography
combined. The new arrangement necessitated more or less repetition where,
as in many instances, the same book is referred to by M. Bernard in more
than one section of his work; and this repetition sometimes reveals
discrepancies between the different descriptions. Where such discrepancies
have been discovered by him the translator has endeavoured to correct
them, generally, in the absence of an opportunity to inspect the volume in
question, assuming that the description in the bibliographical section is
more likely to be trustworthy; in a number of cases, however, inspection
of title-pages themselves, or of reproductions thereof, has enabled him to
correct numerous minor errors in transcription._

_The kindness of the late Mr. Amor L. Hollingsworth, in lending his fine
copy of the first edition of 'Champ fleury,' made it possible to collate
therewith M. Bernard's numerous extracts from that rare and interesting
book, and to ensure entire accuracy with respect to them._

_As M. Bernard writes certain printers' names in different ways, the
translator has assumed that the names are printed differently in different
books, and has not attempted to make them uniform. Such names are Dubois_
(_Du Bois_), _Lecoq_ (_Le Coq_), _Galliot_ (_Galiot_). _The few notes
supplied by the translator are inserted in square brackets._

_The translations of Tory's various Latin effusions, including the
complete text of the little brochure called forth by the death of his
daughter Agnes, were made by Mr. J. W. H. Walden of Cambridge. The Latin
originals will be found at the end of the book, in Appendix X._

_Since such authorities as M. Bernard and M. Renouvier differ as to the
ascription to Tory of many of the designs mentioned in this work, it
seemed the wiser course to choose for illustration only such subjects as
are described by the author, without questioning the soundness of his
reasoning or the infallibility of his deductions. The only exception is
the beautiful design reproduced on the first page of the Index. This is
taken from Robert Estienne's folio New Testament_ (_in Greek_) _of_ 1550,
_where_, _with two other similar decorations_, _it occurs in conjunction
with the friezes and floriated Greek letters reproduced elsewhere in this
volume_. _They are unsigned, but all are indubitably from the same hand.
Although they are not mentioned by M. Bernard, it seems incredible that he
should never have seen them._

_The printer of this volume has had more than ordinary good fortune in
literally stumbling upon most of the designs here reproduced. The pressure
of other work has prohibited systematic research, and the originals of
these illustrations were nearly all discovered while he was engaged
upon other matters. Many were found in the Harvard Library, some in the
reference library of the Riverside Press, some in auction rooms, and some
in booksellers' catalogues. The only exception is the series of borders
from the Hours of_ 1524-25, _which were expressly photographed from the
copy in the library of the British Museum._

_That so much has come to hand in so haphazard a way is but an additional
proof of Tory's industry and versatility. There seems to be almost no
limit to the work which may fairly be credited to him, and M. Bernard
hardly exaggerated when he said that there was scarcely an illustrated
volume of any importance issued in Paris during the first half of the_
XVI _th century in which the artist of the Lorraine cross did not have
a hand. Hours and Classics, Bibles and Testaments, Mathematical and
Medical works--all bear evidence to his prolific pen and graver, and
were time disregarded, the preparation of this volume might be almost
indefinitely prolonged. Incomplete as it is, however, it is hoped that it
will measurably fulfill the desire expressed by Mr. A. W. Pollard nearly
fifteen years ago, in the first issue of 'Bibliographica.' Speaking of
Bernard's monograph, he said_, _'It would be pleasant if some French
publisher would bring out a new edition worthily illustrated_, _for in_
1865 _the modern processes of reproduction were not yet invented_, _and
the few and poor woodcuts in M. Bernard's book give no just idea of the
artistic powers of Tory_, _whose illustrated editions are so difficult to
meet with that M. Bernard's admirable commentary loses half its value for
lack of a proper accompaniment of text.'_

_A word regarding the method of reproduction of these illustrations may
not be out of place here. More was aimed at than mere photographic copies,
which are in many ways inadequate. It was thought desirable to make the
decorations an integral part of the typographic treatment of the volume
and to preserve when practicable their original relations to the type. To
attain this end, more perfect printing plates were necessary than could be
obtained directly from the old editions. The designs, therefore, were all
redrawn with the greatest care over photographs of the originals, and from
these drawings photo-engravings made, which were afterward perfected by
hand when the forms were on the press._

_Notwithstanding some inevitable slight divergences of line, this
method preserves with far greater faithfulness the spirit and effect
of the original prints, and the result is more truly a facsimile than
a direct photographic copy would have been. Both drawing and engraving
of Tory's designs were exquisite, and as a rule they were beautifully
printed, especially by Colines and Robert Estienne. Some of them,
however, suffered at the hands of inferior printers. Imperfections and
irregularities due to the carelessness or unskilfullness of the printer
are readily discernible, and in the reproductions in this volume have been
eliminated. The preservation, by this treatment, of more of the beauty and
interest of the originals is sufficient justification for departing to
this extent from the usual methods of facsimile reproduction._

_Following the French fashion, the Table of Contents and List of
Illustrations are printed at the end of the volume._

    G. B. I.
    B. R.

    _January_, 1909.





[Illustration] ]




The first half of the sixteenth century was with respect to printing
(as with respect to the other arts) a period of renovation, not in the
matter of processes of execution, which remained about the same as in
the fifteenth century, but in the matter of the make-up of books, which
was entirely revolutionized. Typographical arrangement, appearance of
the letters and ornaments, everything, even to the cover, was changed
almost at the same time, or, at all events, within a very few years. At
that time printing gave over the servile copying of manuscripts, which
had at first served it as models, and adopted special rules, better
adapted to its method of execution. For instance, it relegated notes to
the foot of the pages, calling attention to them by marks of reference,
instead of placing them at the side of the text, as had previously been
the custom, at the cost of an enormous amount of labour, without benefit
to the reader. It also abandoned the use of red capitals,[1] which, by
increasing the labour twofold, made books expensive, and replaced them
by floriated letters, which were quite as distinctive, but were set up
and printed with the text. This style of ornament, so favourable to
artistic results, developed rapidly, and soon extended from the letters
to the illustrations, which began to be introduced in books in constantly
increasing numbers. Under the general impulsion of the Renaissance,
engraving was transformed: instead of the coarse woodcuts, of the
so-called criblé style, in which the background was black sprinkled with
white dots,[2] and the design stamped in white, as with a punch, engraving
in relief came into vogue, just as we have it to-day, identical in form,
although the processes have been perfected. A similar revolution took
place in the matter of letters: the gothic or semi-gothic characters,
which had hitherto been used, were replaced by roman characters of a novel
shape, borrowed from the monuments of antiquity (then studied with great
ardour), which continued in use until the Revolution. Lastly, the covers
of books also underwent a transformation brought about by the force of
events: the parchment rolls used by the ancients had been succeeded,
during the Middle Ages, by bound volumes, of a shape more convenient
for reading; these volumes, of which those who were fortunate enough to
own any never owned more than a very small number, being intended to be
arranged on the library shelves in such wise as to present one side to
the visitor's eye, were adorned with numerous ornaments of various sorts
on that side, so that they could easily be distinguished. Later, these
ornaments were omitted and the title of the book substituted, in huge
black or gauffered letters. But the invention of printing soon caused
that device to be abandoned. As the increasing numbers of books made it
impossible to give up so much space to them, they were arranged side by
side on the shelves, care being taken to print the title in gold letters
(so that it might be more legible) on the back of the book, which was the
only part of it in sight. This innovation compelled the doing away with
raised decorations, especially those in precious stones or in metal, which
would have torn the books that stood next them. Thereafter leather binding
came into general use; the gauffering on the sides was continued for some
time; but in the sixteenth century this in turn was replaced by gold
tooling 'à filet,' and the transformation was complete.

       *       *       *       *       *

The man who contributed most largely to the threefold evolution I have
described was Geofroy Tory, a man who is hardly known to-day,[3] despite
all his talents, although he received in 1530, as reward of his labours,
the title of king's printer, which François I had never before bestowed
upon any one. I say that Tory is hardly known to-day; in truth, it is,
in his case, equivalent to being unknown, to be known, as he is, only
as a publisher. Some few scholars, to be sure, are aware that he was a
printer; but the fact is so little known that his biographer has denied
it.[4] As for his noblest title to fame, that of engraver, nobody is aware
of it; and yet we owe to Tory the resuscitation of engraving in France.
As the historian of typography,[5] I have thought that it was for me to
describe with special care one of the fairest jewels in his crown. Such
is the purpose of the work here presented, wherein will also be found, in
connection with the honour paid to Tory by François I, some information
concerning the first royal printers, and a list of those officers from the
beginning down to the extinction of the office in 1830, three centuries,
year for year, after its creation. François I is, in truth, entitled to
be considered the creator of the office of king's printer, for prior to
his reign we find but one typographer who bore that title, while, from
François I down, the series of king's printers was not again interrupted.
The appointment of Pierre le Rouge, on whom the title was bestowed in
1488,[6] may be creditable to Charles VIII, but it was without result. The
honour of having made of the eminently literary post of king's printer
a permanent office reverts of right and naturally to the prince who has
been called the Father of Letters. In truth that prince, as we shall see
hereafter, was not content with a single printer; he had several at once,
with distinct functions, and appointed successors without loss of time to
such as retired or died during his lifetime.

But, I repeat, the principal purpose of my work is to make Tory known as
one of the most skilful engravers we have ever had. Of course I cannot
forget that he was the learned editor of the 'Cosmographie du Pape Pie
II,' the 'Itinéraire Antonin,' etc.; the publisher, of rare taste, who
put forth the Hours of 1525, 1527, etc.; the accomplished printer of
the 'Sacre de la Reine Eléonore,' and the distinguished philologist of
'Champ fleury,' to whom, as we shall see, we owe the invention of the
orthographic forms peculiar to the French language.[7] But what has
especially attracted me in Tory is his work as an engraver. In that
rôle he was without predecessor or rival, for those persons who may be
represented as such may have been his pupils, nothing more. Jean Duvet
alone might quarrel with this limitation; but, although he was Tory's
contemporary, he was not his teacher; for Tory had gone for his schooling
in the art to the very fountain-head, to Italy, before Duvet produced
anything. As for Jean Cousin, de Laulne, du Cerceau, Léonard Gauthier, and
the rest, they did not come until after Tory. The honour of revivifying
the art of engraving in France belongs to Tory alone, bestriding two
centuries, the fifteenth and sixteenth; indeed, some of his productions
are pure gothic. This I propose to demonstrate in the third part of my
book, after I have, in the first part, narrated the general facts of
our artist's life, in which we may observe also the development of a
revolution in the matter of philology; for Tory was a devoted partisan of
the classic tongues before he became one of the sturdiest champions of the
French language.

In order to emphasize the importance of the orthographic reform achieved
by Tory, I have usually followed the orthography of the time in my
quotations from ancient works. It is an anachronism, to be sure, but it
is of no consequence when the reader is forewarned. I have also felt at
liberty to correct now and then, without calling attention to them, the
typographical errors found in the texts quoted.

I will not conclude without thanking publicly those persons who have
kindly assisted me in my researches concerning Tory. I have had occasion
to mention their names in the course of my work, but that is not enough:
I beg them to accept in this place the assurance of my gratitude. There
are two to whom I am especially grateful, for they have considerably
augmented my store of documents: they are MM. Achille Devéria[8] and
Olivier Barbier, of the Bibliothèque Impériale: it is owing to their kind
communications to me that the list of Tory's artistic works will be found
not far from complete.



[Footnote 1: This term, which is wrongfully used in printing today
to denote all majuscules, was formerly employed only for the initial
letters of _chapters_. It was in this sense that Schoeffer used it when
he said, in 1457, that his Psalter was _venustate capitalium distinctus_
[distinguished by the beauty of its capitals]; also Chevillier, when he
wrote in the _Origine de l'Imprimerie de Paris_ (page 32), that the books
of the first printers of Paris had no 'capitals,' the chapter initials
being left blank, to be made by the illuminators. M. Crapelet, taking the
word in its present meaning, concluded therefrom that the books of Gering
and his associates were without majuscules; and he thereupon attributes
the introduction of roman letters in Paris to Josse Bade, in the sixteenth
century, but he is altogether wrong.]

[Footnote 2: [_Criblé_, lit. sifted.]]

[Footnote 3: I retain the phraseology of the first edition of my book,
published in 1856; but the fact is that, thanks to that publication, Tory
is no longer in the same plight. His books have become formidable rivals
to those of Vostre, Vérard, etc. One of his Books of Hours sold recently
for more than 3000 francs. [Note to 2d edition, 1865.]]

[Footnote 4: See _La Biographie Universelle_, article 'Tory,' by M. Weiss,
City Librarian of Besançon.]

[Footnote 5: See my book, entitled: _De l'Origine et des Débuts de
l'Imprimerie en Europe_; 2 vols., 8vo, 1853.]

[Footnote 6: In the imprint of the _Mer des Histoires_, 2 vols., folio,
completed in 1488 (1489, new style), we read: '_Imprimee par Maistre
Pierre le Rouge, libraire et imprimeur du Roy_'; but he assumed the latter
title only once, and in my opinion it was the result of a misapprehension.
He seems in fact to have been king's bookseller only; at all events he
assumes that title in the _Heures à l'Usage de Rome_, which he published
in 1491. In any case, his assumption of the title does not prove that he
received royal letters patent, as all the other printers did, as we shall
see later.]

[Footnote 7: Tory also essayed a reform in Latin orthography, but it was
less happily conceived, and did not succeed.]

[Footnote 8: Alas! since this preface was first printed, we have had the
misfortune to lose the eminent artist whom I have named. [Note to 2d




[Illustration] ]






Less than twenty years after the introduction of printing at Paris, there
was born at Bourges a child of the people, destined to impart to French
typography a vigorous artistic impulsion, or, to speak more accurately, to
work therein a genuine revolution. Geofroy Tory[9] was born in the capital
of Berry, about 1480, of obscure, middle-class parents, as he himself
tells us.[10] Everything seems to indicate that he first saw the light
of day in the faubourg of Saint-Privé, to this day the abode of humble
vine-dressers. How, in that most lowly condition of life, he succeeded in
acquiring the degree of education which he afterward exhibited, it is hard
to say. However, it is proper to remember that Bourges was at that time a
metropolitan and university city, where there were several schools, both
ecclesiastic and lay. We may well believe that, having, at an early age,
aroused the interest of some patron by virtue of his fortunate natural
endowments and his intelligence, he was admitted to the schools attached
to the chapter, where he learned the first elements of grammar. We shall
soon find him dedicating the first fruits of his labours to a canon of the
metropolitan church of Bourges, who seems to have been, at that time, his

Once master of the first rudiments of grammar, Tory perfected himself
by following the curriculum of the university, where, as we learn from
himself, he had for his teacher a Fleming named Guillaume de Ricke,
otherwise called 'le Riche' in French and 'Dives' in Latin; and for a
fellow disciple under this Ghent-born master, a certain Herverus de
Berna, from Saint-Amand, who afterward wrote a panegyric of the Comtes de

Tory then went, to finish his literary education, to Italy, whither he
betook himself early in the sixteenth century. He sojourned principally
in Rome, where he attended most frequently the famous college called
La Sapienza,[12] and in Bologna, where he attended the lectures of the
celebrated Filippo Beroaldo, who died in 1505.[13] Tory returned to France
a little before that event, and established his domicile in Paris, which
he always loved henceforward as one loves one's native city,[14] and where
he began his literary career.

The first work of his of which we have any knowledge is an edition of
Pomponius Mela, which he prepared for the bookseller Jean Petit; it was
printed by Gilles de Gourmont because it required the use of some Greek
type.[15] This book was dedicated by Tory to his compatriot Philibert
Babou, at that time valet de chambre to the king. The dedicatory epistle
is dated Paris, the VI[16] of the Nones of December, 1507; but the
printing of the book was not completed until January 10, 1508 (new
style).[17] Several articles in this volume, which were written by Tory,
are signed by the word CIVIS, which he had adopted for his
device. That patriotic designation was well suited to a descendant of
those Bituriges who strove vainly at Avaricum[18] to defend the autonomy
of Gaul against Cæsar. In any event it is interesting to find, three
hundred years before Jean-Jacques Rousseau, a man, justly proud of his
learning, which he owed entirely to himself, clothing himself in that
title of citizen, which was formerly held in such honour in the provincial
cities, and especially in Bourges, whose name Tory never fails to append
to his own: 'Geofroy Tory de Bourges.'

This erudite production and the patronage of Philibert Babou were perhaps
responsible for Tory's appointment to the office of regent, otherwise
called professor, of the College of Plessis, where we find him installed
in 1509. It was there that he edited for the first Henri Estienne the
'Cosmographie du pape Pie II.'[19]

The dedication of this book, addressed by Tory to Germain de Gannay, canon
of the metropolitan church of Bourges, and recently appointed Bishop of
Cahors by King Louis XII,[20] was dated at the College of Plessis, on the
VI of the Nones of October,[21] 1509. Tory's edition (the third according
to him) contains forty-one quarto sheets of text, and is accompanied by
a map of the old world. The 'avis au lecteur,' also written by Tory, is
signed, according to his custom, with the word CIVIS. In the
following year, in collaboration with a compatriot and fellow pupil,
Herverus de Berna, Tory published a short Latin poem on the Passion,
written by his former teacher, Guillaume de Ricke. In this wise he
acquitted his debt of gratitude.[22] Shortly after, Tory published for the
Marnef brothers an edition of Berosus, who was then much in vogue, thanks
to the fabrications of Annius of Viterbo. This book, the preface of which
is dated May 9, 1510, went to no less than three editions, to say nothing
of those issued by other publishers.[23]

In the same year Tory published for the same booksellers a small
volume of miscellanies, under this title: 'Valerii Probi grammatici de
interpretandis Romanorum literis opusculum, cum aliis quibusdam scitu
dignissimis.' It was probably printed by Gilles de Gourmont, for we find
in it his unaccented Greek type.[24] This volume, which contains twelve
octavo sheets, has two engravings on wood--the mark of the booksellers on
the title-page, and a Roman portico a little farther on. There are also a
few small cuts engraved on metal in one of the articles. The dedicatory
epistle, dated at the College of Plessis the VI of the Ides of May (May
10), 1510, and addressed by Tory to two compatriots, who had probably
been his fellow pupils, is signed by his device, the word CIVIS.
The dedication begins thus: 'Godofredus Torinus Bituricus ornatissimos
Philibertum Baboum et Ioannem Alemanum Iuniorem, cives Bituricos, pari
inter se amicitia conjunctissimos, salutat.' Babou and Lallemant were at
this time two important personages in Bourges: the former was secretary
and silversmith to the king, the other, mayor of the city. We see that
Tory had acquired valuable connections in his native place, despite his
modest origin. Among the extracts from ancient authors in this book he
interspersed several pieces of verse of his own composition.[25]

Finally, in the same year, Tory issued an edition of Quintilian's
'Institutiones,' carefully collated by him with several manuscripts.
This work was undertaken at the request of Jean Rousselet, Seigneur de
La Part-Dieu, near Lyon, and an ancestor of Château-Regnaud, Maréchal de
France. This Rousselet, who died in 1520, belonged to one of the wealthy
Lombard families which had settled at Lyon long before; they made, as
we see, a noble use of their wealth. His real name was Ruccelli. He had
married a young gentlewoman of Bourges, Jeanne Lallemant, daughter of Jean
Lallemant, Seigneur de Marmagne, a school friend of Tory, whom I have
already had occasion to mention. Doubtless it was this connection which
brought Tory into relations with Rousselet. The text is preceded by the
following dedicatory letter:

    _Geofroy Tory of Bourges to Jean Rousselet, devoted lover of
    letters, long life and happiness._

    Never, I think, most illustrious Jean, will you omit or cease to
    have the aspiration of nobly justifying, both by your character
    and by your good deeds, the great hopes which your relatives and
    your country have of you. That you might benefit the State by
    your counsel also, you made it your interest that I should emend
    Quintilian and have him printed as handsomely as might be. After
    carefully collating a large number of manuscripts, I industriously
    set to work and, by eliminating almost countless errors, I made a
    single manuscript of considerable accuracy. This, in accordance
    with your orders, I sent from Paris to Lyon. I only hope that the
    printers will not introduce other, new, errors. Farewell, and love

    Paris, at the College of Plessis, the third of the Calends of

This book, which forms a large octavo volume, unpaged, printed in italic
type, and in which we find some most attractive Greek type, with accents,
was finished on the VII of the Calends of July (that is to say, June
25), 1510. The printer's name does not anywhere appear, and the place of
printing (Lyon) is mentioned only in Tory's letter.[27]

I know of nothing of Tory's dated in 1511[28]; but that does not prove
that he produced nothing in that year, for it is certain that about that
time he published several works which have not come down to us. In fact,
he tells us in his 'Champ fleury'[29] that he has 'caused to be printed
and put before the eyes of worthy scholars divers little works in Latin,
both in verse and in prose.' Now we know of nothing of his in verse prior
to 1524, except what we find at the end of the 'Valerius Probus' of 1510,
and of Guillaume de Ricke's 'Passion.' Moreover, the absence of any
publication by Tory in 1511 may be explained by the confusion incident
to his retirement from the College of Plessis and his installation at
the College Coqueret, which seems to have taken place in that year, but
concerning which I have no other information than the imprint on two books
published by him in the following year.

The first work edited by Tory in 1512 was an architectural treatise
entitled: 'Leonis Baptistæ Alberti Florentini.--Libri de re ædificatoria
decem,' etc.; a quarto volume of 14 preliminary leaves and 174 leaves of
text. This book was printed by Berthold Rembolt (whose mark it bears on
the first page), at the joint expense of that printer and the bookseller
Louis Hornken, whose mark is at the end of the book. The dedication,
which is addressed to Philibert Babou, and dated at the College Coqueret
on the XV of the Calends of September (August 18), 1512, informs us that
Tory received the manuscript of the book from his friend Robert Dure,[30]
principal of the College of Plessis, who gave it to him four years
earlier, when Tory himself was professor at the same college. As always,
this dedication is signed CIVIS. A note on the last page but one
informs us that the printing was finished on August 23, 1512.[31]

The second work put forth by Tory in 1512 was the 'Itinerarium Antonini.'
It was the second book that he prepared for Henri Estienne, in whose
establishment it has been said[32] (erroneously, I think) that he filled
the post of corrector of the press. However that may be, the dedication,
addressed by Tory to Philibert Babou, is dated at the College Coqueret
the XIV of the Calends of September (August 19), 1512. Tory says to Babou
that he had dispatched a copy of the manuscript of this book to him at
Tours four years before (that is to say, in 1508), but that the person to
whom it was entrusted for delivery to him had given it, in his own name,
to somebody else. This time, in order not to be defrauded of the fruits
of his labours, he had caused the work to be printed from his own copy,
having carefully collated it with a manuscript lent him by Christophe de
Longueil.[33] The volume is a sexto-decimo, remarkable for the beauty of
its execution. The copy in vellum which I have seen at the Bibliothèque
Nationale is still redolent of the fifteenth century. We find in it
certain verses of the Burgundian Gérard de Vercel in honour of Tory, which
prove that the latter was even then in some repute as a scholar, and as
a printer, too; for the author contrasts him with the wretched printers
of the day. The preliminary matter, by Geofroy Tory, is signed by the
word CIVIS, printed in red. At the end of the volume the same
word reappears in a very curious monogram composed of the letters CIVS
so arranged that we can read the word CIVIS in all directions.
Therein we may detect thus early Tory's taste for ciphers and devices, a
taste to which he afterward gave free rein, in his 'Champ fleury.'


At this epoch occurs a momentous event in Geofroy Tory's life. On August
26, 1512, he became the father of a daughter, who was christened Agnes.
I do not know the date of his marriage, but it was at least as early as
1511. A document of much later date, to which we shall have occasion to
refer hereafter, informs us that his child's mother was named Perrette
le Hullin. There is reason to believe that she, like her husband, was of
Bourges, as the name of Hullin was common there at that time. Soon after
the birth of Agnes, perhaps just at the opening of the term of 1512, Tory
entered the College of Bourgogne as regent, or professor of philosophy.
His lectures, which were continued for several years, were attended by a
large number of hearers, if we may believe a poetical epitaph composed in
laudation of him and published by La Caille.[34] Tory himself seems to
refer to this professorship in his 'Champ fleury,'[35] but I have been
unable to find any record of it, because, presumably, the new direction
in which he was then turning his faculties required a certain time of

This is what happened: Tory, whose activity was very great, did not
confine himself to his professorship,[36] but set about learning drawing
(probably under the instruction of Jean Perreal, of whom I shall have
occasion to speak again), and also engraving, for which he had a special
bent. This apprenticeship, with the duties of his professor's chair,--for
Tory drove art and philosophy side by side, as the epitaph just quoted has
it ('philosophiam simulque artem exercuit typographicam'),[37]--engrossed
him completely for three or four years; but at the end of that time,
being far from content with his attempts at printing and engraving, or
too enthusiastic to be satisfied with a partial result, he determined to
study classic forms and outlines in Italy itself, of which country he
had retained such agreeable memories that he speaks of it constantly.
Consequently he abandoned his professorship and started south again. It
was on this journey that he visited the Coliseum 'more than a thousand
times,'[38] that he saw the theatre of Orange,[39] and the ancient
monuments of Languedoc[40] and of other places in France and Italy,[41]
which he cites as his authorities on every page of his 'Champ fleury.'

Tory does not give the precise date of this artistic journey; but it is
established by a passage in his book, where he informs us that he saw the
'Epitaphs of Ancient Rome' printed in that city.[42] Now this book of
Epitaphs can be no other than the collection published by the celebrated
printer Mazochi, under the title: 'Epigrammata sive inscriptiones antiquæ
urbis,' folio, dated 1516, but preceded by a license from the Pope, of
1517.[43] This hint of Tory's is doubly valuable to us, for it not only
tells us the date of our artist's second journey to Italy, but reveals
his predilection for typography. As we see, he was already studying the
printing art with interest.

On his return to Paris, about 1518, Tory, who was not a wealthy man, was
obliged to think about turning his talents to account, in order to earn
his living. His principal resource seems to have been the painting of
manuscripts, otherwise called miniature; but, whether because he did not
find sufficient work of that sort, or because he considered another branch
of art more useful, he soon gave his entire attention to engraving on
wood, in which he speedily acquired considerable celebrity. About the same
time, Tory also joined the fraternity of booksellers, following a custom
then quite general among engravers,--a custom which their predecessors,
the miniaturists, had handed down to them, and which was continued down to
the eighteenth century.[44] In truth, it was not unnatural that those who
decorated books should sell them, or, if you prefer, that those who sold
them should decorate them. It was one way of earning more money. Desiring
to signalize his début in the career of a bibliopole in a noteworthy way,
Tory undertook to engrave for himself a series of borders 'à l'antique,'
which he intended for a book of Hours,--a sort of book that was very
profitable at that time, because of the great amount of work which it
required; but the task was a long one, and he was obliged to work for
different printers in the mean time. One of the first who employed him was
Simon de Colines. Colines, who became a printer in 1520, as a result of
his marriage to Henri Estienne's widow, commissioned Tory to design marks,
floriated letters, and borders for the books that he published in his own
name; he also entrusted him, I think, with the engraving of his italic
type, which he soon began to use in conjunction with the roman type that
he had from his predecessor.

But Tory's active mind could not be content with a single occupation.
He was a patriot first of all, as his device proves. And so, far from
allowing himself to be engrossed by his memories of the literary and
artistic treasures of Italy, he began to study with ardour the monuments
of his mother tongue, not only in those books printed in French--very few
as yet--which he had at hand in his shop, but also, and especially, in
divers fine manuscripts on parchment confided to him by 'his good friend
and brother, René Massé, of Vendôme, chronicler to the king,' whose
merits, entirely forgotten in our day,[45] he warmly extols.[46]

Now, while studying that same French tongue, so decried by the scholars
of his time, Tory discovered therein beauties which required only a
little cultivation to make of it the finest language in the world. From
that moment our Berrichon, hitherto a partisan of the classics, shook off
entirely the yoke of Greek and Latin, and thought only of the means of
making French take precedence everywhere.

'I see,' he says, 'some who choose to write in Greek and in Latin, and
yet cannot speak French well.... To me it seems, with submission, that
it would better beseem a Frenchman to write in French than in another
tongue, as well for the profit of his said French tongue, as to adorn his
nation and enrich his native language, which is as fair and fine [belle
et bonne] as another when it is well set down in writing.... When I see
a Frenchman write in Greek or in Latin, I seem to see a mason clad in
philosopher's or king's garb, who would fain recite a mask on the stage of
La Baroche[47] or in the confraternity of La Trinité, and cannot pronounce
well enough, as having too thick a tongue; cannot bear himself well, nor
walk fittingly, insomuch as his legs and feet are unwonted to the gait of
philosopher or king. Who should see a Frenchman clad in the native dress
of a Lombard, which is most often long and scant, of blue linen or of
buckram, methinks that Frenchman would scarce jest at his ease without
soon slashing it and taking from it its true form as a Lombard dress,
which is but very rarely slashed, for Lombards do not often work havoc
with their belongings. However, I leave all this to the wise guidance
of learned men, and will not burden myself with Greek or Latin save to
cite them in due time and place, or to talk with such as cannot speak

Tory had found his vocation at last. He resolved to establish the
superiority of his mother tongue in a special book, illustrated by
engravings by his own hand, and intended particularly for printers and
booksellers, who were in a position to distribute it so rapidly with the
aid of their connections.

But while he was engaged in his studies, a terrible catastrophe fell upon
him without warning, and caused him to forget his new projects for some
time. His daughter Agnes, of whom he had conceived the most brilliant
hopes, was taken from him on August 25, 1522, at the age of nine years
eleven months and thirty days, that is to say, ten years less one day.
Entirely absorbed by his grief, Tory wrote a short Latin poem upon the sad
event. This poem, dedicated, like most of his other books, to Philibert
Babou, was not published until February 15, 1523 (1524, new style). In
this little work, consisting of two quarto sheets, are contained some most
interesting details of Tory's life. We learn here, for example, that he
had grounded his daughter Agnes, young as she was, in Latin and the fine

'Desiring to instruct me in the Ausonian tongue, and also to render me
accomplished in the polite arts, he, like a most affectionate father,
teaching me night and day, himself laid the foundations, sweet and ample,
for my life.'[49]

Farther on, he makes his daughter speak thus, from the depths of the urn
in which she is supposed to repose:--


    Who made for you this urn set with brilliant gems?


    Who? My father, famed in this art.


    Your father is certainly an excellent potter.


    He practises industriously every day the liberal arts.


    Does he also write melodies and poems?


    He does. He also blesses with sweet words this lot of mine.


    Yes, the skill of the man is wonderful.


    Hardly has any land produced so famous a man.[50]

We learn from this that Tory was not only a scholar, which we already
knew, but an artist of great merit. Who knows? it may be that we had in
him the making of a Benvenuto Cellini. What more was necessary that he
should reveal himself as such? Very little--perhaps the falling in with a
wealthy Mæcenas. In fact, we find these lines in another piece of verse in
the same collection:--


    He is certainly well deserving of some Mæcenas.


    Few are the Mæcenases who live in the French world. No one
    to-day either encourages the liberal arts by appropriate gifts
    or undertakes to encourage them in any way. Uprightness and fair
    virtue are in no esteem. So powerful is the sway of unhappy Avarice.
    Treachery, deceit, and vice are in the ascendant. Virtues are put in
    the background, and every form of wretched evil creeps abroad.


    What, therefore, does he who is trained by the charming Muses?


    He takes pleasure in being able to live in his own house.


    He ought to go with hurried step to the courts of kings.


    He does not care to, because he has a free heart. Your potentates
    sometimes take pleasure in looking at songs, but what then? They
    requite them with nods. Golden songs, drawn from the high heavens,
    they should reward with jewels and with pure gold. But, frivolous as
    they are, they instead foolishly give their grand gifts to fools,
    spendthrifts, and rogues.[51]

       *       *       *       *       *

Alas! this depiction of the vices of society is not peculiar to the
sixteenth century. The world is very old, and it changes little. If Tory
were living in our day, it may be that he would use even darker colours;
for, after all, he was appreciated in his own time, and perhaps he would
die of hunger to-day. As we see, he was not fond of cooling his heels in
the antechambers of the great, and lived peacefully in his own house; but
honour came there to seek him. Unluckily it was a little late, as will
appear hereafter.

At the end of the poem is the design reproduced on the next page, wherein
we see for the first time the famous 'Pot Cassé' [broken jar] which Tory
adopted thenceforth as the mark of his bookshop; together with the device
'non plus,' which he used thereafter instead of the word 'civis.'

Tory subsequently offered, in his 'Champ fleury,' a very confused
explanation of his Pot Cassé, doing his utmost to connect it with the
ordinary events of life; but everything tends to prove that it owes its
origin to the death of Agnes. This shattered antique vessel represents
Tory's daughter, whose career was shattered by destiny at the age of
ten. The book secured by padlocks suggests Agnes's literary studies; the
little winged figure among the clouds is her soul flying up to heaven. The
device 'non plus' suggests the desperate grief of Tory, who seems to say:
'I no longer [non plus] care for anything'; or, more laconically: 'There
is nothing more for me'; after the example of Valentine of Milan when he
found himself in a similar situation.[52]


Luckily, time, which deadens all sorrows, even those which seem likely
to endure for ever, assuaged Tory's grief. Before his funeral poem saw
the light, he had returned to his beloved studies, and they had restored
tranquillity to his mind. This is proved by the following passage from his
'Champ fleury,' in which he tells us how, on January 6, 1523 (or 1524,
according to our method of computing time), that is to say, eighteen
months after he lost his daughter, the idea of that curious book came
to his mind. We are glad to recognize once more therein the patriotic
Berrichon who had taken for his device the word 'civis.'

'In the morning of the day of the feast of Kings,'[53] he says, '... which
was reckoned M. D. XXIII, the fancy came to me to muse in my bed,
and to move the wheel of my memory, thinking on a thousand petty conceits,
both serious and merry, whereamong I bethought me of a letter of ancient
form, which I not long since made for the house of my lord the treasurer
of the wars, Maistre Jehan Groslier, counsellor and secretary to the king
our sire, lover of goodly letters and of all learned persons, of whom also
he is greatly beloved and esteemed, as well on this side as the other of
the mountains. And while thinking of that said antique letter there came
of a sudden to my memory a pithy sentence of the first book and eighth
chapter of Cicero's "Offices," where it is written: "Non nobis solum nati
sumus, ortusque nostri partem patria vendicat, partem amici."[54] Which is
to say, in substance, that we are not born into this world for ourselves
alone, but to do service and pleasure to our friends and our country.'[55]

Such was the origin of 'Champ fleury.' Here follows the composition of
that work, as the author himself gives it to us, in the form of a table of
contents, at the beginning:[56]--

'This whole work is divided into three books.

'In the first book is contained the exhortation to establish and ordain
the French language by fixed rule, and to speak elegantly, in good and
soundest French.

'In the second is treated the invention of antique letters, and the
proportionate coincidence thereof with the natural body and face of the
perfect man. With several happy inventions and reflections upon the said
antique letters.

'In the third and last book all the said antique letters, in their
alphabetical order, are drawn and proportioned in height and width
according to their proper formation and required articulation, both Latin
and French, as well in the ancient as in the modern fashion.

'In two sheets at the end are added thirteen different sorts of letters,
to-wit: Hebrew, Greek, Latin, French,--and these latter in four sorts,
which are: "cadeaulx," "forme," "bastarde," and "torneure." Then follow
the Persian, Arabic, African, Turkish, and Tartar letters, which have, all
five, one and the same type of alphabet. After these are the Chaldaic,
the "goffes," which are otherwise called "impériales et bullatiques,"
the "phantastiques" letters, the utopian letters, which one may call
"voluntaires," and, lastly, the floriated letters.[57] With instructions
for making ciphers of letters for golden rings, for tapestries,
stained-glass windows, paintings, and other things, as may seem best.'

I will say nothing here of the first book, the excellence of which has
recently been pointed out by M. Génin,[58] who is much better versed in
the subject than I, and who has at the same stroke exculpated the French
from the charge that has been brought against them of having allowed
themselves to be anticipated by foreigners in the careful study of their
language. I will simply call attention to the fact that Tory wrote shortly
before Rabelais, who did not hesitate to borrow from him his criticism of
the 'skimmers of Latin,'[59] who were then changing the French language
on the pretext of perfecting it. The harangue of the Limousin orator,
which is found in the sixth chapter of the second book of 'Pantagruel,' is
copied verbatim from Tory's epistle to the reader.[60] Rabelais has simply
added to it some obscene reflections which did not enter our author's
mind. Tory ends with a pathetic appeal to those who are interested in
the mother tongue, whose excellence he is never tired of extolling. 'O
ye devoted lovers of goodly letters!' he cries, 'God grant that some
noble heart may give itself to the task of establishing and ordering our
French tongue according to rule! By that means would many thousands of
men set themselves to using often goodly words. If it is not established
and ordered, we shall find that the French tongue will be in great part
changed and ruined every fifty years.'[61] This patriotic prayer was soon
granted. As we know, the sixteenth century did not lack great geniuses,
who set the French language in order and brought it to a great degree of
perfection. Indeed, some most expressive words, the disuse of which Tory
deplored,[63] reappeared. For instance, 'affaissé' and 'tourbillonner,'
which in his time had been replaced by periphrases, returned into use;
many others deserve the same honour and perhaps will receive it some day.

The second book of 'Champ fleury' is, I apprehend, only a paradox; but
that paradox is maintained by arguments so ingenious, that one lacks
courage to condemn it. Tory holds that the shapes of all the roman capital
letters are derived from the different parts of the human body, which he
looks upon as the type of the beautiful; and he makes a most admirable use
of wood engraving to explain his idea. Moreover, if Tory was mistaken,
we must acknowledge that he did not fall into the error inconsiderately.
Indeed, I believe that he had for confederate his friend Perreal, to whom
we may attribute the greater number of the designs on wood in the second
book, judging from those in the third, which are directly attributed to
him by Tory, as we shall see hereafter. However that may be, Tory seems to
have studied his subject for a long time, not only on ancient monuments,
but on modern ones as well, and in the works of contemporary authors who
had turned their attention to the shapes of letters. His judgement of
these latter is as follows:--

'Frère Lucas Paciol, of Bourg Saint Sepulchre, of the order of Frères
Mineurs, and a theologian, who has written in popular Italian a book
called "Divina proportione,"[64] and who has essayed to represent the said
antique letters, does not give a true account of them nor explain them;
and I am not surprised thereat, for I have heard from certain Italians
that he stole his said letters and took them from the late Messere Leonard
Vince [Leonardo da Vinci], who has of late died at Amboise, and was a
most excellent philosopher and admirable painter, and as it were another
Archimedes. This said Frère Lucas has caused his antique letters to be
printed as his own. In sooth they may well be his, for he has not drawn
them in their due proportions, as I shall show when I speak of said
letters. Nor does Sigismunde Fante, a noble of Ferrara, who teaches how
to write many kinds of letters, speak truly thereof.[65] Nor does Messere
Ludovico Vincentino.[66] I know not whether Albert Dürer writes justly
thereof,[67] but none the less he goes astray in the due proportion of
the figures of many letters, in his book on "Perspective."[68]... I see
no man who makes them or understands them better than Maistre Simon
Hayeneufve, otherwise called Maistre Simon du Mans. He makes them so well
and in proper proportions, that he satisfies the eye as well and better
than any Italian master on this side or the other of the mountains. He
is most excellent in the restoration of ancient architecture, as one may
see in a thousand excellent designs and portraits that he has made in the
noble city of Mans and in many a foreign city. He is worthy to be held in
honoured memory, as well for his upright life as for his noble learning.
And to this end, let us not fail to consecrate and dedicate his name to
immortality, naming him a second Vitruvius, a holy man and good Christian.
I write this with good will because of the virtues and great praise "which
I have heard said of him" by many great and humble good men and true
lovers of all goodly and honest things.'[69]

The eulogistic tone in which Tory speaks here and elsewhere[70] of Simon
Haieneuve leads M. Renouvier to think[71] that our artist may have learned
the art of drawing letters from the Mans architect; but it is a mistaken
supposition; the phrase in quotation marks proves that they had never
met. Moreover Tory, a little further on, claims most reasonably the
honour of having been his own master in this matter: 'I know no Greek,
Latin nor French author who gives the explanation of such letters as I
have described, wherefore I may hold it for my own, saying that I have
excogitated and found it rather by divine inspiration than by anything
written or heard. If there be any one who has seen it written, let him say
so, and he will give me pleasure.'[72]

We see that Tory does not beat about the bush concerning his theory,
which, although it was different from those of his predecessors, was
not on that account better than theirs.[73] However, let his opinion
concerning the original design of the roman letters be what it may, it is,
in my judgement, simply a sort of preface which we may pass over without
inconvenience. The real substance of his work is in the third book. But
he does not leave the second without returning once more to the charge in
favour of his mother tongue.

'I know,' he says, 'that there are many goodly minds who would willingly
write many excellent things if they thought they could write them well
in Greek or Latin; and yet they abstain for fear of making solecisms or
some other fault that they dread; or they choose not to write in French,
thinking the French tongue not good nor elegant enough. With all respect
to them, it is one of the most beauteous and graceful of all human
tongues, as I have shown in the first book by the authority of noble and
ancient authors, poets and orators, as well Latin as Greek.'[74]

To be accurate, I will say that this idea of the 'preëxcellence of the
French tongue,' which, a little later, was the subject of another special
work on the part of another famous printer, the second Henri Estienne,
was neither new nor original with Tory. No less than three hundred years
before, it had been set forth in honest French by an author who cannot
be taxed with patriotic illusions, for he was an Italian. This is what
Brunetto Latini wrote at the beginning of a sort of encyclopædia which he
prepared in the thirteenth century, under the name of 'Trésor':--

'Et se aucuns demandoit por quoi cist livres est escriz en romans selonc
le langage des François, puisque nos somes Ytaliens, je diroie que ce est
por deux raisons: lune, car nos somes en France, et lautre, porce que la
parleure est plus delitable et plus commune a toutes gens.'[75]

As I have said, the third book is the important part of Tory's work.
Laying theory aside, he there gives us the exact design of the letters
of the alphabet and the method of executing them. He does not overlook,
moreover, this essential fact--that the designer of letters and the
printer ought before all else to be grammarians in the ancient meaning
of the word[76]; and at the same time that he gives us the shape of
a letter, he instructs us as to its value and pronunciation. It is
at this point that Tory's book becomes especially interesting to us:
he passes in review the pronunciation in vogue in each of the French
provinces, or nations, as they were called then. One after another they
appear before us, with their special idioms, which have become mere
myths to-day,--Flemings, Burgundians, Lyonnaises, Forésiens, Manseaux,
Berrichons, Normans, Bretons, Lorrainers, Gascons, Picards, and even
Italians, Germans, English, Scotch, etc. His observations do not stop
at the somewhat mixed idioms of the men,[77] but extend to the more
individual language of the women. For instance, he informs us that
'the ladies of Lyon often gracefully pronounce A for E, as when they
say, "Choma vous choma chat effeta,"[78] and a thousand other like
expressions'; whereas, on the contrary, 'the ladies of Paris very often
pronounce E instead of A, as when they say: "Mon mery est a la porte de
Peris, ou il se faict peier"; instead of saying, "Mon mary est a la porte
de Paris, ou il se faict paier."'[79]

It will be noticed that in this particular the 'ladies of Paris' succeeded
in perpetuating their pronunciation in part, for we do not now say
'paier.' They had equal success in many other cases. For example, it
seems to be due to them that the final S of the plural is not pronounced
except under exceptional circumstances[80]: as, for instance, when it is
followed by a word beginning with a vowel; for, speaking of the cases in
which that letter is elided in Latin, Tory expresses himself thus: 'The
ladies of Paris for the most part observe this poetic figure of speech,
dropping the final S in many words, as when, instead of saying: "Nous
avons disne en ung iardin, & y avons menge des prunes blanches et noires,
des amendes doulces & ameres, des figues molles, des pomes, des poires &
des gruselles," they say and pronounce: "Nous avon disne en ung iardin,
& y avon menge des prune blanche & noire, des amende doulce & amere, des
figue molle, des pome, des poyre & des gruselle."' The thing that seems
especially offensive to Tory is that they make the men join them in this
faulty pronunciation. 'This fault,' he says, 'would be pardonable in them,
were it not that it passes from woman to man, and that there is entire
absence of perfect pronunciation in speaking.'[81]

Moreover, if we are to credit Tory, the provincials have also, in certain
cases, succeeded in establishing their pronunciation, as we may conclude
from the following passage, relative to the letter T: 'The Italians
pronounce it so full and resonant that it seems that they add an E
thereto, as when, for and instead of saying: "Caput vertigine laborat,"
they pronounce: "Capute vertigine laborate." I have seen and heard it
pronounced so in Rome at the schools called La Sapienza, and in many
another noble place in Italy. Which pronunciation is no wise held or used
by the Lionnois, who drop the said T, and do not pronounce it any wise
at the end of the third person plural of verbs active and neuter, saying
"Amaverun" and "Araverun," for "Amaverunt" and "Araverunt." In like manner
some Picards drop this T at the end of some words in French, as when
they would say: "Comant cela, comant? monsieur, c'est une jument," they
pronounce: "Coman chela, coman? monsieur, chest une jumen."'[82] We see
that the Picard pronunciation has prevailed in this instance, for we no
longer pronounce the final T at the end of the words 'comment,' 'jument,'
and the like.

Tory did not content himself with setting forth the state of things
existent in his day: he suggested improvements, almost all of which have
been sanctioned by usage. For instance, at the beginning of the sixteenth
century, the pronunciation was very difficult to grasp for lack of
accents; he proposed to supply them. 'In our French language,' he says,
'we have no symbol of accent in writing, and it is on account of this lack
that our language is not yet established nor submitted to fixed rules,
like the Hebrew, Greek and Latin. I would like that it should be, as might
well be done.... In French,' he says farther on, 'as I have said, we do
not write the accent over O vocative, but pronounce it full, as when we

    'O pain du ciel angelique,
    Tu es nostre salut antique.

'In this lack of accent we have an imperfection, which we ought to remedy
by purifying and subjecting to fixed rule and art our language, which is
the most graceful language known.'[83] Elsewhere he suggests replacing
elided letters by an apostrophe, which had not then been done in French.
'I say and allege these things in this place to the end that if it should
happen that one had to write in antique letters verses where the S must
disappear, one may write them honestly and purposely without using the
said letter, ... and place a hooked point over the place where it should
be.'[84] In another place he emphasizes the necessity of the cedilla,
which we find in French manuscripts from the thirteenth century, but which
typography had not as yet adopted. 'C before O,' he says, 'in French
pronunciation and language, is sometimes hard, as in saying "coquin,"
"coq," "coquillard"; sometimes it is soft, as in saying "garcon," "macon,"
"françois," and other like words.'[85]

Tory could hardly overlook the matter of punctuation, that most essential,
and even in our day so sadly neglected, branch of orthography; but as he
had only 'antique' letters to deal with, he presented only three sorts of
punctuation marks, without going into details as to their use, which, in
truth, if we may judge by his own book, was not as yet fully settled. The
comma, for instance, which has so much to do with the clearness of the
sentence, is frequently there inserted in a far from rational way.


I have said above that Tory had adopted about 1523, for the mark of his
bookshop, the Pot Cassé represented in the engraving placed at the end of
his poem on his daughter's death. To make it more appropriate for that
purpose, he subjected it to various modifications. At first we find it
alone, as in the accompanying cut, on the cover,[86] or on the back,[87]
of a number of octavo books bound at his establishment. Other bindings, in
quarto, exhibit the broken jar with the drill (_toret_).[88]

Afterward, Tory placed the jar on a closed book, and still later he
modified the design by the introduction of other additions.[89]

Finally, we have Geofroy Tory's device, or mark, definitively constituted
in his 'Champ fleury,' thus:[90]--

'Behold,' he says, 'my declared device and mark, drawn as I have cogitated
and conceived it, imparting moral meaning thereto, to give friendly
admonition to the printers and booksellers beyond the mountains[91]
to practise and employ themselves in goodly inventions and delectable
execution, to show that their wits have not been always useless, but eager
to serve the public weal by labouring to that end and living uprightly.'

Then follows his explanation of this mark,[92]--an explanation which does
not invalidate that suggested above.[93] In truth, all that Tory says here
in general terms may be applied to his daughter Agnes.



'In the first place, there is herein an ancient jar, which is broken,
through which is passed a toret. This said broken jar signifies our body,
which is an earthen jar. The toret signifies Fate, which pierces and
passes through weak and strong. Beneath this broken jar there is a book
secured by three chains and padlocks, which signifies that after our body
is broken by death, its life is closed by the three fatal goddesses.[94]
This book is so firmly closed that there is no man who may come to see
anything therein, except he know the secret of the padlocks, and above
all of the round padlock, which is locked and signed by letters. Even so,
after the book of our life is closed, there is no man who may in any wise
open it, except it be he who knows the secrets, and he is God, who alone
knows, before and after our death, what has been, what is, and what will
be our fate. The foliage and flowers in the said jar signify the virtues
which our body may have in itself during its life. The sun-rays which are
above and beside the toret and the jar signify the inspiration that God
gives us by impelling us to virtue and worthy acts. Near the said broken
jar it is written: "Non plvs," which are two monosyllabic words, as well
in French as in Latin, signifying that which Pittacus said long since in
Greek: ΜΗΔΕΝΑΓΑΝ,[95] "nihil nimis." Let us not say, let us
not do aught beyond measure or beyond reason, except it be in the last
necessity: "aduersus quā nec Dij quidē pugnant."[96] But let us say and
let us do "Sic. vt. vel. vt." That is to say, as we ought, or as little
wrongly as we may. If we seek to do well, God will aid us, and therefore
have I written above: "Menti bonæ Deus occurrit," that is to say, God goes
out to meet the desire to do good, and gives it aid.'

I believe that we should see in the toret an 'enseigne parlante,'
alluding at once to Tory's name and to his various professions. The way
in which the name of the instrument was pronounced, its shape, resembling
that of a T, and, lastly, its use by the engravers, were doubtless the
considerations that led Tory to adopt it. But let us not subtilize too far.

Tory was not content with giving us his symbol in 'Champ fleury': he
engraved on the first page of that book, that is to say, in the place
of honour, what would be called to-day the blazonry of his artistic
acquirements,--in other words, a collection of all the tools that he used.
Unfortunately, he did not feel called upon, as in the case of his mark,
to supply an explanation, deeming the matter clear enough; whereas, in
our day it has become rather difficult, because of the changes that have
taken place in the customs of artists, to state the exact use of some of
the tools. The order in which they are arranged, however, may assist us,
to a certain extent, in identifying them. An exact reproduction of this
engraving, the initial letter of the first page of the text of 'Champ
fleury,' is given at the beginning of this section.[97]

The first series of tools, suspended in the first arabesque, embraces
a pair of compasses, a rule, and a square: these are the fundamental
instruments of art and of geometry. In the second arabesque, if I am
not mistaken, we find an 'échoppe' and a burin, engravers' tools; in
the third, a writing-case (or 'galimart'), a pencil, and a knife, above
a book; these are the tools of the writer and the draughtsman. In the
fourth, we find an object which I take to be a small box of colours,
hanging from a case of brushes; these appertain to the painter. Tory was,
in fact, draughtsman, painter and engraver.


I have already said that Tory was probably instructed in the art of
drawing by the famous Jean Perreal. He was on terms of the closest
friendship with that artist, who drew several of the vignettes in 'Champ
fleury,' if we may judge by the one positively attributed to him, which
is printed on the verso of folio 46. Geofroy informs us that this plate,
insignificant in itself (it represents two circles in which are the
letters I and K, modelled on the human body), was engraved from the design
of a friend of his, 'from that which a noble lord and good friend of mine,
Jehan Perreal, who is otherwise called Jehan de Paris, valet de chambre
and excellent painter to King Charles VIII, Louis XII, and François, first
of the name, made known and gave to me, most excellently drawn by his
hand.' Now this engraving is in all respects similar to those to be found
in the second book of 'Champ fleury.' Both in form and subject, it is
altogether different from those in the third book, in which Tory printed
it. Probably Perreal died while the work was on the press, and Tory, who
had not thought of naming him while he was alive, in connection with his
first drawings, did so after his death, by publishing the last souvenir of
this sort which he possessed from the hand of his friend, although it did
not fit perfectly with the subject; he laid, as it were, a flower on the
dead man's grave.[98]

We give this drawing also, as the only work which can be with certainty
attributed to Jean Perreal, and as a specimen of the engravings which
serve as a foundation for the reformation of the roman letters proposed by
Tory in the second book of his 'Champ fleury.'

From what I have said it will be seen that Tory's book required several
years of labour. Nor is one surprised thereat when one considers the great
number of engravings which it contains. But even without the engravings,
it will readily be understood that a work which necessitated so much
observation required a vast expenditure of time. Begun, as we have seen,
in 1523 (1524, new style), it was not finally completed until 1529, that
is to say, after six years of toil. However, Tory did not propose that
those years should be lost for art. Desirous to preach by example rather
than by precept, he determined to publish, in the interim, other books
wherein he might give utterance to his artistic taste. And he did in fact
print books of Hours, admirably executed, which, although in different
form, may fitly be compared to the Hours of Simon Vostre, who had acquired
so great a reputation in that typographical specialty. Tory received from
François I a 'privilége' (license) for this work, to run six years, dated
at Avignon, September 23, 1524.[99] This license to print[100] informs
us that Tory had 'made and caused to be made[101] certain illustrations
[_histoires_] and vignettes "a lantique" and likewise some "a la moderne,"
in order to have the same printed, and to serve _a plusieurs usages
dheures_,' and that to that end he had 'expended an exceeding long time
and incurred divers great expenses and outlays.'

The first book of this sort which he published, so far as I have learned,
is an edition in quarto of the Hours of the Virgin, according to the Roman
use, in Latin. It is a superb volume, printed by Simon de Colines, with
borders and illustrations 'à l'antique,' perfect in taste and execution.

The book was undoubtedly printed by Colines as a joint venture with Tory,
for there are copies in existence in the name of each. Those in the name
of Colines bear on the title-page the date 1524, and, at the end, that of
the 17th of the Calends of February (January 16), 1525; those in the name
of Tory (there are two varieties of these) bear but one date, 1525, and
that at the end. I shall speak of this book later, in detail.[102]

Two years later Tory published a new edition of the same Hours, in a small
octavo volume, also printed by Simon de Colines, in roman type, with
borders and illustrations of the same kind but much smaller.[103] The
printing was finished October 21, 1527. It is preceded by a new license
from François I, extending Tory's rights for ten years, not for this book
alone, but for the earlier one as well, 'for certain illustrations and
vignettes "a lantique" by him heretofore printed,' and in consideration of
the great outlay which his engravings had caused him to make. This license
is dated at Chenonceaux, September 5, 1526, and includes 'Champ fleury,'
the printing of which had begun, but which had not yet received its poetic
title, for it was still referred to as 'Lart et science de la deue et
vraye proportion des lettres.' In the same year Tory published an edition
in quarto of these same Hours, according to the use of Paris, printed by
Simon Dubois (Silvius). This book, in which we find again the license
of 1526, is printed in gothic type, with borders and illustrations of a
special style, called 'à la moderne.' The borders are arabesques formed of
plants, insects, birds, animals, etc. At the foot we see the F, crowned,
of François I, and the salamander; the L, crowned, of Louise of Savoy, the
king's mother; and the impaled shield of France and Savoy, etc. Of this
book also I shall speak in detail hereafter.[104] Finally, a little later,
at a time which I am unable to fix precisely, but prior to 1531, Tory
caused to be printed another book of Hours of the same description, that
is to say, with borders of plants, insects, birds, etc., but in a smaller
format--small octavo. I shall describe it in its place.[105]

These publications did not prevent our artist from giving his attention
to literature. While he was overlooking the impression of his Hours and
his 'Champ fleury,' he was preparing various works to which we shall have
occasion to refer hereafter. Generally speaking, they are translations
intended to enrich the French tongue; for Tory did not lose sight of his
patriotic purpose. All of these works were printed subsequently, save one,
perhaps--a translation of the hieroglyphs of Orus Apollo, which he gave
to a 'noble lord and good friend of his.'[106] It is not known whether
this translation was ever printed. There are many editions of Orus in
existence, but no one of them bears the name of Tory.

'Champ fleury' appeared at last in 1529. We have seen that this book was
conceived on 'the day of the feast of Kings, which was reckoned M.
D. XXIII,' that is to say, January 6, 1524, new style. The printing
was not completed until 'the XXVIII day of the month of April
one thousand five hundred XXIX,'[107] as we learn from the
subscription at the end; that is to say, it cost nearly six years of toil.
The following is an exact copy of the title-page as it appears in the
first edition:--

    CHAMP FLEVRY. Au quel est contenu Lart & Science de la deue & vraye
    Proportiõ des Lettres Attiques, quõ dit autremēt Lettres Antiques,
    & vulgairement Lettres Romaines, proportionnees selon le Corps &
    Visage humain.--Ce Liure est Priuilegie pour Dix Ans Par Le Roy
    nostre Sire, & est a vendre a Paris sus Petit Pont a Lenseigne du
    Pot Casse par Maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges/Libraire, & Autheur du
    dict Liure. Et par Giles Gourmont aussi Libraire demourant en la Rue
    sainct Iaques a Lenseigne des Trois Coronnes.

It is gratifying to see here the name of the first printer in Greek
type in Paris. It was Gourmont himself who printed this learned book,
wherein we find some very interesting details concerning the Hebrew,
Greek and Latin letters, of which he exhibits models which have not
changed since that time.[108] The workshop of Gilles de Gourmont was
on rue Saint-Jean-de-Latran; but we see that in 1529 he had a bookshop
on rue Saint-Jacques, at the sign of the Trois Couronnes,--an allusion
doubtless to the three roses which adorned the chief, or top, of his
shield. This shop adjoined the church of Saint-Benoît on the north.[109]
As for Tory, he seems to have lived at this time on the Petit-Pont, 'next
to Hostel-Dieu.' It was there that he wrote his book, for he dates his
epistle to the reader thus: 'En Paris ce. XXVIII. Jour Dapvril
sus Petit Pont, a Lenseigne du Pot Casse.' He had, however, another abode
on rue Saint-Jacques, opposite the 'Écu de Bâle,' the sign of Chrétien

At the beginning of 'Champ fleury' is printed the license of September 5,
1526, already published in the two editions of the Hours of 1527, which
granted to Tory a ten years' right, not only for the Hours, but also for
'Champ fleury,' which was then being printed, but, as I have already said,
had not then received that graceful title. This license makes it clear
that as early as 1526 Tory was thinking of joining the brotherhood of
printers. He became a printer in fact soon after the publication of his
book, and proceeded to print several works of his own composition. I give
here a list of these various publications, in the order of their dates.

    I. La Table de lancien philosophe Cebes ... Avec trente Dialogues
    moraulx de Lucian ... translate de latin en vulgaire françois par
    maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges...[110]

The license is of September 18, 1529, for ten years. The printing was
finished October 5, 1529. It is a small octavo volume, in two parts,
with roughly executed borders on each page. There are twelve preliminary
leaves, containing a long list of errata, and two series of signatures,
the first running from A to T, the second from _a_ to _v_. The book was
for sale at the translator's shop, 'rue Sainct Iaques, devant lescu de
Basle,[111] a lenseigne du Pot Casse,' and at Jean Petit's on 'rue Sainct
Iaques, a lenseigne de la Fleur de lys.' There is nothing to indicate
where the book was printed; but as it is set in the type used for the
'Epitaphs' of Louise of Savoy, I am inclined to think that it came from
Tory's workshop. In that case it was the first book that he printed.[112]
The long list of errata would seem, in truth, to suggest a novice, and
would explain why no printer's name is given.

In the letter 'to the readers' at the beginning of this book, Tory returns
to the charge against the villains [_rufients_] who were changing the
French language on the pretext of perfecting it. There are some tirades
quite worthy of a place in 'Champ fleury.' He ends his preamble with a
curious passage which gives us an idea of his tastes. 'I believe that if
the ancient and noble painter Zeuxis of Heraclea, if Raphael of Urbino,
Michel Angelo, Leonardo da Vinci or Albrecht Dürer[113] should try to
paint philosophers and their various aspects, they could not paint them
so well nor so to the life as our Lucian paints them herein.' Lastly, he
informs the reader that he will soon make him 'another new gift';[114] and
he kept his promise by publishing the following work.

    II. Summaire de chroniques contenans les vies, gestes et cas
    fortuitz de tous les empereurs Deurope, depuis Iules Cesar iusques
    a Maximilien dernier decede ... par ... Iehan Baptiste Egnace,
    Venicien. Et translate de ladicte langue latine en langaige francoys
    par maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges.

An octavo volume, containing 16 leaves of preface, 99 of text, and an
index containing 13 leaves--128 in all. At the end, we read: 'The printing
of this book was finished at Paris the XIII day of April, M. D.
XXIX, for maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, who sells it at said
Paris, at the sign of the Pot Casse.' In Tory's preface, addressed 'to all
studious and true lovers of honest letters,' he says: 'I promised you of
late in the preface to the "Table of Cebes" that in a short space I would
make for you another new book.' It was in fulfilment of that promise that
he published the 'Summaire de Chroniques' of Egnasio.

The date of printing given above corresponds to April 13, 1530, new style;
for Easter fell in that year on April 15. Some bibliographers mention an
edition of this book of 1520; but it is an error, for the license is dated
1529. La Caille[115] says that the edition of 1529 was printed by Tory;
this is possible, but not certain. It may even be that it was printed by
Gourmont, for it is set in the same type used in 'Champ fleury.'[116]
There are three later editions of this book, printed by Charles l'Angelier
in 1541, 1543, 1544 (octavo); we shall speak of them hereafter. As for
the edition of 1529, I found it only in the library of M. Ambroise Firmin
Didot, who kindly allowed me to describe it. This copy is still in the
original binding, with the Pot Cassé.

But all these works did not cause Tory to lose sight of his great
patriotic idea. He did not confine himself to simple wishes for the
welfare of the French language. In default of the other 'noble hearts'
whom he invited 'to establish and order our language by rule,'[117] he
himself undertook that work. Rich in materials as he was, and with the
ardor with which he entered into everything, he soon completed his task.
The license to print the 'Summaire de Chroniques' includes a book by Tory
entitled: 'Les Reigles generales de lorthographe du langaige françois,'
which he proposed soon to put on the press. Was this book ever printed?
was it ever finished? These are questions which I am unable to answer,
for I have discovered no trace of it elsewhere; but so many other books
have disappeared that I should not be surprised to learn that this one had
undergone the same fate.

    III. Hours (in Latin) according to the Roman use; sixteenmo, with
    illustrations and borders; printed in roman type; finished February
    8, 1529, which date corresponds to February 8, 1530, new style, and
    proves that Tory had become a printer in 1529. Here is the exact
    title of this book, which I shall describe in detail later:[118]
    'Horæ in laudem beatissimæ Virginis Mariæ secundum usum romanum.' On
    the last leaf are these words: 'Parrhisiis, apud Gotofredum Torinum
    Biturigum. VIII. die febr. anno sal. M. D. XXIX.
    Ad insigne Vasis effracti.'

    IV. Ædiloquium ceu (_sic_) disticha partibus ædium urbanarum et
    rusticarum suis quæque locis adscribenda. Item, epitaphia septem de
    amorum aliquot passionibus, etc. Authore Gotofredo Torino Biturigico.

Paris, Simon de Colines, 1530;[119] italic type; 3 octavo sheets, with
license for two years. This book has, in the second part, seven charming
engravings on wood. I cannot understand why Tory did not print it, as he
was then a printer. May it have been because it was customary at that time
to print poetical works in italic type, and he had none in his printing
office? Copies of the book are preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale, at
the Arsenal [two] and at Sainte-Geneviève. The copy in the Bibliothèque
Nationale is still in the original binding, with the Pot Cassé.[120]

Alluding to the first part of his book, Tory expresses himself thus in his
'avis au lecteur': 'There are certain eminent painters in this prolific
age, most gentle reader, who, by their drawings, paintings, and varied
colouring, depict the tribal gods and human beings, as also other things
of different sorts, with such exactness that a voice and a soul seem
the only things wanting to them; but here, most gentle reader, I offer
you, nearly in the manner of these painters, a house, which not only is
elegant and finished in its outlines and parts, but even speaks prettily
and describes itself part by part in a eulogy.'[121] It will be seen that
Tory's thoughts were still engrossed by art.

    V. Science pour senrichir honnestement et facilement, intitulée
    Leconomic Xenophon, nagueres translatee de grec et latin en langaige
    francoys, par maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges.--On les vend a Paris,
    en la rue Sainct Iaques, devant lescu de Basle, et devant lesglise
    de la Magdalaine, a lenseigne du Pot Casse.

Octavo, of 9 sheets; printing finished July 5, 1531.[122] On the back of
the title-page are these words: 'At the said sign of the Pot Casse are
also for sale Thucydides and Diodorus, with some other excellent books
translated from Greek and Latin into French. Likewise there are fine Hours
and Offices of Our Lady, large, medium and small, with illustrations and
vignettes "a l'antique."'

Were the Thucydides and Diodorus printed by Tory, as well as the large,
medium and small Hours? Possibly, but I have found no indication of it.
As for attributing the translations to him, that is out of the question,
for he says nothing of it in the dedication, addressed to Antoine du Prat,
Cardinal de Sens, etc., wherein he mentions the preceding works of the
same sort:--

'After the book of the Explanation of the antique letters, called
"Champ Fleury," which I put together in the French language, and the
"Table de Cebes," with thirty moral dialogues; likewise the "Summaire
de Chroniques," which I translated into our said language, to confer a
benefit on the studious, ... it seemed to me to be a worthy way of passing
my time to employ myself in translating the "Economic Xenophon" also.'

Tory does not mention here the 'Ædiloquium,' probably because that book
was in Latin, or, rather, because it was not printed at the time of the
composition of this dedication, which was in all probability written in
the first three months of 1531, then reckoned in the year 1530,[123] a
circumstance which, in my opinion, explains the date of the 'Ædiloquium.'
In fact, that book cannot have been printed before 1531, for the license
of the 'Economic Xenophon,' which includes the 'Ædiloquium' (to which,
by the way, it gives a sub-title, 'et Erotica,' which was rejected when
it was printed, as likely to give a false idea of the book), is dated
June 18, 1531, and extends Tory's rights to four years instead of the
two mentioned on the title-page of the 'Ædiloquium.' From all of which
I conclude that the last-named book was printed before the license was
obtained, but only a short time before, and while the application was

The license first mentioned[124] also concedes to Tory an extension of
four years 'for certain other books, illustrations and vignettes, to cause
to be printed the Hours and Offices of Our Lady, mentioned in two licenses
heretofore granted to him,' dated September 23, 1524, and September 5,
1526. Tory requested this extension of time because he was preparing to
reprint the Hours, as we see by the date of the following book.

    VI. Hours according to the Roman use, quarto; published October
    20, 1531, in Latin. This was a new edition of the Hours printed
    in 1524-1525 by Simon de Colines. We find the same borders and
    illustrations as before; but several engravings which had already
    appeared in some of the earlier books just described are added. I
    shall describe this book later. It seems to be printed from the
    'Champ fleury' type, and bears the following title: Horæ in laudem
    beatiss. Virginis Mariæ. Ad usum romanum. Parrhisiis apud Gotofredum
    Torinum Biturigicum, regium impressorem.[125]

    VII. Politiques de Plutarque, cest a dire: Civiles Institutions et
    enseignemens pour bien regir la chose pu[blique] ... translatees ...
    par maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges. Dediees ... a tresilustre ...
    François de Vallois, Daulphin de France.

Octavo, with 8 preliminary leaves, and 67 numbered leaves of text.

On the verso of leaf 67 we read: 'The printing of this book was finished
Saturday the XV. day of June, M. D. XXXII. by maistre Geofroy Tory de
Bourges, bookseller and king's printer, dwelling in Paris, opposite the
church of La Magdaleine, at the sign of the Pot Casse.'

Another edition was published at Lyon in 1534. We shall refer to it, as
well as to the earlier edition, hereafter.[126]

    VIII. La Mouche de Lucian et la Maniere de parler et se taire [de
    Volaterran].--Le tout [translaté] par maistre Geofroy Tory de
    Bourges, imprimeur du Roy et libraire juré en luniversité de Paris.
    On les vend a Paris, devant leglise de la Magdaleine, a lenseigne du
    Pot Casse.

Octavo, 8 leaves; without date of printing or license, but printed by
Geofroy Tory himself, after February 22, 1533; for he assumes the title
of 'libraire juré'[127] of the University, which did not belong to him
until that day. Moreover he makes use in this book of the acute accent,
the apostrophe and the cedilla, which he never used, as we shall soon
see, until after the edition of Clement Marot, dated June 7, 1533. It was
therefore subsequent to that date, but prior to October of the same year,
that 'La Mouche' was published.[128]

       *       *       *       *       *

In several of the works we have described, Tory assumes the title of
printer; in the last three he describes himself as king's printer,
and in one of them as a 'libraire juré' of the University. These last
two dignities he owed to the initiative of François I. That king, who
had never before conferred that honour upon any one, deemed it his
duty to make the author of 'Champ fleury' king's printer. In truth it
was natural enough to confer that title upon him who had displayed
so perfect an understanding of the art of typography, combined with
such a store of literary knowledge, and whose book caused a veritable
revolution in printing, no less from the technical and practical than
from the grammatical and philological standpoint; for there is one
fact which I have not as yet mentioned and which I am glad to set
down here: immediately after the publication of 'Champ fleury' French
typography began to include in its fonts of type accents, apostrophes and
cedillas,[129] the absence of which Tory deplored, and which he himself
used soon after, and before any other printer, as we shall see.

But the most noteworthy result produced by the publication of 'Champ
fleury' was the reformation of the old types. That book not only
contributed to the abandonment of gothic letters, but brought about the
remodelling of the old roman letters. Robert Estienne, among others,
re-cast at this time all those that had come down to him from his father,
the first Henri (or, to speak more accurately, from his father-in-law
Simon de Colines), and replaced them by types of a new shape, which
were cut, I think, by Tory (for his pupil, Garamond, seems not to have
been capable of doing it at this time), and which continued to be used,
almost without change, down to the time of the Revolution. It is in
this sense only that it can properly be said that Tory perfected the
types of Josse Bade; for I think that he did not cut any type for that
celebrated printer, who was established in Paris long before Tory turned
his attention to engraving, and who died in 1535, a few years after the
publication of 'Champ fleury,' without changing in any way his method of
printing. It was Tory too, doubtless, who cut Robert Estienne's italic
type; for it bears a strong resemblance to Simon de Colines's, which I
have already attributed to him.[130]

The sensation caused by Tory's book, in foreign countries as well as in
France, is evidenced also by the writings of his contemporaries. In Paris,
Antoine du Saix, author of the 'Esperon de discipline,' expresses himself
thus in an epistle in verse dedicated to his friends,[131] among whom
we find mentioned René Massé, also a friend of Tory, and several other
littérateurs of the time:--

    Geoffroy Thory, qui divine as heu main
    Pour figurer dessus le corps humain
    La lettre anticque, ouyant que plume ay prise
    Pour te imiter, ce bourgeon ne meprise,
    Raisin sera, sil a temps de meurer [mûrir].

In London, Leonard Coxe, alluding to the grammar published shortly
after by his compatriot Palsgrave, exclaims: 'Learned Geofroy, he has
fulfilled the wish so often expressed in thy "Champ fleury," for here
we have the French language taught thoroughly, by virtue of rules duly

Tory probably received the title of king's printer in 1530, but I do
not find that he assumed it earlier than 1531, and, failing documentary
evidence, I cannot accredit him with it at an earlier date. It was, I
fancy, his appointment which led the authors of the 'Art de vérifier les
dates' to say that 'François I established the Imprimerie Royale in Paris'
on his return from the Abbaye de Veyen, where he had espoused, on July 4,
1530, Eleonora, sister of the Emperor Charles V.[133] It is the fact that
at that time Tory was entrusted with several 'royal printings' concerning
this marriage of the king. Thus he published, March 16, 1530 (1531, new
style), a little work of Guillaume Bochetel, entitled: 'Le Sacre et
coronnement de la Royne, imprimé par le commandement du Roy nostre sire.'
It is a thin quarto of 12 leaves, printed with a certain sumptuousness,
and the license, signed 'de la Barre,'[134] is thus conceived:--

'We have granted to maistre Geofroy Tory, "marchant libraire, imprimeur,"
license to print the "Coronnement de la Royne," and all other printers are
forbidden to print it for one year,[135] upon pain of a discretionary fine
and of the confiscation of said book, etc. Done at Paris the tenth day of
March.' The consecration of the queen had taken place at Saint-Denis five
days earlier, March 5, 1530 (1531, new style).

A few days later Tory published another little book by the same author:
'Lentree de la Royne en sa ville et cite de Paris, imprimee par
commandement du Roy nostre sire.' Quarto, 24 leaves; same arrangement
as in 'le Sacre,' etc.[136] The license, dated at Anet, April 26, 1531
(Easter fell that year on April 9), gives Tory no other title than
'libraire,' but the omission is evidently accidental.[137] The volume
contains three pieces in Latin verse by Geofroy Tory, two addressed to
the queen ('ad reginam Leonorem'), the other to the French people ('ad
gentem gallicam'). On the verso of the last leaf are these words: 'The
printing of this book was finished Tuesday the ninth day of May M.
D. XXXI.' This book exhibits specimens of three different types
used by Geofroy Tory: a 'saint-augustin,' in which the text is printed,
a 'philosophie,'[138] and a brevier. In all these publications we find
Tory's borders and his broken jar, and these words at the foot of the
title: On les vend a Paris, en la rue Sainct Jacques, devant lescu de
Basle, et devant lesglise de la Magdaleine, a lenseigne du Pot Casse.'

It will be noticed that Tory had left his second domicile, on
the Petit-Pont, which was too small, doubtless, for his printing
establishment, and had settled in the heart of the Cité, almost opposite
the church of La Madeleine, which then stood very near the corner of
rue de la Juiverie and rue de Marmouzets. His new abode was on the site
of the old and famous Halle aux Blés de Beauce, in a house to which he
transported his sign of the Pot Cassé (which it retained for several
years), and which corresponds to the present number 16 rue de la Cité,
according to the evidence courteously furnished me by M. Adolphe Berty,
whose knowledge of old Paris is so thorough.[139] However that may be,
the first work in which to my knowledge Geofroy Tory assumes the title
of king's printer is a thin volume of two and a half quarto sheets, of
the same typographical arrangement as those last described, but printed
in different type, which seems to me to have been cut by Tory. It was
published on the occasion of the death of Louise of Savoy, mother of
François I, which occurred September 22, 1531. The contents consist of
Latin and French epitaphs composed in honour of the deceased, and it bears
on its first page the following title, bisected:--

'In Lodoicæ regis matris mortem epitaphia latina et gallica.--Epitaphes
a la louenge de ma dame mere du Roy faictz par plusieurs recommendables
autheurs.' Below this are these words: 'On les vend a Paris, devant
Leglise de la Magdaleine, a Lenseigne du Pot Casse.'

The license, dated at Paris, October 15, 1531, and signed de la Barre,
accords unequivocally to Tory the title of king's printer: 'We have
granted to maistre Geofroy Tory, merchant, bookseller and _imprimeur du
roy_, leave,' etc. On the last page, which, like the first, is enclosed in
a border, are the words: 'Printed at Paris at the sign of the Pot Cassé,
by maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, Marchant, Libraire et Imprimeur du
Roy. The XVII day of October M. D. XXXI.'[140]

What salary did Tory receive as king's printer? It is impossible for me
to say positively; however, if we may judge from what happened in 1538,
in the case of Conrad Néobar,[141] he probably received 100 'écus au
soleil'[142] per year, which, at the current valuation of 45 sous each,
would make 225 'livres tournois.' Indeed, that sum was paid in 1671, more
than a century later, to Pierre Le Petit, king's printer.[143]

If François I manifested his good will to Geofroy Tory in appointing him
king's printer, he manifested it even more signally by causing him to
be admitted to the brotherhood of 'libraires jurés' of the University,
with all the privileges appurtenant to that office.[144] For, in the
first instance, he simply made use of his prerogative; in the second he
imposed his will on the University: the number of 'libraires jurés,' which
was fixed at twenty-four, being full, François I created a twenty-fifth
membership in Tory's favour, and the University ratified that creation at
its sitting of February 22, 1532 (1533, new style), minuting, however,
that it was a gift of the King,[145] as if to imply that it was not to be
taken as a precedent. In fact, they returned to the number twenty-four on
the death of Tory, which unfortunately was not long delayed.

Farther on will be found a list of the works published by Tory as king's
printer, both for the king and for private individuals.[146] I will
mention here a single one, which is of some interest in connection with
the biography of our artist: the 'Adolescence Clementine' (of Clement
Marot), fourth edition, published by Tory June 7, 1533. On the title-page
is a note in these words: 'With certain accents noted, namely, on É
masculine different from the feminine, between words joined by synalephe,
and under Ç when it is pronounced like S, the which heretofore, for lack
of suggestion, has not been done in the French language, although it was
and is most essential.' This was the first work in which Tory applied the
orthographic system he had suggested in 'Champ fleury.'[147] The fact
is evident from the inexperience of the compositors, who made several
blunders in this very note.

This book, one of the rare copies of which is in the Bibliothèque
Nationale, presents still another interesting peculiarity. The
title-page is arranged in a different way from that in vogue at the
time. In the first three editions the first two words form four lines
of capitals of the same size and length, by virtue of the spacing:
LADOLE--SCENCE--CLEMEN--TINE. In the fourth edition they fill two lines
only (LADOLESCENCE--CLEMENTINE), but still in type of the same size,
contrary to the practice of other printers, who would have diminished by
at least one degree the size and length of the lines, without regard to
logic. They would probably have printed the title thus:

    L A D O L E S

Tory's method of execution, which he borrowed from the arrangement of
ancient inscriptions, was less agreeable to the eye perhaps, but it was
more logical. It was a step toward the practice of the present day, in
which the size of the letters on a title-page is varied, but is made
consistent with the importance of the respective words. As will be seen,
Tory was, in everything, an initiator.

This book was the last one printed by Tory, to my knowledge. He probably
died shortly after, for we find that his wife was a widow on October 14
[1533], when she executed a lease for nine years of that part of the
Halle de Beauce occupied by her husband's establishment. This lease,
covering the whole house, was made in consideration of 122 livres 10 sous
tournois. The lessors were agents of the Chapitre Notre-Dame, and the
lessees, 'Martin Féret, baker, and Perrette Le Hullin, widow of Geofroy
Tory, in his lifetime bookseller and king's printer, living on rue de la
Juifverie in one of the wings [corps d'hostel] of the building hereinafter
mentioned' (the Halle de Beauce).[148]

Perrette Le Hullin continued for some time to carry on her husband's
various enterprises. Thus, she published in 1535 a remarkable work,
doubtless begun by him, by command of François I, to whom it is dedicated.
It certainly should be placed to the credit of Tory, although it does not
bear his name, but simply a mention of his sign: 'Au Pot Casse.' It is a
translation of Diodorus Siculus, of which I shall speak later.[149]

But the burden of so considerable an undertaking--printing-office,
bookshop, bindery,[150] engraving, etc.--soon compelled Perrette Le Hullin
to abandon a part of it. At the end of the year 1535 she transferred the
printing-office, the bookshop, and the bindery to Olivier Mallard, who
established himself on the same premises occupied by Tory, and under
the same sign of the Pot Cassé, as we see by a thin volume published
by him on January 19, 1535 (1536, new style), entitled: 'Copie d'une
lettre de Constantinople, de la victoire du grand Sophy contre le grand
Turc.--Paris, Olivier Mallard, à l'enseigne du Pot Cassé, rue de la
Juifverie.' Quarto, of 4 leaves; gothic type.[151]

Towards the end of 1536, Mallard published the 'Copie de l'arrest du grand
conseil donné à l'encontre du miserable empoisonneur de monseigneur le
dauphin,' etc. An octavo sheet printed in two signatures. On the verso of
the title begins the text of the decree, promulgated at Lyon Saturday,
October 7, 1536; then come several pieces by Jean Henon and 'a "dizain" by
the printer hereof in sorrow for the death of the Dauphin': ten wretched
lines, ending, by way of signature, with the words 'tout par moien,' of
which I have been unable to discover the anagrammatic significance. On the
verso of the last leaf we read: 'All booksellers and printers in the city
and provostry of Paris are forbidden to print or put on sale this present
"copie" within three months, on pain of confiscation thereof, and of a
fine, save only M. O. Mallard. Given at Paris this XVIII October,
1536.--I. MORIN.'

Thus we see that, even if Mallard was not as yet king's printer, he
was at least the official printer. I cannot give the exact date of his
appointment as king's printer; but he certainly held that office in 1537,
since in that year he published a little octavo volume in which he assumed
the title.[152] The book is entitled: 'De judiciis urinarum tractatus
exprobatis collectus authoribus, etc.--Excudebat O. Mallardus, bibliopola
ac impressor regius.--Anno Domini 1537, 8 id. Martii' (March 8).[153]
He also published in that year, in the same capacity, two works of Jean
Gillot:[154] 'De juridictione et imperio libri duo,' and 'Isagoge in juris
civilis sanctionem' (quarto), on the title-page of which, below the Pot
Cassé, are the words: 'Vænit O. Mallardo, regio typographo ac librario,
sub signo Vasis fracti.'[155]

It is probable that François I made no difficulty about accepting Tory's
successor as his printer; but he availed himself of Tory's death to
remodel the institution of king's printers. He restricted Mallard's
functions to the printing of French, and in the year 1538 appointed two
other king's printers, one, Conrad Néobar, for Greek, the other, Robert
Estienne, for Latin and Hebrew, as an essential complement to the 'Collége
des trois langues,' now the Collége de France, which he had recently
founded. We have not the document which conferred upon Robert Estienne
the title of king's printer; but we have proof that he held that title
in 1539. Maittaire declares, upon what evidence I know not, that Robert
was appointed on June 24 of that year. I am of the opinion that his
appointment was of earlier date, that is to say, that it goes back, like
Néobar's, to 1538, or, to speak more accurately, to the beginning of 1539.
In fact, we find him assuming the title of king's printer ('typographus
regius') in several works printed by him during that year. Furthermore,
I may mention the fact that, in a most interesting edict concerning the
printers of France, dated August 31, 1539, the king already refers to the
fact that he has 'of late created and ordained--in order to have a copious
supply of useful and essential books--royal printers in the Latin, Greek,
and Hebrew tongues.'[156]

We have not the letters patent of Robert Estienne, but we are more
fortunate in respect to Néobar, for we have the document by which he
was created king's printer for Greek.[157] This curious document, which
does so much honour to François I, well deserves to win oblivion for his
unlucky edict of proscription against printing, rendered January 13, 1535
(new style), which has been invoked against his memory several times in
recent years, although it was never put in execution. On Néobar's death in
1540, Robert Estienne succeeded him as king's printer for Greek, retaining
the title for Latin and Hebrew.

The king's fondness for the classics did not lead him to neglect the
French language: in 1539 he promulgated a celebrated ordinance, to the
effect that 'henceforth all decrees, etc., shall be pronounced, recorded,
and delivered to the parties concerned, in the mother tongue.'

In 1541, Olivier Mallard, who had acquired all of Tory's typographic
paraphernalia, published a book of Hours of the Virgin, in Latin, octavo,
with the borders 'à la moderne' to which I referred on page 25. It is
copied doubtless from the edition put forth by Tory about 1530, which I
have never been fortunate enough to see. Of the edition of 1541, I have
seen one copy on vellum, and another on paper. It consists of 23 octavo
sheets (signatures A to Y), and has on the title-page: 'Horæ in laudem
beatissim. Virginis Mariæ ad usum Romanum.' (Pot Cassé) 'Parisiis, apud
Oliverium Mallardum, sub signo Vasis effracti.--1541.'

In the following year Mallard published another edition of the Hours of
the Virgin, in quarto, like the one issued by Tory in 1531. I shall speak
of it in detail in its place.[158] Here I will simply say that the book
was finished in the month of August, 1542.

On the twenty-second of the same month, Mallard renewed the lease of his
quarters in the Halle aux Blés de Beauce, which lease had been given
nine years earlier to Tory's widow and Martin Féret, at a rental of 122
livres 10 sous, tournois. The rental was increased for Mallard, who had
to pay 130 livres, plus 4 écus d'or au soleil 'for the time of the said
leasing.'[159] Olivier Mallard did not long enjoy his lease, for he died
that same year. His last printing, according to La Caille, who writes
the name Maillard,[160] was a translation of the Dialogues of Plato, by
Simon de Valembert, published in 1542. I have been unable to find this
book in Paris, but I have seen another, probably of later date, at the
bookshop of M. Techener; it is entitled: 'Le livre de Ange Bologninus, de
la curation des ulceres exterieurs, traduit de latin en francoys.--Paris,
au Pot Cassé, en limprimerie de Olivier Mallard, libraire et imprimeur du
roy. 1542.' It is an octavo of four signatures. As the license is dated
December 1, this little book is probably the last one printed by Mallard,
as he was succeeded in the following year, as king's printer for French
works, by Denis Janot (one of the most skilful printers in Paris), as is
set forth in the letters patent, which will be found in Appendix VII.
Appendix VIII contains a complete list of the king's printers who lived in

Mallard's typographical apparatus seems to have been acquired
by Jean Kerver, son of the first Thielman Kerver, living on rue
Saint-Jacques,[161] at the sign of the Gril ('sub signo Cratis'), who
printed several editions of the Hours in octavo, with the borders 'à
la moderne' used by Mallard in 1541. The sign of the Pot Cassé, which
Kerver did not need, was adopted by a bookseller of Chartres, named
Richard Cotereau, who seems also to have bought some of Tory's woodcuts
representing that mark. In fact I have seen one, which I have never seen
on any of Tory's books, in a book printed in Paris for Cotereau by Nicolas
Chrestien; it is: 'Le Coustumier de la baronnye, chastellenie, terre et
seigneurie de Chasteauneuf en Tymerays'; octavo, 1557. The title-page is
an engraving of the Pot Cassé, with the design reversed,[162] like that of
the title of 'Champ fleury,' but signed with the double cross; and beneath
are the words: 'Pour Richard Cotereau, libraire, demeurant à Chartres, en
la grande rue, à l'enseigne du Pot Cassé.'

Philippe Cottereau, evidently the son of Richard, and king's printer at
Blois, used the same mark. I have seen it on a small book printed by him
in 1603: 'Reglement pour l'instruction des proces qui se conduiront au
bailliage et siege presidial de Bloys.' Two octavo sheets.

It would seem, however, that the sign of the Pot Cassé, which remained
for some time longer on the Halle de Beauce, also remained on the house
originally occupied by Tory, on rue Saint-Jacques, for we find a printer
named Michel de la Guierche living at that sign. See, among other works,
'M. T. Ciceronis ad M. Brutum Orat.--Paris, apud Mich. de la Guierche, sub
signo Vasis effracti, in vico Jacobeo.' Quarto, without date, but with
documents of 1542 and 1543.[163] But the Pot Cassé itself does not figure
in his books.

Tory's widow seems to have retained his engraving establishment for
a considerable further time. Although engrossed by her numerous
undertakings, she found time nevertheless to have some of her husband's
books reprinted, and among others the 'Sommaire de Chroniques d'Egnasius,'
in 1541, 1543, 1544, for the bookseller Charles L'Angelier, and 'Champ
fleury,' in 1549, for the bookseller Gualtherot. I say that she had these
books reprinted, but I ought rather to say, perhaps, that she allowed them
to be reprinted, for there is nothing to suggest her coöperation in the
work. Literary property did not then exist.

In the new edition of 'Champ fleury,' which by the way no longer bears
that graceful title, the Pot Cassé does not even appear, although
the explanation of the mark is allowed to remain. It was doubtless a
bookseller's speculation.[164] However that may be, this reprint forms
an octavo volume of 160 leaves (the folio has 80), in addition to the
preliminary matter, of which there are 16 leaves (8 in the folio); it is
entitled: 'L'Art et Science de la vraye proportion des Lettres Attiques,
ou Antiques, autrement dictes Romaines, selon le corps et visaige humain,
avec l'instruction et maniere de faire chiffres et lettres pour bagues
d'or, pour tapisserie, vitres et painctures. Item de treize diverses
sortes et façons de lettres; d'avantage la maniere d'ordonner la langue
françoise par certaine regle de parler elegamment en bon et plus sain
langage françois que par cy-devant, avec figures à ce convenantes, et
autres choses dignes de memoire, comme on pourra veoir par la table, le
tout inventé par maistre Geoffroy Tory de Bourges.'

I have copied this long title at full length only to give myself an
opportunity to call attention to the progress that had been made by
French typography since the day when Geofroy Tory published his first
edition, and, indeed, as a result of that same publication. We find here
the accents, the apostrophe and the cedilla, upon the absence of which
the author had commented in 1529. So that we may say that the whole
grammatical portion of his book had become useless as a direct result of
the first edition of that book. This is a fact to which the editors of the
second edition paid no heed, as they allowed Tory's observations to stand
as they were written, while introducing into their text the novel signs I
have just mentioned. For instance, they repeat that _c_ has two sounds,
one hard, as in 'coquin,' etc., the other soft, as in 'françois,' etc.
But by adding the cedilla in the last word they destroy the sense of the
criticism made by Tory in 1529.[165]

It does not appear by whom the book was printed; we learn only on the
last leaf that it was finished August 26, 1549, 'pour Vivant Gualtherot,
libraire juré en l'Université de Paris, en la rue Saint-Jacques, à
l'enseigne de Saint Martin.'

In order to adjust Tory's woodcuts to the smaller format, they were
somewhat mutilated; indeed some of them were omitted altogether, among
the number those representing the Pot Cassé, which probably remained in
the possession of Olivier Mallard or his successors, and which it was
not deemed essential to have engraved anew for this reprint, for it was
executed as cheaply as possible, and as if for the purpose of utilizing
such woodcuts as remained at the disposal of Tory's widow.[166] The work
was subjected to some further modifications in this edition. For instance,
all dates were suppressed in the preliminary matter, which also was
arranged in a different order. Even the license granted by François I was
omitted as having become useless; but no change was made in the actual
arrangement of the work, nor was there a single addition or emendation.

Thus Tory, at his death, was able to flatter himself that he had
contributed materially to the improvement of his mother tongue, which he
loved so well. He died, as I have said, in 1533, and not in 1550, as is
erroneously stated in a poetical epitaph composed nearly a century after
our printer's death, by his compatriot, Nicolas Catherinot, at the request
and from the notes of Jean Toubeau, himself a printer of Bourges, and a
descendant of Tory, through his mother.

Here is the epitaph, as given by La Caille:[167]--

                          To Geofroy Tory,
                          Born at Bourges,
                          Educated at Paris,
            Accomplished Scholar in both Latin and Greek,
                  Most devoted Lover of Letters,
                        Very expert Printer
                          Learned Author,
    Inasmuch as he wrote elegant Distichs on the Parts of the House,
      Composed some humorous Epitaphs in Latin in very ancient Style,
          Translated Treatises of Xenophon, Lucian, and Plutarch
                        From Greek into French,
          Taught Philosophy at Paris in the College of Burgundy,
        Was the first Man to discuss seriously the Art of Printing,
      Described the Forms of the Letters, or Characters, of the Alphabet,
                    Taught Garamond, Chief of Engravers,
        Always performed the Duties of a good Man until he died
                        In the Year MDL:[168]
                          At the Instance
                        Of Jean Toubeau,
                    Likewise Printer and Author,
                      Alderman of Bourges,
               Ambassador on very delicate State-matters
                       To the King and Council,
                 Great-great-grandson of the same Tory,
               Heir of a famous Printing Establishment,
             Nicolas Catherinot, noble Citizen of Bourges,
    Counsellor of the King, and Senator, in the Metropolis of Bourges,
        From his tender Years uninterruptedly to the present Day
          Most closely associated with the Business of Printing,
    Wrote this Epitaph, hastily and rapidly, at the End of November,

The only relic that we have of Tory to-day, outside of his books and
works of art, is a volume from his library, as his signature in the
genitive case indicates. It is a manuscript on vellum, containing the
orations of Cicero against Verres, in Latin. This volume was acquired,
presumably after Tory's death, by his patron Jean Grolier, who wrote his
motto at the end of the text: 'Joannis Grolierii Lugdunensis et amicorum.'
From the library of this illustrious bibliophile, the manuscript passed to
Colbert's library, then to the king's. It is preserved to-day [1857] in
the Bibliothèque Nationale. We give below a facsimile of Tory's signature,
which appears on the first flyleaf:--

[Illustration: God. Torini Biturici]

Tory made use of ten marks, besides the Pot Cassé that appears on his
bindings. We reproduce them all, although only two (nos. 5 and 10) are
signed.[170] Some of them were used by other booksellers after him, as we
have already seen.

[Illustration: 1]

[Illustration: 2]

No. 1

This mark is to be found in the borders of the Hours (quarto) of 1527.
(See page 37, supra.)

No. 2

This form of the Pot Cassé appears in the borders of the Hours (quarto) of
1524-1525, alike in the copies which bear the imprint of Tory and in those
printed by Simon de Colines. (See page 37, supra; also Part 2, § 2, no. 1,

[Illustration: 3]

[Illustration: 4]

No. 3

This variation will be found on the first page of those copies of the
Hours (quarto) of 1524-1525 which bear the imprint of Tory. (See Part 2, §
2, no. 1 (2d and 3d), infra.)

No. 4

This appears on the title-page of 'Champ fleury.' (Silvestre, 'Marques
Typographiques,' no. 931.)

[Illustration: 5]

[Illustration: 6]

No. 5

This appears on folio 43 verso, of 'Champ fleury.' (Silvestre, no. 803.)

No. 6

This mark, which differs from no. 5 only in the absence of the cross of
Lorraine, appears on the last page of 'Champ fleury.' I am unable to
suggest any reason for the removal of the cross. (Silvestre, no. 171.)

No. 7

This mark is found only at the end of the little poem written by Tory
on the death of his daughter, which was published February 15, 1524,
new style. We have already referred to this poem on page 15; but it is
reproduced at length in Part 2, § I, no. 9.

[Illustration: 7]

[Illustration: 8]

No. 8

This mark, which differs from the preceding only in the omission of the
little figure in the clouds, appears on the last page of the Hours of
1524-1525 (those copies with Tory's imprint) in Latin. (Silvestre, no.

[Illustration: 9]

No. 9

This mark appears on the title-page of the Hours (quarto) of 1527. It was
used by Jean Mallard, bookseller at Rouen, 1542.[172] (Silvestre, no. 604.)

[Illustration: 10]

No. 10

I have never as yet seen this mark in any book of Tory's; but I have
found it in books published by Richard Cotereau, bookseller at Chartres,
in 1557, and by Philippe Cotereau, bookseller at Blois, in 1603. (See
p. 41, supra.) The presence of the Lorraine cross is, it seems to me, a
sufficient proof that it should be attributed to Tory. (Silvestre, no.

We have already observed that Tory was not only a bookseller and printer,
but a binder as well. To complete the list of our artist's professional
acquirements an example of the toolings that he used to decorate the
covers of some of the volumes bound by him, is reproduced [on the cover
of the present volume.[173] The reproduction is from the cover of a copy
of the works of Petrarch, printed at Venice in 1525, and now preserved
in the Library of the British Museum.] The Pot Cassé, in its simplest
form, appears among the arabesques of this binding. Tory had also had
engraved a larger plate of the same, for use on the binding of quartos,
or, rather, of folios. The design is almost identical. Sometimes the
Pot Cassé is accompanied by the drill. This design appears on a copy of
Macault's translation of Diodorus Siculus, printed as late as 1536, 'au
Pot Cassé.' This beautiful volume, in M. Didot's magnificent library, is
sufficient proof that Tory's widow continued his various industries for a
considerable time.

It is hardly necessary to say that the same tools could, with some slight
additions, be used in binding volumes of all sizes, from the octavo up.




[Footnote 9: I write these two names as our artist himself wrote them;
but it is a well-known fact that the orthography of proper names in the
sixteenth century was very uncertain. As to the family name especially,
Geofroy's ancestors and descendants wrote it indifferently _Toury_,
_Tory_, and _Thory_; but Geofroy never varied: he always wrote _Tory_ in
French, _Torinus_ in Latin (which should, strictly speaking, be translated
_Torin_). See further, on this subject, Appendix A.]

[Footnote 10: _Champ fleury_, fol. 1 verso: 'Combiem [_sic_] que ie soye
de petitz & humbles parēs, & aussi que ie soye pouure de biens caduques.']

[Footnote 11: See Part 2, infra, Bibliography, § I, no. 3.]

[Footnote 12: He mentions it on every page of his _Champ fleury_.]

[Footnote 13: We read in _Champ fleury_, fol. 49 verso: 'Come lexposent
tresingenieusemē & elegātemēt Philipes Beroal & Jehan baptiste le
piteable, ɋ iay veuz & ouyz lire publiquemt, il ya. xx. ans, en Bonoigne
la grace.' _Champ fleury_ was conceived in 1524, but was not finished
until 1526, the date of the license to print.]

[Footnote 14: See _Champ fleury_, fol. 6 recto.]

[Footnote 15: As to Gourmont's Greek type, see my _Les Estienne_, pp. 62

[Footnote 16: Doubtless we should read IV (December 2), for there is no VI
of the Nones of December.]

[Footnote 17: See the description of the book in Part 2, § I, no.

[Footnote 18: [The modern Bourges.]]

[Footnote 19: Enea Silvio Piccolomini, commonly called Æneas Sylvius. See
Part 2, § I, no. 2.]

[Footnote 20: Germain de Gannay, Ganaye, or Gannaye, son of Nicolas and
brother of Jean, Chancellor of France, had become a counsellor in the
Parliament of Paris, on the resignation of Jean Jouvenel des Ursins, by
letters patent of 1485; appointed Bishop of Cahors, by royal letters
issued at Vienne in Dauphiné, August 14, 1509, in opposition to Guy de
Châteauneuf, who was chosen by election but yielded his claim to him, he
was consecrated May 4, 1511. In 1512 he inherited the property of his
brother the Chancellor, and did homage for the seigniory of Persan on June
18. He was translated to the bishopric of Orléans in 1514, and died in

[Footnote 21: October 2.]

[Footnote 22: See Part 2, § I, no. 3.]

[Footnote 23: Ibid. no. 4.]

[Footnote 24: See my _Les Estienne_, pp. 62 ff.]

[Footnote 25: See Part 2, § I, no. 5.]

[Footnote 26: For Latin text, see Appendix X, _a_.]

[Footnote 27: See Part 2, § I, no. 6.]

[Footnote 28: One of the three editions of Berosus bears that date, but
our artist probably had nothing to do with that edition. [Note added by
the author after the book had gone through the press.]]

[Footnote 29: Fol. 1 recto.]

[Footnote 30: This principal of the College of Plessis is here called
Robertus Duræus Fortunatus. Du Boulay calls him simply Robertus
Fortunatus, in his _Histoire de l'Université de Paris_, vol. vi. p. 159.
Elsewhere he is called Dure (Duré?). In the index of the same volume, Du
Boulay, under the name of Robertus Fortunatus, refers to a list of the
principals of the College of Plessis, which he omitted to publish.]

[Footnote 31: See Part 2, § I, no. 7.]

[Footnote 32: _Biographie Universelle_, art. 'Tory.']

[Footnote 33: See Part 2, § I, no. 8 (p. 70).]

[Footnote 34: _Histoire de l'Imprimerie_, p. 100: _Siste,
viator,--et jacentes etiam artes colito.--Hic--Godofredus Torinus
Bituricus,--ubique litteris librisque clarissimus,--qui--Parisiis multos
per annos philosophiam--docuit maximo concursu,--in regio Burgundiæ
collegio,--simulque artem exercuit typographicam,--novam tunc ac recentem
brevi perpolitam--tamen reddidit.--Quisquis ad stadium animum applicas--et
inde quæris immortalitatem,--præcipuo cultori prius apprecare.--Amen._]

[Footnote 35: Fol. 49 recto.]

[Footnote 36: According to the _Biographie Universelle_, Tory joined the
fraternity of booksellers in 1512; but I have found no evidence of this,
and it seems to me most improbable.]

[Footnote 37: It was this sentence, no doubt, which gave birth to the idea
that Tory was a bookseller at the same time that he was a professor; but
it is evident that it refers to Tory's labours as an engraver, and not
to bookselling or printing properly so called, as Tory did not become,
successively, bookseller and printer, until later.]

[Footnote 38: _Champ fleury_, fol. 20 verso.]

[Footnote 39: Ibid. [Tory spells it 'Aurenges.']]

[Footnote 40: Ibid. fol. 19 verso.]

[Footnote 41: Ibid. and elsewhere.]

[Footnote 42: 'One may see many another example in the book of _Epitaphs
of Ancient Rome_, which I saw printed at the time I sojourned in said
Rome.' _Champ fleury_, fol. 41 recto. He refers to the same book again on
folios 48 recto and 60 verso: 'In the book of _Epitaphs of Ancient Rome_,
lately printed in said Rome, where I was then living.']

[Footnote 43: This book is the oldest printed collection of inscriptions.
Unfortunately, instead of being copied from the original monuments,
which still existed at Rome in such great numbers, these inscriptions
were simply reproduced from one of the manuscript collections which were
to be found in the libraries and some of which were themselves very
old. Mazochi's book had no sooner been published than the errors which
had found their way into it began to be pointed out to the printer. He
tried to correct them in a supplement which appeared in 1523, but his
corrections did not extend to all the inscriptions, which might still
have been restored by reference to the ancient monuments. A contemporary
scholar, whose name is not known, undertook to continue these corrections
on his printed copy, and his emendations were transferred to three other
copies. These annotations impart great value to these four volumes in the
eyes of epigraphists.]

[Footnote 44: During the first centuries of printing in France, all
engravers were also booksellers.]

[Footnote 45: He has an article in the _Biographie Universelle_, however.]

[Footnote 46: _Champ fleury_, fol. 4 recto.]

[Footnote 47: We say _Basoche_ to-day.]

[Footnote 48: _Champ fleury_, fol. 12 recto and verso.]

[Footnote 49: For the Latin text, see Appendix X, _b_.]

[Footnote 50: Ibid., _c_.]

[Footnote 51: See Appendix X, _d_.]

[Footnote 52: See Part 2, § I, no. 9.]

[Footnote 53: [Twelfth-day, or Epiphany.]]

[Footnote 54: Cicero says that he borrowed this maxim from Plato: _Ut
præclare scriptum est Platone._]

[Footnote 55: _Champ fleury_, fol. 1 recto.]

[Footnote 56: Ibid., verso of title-page.]

[Footnote 57: [As _Champ fleury_ is not among the works cited by French
lexicographers to illustrate the historical development of the language,
we search in vain for adequate explanation of some of the terms used
by Tory therein. Littré defines as follows such of these varieties of
letters as he includes in his dictionary: CADEAUX: _Grandes
lettres placées en têtes des actes ou des chapitres dans les manuscrits
en écriture cursive._--FORME: _Lettre de la belle écriture, des
belles éditions, par opposition à la lettre cursive._--BÂTARDE:
_Écriture ordinairement penchée, à jambages pleins, à liaisons arrondies
par le haut, et à tetes sans boucles._--GOFFES: _Nom donné à une
sorte de majuscules gothiques dans le commencement du XVI siècle._ See,
also, for some of these alphabets, _Pantographia; Containing Accurate
Copies of all the known Alphabets in the world_. By Edmund Fry. London,

[Footnote 58: See his introduction to Palsgrave's _Lesclaircissement de la
langue françoise_. See also Appendix II.]

[Footnote 59: [_Escumeurs de latin._ Rabelais's word is _escorcher_, to

[Footnote 60: One of the annotators of Rabelais (I do not now remember
which one, but his name is of little consequence[62]) maintains that Tory
intended to criticize in that epistle the author of _Pantagruel_, who
had introduced him in his romance under the name of Raminagrobis. There
is but one little flaw in this story, namely, that the dates are against
it: _Champ fleury_ antedates _Pantagruel_, by several years. This fact,
to be sure, does not prove that Rabelais did not make Tory a character
in his work; but what foundation is there, I ask, for attributing the
character of Raminagrobis to Tory? Simply the assertion of one of those
seventeenth-century scribblers of marginal notes who lived on the great
authors of the sixteenth as rats live on the most valuable manuscripts--by
nibbling at them. What possible connection is there between Raminagrobis,
canon and poet, whom Rabelais represents as dying about 1546, and Tory,
layman and prose writer, who died twelve years earlier? Does it not remind
one of the famous key to _Astrée_, of which I had occasion to prove, in
my monograph upon the d'Urfés, that not a word was true? Almost the same
course has been pursued with reference to the _Satire Menippée_, which has
in our own day been ascribed to persons who would be greatly surprised,
and far from proud of their alleged work. See what I had to say on this
subject in the _Revue de la Province et de Paris_ of September 30, 1842.]

[Footnote 61: _Champ fleury_, 'Aux Lecteurs.']

[Footnote 62: It was Pasquier, I think, who first gave currency to this
fable; and his opinion is the less admissible because he did not even know
Tory's name, but calls him 'Georges Toré.' See Baillet, _Jugements des
Savants_, vol. i, and Génin's introduction to Palsgrave, p. 10, note 4.]

[Footnote 63: _Champ fleury_, 'Aux Lecteurs.']

[Footnote 64: Folio, Venice, 1509; with 62 plates engraved on wood.]

[Footnote 65: In his book entitled _Thesauro de' scrittori_ (_Champ
fleury_, fol. 35 recto). I have not seen this book, but I have seen his
_Theorica et pratica ... de modo scribendi fabricandique omnes litterarum
species_ (Venice, Dec. 1, 1524; quarto). This work is divided into
four books and contains engravings not unlike those in _Champ fleury_.
M. Brunet mentions Fante's _Liber elementorum litterarum_ (Venice,
1514; quarto), which probably was the foundation of the _Thesauro de'
scrittori_, published by Ugo da Carpi.]

[Footnote 66: I do not know the title of his work, but I think that
the reference is to the book thus described in the Libri catalogue of
1859: _La Operina da imparare discrivere littera cancellarescha. Roma,
per invenzione di Lodovico Vicentino_, in quarto (1523). As for the
variant spelling of the author's name, which Tory calls Vincentino, it
is explainable; for we find in the Libri catalogue of 1857: _Ragola
da imparare scrivere varii caratteri di lettere, di L. Vincentino_.
(Venetia, Zoppino, 1533, in quarto.) I have also seen mentioned a work
of the same sort entitled: _Regula occulte scribendi seu componendi
cipharam itaquenemo litteras interpretari possit communes omnibus, inventa
et composita a domino Jacobo Silvestro sive Florentino_. (Rome, 1526,

[Footnote 67: The doubt expressed by Tory is due to the fact that he was
unable to read the text of Dürer's work, which was published in German in
1525. The Latin translation was not published until 1532, and the French
still later.]

[Footnote 68: _Champ fleury_, fol. 13 recto.]

[Footnote 69: Ibid. fol. 14 recto.]

[Footnote 70: Ibid. fol. 41 verso.]

[Footnote 71: _Des Types_, etc., 2d part, 16th century, p. 166.]

[Footnote 72: _Champ fleury_, fol. 14 recto.]

[Footnote 73: It was the fashion, in that epoch of renascence, to treat
everything allegorically. Tory was not the only one who propounded a
theory to explain the shapes of letters.]

[Footnote 74: _Champ fleury_, fol. 24 recto.]

[Footnote 75: [And if any wonder why this book is written in Romance,
according to the language of the French, when we are Italians, I will
say that it is for two reasons: one, for that we are in France, and the
other, for that the speaking of it is more delectable and more common to
all people.] Prologue to the _Trésor_, published by M. Pierre Chabaille
(quarto; Imprimerie Impérial, 1863; p. 3). The second reason probably
explains why Marco Polo printed the narrative of his voyage in French.]

[Footnote 76: [That is to say, philologists.]]

[Footnote 77: [That is to say, the lines between the different dialects
are less clearly marked in the case of the men.]]

[Footnote 78: Although myself a native of Lyon, I confess that I do not
understand the meaning of these words, of which Tory, by a regrettable
exception, gives no translation. A friend of mine in that city, M. Ant.
Péricaud, thinks that the meaning is: 'Chômez-vous? Chômez cette fête.']

[Footnote 79: _Champ fleury_, fol. 33 verso.]

[Footnote 80: There are some provinces where the final S is still
pronounced. The English also have retained the custom, which is a
necessity with them because the article is invariable, so that the plural
cannot otherwise be distinguished from the singular.]

[Footnote 81: _Champ fleury_, fol. 57 recto.]

[Footnote 82: Ibid., fol. 58 verso. Again, as in note 5 on page 18, I
will call attention to the fact that the English, who are much more
French in this respect than is generally supposed, have retained the old
pronunciation. They sound the final T in words borrowed from us.]

[Footnote 83: _Champ fleury_, fol. 52 recto.]

[Footnote 84: Ibid. fol. 56 verso.]

[Footnote 85: Ibid. fol. 37 verso.]

[Footnote 86: I have seen this binding on an octavo copy of the
_Ædiloquium_ of 1530, now in the Bibliothèque Nationale and on the
_Sommaire de Chroniques de J. B. Egnasio_, of 1529, owned by M. Didot.
[The famous collection of M. Didot has since been dispersed.]]

[Footnote 87: Book of Hours of 1556, owned by M. Niel. This volume was
printed by the Kervers, who had bought Tory's old plant.]

[Footnote 88: I have seen it on the Hours of 1531, and the _Diodorus_ of
1535, which two volumes also are [1865] owned by M. Didot.]

[Footnote 89: [See nos. 1 and 2, on p. 45, infra.]]

[Footnote 90: Fol. 43 verso. Inadvertently, no doubt, this mark is
reversed on the first page of _Champ fleury_. Tory attached little
importance to the error, for the same engraving often appeared afterward.
It is not signed [with the double cross], like the one here reproduced.]

[Footnote 91: Here, and in numberless other passages in his books, Tory
alludes to Italy, of which he always retained a grateful memory.]

[Footnote 92: _Champ fleury_, fol. 43 recto.]

[Footnote 93: [See page 12, supra.]]

[Footnote 94: The Renaissance, at this time, was at its height.]

[Footnote 95: Read Μηδὲν ἄγαν.]

[Footnote 96: [Against which not even the gods contend.]]

[Footnote 97: [See page 1, supra.]]

[Footnote 98: This eminent artist, who has no article in the _Biographie
Universelle_, and who is not even mentioned in the _desiderata_ of the
_Notice des tableaux du Louvre de l'école française_, published by M.
Villot, did not die until about 1528, if my reckoning is accurate. We
can establish the fact of his existence so late as 1522 by the documents
published by M. de Laborde in his book on the Renaissance. I once owned
an original letter of Perreal, which shows him in full vigour in 1511.
That letter, which I presented to M. Alexandre Sirand, magistrate at
Bourg, has been published by him in his _Courses Archéologiques_, vol.
iii, p. 5, in connection with the church at Brou, in which Perreal was
deeply interested. The letter I refer to is dated November 15 (1511) and
addressed to Margaret of Austria (widow of the Duke of Savoy), to whom
Perreal offers his services as superintendent of the work of building
the church. That princess accepted his offer, as we see by her reply of
February, 1511 (1512 new style): 'Since Jehan Le Maire hath left us, we
choose to have no other overseer in our edifices at Brou than yourself.'
(See the work last cited.)]

[Footnote 99: La Caille, in his _Histoire de l'Imprimerie_, p. 98, gives
the date erroneously as September 28, 1584.]

[Footnote 100: See an extract from it in Part 2, § 2, no. 1.]

[Footnote 101: [_fait et fait faire._]]

[Footnote 102: See Part 2, § 2, no. 1.]

[Footnote 103: Ibid. no. 2.]

[Footnote 104: Ibid. no. 3.]

[Footnote 105: Ibid. no. 6.]

[Footnote 106: _Champ fleury_, fol. 73 recto.]

[Footnote 107: Several bibliographers, misled doubtless by the date of the
license, mention an edition of _Champ fleury_ of 1526; but there is none.
Not until 1549 was there an octavo edition, printed for the bookseller
Vivant Gautherot. I shall speak of it hereafter.]

[Footnote 108: See the description of _Champ fleury_, Part 2, §
I, no. 10.]

[Footnote 109: For Gourmont, see the _Notice historique_ which follows my
work entitled: _Les Estienne et les types grecs de François Iᵉʳ_.]

[Footnote 110: Gilles de Gourmont had just published Lucian's _Dialogues_
in Greek (quarto, 1528); but Tory's translation was made from a Latin
version. Although he knew Greek, he did not use it when he could avoid it.
As a general rule he translated from Latin versions such Greek authors as
he dealt with.]

[Footnote 111: This was, as we have seen, the sign of the famous printer
Chrétien Wechel; it was on the right as one ascends rue Saint-Jacques,
near the church of Saint-Benoît. The Pot Cassé was opposite.]

[Footnote 112: See a description of it in Part 2, § I, no. 11.]

[Footnote 113: [_Raphael durbin_, _Michel lange_, _Leonard vince_, _Albert
durer_, are Tory's versions of these names.]]

[Footnote 114: The description of the volume in Part 2 (p. 87 infra),
places this promise in the dedicatory letter.]

[Footnote 115: _Histoire de l'Imprimerie_, p. 98.]

[Footnote 116: See Part 2, § I, no. 13.]

[Footnote 117: _Champ fleury_, 'avis au lecteur.'--See also fol. 1 verso:
'And so I will write in French according to my own humble style and mother
tongue, nor fail, albeit I am of lowly and humble parents, and poor in
paltry goods, to give pleasure to the devoted lovers of goodly letters.
Herein it may be I shall seem a new man, for that no one has heretofore
been known to teach the fashioning and quality of letters by writing in
the French language; but, desirous to cast some light on our language, I
am content to be the first little pointer to arouse some noble mind which
shall put forth greater efforts, as did the Greeks and Romans of old, to
establish and ordain the French language by fixed rules for pronouncing
and speaking well. God grant that some noble lord may be pleased to
offer pledges and worthy gifts to those who shall be able to do this
well.'--François I himself was the noble lord referred to.]

[Footnote 118: See Part 2, § II, no. 4.]

[Footnote 119: As to this date, see no. v below, p. 31, and note 1.]

[Footnote 120: See Part 2, § I, no. 14.]

[Footnote 121: See Appendix X, _e_.]

[Footnote 122: This volume contains also: _Epistre du seigneur Elisee
Calense, natif Damphrate, quil envoya a Rufin ... translatee .... par
maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges._]

[Footnote 123: The year 1531 did not begin until Easter Sunday, April 9.]

[Footnote 124: See, for other details concerning Tory's _Xenophon_, Part
2, § I, no. 15.]

[Footnote 125: Ibid. § II, no. 5.]

[Footnote 126: See Part 2, § I, no. 16.]

[Footnote 127: [_A libraire juré_ was a bookseller who had taken the oath
to follow the rules prescribed by the University.]]

[Footnote 128: See Part 2, § I, no. 17.]

[Footnote 129: The reform went even further than Tory suggested, for
orthographic accents were invented, which have no other purpose than to
distinguish words of the same sound but of different meaning; and therein
it disregarded logic, for it not only did not distinguish in this way
all words of the same sound (_son_, for example, which has three totally
different meanings, received no accent), but it placed accents on words
which had but one meaning,--_déjà_, for example; of what use is the grave
accent on the _a?_ Moreover, it placed accents in certain cases on words
which in other cases have none. Thus it wrote '_votre_ ami et le _nôtre_,'
and '_notre_ ami et le _vôtre_.']

[Footnote 130: See supra, p. 8.]

[Footnote 131: It is printed at the end of his book, which has some
similarity to Tory's. The full title is: _Lesperon de discipline pour
inciter les humains aux bonnes lettres_, etc. On the title-page are the
arms of Savoy, to indicate the nativity of the author, who was born in La
Bresse, which then belonged to the House of Savoy.]

[Footnote 132: See in Appendix II, the Latin verses printed on the verso
of the title of _Lesclaircissement de la langue françoise_, an English
work reprinted in 1852 at M. Génin's instance.]

[Footnote 133: This error has been made by many writers. The creation of
king's printer was so far from being identical with the foundation of the
Imprimerie Royale, that there continued to be functionaries bearing that
title even after the foundation of the Imprimerie du Louvre, in 1640, as
we shall see later (Appendix IX).]

[Footnote 134: Jean de la Barre, chevalier, Comte d'Étampes, counsellor
and chamberlain in ordinary to the king, first gentleman of his chamber,
and keeper of the provostry of Paris, granted the licenses to print at
this time.]

[Footnote 135: The license had no sooner expired than the work was
reprinted, as may be seen by a copy of an edition of 8 leaves, octavo, in
gothic type, dated 1531, now in the Bibliothèque Nationale.]

[Footnote 136: See the description of these two opuscula in Part 2, §
III, nos. 1 and 2.]

[Footnote 137: A much stranger omission is that of de la Barre's
signature, which had to be added by hand to every copy, at the foot of the

[Footnote 138: [The _saint-augustin_ was a 13-point type, so called
because it was used in 1467 to print St. Augustine's _De Civitate Dei_.
The _philosophie_ was 10-point.]]

[Footnote 139: See his little book entitled _Les Trois Ilots de la Cité_;
octavo, 1860 (an extract from the _Revue Archéologique_).]

[Footnote 140: See Part 2, § III, no. 3.]

[Footnote 141: See Appendix VI.]

[Footnote 142: [The _écu au soleil_ was a coin issued under Louis XI and
Charles VIII, with a sun above the crown. The _livre tournois_ was worth
20 sous.]]

[Footnote 143: See Appendix VIII.]

[Footnote 144: Concerning the _libraires jurés_ and _non jurés_, see
Chevillier, _Origine de l'imprimerie de Paris_, part 4.]

[Footnote 145: [_Don du roi._] See Appendix III.]

[Footnote 146: See Part 2, §§ III and IV.]

[Footnote 147: This most necessary reform spread very rapidly. The year
had not ended when another Paris printer, Antoine Augereau, published a
small treatise on the subject, entitled: _Briefve doctrine pour deuement
escripre selon la proprieté du langaige françoys_. ['Brief instructions
for writing the French language properly.'] This curious work, which is
printed with the _Miroir de très chrestienne princesse Marguerite de
France_, in an octavo volume, 1533, informs us among other things that
the final E which requires the acute accent was at that time called
_masculine_, and that the word _feminine_ was applied to it when it did
not take the accent. These are, as we see, the terms used by Tory. Hence
doubtless the term _féminine_, which is still applied to-day, in French
poetry, to silent rhymes. (See Appendix V.)]

[Footnote 148: _Archives de l'Empire_, carton S, no. 18.--See also _Les
Trois Ilots de la Cité_, by M. Adolphe Berty, p. 15.]

[Footnote 149: See Part 2, § III, no. 6.]

[Footnote 150: The existence of Tory's bindery is proved by the numerous
bindings with the Pot Cassé, not only of books from that artist's presses,
to which I have already referred, but of books printed by others. I will
mention particularly a lovely book of Hours, octavo, on vellum, printed by
Herman Hardoin about 1527, and preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale.]

[Footnote 151: Olivier Mallard the printer was probably a relative of Jean
Mallart the writer, whose name appears about the same time in the accounts
of François I: 'To Jehan Mallart, writer, for writing _unes heures_ [a
book of Hours] on parchment, presented to the king to be illuminated,
XLV livres as a gift, charged upon the _deniers de l'espargne à
l'entour du roy_.' (From a roll not dated, but _circa_ 1538, published by
M. de Laborde, _Renaissance des Arts_, vol. i, p. 924.) These Mallards
were probably of Norman origin, for there were about the same time several
booksellers of that name at Rouen. One of them, indeed, Jean Mallard, had
the Pot Cassé for his sign in 1542. He was probably a brother of Olivier,
who had authorized him to adopt that symbol. (See _Heures a l'usage de
Rouen_, octavo, gothic type, 1542.) I am indebted for this information to
the learned author of the _Manuel du Bibliophile normand_, M. Ed. Frère.]

[Footnote 152: It was this publication, no doubt, that led Papillon to say
that Tory died in 1536. (_Traité de la gravure sur bois_, vol. i, p. 509.)]

[Footnote 153: Bibliothèque Nationale.]

[Footnote 154: 'Caussarum in suprema Parisiorum curia patronus.' This
mouth-filling phrase presumably means _avocat_ in the Parliament of Paris.]

[Footnote 155: Bibliothèque Nationale.]

[Footnote 156: Crapelet, _Études pratiques_, etc., p. 48.]

[Footnote 157: In Appendix VI will be found [an English version of] M.
Crapelet's [French] translation. I have given the original text in my work
on the Estiennes, pp. 11 ff.]

[Footnote 158: See Part 3 (_Iconography_), under 1541 and 1542.]

[Footnote 159: The rent of these premises, which was only 16 livres in
1420, and 22 in 1498, was raised to 160 livres in 1551, to 200 in 1567,
and to 400 in 1605. (_Les Trois Ilots de la Cité_, by Adolphe Berty,
p. 15). It seems that the raising of rents in Paris is not a modern

[Footnote 160: _Histoire de l'Imprimerie_, p. 110.]

[Footnote 161: His mother, Iolande Bonhomme, widow of Thielman Kerver,
first of the name, also lived on rue Saint-Jacques, at the sign of the
_Licorne_ (_Unicornis_).]

[Footnote 162: See p. 47 infra, no. 10.]

[Footnote 163: Bibliothèque Nationale.]

[Footnote 164: In the preceding year, an analogous book was published at
Rome, under this title: _Libro di M. Giovanbattista Palatino, cittadino
Romano, nel quel s'insegna a scrivere ogni sorte lettera, antica et
moderna, di qualunque natione, con le sue regole et misure, et essempi: et
con un breve et util discorso de le cifre_, etc. Quarto, Rome, 1548; with
15 plates.]

[Footnote 165: It might perhaps be interesting to publish this book to-day
(it is now very rare), scrupulously following the first edition, as has
been done in the case of Palsgrave's _Lesclaircissement de la langue

[Footnote 166: The floriated letters engraved by Tory which appear in the
course of the book, and of which the entire alphabet is given on the verso
of folio 78 of the first edition, are replaced in the second by letters of
an entirely different make.]

[Footnote 167: _Histoire de l'Imprimerie_, p. 99.]

[Footnote 168: It will be seen that I apparently had most excellent
grounds for saying in my first edition that Tory lived until after 1550.
Could one imagine that a historian of Berry, a townsman of Tory and
friend of Jean Toubeau, could blunder so stupidly concerning the date of
our artist's death? La Caille even makes him live until the close of the
sixteenth century.]

[Footnote 169: [For the Latin original, see Appendix X, _f_.]]

[Footnote 170: [Tory's signature referred to consists in the double, or
Lorraine, cross found on nos. 5 and 10.]]

[Footnote 171: See Part 2, § II, no. 2 (2).]

[Footnote 172: See p. 38, note 4, supra.]

[Footnote 173: One of our most skilful binders, M. Capé, used this design
in his bindings. An example may be seen on a copy of the Hours (quarto) of
1527 in the Bibliothèque Nationale.]



In the first part of this volume I have made cursory mention of some of
the books published by Tory, and especially of those which may be said to
offer some biographical information; in this part I propose to describe
in detail all the books to which he put his name in any capacity, and of
which we of to-day have knowledge. To make my description clearer I shall
divide these books into four sections, the titles of which will explain












    (Mark of Jehan Petit.)[175]

Quarto, of 45 numbered leaves, plus 11 leaves of index; in all, 56 leaves,
or 14 sheets, arranged in 9 signatures of two sheets and one, alternately.
Signatures _a_, _c_, _e_, _g_, and _i_ have two sheets [16 pages] each;
signatures _b_, _d_, _f_, _h_, one sheet [8 pages] each.

The whole book is printed in roman type, except the first line of the
title-page, which is gothic, and a few Greek words here and there.

As we have seen, this book was for sale by Jean Petit, but it was printed
by Gilles de Gourmont, solely because of the Greek words just mentioned.
So Tory himself tells us in a note at the end of the text, folio 45:
'Curavi siquidem accuratissimo impressori dare, qui etiam primus apud
Parisios græcis caracteribus lotissimas addidit manus.'[176]

On the verso of the first leaf is a letter of the publisher, Geofroy Tory,
to his friend Babou, thus conceived:--








    _Geofroy Tory of Bourges to Philibert Babou, citizen of Bourges,
    very deserving treasurer and valet-de-chambre of the most serene
    king of the French, humblest greeting._

On looking recently into Pomponius Mela, most illustrious Philibert, Mela
who is the most trustworthy of the writers on geography, I found him so
corrupt and so badly mutilated that

    --Lo, before my eyes, in saddest plight,
    The author seemed to stand and burst in tears.[177]

    Virg. _Æn._ ii.

    Lo, I say,

      All black with dust and blood,--ah, sad, sad sight,--
      By two-horse chariot dragged, his swollen feet
      Torn through with thongs ...
      How from the bottom of his heart he groaned.

    _Id. Ibid._

In such words as these did he seem to complain: Am I, then, who described
so elegantly all those many lands, those many peoples, those islands,
rivers, straits, seas, and whirlpools, I who ventured so confidently upon
the description of the whole world, am I to remain thus maimed, thus
mutilated, thus disfigured?

    --Ah me, how hacked am I,
    How like that Hector who erstwhile brought back
    ... his squalid ... locks
    All stiff with blood, and many a wound he got
    About his country's walls.                         _Id. Ibid._

Unless some helping hand be stretched forth, I shall soon surely die.

    In time Machaon healed the loathsome limbs of Philoctetes,
      And Phillyreian Chiron gave to blinded Phœnix sight;
    The god of Epidaurus, at a father's fond entreaties,
      By Cretan herbs Androgeos brought again to realms of light.[1]

But verily I believe that

    He who'll cure this pain of mine is certain of succeeding
      In giving Tantalus the fruit that cheats his eager palm.
    Yea, he the piercèd pails may fill, and heavy burden lighten,
      The slender Danaïds endure, with ceaseless toil opprest;
    From the bleak cliff of Caucasus unchain the fettered Titan,
      And scare away the bird of prey that tears his mangled breast.[178]

I naturally said to myself on the spot: If I were Machaon, or Chyron, or
Æsculapius, I should be glad to remedy this matter. But what if I were to
make such slight effort as I can? Might I not be able to be of service?
Perhaps; at least, I should have tried, and I should have had this object
in view: to make him somewhat more free from faults.

    And if my powers of song should fail--to dare were surely fame:
    Enough that I have had the will; no higher praise I claim.

    Proper. ii, _ad Musam_ (_ad Augustum?_).

    I have accordingly added a very few annotations; provided with
    which, under the protection of your name (for you are a devoted
    admirer of letters and lettered men), under, as the saying is,
    favourable auspices, let Pomponius Mela now go forth in greater
    security than before. Farewell.

    Paris, vj no. Decemb. MCCCCCVII.[179]

At the end of the text, on folio xlv, we find the following:[180]--

Here, then, you have, most illustrious Philibert, Pomponius Mela, purged
of the many errors in which he abounded. I took the trouble to put him
in the hands of a very careful printer, one who was, besides, the first
Parisian to give to the Greek characters a form of superior elegance. I
have been pleased to revise the text with special care and to add a very
few annotations, so that, when it should come into your hands, and later
on into the hands of the public, it might come in a more polished and
finished form. You, now, with Mela in hand, may, like Phiclus, who, as the
story goes, ran over the tops of the grain-fields without breaking the
ears, traverse and re-traverse, not only in security, but confidently and
resolutely, the whole world. If you wish to lay hold of tigers, swiftest
of animals, and to see from a safe vantage the catoblepas, if you wish
to meet dragons and wild beasts, Satyrs, Pans, and Silvani, if you wish
to see the Indians, 'the Britons, separated by a world between,' the
Sauromatae, the Africans, and all the peoples that lie between these,
and learn of their wonderful habits, then take but this world, I mean
Pomponius, many times in hand, and without doubt you will there be able to
see and to know them all as in no other way. Farewell and forget not yours
ever faithfully.

    Paris, 24 December.


    _To Pomponius Mela._

    Mela, the many errors in which you abounded have been cast forth;
    few are the faults that remain with you. Better far and more perfect
    in form do you stand forth now than formerly you did. This is the
    accomplishment of my small hand.

    _To Philibert Babou._

    That my life for many years has been due to you, these two short
    verses, Philibert, now testify. Whatever 'alpha' belonged to me in
    my tender years, that your happy 'omega' wished to bear.



At the end of the index, on the verso of the penultimate sheet, is a list
of errata beginning thus:--

[181] 'Since nothing is more difficult than to be wholly free from
error, it seems quite proper that I should, with the kind consent of the
reader, consider a very few of the very few mistakes of this book: thus,
for example, where "potuit" is found in the epistle, "possit" should be

This list also is signed 'civis.' Beneath it is a short poem entitled:
'Carolus Rousseus ad lectorem tetrastichon.' And on the recto of the last
leaf: 'In the year of the incarnation and of our salvation, 1507, the
tenth day of January,[182] this work was printed by Gilles de Gourmont,
and was very carefully revised by Tory of Bourges, at Paris.' (Mark of
Gilles de Gourmont.)


    DESCRIPTIONE, etc. Paris, Henri Estienne [1509].

Quarto, of 152 leaves of text, preceded by 12 unnumbered leaves and a
folio cut representing the ancient world. On the second preliminary leaf
is Tory's dedicatory epistle to Germain de Gannay, thus conceived:

    _To the reverend Father and Lord in Christ, Germain de Gannay,
    bishop-elect of Cahors, Geofroy Tory of Bourges proffers most humble

    I here present, most excellent prelate, in more accurate and emended
    form than that in which he has hitherto been read, Pope Pius, an
    author who, in his Description of Asia and Europe, is much to be
    admired both for the dignity and for the singular worth of his
    work. In looking for some one to whom he, in behalf of his book,
    freshly issuing from the printing-office, might straightway most
    devotedly offer his respects, some one select, devoted to letters,
    and possessed of the highest virtue, I could think of no one more to
    be desired, more worthy than you. That the Supreme Pontiff himself
    should go to visit you, a most venerable bishop, seemed to me a
    thing not without humour. That he, I say, who was a meritorious
    writer of geography, and, as you will be able to see, of history
    well deserving to be read, should come and embrace you, lover and
    cultivator of every form of polite literature, I thought a thing
    very appropriate. It was like setting the gem to the gold, or the
    'encaustum,' that is picture drawn with fire, to the silver, it was
    like conferring the palm upon the victor; and that most certainly
    is nothing other than to join the good to the good, the glorious to
    the glorious, the deserving to the deserving. But along with these
    reasons there is still another reason why to you of all persons
    this most illustrious work should very properly be dedicated: it
    was at your instance and suggestion that I divided the work into
    chapters and gave to its parts a more convenient arrangement.
    That you first, and then that all other students and readers, may,
    as was your wish, find and remember the parts of the earth, which
    are many in number, and the things in them that are interesting
    to know about, more easily and conveniently, I have divided the
    book thus: the names of rivers, towns, places, rulers, and other
    important matters I have put in separate chapters and marked with
    marginal captions; these names are also all to be found, provided
    with numbers, in the index. This little work of mine, therefore,
    I dedicate to you, my lord, in deepest reverence and with sincere
    feeling. It is certainly far from being what I should offer to so
    reverend a father, but you, whose goodness and integrity, which are
    perfectly evident to me, all praise in the highest terms, will, if
    it so please you, take the book into your most pure hands and bestow
    upon it the favour which you are accustomed to bestow upon works of
    this kind. Farewell.

    Paris, at the College of Plessis, 2 Oct., A.D. 1509.

Next comes a 'table,' which fills eleven leaves, on the verso of the last
of which we find the following note to the reader:--

    _Geofroy Tory of Bourges to the Reader._[184]

    You will find the words 'eruȩre, contendȩre, misȩre,'
    and many others of the same sort, written with an _ȩ_ in the
    penult: this was done in order that the perfect indicative, which
    regularly has a long penult, might show its quantity (which
    you are to utter in reading), as distinguished from that of
    the present and past imperfect infinitive, which in the third
    conjugation always shortens its penult. It is with pleasure that
    I have imitated and adopted the very elegant and finished form of
    writing which is used in the 'Psalterium Quincuplex,'[185] recently
    published. You will also, though rarely, find this _ȩ_ used,
    after the fashion of certain authors, for _æ_ in some words, and
    similarly at times in the genitive and dative singular, and in the
    nominative and vocative plural, of the first declension. I have
    furthermore written designedly 'mistum' with an _s_ instead of an
    _x_,--for 'misceo' makes its perfect 'miscui,' whence by analogy
    'mistum,'--'intellego,' 'toties,' 'quoties,' 'litus,' 'opidum,'
    'litera,' 'tralatum,' 'aliquando,' and other similar forms, which
    are to be written according to ὀρθογραϕία, that is to
    say, correct spelling. The word 'Turca' also, which many make in
    the second declension, I have written in the first. I follow herein
    with approval Michael Tarchaniota Marulus of Constantinople in his
    lines addressed to Charles, King of France. These are his words:
    'Invincible king, scion of the race of Charles the Great, whom the
    holy prophecies of so many men, of so many gods, demand as the
    vindicator of fallen justice and loyalty; whom here the sad Ausonian
    land, there Greece with streaming locks, calls, and whate'er of Asia
    and wealthy Syria the cruel Turk profanes,' etc.

    In writing the accusatives 'plureis,' 'parteis,' 'omneis,'
    'monteis,' in '_eis_,' I have believed that I was writing good
    grammar and good Latin, following therein Priscian, book 7, the
    chapter on the accusative plural of the third declension. This form
    is valuable for distinguishing the accusative from the nominative,
    and has been used by a thousand authors, of which great number it
    is sufficient at present to cite as witnesses Sallust, Virgil,
    and Plautus. Sallust, who used the first word also, says in the
    Catilinarian War: 'Omneis homines qui sese,' etc. Virgil in the
    first Æneid: 'Hic fessas non vincula naveis Ulla tenent....' Plautus
    in the Aulularia: 'Quid est? quid ridetis novi omneis, scio fures
    hic esse complureis.' I have been pleased to make this explanation,
    good reader, so that you not only might know what pure speech is,
    but also, both in reading and in speaking, might have pleasantly at
    hand, like finger-posts, and might use, pure words. Farewell.


On folio 152, after the errata, we read: 'Impressa est hæc Asiæ et
Europæ quam elegantissima historia per Henricum Stephanum, impressorem
diligentissimum, Parrhisiis, e regione scholæ decretorum, sumptibus
eiusdem Henrici et Ioannis Hongonti,[186] VI idus Octobris anno
Domini M. D. IX.[187]


    CRUCE.--Mark of Josse Bade ('Prelum ascensianum').[188]

One octavo sheet, printed by Josse Bade, dated the 5th of the Ides of
March, 1509; that is to say, March 11, 1510, new style.[189]

On the verso of the title-page is this letter from Herverus de Berna (of
Saint-Amand-Montrond) to the young people of Bourges:--

    _Herverus de Berna of Amand to the youth of Bourges, greeting._[190]

    You are acquainted with Dives, our teacher, famed for his wisdom,
    a foster-child of the Muses, who well deserves your gratitude. He
    it is who introduced you to the Muses, Helicon, Phœbus' grove, and
    Mercury, and from his school, as from the Trojan horse, have issued
    men of education without number. His heart is in the Muses' glorious
    service, and his memory, it seems to me, should be forever honoured
    and kept green. He is reported, as the saying is, to have toiled
    not only by the lamp of Aristophanes, but by that of Cleanthes as
    well.[191] You do not doubt that he is deserving of praise for the
    elegance of his song; whence it happens that there is a religious
    poem of his written on the Passion of Our Lord,--a poem of such
    brilliancy, such sweetness, such ornateness, that one could believe
    it to be the work of the divine, rather than of a human, mind. I
    do not doubt that, as a result of this fact, the same thing will
    fall to his lot that usually falls to the lot of literary men:
    as Claudian says, 'His presence will diminish his fame.'[192]
    Not, however, without Theseus,[193] that is Tory of Bourges, my
    fellow-student, a man of the old, and, as Plautus says, of the
    Massilian, school,[194] one who combines sound learning with virtue,
    have I wished Dives to issue forth into the world; again, I hope,
    with favourable auspices, as the saying is. Farewell, with best

    From my house at Amand, 1 March.

Then follows the elegy by Wilhelm de Ricke, which has 140 verses and
occupies 4 leaves; on the verso of the last of the four is this dialogue
in verse by Tory:--

    _Dialogue by Geofroy Tory of Bourges in praise of his teacher,
    Wilhelm de Ricke of Ghent._[195]

    _Speakers_: MONITOR _and_ LIBER.

    M. Sacred book, who in song mourn Christ's Passion, now
    speak: whose holy work can you be?

    L. Whose work? Behold! Rich's work am I.

    M. Well done! That Rich who to the people of Bourges has
    given so many rich examples?

    L. You judge rightly.

    M. Rich truly has a wise heart.

    L. No fitter name than this can be given him.

    M. He it is who taught the people of Bourges to speak with
    flowery tongue and to make facile verses with the mouth.

    L. He not only taught them to speak and to weave song, but
    he also gave them the power to see Christ's wounded body.

    M. If one wished to see the arms of God fixed to the cross,
    could even Rich grant him that to the life?

    L. Should you desire to carry the cross of God, his cruel
    wounds, the crown, hold me in hand, you will carry all.

    M. May Rich's every prayer be ever happily granted, such
    good he grants to pious hearts.

    L. May he live and continue on earth through Nestorian
    years, and after death gain the rich kingdom of Heaven.


The little book comes to an end with the poem by Lactantius mentioned on
the title-page. It fills the third and second last leaves, and the recto
of the last, at the foot of which we read: 'Finis. Ex ædibus Ascensianis
ad v idus martias MDIX.' This date corresponds with March 11,
1510, new style.

M. Jules de Saint-Genois, librarian of the University of Ghent, writes me
as follows concerning his fellow-townsman, the author of the verses on the

'The name of the person in whom you are interested was not le Riche, but
de Rycke, in Flemish, which in the Latin rendering becomes Dives. This
is what Sanderus says of him in "Flandria Illustrata," 1, 386 (edition
Hagæ-Comitis, 1735): "Gulielmus Dives, vulgo de Rycke, Gandavensis poeta:
ejus exstat 'Carmen elegiacum de Passione Dominica,' artificiosæ pietatis
plenissimum, quod inter illustrium poetarum opera impressit Judocus Badius
Ascensius Parisiis."

'Valère André, too, devotes a few lines to him in his "Bibliotheca
Belgica" (Lovanii, 1623, p. 344): "Elegiam de Passione Dominica edidit
Antverpiæ cum Dominici Mancini, Phil. Beroaldi et aliorum similis
argumenti libellis, 1527, Mich. Hellenii typis."

'P. Hofmann Peerlkamp says in his "Liber de vita, doctrina et facultate
Nederlandorum qui carmina latina composuerunt" (2d edition, Harlem,
1838, p. 29): "Gulielmus Dives Gandensis floruit 1520. Scripsit 'Carmen
elegiacum de Passione Dominica,' artificiosæ pietatis plenissimum....
Hæc sæpius prodiit, addita etiam _Quatuor virtutibus_ Dominici Mancini,
Antverpiæ, a. 1562. Si vocabulum his illic excipias minus latinum, Carmen
est melioris notæ quam multa ejusdem temporis de hoc argumento."

'As for the edition which you mention, said to have been printed "in
ædibus Ascensianis," in 1509, the library does not own it; but Gulielmus
Dives' little poem is printed in "Dominici Mancini Poemata," Antverpiæ,
1559, 12mo.'

This is all that I have been able to learn concerning Guillaume le Riche
or de Rycke; we do not know how this burgess of Ghent became a professor
at Bourges. And yet the fact itself is not extraordinary, for, not long
after, about 1530, another Belgian, named Hanneton, gave instruction in
feudal law there.

Tory published also at the end of his edition of Valerius Probus [see
number 5, infra], the following Latin distich,--an enigma,--written by his

    Dic age, quæ volucres gignunt animalia foetæe
      Et præbent natis ubera plena suis?[196]

As for Herverus de Berna, Tory's fellow-pupil, I know even less of him.
All that I have been able to learn is that he published in 1543 a short
poem in praise of the dukes of Nevers, lords of Orval near Saint-Amand,
where Herverus was born, and of which he was then curé, if I read aright
his bombastic Latin. This is the title of the book, which was for sale at
the shop of Vivant Gualtherot: 'Panegyricon illustrissimorum principum
comitum Druydarum et Aurivallensium et Nivernensium, Hervero a Berna,
curione Amandino Allifero, auctore. Parisiis, 1543.' (I fancy that the
words 'curione Amandino Allifero' mean: curé of Saint-Amand-l'Allier, now

The work is dedicated to a friend of the author, and perhaps of Tory as
well, named Nicolas Rocheus (La Roche?), described as 'Apollineæ artis
doctor eximius' in the dedicatory epistle, which is dated: 'Tumultuarie,
ex ædibus nostris Amandinis, kalendis ianuarii, 1542.'



Quarto, Paris, 1510; with the small mark of the Marnefs (the
Pelican),[197] with the letters E. I. G.

This work, which was printed by J. Marchand, at the expense of Geofroy de
Marnef, bookseller and publisher, was prepared for the press by Geofroy
Tory, who placed at the beginning the following letter:--

    _To the most distinguished Philibert Babou, Geofroy Tory of Bourges,
    heartiest greeting._[198]

    Last year, when I was attending to the printing of Pope Pius's
    Cosmography, the idea occurred to me of thoroughly revising and
    handing to the printer at an early date the Babylonian Berosus's
    work on the 'Antiquities of the Kingdoms'; but, my mind at that
    time taking another turn, I determined to postpone this work, for
    the reason that I had a project of almost divine character on
    hand; and indeed I should have postponed it for a long time,--as
    the saying is, to the Greek Calends,--had not Berosus himself, so
    to speak, and, what is and always will be of no little importance
    to me, a number of my friends, daily whispering in my ear, as it
    were, their prayers, demanded of me most earnestly that I should
    print, along with Berosus, Myrsilus 'De origine Turrenorum,' Cato's
    fragments, Archilochus, Metasthenes, Philo, Xenophon 'De æquivocis,'
    Sempronius, Fabius Pictor, and Antoninus Pius's fragments of the
    'Itinerarium.' There is a very avaricious class of human beings,
    which, if it has a book--a book that is hard to find--consisting of
    three or four short lines, straightway,--like the ants of India, or
    the griffins, which are fabled to carry gold to a remote spot and
    there keep watch over it, threatening with dire destruction any one
    who attempts to touch it,--carries it off and guards it, and loading
    it with chains and fetters, keeps it imprisoned like a miserable
    captive. Such people ought to display their officious greed--the
    greed of possessing something unique all to one's self--in company
    with the ants and griffins, which other people avoid, rather than to
    continue their incivility, or perhaps I should rather say immunity,
    among human beings. We are born not alone for ourselves: we owe
    something also to our friends, something to our country. Therefore,
    that it may not seem to be my desire to extinguish the brilliant
    light of a burning lamp, I the more willingly, under your name,
    Philibert, most illustrious citizen of Bourges, send forth Berosus's
    'Antiquities,' together with the other authors mentioned above, for
    the common study of all, and I believe that I shall therein be doing
    an act that will gain the gratitude, in some small measure, of my
    country. Farewell.

    Paris, at the College of Plessis, 2 May, 1510.


Tory's letter is dated May 2, 1510; but the printing of the book was not
finished until the ninth of that month, as we see by the subscription of
the first edition; for there were at least three distinct editions in
Tory's name, to say nothing of a multitude of others issued by different
publishers. Annius of Viterbo, otherwise known as Jean Nanni, had recently
brought into fashion the fables of Berosus, which he attempted to palm off
as an ancient work; and scholars were still at odds as to the authenticity
of the book, the sale of which their discussions aided to maintain. Tory
seems to have taken sides with Annius of Viterbo, as he himself prepared
an edition of the supposititious Berosus, the preface of which we have
just quoted. We have said that there were three editions in his name. They
may be described thus:--

_First Edition_

Quarto; 28 leaves numbered in Arabic figures, and 4 preliminary leaves.

Folio 1 recto, title: 'Berosus Babilonicus, de his quæ præcesserunt
inundationem terrarum; item Myrsilus, de origine Turrenorum; Cato, in
fragmentis; Archilocus, in epitheto de temporibus; Metasthenes, de judicio
temporum; Philo, in breviario temporum; Xenophon, de equivocis temporum;
Sempronius, de divisione Italiæ; Q. Fab. Pictor, de aureo seculo et
origine urbis Romæ; fragmentum itinerarii Antonini Pii; altercatio Adriani
Augusti et Epictici.' Then comes the mark of the Marnefs, with the letters
E. I. G., and the words 'Le Pelican' in a scroll at the left. (No. 15 of
M. Silvestre's 'Marques Typographiques.')

On the verso of this leaf is Tory's letter, quoted above. Four unnumbered
intercalated leaves follow, containing the table of contents and a list of

Folio 2, recto: 'Berosus, de his quæ præscesserunt inundationem terrarum.'

The articles mentioned on the title-page follow, up to folio 28, where we
find these words:--

'Impressum est hoc opus Parrhisiis, in Bellovisu, per Joannem
Marchant, impensis Godofredi de Marnef, anno Domini 1510, septimo idus

_Second Edition_

Quarto; 4 unnumbered preliminary leaves, and 30 leaves of text numbered in
roman figures; in all, 34 printed leaves.

On the first of the unnumbered leaves is the title, 'Berosus Babilonicus,'
etc. (as in the first edition), but with the following additional words:
'Vertumniana Propertii. Manethon.' Same mark as in the first edition, but

On the second leaf, Tory's letter. On the verso of this leaf the index
begins, and fills the two leaves following.

Folio i. 'Berosus,' etc. The text corresponds with that of the first
edition[201] to folio xxvii, where the additions begin.

    Fol. xxvii, recto. End of the 'Altercatio.'
                verso. 'Vertumniana Propertii.'
        xxviii, verso. 'Manethonis, prima pars.'

Fol. xxx (not numbered), several pieces of verse [not mentioned on the
title-page], perhaps by Tory, but not signed:--

1. 'Ad reverendissimum ac religiosissimum Arturum Calphurnium, Sancti
Georgii de Nemore antistitem.'

2. 'Ad eruditissimum Nicolaum Corbinum, Vindocinensis plage judicem.'

3. 'Ad bonarum literarum vere amatorem amicum sibi fidelem Philippum

This edition, which seems never to have been described by any bibliophile,
is in the Bibliothèque Mazarine, and at Sainte-Geneviève. It was
undoubtedly published in 1511, but it bears no indication of its date.

_Third Edition_

Quarto; 6 preliminary leaves, unnumbered, and 51 leaves numbered in roman
figures, divided into ten signatures (A to K), containing alternately one
and a half and two leaves. In all, 57 printed leaves, and one blank.

On the first unnumbered leaf is the title: 'Berosus,' etc. (as in the
first edition), but with the following addition: 'Cornelii Taciti
de origine et situ Germanorum opusculum. C. C. de situ et moribus
Germanorum.--Anno Domini 1511.' Then follows a shocking imitation of the
mark of the Marnefs in the first edition. The gothic initials E and G are
changed to C and O, and the I, which in the other editions stands between
the E and the G, is omitted. The words 'Le Pelican,' in a scroll at the
left, are reduced to the three letters L, P, and A, the foreign artist
having been either unable or unwilling to read what was printed on the
copy put before him, which, it is true, may have been imperfect. The first
decorated letter, also, has been copied, in order to deceive the reader,
who, if we may judge from appearances, was assumed to be seeking the
edition prepared by Tory.

On the second leaf is the letter of the editor, from which the word
'civis,' Tory's device, has been omitted, the foreign printer apparently
not knowing its meaning. The four leaves following are taken up with the
table of contents.

Folio i of the text: 'Berosus,' etc. The text which follows corresponds
with that of the first edition down to folio xxxii (erroneously numbered
xxxiii), which ends with the word 'finis.'

On folio xxxiii recto, the work of Tacitus mentioned above ['Germania']
begins. Next, on folio xliii verso, a work in verse by Conrad Celtès,
the title of which is given above, and on folio xlviii, another work, in
prose, by the same author, with this title: 'Ex libro C. C. de situ et
moribus Norimberge, de Herciniæ silvæ magnitudine, et de eius in Europa
definitione et populis incolis.'

There is nothing to indicate where the book was printed; but everything
leads me to believe that it is a German counterfeit. My opinion is based
upon, first, the stupid imitation of the printer's mark of the first
edition; second, the omission of Tory's device at the end of the letter;
third, the additions, all of which relate to Germany; fourth, the fact
that two of the three known copies of this edition were recently to be
found in the same country. One belonged to Panzer, who has described it
in his 'Annales Typographiques'[202]; I do not know what has become of
it; a second copy was formerly in the library of M. Bunau,[203] whence it
passed to the Dresden Library; the third is in Paris, in the Bibliothèque
Nationale, which also possesses a copy of the first edition. It was by
comparing the two editions that I discovered the fraud committed by the
printer of the edition of 1511 with respect to the typographical mark.
The description of this mark given by Panzer, with that courteously
sent me from Dresden by the learned bibliographer Herr Graesse, before
I was aware of the existence of the copy of the third edition in the
Bibliothèque Nationale, had utterly baffled such bibliographical knowledge
as I possess. I sought a meaning for the letters inscribed on the mark
in the third edition; of course I could not find any. M. Brunet has
since produced a facsimile of this mark, in the fifth edition of his


    INCIPIT.--Mark: Marnef's E. I. G. (Silvestre, no. 974.)

Octavo; 6 printed sheets (signatures A to I). Paris, E. I. G. de Marnef
[1510]. This book was probably printed by Gilles de Gourmont, for we find
in it his unaccented Greek type. It contains two engravings on wood,--the
mark on the title-page, and a Roman portico farther on. There are also
some small cuts engraved on metal in one of the pieces; but none of them
have any artistic merit, and they cannot be attributed to Tory.

On the verso of the title is the following letter, addressed by Tory to
two of his old college friends, who were at this time personages of note:
the first, Philibert Babou, was secretary and silversmith to the king; the
second, Jean Lallemand, was Mayor of Bourges.

    _Geofroy Tory of Bourges to the most illustrious Philibert Babou and
    Jean Lallemand, the younger, citizens of Bourges, united in mutual
    friendship, greeting._[205]

    I owe to you, most estimable of men, the fruit of whatever toil
    I may undertake--even purposely for your sakes--by night or day.
    Behold! Since you in no slight degree practise and admire the
    old school of morals, the school, that is, of respectability
    and true worth, I now, under the protection of your names, ever
    to be cherished by me, commit to print Probus Valerius, a most
    diligent collector and accurate interpreter of the old writings and
    abbreviations which appear, elegantly drawn, on the ancient coins,
    tombs, and tablets; glad am I to be of even such small service to
    my country, and hopeful that the slight revision to which I have
    subjected the work will prove to have been as happily, as it has
    been carefully, done. Permit, I beg, an author of exceeding merit to
    come first of all into your hands, which are most fitted for every
    excellence, and then to go forth brightly and cheerfully into the
    hands of all other students. Farewell.

    Paris, at the College of Plessis, 10 May, 1510.


And at the end of the book is this other letter, which gives us to know
that the volume is a collection of fragments of ancient authors.

    _Geofroy Tory of Bourges to the Reader, greeting._[206]

    When I began, I believe under favourable auspices, to print Valerius
    Probus, it occurred to me, not wishing a book of one or two codices
    to be unsuitable as a manual, to print, along with Probus, several
    articles well worth making the acquaintance of. I have added to
    Probus, Priscian's treatise 'De ponderibus et mensuris'; likewise
    Columella's 'Quemadmodum datæ formæ agrorum metiri debeant'; also
    Georgius Valla's 'Figuras quæ sub dimensionem cadant'; and, further,
    some dialogues, together with some enigmas, carefully collected,
    as occasion allowed, from various authors. The enigmas I have
    designedly left unexplained, so that, when you come to read them
    (as Gellius says in book xii, ch. 6), you may sharpen your wits by
    trying to puzzle them out.[207] Give your attention to them, I beg,
    good reader, so that I may not, as Plautus enigmatically observes in
    the 'Miles,' throw dust in your eyes. Farewell.

In addition to the pieces which Tory here mentions, there are many others
in this volume of miscellanies.[208] It contains also several pieces of
verse by Tory himself. Here is one which will give an idea of his literary

    _Dialogue by Geofroy Tory, in which the City of Bourges is described
    in the rôle of a speaking character._[209]

    _Speakers_: MONITOR _and_ CITY.

    MON. City, what is your name?

    CITY. Bourges.

    MON. Now, tell me, what mean those proud buildings that I

    CITY. Temples, houses, towers, divine palaces you see.

    MON. Ah! they overtop the heavens with their piles. What
    temple is that, I pray?

    CITY. The Cathedral of St. Etienne, first of martyrs; it
    overtops even the lofty marbles of the goddess Trivia.

    MON. What is that single house which stands distinguished
    for its red hearts? Was it built by the hand of Memnon?

    CITY. This was built in an earlier time by the mortal
    Jacques Cœur [Heart],[210] a man of wealth; him envy took from us.

    MON. Say! what tower is that that is seen standing higher
    than the lighthouse of Pharos? I am filled with wonder when I see it

    CITY. When the mighty Ambigatus ruled the Celtic peoples,
    in an earlier time, this great tower was built.

    MON. Say, oh, say, that golden palace, is it the Capitol?
    Answer; why do you not speak, Bourges? You who just now talked
    with easy speech say nothing. Do you wish to become to me what
    Harpocrates was of yore?

    CITY. No, but, see you, this palace is to be approved for
    its great art, because the world has not yet produced another like

    MON. What is this earth that yawns with such an opening?

    CITY. It is the place where a tower was to be erected for

    MON. Have you not another as great as that?

    CITY. I have. From two towers I get my name Bourges

    MON. By what name is it called in this time of ours?

    CITY. The people name and call it 'the fosse of sands.'

    MON. What river, what river have you to mention?

    CITY. The Auron.

    MON. Is it the one Cæsar mentions in describing the Gallic

    CITY. It is.

    MON. Are there others?

    CITY. There are two: they are the Voiselle and the Yèvre
    herself, swarming with numberless fishes.

    MON. What privileges have you?

    CITY. The all-valuable privilege have I, and the hall, that
    coin money.

    MON. Is there nothing else?

    CITY. Aquitaine calls me capital and receives her laws from

    MON. What divinities are with you?

    CITY. There are Juno, Jupiter, and Pan, Vesta, Diana,
    Ceres, Liber, and the Father himself.



Such is the complete title of an edition of Quintilian's 'Institutes,'
produced by Tory, in 1510, at the request of Jean Rousselet, of Lyon.[211]

This is a large octavo volume, printed in italic (without pagination),
composed of 46 quarto sheets (signatures A to ZZv): there are several
passages in Greek type of excellent appearance, but without accents.
Undertaken at the request of Jean Rousselet, and printed at his expense,
this book probably was not put on the market. In fact it bears no
bookseller's nor any printer's name. We should not even know where it was
printed, were it not for the fact that the dedication, dated the third of
the Calends of March,[212] states that the manuscript was sent by Tory
from Paris to Lyon. At the end of the volume we find these words only:
'Impressum fuit hoc opus anno Domini M. CCCCCX, septimo calend.
Julii.' This date corresponds to June 25, 1510.


    DECEM. (Mark of B. Rembolt.) Venundantur Parrhisiis, in Sole
    Aureo vici Sancti Jacobi, et in intersignio Trium Coronarum, e
    regione Divi Benedicti.

Quarto; 14 preliminary leaves and 174 of text (signatures A to Y). On the
last page is the mark of Louis Hornken, 'aux Trois Couronnes.' On the
second preliminary leaf is printed the following dedication:--

    _Geofroy Tory of Bourges to Philibert Babou and Jean Lallemand, the
    younger, most illustrious men, heartiest greeting._[213]

    Everybody knows, most estimable of men, that our forefathers,
    contented with their own goodness, practised in the olden times a
    kind of architecture that had in it little art and little elegance.
    Satisfied with mediocrity, they built and inhabited houses and
    dwellings of no great cost or splendour. Matters have finally
    reached the point that now, men's intelligence having somewhat
    awakened, new buildings are everywhere being erected which have
    considerable celebrity. In fact, beginning with the time when
    the magnanimous King Charles VIII, who was the terror of all
    Italy, returned, victorious and crowned with glory, from Naples,
    architecture, certainly a beautiful art, began, not only in its
    Doric and Ionic forms, but also in its Italian form, to be practised
    with great elegance throughout this country of France. At Amiens,
    at Gaillon, at Tours, at Blois, at Paris, and in a hundred other
    well-known places, one may now see striking buildings, public and
    private, in the ancient style of architecture. One may now, I say,
    see many buildings of such beauty and so nicely carved that the
    French actually seem, and are generally considered, to surpass,
    not only the Italians, but also the Dorians and the Ionians, who
    were the teachers of the Italians. Notwithstanding the brilliancy
    of these performances and these artists, I have thought it best
    to offer gratefully, and carefully to add, a contribution of some
    worth. Leo Baptista Albertus, a writer on architecture who is
    trustworthy and familiar with his subject, was lying stored away in
    my house as if in his last sleep. It seemed to me that he thoroughly
    deserved to be printed in France just at this time, for the delight
    and benefit of other famous artists who are better than he. It
    seemed to me, I say, that he thoroughly deserved to be printed,
    and for this reason especially, that the ten books, of which
    the whole work consists, have been divided into chapters. These
    chapters were accurately and carefully arranged by Robertus Duræus
    Fortunatus,[214] a man of education and culture, who was the Head of
    his College of Plessis at Paris four years ago when I taught there,
    and they were generously given to me by him to be copied. I copied
    them, and I furthermore polished up the whole work and cleared it of
    all the errors possible; I wrote the gist of the text on the margin,
    and gave the work to the printer to be printed. Permit, I pray, most
    distinguished citizens of Bourges, that this excellent work come
    auspiciously into the hands of all good artists and students, and
    that it be handled and read under the protection of your names ever
    to be cherished by me. Farewell, you who are the support and the
    most distinguished glory of your country.[215]

    Paris, near the College Coqueret, 18 August, 1512.


At the end of the volume (penultimate page) we read:--

'This most elegant and useful work on architecture of Leo Baptista
Albertus of Florence, a man of great distinction, was printed with great
accuracy at Paris at the Golden Sun in the street of St. Jacques, at the
expense of Master Berthold Rembolt and Louis Hornken, who live in the same
street, at the sign of the Three Crowns, near St. Benedict, A.D.
1512, 23rd day of August.'


    ubi impressum est, in domo Henrici Stephani, e regione Scholæ
    decretorum, Parrhisiis.

Sixteenmo (printed as 16s.); 120 leaves (signatures A to T), plus 8
preliminary leaves. [1512.] Printed in black and red.

The volume begins with this dedicatory epistle:--

    _Geofroy Tory of Bourges to Philibert Babou, most modest of men,
    heartiest greeting._[216]

    The 'Itinerarium,' most illustrious of men, which for many years
    had lain in almost entire neglect, I first received four years ago
    from a friend whom I must ever cherish, Christophe de Longueil,
    who is beyond question a scholar of the highest standing in all
    branches of polite learning. He gave it to me that I might make
    a copy of it. It had occurred to me to send to you from Paris to
    Tours a copy which, though written in my own hand, was not wholly
    without elegance of form. I had given it to a man to bring to you
    whose name I purposely spare, but he, regardless alike of both of
    us and of his trust, quite shamelessly made a present of it to some
    one else. Thus cheated of the fruit of my labour, I was preparing to
    make for you another copy, when Longueil himself, who had formerly
    brought the original from Picardy, and, as I have said, had given
    it to me, having recently come to Paris from Poictiers, urged me
    to have the work printed. This I have done, having arranged the
    names of the towns separately and in order, and also added in the
    proper places some matter taken from another manuscript. I have also
    made an index, to facilitate the finding of the name of any town
    or place in the whole work. Some perhaps will wonder at the style
    of the work, and also occasionally in places at the Latinity. The
    style, however, will receive sufficient approval from the student,
    while the Latinity, in consideration of the early time in which the
    work was written, will be condoned by the well-disposed reader. I
    should have been disposed to make a number of emendations, using for
    the purpose Ptolemy, Strabo, Dionysius, Mela, Pliny, Solinus, and
    some others who are not at all to be despised, but out of regard
    for the venerable author and in the desire to keep the manuscript,
    which is very old, unchanged, I determined to make no alterations.
    I am waiting for my friend Longueil to subject it some day to his
    scrutinizing study, or for some Hermolaus to apply his exacting
    file. One thing there is here which I shall not hesitate to touch:
    the author's name in the manuscript was, in my judgement, wrong,
    for it is written 'Antonius Augustus.' Hermolaus, a man of culture
    withal, calls it in a number of places in his Corrections to Pliny,
    'Antoninus.' Those who read will see for themselves. In the text
    I have followed the manuscript itself; in the title of the book I
    have followed Hermolaus. The fruit of my labour, such as it is, I
    dedicate, as in duty bound, to you personally, in a spirit abounding
    in gratitude. Accept it, I pray, with the favour with which you are
    accustomed to accept all good things, and allow the studious to
    pass, under your guidance, with this Itinerary in hand, through a
    thousand famous cities. Farewell, most cultured patron of my studies.

    Paris, near the College Coqueret, August 19, 1512.


Then comes a letter from the publisher to the reader:--

    _Tory to the Reader, greeting._[217]

    In order, gentle reader, that you may be able to use this
    'Itinerarium' to better advantage, you must be advised that whatever
    you find marked with a red virgule was larger in number in the old
    manuscript than in the other which is more recent. Words which had
    a different reading in the recent manuscript have small red letters
    printed above in the proper places. Whenever the sign (˄) occurs
    between words, a word or number should be marked above or at the
    side by the same sign. The sign 'mpm.,' so written, also frequently
    occurs in the text, and signifies 'milia plus minus.' It was written
    thus so that the reader might not be wearied by the frequent
    repetition of the long form. In the index you will sometimes find
    the letter _b_ alone, either following or between the page-numbers:
    this signifies that the word in question is found at least twice on
    the same page. Pay attention, therefore, and kindly see to it that
    in case you notice any who are displeased with my work, you may
    say to yourself with reference to them that Persian saying: 'that
    they may see virtue, and pine away leaving it behind.' I write this
    because at the time of printing there were some who, understanding
    nothing of this sort, condemned the matter according to their usual
    practice. Farewell and live long in happiness.


Next to this comes a summary of the life of Antoninus, and, lastly, some
verses by the Burgundian Gérard de Vercel, in laudation of Tory and
against poor printers. Here are the verses:--

    _Hendecasyllabic Poem of the Burgundian Gérard de Vercel, on poor

    Therefore hence, away therefore, profane hands of the inauspicious
    throng of printers; your impure works be off; that by your forbidden
    coming and impious front you may not stain and soil this heavenly
    thing. Let no man fail to know: this volume is sacred.

    Ah! vile and wretched printers, unskilled to put in print even the
    trifles of the schools or old women's tales, why do you spoil arts
    that are holy, and pollute with impure hand the laborious works of
    the nine[219] sisters?

    What do you not put forth from your office that is worthy to be cast
    forth and buried where the refuse of the stomach is placed?

    Therefore hence, away therefore, oh ye profane, ye vile and wretched
    printers. Be this word enough: sacred is this volume, which our
    Geofroy, our famous Geofroy, he, I say, of Bourges, taking pity
    on Pius, unearthed from its Lethæan rust and sleep, employing the
    guidance and assistance of his friend Longueil.[220]

The book is brought to a close by an 'avis au lecteur' thus conceived:

    _Tory to the Reader, happiness._[221]

    These few corrections, excellent reader, I beg you not to wonder at.
    I have collected them, such as differ from the readings of the old
    manuscript, so that you may be able readily to emend the book for
    yourself. I should lay the burden of the errors on the printers, but
    the art of printing has this natural peculiarity, that the smallest
    book cannot be printed from beginning to end without some mistakes.

    _Epigram to the Student by Tory._

    If, reader, you are preparing to journey in a fixed course to a
    hundred towns, to a hundred cities, if you desire to travel, better
    instructed and on the direct road, to a hundred seaports with their
    bays, then ever gratefully and carefully hold this little book in
    your right hand ready to consult.[222]



These verses of Tory on the death of his daughter Agnes form a small
volume of two quarto sheets (or eight leaves). The book is dedicated to
Philibert Babou; it was printed February 15, 1523, old style (1524), a few
days after Tory had conceived the idea of his 'Champ fleury' (January 6,
1524). The printer, who is not named, was Simon de Colines, then living
near the School of Law ('e regione scholæ decretorum').

On the last page appears a mark engraved specially for this little book,
for it includes a tiny winged figure ascending heavenward, which doubtless
represents the soul of Tory's daughter returning to God. This mark
reappears at the end of the Hours of 1524-1525, but minus the small figure
just mentioned.[223]

As we learn from the text, Agnes, who died August 25, 1522, at the age
of nine years eleven months and thirty days, was born August 26, 1512.
So that Tory was married at least as early as 1511. We know from another
document that his wife's name was Perrette le Hullin.

The only known copy of this little volume, the text of which I reproduce
in extenso, belonged [in 1865] to M. Joachim Gomez de la Cortina, Marquis
de Morante, who was so exceedingly kind as to send it from Madrid to
Paris, that I might examine it at my leisure. M. de la Cortina has
described it in the fifth volume of the catalogue of his library (Madrid,
1859; octavo). My only previous knowledge of it was derived from that
catalogue, although it was bought of M. Techener not more than ten years
ago, for 80 reals (20 francs).

    _Tory to his Book._[224]

    Go, book, to the sacred sanctuaries of pious poets; you are light,
    polished, radiant, and neat. Splendidly arrayed you are, and
    have nard, and roses, and saffron; the Latin goddesses, gracious
    divinities, together with Phœbus. Be not afraid lest you do
    not carry with you the favour of the gods; they will lift you,
    laurel-scented, above the stars.

    _Agnes Tory, sweetest and most modest of maidens, addresses the
    wayfarer from her tomb._

    Thou who passest with light foot, beloved wayfarer, stay thy step a
    little; lo, I wish to say a few words to thee. Live in remembrance
    of death, free from vices, and, if thou art wise, cast aside that
    hope of life which thou cherishest. Thou art radiant with beauty
    to-day, but, when the thread is cut, impious Fate hurries thee
    straight on to nought. I know this by experience, for, lately but
    a young girl of ten, I was suddenly snatched away. Like a rose I
    bloomed, sharer in those virtues which are usually seen in tender
    maidenhood. But yet I died, overwhelmed by the cruel fates, and now
    I am food for the flesh-eating worms. Food for the flesh-eating
    worms I lie, but not so wholly lifeless that I cannot speak the
    truth to thee. I speak in the Latin tongue, and this is not strange,
    fair friend, for I am to be named the daughter of a pious poet.
    Desiring to instruct me in the Ausonian tongue, and also to render
    me accomplished in the polite arts, he, like a most affectionate
    father, teaching me night and day, himself laid the foundations,
    sweet and ample, for my life. I should be accomplished in the
    learning of the famous Muses, and I should sing beautiful songs in
    pleasing measure; and then my sire would have given me fond kisses,
    placing the laurel-wreath upon my head. O pitiful lot of human
    beings! O hopes doomed to perish! On earth there is nothing that
    can be lasting. Not only does death show herself face to face to
    wretched mortals, but with silent step she steals upon them secretly
    and unbeknown. Ah! beware, therefore, beware, thou who art doomed
    to die, the world will certainly in a moment's time fall and crash
    about thee. Thou, while thou still livest, while thou seekest great
    honours, art with infirm and rapid step steadily approaching thy
    doom. If thou departest satisfied with this one certain warning, and
    if thou believest that I speak the truth, bestrew me with flowers,
    violets and lilies, and nard. Pray for me too, if it please thee,
    and weep. Me thou wilt cause by thy prayers to mount to the lofty
    vault of Heaven, where is perpetual light, peace, and grateful rest.
    This was the little that I wished thee to know. Live in remembrance
    of death, thou who art destined soon to die. Farewell.

    She died where she was born, at Paris, 25 August, A.D. 1522.

    She lived nine years, eleven months, about thirty days; the hours
    are known to none; God alone knows the minutes.

    FATHER _and_ DAUGHTER, _Speakers_.

    F. Food for the worms you lie, dearest daughter. Me you
    leave in perpetual tears and weeping.

    D. Dear father, spare your weeping and tears. It is all
    over with me. Death carries away both young and old.

    F. Nor can I refrain from terrible wailing. Alas! I should
    have more rightly died before you.

    D. Such was not the will of the heavenly fates. At your
    death, believe me, you shall most certainly come to me.

    F. In the meantime, with bended head, I will bring with
    full hands violets and lilies to your tomb.

    D. Add your prayers; through prayers I shall fly to the
    high vault of Heaven. Pious prayers enable us to ascend to the lofty

    F. It is as you say; and do you too, my daughter, pray for
    your father; pray that he may rise with you to the glad Heavens.

    D. To the glad Heavens you shall rise, free from bitter
    cares, and with all the trouble of your mind removed.

    F. You speak the truth, and so I will do. The good God
    calls you to himself in Heaven? Dear daughter, farewell.

    F. Alas! my sweet soul, you are dead.

    D. Courage, father, no one is immortal.

    _Twelve distichs to be inscribed on the twelve different sides of an

                         On the first side.

    You wish flowers! violets! you wish lilies! garlands! cyperus! These
    this earthen urn will give you, take them and be glad.

                          On the second.

    In this urn the deceased maiden Agnes lies; in its centre breathes a
    delightful odour.

                         On the third.

    Here is Merriment, here Love too, Sport, and Virtue; and here the
    Graces' selves, beings divine, with the Muses, sit and dwell.

                        On the fourth.

    In this urn are marjoram and sweet-smelling cyperus; here are
    violets, lilies, garlands, roses.

                        On the fifth.

    Not alone does the maiden Agnes here abide, but, with Phœbus, the
    Clarian goddesses themselves sit and dwell.

                       On the sixth.

    Gold-leaf joined with gems, and green jewels, are kept with
    everlasting flowers in this urn.

                       On the seventh.

    Do you wish and long to become acquainted with Agnes' urn? See,
    where the laurel grows upward to the lofty sky.

                       On the eighth.

    Here lies in death Agnes of memory dear; she could already sing
    tripping measures with tender voice.

                      On the ninth.

    Here lies the maiden poet ten years of age, an honour to freeborn
    song and maidenhood.

                       On the tenth.

    If you wish to know where Agnes' ashes really lie, they are here;
    hesitate not in your belief, but be assured.

                     On the eleventh.

    Do you wish to hear Phœbus and the Muses' selves singing in sweet
    strains? Approach this urn, and you will straightway hear.

                     On the twelfth.

    A rising poet, deceased in tender years, lies here with
    laurel-crowned maidenhood.

    MONITOR _and_ AGNES, _Speakers_.

    MON. Answer me a few questions, I pray, maiden poet.

    A. I will, provided you ask but few.

    MON. I will ask but few.

    A. Ask.

    MON. What is your mind in death?

    A. Of gold.

    MON. What is your body?

    A. Of dust.

    MON. What is your spirit?

    A. Of air.

    MON. Enough; calm repose and peace be for ever yours.

    A. And yours in life a full measure of sweet health.

    _Distichs hanging on written tablets from a laurel-tree near the
    tomb and urn of Agnes._

                   On the first tablet.

    Here lies a poet, image of distinguished virtue, noble and
    illustrious type of nature.

                   On the second.

    Here, with drooping quiver, lie the broken arms which freeborn Love
    once used to carry.

                    On the third.

    Pearl, crystal, magnet, and the green emerald gleam with the virgin
    poet that lieth here.

                    On the fourth.

    Here will be perpetual spring with various flowers as long as
    flashing Phœbus drives his golden chariot.

                   On the fifth.

    Here rest Comeliness and Sport, and Laughter, and Merriment; here is
    Love, unarmed, with the laurel-crowned maid.

                      On the sixth.

    Inside this urn is a treasure; touch it not, countless gems are
    within it.

                    On the seventh.

    As long as Phœbus shall fill the regions of the heavens with his
    rays, here will be violets and flowers, here will be the anise.

                    On the eighth.

    Here abide Love, and Sport, and Laughter, and Merriment, and Wit;
    here abide the Muses and the Graces; here abides Apollo.

                    On the ninth.

    Here dwells, with the honey-dropping Muses, a maiden destined to
    receive glory and perpetual song.

                     On the tenth.

    Here the earth is green, producing spontaneously marjoram-garlands,
    and here it is damp and fertile with vernal dews.

                   On the eleventh.

    Here violets, here flowers, here lilies, garlands, crowns grow
    spontaneously, and spontaneously thrive.

                    On the twelfth.

    Here Genius with cruel hand breaks in twain his standards, seeing
    that the type of nature has perished.

    MONITOR _and_ MAIDENHOOD, _Speakers_.

    MON. Ho there! maiden, beauteous with your rosy face, what
    do you here, weeping in deep distress?

    MA. I am moaning.

    MON. What is the reason for your moaning?

    MA. The maiden Agnes, whose ashes this earthen urn beside
    me holds.

    MON. Whence comes this sweet odour to my nostrils?

    MA. From the urn, an odour placed there by the Graces,
    beings divine.

    MON. What did they place there?

    MA. Roses and cinnamon, balsam and nard, flowers and
    violets, lilies, garlands, and saffron.

    MON. Is there marjoram also in the urn, the cyperus with
    oil of myrrh?

    MA. There is in it every fragrant herb and pleasant odour.

    MON. Does the urn, beautifully decked, wear a green crown?

    MA. As is fitting and right, it wears a laurel-wreath.

    MON. What is the reason?

    MA. It contains the rejoicing Muses, who celebrate with
    song the rites of the tender maiden.

    MON. Do they sing alone?

    MA. Alone? No. Phœbus Apollo in the centre tunes his lyre
    and performs the mystic rites.

    MON. What, then, do you mean, sweetest maid, by this great
    moaning, and why do the divinities beside you sweetly sing?

    MA. I will tell you the truth. I cannot but willingly weep;
    so nobly gifted was she in intellect. But ten years of age, having
    followed her father's precepts, she was even then a poet who could
    sing in tripping measure.

    MON. A mighty miracle of nature you recount to me.

    MA. Nothing on this earth can be truer.

    MON. Who are these whom I see standing here?

    MA. Sport, Merriment, then Gesture, Honour, Virtue, and
    festive Love.

    MON. And these shattered arms that lie in great numbers
    around the urn?

    MA. The gods themselves carried them when they were whole.

    MON. What will they do now that all these arms have been
    thus broken?

    MA. They will lament and weep and groan for all time.

    MON. Shall you too weep?

    MA. I shall weep in sorrow all my days.

    MON. Have you a name?

    MA. I have.

    MON. What is it?

    MA. Maidenhood.

    MON. Dear one, farewell.

    MA. Farewell, dearest Monitor, and forget not her who lieth
    here and was once a beautiful maiden.

    MONITOR _and_ AGNES, _Speakers_.

    MON. Little poet, lying here, all-deserving of famous
    praise, may I speak a few words with you?

    A. You may.

    MON. Who made for you this urn set with brilliant gems?

    A. Who? My father, famed in this art.

    MON. Your father is certainly an excellent potter.

    A. He practises industriously every day the liberal arts.

    MON. Does he also write melodies and poems?

    A. He does. He also blesses with sweet words this lot of

    MON. Yes, the skill of the man is wonderful.

    A. Hardly has any land produced so famous a man.

    MON. O maiden happy in such a father!

    A. I certainly am so. He also exalts my name to the skies.

    MON. I hear the symphony.

    A. The Clarian Muses, together with Phœbus, sing their
    melodies here with me night and day.

    MON. Near you I see the Graces.

    A. They tender garlands to me.

    MON. Whence do they pluck violets?

    A. On the Elysian Hills.

    MON. Are there others with you?

    A. There are also three divinities.

    MON. What are they?

    A. Sport, and Love, fair Monitor, and Merriment.

    MON. What do they?

    A. They lay in place for me holy holocausts, and they fill
    the accustomed hearths with tinder and with fire.

    MON. Have you long been a goddess of the upper regions?

    A. I am becoming a goddess of the upper regions.

    MON. If you are a goddess, why do you not have your dear
    parents ascend to the heavenly realms?

    A. They will both ascend.

    MON. But when?

    A. When their fates clearly see that it is necessary. Each
    man has his fixed day, appointed for him by the fates.

    MON. Each man, therefore, has his fixed and immovable day?

    A. To every man comes death on a certain day.

    MON. Meanwhile what will your father and mother do here on

    A. What? They will perform their holy, sacred duties, and

    MON. Afterwards what will happen?

    A. In blessedness they will ascend to the heavenly realms,
    when the Heavenly Father above so wills.

    MON. I will now go back to my duties.

    A. When you wish, of course; live in happiness, and a kind

    MON. And may you live with the gods above, as a heavenly
    intelligence, as a famous constellation, as a benign goddess.

    GENIUS _and_ WAYFARER, _Speakers_.

    G. Stay a little, I beg, and go no farther, wayfarer,
    before looking at this urn and tomb.

    W. Who are you?

    G. I am Tutelary Genius.

    W. What would you have?

    G. I wish to converse a little with you here, friend.

    W. I am willing.

    G. See how a maiden poet, taken away by cruel fate, is
    contained in this earthen urn.

    W. How old was she?

    G. Twice five years.

    W. And did she, well-skilled, sing poetic measures?

    G. She did.

    W. 'Tis a wonder that you tell me of.

    G. She wrote festive songs in sweet verse, spontaneously
    playing, spontaneously singing.

    W. O rare grace of nature! O manifest glory of the gods!
    That so tender a maiden should be a poet!

    G. 'Twas a song, whatever she by chance wished to utter;
    whatever she desired to say, 'twas a song.

    W. Whence came to her the source of such a power?

    G. From the realms above, whence it is used to come.

    W. As one divine, therefore, she wrote charming verses?

    G. As one divine, following her own and her father's

    W. Does her father too compose melodies?

    G. He does, he is a poet fair and proper. He is proper and
    deft and neat, bright and decent. He is one whom the Muse blesses
    with divine song.

    W. He is certainly well-deserving of some Mæcenas.

    G. Few are the Mæcenases that live in the French world. No
    one to-day either encourages the liberal arts by appropriate gifts
    or undertakes to encourage them in any way. Uprightness and fair
    virtue are in no esteem. So powerful is the sway of unhappy Avarice.
    Treachery, deceit, and vice are in the ascendant. Virtues are put in
    the background, and every form of wretched evil creeps abroad.

    W. What, therefore, does he who is trained by the charming

    G. He takes pleasure in being able to live in his own house.

    W. He ought to go with hurried step to the courts of kings.

    G. He does not care to, because he has a free heart. Your
    potentates sometimes take pleasure in looking at songs, but what
    then? They requite them with nods. Golden songs, drawn from the high
    heavens, they should reward with jewels and with pure gold. But,
    frivolous as they are, they foolishly give their grand gifts to
    fools, spendthrifts, and rogues.

    W. Did he educate his own daughter in studies befitting her

    G. He did, and in the fine arts besides.

    W. And was she earnest to retain her father's precepts?

    G. She had no greater wish than to follow her father's

    W. Oh, what a great honour she would have been to her
    country and her father, had she lived to undertake the duties of

    G. Yes, her glory would have excelled that of all other
    girls in French lands. She was distinguished in appearance, her face
    was beautiful in its modesty, and she was all compact of golden
    words and ways. She drew to herself the hearts of men, young and
    old, and made them follow her wishes with constant loyalty.

    W. This is a miracle you tell me of.

    G. I tell you the truth, wayfarer. She was a mirror of
    true-born nobility.

    W. Oh, overwhelming grief! Oh, bitter grief and pain! That
    such a one could die so suddenly! What will her father do in the

    G. Bowed down with grief, he will suffer pain of heart and
    shed unceasing tears.

    W. He would do better to pour forth a flood of prayers to
    the heavenly gods and to join to his prayers the last rites to the

    G. He joins the last rites to his prayers and never ceases.
    He fills the customary hearths with tinder and fire.

    W. O maiden worthy of so deserving a father! O father, too,
    blessed in such a daughter!

    G. She now shines benign in the glad clouds, like a
    radiance newly-risen, like a golden constellation.

    W. May she triumph, shining in the ethereal realms, and may
    the daughter graciously take her father with her.

    G. Go about your affairs, if you will depart, wayfarer.
    This is what I wished to say. Friend, farewell.

    W. Live in happiness, guardian of the tomb and revealer of
    the urn. I go about my affairs diligently and in haste.

    Printed at Paris, near the Law School, A.D. 1523, 15th day
    of Feb'y.


    CORPS & VISAGE HUMAIN.--Ce Liure est Priuilegie pour Dix Ans
    Par Le Roy nostre Sire, & est a vendre a Paris sus Petit Pont
    a Lenseigne du Pot Casse, par maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges
    Libraire, & Autheur du dict Liure. Et par Giles Gourmont aussi
    libraire demourant en la Rue sainct Iaques a Lenseigne des Trois

    [Here the Pot Cassé, no. 4 (see p. 45 supra).]

Privilegie povr dix ans.

       *       *       *       *       *

A small folio of 8 preliminary leaves (signature A), comprising the title,
the _privilège_, etc., and LXXX numbered leaves (signatures B
to O); in all, 14 signatures. The first and last have 8 leaves each, the
others 6.

I have already spoken of this book at considerable length in the first
part, and shall refer to it again in the third; but in this place I must
at least describe it from a bibliographical standpoint.

On the verso of the title-page which I have just quoted, we read what

Ce toutal Oeuure est diuise en Trois Liures.

Au Premier Liure est contenue Lexhortation a mettre & ordonner la Lāgue
Françoise par certaine Reigle de parler elagāment en bon & plussain
Langage François.

Au Segond est traicte de Linuention des Lettres Attiques, & de la
conference proportionnalle dicelles au Corps & Visage naturel de Lhomme
parfaict. Auec plusieurs belles inuentions & moralitez sus lesdittes
Lettres Attiques.

Au Tiers & dernier Liure sont deseignees & proportionnees toutes
lesdittes Lettres Attiques selon leur Ordre Abecedaire en leur haulteur
& largeur chascune a part soy, en y enseignant leur deue facon & requise
pronunciation Latine et Françoise, tant a Lantique maniere que a la

En deux Caietz a la fin sont adiouxtees Treze diuerses facōs de Lettres.
Cest a scauoir. Lettres Hebraiques. Greques. Latines. Lettres Françoises.
& icelles en Quatre facons, qui sont. Cadeaulx. Forme. Bastarde, &
Torneure. Puis ensuyuant sont les Lettres Persiennes. Arabiques.
Africaines. Turques. & Tartariennes. qui sont toutes cinq en vne mesme
Figure Dalphabet. En apres sont les Caldaiques. Les Goffes, quō dit
autrement Imperiales & Bullatiques. Les Lettres Phantastiques. Les
Vtopiques, quon peut dire Voluntaires. Et finablement Les Lettres Floryes.
Auec Linstruction & Maniere de faire Chifres de Lettres pour Bagues
dor, pour Tapisseries, Vistres, Paintures & autres chouses que bel & bon

On the following leaf is the license, an extract from which will be found
on a subsequent page (Part 2, § II, no. 2); then a letter from Tory 'à
tous vrayz et deuotz Amateurs de bonnes lettres,' beginning thus:--

'Poets, orators, and others learned in letters and sciences, when they
have made and composed some work of their studious diligence and their
hand, are wont to make gift thereof to some great lord of court or church,
commending him by letters and by words of praise to the knowledge of other
men; and this in order to please him and to the end that they may be able
always to be so welcome in his sight that he shall seem to be obliged
and bound to give to them some great gift, some cure or some office, in
recompense of the toil and night-watches they have employed in the making
and composing of their said works and gifts. I could readily do the same
with this little book; but, considering that, if I should give it to one
rather than to another, there might arise envy and detraction, I have
thought that it would be well and wisely done of me to make of it a gift
to ye all, O ye devout lovers of goodly letters! nor to prefer the great
to the humble, save in so far as he loves letters the more and is the more
at home in virtue.'

Then comes a table, filling eight pages, and another letter of Tory, from
which we make a few extracts.

    _To the readers of this book, humble greeting._

    It is commonly said, and truly said, that there is great natural
    virtue in plants, in stones, and in words. To offer examples would
    be superfluous, so certainly is it true. But I would that God
    might be pleased to give me grace so to prevail by my words and
    entreaties that I may persuade some persons that, if they will not
    do homage to our French tongue, they will at the least cease to
    corrupt it. I find that there be three sorts of men who strive and
    exert themselves to corrupt and debase it: they are the 'skimmers
    of Latin,' the 'jesters,' and the 'jargoners.' When the skimmers
    of Latin say: 'Despumon la verbocination latiale, & transfreton la
    Sequane au dilucule & crepuscule, puis deãbulon par les Quadrivies
    & Platees de Lutece, & comme verisimiles amorabundes captiuon la
    beniuolence de lomnigene & omniforme sexe feminin,'[226] it seems
    to me that they make sport not of their fellows alone, but of
    themselves. When the jesters, whom I may fairly call 'slashers
    [dechiqueteurs] of language,' say: 'Monsieur du Page, si vous ne me
    baillez vne lesche du iour, ie me rue a Dieu, & vous dis du cas, vo⁹
    aures nasarde sanguine,' they seem to me to do as great harm to our
    language as they do to their coats, by slashing and destroying with
    contumely that which is of more worth whole than when maliciously
    torn and defaced. And in like manner when jargoners[227] make their
    remarks in their malicious and wicked jargon, it seems to me not
    only that they prove themselves dedicate to the gibbet, but that it
    would be well if they had never been born. Although Master François
    Villon was in his day mightily ingenious therein, yet would he have
    done better to have essayed to do some other more goodly thing....
    I consider moreover that there is another sort of men who corrupt
    our language even more: they are the innovators and forgers of
    new words. If such forgers are not villains, I deem them little
    better. Think you that they show great refinement when they say
    after drinking that they have 'le Cerueau tout encornimatibule &
    emburelicoque dũg tas de mirilifiques & triquedondaines, dung tas
    de gringuenauldes & guylleroches qui les fatrouillēt incessammēt?'
    I would not quote such foolish words, were it not that my scorn
    in thinking of them forces me to do it. 'Si natura negat, facit
    indignatio versum....'

    Yours in everything,
    Geofroy Tory de Bourges.

After this letter comes the text of the book, which occupies, as I have
said, eighty numbered leaves.[228]

At the end we read: 'Here endeth this present book ... the printing of
which was finished Wednesday the twenty-eighth day of the month of April,
in the year 1529, for Maistre Geofroy Tory of Bourges, author of the
said book, and bookseller, living in Paris, who has it for sale on the
Petit Pont, at the sign of the Pot Casse, and for Giles Gourmont, also
a bookseller, living in said Paris, who likewise has it for sale on Rue
Sainct Jaques, at the sign of the Trois Couronnes.'[229]

       *       *       *       *       *

This work was reprinted in 1549, in octavo,[230] with the same woodcuts,
but with some variations in other respects.


    pieca translate de grec en langue latine par plusieurs scavans et
    recommandables autheurs. Et nagueres translate de latin en vulgaire
    françois par maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, libraire, demourant
    a Paris, rue Sainct Iaques, devant lescu de Basle, a lenseigne du
    Pot Casse. Sont en ung volume ou en deux qui veult, a vendre audict
    lieu par ledict translateur, et par Iean Petit, libraire jure en
    luniversite de Paris, demourant aussi en la rue Sainct Iaques, a
    lenseigne de la Fleur de Lys.

Twelvemo; divided into signatures of 8 leaves. In the first volume, 10
preliminary leaves and signatures A to T; in the second volume, signatures
_a_ to _vij_. All the pages are embellished with narrow filleted borders,
on some of which the Lorraine cross appears.

On the first page is Tory's Pot Cassé (no. 6), or Jean Petit's mark,
according as the copies were issued by one or the other of those
publishers, who divided the edition.

On the second leaf is an extract from the license (dated September 18,
1529[231]), in so far as it concerns this book, 'the printing of which was
finished the fifth day of October, in the year above named.'

On the third leaf is the dedicatory epistle, the essential part of which
is as follows:--

    _Geofroy Tory of Bourges doth say and give humble greetings to all
    studious and true lovers of excellent pastime in reading._

    Horace, a poet of old surnamed Flaccus, hath told us in writing
    in his 'Ars Poetica' that philosophers and poets are wont, under
    the outer bark of deceitful words, to convey a moral meaning which
    may profit us in the knowledge of virtue or give us pleasure in
    the charm of their style and their pleasing invention. Wherefore,
    seeing this to be true, and reading all day the Table of the ancient
    philosopher Cebes, likewise the Dialogues of the very learned and
    graceful Greek author Lucian, methought that it would be well done
    of me to translate them into our French tongue also, and cause them
    to be printed, to the end that each one of you, upon reading the
    said Table, may readily recognize what pure virtue is, and may find
    honest pleasure in the ingenious and moral Dialogues of the said
    Lucian. I offer them with a most humble and devout heart to you,
    O scholars and lovers of pure worth! giving you to know that, in
    so far as it hath been possible for me so to do, I have followed
    the true text, adding nothing of my own thereto, neither using nor
    misusing any modification or stuffing whatsoever. I have most gladly
    written them down for you in flowing language, in your domestic
    mother tongue, without attempting to mix therein refinements of
    phrase, strange words, or such language as Carmentes, mother of
    Evander, might be unable to understand or decipher. I see some who,
    if they should write but six words, four will be either out of use,
    or manufactured, or stretched out longer than a spear. Like him who
    said in the laments and epitaphs of a king of the Basoche:--

    'Au point prefix que spondile et muscule,
    Sens vernacule, cartilaige auricule,
    DIsis acule, Diana crepuscule,
    Et lheure acculle pour son lustre assoupir.'

    And a thousand other like sayings which I leave to him. I know not
    to whom such language gives pleasure; but to me it seems scarce fair
    or fine. It would seem, and yet I misdoubt, as if such a battery of
    behorned and overrefined words had come or been hurled down from the
    Latin language to ours; for there have been, and there are to this
    day many who think that they have done a wondrous thing if they have
    written in Latin a strange and unduly long word, like him who said,
    and ingeniously none the less: 'Conturbabuntur Constantinopolitani
    innumerabilibus sollicitudinibus.' And that other, Hermes by name,
    who took such delight in writing long and refined words that he
    was hoist with his own petard when another ingenious man composed
    against him, in manufactured words, with an armful of syllables, the
    distich which follows:--

    'Gaudet honorificabilitudinitatibus Hermes,
      Consuetudinibus, sollicitudinibus.'

    I say this in passing, that you may not expect to find unwonted
    words in this your little book. I know that there was once a wise
    man and philosopher who said one day to his friend: 'Loquere verbis
    presentibus et utere moribus antiquis,' which is to say, 'Speak in
    ordinary language and live according to the manners of the good
    old days.' In this your said little book you will, I think, find
    charm, for it is full of many goodly and ingenious conceits both of
    Cebes and of Lucian. I have placed first herein, as I have said, the
    Table of this man Cebes, to the end that you may see at the outset
    that 'poesis est pictura loquens': a poetical work is a speaking
    picture. Touching the Dialogues of the learned Lucian, I have not
    included them all, nor translated all; but I have chosen thirty only
    of those which in my opinion are the finest and most moral, which
    you may readily discover to be not only pleasant to read, but most
    profitable in goodly moral teaching. You will accept them then, if
    it please you, with kindly face and heart, remembering that with
    God's help I will shortly make you some other new gift, to the best
    of my ability. And meanwhile I will pray to our Lord Jesus to have
    you in his keeping according to your wishes.

    From Paris; in all things your devoted servant,
    Geofroy Tory.

Follows a long list of errata, and a table of the Dialogues, followed
by another letter, 'aux lecteurs des Dialogues de Lucian contenuz en ce
present livre.' This letter contains nothing personal to Tory, and I will
quote only the closing passage, where, speaking of the Dialogues, he

    I believe that, if the ancient and noble painter Zeuxis of
    Heracleia, if Raphael of Urbino, Michel Angelo, Leonardo da Vinci,
    or Albrecht Dürer should try to paint philosophers and their various
    aspects, they could not paint them so well nor so to the life as
    our Lucian paints them herein. It will seem to you that you do
    verily see them and hear them speak, and that Menippus, before your
    wondering eyes, doth fly up to heaven to learn the truth concerning
    all the falsehoods of the said philosophers. May God have you in his
    keeping according to your noble and goodly desire.

    From the University of Paris; in all things your devoted servant,
    Geofroy Tory.

At the end of the book, after the Dialogues, Tory introduced a number of
moral apothegms and plays upon words, probably of his own invention.

This volume is printed with the type and decorative letters of 'Champ


    A MAXIMILIEN, DERNIER DECEDE.--Avec maintes belles histoires
    et mensions de plusieurs roys, ducs, contes, princes, capitaines et
    aultres, tant chrestiens que non, tant de hault que de has estat et
    condition.--Faict premierement en langue latine par venerable et
    discrete personne Iehan Baptiste Egnace, Venicien.--Et translate de
    ladicte langue latine en langaige francoys par maistre Geofroy Tory
    de Bourges.--On les vend a Paris, a lenseigne du Pot Casse.--Avec
    privilege du Roy nostre sire pour X ans.'

Octavo; 16 preliminary leaves (signatures _a_ and _b_), 99 leaves of text,
numbered, and 13 leaves of index and errata, not numbered (signatures A to
O); in all, 128 leaves, or 16 octavo sheets. All the pages are enclosed
in threefold fillets, with compartments running into one another, such as
were still used in printing-offices until quite recently. I will remark in
passing that the sheets of this book bear only two signature letters each,
one on the first page (for the first form), the other on the third page
(for the second form), as is the general practice to-day, instead of the
four which were commonly inserted, to no useful end.

On the verso of the first leaf, the recto of which is occupied by the
title, is printed the king's license, in these terms:--

    Francoys, by the grace of God King of France, to the Provost of
    Paris, Bailly of Rouen, Seneschal of Lion, and to all other our
    justiciars and officials, or to their lieutenants, greeting. Our
    dear and well-beloved maistre Geofroy Tory of Bourges, bookseller,
    dwelling in our city of Paris, hath caused it to be said and shown
    to us that he hath of late translated from the Latin into vernacular
    French two books, one having been formerly translated from the
    Greek into the Latin by several learned and commendable authors,
    entitled: 'La Table du philosophe ancien Cebes, natif de Thebes,
    et auditeur Daristote,' together with certain moral Dialogues of
    Lucian; the other originally composed in the Latin tongue by Jehan
    Baptiste Egnace, entitled: 'Summaire de Chroniques, contenant les
    gestes et faictz de tous les empereurs Deurope, depuis Iules Cesar
    jusques a Maximilian'; likewise another book, entitled: 'Les Reigles
    generales de Lorthographe du langaige francoys'; the which books he
    is desirous to print, were it our pleasure to permit him so to do,
    and at the same time to forbid all booksellers, printers, and all
    other persons whatsoever to print, cause to be printed, or expose
    for sale the said books--Wherefore is it that we, having regard to
    the trouble and labour which the said Tory hath had herein, have
    given unto him license and permission to print, cause to be printed,
    and expose for sale at a fair and reasonable price, by himself, his
    servants, agents and factors, the said books above described, during
    ten years following and subsequent to the printing thereof. Such is
    our will, etc. Given at Paris the xxviii day of September, in the
    year of grace M. D. XXIX, and of our reign the XV.


Next comes the following letter of Tory, by way of preface:--

    _Geofroy Tory of Bourges, to all studious and true lovers of goodly
    reading and profitable pastime, doth humbly bid and offer greeting._

    I promised you not long since, in the preface to the Table of Cebes
    and the thirty new Dialogues of Lucian, that I would ere long, by
    my humble efforts, make for you another new book, which, to my
    thinking, might afford you pleasing and useful pastime, by enticing
    you to read and see therein things wherewith your mind might well in
    due time and place be entertained and deliciously soothed. At this
    present time (my most honourable lords), as your humble servant,
    who is entirely devoted to you, I present to you a 'Summaire de
    Chroniques,' the which I have translated for you, as I translated
    the said Cebes and Dialogues, from the Latin into French, to the
    best of my poor ability, forewarning you that, after the manner
    of Jehan Baptiste Egnatius, the present author, I have neither
    modified nor changed the meaning of the story in favour of any man
    whatsoever. Nor is my translation made word for word, because that
    would have been a too barren style and devoid of charm. I know
    that, according to Horace ('nec verbo verbum curabit reddere fidus
    interpres'), a translator should not vex his wits about rendering
    each word that he translates into a word of his language; but should
    retain the meaning and set it forth in the best style that shall
    be possible for him. So I have done the best that I could, as well
    for the love and respect that I owe you, as not to depart from the
    pure truth of history, which is of such nature that it will not
    brook to be in any way turned aside from its purity. Marcus Tullius
    Cicero doth well enjoin it upon us, when he writes in the second
    book of his 'Orator': 'Nam quis nescit primam esse historiæ legem,
    ne quid falsi dicere audeat, deinde ne quid veri non audeat, ne
    qua suspitio gratiæ sit in scribendo, ne qua simulatis?' 'But who
    is there [he says] who does not know that the first law of history
    is to dare to tell nothing that is untrue, and to tell the truth
    without feigning, to the end that there may be no suspicion of
    partiality or of envy in that which one writes?' Of a surety history
    should be entirely true, not only for the reasons already given, but
    because, as Cicero says a little before the place already quoted:
    'Historia est testis temporum, lux veritatis, vita memoriæ, magistra
    vitas, et nuncia vetustatis.' 'History [he says] is the testimony
    of the times, the torch of truth, the nurse and life of the memory,
    teacher and schoolmistress of our life, and messenger of antiquity.'
    I have chosen to make you a present of a history, and a history
    abridged to the limits of a summary, rather than of something else,
    for the reason that while engaging yourselves, you may see therein,
    as in a mirror, a thousand excellent things, wherefrom you shall
    be able to hear and recognize innumerable useful suggestions which
    shall do you good service on occasion in due time and place. Titus
    Livius says, in the preface to the first book of his first Decade:
    'Hoc illud est precipue in cognitione rerum salubre ac frugiferum,
    omnis te exempli documenta in illustri posita monumento intueri,
    unde tibi tuasque Reipublicæ quod imitare cupias, unde fœdum
    inceptum, fœdum exitu quod vites.' 'It is [he says] peculiarly
    good and useful in the knowledge of things, to see and learn in
    noble history the teachings of worthy example, by the imitation and
    likeness whereof you may choose for yourselves and for your country
    that which you ought to imitate and follow, and that which you ought
    to avoid as an abomination, at the beginning as well as at the end.'
    Take therefore in good part, an it please you, this little work, and
    accept it with a gracious face and expression, as of your kindliness
    you are wont to do; even so you will invite me, of your courteous
    and singular grace, henceforward to do better, with the aid of Our
    Lord Iesus, to whom I pray that he will give to you all his love and
    blessed grace, at your noble and worthy desire.

    At Paris, this X day of April, M. D. XXIX.

On the last leaf of the book we find the Pot Cassé, with these words
beneath: 'The printing of this present book was finished at Paris, the
XIII day of April, M. D. XXIX,[232] for maistre Geofroy
Tory de Bourges, who sells it in said Paris, at the sign of the Pot Casse.'

The only copy that I have seen of this edition was then owned by

M. Ambroise Didot, who courteously permitted me to examine it at my
leisure. It was in its original binding with the Pot Cassé. The book is
printed in the 'Champ fleury' type.

There are several other editions. I am familiar with two of them,
published by Charles L'Angelier, both in octavo, in 1543 and 1544. M.
Hippolyte Boyer mentions one of 1541, in his 'Histoire des Imprimeurs et
Libraries de Bourges' (octavo, Bourges, 1854), page 27; but I have not
seen it: whereas I have had the privilege of examining the other two.
Each of them contains 112 leaves (signatures A to O), plus 4 unnumbered
ones. The book is illustrated with engravings of two kinds, in addition
to the bookseller's mark on the title-page: the first, reproduced several
times, represents an emperor, mounted, holding a battle-axe; it is not
signed, but is engraved with much delicacy, and embellished with the
little cartouches so much affected by Tory. The others represent busts of
emperors roughly engraved, which cannot be the work of that artist.


    DE FRANCE.--On les vend a Paris, a lenseigne du Pot Casse,
    rue Sainct Iaques, devant lescu[233] de Basle, et en la halle de
    Beausse, a la mesme enseigne du Pot Casse, devant leglise de la
    glorieuse Madalaine, avec privilege pour deux ans.

At the end of the book: 'The printing of this present book was finished
the XXIX day of August M. D. XXX, and it is for sale at
Paris by maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges.'

Small quarto of 20 leaves with borders, signatures Aij to Cij.

This exceedingly rare little volume has a title-page with a border of
arabesques engraved on wood, with the Lorraine cross. Beneath Tory's
mark are four Latin verses, probably of his composition, as are the six
which bring the narrative to a close and which are entitled: 'Torinus
Biturigicus ad Galliam.' On the verso of the title is the preface, dated
August 25, 1530, and beginning thus: 'Geofroy Tory of Bourges to the
devoted lovers of good reading doth bid and offer humble greeting.'

At the top of leaf Aij we read: 'The order of the grand procession
ordained at Soissons by the reverend father in God Monseigneur Iehan
Olivier, Abbé de Saint Mard at said Soissons, Councillor to the King our
Sire, and Chronicler of France, on Sunday the last day of July in the year
of grace one thousand five hundred and thirty, to give thanks to our Lord
for the deliverance of our lords the Children of France.'

       *       *       *       *       *

These particulars are taken from the fifth edition of Brunet's 'Manual de
Libraire.' I have not been able to find the volume, despite my thorough
search in the various libraries of Paris.


    Simonem Colinæum. 1530. Cum privilegio ad biennium.[234]

Octavo; 3 sheets, printed in italic. The title is set in an exceedingly
graceful border, borrowed from the Hours in octavo of 1527. The verso of
the title is blank, and on the second leaf is the following preface:--

_Geofroy Tory of Bourges to the fair reader, greeting._[235]

There are certain eminent painters in this prolific age, most gentle
reader, who, by their drawings, paintings, and varied colouring, depict
the tribal gods and human beings, as also other things of different sorts,
with such exactness that a voice and a soul seem the only things wanting
to them; but here, most gentle reader, I offer you, nearly in the manner
of these painters, a house, which not only is elegant and finished in
its outlines and parts, but speaks prettily and describes itself part by
part in a eulogy. I also offer you seven epitaphs, composed and written
in the ancient style and in very ancient language. These epitaphs show,
in a way that we may call comprehensible, the various affections to which
unhappy mortals who are in love are subject. I am, I say, pleased to offer
you these, not that you may speak or write in obsolete words such as you
here find, but that you may have before your eyes, so bright and full of
charm, a sample of antiquity, and may know that you have been thoroughly
warned by me to be on your guard against falling into the snares and
perplexities of an insane love. Farewell.

       *       *       *       *       *

In addition to the border of the title-page, the book contains seven
exquisite little engravings, corresponding to Tory's seven 'love
epitaphs,'--engravings which are certainly his, in design at least,
although unsigned. Here is a list of them:--

1. Two hearts pierced by an arrow.

2. Two hearts in a circle.

3. Two hearts bound together by cords.

4. Two hearts in a boat.

5. A pig sniffing at two hearts.

6. Two hearts, a distaff, etc.

7. Two hearts being kicked by a horse.

As for the text of the book, it has been variously judged. Catherinot was
delighted with it; but the author of the 'Menagiana' reproves Tory for
manufacturing Latin words after the style of the author of the 'Songe du
Poliphile' (see supra, page 55, note 2). We have seen that Tory himself
did not recommend such words to the reader.

The Bibliothèque Nationale has a copy of this little book, still in its
original binding, with the Pot Cassé.


    Cassé, no. 4] On les vend a Paris, en la rue Sainct Iaques, devant
    lescu de Basle, et devant lesglise de la Magdalaine, a lenseigne du
    Pot Casse.--Avec privilege.

Octavo of 9 sheets (signatures _a_ to _i_). As in the 'Sommaire de
Chroniques' of Egnasius, there are only two signature marks to the sheet
(one for the first form and one for the second), and each page is enclosed
in a three-line fillet. The title-page alone is set in a border of
arabesques of pleasing design.

On the verso of the title: 'At the aforesaid sign of the Pot Casse there
be also for sale Thucydides and Diodorus, with several other excellent
books translated from Greek and Latin into French. Likewise there be
beautiful Hours and Offices of Our Lady, large, medium, and small,
illustrated and vignetted in ancient and modern fashion.'

On the second leaf is an explanation of the words 'Economic' and
'Xenophon'; and on the third a dedication, extracts from which follow.

    _Geofroy Tory of Bourges to his most reverend father in God, Antoine
    du Prat, Cardinal de Sens, legate in ordinary and Chancellor of
    France, doth say and proffer most humble greeting._

    After the book treating of the meaning of the ancient letters,
    called 'Champ fleury,' the which I composed in the French tongue,
    and the 'Table of Cebes,' with thirty moral dialogues, likewise
    the 'Sommaire de Chroniques,' the which I translated into our said
    tongue,[236] to confer a benefit on the studiously inclined, most
    reverend father in God, it hath seemed to me a worthy occupation, if
    I should employ myself in translating also the 'Economic Xenophon';
    and beneath the shadow of your most honourable wing, first
    presenting the same with humble devotion unto you, I have published
    the same and placed it in the hands of all virtuous and worthy
    persons, to pass the time studiously therewith and therein to find
    good counsel for directing their families worthily and increasing
    their wealth by honest means.

    Wherefore, most reverend father in God, under your venerable favour
    and blessing, the studious and veritable lovers of goodly reading
    and fruitful occupation will kindly take this little book in their
    condescending hands, and all will bear you good will, not for the
    book alone, but for that you are he to whom all owe honour and
    service, as to whom all the public welfare and all Christendom are
    deeply indebted.

    I shall continue to be, if it so please you, in your good favour,
    and I will pray to Our Lord that he will give you his love according
    to your noble and estimable desire.

    From Paris this Wednesday, the fifth day of July, M. D.

Following this document, which fills three leaves, comes an epistle from
Geofroy Tory of Bourges to 'studious and worthy readers,' by way of
preface. It fills two leaves. The eighth leaf is entirely blank. On the
ninth, the 'Economic Xenophon' begins, and extends from _b_ to _i_ 4; the
fifth and sixth leaves of _i_ contain an 'Epistle from Seigneur Elisee
Calense, native of Amphrates, which he sent to Rufinius, guardian of the
Emperor Arcadius, replying to him touching the matter of managing his
family and of keeping in order his domestic goods and chattels, translated
from Latin into French by maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges.'

On the last leaf but one appears a 'duplicate of the license granted to
maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, by the King our Sire, for this present
book and others named in this said license,' in these words:--

    Francoys, by the grace of God King of France, to the Provost of
    Paris, Bailly of Rouen, Seneschal of Lyon, and to all other our
    justiciars and officials or their deputies, greeting. Our dear
    well-beloved maistre Geofroy Tory of Bourges, bookseller, dwelling
    in our city of Paris, hath caused it to be made known to us that
    he hath of late made and composed in the Latin tongue a certain
    book entitled; 'Ædiloquium et Erotica'[237]; likewise, that he
    hath translated from Greek and Latin into French the 'Economic
    Xenophon'; which books he would fain print, or cause to be
    printed, if it should be our pleasure to permit him so to do, at
    the same time causing all tradesmen, booksellers, printers, and
    other persons whomsoever, to be forbidden to print or to expose
    for sale in any manner the said books; and that, if any should be
    brought hither by foreigners, other than those of the said Tory's
    printing, they may not be sold within our realm during the period
    of the four years reckoned from the date of the printing of said
    books, with an extension for a like period for certain other books,
    illustrations, and vignettes to be printed in the 'Heures et Office
    de Nostre Dame' mentioned in two licenses heretofore granted to
    him by our favour.[238] Wherefore, having regard and consideration
    for the time and toil which it hath cost the said Tory to compile
    and translate the said books, and for such expense as it shall be
    his pleasure to incur in printing the same,--for these reasons we
    have given and granted to him permission to print or cause to be
    printed and to offer for sale the said books above mentioned for
    four years following and succeeding the printing thereof. And so
    we command you, that by virtue of this our present favour, warrant
    and permission, you do allow the said petitioner to use and enjoy
    the same, and do forbid in our name all tradesmen, printers,
    booksellers, to print or cause to be printed, or to expose for
    sale in any manner the said books during four years, on pain of
    twenty-five silver marcs to be paid to us, and confiscation of the
    books as to which they shall have been guilty; for such is our
    pleasure. Given at Vannes, the XVIII day of June in the
    year of grace one thousand five hundred thirty-one, and of our reign
    the seventeenth.--Signed, Heruoet.

On the last page: 'The printing of this present book was finished by
maistre Geofroy Tory of Bourges Wednesday the fifth day of July in the
year M. D. XXXI. And it is for sale at Paris, opposite the "Escu
de Basle," Rue Sainct Iaques, and opposite the Church of La Magdeleine, at
the sign of the ("a leeseigne [_sic_] du") Pot Casse.'

The description we have given is that of the very complete copy owned by
M. Ambroise Didot. M. Chedeau, an attorney at Saumur, owned a copy the
title-page of which is different. It reads thus:--

    BOURGES. [Here the Pot Cassé.] Imprimees a Paris, a lenseigne
    du Pot Casse, par ledict maistre Geofroy Tory, marchant libraire et
    imprimeur du roy.--Avec privilege.

This title-page has the same border and the same form of the Pot Cassé
as the other copy; but it has not on the verso the little list of other
publications which we find on the latter, and which we have reproduced
above. As the first signature (A) of M. Chedeau's copy lacks four leaves,
we cannot say whether there are other differences in that signature; but
as to the other signatures, B to I, they are identical in the two copies.
Thus we find in both the error to which we called attention above in the
word 'enseigne' [printed 'eeseigne'], in the final note; better still,
this error has been corrected by hand, in the same way, in both copies,
probably by Tory himself. Which of the two is the earlier? I should not
venture to say; however, it seems to me that the additional matter on the
verso of the title-page of M. Didot's copy tends to prove that it is the
later of the two. In any event, the interval between the two impressions
cannot have been a long one. If I interpret rightly certain circumstances,
the first signature, which had been kept in type (as is proved by a number
of typographical defects which appear in both copies), was reprinted at
the same time with the last signature. Tory's dedicatory epistle, in M.
Didot's copy, is dated July 5, the day when the printing of the book was
finished according to the final note. Now, to make it possible for him to
affix this date to his preliminary epistle, we must concede that it had
been kept in type until the book was finished. But may it not be that no
date was affixed on the first signature of the first impression? That is
a question that I am unable to answer, in view of the imperfect state of
M. Chedeau's copy. It may be, too, that the first signature was reprinted
in order to announce Tory's new address, he having very recently installed
his printing establishment in the famous old Halle au Blé de Beauce, on
Rue de la Juiverie, opposite the Church of La Madeleine. For it will
be observed that this address does not appear on the title-page of M.
Chedeau's copy, although we do find it in the note on the last page.

This volume is printed in the 'Champ fleury' type.


    DE BOURGES.--Dediees par le dit autheur a lempereur Trajan,
    et par le translateur en langaige françois a tresilustre et plain
    de bon espoir en toute heureuse vertu, son seigneur, François de
    Vallois, Daulphin de France. [Here the Pot Cassé, no. 4.] Imprimees
    en Paris, a lenseigne de Pot Casse, par maistre Geofroy Tory de
    Bourges, marchant libraire et imprimeur du Roy.--Avec privilege

Octavo, of 8 preliminary unnumbered leaves, and 67 numbered leaves of
text (signatures A to Iij). The pages have no borders. There are marginal
remarks. The type and the ornamental letters are the same as in 'Champ

On the second leaf is the following dedicatory epistle:--

    _Geofroy Tory de Bourges to his most debonair lord, François de
    Vallois, Daulphin de France, doth say and proffer most humble

    My lord, while translating this little book, I have oftentimes
    reflected to whom of all my good friends I should the sooner
    dedicate it, or whether I should dedicate it (as I have heretofore
    done with certain other books which I have composed and translated
    into the French tongue) to all studious and genuine lovers of
    excellent reading and worthy pastime. But in fine, knowing thy
    virtuous nature, likewise the mirror of all goodness and perfect
    nobility wherein thou dost abundantly excel, and art ever disposed
    for every blessed and goodly enterprise, I have considered that
    before all other living men, of what state soever they may be, it
    is to thy glorious lordship that I ought and am in duty bounden to
    consecrate it, since it is thou under whom the public, not of France
    alone, but of all Christendom, has its hope of living hereafter in
    all felicity. I dedicate it to thee, not forgetting that thou hast
    thy noble father the King, who, as Philip of Macedon did of yore to
    his son Alexander, doth set before thee noble and goodly instruction
    and examples of upright living; but also to the end that thou mayst
    by times amuse thyself and read the excellent tales and teachings
    which are marshalled herein as in a well-chosen library; and also
    that, following thy noble and generous example, the studiously
    inclined may, by reading the same, worthily profit thereby. Thou
    mayst find herein many excellent passages, which will sometimes help
    to comfort thee, and will be in some degree the means whereby thou
    and thy Realm, with the grace of God, wilt ever prosper more and

    Paris, this XIIII day of June, M. D. XXXII.

On the verso of the last leaf: 'The printing of this present book was
finished Saturday the XV day of June, M. D. XXXII, by maistre Geofroy
Tory of Bourges, bookseller and king's printer, living in Paris, opposite
the church of La Magdeleine, at the sign of the Pot Casse.' [Here the Pot
Cassé, no. 9.]

I have seen two copies of this book, one in M. Didot's library, the other
in M. Alkan's.

Another edition was published at Lyon, in 1534, in 16mo, by Guillaume
Boulle (or Boullé, for the name, in accordance with the custom of the
time, has no accent on the _e_). This is undoubtedly the one mentioned by
Duverdier[240] as having been printed at Paris, in octavo, in 1530, by
Guillaume Boullé. In this statement there are as many errors as there are
words. Guillaume Boullé's edition was not printed in Paris, it was not an
octavo, and it cannot be dated 1530, as the first edition did not appear
until 1532. Unfortunately La Caille did not take the trouble to verify
Duverdier's statement, and he makes Guillaume Boullé a bookseller-printer
of Paris.[241] Lottin, in his 'Catalogue des Libraries et Imprimeurs de
Paris,'[242] has not failed to copy La Caille, and to mention, under the
year 1530, a Guillaume Boullé, bookseller and printer in Paris, side by
side with Jean Boullé, bookseller. Was this Jean, whom La Caille calls
simply Boulle, and whom he places in 1543, a kinsman of Guillaume? I
cannot answer. However that may be, here is a full description of the
edition of the 'Politiques' published by the latter. It is a 16mo volume
containing 8 leaves of front matter and 104 of text. On the title-page,
which is embellished by a roughly executed border, are these words:--

'Politiques ou Civiles Institutions pour bien regir la Chose publ., iadis
composees en grec par Plutarche, et despuys translatees en francoys par
maistre Geofroy Tory, et dediees par ledict translateur a tres illustre
prince et plein de bon espoir en toute heureuse vertu, Francoys de
Valloys, Daulphin de France.

'Disputation de Phavorin, philosophe, nouvellement y a este adioustee.
Item chapitre demonstrant combien sont destatz de la Chose publ.

'On les vend a Lyon, en la rue Merciere, a la boutique de Guillaume
Boulle, libraire, a la fleur de lys d'or.--Avec privilege. 1534.'

On the verso of the title-page is an engraving representing Justice, with
this inscription: 'Justitia in sese virtutes continet omnes.'

On the following leaf is the dedication to the Dauphin.

At the end of the volume is the mark of Guillaume Boullé, or Boulle.

There is a copy of this little book at the Arsenal, and also one in the
Bibliothèque Nationale. The latter lacks the final leaf bearing the
bookseller's mark, which some collector (!) has cut out, to enrich his


    [de Volaterran]. [Pot Cassé, no. 6.] LA MOUSCHE EST TRANSLATEE
    par maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, imprimeur du Roy et libraire
    juré en l'université de Paris.--On les vend a Paris devant l'eglise
    de la Magdeleine, a l'enseigne du Pot Cassé.

Eight octavo leaves, without date of printing or license. This pamphlet
was undoubtedly printed by Tory himself, subsequent to February 22, 1533;
for he assumes the title of bookseller to the University, which he did
not obtain until that date. Moreover, the acute accent, the apostrophe
and the cedilla are used therein, and he did not make use of those marks
until 1533. Lucian's 'La Mouche' [The Fly] fills 11 pages; the 'Maniere de
Parler' (an extract from the eighteenth book of Volaterran's 'Philosophy')
3 pages. The first leaf has the title, and, on the verso, a note 'aux
lecteurs.' The type used is the same as in 'Champ fleury.'



Such is the title of a book written by Tory, of which no trace remains. We
do not know even whether it was printed, although it is included in the
license of the first edition of the 'Sommaire de Chroniques' of Egnasius,
dated September 28, 1529. (See page 88.) Doubtless it was the complement
of 'Champ fleury,' from a grammatical standpoint.


    given by Tory to 'a noble and excellent friend' of his.[243]

It is not known whether this translation was printed. There are in
existence several old translations of Orus Apollo, but they do not bear
Tory's name.




[Footnote 174: It goes without saying that in the numerous quotations
which I shall make from these books I shall do away with abbreviations
and supply punctuation. To do otherwise would be to give the reader of
to-day, who is unfamiliar with the tachygraphy of the Middle Ages, simply
a succession of undecipherable puzzles. It is a difficult task to restore
the Latin texts according to the first impressions. I have taken it upon
myself, so that the reader may have the pleasure of reading without
difficulty. What I have said must be my apology for such errors as I may
have made in my work of restoration.]

[Footnote 175: Bibliothèque Mazarine.]

[Footnote 176: Gilles de Gourmont was in fact the first printer in Paris
who had Greek type. See my _Les Estienne_, pp. 62, 67.]

[Footnote 177: I have arranged these verses in lines, although in the book
the lines are indicated simply by capital letters; and I warn the reader
that several words were changed by Tory in order to adapt the verses to
his subject. [The changes are in fact considerable, especially in the
third passage, which is made up of parts of five lines, with several
changes, one of which results in an entire reversal of the meaning. The
English versions of these passages are adapted from Long's translation of
the _Æneid_. For the Latin original, see Appendix X, _g_.]]

[Footnote 178: Proper. ii, _ad Mæcenatem_. [The translations from
Propertius are those of Cranstoun.]]

[Footnote 179: Doubtless we should read 'iv no.' for there was no sixth of
the nones of December. The fourth of the nones fell on Dec. 2. But perhaps
we should read 'vj id.'; the sixth of the ides of December fell on Dec. 8.]

[Footnote 180: [For the Latin original, see Appendix X, _b_.]]

[Footnote 181: [For the Latin original, see Appendix X, _i_.]]

[Footnote 182: Jan. 10, 1508, new style.]

[Footnote 183: [For the Latin original, see Appendix X, _j_.]]

[Footnote 184: [For the Latin original, see Appendix X, _k_.]]

[Footnote 185: Following the course pursued in the _Psalterium
Quincuplex_, published shortly before by Henri Estienne, Tory proposed
to write with a cedilla the last _e_ but one of the third person plural
of the perfect tense of verbs of the third conjugation (_emere_,
_contendere_, etc.), to distinguish it from the infinitive. In our day the
circumflex accent has been adopted for this purpose; but accented letters
did not exist in Tory's time, and he sought to utilise, in the interest of
the metre, the only distinctive sign at the disposal of typography, the
_e_ with the cedilla, which was then generally used for _æ_, in imitation
of the manuscripts of the Middle Ages. Tory also proposed to spell
with _s_, instead of _x_, certain words like _mixtum_; 'for,' he said,
'_misceo_ has _miscui_ in the perfect; and so, by analogy, we must say

I will not comment here on some other observations of the same sort
made by Tory in this same note to the reader; I will say simply that
they all tend to prove his erudition and peremptorily contradict the
extraordinary assertion of a certain Abbé Joly, who, in a huge folio,
entitled _Remarques critiques sur le Dictionnaire de Bayle_, and published
in 1740, observes that Tory was 'very ignorant,' without adducing a single
fact in support of his opinion. In the _Menagiana_ (vol. iv, p. 84 of
the 12mo edition of 1729) Tory is rebuked, to be sure, for forging Latin
words, after the example of the author of the _Songe du Poliphile_; but
this is a less serious charge, and is not a proof of ignorance; on the
contrary it proves misuse of knowledge. Geofroy Tory, says the author,
attracted by the style of the _Poliphile_, composed seven epitaphs filled
with words most worthy of a place in that work, 'such as _murmurillare_,
_insatianter_, _hilaranter_, _pederaptim_, _velocipediter_,
_ægrimoniosius_, _avicipes_, _conspergitare_, _venustulentissus_,
_vinulentibibulus_, _apneumaticus_, and _collifrangibulum_, which he
represented as ancient words, and which the excellent Catherinot, in his
epitaph of this same Tory, did not fail to guarantee to be such.'--See
what Catherinot has to say of Tory's _Epitaphs_ in his epitaph of Tory, p.
44 supra. [_Tumulos aliquot ludicros veterrimo stylo latine condiderit._]]

[Footnote 186: This is the correct reading, not _Hongoti_, which M.
Renouard mistakenly adopts (_Ann. des Estienne_, 3d ed., p. 6, 2d col.,
no. 3; and p. 276), having failed to notice the line over the _o_ in the
second syllable of the word. However, this is the only place in which
this Jean Hongont is mentioned, and nothing is known of him save that he
was associated with the first Henri Estienne in the publication of this
edition of the _Cosmography_ of Pope Pius II, otherwise called Æneas
Sylvius, edited by Tory. This book is in the Bibliothèque Mazarine.]

[Footnote 187: October 10, 1509.]

[Footnote 188: See infra, Part 3, § III, _sub nomine_ Bade.]

[Footnote 189: Bibliothèque Mazarine.]

[Footnote 190: [For Latin original, see Appendix X, _l_.]]

[Footnote 191: As to this adage, see the _Collection_ of Erasmus (folio,
Basle, 1574), p. 302: _Aristophanis et Cleantis lucerna_.]

[Footnote 192: _Claudian_, xv, 385: _Minuit præsentia famam_.]

[Footnote 193: As to this adage, see the _Collection_ of Erasmus, ubi
sup., p. 134 a: _Non absque Theseo_.]

[Footnote 194: Plautus, _Casinus_, Act V, 4, 1: _Ubi tu es, qui colere
mores Massilienseis postulas._]

[Footnote 195: [For the Latin original, see Appendix X, _m_.]]

[Footnote 196: The answer seems to be _bat_.]

[Footnote 197: [See p. 265 infra.]]

[Footnote 198: [For the Latin original, see Appendix X, _n_.]]

[Footnote 199: May 9, 1510.]

[Footnote 200: Silvestre, no. 974.]

[Footnote 201: On folio 26 of the first edition there is a small plan of
Rome, doubtless a reminiscent work of Tory's, which is lacking in the
second and third editions.]

[Footnote 202: Vol. vii, p. 548, no. 411.]

[Footnote 203: _Catal. bibl. Bunav._ vol. i, p. 417 a.]

[Footnote 204: Vol. i, col. 810, under 'Berosus.']

[Footnote 205: [For the Latin original, see Appendix X, _o_.]]

[Footnote 206: [For the Latin original, see Appendix X, _p_.]]

[Footnote 207: For example, here are two riddles by Tory, the labour of
solving which, I leave, as he did, to the reader:--

    _Godofredus To. Bi._

    Tu caput Adrasti capias morientis, et adde
      (Si modo grande bonum vis mihi) te socium.


    Quæ fuit ilia Cato Romæ legatio quondam
      Cor, caput, atque pedem cui nec habere fuit?

[Footnote 208: This book may be found in the Bibliothèque Mazarine, and at
the Arsenal.]

[Footnote 209: [For the Latin original, see Appendix X, _q_.]]

[Footnote 210: In original, _Cordatus_. His house [in Bourges] is now used
as the hôtel de ville.]

[Footnote 211: As to this gentleman, see page 4, supra.]

[Footnote 212: February 27, 1510, or rather, 1509, for it is hardly
probable that the bulky volume was printed in four months. See the
dedication in question, on page 4, supra. The book may be found in the
Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève.]

[Footnote 213: [For the original Latin, see Appendix X, _r_.]]

[Footnote 214: As to this person, see note 3 on page 5, supra.]

[Footnote 215: We have mentioned heretofore (page 4, supra) the eminent
posts occupied at this time by Philibert Babou and Jean Lallemand.]

[Footnote 216: [For the original Latin, see Appendix X, _s_.]]

[Footnote 217: [For the Latin original, see Appendix X, _t_.]]

[Footnote 218: [For the Latin original, see Appendix X, _u_.]]

[Footnote 219: The text has _nomen_ instead of _novem_, but the correction
is made in the errata.]

[Footnote 220: Christophe de Longueil, to whom the manuscript published by
Tory belonged.]

[Footnote 221: [For the Latin original, see Appendix X, _v_.]]

[Footnote 222: For the monogram appended to this final _avis_, see p. 6,

[Footnote 223: See these two marks, p. 46, supra [nos. 7 and 8].]

[Footnote 224: [For the Latin original, see Appendix X, _w_.]]

[Footnote 225: [This same passage is quoted at length by M. Bernard in
Part 1 (see pp. 13-14, supra), where the translator has attempted to
render it intelligibly in English. As the present section of the book is
intended to assist the bibliographer, it seems proper to reproduce it here
exactly in its original form.]]

[Footnote 226: See, as to this passage, the remarks on p. 14, supra.]

[Footnote 227: Those who use thieves' slang.]

[Footnote 228: [There is no leaf numbered lix; the leaf between lviii and
lx is numbered lxx.]]

[Footnote 229: Cy finist ce present Liure, ... Qui fut acheue dimprimer Le
mercredy .xxviij. Iour du Mois Dapuril, Lan Mil Cincq Cens. XXIX.
Pour Maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, Autheur dudict Liure, & Libraire,
demorãt a Paris, qui le vent sus Petit Pont a Lenseigne du Pot Casse. Et
pour Giles Gourmont aussi Libraire demorant au dict Paris, qui le vent
pareillement en La Rue Sainct Iaques a Lenseigne des Trois Coronnes.]

[Footnote 230: See what I have said of this second edition on p. 42,

[Footnote 231: See the exact text of this license, which includes three
works of Tory, under no. 12, infra.]

[Footnote 232: 1530, new style.]

[Footnote 233: Not _à l'escu de Basle_, as in the note printed by M.

[Footnote 234: The license, which embraces the _Economic Xenophon_, and
is printed at the end of the last-named book, extends the author's rights
for four years, not for two. The discrepancy may be explained by the fact
that the _Ædiloquium_ was printed while Tory's application for the license
was pending,--that is to say, in the first three months of 1531, which
were then reckoned in the year 1530, according to the old computation. In
fact, the license is dated June 18, 1531, which seems to conflict with the
date of printing of the _Ædiloquium_. This circumstance also explains why
the second title of the book is different in the printed volume from that
given in the license (_Erotica_). See p. 31, supra.]

[Footnote 235: [For the Latin original, see Appendix X, _x_.]]

[Footnote 236: He does not mention the _Ædiloquium_, because it was in

[Footnote 237: In the printed volume of the _Ædiloquium_, Tory modified
this sub-title; for it might well have marred his epitaphs with a
suspicion of obscenity which was very far from his thought.]

[Footnote 238: On September 23, 1524, and September 5, 1526. Tory
requested an extension of the licenses for his Hours because he was about
to reprint them. The second edition of the quarto Hours appeared on
October 20, 1531.]

[Footnote 239: We have not this 'privilege tresample,' which probably
was printed in some other of Tory's books, now lost. In truth, that
accomplished man was accustomed to have several books included in each of
his licenses.]

[Footnote 240: _Bibliothèque Françoise_, article 'Geofroy Tory.']

[Footnote 241: _Histoire de l'Imprimerie_, p. 102.]

[Footnote 242: Vol. i, p. 24. Lottin also writes _Beulle_.]

[Footnote 243: _Champ fleury_, fol. 43 recto.]




Quarto, in Latin.

This is a superb volume, printed by Simon de Colines, with borders and
illustrations 'à l'antique,' perfect in taste and in the execution of the
engravings. The book was, in all probability, printed by Tory and Colines
on joint account, as copies are extant in the name of each.

Following are descriptions of three sorts of copies which I have seen,
and which have been mistakenly assumed by bibliographers to be distinct




Below is Colines's large mark with the rabbits and the letters S. D. C.
in the centre, and at the foot, S. DE COLINES. The imprint is:
'Parisiis. Apud Simonem Colinæum. M.D.XXIIII.


The first page is ornamented with a special border, which we shall find
in others of Tory's books. The only copy of this form of the book which I
have had an opportunity to examine, namely, the one in the Bibliothèque
de l'Arsenal, although it is bound in paper only, has a beautiful drawing
in miniature which occupies the whole of this page. It represents two
printers working at a press, and a compositor in front of his case. None
of the printing has been retained, save the five lines of the title,
'Horæ,' etc., which are enclosed in a scroll hanging from the upper
branches of two trees which form the frame of the miniature. I do not
know the name of the fortunate recipient of this gift. One sees only his
initials (R. P.) in a heart above the press.

On the verso of the title we find, in accordance with custom, the table
of Easter Days, etc., from 1523 to 1551. The border of the page has, in
three small reserved scrolls in the midst of the arabesques, the words:
GEOFROY--TORY--SIC VT NON PLVS, which recur from time to time on
the following pages. This border is reproduced on the title-page of each
part of the book.

The license occupies the whole of both sides of the second leaf, which is
without borders, for a special reason: it is printed in gothic type of the
period (to imitate the script of the diploma) and that style of type would
have quarrelled with the antique arabesques of Tory, whose refined taste
avoided incongruities of that sort.

An extract from the license follows:--

'Francoys, by the grace of God King of France, to the Bailli and Provost
of Paris, the Seneschal of Lyon, and all other justiciars, officials,
or their deputies, and to each of them in his jurisdiction, and as to
him shall appertain, greeting. Our dear and well-beloved maistre Geofroy
Tory, bookseller, living at Paris, hath now caused it to be made known
and shown unto us that he hath of late made and caused to be made certain
pictures and vignettes "à l'antique," and likewise certain others "à la
moderne," to the end that the same may be printed and made use of in
divers books of Hours, whereupon he hath employed himself a very long
time, and hath made divers great expenditures, and outlay. Wherefore,
and to enable him to recover a part of the outlay that he hath made and
undergone while employed in procuring the aforementioned drawings and
vignettes to be made; and to the end that he may have the wherewithal
to live with more ease, he hath most humbly caused to be laid before us
his petition and request that he alone and no other may have authority
to cause the aforementioned drawings and vignettes to be printed, for
the space and term of six years, beginning on the day of the printing of
said Hours, and that all booksellers be forbidden to make or to cause to
be made any impression thereof, whether on a white, grey, or red field,
not omitting any of the said black vignettes, or to reduce them "a petit
ou grant pied"; humbly beseeching us to that end. Wherefore we, having
duly considered these matters, and generously acceding to the petition
and request of the said petitioner, and likewise in recognition of his
learning, literary talent, and the excellent and praiseworthy report made
to us of his person, and of his talents, competency, loyalty, wisdom, and
goodly diligence, have granted to him the privilege that he and no other
may print and cause to be printed the said vignettes and drawings, and
do forbid all booksellers and printers whomsoever within our realm, to
make or procure to be made and printed the said vignettes and drawings,
on pain of a fine of five and twenty silver marks to be paid to us, and
confiscation of the Hours, vignettes, and pictures by them so printed.
Given at Avignon, the XXIII day of September, in the year of
grace one thousand five hundred twenty-four, and of our reign the tenth.'


The third leaf contains some details concerning the calendar, which begins
on the fourth leaf and ends on the ninth. The border of the lower part of
leaf Avij is turned upside down. The Hours begin on the tenth leaf.

The book is a quarto, but the sheets are folded two by two, after
the style introduced by Pierre Schoiffer himself, which gives it the
appearance of an octavo. The signatures run from A to T, which makes
eighteen folds, or one hundred and forty-four leaves.

The engravings consist of sixteen complete borders, one of which
is repeated on the recto and verso of each of the first sixteen
leaves, embracing thirty-two pages of text, after which the same
decorations reappear. They are composed of arabesques in which,
from time to time, these words appear at the sides: SOLI
DEO--LAVS--HONOR--GEOFROY--TORY--NON PLVS. At the foot of certain
pages we see a crowned F (the first letter of the king's name), a crowned
C (the first letter of the name of Queen Claude, daughter of Louis XII),
and a crowned dolphin (daulphin), in allusion to the title of the king's
eldest son. Queen Claude died before the book was finished, perhaps even
before the printing was begun; but Tory did not choose to waste the
woodcut of her, so it was preserved and was used for more than fifteen
years, as we shall see. These three subjects are reproduced in Dibdin's
'Bibliographical Decameron' (vol. i, page 99); there are two others in
the same work (vol. ii, page 65). At the foot of the other pages are
arabesques, among which we find the Pot Cassé, no. 2. In the text there
are thirteen large drawings, which harmonize admirably with the borders.
All the illustrations, or almost all, borders and drawings alike, are
signed with the Lorraine cross.

The book ends on the recto of a leaf on the verso of which is this

This date coincides with January 16, 1525. We have seen that the
title-page bears the date 1524, that is to say, the year when the book was
begun. These two dates, cited separately, have led bibliographers astray,
and have given rise to a theory that there are two different editions of
the same book.

Here and there throughout the volume we find figures in the borders. These
figures are: 16, which appears on the inner side of leaves Ai verso and
Cvij recto and verso; 3, on the outer side of the border of leaves Aiiij
recto and verso, and Ciiij recto and verso; 10, at the foot of leaf Biij;
12, on the outer side of the border of leaf Bvi. Here and elsewhere,
to make my descriptions more clear, these books having no pagination,
I assign signature letters to the eight sheets of each fold; but it is
common knowledge that they actually appear on the first four only. I feel
justified in concluding from these figures that at first certain numbers,
running from 1 to 16, were engraved, and repeated on each compartment of
the same border, in order to enable the compositor to assort the pages
properly. Later these numbers were probably deemed to be of no use and
were cut off. The four that I have noticed, having inadvertently been
left, were finally removed before the printing was concluded. The scheme
of repeating each border on the recto and verso of the same leaf was very
ingenious, for it permitted the imposition of a larger number of pages
without calling attention to the repetition, as the two similar pages
were never seen at the same time. This required no more work, for it is
very clear that the borders were not added to the pages until the very
moment of printing, so that they might not be exposed to the accidents
inherent in the preparatory handling. M. Willemin has reproduced several
specimens of these borders in his 'Monuments Français Inêdits' (folio,
1839), page 296.


The book contains, as we have said, thirteen large cuts (all of which
except the second are signed with the Lorraine cross). They are as follows:

1 and 2. The Angelic Salutation, in two plates facing each other.

3. The Visitation of the Virgin, with the device 'non plus' in a scroll
suspended from a tree.

4. The Birth of Jesus.

5. The Adoration of the Shepherds.

6. The Adoration of the Magi.

7. The Circumcision.


8. The Flight into Egypt.

9. The Coronation of the Virgin.

10. The Crucifixion of Jesus. This design has five compartments. In
addition to the Crucifixion, there are bees at work, birds building their
nests, a peasant ploughing a field, and another shearing sheep. Each of
these four is accompanied by the device 'sic vos non vobis.'

11. The Descent of the Holy Spirit on the Apostles, with the device 'non
plus' on the pediment of a temple.

12. The Penance of David, with the same device, and the word 'peccavi' in
a scroll suspended from a tree.

13. The Triumph of Death. This last cut represents Death, armed with a
spear treading on corpses. A crow on a tree above him has the words 'cras,
cras,' issuing from its beak. At either side are the devices 'non plus'
and 'sic ut,' on neighbouring buildings.

       *       *       *       *       *

II. There are two sorts of copies in Tory's name. The first are
identical in every respect with those of Colines, except as to the first
page, where, after the title: 'Horæ ... habentur,' we find this imprint:
'Parisiis, apud Magistrum Gotofredum Torinum Bituricum. Ad insigne vasis
effracti, in via Iacobæa; gallice, Au pot casse, en la rue sainct Iaques.'

Here the Pot Cassé, no. 3, with the device 'menti bonæ deus occurrit' at
the top, and 'non plus' at the foot.

There is no date on the title-page, but there is one on the last
page,--the same that we find in the copies in Colines's name (see page
111). I have seen a copy of this book in the collection of M. Double,
who kindly allowed me to study it in detail. It is still in its antique
binding, and on the covers, in large roman letters, is this device, which
is believed to be that adopted by the unfortunate Dolet:



III. Other copies in Tory's name have a title-page in French,
with no border. This title-page reads as follows:--


A la fin sont les heures de la Conception nostre Dame, et le symbole de
Athanase. Le tout au long, sans y rien requerir, est tres correcte, en
bonne orthographie de poinctz, daccens, et diphthongues situez aux lieux a
ce requis. Et sont a vendre par Maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, libraire
demourant a Paris sus Petit pont, ioignant lhostel Dieu, a lenseigne du
Pot Casse.' Then follows the device 'menti bonæ devs occvrrit,' and the
Pot Cassé in the same form as that on the title-page of the preceding

The order of the contents of the first signature is here a little
different from that followed in numbers one and two. On the verso of the
title the license begins, set in roman letters, which Tory preferred to
the gothic; it occupies two pages, as in the other copies, but those pages
are supplied with the antique borders. On the verso of the second leaf
is the table of Easter-Days, from 1525 to 1552. It is more conveniently
placed here than on the verso of the title, where it is separated from
the calendar by the license. Advantage was taken of the reprinting of
the first signature to remove the figure 16 from the border of the page
containing the table of Easter-Days, and to set right the lower section of
the border of page A vij recto, which is upside down in the other copies.
The figure 3 was not removed from page A iiij, probably because the second
side of that signature was not reprinted; but the 10 has disappeared from
page B iij, which would seem to show that the second side of signature B
was reprinted. The first side of signature T was reprinted also, in order
to change the colophon on the last page, for which this is substituted:
'Ces presentes heures a lusage de ROME furent acheuees de
imprimer le MARDY dixseptiesme iour de IANVIER Mil cinq
cens vingtcinq: pour maistre GEOFROY TORY de BOURGES,
libraire demorant a PARIS sus PETIT PONT, ioignant
lhostel DIEU, a lenseigne du POT CASSE.' (The words
printed in small capitals are printed in red in the book.) This is
followed by the mark no. 5, with the two mottoes ('menti,' etc., and
'sic,' etc.), which accompany that mark on page 43 of 'Champ fleury.' (See
supra, p. 21.)

Tory had several copies printed on vellum; I myself have seen one of them,
belonging to the collection of M. Sauvageot.[244]

It will be seen from the date affixed to these copies that they were not
printed until the day following the printing of those which bear the
name of Colines; for it is worth noting that the Tuesday, January 17, is
of 1525, and not of 1526 new style, as would have been the case had the
'use of Paris' been followed. But Tory thought, doubtless, that he should
follow the Roman usage in a book of Hours to the use of Rome.

I imagine that this reprinting of three signatures of the Hours of
1524-1525 was done mainly to direct the attention of the public to
Tory's new establishment 'sus Petit Pont.' And this circumstance leads
me to believe that it was done subsequent to January 17, 1525, for it
is not conceivable that Tory would have left his former address, rue
Saint-Jacques, on the copies printed as late as January 16, if he was to
be settled 'sus Petit Pont' on the 17th. He retained that date on the
reissue, although it really took place later, in order to conform to
the terms of the license, which imposed upon the beneficiary the duty
of specifying on the books the date when they were first published, so
that the date of its expiration might be fixed, unless the term should
be extended, as was done in the case of this very book of Hours; witness
the license of 'Champ fleury,' dated September 5, 1526. Indeed, my own
opinion is that Tory did not remove to the Petit-Pont until about the
date last mentioned. We shall see that he remained there until 1530, when
the installation of his printing-office required him to take more roomy
quarters. However, when he opened his shop on the Petit-Pont he did not
abandon his place on rue Saint-Jacques, which he still occupied at least
as late as 1531.

M. Niel owns a copy of this book, in which the cuts are coloured in
water-colour, lined with gold. M. Niel thinks that the arabesques are
adapted from those of Raphael in the Vatican, which had lately been
reproduced; the lamented Renouvier, who agreed with M. Niel in attributing
the colouring to Tory, considered it an admirable piece of work.

It will not fail to be noticed, moreover, that Tory calls attention on
the title-page of his copies to the excellent orthography of his book: an
additional proof that this reimpression was subsequent to 1525.

Tory lent his borders and his engravings to several printers, who
frequently removed his mark therefrom. I will mention particularly five
publications of Simon de Colines on the title-pages of which we find
Tory's borders.

I. 'Divi Joannis Chrisostomi liber contra Gentiles,' etc.;
quarto, 1528. The title-page is surrounded by one of Tory's borders,
with the crowned F at the foot, and the broad upright section with
the two scrolls containing the words 'Geofroy Tory,' which have been
removed.--There is a copy of this volume, in vellum, in the library of M.
Solomon de Rothschild, who has kindly sent me this information.

II. 'Rodolphi Agricolæ Phrisii de inventione dialectica libri
tres, cum scholiis Joannis Matthæi Phrissemii'; quarto, 1529 and 1538.
Border composed of two broad upright sections, one of which was used in
the preceding. A crowned F at the top, and another broad section at the

III. 'Laurentii Vallæ de linguæ latinæ elegantia libri III';
quarto, 1535 and 1538. Same border as in the preceding.[245]


In 1527 Tory published a new edition of his Hours, in one volume,
octavo, printed as before by Simon de Colines, in roman type, with
vignettes of the same sort, but much smaller. There is a copy on vellum
at the Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal; unluckily it lacks the first and last
leaves. According to M. Brunet,[246] to whom M. Tosi, of Milan, sent the
description of a perfect copy, also on vellum, the first page reads:
'Horæ in laudem Beatiss. Virg. Mariæ ad usum Romanum venales extant
Parrhisiis ad insigne vasis effracti.' And the last: 'Hujusmodi Horæ nuper
absoluebantur a prælo Colineo, die vicesima prima Octobris anno Domini
1527, pro magistro Gotofredo Torino Biturigico Bibliopola ad insigne vasis
effracti Parrhisiis commorante, ubi venales beneuolis omnibus amicabiliter

We give herewith an extract from the license of this new publication,
which license included also 'Champ fleury' and the Hours of 1524-1525:

François, by the grace of God King of France, to the Provost of Paris,
the Bailli of Rouen and the Seneschal of Lyon, and to all our other
justiciars and officials and their deputies, and to each of them as to him
shall appertain, greeting. Our dear and well-beloved maistre Geofroy Tory
de Bourges, bookseller, living at Paris, hath now caused it to be made
known and shown unto us that, in order to proclaim, exalt and embellish
the Latin and French tongues, he hath not long since made and composed
a book in prose and in the French language entitled: 'Lart et science
de la deue et vraye proportion des lettres attiques, autrement dictes
antiques et vulgairement lettres romaines, proportionnees selon le corps
et visaige humain'; the which book he hath caused to be placed before
us, soliciting and requesting us to grant unto him leave, permission and
license to print, or cause to be printed the said book, together with
certain drawings and vignettes 'à l'antique and à la moderne'; likewise
friezes, borders, crowns and scrolls; also to cause to be printed books
of Hours, in such form and of such size as to him shall seem good, during
the time and term of ten years, beginning on the day of the printing of
said Book and said Hours; together with an extension for the same term
for certain drawings and vignettes by him heretofore printed.--We hereby
give you to know, that we, in consideration of the foregoing, generously
acceding to the petition and request of the said maistre Geofroy Tory,
and having regard to the toil, labour, outlays and expense which it hath
behooved him to undergo and sustain, as well in the composition of the
said books, as for the engraving of the said drawings, vignettes, friezes,
borders, crowns and scrolls to accompany the said Hours, as hereinbefore
mentioned, in divers forms and sizes,--have granted to him the privilege
of printing the said books, enjoining you not to allow any other printers
or booksellers within our realm, domains and seignories to print the said
books and Hours, on pain of one hundred silver marcs to be paid to us,
and of confiscation of said books. Given at Chenonceau the fifth day of
September, in the year of grace one thousand five hundred twenty-six, and
of our reign the twelfth.

       *       *       *       *       *

In this new book of Hours there are thirty-two different borders, which
reappear on every second leaf--one hundred and twenty-eight in all. The
text is embellished by sixteen large subjects, naturally smaller, however,
than those in the quarto. In the copy at the Arsenal, the only one that
I have seen, these subjects are coloured. I did not discover Tory's mark
anywhere; but his mottoes do appear,--'menti bonæ devs occvrrit'; 'sic
vt, vel vt'; 'non plvs';--which proves that these plates were engraved for
him, if not by him.

A list of the drawings follows:--

    1 and 2. The Angelic Salutation; two plates on adjoining pages, as
    in the quarto of 1524-1525.

    3. The Visitation of the Virgin.

    4. The Birth of Jesus.

    5. The Annunciation to the Shepherds.

    6. The Adoration of the Magi.

    7. The Circumcision.

    8. The Flight into Egypt.

    9. The Coronation of the Virgin.

    10. St. Joachim and St. Anne Embracing (this is not included in the
    edition of 1524-1525).

    11. The Crucifixion.

    12. The Descent of the Holy Spirit on the Apostles.

    13. The Penance of David.

    14. The Triumph of Death.

    15. The Holy Trinity.

    16. The Virgin and the Child Jesus.

    (The last two are not included in the edition of 1524-1525.)

The signatures run from A to Z; that is to say, there are twenty-three
octavo sheets.

The copy of the octavo Hours of 1527 at the Arsenal is a lovely volume
printed on vellum, with a number of manuscript prayers in French added at
the end. The calligraphic execution of these prayers, which are surrounded
by borders in imitation of those in the book, is wonderfully fine. The
colouring of the plates and the illuminating of the initial letters and
of those at the ends of paragraphs make the volume of great value. It is
still in its original binding (once very sumptuous, but now sadly out of
repair), on the covers of which one can distinguish interlaced C's, barred
S's, and star-shaped figures formed of two triangles turned end for end.
Can it have belonged to Catherine de Médicis, who became the consort of
Henri II in 1533? Unluckily it lacks two essential leaves, the first and
the last.


In the same year, Tory had printed by Simon Dubois ('Silvius') a quarto
edition of this same book of Hours, 'suivant l'usage de Paris.'

It is dated October 22, 1527. It contains the new license, and comprises
thirty-six quarto sheets, folded two by two according to custom, and
forming eighteen octavo signatures, A to S. The book is printed throughout
in the gothic type of that time, with the borders 'à la moderne' mentioned
in the license of 1524, consisting of arabesques of flowers, insects,
animals, etc. There are twenty-six complete borders, which recur in
regular order. We find again here, as in the first quarto, thirteen large
subjects interspersed through the text. But a noteworthy fact is, that
although these subjects, with two exceptions,[247] are the same as those
in the first quarto, they are of entirely different designs, appropriate
to the 'modern' borders and type. It would be difficult to carry further
the love of artistic harmony. Neither the borders nor the illustrations
bear Tory's mark, and I doubt whether they are his. Perhaps the design was
Perreal's and the engraving by one of the artists employed by Tory, who
must then have had an organized workshop, if we may judge from the number
of works which he produced about that time.

Dibdin speaks enthusiastically of this edition of the Hours, in his
'Bibliographical Decameron'; he even reproduces four of the large cuts
by which it is illustrated.[248] He says that it is the 'most beautiful
work' of that sort that he has ever seen, and expresses great surprise
that the arabesques have been cast aside. I confess that I do not share
his feeling. The book seems to me badly done, both from the artistic and
from the typographical standpoint: the borders do not harmonize, they
are out of proportion, and the engraving does not impress me as beyond
reproach. But Dibdin's opinion is, as everybody knows, very unreliable;
his carelessness is proverbial. Indeed, he gives us a striking instance of
it in this very passage: for he tells us that this book was published by
Tory of 'Bruges,' and that it has on the title, the Pot Cassé of Simon du
Bois[249]; two errors in one line!

Among the small cuts at the foot of the pages, we observe the shield of
France; the crowned F; the crowned salamander; the crest of the king's
mother, 'party' of France and of Savoy, with her widow's girdle; her
initial (L), crowned; the shield 'party' of Navarre and of France, with
the letters H and M intertwined (the initials of Henri d'Albert, King of
Navarre, and Marguerite, sister of François I, whose marriage had been
celebrated January 24, 1526[250]); the Pot Cassé, no. 1, that is to say,
in its simplest form, etc.

The exact title of this book is as follows: 'Hore in laudem beatissime
Virginis MARIE: secundum consuetudinem ECCLESIE PARISIENSIS.' (Here the
Pot Cassé, no. 9.) 'Venales habentur PARRHISIIS, APUD MAGISTRUM GOTOFREDUM
CASSE.'--All the words here printed in small capitals are printed in red.
On the verso of the title-page is the license, dated September 5, 1526. At
the end of the book is the following: 'Ces presentes Heures a lusage de
Paris, privilegiees pour dix ans commenceans a la presente date de leur
impression, furent achevees dimprimer le vingt deuxiesme iour Doctobre,
Mil cinq cens vingt sept, par maistre Simon du bois, imprimeur, pour
maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, qui les vend a Paris a lenseigne du Pot
Casse.' (Here the same mark as on the first page.)

It will be noticed that, although Tory felt bound to give the title of the
book in Latin, he could not forbear to print his address in French.

This is the order of the plates, all of which measure nine centimetres by

    1 and 2. The Angelic Salutation, in two plates on successive pages
    (fol. f 3 verso, and f 4 recto).

    3. The Sibyl of Tibur (see the description on page 123, note 1),
    fol. g 8 recto.

    4. Jesus on the Cross, fol. h 6 recto.

    5. The Descent of the Holy Spirit on the Apostles, fol. h 7 recto.

    6. The Birth of Jesus, fol. i 1 recto.

    7. The Annunciation to the Shepherds, fol. i 6 recto.

    8. The Adoration of the Magi, fol. k 2 recto.

    9. The Presentation in the Temple, fol. k 6 recto.

    10. The Flight into Egypt, fol. l 2 recto.

    11. The Coronation of the Virgin, fol. l 7 recto.

    12. David Playing the Harp, fol. m 5 recto.

    13. The Triumph of Death, fol. n 7 recto.

M. Brunet[251] mentions a copy of this book on vellum. The Bibliothèque
Nationale owns one on paper, bound by Capé, with tooling copied from


HOURS OF THE VIRGIN, in roman type, with borders and arabesques
'à l'antique' on each page. A small 16mo volume, printed by Tory, February
8, 1529 (old style).

Here is a description of this little gem, taken from the only copy that I
have seen, M. Niel's, which is on vellum.

The title reads thus:--

ROMANUM.' Then the Pot Cassé, and at the foot of the page: 'Menti
bonæ Deus occurrit.'

On the verso of the title-page:--

'Rex christianiss. statuit ne quis alius a Gotofredo Torino Biturigico,
Bibliopola Parrhisiis habitante, imprimat aut imprimi faciat infra
decennium in toto regno hujusmodi coronamenta et figuras, sub pœna
gravissima, ut in diplomate ad hoc obtento latissime patet.'

Then comes an abstract of the pontifical license, undated; and on the
following leaf the table of Easter-Days from 1530 to 1552.

On the last page: 'Parrhisiis, apud Gotofredum Torinum Biturigicum, viii.
die febr. anno sal. M. D. XXIX,[252] ad insigne Vasis effracti.'

The signatures run from A to Y; that is to say, the book consists of 22
octavo forms, or 176 leaves. The pages, which contain 21 lines of brevier,
measure thus:--

    Height, text alone     77 millimetres.
    Height, with border    96 millimetres.
    Width, text alone      29 millimetres.
    Width, with border     48 millimetres.

The volume contains twenty-one small cuts, unsigned, but all engraved in
Tory's manner. Here is a list of them:--

    1. Jesus on the Cross; a very small cut with five sections, like the
    Crucifixion of the quarto of 1524-1525; that is to say, there are
    bees at work, birds building their nests, a peasant ploughing, and
    another shearing sheep.

    2 and 3. The Angelic Salutation; two cuts facing each other, as in
    the Hours of 1524-1525.

    4 and 5. The Visitation (idem).

    6 and 7. The Birth of Jesus (idem).

    8 and 9. The Annunciation to the Shepherds (idem).

    10 and 11. The Adoration of the Magi (idem).

    12 and 13. The Circumcision (idem).

    14. The Massacre of the Innocents.

    15. The Coronation of the Virgin.

    16. The Crucifixion.

    17. The Descent of the Holy Spirit.

    18. Bathsheba at the Bath.

    19. The Triumph of Death.

    20. The Trinity (small cut).

    21. The Virgin in a halo, with an angel on each side.[253]


BOOK OF HOURS, quarto; same typographical arrangement as in the
quarto of 1524-1525. On the title-page, which has the border of those
copies of the earlier edition which bear the imprint of Simon de Colines,
we read:--

the motto: MENTI BONÆ DEVS OCCVRRIT, and beneath it the Pot
Cassé.) Cum privilegio summi Pont. et Regis christianiss. ad decennium et
ultra, ut in calce hujus operis patet.'[254]

On the verso of the title the list of Easter-Days, from 1531 to 1560; then
the Calendar, the type in which this is set being so large that it was
necessary to omit the arabesques with figures at the foot of the border
and substitute simple arabesques like those at the top.

On the recto of the last leaf is the abstract of the licenses, papal and
royal, and on the verso this colophon, set in the border of the last page
of 'Champ fleury': 'Parrhisiis, ex officina Gotofredi Torini Biturigici,
regii impressoris, ad insigne Vasis effracti, anno salu[tis] M. D.
XXXI, die XX mensis octo[bris].' Then the Pot Cassé and at
the foot of the page:--

    'Effracti, lector, subeas insignia vasis,
      Egregios flores ut tibi habere queis.'

The volume consists of twenty signatures (A to V) of two sheets each,
set in the roman type used in 'Champ fleury'; borders of the Hours of
1524-1525; also the thirteen drawings of that edition, but with special
borders in the form of porticoes, which appear in other minor works of
Tory published in 1531, of which we shall speak in the following section.
It is a fact worthy of remark that we no longer find the name Geofroy
Tory on his borders, and that even his mark has disappeared from several
of the cuts, particularly the first cut of the Angelic Salutation,[255]
the Adoration of the Shepherds, the Adoration of the Magi, the Flight
into Egypt, the Coronation of the Virgin, the Penance of David, and the
Triumph of Death. This circumstance leads me to believe that Tory had lent
these plates to other publishers, as he had lent his borders to Simon de
Colines, and that they removed the marks in order to appropriate more
completely the publications in which the plates were used. This was what
Simon de Colines did, as we have already seen (page 120).

A no less interesting fact is that, in the borders, the crowned C's are
retained, which refer to Claude de France, the first wife of François I,
who died in 1524 and was succeeded in 1530 by Eleonora of Austria.

We find also in this edition four unsigned cuts which do not appear in the
quarto of 1524-1525:--

Fol. H 8. The Angelic Salutation; a special design, quarto size.

Fol. L 6. The Angelic Salutation; quite small, occupying only the upper
part of a page.

Fol. R 7. The Trinity; small, with a special border.

Fol. V 3. The Virgin; small, with a special border.

The last two are taken from the 16mo Hours of 1529. The floriated letters
are the same as in 'Champ fleury.'

Papillon, who speaks of this book,[256] without giving the title, and
attributes it to Woeiriot, who was not born in 1531, expresses himself
thus concerning it: 'I have seen an old book in which there are some of
his engravings; it is an octavo, each page of which is surrounded by a
decorative border, in compartments, of a beautiful gothic type. They are
engraved very correctly, even though it is line engraving, which is so
fine, so even and so accurate, that I am at a loss to understand how it
could have been done. There are in this book fifteen or sixteen large
cuts, also engraved in line; the drawing of the figures is passable. The
little Lorraine cross, which Woeiriot used as a mark, may be seen in
several places in the borders of this book.'

M. de Rothschild's copy of this edition has one interesting peculiarity:
it is enriched by a large plate, unsigned, printed on an oblong
half-sheet, representing the Triumph of the Virgin Mary, which seems to
be an imitation of the Triumph of Apollo in 'Champ fleury.' The Virgin
appears in a chariot drawn by unicorns; behind the chariot are the Captive
Women; around the chariot, Prudence, Temperance, Justice and Strength;
in front of the unicorns, Hope, Faith, Charity; and farther in front the
Nine Muses, the Seven Liberal Arts, the handmaidens of the Virgin. In
the background, we see the Virginal Palace, the Palace of Jesse, and the
Temple of Honour. Beneath the picture is an explanation in French verse,
which begins thus:--

    'Les antiques Cesars triompherent par gloire,
    Mais par humilite (ainsi le faut il croire)
    La noble Vierge va triomphante en bon heur
    Du palais virginal jusquau temple dhonneur.'

I have seen this engraving nowhere else except in a copy of the edition
of the Hours published in 1542 by Olivier Mallard, of which I shall speak
in the third part; but I have no doubt that it was included originally in
all copies of the edition of 1531, perhaps also in that of 1524-1525. Its
chances of preservation were injured by its being bound in the form of a
map. At all events this unsigned plate is in Tory's manner, and it can
hardly be denied that it belongs to him.


At a time which I am unable to fix with precision, but not earlier than
the month of September, 1531, Tory printed another book, in octavo, with
borders made up of plants, animals, insects, birds, etc., like those in
the quarto Hours of 1527, but, naturally, on a smaller scale. I have
never seen this book, but its existence is established to my satisfaction
by the publication of a book of Hours, at a later date, by Olivier
Mallard, with the same borders and vignettes. I can give with certainty
neither the title nor the date of printing of Tory's book; but the date
of the engravings is readily determined approximately, thanks to certain
ornaments of Mallard's book. For instance, we find in it, as in the Hours
of 1527, the crowned F and the salamander of François I, the crowned L
and the biparted shield (France and Savoy) of his mother, who died in
1531, and a blank shield which suggests the widowhood of François, and
consequently proves that these cuts were designed before July, 1530. As
for my ascription of these cuts to Tory, it is due to the style of the
borders, which are copied from the Hours of 1527. Moreover, he has added a
special symbol, namely, the coat-of-arms of Bourges (three sheep, placed
two and one, and wearing collars), which appears now and again at the foot
of the page, beside the symbols of François I and his mother. As I have
said, I do not know the title of the book in which Tory first used these
cuts; it seems to me, however, that we may fairly conclude from the use
Olivier Mallard made of them that it was a book of Hours; Tory probably
decided to publish an octavo edition of his Hours 'à la moderne' of 1527,
as he had published in 1527 an octavo edition of his Hours 'à l'antique'
of 1524-1525. Indeed, it may be that the book in question is the one thus
described by M. Brunet: 'Horæ in laudem beatissimæ Virginis Mariæ ad usum
Rothomagensem.--Parisiis, ad insigne Vasis effracti. 1536.' Small octavo,
roman type, line engravings.

It will be seen that the book is said to be printed at the sign of the Pot
Cassé, without mention of the printer's name. This may mean that it was
printed by Tory's widow, who published Macault's work in the same way in

We shall speak elsewhere of Mallard's book, but this is the place to
mention the engravings it contains, which doubtless appeared also in
Tory's book. In Mallard's publication of 1541 there are sixteen different
borders, the same one being always placed on the recto and verso of each
leaf, and nineteen of the plates of the 16mo edition of 1529. The two
lacking are number 1 and number 21. [The engravings of The Visitation are
reproduced below.]



[Footnote 244: It was bought for 3025 francs, exclusive of commissions,
for the Bibliothèque Impériale (in December, 1860). It is a superb copy,
still in its original binding. M. Brunet mentions two other copies: (1)
That of Baron de Heiss, the cuts in which were coloured, and which brought
only 60 francs in 1785. It was the same copy, apparently, which was sold
for 13 pounds at the sale of Richard Heber. (2) The McCarthy copy, extra
illustrated with 19 lovely miniatures from an old manuscript, has brought
450 francs.]

[Footnote 245: [The translator has before him a copy of an earlier edition
(1529) of this work, the title-page of which reads as follows: 'Lavrentii
Vallae de Lingvae Latinae Elegantia libri sex, iam tertiu de integro bona
fide emaculati. Eiusdem de Reciprocatione Sui & Suus libellus apprime
vtilis. Cum indice amplissimo. Parisiis Apud Simonem Colinæum.' 1529. The
border differs slightly from that described above. In this case Tory's
mark was not removed by Colines, but appears twice.]]

[Footnote 246: _Manuel de Libraire_, 5th ed., vol. v, col. 1658.]

[Footnote 247: The Adoration of the Shepherds is replaced, as in the
octavo edition, by the Annunciation to the Shepherds, and the Visitation
by an entirely different subject, taken from a Christian legend: the
Emperor Augustus, kneeling on the ground, holds one hand of the Sibyl of
Tibur, who with the other hand points to the Virgin and the Child Jesus in

[Footnote 248: Vol. i, pp. 94-98.]

[Footnote 249: _Bibliographical Decameron_, vol. i, p. 98.]

[Footnote 250: This princess, born in 1492, was the grandmother of Henri
IV; she married, first, Charles, duc d'Alençon. She was famous for her
intellectual qualities, and we owe to her several noteworthy works.]

[Footnote 251: _Manuel de Libraire_, vol. iv, 4th edit., p. 802, col. 1.]

[Footnote 252: 1530 new style.]

[Footnote 253: In my first edition I described only 19 cuts, after the
imperfect copy of M. de Rothschild.]

[Footnote 254: Tory had already received licenses for twenty years for his
Hours (see supra, pp. 105-9, 121), so that he did not need this further
grant, which, indeed, he did not print at the end of his book.]

[Footnote 255: This cut, on the verso of a leaf of which the recto is
blank, is missing in many copies.]

[Footnote 256: _Traité de la Gravure sur Bois_, vol. i, p. 193.]





ROY NOSTRE SIRE. (Pot Cassé no. 6.) On le vend a Paris, en la rue
Sainct Iaques, devant lescu de Basle, et devant leglise de la Magdaleine,
a lenseigne du Pot Cassé.--Avec privilege.

Quarto, of three signatures. [Paris, Geofroy Tory, 1531.]

The title which I have transcribed is set in a pretty portico-shaped
border, decorated with arabesques, at the foot of which is found the word

On the verso: 'Il est permis a maistre Geoffroy Tory de Bourges, marchant
libraire, demourant a Paris, imprimer et mettre en vente ce present
livre,' etc. On the recto of the second leaf: 'Cest Lordre et forme qui
a este faicte et tenue par le commandement du Roy nostre Sire au Sacre
et Coronnement de la Royne ma dame Leonore Daustriche, seur aisnee de
Lempereur, le cinquiesme iour de mars M. D. XXX. Lequel ... a
este mis et redige par escript au vray par moy Guillaume Bochetel, son
notaire et secretaire, signant en ses finances....'

The text begins immediately under this, with the beautiful decorated
letter (L) which is reproduced on page 1 of this book.

The license, printed on the last leaf but one, informs us that Tory had
then become a printer, whence we may conclude that it was he who printed
the volume, although there is no definite statement to that effect.

'We have given to maistre Geoffroy Tory, bookseller, and printer, leave
to print the Queen's Coronation, and do forbid all other printers to
print the same for the term of one year,[257] on pain of summary fine on
conviction thereof. Done at Paris the tenth day of March one thousand five
hundred and thirty. DE LA BARRE.'

On the last page, which is set in a border of the same type as that of the
title-page, we read, above the Pot Cassé: 'The printing of this present
book was finished the XVI day of March M. D. XXX,[258] and it is for
sale,'[259] etc.


    COMMANDEMENT DU ROY NOSTRE SIRE. (Pot Cassé, no. 6.) On la vend
    a Paris, en la Rue Sainct Iaques devant Lescu De Basle, & devant
    leglise de la Magdaleine, A Lenseigne du Pot Casse.--Avec Privilege.
    Quarto, of six signatures. [Paris, Geofroy Tory, 1531.]

This title is set within the charming title-page border of the Colines
copies of the Hours of 1524-1525. On the verso of the title-page: 'Il est
permis,' etc., as in the preceding volume. On the second leaf the text
begins with a beautiful decorated letter (A) after the style of the L
of the volume last described. This page also is set in a portico-shaped
border, with arabesques; but the latter are different from those in the

We find, too, three other and different borders in the balance of the
work, which gives us in all six pages with borders in addition to that of
the title-page and that of the last page, which is identical with that of
the last page of 'Champ fleury'; some floriated letters also have been
borrowed from this last-named work. Though none of these are signed, they
are surely Tory's, so far as the designs are concerned, at least.

The text of this book, as of the preceding, is by Guillaume Bochetel, who
signed it. Following his text, Tory inserted a charming cut, representing
the gift presented by the city of Paris to the Queen--a magnificent
candelabrum. At the top are the words: 'Deseing du present faict a la
Royne en deux chandeliers.'[260] The license granted to Tory for printing
this book is identical with that of the preceding, except that it is dated
at Anet, April 26, 1531. We learn from the last page that the printing was
finished on Tuesday, May 9, 1531.

Geofroy Tory was not simply the printer of this little volume; he was also
the publisher, and he added to the text three poems in Latin, of his own
composition. Here they are:--

  _Geofroy Tory of Bourges to Queen Leonora._[261]

We are about to celebrate this triumph of yours, Leonora, which your
Parisians have conferred upon you. You are a queen so loving-kind to us
that we all can say that you are a real goddess. We can certainly say that
you are a benign goddess, since you at last bless us with grateful peace.
With peace you bless all who inhabit the French kingdom, so kind have
been the fates in establishing you in power. As one upright, aye, holy,
gentle, and a true bestower of blessings, you have brought our lilies back
to their country. By your leave, I will speak in few words, and I will
proclaim the truth: in you resides full national salvation for us all.

  _The same to the same._

May the gods long continue your happy lot, Leonora. You are our Joy, our
Peace, and our grateful Repose.

  _The same Tory to the French People._

Exult and be glad, people of France; you see what happiness Leonora now
brings to you. She, sent, be sure, by the manifest will of God, enables
you at last to enjoy the blessings of peace. Strew roses, laurel, violets,
nard, and saffron, and merrily revel to your hearts' content. But be
careful too that you, best of people, be not backward in rendering pious
prayers to God. If you never cease to sing God's praises and to frequent
his temples, believe me, you will long enjoy the blessings of peace. You
will behold the golden ages beneath the smiling heaven, and on earth you
will reap in prosperity golden harvests. Add to this that you will in
similar manner become a race all golden too. Continue, therefore, your
holy services to the most high God.


    vend a Paris devant Leglise de la Magdeleine, a Lenseigne du Pot
    Casse.--Avec privilege.

Quarto, of two and a half signatures. [Paris, G. Tory, 1531.]

The license, dated Paris, October 13, 1531, and signed DE LA
BARRE, like the two preceding, gives Tory at last the title of king's
printer: 'We have granted to maistre Geofroy Tory, marchant libraire et
_imprimeur du Roy_, leave,' etc. On the last page, which, as well as the
first, is set in a border,[262] are the words: 'Printed at Paris, at the
sign of the Pot Cassé, by maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, bookseller and
king's printer. The XVII day of October, M. D. XXXI.'

As the title-page indicates, this volume contains verses in Latin and in
French by divers contemporary authors. Among the former is one by Geofroy
Tory himself, which I will give as a specimen.

_Louise, royal mother, addresses and consoles her France: written by
Geofroy Tory of Bourges._[263]

France, why do you in deepest sorrow mourn for me? Do you not know that
the whole human race is destined to die? Revive, and consider how I by
my foresight preserved you from the bitter and ruthless enemy. I leave
to you a son, king by divine will, who under my guidance cherishes you
in glorious peace. Joyfully he beholds in your arms his pledges, who
will bring the whole world under your sway. You have a queen who is
the foster-daughter of virtue and peace, and who blesses your lot with
good fortune. You have also another queen, who is the sister and good
counselor of your consecrated king. With such guides as these, dear
France, you should not complain. You are fortunate in having such leaders.
Moreover, when I die, I will not desert you, for you have my immortal
name. Devotedly I will ever pray for you before the mighty Thunderer,
asking that you may reign victoriously and nobly. Strew laurel for me,
violets, nard, and saffron; strew also flowers, lilies, garlands, and
roses. Add to these, moreover, hymns with most exalted praises, rites,
melodies, incense, myrrh, and prayers. Hesitate not to erect altars to me.
For, as a benign goddess, I now proceed to fly to Heaven. Farewell.

       *       *       *       *       *

The first two of these three opuscula exhibit three different kinds of
type: that of 'Champ fleury' and two others. In the third we find a fourth
size. It will be seen that Tory's printing-office was increasing in


    ORDONNANCES DU ROY (François I), etc.

Quarto, of four signatures (A to D). Paris, 1532.

I have seen only the last signature of this collection. It has a special
title-page, embellished by the border of the Colines copies of the Hours
of 1524-1525; but the signature letter (D) and the first word of the title
demonstrate the existence of at least three others. It seems that Geofroy
Tory treated the legislative documents of François I in the sixteenth
century as the Imperial printing-office treats the 'Bulletin des Lois'
to-day: that is to say, each fold has a title, although it forms a part of
the same publication with that which precedes and that which follows.

I transcribe the title of the signature that I have seen,[265] made up of
six leaves, that is a sheet and a half quarto[266] (_encartées_):--

ET AU CONSEIL DE LA TOUR CARREE. (Pot Cassé.) Imprimees a Paris par
maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, libraire et imprimeur du Roy. Devant
Leglise de la Madeleine, a lenseigne du Pot Casse.--Avec privilege comme
il appert cy apres en la fin.

Then follow four ordinances of the king, of the year 1532, 'sur lestat
des tresoriers,' etc. They are dated, the first at Hamby, April 19,
the second at Châteaubriant, June 14, the third and fourth also at
Châteaubriant, May 16. On the recto of the last leaf is the duplicate of
the license, in these words:--

'The judges appointed by the king in the Chambre de la Tour Carree to
administer the finances, having considered the petition presented by
Geofroy Tory, bookseller and king's printer, praying that he may have
permission to print the ordinances of late issued by the king touching
the administration of his finances and the officers engaged therein,
which have been published in said chamber, and that all other booksellers
and printers may be forbidden to print or to cause to be printed the
said ordinances until the expiration of three years next ensuing, on
pain of summary fine, the said judges have permitted and do permit the
said Geofroy Tory to print the said ordinances, and forbid all other
booksellers and printers to print or cause to be printed the said
ordinances for one year,[267] on pain of summary fine. Done at Paris the
eighteenth day of July, in the year one thousand five hundred thirty-two.
Signed: Bordel.'

On the last page is the beautiful final border of 'Champ fleury,' in
which is the Pot Cassé; and beneath it are the words: 'The printing of
these present ordinances was finished the twentieth day of July M.
D. XXXII, by maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, bookseller and king's


    le commandement du Roy (Pot Cassé).--On les vend a Paris, devant
    leglise de la Magdelaine, a lenseigne du Pot Casse. Par maistre
    Geofroy Tory de Bourges, marchant libraire et imprimeur du
    Roy.--Avec privilege pour six ans.

Paris, G. Tory, 1532. Folio; 6 preliminary leaves, 151 leaves of text,
numbered, and a final unnumbered leaf, on the verso of which are the
words: 'The printing of this present book was finished the XXI
day of October, M. D. XXXII, by maistre Geofroy Tory,' etc. Then
follows the Pot Cassé, surmounted by the arms of France, borrowed from the
verso of the title-page of 'Champ fleury.'


    DU ROY, FRANCOYS PREMIER.--Imprimez de l'ordonnance et
    commandement dudit seigneur.--Avecques privilege a six ans.--On les
    vent a Paris en la rue de la Iuifverie, devant la Magdalaine, a
    l'enseigne[268] du pot cassé.

At the end: 'Imprimé a Paris, en avril M. D. XXXV.'[269]--Quarto.

The title-page of this book is embellished by a portico-shaped border,
which is found in the first three opuscula described in this section. On
the verso of the title, in the vellum copy at the Bibliothèque Nationale,
is the final border of 'Champ fleury,' in which are depicted the arms of
England, with the device, DIEV EST [_sic_] MON DROICT.

The author's exordium begins with a large letter S, decorated with an
escutcheon bearing two fasces accompanied by nine besants, three by three,
with this device in Greek: MHKETI ('not at all'); these are
Macault's arms, doubtless. This letter appears again on folio 148. Facing
the first page of text is a magnificent engraving representing François I
surrounded by his court, listening to Macault as he reads his book to the
king. The author is represented in a clerical costume, with a calotte on
his head. Beside him are the three sons of François I: François, who died
a few years later, Henri, who became Henri II, and Charles, Duc d'Orléans.
This engraving is a faithful copy of the painting on Macault's original
manuscript, which was still in France in 1811, but has since crossed over
to England. It is described in Part 3, section 1 (pages 166-168).

The printed book forms a quarto volume of 8 unnumbered preliminary leaves,
152 numbered leaves (signatures A to Q), and 8 leaves of index: 168 leaves
in all. On the last page is the final border of 'Champ fleury,' which
appears also on the verso of the title.[270]

[Illustration: PIERRE ROFFET]


[Footnote 257: The license had no sooner expired than the book was
reprinted, as may be seen by a copy of an edition in gothic type, of eight
octavo signatures, dated 1531, in the Bibliothèque Nationale.]

[Footnote 258: 1531 new style.]

[Footnote 259: A new edition of this book has recently been published
at Brussels, being a photo-lithographic reproduction of the copy in the
Bibliothèque du Roi.]

[Footnote 260: See what M. A. de Montaiglon says of this engraving in the
_Archives de l'Art français_, vol. ix, p. 266.]

[Footnote 261: [For original Latin, see Appendix X, _y_.]]

[Footnote 262: The borders are the same as those at the beginning and end
of the _Entree de la Royne_.]

[Footnote 263: [For original Latin, see Appendix X, _z_.]]

[Footnote 264: These three opuscula are bound together in one volume at
the Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal. The Bibliothèque Nationale also owns them
all, bound separately and more or less imperfect. The omission of the last
of the three from the new catalogue is an error, for it is in the library.]

[Footnote 265: At the shop of M. Potier, bookseller, Paris. M. Alkan,
senior, also owns the last leaf of this signature.]

[Footnote 266: If the other three signatures are complete, they should
contain six sheets, folded two and two, according to custom.]

[Footnote 267: It will be observed that the judges granted the license
for but one year, instead of the three that Tory had asked. I have seen
another similar collection of ordinances in the name of Galiot Dupré,
dated 1528, for which the judges extended the license to two years.]

[Footnote 268: Here and elsewhere we find the apostrophe, but its use is
not yet constant. The compositors were not used to the sign, which was
employed to designate the suppression of a letter for euphony's sake.]

[Footnote 269: It may be that we should read 1536 new style, as Easter
fell in that year on April 16. We add this book to Tory's list, although
he was dead at that time, because it was evidently begun by him and
finished by his widow.]

[Footnote 270: M. Ambroise Firmin Didot owned a copy of this book, on
paper, in its ancient binding, with the Pot Cassé. He owned also another
copy, on vellum.]




Below this title, the arms of Michel de Boudet, engraved on wood. At the
end is the Pot Cassé, with this colophon: 'Parisiis anno salutis humanæ
1530.' (Michel de Boudet had died in 1529, with the title of duke and
peer, which the Bishops of Langres had borne since the twelfth century.)
Six quarto leaves [Paris, G. Tory, 1530]. Library of the Faculty of
Medicine of Montpellier, no. 292.

Having had occasion to visit the neighbourhood of Montpellier for reasons
connected with my health, I seized the opportunity to examine this volume
and complete my information concerning it. On the first page, surrounded
by the border of the Colines copies of the Hours of 1524-1525, are these
words: 'Antistitis Incomparabilis Michælis Bodeti dum viveret Episcopi
Ducis Lingonensis et Franciæ Paris Epicedium.' Then the arms of Michel
de Boudet. On the verso: 'Cautum est privilegio, ne quis hoc Epicedium
imprimat aut imprimi curet infra biennium subpöena in diplomate ad hoc
obtento contenta.' The four following leaves contain a poem in honour of
Michel de Boudet; on the sixth is the Pot Cassé, no. 6, and beneath it:
'Parrhisiis, Anno salutis humanæ, M. D. XXX.' There is nothing
to indicate the author of this little work, which is printed in the same
type as the Epitaphs in honour of the mother of François I.[271]



Paris, G. Tory, 1531. Octavo.

I borrow this description from the 'Catalogue de la Bibliothèque de feu
M. de La Vallière' (vol. i, p. 275), for I have not been able to inspect
this work, which, however, should be in the Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal with
M. de La Vallière's other books, and in the library at Sainte-Geneviève,
whither it must have gone with the collection of Le Tellier in whose
catalogue it also appears.


    HISTOIRE DES EMPEREURS DE TURQUIE, translated from Latin
    into French by Barthélemy Dupré. 1532.

I borrow this abridged description from a biography of Tory published
by M. Chevalier de Saint-Amand, honorary librarian of Bourges, in the
'Annonces Berruyères,' no. 38 (September, 21, 1837).[272]


    corrige & mis en bon ordre.--On les vend a Paris, devant Lesglise
    Saincte Geneviefve des Ardens, Rue Neufve nostre Dame. A Lenseigne
    du Faulcheur.--Avec privilege pour Trois Ans.

At the end: 'The printing of this present book was finished on Monday the
XII day of August. Year M. D. XXXII. For Pierre Roffet,
called le Faulcheur. By maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, king's printer.

Octavo, 1st edition. Only a single copy is known, now in the Bibliothèque
Nationale. The volume consists, first, of four preliminary leaves (half a
fold), comprising: (1) the title which I have just transcribed; (2) on the
verso, some laudatory verses, among which figures this distich of Tory,
who was not only Marot's printer, but his friend:--

    'Vis lauros cypriasque comas, charitesque, iocosque,
      Inde sales etiam nosse? Marotus habet';

(3) Clément's letter 'to a large number of brethren,' dated August
12, 1532, that is to say, on the same day that Tory finished printing
the book, and not August 12, 1530, as was erroneously printed in some
subsequent editions, which has given rise to a theory of an earlier
issue[273]; (4) the table of contents; (5) a leaf entirely blank. Then
comes the text of the 'Adolescence Clementine,' extending from folio 1
to folio 104, on which is the word 'finis'; and after that the 'Chant
royal,' etc., from 105 to 115. The book ends with a list of errata on an
unnumbered folio (116). The table of contents, on one of the preliminary
leaves, informs us that one ode had previously been published separately,
but no copy of it is known.


_The Same._

A second edition of this book was published by the same bookseller, and
the printing finished by Tory on November 13, 1532. It differs from the
first in this respect, that the text and preliminary leaves are joined,
or, to speak more accurately, the first two of those leaves; for the table
of contents is relegated to the end of the volume, in place of the errata,
which no longer appear. The volume consists of a hundred and nineteen
leaves, the last unnumbered. The word 'finis' still appears on folio
104, after the 'Adolescence Clementine'; then comes the 'Chant royal,'
etc.; and lastly two leaves entitled: 'Autres Œuvres faictes en sa dicte
maladie,' indicated by this phrase on the title-page: 'Plus amples que les
premiers imprimez de ceste, ny autre impression.' (Bibliothèque Mazarine.)


_The Same._

A third edition was printed by Tory on February 12, 1532 (1533, new
style), like the preceding in every respect, but having only 118 leaves.


_The Same._

A fourth edition appeared June 7, 1533, identical with the preceding,
except that the words on the title-page, 'plus amples,' etc. are replaced
by these: 'Avec certains accens notez, cest assavoir sur le é masculin
different du feminim [_sic_], sur les dictions ioinctes ensembles par
sinalephes, et soubz le ç quant il tient de la prononciation de le s, ce
qui par cy devant par faulte daduis n'a este faict au langaige françoys,
combien q'uil [_sic_] y fust et soit tres necessaire.'

This fourth edition of the 'Adolescence Clementine' was the last work
printed by Tory to my knowledge. In the intervals between these four
editions, however, he had published the works of Clément Marot's father,
edited by Clément himself, under the following title:--


    deuant Lesglise Saincte Geneuiefue des Ardens, Rue Neufue Nostre
    Dame, A Lenseigne du Faulcheur.--Auec priuilege pour Trois Ans.[274]

At the end: 'The printing of this present book was finished the
XXII day of January, M. D. XXXII [1533, new style], for
Pierre Roufet, called Le Faulcheur, by maistre Geufroy Tory de Bourges,
king's printer.'

Octavo of 101 leaves. (Bibliothèque Nationale.)

In this edition there is a letter of Clément Marot mentioning the death of
his father, 'author of this book.'


_The Same._

M. Brunet cites a second edition of this book, executed by Tory for the
same bookseller in 1533.


[Footnote 271: [This paragraph was added by the author after his second
edition had gone through the press.]]

[Footnote 272: In his _Peintre-graveur français_, M. Robert-Dumesnil
mentions an edition of this book with the date 1538, Paris, G. Tory; which
is impossible, as Tory died in 1533.]

[Footnote 273: See M. Brunet's _Manuel de Libraire_, 5th edit. vol. iii,
col. 144.]

[Footnote 274: There is a copy in the Bibliothèque Nationale, to which is
added: _La suite de l'Adolescence clémentine_, with 3 preliminary leaves
and 126 of text, on the last of which is the mark of Pierre Roffet, signed
with the Lorraine cross [see page 137, supra]; but not printed by Tory,
for the book was printed for the widow of Roffet, and the latter did not
die, it is supposed, until 1537, after Tory's death.]

[Illustration: PART III.


[Illustration] ]





As I have hitherto called attention to the books that we owe to Tory
whether as publisher, as author, or as printer and bookseller, so it
will be well to notice those which he enriched with his paintings and
engravings during twenty years of his life. This is a new aspect of his
whole career which it is our present purpose to bring into view; for,
while Tory was for some time teacher, bookseller, printer, he was always a
draughtsman and engraver, from the day that he was a man grown.

But, first of all, there is a preliminary question to be decided: Was
Tory really a painter and engraver? In the first part of this book I
said that he was, but I did not furnish proofs of the fact, and none of
the historians of painting or of engraving have mentioned him in that
connection. It is advisable therefore, first of all, to demonstrate the
accuracy of my assertion. In order to solve this complicated question more
easily, let us divide it.

Was Tory a painter?

That Tory was a painter-draughtsman, there can be no doubt, for he himself
makes the assertion in express terms on each page of 'Champ fleury.' For
instance, we read on folio 3 verso of that work, apropos of the Gallic

'I saw this same fable in rich painting within the city of Rome near the
Sanguine tower, not far from the Church of Saint Louis, ... and the better
to keep the thing in my eye, I made this drawing....'

In the collection of verses written by him on the occasion of the death of
his daughter Agnes, Tory makes her speak thus from the urn wherein she is
supposed to repose:--


    Who made for you this urn, set with brilliant gems?


    Who? My father; famed in this art.


    Certes, your father is an excellent potter.


    He practises industriously every day the liberal arts.

Thus Geofroy Tory himself informs us in 1523 that he industriously
practised the arts. Now, if this were true, he could not have been
ignorant of drawing, which is the first of all the arts. Moreover, it
is plain that in those days an engraver (and we shall prove in a moment
that Tory was one) could not fail to be a draughtsman. The artist was
at that time an all-round workman, embracing all the special branches
of his profession: painting, drawing, engraving, he took a hand at them
all. Not until it became vulgarized, until it became a trade, was art
subdivided--and greatly to its prejudice. In truth, one cannot but realize
all that there is to be desired in the work of those mercenaries of the
engraver's art, who, having no knowledge of the first elements of drawing,
are bidden to reproduce, with the aid of the graving tool, lines which
they do not understand.

We can therefore assert that, as a general rule, the engravings found in
Tory's books were drawn by him.

But this is not all: I believe that we should also attribute to him the
admirable miniatures[275] that have come down to us of the painter known
by the name of 'Godefroy.' If, indeed, we compare the engravings in Tory's
books with the designs of that painter, we readily recognize a similarity
of execution which seems to establish the identity of the two men. This
Godefroy, who signs his works sometimes with the full name, sometimes with
a simple G, but always in roman letters,--a noteworthy thing at a time
when the gothic was in its most flourishing state,--was no other than
Tory, whose baptismal name, as we have seen, was in Latin Godofredus.
We know how little was thought of family names in the old days. As
late as the sixteenth century it was no uncommon thing to see persons
designated by their baptismal names alone, or, at most, with the name of
their native place added. We have seen[276] that the famous painter Jean
Perreal, Tory's master and friend, was little known except by the name of
Jean de Paris. Tory himself is called Godefroy the Berrichon (Godofredus
Biturix) in some verses which his friend Gérard de Vercel composed in his
praise in 1512.[277] Even at the close of the sixteenth century our two
leading bibliographers, Antoine du Verdier and La Croix du Maine, who
also bore geographical names, deemed it proper to adopt no other order
than that of baptismal names in arranging alphabetically the authors who
are mentioned in their books entitled 'Bibliothèque Françoise.' There is
nothing extraordinary therefore in Tory's signing his first works with a
baptismal name alone. It is true that that name is slightly different,
orthographically speaking, from the one that he used later; but it is well
to remember the change that took place about that time in our author's
customs. Doubtless he signed 'Godefroy' before he had entirely shaken off
the yoke of the classical languages,[278] and had adopted the more French
form 'Geofroy,' which was about the year 1523.

The dates inscribed upon some of Godefroy's paintings, 1519 and 1520,
coincide perfectly with the known facts of Tory's life: that was the
period when, after his second return from Italy, he was fain to utilize
his talents for his livelihood. I may add that we have several engravings
of that same period signed with a G alone, or with a G within which
appears a small F; others signed with a G surmounted by the
double cross, with a small S within; and others signed G. T.,
which serve to mark the transition between Tory's use of the simple G and
the inscription in full of his two names, Geofroy Tory. These two names
appear together in one of the borders of his Hours of 1524-1525 [the
border which is to be found on p. 105].

Whatever the fact may be, we propose to give here, by way of memorandum,
at least a brief list of the works of the painter Godefroy, referring the
reader for fuller information to the interesting article which M. Léon de
Laborde has published upon this subject in the 'Renaissance des Arts,'
vol. i. pp. 891-913, and, later, in the 'Revue Universelle des Arts,' no.
1 (1855), which article we reproduce below with the author's consent.

The only manuscripts known to contain drawings of this artist are 'Les
Commentaires de César,' in three small quarto volumes; and 'Les Triomphes
de Petrarque,' in one small octavo volume--all written in French and bound
in vellum.

The first-named work is not, as one might suppose from its title, a
translation of the famous work of the conqueror of Gaul, but a commentary
thereon in the form of a dialogue between Cæsar and François I, to whom
the book is dedicated. The first volume is now in the British Museum at
London, the second in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, and the third
in the collection of M. le Duc d'Aumale. All the miniatures in the first
volume, and there is a great number of them, are signed with a G; some
bear the date 1519. The same is true of the second volume. One of the
miniatures in the third volume is signed in full, 'Godefroy' (folio 52);
several others, signed G only, are dated 1520.

As for the 'Triumphs' of Petrarch, which is in the Bibliothèque de
l'Arsenal, the miniatures bear no dates, but they are all signed with a
G, and one has in addition the full name, 'Godefroy.' In the two works
the drawings have the same general appearance; they are distinguished
from those of the professional miniaturists by a very marked sobriety
of colouring. They are noticeable, moreover, by reason of a delicacy
of execution and, at the same time, a sharpness of outline which can
have come from no other hand than that of an engraver; now the engraver
can have been no other than Tory, whose shields and even his antique
arabesques we find in these designs.

In addition to these two works, of which the name and the _style_ of the
artist seem to me to permit their being attributed to Tory, I will mention
here several others, of a somewhat later date, which likewise various
circumstances make it possible to attribute to him.

The first is a translation of the first three books of Diodorus Siculus,
by Antoine Macault. This superb manuscript, which was in the library of
M. Firmin Didot _père_ in 1810, is to-day buried in one of the private
libraries of England. A description will be found on pp. 166-168. It is
true that there is nothing about it to suggest Tory, but the style of the
painting and of the engraving (the book was printed by Tory's widow in
1535) leaves no doubt as to his authorship. The second is a collection of
portraits of the kings of France, by Jean du Tillet, the manuscript of
which, presented by the author to Charles IX, is still preserved in the
Bibliothèque du Roi. See the description of this priceless manuscript, and
of several others preserved in the same collection.[279]

We come now to the second question:--Was Tory an engraver?

Neither Zani nor Papillon mentions him as such; nevertheless, there is
one presumption in his favour. La Croix du Maine, who was almost his
contemporary, tells us[280], without going into details, it is true,
that Tory was known by the name 'maître au Pot Cassé'; others have said
that he perfected Josse Bade's letters.[281] M. Renouvier has recently
written[282] that Tory possessed the rare faculty of using the 'eschoppe'
[graver] as well as the pen. 'Le Champ fleury,' he says, 'is a treatise
on æsthetics such as none but an engraver of types could conceive.' What
M. Renouvier conjectured, I assert, with no fear of being contradicted
by the facts. To be sure, Tory did not anywhere state categorically that
he was an engraver; but he gave it to be understood indirectly. For
example, he tells us that, among the fancies that came to his mind on the
6th of January, 1523, and resulted in the composition of 'Champ fleury,'
he remembered 'a letter of ancient form,' which he had 'not long since
made for the house of my lord the treasurer of the wars, maistre Jehan
Groslier, counsellor and secretary to the king our sire.'[283] What was
this ancient letter made for the famous bibliophile Grolier, if not the
basis of the beautiful roman characters which were used in that scholar's
establishment to decorate his books, and to stamp upon them, in gold, this
excellent device, among others, 'Ioannis Grolierii et Amicorum?'[284]

Again, all the authorities agree that Claude Garamond was a pupil of
Tory. Now, what could he have learned from his master, if not the art of
engraving types,--he who did nothing else in his whole life?

Furthermore, it is impossible to doubt that Tory engraved types when one
runs through his 'Champ fleury.' Note especially what he says on folio 34
recto, where, having given a drawing of a capital A reversed, he explains
it in the technical terms of the engraver.

'This,' he says, 'is done to help and give hints to goldsmiths and
engravers, who, with their burin, graver, or other tool, engrave and cut
an ancient letter reversed [à l'envers], or, as we say, to the left, so
that it may appear to the right when it is printed and placed in its
proper aspect. I have purposely made it white, and its background black,
the opposite of the one that is drawn to the right, so that no one may
be misled. For, as I have said, I have seen and do see many persons who
are misled. Before the letter to be printed is finished, it is made twice
reversed and twice to the right. In the first of the reversed there are
the punches[285] of steel, in which the letter is wholly left-handed. The
matrices have the letter to the right. The letter then cast is, as I have
said of the punches, left-handed. Then finally on the printed paper the
whole appears to the right, and in its proper aspect to be read currently.
I had forgotten to say that the broad leg of the A is one tenth of its
square in width, and the other leg one third as wide. The transverse limb
should be three fourths as wide as the broad leg, as you may see by the
drawings herewith made and duly proportioned.'

After this, and knowing as we do the relations between Geofroy Tory and
the Estienne family, it will not be deemed extraordinary that I attribute
to our artist the italic letters of Simon de Colines, engraved about 1525,
and the roman and italic letters of Robert Estienne, engraved a little

But Tory not only engraved letters, that is to say, punches on steel,
as some authors have stated: he signalized himself above all by his
engravings on wood, and he illustrated almost all the books of his time,
which fact is almost wholly unknown. I shall be asked, doubtless, upon
what evidence my opinion is based. It is this: In the license to print
the book of Hours, granted to Tory by François I on September 23, 1524,
we read:[286] 'Our dear and well-beloved maistre Geofroy Tory ... hath
now caused it to be made known and shown unto us that _he hath of late
made_ and caused to be made certain pictures and vignettes "à l'antique,"
and likewise certain others, "à la moderne," to the end that the same may
be printed and made use of in divers books of Hours, whereupon he hath
employed himself a very long time, and hath made divers great expenditures
and outlays.' Evidently the words 'he hath made' do not here apply to the
drawing, but to the engraving of these pictures and vignettes, which he
had previously drawn. Moreover, Tory himself betrayed his profession of
engraver on wood in a charming vignette which he used as an initial in
'Champ fleury,' and which is reproduced on page 1. For we see therein,
besides a compass, a square, etc., a pen and several varieties of knives
used in wood-engraving; all of which justifies the remark of M. Renouvier:
'Tory possessed the rare faculty of using the graver as well as the pen.'

But, I shall be told, it avails nothing to prove vaguely that Tory
dabbled in wood-engraving, if we can point to no works of his in that
branch of the art,--for no one has done so hitherto. I propose to try to
gratify the reader's desire, by proving that there is a way to recognize
the engravings executed by Tory.

Many persons have already observed that the principal engravings in
Tory's books, those which are most individual, as, for example, the
Gallic Hercules (reproduced on page 141), and that of the Pot Cassé which
accompanies the description of that emblem in 'Champ fleury' (reproduced
on page 21) bear a mark; but this mark they dare not attribute to him,
because it is constantly found upon engravings, alone or accompanied by
initials, for more than a century. M. Robert-Dumesnil, in his interesting
work entitled 'Le Peintre-Graveur français,' published in the course of
his article on Woeiriot,[287] who himself used this same mark, a catalogue
of engravings signed with the double cross,--which he calls the cross of
Lorraine or of Jerusalem,--extending from 1522 to 1632. He concludes that
this mark was 'frequently employed in France, as a fictitious signature,
on engravings on wood, by artists whose names will probably remain forever
buried in oblivion.'

To banish this phantom, which caused M. Renouvier himself to pause on the
pathway of truth,[288] it is sufficient to come to close quarters with it.
This is what I propose to do; but first I must thank M. Robert-Dumesnil
for having satisfactorily cleared up one important point. Until his book
appeared, almost all the engravings marked with the double cross had been
attributed to Woeiriot; or, rather, the engravings of the latter had
added to the perplexity of classifiers. By identifying Woeiriot's work,
M. Robert-Dumesnil has simplified the problem considerably. Only a small
number of pieces remain to be ascribed to their authors, and as to these
M. Robert-Dumesnil expresses himself thus: 'None of the works executed
prior to Woeiriot's birth and the beginning of his career as an artist can
be by him; of the others we hasten to say that not one seems to us to have
been designed or executed by him.'

Nothing could be clearer. Let us add, to close the discussion, that
Woeiriot did not begin to engrave until long after Tory had ceased, as he
was barely two years old when Tory died; and, furthermore, that his cross
is almost always accompanied by his initials; sometimes, however, he uses
the cross alone, but in that case the date prevents confusion. Take, for
example, the 'Emblesmes et devises chrestiennes composées par damoiselle
Georgette de Montenay,' the first edition of which was in 1571. It is
impossible to attribute these engravings to Tory, who died nearly forty
years earlier.

The other artists who used the cross may be divided into three classes,
according to M. Robert-Dumesnil's book. First, we find the cross alone,
from 1522 to 1561; secondly, after a long interval, in 1599, the cross
appears accompanied by the initials I, L, B; and, lastly, a little later,
two engravers on copper, named Jean Barra and Claude Rivard, signed their
works with the cross. I do not include here the double cross discovered by
M. Robert-Dumesnil on the printer's mark of a book dated 1632, because it
is the mark of Gilles Corrozet, engraved a century earlier, as we shall
see further on.

To sum up, then, there are no anonymous works bearing the cross except
those produced between 1522 and 1561. The only question is whether the
engravings executed between those dates, which bear the cross without
initials, belong to one or to several artists.

I will, first of all, call attention to the fact that this interval
embraces only forty years, and that there is no reason to attribute to
several contemporaneous and anonymous artists a very peculiar mark which
a single artist might have used during an even longer time. But this is
not all: this interval can be reduced by several years; for the examples
alleged to be subsequent to 1557, mentioned by M. Robert-Dumesnil, bear
no date; they appear, it is true, in books printed after that year, but
they were engraved earlier, as I shall prove in due time. Blocks are not
ephemeral objects; like type, they can be used indefinitely, and their use
at a certain date does not prove that they had been made within a short
time. We have just cited one--Gilles Corrozet's mark--which, simply by
lack of use, it was possible to reproduce in books for more than a century.

What surprises me is not that M. Robert-Dumesnil has seen engravings with
the cross printed in 1561, but that he has found none of a later date,
which would have allowed him to fill up the gap that he has left between
the anonymous artist of the cross alone and him who accompanied it with
the letters I, L, B; he might have discovered the beautiful illustration
of the Missal of 1539, which is described hereafter, in books of the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Indeed, we find wood engravings of
the sixteenth century, bearing the double cross, in a book published at
Troyes in 1850!

On the other hand, I am surprised that M. Robert-Dumesnil found no
engravings with the cross, accompanied by initials, of a date much
earlier than 1599, for I myself have seen some that were contemporaneous
with Tory. In fact, the Bibliothèque Nationale possesses a book of Hours
according to the use of Paris, printed in that city in 1548, by Jean de
Brye's widow, in which all the engravings are marked with the cross and
the initials L, R. It is an octavo volume, printed in gothic type, and
in red and black. An interesting fact to be noted here is that these
engravings are improved copies of other unsigned engravings belonging
to the printer Thielman Kerver,[289] and printed in a large number of
books issued by him or his widow, Iolande Bonhomme, at least as early as
1522,[290] and still to be seen in the Paris Missal, published by his
son Jacques in 1559. I have seen also engravings of the artist with the
initials I, L, B (cited by M. Robert-Dumesnil under the date of 1599), in
a book of 1547.

These facts do not tend to contradict my proposition; they prove that Tory
founded a school, and that his pupils adopted his mark (which is nothing
more than his initial, or, rather, his toret, transferred from the Pot
Cassé, of which it was the essential feature, to his engravings), adding
thereto their initials, to distinguish themselves from the master whose
ensign they hoisted, and to preserve their own individuality. I shall
recur to this subject later.

The principal reason which prevented M. Renouvier from attributing to
Tory, as he was naturally inclined to do, the engravings marked with
the double cross alone, was the impossibility, in his judgement, of
attributing them all to the same artist. 'M. Robert-Dumesnil,' he says,
'has noted a large number of books of 1522 to 1599, on the title-pages
and plates of which the cross of Lorraine is found. This list might be
increased, and the items should be carefully compared by whoever would
try to find on them the mark of a wood-engraving establishment, or of
several engravers on wood who worked for the booksellers Pierre Gaudoul,
Simon de Colines, Robert Estienne, Grouleau, Gilles Corrozet, Vincent
Sertenas,[291] etc.'

I have already answered the objection based upon M. Robert-Dumesnil's
book, which he himself has abandoned with great pleasure, taking a deep
interest in my discovery.[292] As for what M. Renouvier adds, it does not
run counter to my suggestion, for I have already mentioned that, after
Tory's death, his widow carried on his engraving establishment for several
years, retaining the same mark. This, doubtless, is the explanation of the
differences to be noticed in the works signed with the Lorraine cross;
for Perrette le Hullin, not being an engraver herself, must have employed
different workmen.

This leads me to answer an objection that has been made to my theory. My
attention has been called to the fact that the Lorraine cross appears on
works anterior to Tory,--such, for example, as the mark of Gauthier Lud,
the first printer of Saint-Dié in Lorraine. I have no purpose to claim the
Lorraine cross for Tory alone. He was not its inventor, nor did it die
with him; but there is a distinction to be made between an emblem employed
in a general way, and one employed as the special mark of an artist. Not
only do I not claim for Tory the Lorraine cross surmounting a circle,
which appears on the mark of the Lorraine printer, Gauthier Lud,[293] in
1507, but I exclude the Lorraine cross surmounting a large gothic G, found
on the title-page of a folio Missal according to the use of the church of
Toul, printed at Paris by Wolfgang Hopyl, in 1508.[294] To my mind nothing
could be more natural than that the Lorraine cross should be used in
Lorraine; but that does not prove that an artist at Bourges may not have
adopted it as the mark of his establishment.

I mention hereafter as one of Tory's first engravings on wood the
title-page of a book printed at Meaux in 1522, and I then say that the
preface of that book was dated 'Meldis, anno M. D. XXI.'[295]
M. Brunet makes me say,[296] I cannot imagine why, 'Metis' instead of
'Meldis'; and M. Didot, misled by that statement, says that the book in
question was published at Metz,[297] which fact seems to him to explain
the presence of the Lorraine cross on the title. This shows how an error
may be appealed to in support of a theory.

Not only have I not exaggerated the part played by my hero, as authors are
somewhat in the habit of doing,--on the contrary, I have restricted it as
much as possible. Since the publication of my first edition, an attempt
has been made to prove Tory to be the maker, or, at least, the decorator,
of the beautiful Henri II porcelains, so-called, the subject of a recent
publication of MM. Delange, father and son. M. Didot himself adopted this
opinion,[298] which is based upon a vague similarity, but is completely
refuted by the date of Tory's death. So far as I am concerned, appearances
are of no consequence, unless they are accompanied by some substantial
evidence; and that is why I have excluded from the list of Tory's works
some engravings that Messrs. Renouvier and Didot do not hesitate to
attribute to him because of certain similarities, but which do not bear
his mark. It is that mark which has served me as a guide in identifying
Tory's work. The objection is made, to be sure, that this plan requires
the attribution to Tory of engravings of very dissimilar styles. Every
plan has its disadvantages; but, all things considered, I prefer one that
has something to stand upon to one that has nothing. Moreover, it is easy
to explain the different styles of the artist of the Lorraine cross by
referring to what has often taken place in the careers of other artists.
In truth, how many painters have we seen change their style of painting
at a certain period of their lives! But there is an even simpler way of
explaining these dissimilarities in different engravings, namely, by
admitting with me that the Lorraine cross was the mark of Tory's workshop,
but that in that workshop there were other artists of very diverse
abilities. In the same way, we see to-day a multitude of engravings signed
'Andrew,' 'Best,' 'Leloir,' to which those artists certainly never put
their hands.

But let us have done with argument and come to the facts: they will prove
more conclusively than any number of dissertations the truth of our
statement concerning Tory; they will prove, in fact, that all the works
signed by the cross alone were engraved during that artist's lifetime, or
in the establishment which he founded and which his widow retained until
about 1556.

To make the demonstration clearer, I will divide what I still have to
say into three sections. In the first I will include all the manuscripts
the decoration of which can be attributed to Tory; in the second I will
describe all the engravings marked with the Lorraine cross that are known
to me, arranging them in chronological order; and in the third I will
mention such marks of printer-booksellers bearing the aforesaid cross, as
I have been able to discover. As it is impossible for me to follow the
chronological order in this last category, I have adopted the alphabetical
order, which will enable one to find at once such of these marks as are
mentioned in the second section.




[Footnote 275: [It should be borne in mind that the word _miniature_ as
used in this book has not its ordinary present-day signification; it means
here any ornamented or coloured design of small dimensions.]]

[Footnote 276: [See supra, p. 23, and note 1.]]

[Footnote 277: [See supra, p. 71.]]

[Footnote 278: [See supra, p. 9.]]

[Footnote 279: Infra, pp. 169-171.]

[Footnote 280: _Bibliothèque françoise_, article 'Geufroy Tory.' The
author of _Recueil T_ (vol. xix, p. 20) of the _Mélanges tirés d'une
grande bibliothèque_, published by M. de Paulmy, also says that Tory was
an excellent engraver, the _maître au Pot Cassé_.]

[Footnote 281: Lottin, _Catalogue des libraires_, vol. ii, p. 234.]

[Footnote 282: _Des Types et des manières des maîtres graveurs_, etc.,
xviᵉ siècle, p. 165.]

[Footnote 283: _Champ fleury_, fol. 1. See also supra, p. 12.]

[Footnote 284: ['Jean Grolier's and his friends'.'] The ordinary motto of
Grolier's books is: _Portio mea, Domine, sit in terra viventium._ [May my
lot be cast, O Lord, in the land of the living.]]

[Footnote 285: [_Poinçons_: that is to say, the engraved model of a type,
on the end of a steel bar.]]

[Footnote 286: [See p. 106, supra.]]

[Footnote 287: Vol. vii, pp. 48 ff.]

[Footnote 288: [On this subject M. Renouvier says (_Des Types et des
Manières des Maîtres Graveurs_, xviᵉ _siècle_, 1854, p. 167): 'We
cannot attribute it [the double cross] to Geoffroy Tory exclusively, for
we find it on many woodcuts which cannot be his.']]

[Footnote 289: This should cause no surprise: the idea of _property_, in
respect to artistic productions, is altogether modern. The first engravers
signed almost nothing; it was not until the sixteenth century that they
marked their works with special emblems, and even then it was not so much
with the object of assuring themselves a monopoly in them, as with that
of making themselves known to persons who might require their services
for other works. Little by little this species of advertisement became an
effective muniment of title,--in the natural order of things. It was the
same with works of the mind. Not until quite a late period were scholars
and other men of letters able to derive any profit from their works. In
the early days of printing, even, a printer who proposed to reprint a
book did not consider himself bound to obtain the author's consent. From
the moment that he made his book public, it was regarded as a treasure
belonging to society at large.]

[Footnote 290: Hours in quarto in the Bibliothèque Nationale (Brunet,
_Manuel de Libraire_, 5th ed. vol. v, col. 1623, no. 197). There is also
an edition of 1525 (ibid., no. 198), and one much later, but lacking the
first and last leaves. M. Silvestre owns an octavo edition of 1530.]

[Footnote 291: _Des Types_, etc., xviᵉ siecle, p. 167, note.]

[Footnote 292: MM. A. Devéria, Robert-Dumesnil, and J. Renouvier have all
died since the first edition of this book.]

[Footnote 293: See Brunet, _Manuel de Libraire_, 5th edition, article

[Footnote 294: Beaupré, _Notice bibliographique sur les livres liturgiques
des diocèses de Toul et de Verdun_, 8vo, 1843, p. 16.]

[Footnote 295: Infra, § 2; 1521-1522 (p. 175).]

[Footnote 296: _Manuel_, etc., 5th edition, vol. ii, col. 1186.]

[Footnote 297: _Essai sur la gravure sur bois_, col. 147 and 150.]

[Footnote 298: _Essai sur la gravure sur bois_, col. 138.]




For a description of these two manuscripts[299] I cannot do better than
transcribe in this place the interesting work of Comte Léon de Laborde.
I print this work just as it was published several years ago, having no
authority to modify it. But I think that I may venture to say that if
it had been prepared since the publication of my book on Tory, it would
contain a judgement in his favour. That seems to me to be the result of
my conversations with M. de Laborde. My friend M. Jules Renouvier, whose
death is so deeply to be deplored, and in whose company I examined the
volume of the 'Commentaires' in the Bibliothèque Nationale, was entirely
of my opinion. He spoke of the manuscript in question in these terms in a
critical review of the first edition of my book on Tory, printed in the
'Revue Universelle des Arts' for September, 1857 (vol. v, no. 6, p. 511):--

'The point that we knew least about was Tory's début in the career of an
artist. It was most brilliant if we agree with M. Bernard that he was
the author of the miniatures found in two well-known manuscripts, the
"Commentaires de César" in three volumes and the "Triomphes de Pétrarque,"
in which we find the signatures "G," and "Godefroy," and the dates 1519
and 1520. M. de Laborde has recently described them with all the care that
they deserve, without discovering who this Godefroy was. He was no other
than Geofroy Tory, says M. Bernard, and this opinion is plausible; for, if
the subsequent work of the engraver on wood does not fulfil the promise
of the miniaturist, the drawing is governed by identical characteristics,
and the similarity of style is striking, especially when we consider
the engravings that are nearest in point of time, as those of "Champ
fleury," dated 1526. Considered from this point of view, Geofroy Tory is
the most precocious of the artists of the Renaissance: before the masters
of Fontainebleau, he introduced the stately, graceful and individualized
figures, which aroused enthusiasm in the time of François I, to which
Italy lent much of her style, and Germany a little of her force, but which
were more thoroughly French than is generally admitted. It is well known,
moreover, that these miniatures were originally, even in the "camaieu"
process, heightened in effect by chatoyant tones, with subtleties of
drawing which denote a hand more apt to handle the pencil than the brush,
and altogether adapted to the tools of the engraver. The draughtsman loses
a part of his distinction in passing from a privileged to a commonplace
form of art; but so the progress of art willed.'

The work of M. Léon de Laborde follows:--


Godefroy has left us, in four small volumes,--the first three entitled
'Commentaires de César,' the fourth 'Triomphes de Pétrarque'--the proof of
a fruitful imagination, of a talent in portrait-painting no less flexible
than varied, and of a superiority original with himself, and thoroughly
French,--a very unusual combination of the qualities peculiar to our
school prior to the formation of the school of Fontainebleau, and of the
qualities--or, to speak more accurately, the defects--which that colony of
foreign artists was soon to introduce in our midst.

These four volumes, after divers vicissitudes, repose at last, at the end
of their journeyings and safe from the risk of destruction, the first in
the British Museum at London, the second in the Bibliothèque Nationale
at Paris, the third in the collection of H. R. H. the Duc d'Aumale, and
the fourth in the Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal. I will describe first the
'Commentaires de César,' a beautiful manuscript, the three volumes of
which I have had before me one by one. There are in this work three things
worthy of remark, to which I shall direct the reader's attention for a
brief space. First, the composition of the work; second, the painting of
the decorations; and lastly, the portraits.

The author, a native of Flanders or Artois, transplanted to the Court
of France, displays no overplus of wit or imagination. He supposes that
King François I, in one of his excursions, or while hunting, meets
Julius Cæsar, and that they converse. The subject of their dialogue is
the Gallic war; it is a sort of commentary on Cæsar's Commentaries, with
transparent allusions to the events of the reign of François I. It
is in these allusions that we detect the author's predilection for the
Belgæ,[300] with whose country he is familiar, and particularly for the
city of Tournay,[301] which may well have been his native place. I do
not propose to draw any inference from his hatred of the English[302];
although more violent in our northern provinces than elsewhere, that
sentiment was then universal in France. It would seem, at least so far as
the implements of war are concerned, that the painter who was employed to
embellish the manuscript worked under the author's direction. We find in
several places remarks like this: 'The tower is sufficiently described by
the engines that I have caused to be drawn herein.'

For the rest, we feel that we have to do with a conscientious author;
and simply by the extracts which follow, we may recognize the man who is
uncertain and hesitates, the student who leaves every one in possession of
his rights and who confides his doubts to the reader. On the eighth leaf
of volume two he has instructed Godefroy, the painter, to reproduce an
antique medallion; he writes in the margin: 'I fear that it is not that
Cassius who was a conspirator in the death of Cæsar, for his name was
Caius Cassius, and I find on the medallion Quintus Cassius.' As to one of
the pictures of machines of war he makes this comment: 'Certain pictures
of implements of war, as they are portrayed by Frère Jocunde in book x
of Vitruvius.' Beside another, he says: 'I am not the inventor of the
machines which follow, for I found them in a book that I secured long ago
at Chastellerault, at the Lyon d'or.'

To this curious piece of information let us add another,[303] which tells
us that the author of the book was in relations with an artist of Blois,
a clock-maker and inventive genius: 'The two pictures that follow [two
warlike machines] were taken from a book that Julian, clock-maker at
Bloys, gave me.--Julian is a man of great wit and knows many things.'

A passage on folio xxii verso of the second volume seems to prove that the
manuscript was written during the years 1519 and 1520: 'By the map [a map
of Gaul] placed at the beginning of the translation of the first book made
at Saint Germain en Laye in the month of April in the year one thousand
five hundred nineteen, you will see clearly who the Belgæ are.'

After the author, it is proper to speak of the calligrapher who wrote
the manuscript; but there is nothing to be said save that it is in a
fair hand. The painter Godefroy deserves more consideration and careful
attention. Let us not forgot that we are dealing with a perfectly
well-fixed time, limited to the years 1519 and 1520; let us, at the same
time, recall the great national movement in art in France from 1450 to
1500, the Italian campaigns, the arrival of artists and objects of art
from Italy during the reigns of Charles VIII and Louis XII, and lastly,
and above all, the sojourn in France of the two great Italian masters,
Leonardo da Vinci and Andrea del Sarto, from 1515 to 1518. Born and
trained amid such influences, a French painter undertakes to decorate a
manuscript for King François I. What does he do to satisfy the prevailing
taste, the fashion, without denying his past? He divides his talent into
two parts,[304] and devotes one, the French part, to the portraits, the
other, the Italian imitation, to the decorations; in both he gives proof
of abundant talent. In the one case, an exact, shrewd observer, he paints
faces by faithfully reproducing their individual traits; in the other,
fertile, never the same, abounding in resources in the ensemble and the
details of his compositions, he is the pupil of Leonardo da Vinci, with
suggestions of Mantegna and the artists of the first Italian Renaissance
in the proportion of the figures, in the ungracefulness of the attitudes,
and in the types of the heads.

From this period, from these influences, and not from Primaticcio, who
was himself subjected to them, dates the Fontainebleau school. It was
adapted to the figure and the type of beauty of Diana de Poitiers; she
encouraged it; but, I say again, it was formed, it was current, before
the reign of the mistress of Henri II and before the painter who is its
most characteristic expression. If we seek to discover what method of
execution was adopted by Godefroy, we see that his portraits are charming
miniatures, comparable with the finest examples that we have of French
miniature-painting; as for the drawings,[305] there are some that are
almost grisailles, almost coloured--a mongrel and conventional scheme,
of very doubtful taste. The painter drew his whole subject with the pen,
with a sureness of touch which, it must be said, has no parallel in such
microscopical dimensions, especially with respect to the faces and the
landscapes; then he laid in the general outline, with the brush and
with sepia, in flat tones, rather lacking in life. Thus far he did not
depart from the canons of art; but he added coloured costumes, suits of
armour, gilded trappings, and a multitude of details which flutter about
in his grisaille and depart from nature in a most extraordinary way. I
have said that his figures are reminiscences of Italian works. We find
among them Donatellesque forms, profiles perdus, and bold gestures that
recall Mantegna, Perugino-like graceful attitudes and ways of carrying
the head, and, in spite of everything, a French background, and points
of resemblance to Holbein, which might be taken to signify that Godefroy
had never seen Italy. Our national Renaissance had made such progress
in nearly a century that our artists needed only a few drawings, a few
engravings, with the impulsion given by Leonardo da Vinci and Andrea del
Sarto, to enter that Italian current. It may be that our compatriot,
like Holbein, was subjected to this influence from afar, at second hand,
without having crossed the mountains.

_First volume._[306]--The book opens with a map of Gaul, and we read
on the verso of the first leaf the following passage, written within
a cartouche: 'Françoys, by the grace of God, King of France, a second
Cæsar, vanquisher and subduer of the Souycez [Swiss], on the last day
of April, one month after the birth of his second son, in his park of
Sainct-Germain-en-Laye, fell in with Julius Cæsar and questioned him
shrewdly concerning the contents of the first book of the Commentaries.'
In another cartouche is a passage of which we need transcribe no more
than the first words: 'Cæsar, first subjugator of the Helvecez [Helvetii,
Swiss], graciously made reply to him,' etc.

On the third leaf Godefroy has painted the portrait of François I, head
and shoulders alone, in a medallion. He wears his usual costume and the
cap, without a feather, adorned with a banner. His features and his whole
countenance are idealized--they are a little stiff and sharp; the artist
has sought to produce an ideal antique head. The first miniature, on
the verso of the fifth leaf, bears the date 1519, with no monogram; the
others--folios 9, 13, 17, 21, 23, 31, 33, 36, 43, 53, 60, and so on to
the end--are signed with a G, and dated the same year. On the miniature
painted on the recto of folio 53, the initial of the artist's name is
traced on the trunk of a tree from which hangs a small cartouche with the
words, 'Besanson, 1519.' To be sure, the corresponding passage in the text
requires that the miniature in question should represent that venerable
city, but a certain precision in the details, and a sort of predilection
manifested in the care bestowed upon the execution, lead me to believe
that the view was painted after nature, and that Godefroy was attached to
that city by some bond.

I have already spoken of the special characteristics of these miniatures,
and I will mention here only the one on folio 23, which represents the
building of a bridge over the Saône. In the foreground we see figures
reminiscent of the painter Mantegna in their activity, their vigour, and
a certain almost antique grace. The artist has retained the long pointed
shoes to mark the Frenchman; this is an ill-timed display of archæological

The volume, a large octavo, shaped like a notebook, contains 76 leaves,
including the map. It is in its original binding of red morocco, with
ornaments of wreaths of fleurs-de-lis, stamped with small tools. One can
see the marks of the ribbons which were used to close it and to keep the
vellum from puckering. On the recto of the first leaf, below the map of
Gaul, are the words: 'Bibliothecæ Christophori Justelli.' This note,
while it establishes the antiquity of the manuscript, also explains its
emigration to England. Christophe Justel, Councillor and Secretary to the
King, died at Paris in 1649, at the age of seventy, leaving to his son,
together with the taste for study, a valuable collection of books and
manuscripts. Among the latter was this first volume of the 'Commentaires
de César.' Henri Justel succeeded his father in the office of Secretary to
the King; also in his literary studies and in the liberality with which
his library and house were thrown open to scholars. The letters of all
the learned men of the time bear witness to his hospitality offered to

He published at Paris, in 1661, the 'Bibliotheca juris canonici veteris
ex antiquis codd. mss. bibliothecæ Christophori Justelli,' in two folio
volumes, and he seemed destined to pursue in peace his erudite career. But
the tempest called the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes was preceded,
for far-seeing Protestants, by premonitory signs which were enough for
Henri Justel. He packed up his books and crossed to England, where he was
appointed Librarian to the King--an office which he held until his death
in 1698. The manuscript of the 'Commentaires' was probably purchased
at the sale of his library by Robert Harley, Earl of Oxford. The Lord
Treasurer of England (1661-1724) found consolation for the ingratitude of
men in forming that magnificent collection, which retains the name of the
Harleian Collection in the British Museum.

Our manuscript, however, reached that haven only with the second part of
Robert Harley's books and manuscripts, in 1754.

_Second Volume._[307]--The first miniature represents François I on
horseback, in hunting costume, wearing the chapeau with plumes. The King
is urging his horse to the right. Above his head a crowned F in gold
stands out against the blue background of a shield. This was a device for
disclosing his identity to those who were not struck by the likeness. In
the middle distance is a huntsman, galloping in the same direction as the
King and blowing his horn. Over his head floats a banderole, bearing the
name 'PEROT.'[308] On a stone between the legs of the King's
horse is the initial letter of the artist's name; and beneath, in a frame
(separated, however, by a running dog), the date 1519. The border is of
the utmost grace of design, and leaves room for a few words of the text,
which begins thus:--

'Françoys, by the grace of God King of France, desiring to exercise his
lusty youth by violent labour, early in the month of August in the year
one thousand five hundred nineteen, went forth to course the stag in the
forest of Byevre, and gave order that on that day those dogs should course
which he had chosen to lead the pack, because they are surer than the
others. Gaillart was of the number, as was Gallehault, and pretty Rameau.
Arbault, Gerfault, and Billehault went in their company.

'The King was following the stag very close and was riding at full speed
when he fell in with the chaste Diana. The King was overcome with joy, and
having forgotten his quarry, he was all amazed that the vision vanished
and he remained all alone in deepest thought. But soon after he saw beside
him an ancient man of venerable aspect. He knew upon hearing him speak
that it was his friend Julius Cæsar, whom he had met in like manner, only
three months before, in his park at Sainte-Germain-en-Laye.'

Thereupon they enter into conversation upon Cæsar's campaigns.

Godefroy's plates, almost all of which are signed with a G and dated 1519,
are on these leaves: 2 verso, 3 verso, 4 verso, 5 verso, 7 verso, 9 verso,
20 recto, 22 verso, 28 recto, 33 verso, 34 verso, 36 verso, 37 verso, 43
recto, 46 verso, 48 verso, 59 verso, 62 verso, 78 verso, 90 recto.

The medallions, which are copied from the antique, are admirably executed
in gold on a blue ground, the models being delicately outlined in sepia.
They are on leaves 6 verso, 8 recto, 9 verso, 10 verso, 11 recto and
verso, 12 recto and verso, 13 recto and verso.

Warlike machines, copied from other drawings, and consequently lacking the
life imparted by the representation of real objects, fill leaves 39 recto
and verso, 40 recto and verso, 41 recto, 91 recto and verso, 92 recto and
verso, 93 recto and verso, 94 recto.

Lastly, the portraits may be found on the leaves which I am now about to
enumerate. I will add nothing to what I have said of their perfection,
generally speaking, reserving my comments for the points of interest
suggested by the manuscript itself. These portraits, as one might have
anticipated, and as is proved by leaf 52 most directly, are copies of
originals which antedate the manuscript. They are painted in miniature,
surrounded by three circles of black and gold; the whole medallion is
fifty-two millimeters in diameter, the miniature forty.

Leaf 25 verso: Quintus Pedius. Such is the title given by the scribe;
but a different hand has written in the margin, in cursive characters:
'Le grand maistre de Boissy, aged 41 years.' I am inclined to see in
these marginal annotations the hand of the author rather than that of the
artist. This portrait is three-quarters full, turned to the left, with
a cap on its head, the hair in a net, a collar of some order around the
neck, face tranquil, expression shrewd.

Leaf 35 recto: Le Fiable Divitiacus Dautun. ('Admiral de Boissy, seigneur
de Bonivet, aged 34 years.') Three-quarters full, turned to the right.

Leaf 36: Quintus Titurius Sabinus. ('Odet de Foues, Sieur de Lautrec, aged
41 years.') Three-quarters full, turned to the left.

Leaf 42: Iccius. ('Le mareschal de Chabanes, seigneur de la Palice, aged
57 years.') Three-quarters full, turned to the left, expression slightly

Leaf 52: Lucius Aruculeius Cotta. ('Anne de Montmorency, aged 22 years,
afterwards connestable de France.')

Leaf 73: Publius Sextius Baculus. ('Le mareschal de Fleuranges, son
of Robert de la Marche, first seigneur de Sedan, aged 24 years.')
Three-quarters full, turned to the left.

Leaf 76 verso: Publius Crassus. ('Le sieur de Tournon who was killed at
the battle of Pavia, aged 36 years.') Three-quarters full, turned to the

On the verso of leaf 89 we find these words: 'Thus Cæsar made an end of
speaking and forthwith disappeared. The radiant Diana, who knew the paths
of the forest of Bièvre, and of all time was privy to and understood
the laws of the chase, remounted, and by so straight a course led the
King, who had lost the dogs, that within a few hours, near the forest of
Fontainebleau, he saw them hunting better than before. And he was the
first of all at the death of the stag, but he had with him only pretty
Arbault and the beautiful Greffière, for Diana and Aurora had left him and
had gone their ways.'

The two dogs are represented in the miniature; they are attacking the
stag, while the King makes ready to stab him.

This volume, containing 98 leaves, is bound in black morocco, which
has grown rusty; it bears these words stamped in the leather: 'Tomus
Secundus.' It is catalogued in the Supplément Français, as no. 1328.
Its history, as told among the habitués of the Bibliothèque Nationale,
is as follows: M. Van-Praët appeared at the Conservatoire one day
with an exultant air; he had this fascinating manuscript in his hand,
and announced that he had purchased it for the Bibliothèque for 1200
francs. He expected to gladden the hearts of his comrades, to call forth
expressions of gratitude; far from it; on the contrary, they found fault
both with that method of purchasing, without authority, and with the price
that he had paid. M. Van-Praët made haste to banish the scruples of his
inflexible directors, and to put an end to the unpleasant discussion that
was beginning, by declaring that the purchase had been made for himself
and not for the Bibliothèque; then, when the meeting was adjourned, he
hastened to his friends the brothers Debure, and, with a bursting heart,
told them of his misadventure. They appreciated Van-Praët's regrets too
thoroughly to try to calm them; but they knew also that he was not rich
enough to keep the manuscript, and they bought for their own little
collection, at the price that he had paid, that charming product of French
art, still bleeding from the reception that it had met with at the hands
of the great so-called 'national' collection. Years and years had passed
since this strange performance, when, in 1852, a small package was brought
to M. Naudet, with the information that M. Debure, by his last will, had
ordered that this manuscript, embellished with paintings by Godefroy,
which had been purchased for the Bibliothèque and spurned by it, should be
restored to it as its property.

One does not know which to admire more in this testamentary disposition
of the famous bookseller--the keenness of his irony or the nobility
of his act. Without exerting itself overmuch to decide that point the
Conservatoire of the Bibliothèque Impériale welcomed the prodigal child
and deposited it in the Supplément Français. But, with a lingering remnant
of spite, its light was hidden under the bushel of 'la réserve'; which is
one way of preventing people from having access to it with the facility
which assists investigations, under the protection of that liberality
which is one of our claims to honour among foreign nations, and which the
government of the Bibliothèque should have preserved, even at the price of
the inconvenience that it might have caused.

_Third Volume._[309]--Original binding, with the title: 'Cæsaris liber
tertius.' The text begins thus:--

'On the twenty-seventh day of February, one thousand five hundred XX, the
King being in his park of Congnac, seeing that the splendour of his entry
was like to be marred by the inclemency of the weather, took shelter in
the house of the labyrinth, having with him monsieur l'Admiral and the
young and discreet Sieur de la Rochepot. At the entrance to the lower room
he feels and hears so violent a wind that it seems to him "quam spiritu
vehementi" the lofty trees fall to the earth as on Friday the ninth day of
March one thousand VᶜᶜXX in divers places about Paris.'

The result of all this uproar is the appearance of Julius Cæsar. François
I questions him as to what he did after pacifying Gaul. Whereupon Cæsar

'I tell you that, after divers victories won by me, so high an opinion
of me and so great renown were spread among the barbarian peoples, that
ambassadors were sent to me by the nations beyond the Rhine, who in the
name of their cities promised to give hostages to me and to obey my
commands. But, for that I was in haste to go thence, I bade them return to
me in the summer season. Thereafter I led my legions to winter quarters
in the land of Touraine and in the duchy of Madame your mother. And that
done, I went hence to Italy.'

This volume is supplied with two maps: one, of Aquitaine, is at the
beginning, the other, of Bretagne, at the end of the volume, which
contains also no less than twelve large miniatures. The King, in hunting
costume, figures again and again in them. The execution is as careful, and
the paintings of the same type, as in the two earlier volumes. All the
miniatures and the maps are signed with a G, and some of them are dated
1520. On folio 52, the painter's name is written in full: 'Godefroy.'

The former owner of this fine manuscript writes to me: 'I cannot furnish
you with any interesting information concerning the manuscript of the
"Commentaires de César." It was given to me, only the slightest importance
being attached to the gift, by a resident of Tours, who owned no books,
and who had kept it for forty years in his closet. To tell you how it
came into my hands would be the more difficult because that person has
long been dead. The volume was delivered to me in very bad condition. I
employed Duru to repair the back and to rebind it, leaving intact the
covers, which were of the original sixteenth-century binding. A small
engraving, which resembled niello-work, but was recognized as the work of
Étienne de Laulne, an engraver of Orléans, was at the beginning of the

Obliged, in 1850, by circumstances which it is needless to detail,
although they were to his honour, to part with this precious volume,
its owner sent it to Paris, to M. Techener, for sale on commission. He
wanted 2000 francs for it, and first of all the bookseller offered it to
the Bibliothèque Nationale. The Conservatoire of that great collection
could not find that amount in its annual credit of 80,000 francs, and it
renewed the old joke which had temporarily banished the second volume.
Unfortunately one does not meet every day, to repair its errors, generous
booksellers like M. Debure, or those who have it in their power to be as
generous as he; and M. Techener, who was richer than our rich collection
of books for the purpose of purchasing this manuscript, was not rich
enough to present it to that collection. He advertised it in the 'Bulletin
du Bibliophile' for 1850 (no. 1222), for 3000 francs. During a whole
year, artists and curious folk (I was among the latter) were at liberty
to examine it at leisure and to lament the advent of English dealers who
threatened every moment to take it from us. At last, Monseigneur le Duc
d'Aumale added it to his treasures of printed books and manuscripts,
and, although in England, one may say now that it belongs to France.
Indeed, it may be that M. Debure's example will be followed some day,
and that this third volume will come to join the second on the shelves
of our magnificent department of manuscripts, awaiting the time when the
fortunate result of negotiations with the British Museum shall permit the
consummation of the work by means of exchanges.[310]

       *       *       *       *       *

Godefroy's facile talent could not fail to be fruitful of results, and
some of his works may be found in several collections. The Bibliothèque
de l'Arsenal owns one of them, the 'Triomphes de Pétrarque,' which
seems, in view of the exuberance of the subjects, the exaggeration of
the artist's defects, and the laxness of execution, to be of later date
than the 'Commentaires de César'; and, whether because the artist had
visited Italy, or because, the better to interpret the poet's ideas, he
sought inspiration in Italian works, it is certain that he is less French
in the illustrations of this manuscript than in the others. He is more
perfect, too, in the art of composition, his distances are more accurately
measured, his groups are more in harmony with one another; in a word, he
displays an inspiration, or resources, altogether new: such, for example,
as the device of cutting off the figures in the foreground at the waist,
by means of rising ground, whereby he is able to give them strongly
proportioned frames without filling up his whole picture.

I will describe this manuscript briefly. It is a small octavo volume of
ten leaves (not including the covers), written on fine parchment. It
is about 10 centimetres in height by 8 in width. It was rebound in the
eighteenth century, in lemon-colored morocco.

'Here followeth the first of the six triumphs of the most illustrious and
venerable poet Messire Francisque Petrarque: the which is the triumph of
Love and containeth four chapters.'

Chapter I. A miniature painted on pages 2 and 3, which face each other.
It represents the triumph of Love, with a deal of disorder and somewhat
licentious details. The G can be seen in the foreground, in the centre of
the picture, on the ground.

Chapter II. The miniature has been removed.

Chapter III. The miniature occupies the verso of the title of the chapter.
In the foreground are amorous couples discoursing together, some seated,
some walking about. The men wear caps with long feathers, as in the
bas-reliefs of the hôtel de Bourgtheroude. The architectural arrangement
in the background is charming. Beside a triumphal arch rises the tower
of love. Flames are darting from all its windows, and meanwhile a long
procession of women rushes through the door, followed by a Cupid with
bandaged eyes. The artist has painted his initial on the tower.

Chapter IV. In this miniature, Petrarch's face, twice repeated, seems to
be a reproduction of an original portrait. The G can just be distinguished
on a rock in the foreground; it has been effaced.

'Here followeth the second triumph of Messire Francisque Petrarque, the
which is the triumph of Chastity.'

The miniature occupies two facing pages, but it forms two distinct
pictures. The buildings in the background are arranged in a quasi-Italian
style, but are not a reproduction of any known structure. Godefroy has
placed his G on a tree, at the left, accompanied by three lizards--a
detail which should not be passed over, for it is repeated several times,
as if the name of those creatures bore some relation to that of the artist.

'Triumph of Death, the which is the third triumph of Petrarque.'

[Chapter I.] This miniature is one of the most interesting and best
preserved. Death, grasping his scythe, stands over the body of a young
woman lying dead on the triumphal chariot. It is, in fact, the Italian
triumph, as we have it represented in so many works. In this case the
miniature is in duplicate, as well as the painting. The G is at the bottom.

Chapter II. Miniature on a single page: the death of Laura. The young
woman is lying on the bed of death. She is surrounded by her friends, with
palms in their hands. Above, in the sky, is seen the form of the Virgin.
It is a very pleasing composition, nearly filling the frame, and the
effect is charming.

Chapter III. Petrarch and Laura are seated in the shade of tall trees, on
the bank of a pond in which two swans are floating. The same two persons
are seen farther back, twice repeated, and diminishing in size according
to the distance. An architectural structure, decidedly Italian in type,
closes the view at the back. The G is painted on a stone at the feet of
Petrarch and Laura. Evidently Godefroy had studied several portraits of
the two, and he copies them with some success in their various attitudes.
The trees are done so skilfully that one might well believe that he could
recognize the touch of a landscape artist, and a generally happy effect
gives to this miniature all the value of a painting.

'Here followeth the fifth triumph of Messire Francisque Petrarque, the
which is the triumph of Time.'

The miniature occupies two pages and includes two subjects. In one, Time,
represented by the signs of the zodiac, and by the allegorical figures of
antiquity, marks his progress in the sky; mortals undergo his influence on
the earth. The artist has signed his work at the right, at the foot of the
picture, this time with his full name: 'Godefroy.' In the other miniature
the triumph of Time is represented. He is passing in his chariot, drawn
by four horses at a gallop, between the four Seasons. On the left, at the
foot, we see a G and two lizards.

'Here followeth the sixth and last triumph of Messire Francisque
Petrarque, the which is the triumph of the Deity.'

This title is followed by a double miniature. In one, we see God the
Father and Jesus Christ, with the Holy Spirit soaring above their heads,
seated on the globe and presiding at the last day. Flames fall from the
skies upon mankind, who are divided into the good and the bad; angels
tranquilly lead the former, while devils brutally pursue the others. At
the foot, on the right, is the G. On the other page, God the Father and
God the Son (the Holy Spirit hovering over them as before) are seated in
a triumphal chariot drawn by the ox, the lion, the eagle, and the angel,
which are the symbols of the evangelists. They come forward, surrounded by
all the dignitaries of the Church. Pagan Love, with bandaged eyes, lies
dead on the ground near the chariot wheels; a long procession of saints,
male and female, concealed below the waist by an elevation, are following
the course of the chariot in the foreground. This arrangement made it
possible for the artist to make his figures larger and to delineate their
features with care. The G is at the foot of the miniature, on the ground.

All these miniatures, painted in grisaille, with blue skies and water, and
with some few details in colour, are 86 millimetres high and 68 wide.

    Comte Léon de Laborde.


In the catalogue of the library of M. Firmin Didot père, sold in 1811, is
the following description of a magnificent manuscript:[311]--

'The first three books of Diodorus Siculus, translated from Latin into
French by Antoine Macault. Small folio, in blue morocco, with dentelles,
_lavé_, _réglé_, bound with the arms of François I, whose cipher it bears
on the back and on the cover.

'A superb manuscript on vellum, presented to François I, containing 173
leaves, 30 lines to the page. It is illustrated with miniatures and
with a large number of initial letters painted with the utmost care.
The first miniature represents François I surrounded by the nobles and
scholars of his court; it is 10 inches high and 6½ wide. This painting,
of the most finished workmanship, has the additional merit of presenting
the features of several great men of that time. All the pages on which
chapters begin are set in fillets of gold and ultramarine. The initials
are 19 lines high and 12 wide. More than fifty of these initials represent
the principal subjects of their respective chapters. The third book is
especially noteworthy, for, beginning with page 130, there is a series of
small miniatures, admirable in execution and of the greatest exactness in
respect of forms.

'This manuscript has the advantage of being in a most excellent state of

It was sold to M. Brunet, author of the 'Manuel du Libraire,' for 1476
francs (not including the usual expenses); he bought for William Beckford,
Esq., of Fonthill Abbey in the County of Wilts, of which Salisbury is the
shire town. The author of the 'Repertorium Bibliographicum,' printed at
London in 1819, informs us that Macault's manuscript was at that time in
the library of that distinguished collector, which is described on pages
203 to 230 of the 'Repertorium.'[312]

The description of the manuscript is as follows:--

    DU ROY.

'Folio, ms. on vellum, in the original binding; the sides strewn with
fleurs-de-lis and the initial letter F. On one side, in a square
compartment, in gold letters: DIODORE SICILIEN. On the opposite

'This fine manuscript, formerly in the possession of Francis the First,
appears to have been executed by his express command. Prefixed to the
history is a painting of the King seated under a canopy powdered with
fleurs-de-lis, surrounded by his courtiers: his three sons, the Dauphin
Francis, Henry, afterwards Henry II, and Charles, Duke of Orleans, dressed
in rich habits, appear in the foreground. The King seems to direct his
attention to a person reading, dressed as an ecclesiastic, probably the
translator of the History. A beautiful greyhound on the floor, and a
marmoset, sitting on the table, near the King's left hand, are prominent
figures in the groupe [_sic_]. In addition to this exquisite illumination,
the volume is enriched with numerous large initial letters, painted with
peculiar delicacy, representing occurrences described in the book, manners
of various nations, and portraits of their early emperors and kings.'[313]

This description is accompanied by an engraving on copper of the figure of
François I, after the Macault MS. The King is depicted full face, seated
before a table on which, near his left hand, is a monkey. The background
is a tapestry covered with fleurs-de-lis. This engraving is dated July 1,
1817, and is the work of M. Behnes. It differs from the engraving on wood
found in Macault's printed volume, not only in that it does not include
the various persons of the original drawing, but also in the details of
the King's costume. I have every reason to believe that the wood engraving
is a faithful reproduction of the original, just as the book itself is a
reproduction of the manuscript, except for the other drawings, which were
omitted, from economical motives, no doubt.

Macault's volume is a quarto, consisting of 8 leaves of preface, 154 of
text (signatures A to Q), and 8 of index. The author's preface begins with
an S from which depends a shield (probably Macault's), bearing two fasces
accompanied by nine bezants arranged in threes, and having for a motto the
Greek word ΜΗΚΕΤΙ (not at all). The letter is repeated
on folio 148. The first page has a border in the shape of a portico, like
those in the opuscula published by Tory in 1531 and described on pp.
202-203. At the foot is the date 1535. On the verso we find the final
border of 'Champ fleury,' within which are drawn, in the vellum copy
preserved at the Bibliothèque Nationale, the royal arms of England, with
the motto DIEV EST [_sic_] MON DROICT, below.[314]



Folio manuscript of 137 leaves. Bibliothèque Nationale.

This manuscript is enriched with ten portraits of dukes of Milan, painted
from originals, of each of which Paulus Jovius gives the abiding-place.

     1. Otho archiepiscopus.
     2. Matthæus magnus.
     3. Galeacius [Galeazzo] primus.
     4. Actius.
     5. Luchinus.
     6. Joannes archiepiscopus.
     7. Galeacius secundus.
     8. Barnabas.
     9. Jo. Galeacius [Gian Galeazzo] primus.
    10. Philippus.

The dedicatory epistle of this book, which was at first intended to be
addressed to François's third son, Charles de Valois, as the author
informs us, was addressed to the Dauphin, Henri, afterwards Henri II, who
succeeded to the rights of his elder brother, deceased in 1536, and of his
younger brother, who died in 1545. It is dated at Rome, the 4th of the
Kalends of April (March 29), 1547.

It is not certain that Tory did any work on this manuscript, but I mention
it because of the engravings of the portraits, which appeared in the
edition published in 1549.[315]


    by Jean du Tillet, register in chief of the Parliament of Paris.

Large folio manuscript on vellum; Bibliothèque Nationale. It is the
original manuscript given to Charles IX, to whom it is dedicated. It is
bound in red morocco, with that prince's arms.[316]

This manuscript is embellished with a large number of miniatures and
with thirty full-length portraits of kings of France, very carefully
executed, which remind one of the portraits accompanying the manuscript
of the 'Commentaires de César.' We also find there the escutcheons of the
principal officers of the crown.

Here is the list of the kings represented: each portrait occupies a full

    1. Clovis.
    2. Clotaire I.
    3. Sigebert.
    4. Chilpéric and Frédégonde.
    5. Clotaire III.
    6. Charlemagne.
    7. Louis le Débonnaire.
    8. Charles le Chauve.
    9. Charles le Simple.
    10. Raoul.
    11. Louis d'Outre Mer.
    12. Lothaire.
    13. Philippe I.
    14. Louis le Gros.
    15. Louis le Jeune.
    16. Philippe-Auguste.
    17. Louis, père de Saint-Louis.
    18. Saint-Louis.
    19. Philippe le Bel.
    20. Louis le Hutin.
    21. Philippe le Long.
    22. Charles le Bel.
    23. Philippe de Valois.
    24. Jean.
    25. Charles V.
    26. Charles VI.
    27. Louis XI.
    28. Charles VIII.
    29. Louis XII.
    30. François I.

As we see, the book was originally intended to stop with François I;
but as circumstances prevented the author from printing it thus, du
Tillet included the reigns of Henri II, François II, and Charles IX, who
succeeded one another at brief intervals. The work was still unpublished
when the author died, in 1570; it would seem, however, that he had long
been preparing to print, since we find in the edition of 1580 engravings
signed with the Lorraine cross.[317]


In 'Les Récréations historiques,' by Dreux Duradier, on page 102 of volume
one, we read:

'In the manuscript of the late M. Lancelot, written, it is said, by the
hand of G. Tory, with the date of 1546, is found this ballad in honour of
the Virgin:--

    '"Balade de Lyon Jamet sur la Vierge:
      Qui me crea je l'ai conçu," etc.'

I have vainly sought this manuscript among all those of Lancelot owned by
the Bibliothèque, of which there is a special catalogue; but I have been
unable to find it.


In order to omit nothing, I will also mention here another valuable
manuscript of the Bibliothèque Nationale, on one of the miniatures of
which is a G, followed by a small T or F, which may fairly be attributed
to Geofroy Tory. It is a translation of Livy, in two large folio volumes,
on vellum, acquired from the Bibliothèque de la Sorbonne, and enriched
with magnificent engravings, attributed to Jean Fouquet, which, however,
cannot be his, for the book has, on the first page, the arms of François
de Rochechouart and Blanche d'Aumont, who were married about 1480 and
died, both, in 1530. Evidently it was not in the early years of their
marriage that the book was written; and, as it must have occupied several
years, and, in fact, was never finished, there is nothing extraordinary in
the idea that Tory may have executed some of the miniatures about 1520.
Furthermore, in order to place the reader in a position to judge for
himself, I will add that the cipher mentioned above is painted on the leg
of the figures in the miniature on page 123 of volume one.[318]




[Footnote 299: According to M. Dussieux, _Les Artistes français à
l'étranger_, p. 67, the first is unquestionably the chef-d'œuvre of
miniature-painting in the Italian style.]

[Footnote 300: See folio 86 of the second volume: 'The Aduatuci, that is
to say those of Bois le Duc, are in Brabant, within xii leagues of Envers,
neighbours of Monsieur de Gueldres.']

[Footnote 301: Folios 59, 64, 69, 72, and 77 of the second volume.]

[Footnote 302: Folios 30 recto and 31 verso of the second volume.]

[Footnote 303: Vol. ii, folio 93.]

[Footnote 304: I hesitated a long time before adhering definitely to this
opinion; at the outset I thought that I detected two painters, one for
the portraits, one for the decorations; but soon, after studying more
closely, after comparing the miniatures, the small figures in the columns,
the amazing imitations of ancient medallions, and lastly the portraits,
I became absolutely certain that a single hand, guided by a flexible and
varied talent, combined these different types and produced the whole.]

[Footnote 305: Their dimensions vary from 90 to 100 millimeters in height,
and from 60 to 70 in width.]

[Footnote 306: British Museum (Harleian), no. 6205.]

[Footnote 307: _Bibliothèque Nationale._]

[Footnote 308: This Perot was a favourite huntsman of whom François I
speaks in one of his letters to the Connétable de Montmorency: 'I am
obliged to confess that we lost the stag, and Perot has buried himself;
he dares not show himself in my presence.' M. Génin, who published
this letter among the _pièces justificatives_ of his edition of the
_Lettres de la Reine de Navarre_ (8vo, Paris, 1841; p. 468), says in a
note to the name Perot that he was a dog. I should probably have made
the same mistake, had I not, even before I saw this miniature, made the
acquaintance of the huntsman in question upon reading the accounts of
the expenditure of François I, the lists of his household, and the rolls
of receipts given to his treasurer. I find, for example, under date of
July 12, 1531: 'Due to Perot de Ruthie, in payment of such emoluments and
privileges as he has by virtue of his office of keeper of the park and
castle of Saincte Jame, and of the forests and four ponds of Raiz.' Five
years later, I find this entry: 'To Perot de Ruthie, to be used for the
necessary expenses of sending for and causing to be brought to him a part
of the dogs, with their whippers-in, from his kennels in the forest of
Chenonces.' (Roll of Receipts for 1536). Still later, he became lieutenant
of venery and gentleman of the chamber. He was one of those favoured
retainers who know how to make their way.]

[Footnote 309: Library of S. A. R. le Duc d'Aumale, at Twickenham, near

[Footnote 310: [The Duc d'Aumale (fourth son of Louis Philippe), who lived
in exile in England during the Second Empire, returned to France soon
after the fall of Louis Napoleon, and held a notable position in society,
politics, and literature, until his death in 1897. By his will he left his
Château of Chantilly, with his very valuable collections, to the Institut
de France, in trust for the French nation. The translator regrets his
inability to state definitely the present whereabouts of volume 1.]]

[Footnote 311: Octavo, 1810; p. 124, no. 880.]

[Footnote 312: According to information supplied to me from England, it
would seem that this fine manuscript is to-day [1865] in the library
of the Duke of Hamilton (Hamilton House, 22 Arlington St., Piccadilly,

[Footnote 313: [This description is copied verbatim from the
_Repertorium_, by M. Bernard; the English is evidently a translation of
some French original.]]

[Footnote 314: See the following section, under the date of 1535 (infra,
p. 205).]

[Footnote 315: See the following section, under the date of 1549 (infra,
p. 234).]

[Footnote 316: See what is said of this MS. in Le Prince's _Essai
historique sur la Bibliothèque du Roi_, edit. 1856, pp. 28 and 47.]

[Footnote 317: See what I have to say later on this subject under the
heading 'Engravings of Uncertain Date' (infra, p. 255).--According to
M. Brunet (_Manuel de Libraire_, 5th edit., vol. ii, col. 929), the
first edition of this book was published at Rouen in 1577, under this
title: _Mémoires et recherches touchant plusieurs choses mémorables pour
l'intelligence de l'estat et des affaires de France_. But I find it
difficult to credit the accuracy of this statement, as the edition of 1580
prints a license dated no earlier than August 10, 1578.]

[Footnote 318: I am indebted for this information to M. Vallet de
Viriville, who is devoting himself to looking up the works of Jean
Fouquet, as I myself am looking up Tory's.]



There appeared for the first time, in the books of Hours published
by Simon Vostre about 1515, three engravings which are clearly
distinguishable in method of execution from those previously used by the
same bookseller, to which the three new ones were thereafter added.

Thenceforth Vostre's Hours contained three varieties of engraving: (1) The
old gothic woodcuts (among which must be reckoned the Dance of Death with
dotted background), which figure in the editions issued by that bookseller
even in the fifteenth century; (2) Two large drawings in the Renaissance
style, which appear in his editions of 1507 and which may be attributed
to Jean Perreal, Tory's teacher; (3) The three in question, which do not
appear earlier than 1514 or 1515. These engravings are: (I) The
Adoration of the Shepherds, signed with the letter G in a gothic shield;
(II) The Adoration of the Magi; (III) The Circumcision;
the last two signed with this monogram: [Illustration: F]. The
G is still inclined to the gothic, but the second letter is altogether
roman. In my judgement, this monogram should be translated by the words,
'Godofredus faciebat,' or 'fecit.' It is true that the ascription of these
engravings to Tory has been contested; but Jules Renouvier, whose taste
was so unerring, and who cannot be accused of infatuation for Tory, did
not hesitate to adopt my hypothesis. 'In the last of Vostre's Hours,' he
says, in the pamphlet that he published concerning that bookseller, 'we
see, besides the plates executed in the old French manner, which have
not disappeared as yet, other plates in the Italian and German manners,
subjects treated in an altogether novel style: the Adoration of the
Shepherds, the Adoration of the Kings, and the Circumcision, are composed
of small figures in a large ground; the design has recovered all its
delicacy, in its clearly drawn forms, and the cutting is done with no less
diversity than care. Here, luckily,' continues Renouvier, 'a monogram
enables us to attribute the engravings to their author. It is a G alone,
or enclosing an F, subscribed on a shield or in a cartouche
hanging from a branch. They have been claimed for Geofroy Tory, and with
good reason, for the manner in which these plates are executed accords
with what we know of that excellent artist.'

It is, perhaps, to these engravings, so successfully executed, that we
should ascribe the partiality that Tory afterwards displayed for books
of Hours, of which, as we have seen, he put forth several editions, in
diverse formats, and with a large number of engravings on wood done by


Here is to be placed Tory's second journey to Rome,[319] from which he
returned more Italian than ever, in respect to art.


Under this date, which was when Tory was working at the manuscripts I
have described above, I shall place, albeit somewhat conjecturally, two
small engravings on wood, signed with the letters G T, which appear in a
publication of M. Varlot entitled: 'Illustration de l'ancienne imprimerie
troyenne' (4to, 1850). They are numbers 84 and 131, the first in the
criblé style, the second in the style of the Renaissance. My ascription
of them to Tory is based upon the facts that they are of his time, as we
may infer from the one in the criblé style, and that the initials G T
are entirely consistent with that period of the life of our artist, who
sometimes signed his name in full, Geofroy Tory, as witness his Hours of

The first of these engravings, number 84, represents a Descent from the
Cross. The letters G T are at the foot of the plate, and are some distance
apart.[320] In the same collection there is another engraving of the same
series, but not signed--number 78. It represents a bishop blessing a sick
man who lies entirely nude before him. These two are 48 millimetres wide
by 62 high.

Number 131 represents a scene from Terence. The letters G T are side by
side at the foot of the plate, which is 33 millimetres high by 55 wide.
In the same collection, numbers 132 and 133, are two other woodcuts of
the same series, but not signed. Lastly, in an edition of Æsop, published
recently at Troyes, by the printer Baudot, we find a woodcut which
probably had the same origin, and found its way into this volume by
chance. These four engravings are evidently from an edition of Terence in
a small format; I have been unable to find it.


I shall place under this date a title-page, in octavo, forming a border,
engraved for Simon de Colines, and bearing his mark and his initials. This
printer, who succeeded in 1520 Henri Estienne, the first of the name,
whose widow he married, wished to mark his printings in some special way,
and to that end applied to Tory, who was a friend of the family. Tory
engraved the title-page in question, in the criblé style, then much in
vogue; and on it are seen rabbits, or _conils_, which is believed to be
an allusion to the name of Colines.[321] Tory's mark appears in white, at
the foot of the engraving, to the right. I have seen this engraving in an
Epitome of the 'Adages' of Erasmus, in Latin, printed by Simon de Colines,
in 1523, in octavo, under this title: 'Johannis Brucherii Trecensis
Adagiorum ad studiosæ juventutis utilitatem ex Erasmicis chiliadibus
excerptorum epitome.' It was probably Tory, too, who engraved Colines's
large mark with the rabbits (Silvestre, no. 79), which is in the same
style, and which appears in the Hours of 1524; but it does not bear the
double cross. Tory also engraved for Colines two other marks in a very
different style (Silvestre, nos. 80 and 329), and a multitude of borders
and illustrations for his books.

Colines certainly employed Tory more than any other printer did, as we
shall see in the sequel. This fact leads me to believe that Lottin is
mistaken in bestowing upon Colines the title of engraver of letters,
attributing to him doubtless the engraving of the graceful italics that
he used in works written in verse; I am convinced that those letters are
the work of Tory. I will call attention, however, to the fact that the
capitals that go with these italics are roman, and may belong to the roman
letters which Simon de Colines had from Henri Estienne. But the font is
enriched with some white two-line letters, of a charming design, which are
certainly Tory's, as are the floriated letters used by Colines and his
stepson Robert Estienne.


I. Tory engraved also for Simon de Colines a magnificent
title-page intended for a very rare work, which, for that reason, I
think that I ought to describe in detail (after one of the copies in the
Bibliothèque Nationale), for its existence has been doubted.[322]

The book is entitled: 'Commentarii initiatorii in quatuor Evangelia,'
etc., with no author's name on the title-page; but it was written by
Jacques Lefèvre d'Etaples, as we shall see in a moment. It is a folio, of
6 unnumbered preliminary leaves, and of 377 numbered leaves, making 192
sheets, divided into 50 folds of 4 sheets each, except the first, which
has only 3. The signatures go from _a_ to _ddd_ consecutively. The text
of the Gospels is set in large type (great primer), the notes in smaller
type (pica), in which there are some very handsome Greek characters, with
accents, which were still a novelty at that time.

The title is in a wide border, engraved on wood, decorated with the
symbols of the four evangelists, beneath which are printed passages from
their works. This border, which is signed with the Lorraine cross at the
foot, on the right side, is .225 metre high by .166 wide.

On the second preliminary leaf the author's preface begins, under this
heading: 'Jacobi Fabri Stapulensis ad Christianos lectores in sequens opus
Præfatio.' It ends on the fourth preliminary leaf, with the date, 'Meldis,
anno M. D. XXI.' Then follows a concordance of the four Gospels,
in the form of tablets closed at top and bottom by unsigned engravings.

The Gospel according to St. Matthew, which opens the book, begins with
a superb ornamented L, on a criblé background, .058 metre in height by
.055 in width. The Gospel according to St. Mark, which opens on leaf
115 (erroneously printed 215), begins with an I of the same style and
dimensions. The Gospel according to St. Luke begins on folio 175 verso,
with an F like the two preceding letters. The Gospel according to St. John
begins on folio 259, with the I that has already done duty in the Gospel
of St. Mark. These letters, which are altogether in the style of those
afterwards engraved by Tory for Robert Estienne, seem to me to be fairly
attributable to him, although unsigned.

In the balance of the book we find a large number of other letters
ornamented in the criblé style, but of smaller size, which cannot be

On folios 101 verso and 102 recto are certain astronomical figures,
unsigned, which I dare not attribute to Tory; but I do not hesitate to
attribute to him a large engraving on folio 182 verso. It represents
Jesus in an aureole of flame. Below him is the sea; above him the Father
Everlasting, blessing with the right hand, and holding in his left hand
the globe surmounted by a cross. He is uttering these words which we read
in a scroll: 'Hic est filius meus dilectus in quo mihi bene complacui.'
This engraving, including its border, is .210 metre in height by .137 wide.

On the last page is a subscription in these words: MELDIS, IMPENSIS

Who printed this book? Not Simon de Colines, as La Caille said, and as
Maittaire and Panzer have repeated after him, for the subscription means
simply that the printing was done at his expense. One can understand,
in truth, that Simon de Colines, who had at the time an extensive
typographical establishment at Paris in full blast, could not leave
that city to print a book at Meaux. Nor was it a local printer, for no
other contemporary printing at Meaux is known; moreover, the mechanical
execution of this volume, and the engravings with which it is embellished,
prove that it did not come from a wretched provincial workshop.

In my opinion there is but one way of explaining this typographical
enigma. It is this: Guillaume Briçonnet (second of the name), having been
appointed Bishop of Meaux in 1518, took with him to that town his friend
Lefèvre d'Etaples, to whom he entrusted the administration of his diocese.
Etaples employed his leisure in writing various religious works, among
others the Commentaries on the Gospels, which were finished in 1521.
Wishing to have this bulky volume, which was of capital importance to him,
printed under his own eyes, and being unable to leave Meaux, where he was
detained by his duties, Lefèvre simply imported from Paris a portion of
Simon de Colines's printing-office, with a small staff.[323] In this way
he could not only superintend the printing of his book, but also lend a
hand at need, after the example of many another scholar of that time who
did not scorn to practise the printing art.

What I have said is a mere hypothesis, it is true; but this hypothesis
is surrounded by circumstances which give it a powerful appearance of
truth. In addition to what I have said above, I will say that the types of
Lefèvre d'Etaples' book are the same as those used in an octavo printed
at Paris by Simon de Colines in 1523,--a book which I have already cited
and which I now have before me. It is entitled: 'Joannis Brucherii
Trecensis Adagiorum ... ex Erasmicis chiliadibus excerptorum Epitome.' The
title-page has a border signed with the Lorraine cross. More than that,
the first ornamental letter in Etaples' book, which is an A on a criblé
background, is also the first letter of the book of Johannes Brucherius;
whence we see that the typographical material sent to Meaux returned to
Paris immediately after Etaples' book was printed.

Doubtless that is why we have only one book dated at Meaux at that period;
it might be, however, that advantage was taken of the momentary existence
of this printing-office at Meaux to set up some trifling work, in 1521 or
1522; but that would not in any wise modify my conclusion.

II. Tory engraved also, at about the same time, for a printer at
Troyes named Jean Lecoq, the title-page, in the shape of a border, of a
'Gradual'[324] of the Cistercian Order--a very large and handsome folio,
printed at Troyes in 1521. This engraving is in the criblé style, with the
double cross in white at the foot, on the right. At about the same time
he engraved in the same style Jean Lecoq's mark, which appears at the end
of the volume, and of which a reproduction may be seen in M. Silvestre's
book, no. 875.

As this Gradual is very rare (only one copy of it is known to exist, which
I have seen in M. Tross's collection) and very beautiful, I think it well
to describe it. It is almost needless to say that it is printed in gothic

First of all, above the title there is a line printed in black:--

    Jesus ✥ Maria Bernard

(It is well known that St. Bernard was the founder of the Cistercian
Order.) Then, in red (I complete the abbreviated words):--

'Graduale ad usum Cisterciensis ordinis: secundum capituli generalis
venerabilium patrum ejusdem ordinis diffinitionem in sequenti paginas
declarata: noviter per quendam Clarevallensem monachum ad debitam formam
utiliter redactum. Et Johannis Lecoq impressoris Trecis commorantis
solertia diligenter impressum. Anno Domini Millesimo quingentesimo
vicesimo primo.' (Here Lecoq's large mark: Silvestre, no. 877.) 'Cum

The volume is made up of 2 preliminary leaves, for the title, etc., and
252 pages of text, divided as follows: First part, without pagination,
of 18 signatures (_a_ to _s_) of 4 sheets each, except the last, which
has only 2,--in all, 140 leaves. Second part, folios 1 to 112, having 14
signatures (A to O) of 4 sheets--in all, 112 leaves.

The paper is very strong and fine. It is one of the earliest books
printed with music in France, and it reflects great credit on the presses
of Troyes, and especially upon Jean Lecoq, first of the name. Names of
places and persons are consistently printed with capitals. The work is
illustrated with a few engravings; but its most remarkable feature is the
ornamental initials and uncial letters with which it is embellished.

At the end, by way of colophon, are these words:--

'Explicit Graduale secundum usum ordinis Cisterciensis, Trecis impressum

Per Johannem Lecoq, Anno Domini Millesimo quingentesimo vigesimo primo Die
sexta mensis Martii. Laus Deo.'

Here Lecoq's mark with the Lorraine cross in white.

This volume came from the ancient monastery of Oliva, near Dantzig.


I. We may place under this date two other frontispieces signed
with the Lorraine cross. The first is a large engraving divided into four
compartments, and representing armies in battle array, with cannon. The
two upper compartments are connected by the shield of France, surmounted
by a crown and encircled by the order of Saint-Michel, from which branches
of rose-bushes depend on either side. In each compartment there is a
cartouche. Tory's mark is at the foot of the lower left-hand compartment,
in which the banner of France is seen waving. This engraving appears in
the 'Rozier historial de France,' a folio printed in gothic type, at
Paris, for François Regnault, February 10, 1522, before Easter; that is
to say, 1523 new style. In the cartouches the following words are printed
in red, in gothic type: 'Bataille ronde,' 'Bataille de pointe,' 'Bataille
de feu,' 'Bataille de fourche.'[325] It appears in another edition of the
same book, printed in 1528 for the same bookseller; also, in a translation
of Cæsar's 'Commentaries,' printed by Pierre Vidoue, in 1531, for the
booksellers Poncet Le Preux and Galiot du Pré. This translation is a folio
volume divided into two parts, the first translated by Étienne Delaigue,
called Beauvoys, the second by Robert Gaguin. The plate in question is
at the end of the first part, folio 95 verso. The whole book is printed
in black, both text and engraving. I am indebted for my knowledge of the
engraving to M. Robert-Dumesnil _fils_.

II. The second engraving, in the form of a border (folio size),
representing a number of grotesque and licentious subjects, appears in an
edition of the 'Histoire du saint Graal,' published by Philippe le Noir,
sworn bookseller and binder to the University of Paris, on October 24,
1523. The bookseller's initials are in the compartment at the top of the

In this book, as well as in those last described, there are other
engravings; but they are not the work of Tory, to whom only the important
pieces were assigned. These other engravings had, doubtless, appeared

As for the engraving executed by Tory (which reappears in many other
works printed by Philippe le Noir), it is a copy of a plate engraved by
Urs Graf, dated 1519, and used by Pierre Vidoue, printer at Paris,[327]
particularly in a Virgil of 1529, folio, which is now in the Bibliothèque
Mazarine. The four principal subjects of this engraving, placed at the
four corners of the border, represent: (1) Men lighting torches at a
woman's posterior; (2) A woman carrying off a man in a basket[328]; (3)
The death of Pyramus and Thisbe; (4) The judgement of Paris.


While working for others, Tory busied himself with a long series of
engravings intended for books of Hours to be published by himself.[329]

'It is upon turning over these plates,' says M. Renouvier,[330] 'that one
appreciates to the full his style--rich, diversified and immeasurably
clever in ornamentation, distorted out of proportion, diabolic in the
drawing of faces, descending too often to downright awkwardness in the
carriage of the head and to a habit of bellying out draperies; and,
finally, overweighted by a sort of heaviness in the forms. The artist's
greatest facility is shown in the arrangement of his figures, and in the
decoration of his porticoes. Whatever he may say, it would seem that what
he studied at Rome with the best results were the baths of Titus and the
arabesques of Giovanni da Udino.'


We have seen that Tory had been in the habit for some time of signing his
engravings with a double cross; but this had not yet become an invariable
signature. For instance, about 1524 he often used a monogram in which his
name and surname--or, to use the terms of the present day his Christian
name [_prénom_] and his family name [_nom de famille_]--both appear. It
consists of a capital G, enclosing a smaller S, with the [Illustration]
double cross above. This means, in my opinion, that Tory was the
_engraver_ only ('Godofredus Torinus sculpsit'), in distinction from the
cross alone, which means that Tory both drew and engraved the pieces
on which it appears. In fact, we find in most of those signed with the
monogram a roughness of aspect which is not characteristic of Tory's usual

However that may be, here is a list of the pieces known to me on which
this monogram appears.

       *       *       *       *       *


Quarto of 14 leaves, in gothic type, printed by Philippe Le Noir, 'sworn
binder to the University of Paris,' with a privilege from the court of
the Parliament of Paris, dated December 21, 1524. This is a satirical
production, in verse, attributed to Pierre Gringoire, otherwise called
Vaudemont, at the head of which appears the figure, or effigy, of the
'heretic,' signed with the monogram in question. The description of the
effigy is as follows:

    En gibeciere on luy voit ratz avoir,
    Qui sont rongeans et serpens detestables
    En son giron faisant mords diffamables.
    De son sian sort ung aspre feu vollant,
    Qui cueur et corps et livres est bruslant.[331]

This very rare work was reprinted at Chartres, in 1832, under the auspices
of M. Hérisson, the librarian of that city. The reprint contains a
facsimile of the engraving.

       *       *       *       *       *

    LORRAINE, etc.

A quarto, in gothic type, undated, but containing a table of Easter-Days
beginning with 1524, and a privilege dated October 10, 1525.

This book, which was published by the bookseller Jean Petit, contains 13
large engravings, a list of which follows:--

    1. The Annunciation.
    2. Adam and Eve.
    3. The Cross.
    4. The Holy Ghost.
    5. The Descent of the Holy Ghost upon the Apostles.
    6. David praying for Zion, threatened with the divine thunderbolts.
    7. The Virgin and the Child Jesus.
    8. A Family at Table (Pentecost?).
    9. Eight Naked Children Praying; the Holy Trinity in the Heavens.
    10. The Manna.
    11. David's Penance.
    12. The Triumph of Death.
    13. Jesus receiving the Crown of Thorns and the Reed.

Only the last of these bears the monogram that I have described[332]; but
the other engravings, being in the same style, should all be attributed to
Tory. We might perhaps also attribute to him the six analogous engravings
which appear in the same author's 'Chants royaux' (printed at the same
time and usually bound with the Hours), but not one of which is signed.
They represent:--

    1. The Synagogue: Jesus in the background, entering a pillar.
    2. The Prodigal Son: Jesus in the background, curing a woman.
    3. Hunters: Jesus in the background, curing one possessed of devils.
    4. The Miracle of the Loaves and Fishes.
    5. Entrance of Jesus into Jerusalem.
    6. The Crowning with Thorns.

These two books have been reprinted several times. I know of four quarto
editions of the Hours.[333] The first is the one I have just described.
It contains some other engravings, in an entirely different style from
Tory's, which appear also in other books of Hours of older date. The
second has a table of Easter-Days beginning with 1528, and a privilege
dated November 15, 1527. In other respects it is similar to the earlier
one. The third has a table of Easter-Days beginning with 1534. It is like
the last except in one point: in place of the final engraving there is a
different one, signed in the same way, representing Job at prayer before
his burning house, and his neighbours reviling him. This engraving proves
that Tory must have engraved a longer series from which the printer took
this one at random, being unable at the moment to find the one that he
required. The fourth has a calendar beginning with 1540. It is like the
second, except for the privilege, which is dated November, 1525, doubtless
by mistake. These four editions are all in the Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal.

       *       *       *       *       *

    (otherwise called Volkire) DE SEROUVILLE, etc.

Small folio, in gothic type, without date of printing, but with a
privilege dated January 12, 1526 (1527 new style), issued by Jean de la
Barre, 'garde de la prévôté' of Paris. The battle took place in 1525.

Volcyr's work contains seven engravings, but only the last two, at
the beginning of the last two books, are signed. We may, however, I
think, attribute to Tory the one at the head of the first book also. A
description of these engravings follows:--

1. Frontispiece representing Faith: a helmeted woman trampling upon the

2. The author, seated, writing his book.

3. A large plate representing a warrior (the Duke of Calabria?) amidst his
men, waving his sword.

4. A bishop praying.

5. The author offering his book to the prince. A fine plate on which are
several scattered letters, the meaning of which I am unable to conceive.

6. A large plate representing the attack on the town of Saverne. At the
top is the word 'Saberna.'

7. A large plate representing the vision of the Passion. Jesus at prayer,
a halo about his head; facing him, angels presenting the Cross; behind
him, other angels bearing the post to which he was bound; all about him,
the instruments of his torture. This plate is altogether in the manner of
those in the following work.

       *       *       *       *       *


Twelve large plates, folio, owned by the Bibliothèque Nationale. Each of
them was formerly accompanied by a number and by a quatrain in French
explaining the subject; unfortunately these have been removed from most
of the plates,[334] and it is impossible for me to-day to place them with
full assurance in the order in which they belong. However, that given
below seems to me most natural. The three which retain their numbers are
marked by an asterisk.

    1. The Nemean Lion.
    2. The Lernean Hydra.
    *3. Cerberus.
    4. Antæus.
    5. Archelaus.
    6. Hippodamia.
    7. Geryon.
    8. The Pillars of Hercules.
    *9.The Cretan Bull.
    *10. The Erymanthian Boar.
    11. Cacus.
    12. Hercules at the Stake.

All of these engravings are signed: [Illustration: S in G]

We give here, as specimens, three of the quatrains accompanying the
engravings; they are the only ones preserved at the Bibliothèque
Nationale. They may very well be the work of Gringoire, like the verses of
the 'Blazon des Hérétiques,' of the same date.

_Number_ 3

    Il braue les enffers (chose à luy tresaisee),
    Et le chien Cerberus, aux trois chefz surmontant;
    Il va les Infernaux main à main combattant,
    Pour mettre en liberté son bon amy Thesee.

_Number_ 9

    Les furieux Thaureaux (choses esmerveillables)
    De ses deux bras nerveux Il maitrise aisement,
    Et leur faict faire Ioug desoubs luy forcement
    Encor qu'on estimat qu'ils fussent indomptables.

_Number_ 10

    Ung sanglier escumeux à la grand' dent pointue,
    Qui hommes, vignes et bleds degatoient enragé,
    Et par qui l'vniuers estoit endommagé,
    Seul, par sa hardiesse, Il acreuante et tue.[335]

The orthography of these verses proves that they were printed in the
seventeenth century[336]; but the very appearance of the verses, and the
condition of the plates, which are already worm-eaten, are sufficient to
justify one in assigning to the latter a very much earlier date than to
the former. So that I can do no better than to refer them to the year
1525, when we find Tory using the same monogram.

Tory seems to have attempted in these plates to imitate Mantegna, whose
work he may have studied in Italy; but he had the good sense to abandon
this manner, which was not his own; or perhaps we should say that he did
no more than follow designs which were supplied to him.

This is what M. Renouvier has to say on this subject:--

'The plates signed with a G surmounted by the Lorraine cross are of
more importance. The Labours of Hercules, in twelve plates, are the
work of no commonplace artist. The drawing assumes a masterly, even a
rough, character, seeking effects in the play of muscles and of facial
expression in imitation of Mantegna and Albrecht Dürer; the cutting
follows up the effect of the burin. Bartsch mentioned them among the old
German masters, and the monogrammatists wavered between Jean Schoorel,
Georges Scharfenberg, Giuseppe Scolari, etc.; their French origin was
not suspected until some proofs were found on which the engravings were
accompanied by French quatrains. Then, when the same mark was found
on a plate used as a frontispiece to Pierre Gringoire's "Blazon des
Hérétiques" (1524), and on several vignettes in the Hours _rendered into
verse_, by the same poet, it was attempted to make a wood-engraver of
Gringoire, who was a Lorrainer, herald-at-arms to Duc René II, and likely
enough to display the cross of Lorraine over his initial. This much is
certain: that the mark consisting of a G with the cross of Lorraine is
found also on the plates of a Lorraine book--"Duc Anthoine's Victory
over the Lutherans"--published by his secretary Volcyr, who paid the
expenses of the publication, "being unable to find any bookseller who was
willing to undertake it, as well because of the portraits and cuts of the
illustrations as of the printing hereof," and caused it to be issued,
not in Lorraine, but in Paris, by Galliot Dupré, in 1526. It is to be
noticed that this bookseller's mark, which represents a galliot, also has
a Lorraine cross surmounting his cipher. Now, the attribution of these
plates to Geofroy Tory is based upon some very ingenious comparisons of
marks; the style of the engravings places no insurmountable obstacle in
the way of such attribution, but it must be admitted that the engraver was
led very far astray from his earlier works by his imitation of the German
manner. It is possible, because French engraving, at the beginning of the
sixteenth century, was pulled in four directions at once, so to speak, by
national habit, by Flemish taste, by German mania, and by Italian charm.
M. Bernard would give the fullest sanction to this second attribution if
he could find any evidence of a journey of Tory's to Alsace or Lorraine
of a later date than his journey to Italy; the importation of woodcuts
from those provinces, then a common occurrence, would indeed suffice, so
far as the common herd of our engravers is concerned, to explain this
alteration in their manner. I will mention in a moment an example, also
out of Lorraine, which must certainly have been known to Tory. Whatever
the fact may be, the Labours of Hercules deserve an honourable place
among the first attempts on a large scale of French engraving, beside the
plates of Jean Duvet. The British Museum, like our Cabinet des Estampes,
has acquired a set of them. Two of the plates in the latter set have the
quatrains which are lacking in the corresponding ones in the Paris set;
these are, the fifth: "The sly Archelaus 'gainst Hercules doth contend";
and the seventh: "The mighty Geryon, despicable tyrant," etc.'


I. I have said that the floriated letters of Simon de Colines and
Robert Estienne were engraved by Geofroy Tory. I cannot furnish material
proof of the fact with regard to those of Colines; but I am about to
produce incontestable evidence with regard to Estienne's. A letter in one
of his alphabets is signed with the Lorraine cross, and that letter is
the G, the initial of Tory's own name, or, as we say to-day, his first
name (_prénom_). It is as if he had written 'Geofroy Tory' in full. But
in this case, in opposition to what we find in the preceding engravings,
the cross, instead of being above the G, is below it, and hidden as much
as possible in order not to injure the design of the 'antique letter.'
This circumstance proves not only that Tory was the engraver of Robert
Estienne's floriated letters, but also that the double cross was that
artist's mark.




Is it not, in truth, a striking fact that Tory chose the letter G to place
his mark upon? He was not withheld by the consideration that that letter,
not being in very common use, especially at the beginning of words,
appeared rather infrequently in books.[337] As always, logic prevailed
with him over every other consideration. Let us see how far it carried him.

Later, he engraved a Greek alphabet, in the same style, for Robert
Estienne; as he could not put his mark on the _gamma_, which bears no
resemblance to the G, he put it on no letter, but on one of the friezes
executed to accompany those beautiful floriated letters.[338] See the
frieze in question at the beginning of the second volume of the Works of
Eusebius, three volumes, folio, 1544.[339]

II. Besides these two alphabets of capital letters, Tory engraved
for Robert Estienne about the same time, six different marks for his
typographical sign, the 'Olive-Tree,' of which a description will be found
later on, in section 3.

III. Tory also engraved, about the same time, for Simon de
Colines, a border in the criblé style, at the foot of which is a sun
which certain centaurs, incited thereto by women, are trying to seize.
(Silvestre, no. 523). This border is probably of 1526, when Colines turned
over to Robert Estienne his father's establishment and set up for himself
at the 'Soleil d'Or,' opposite the Collège de Beauvais. It appears, to my
knowledge, in two octavo volumes of 1529: 'Compendium Grammaticæ græcæ
Jacobi Ceporini,' and 'Liber de opificio Dei.'


This whole period was, in all probability, absorbed by the labour of
engraving and editing 'Champ fleury.' For one of the first engravings
in that book is dated 1526, and it was finished early in 1529. Although
the majority of these engravings are not signed, they must all belong to
Tory, at all events so far as the designs are concerned.[340] I cannot
attempt to enumerate them all here, for there are more than five
hundred, counting as one each of the letters in the various alphabets; but
I propose to mention the more important ones. For historical information
concerning the book, I refer the reader back to what I have said thereon
in the first and second parts of this volume.



The title-page is enclosed in a very pleasing border,[341] and it has
moreover an engraving of the Pot Cassé reversed.[342] On the verso are the
arms of France.[343]

Folio 1 of text: the letter L, which I have already reproduced.[344]

Folio 3 verso: the Gallic Hercules. This engraving, dated 1526, and
signed with the Lorraine cross, represents Hercules holding his club in
one hand and a bow in the other. He is followed by divers persons of all
conditions, fastened by the ear to a chain that issues from the hero's
mouth. This is an allusion to the power of eloquence over the French. The
strength of the Gallic Hercules lies not in his arms but in his mouth.[345]

Folio 9 verso: cut of the _lisflambe_, a species of lily; it is the swamp
iris, called to-day the _iris flambe_.

Here the first book ends.

The second contains thirty-seven geometrical figures, which it would be
no less difficult than unprofitable to describe. They are, for the most
part, representations of different letters. At the end of this book is the
'Triumph of Apollo and the Muses,' 'to show that they who have knowledge
of goodly letters have the advantage over the ignorant.' This engraving,
which is in two parts,[346] both signed with the Lorraine cross (folios
29 verso and 30 recto), represents Apollo in a chariot, escorted by the
Muses, Liberal Arts, etc., and followed by Bacchus, Ceres and Venus as

On the very last page (folio 30 recto) is an engraving of the _lisflambe_
surmounted by an A made up of three I's.[348]

The third book has, in the first place, twenty-eight engravings of Roman
letters. The twenty-ninth represents a gothic S (folio 42 verso). The
thirtieth is a representation of the Pot Cassé, signed with the Lorraine
cross (folio 43 verso).[349]


Next come thirty-eight other cuts of letters, and two curious drawings of
the letter Y (folio 63 recto and verso).[350] Then two ordinary copies of
the letter Z, and an allegory based on the shape of that letter (folio

On folio 65 verso is a representation of various punctuation marks.

Folios 68 verso and 69 recto: a Hebrew alphabet of forty letters or

Folio 71 recto: the Greek alphabet of twenty-four letters and three

Folio 72 recto: the Latin alphabet[353] of twenty-three letters, with
three punctuation marks, and the Greek abbreviation of the name of Jesus.

Folio 74 recto: the alphabet of _cadeaulx_ letters, consisting of
twenty-three letters and one mark.

Folio 74 verso: the alphabet of letters _de forme_, consisting of
twenty-nine letters or symbols, with two lines of text added.

Folio 75 recto: the alphabet of _bastardes_ letters, consisting of
twenty-eight letters or symbols, followed by two lines of text.

Folio 75 verso: the alphabet of _tourneures_ letters, consisting of
twenty-three letters.



Folio 76 recto: the alphabet of Persian, Arabic, African, Turkish and
Tartar letters, thirty in all.

Folio 76 verso: the alphabet of Chaldæan letters, consisting of

Folio 77 recto: the alphabet of _goffes_ letters, otherwise called
_imperiales_ and _bullatiques_, twenty-three in number.

Folio 77 verso: the alphabet of _fantastic_ letters, to the number of

Folio 78 recto: the alphabet of _utopiques_ and _voluntaires_ letters, to
the number of twenty-three.

Folio 78 verso: an alphabet of floriated letters used in the course of the
book, twenty-three in number.[354]

Folio 79 recto: a series of ciphers or intertwined letters, to the number
of ten.

Folio 80 recto, and last: a border of graceful design,[355] in which occur
Tory's mottoes: 'Menti bonæ Deus occurrit'; 'Sic ut, vel ut'; 'Omnis
tandem marcescit flos.' And in the centre is the Pot Cassé, unsigned,
although it seems to be the same cut that appears on folio 43 verso, with
the cross removed.


       *       *       *       *       *


Octavo, in gothic type, of 68 leaves; for sale by Galliot du Pré; printed
by Simon du Boys, February 1, 1527 (1528 new style).

On the verso of the second leaf is a wood-engraving with the Lorraine
cross at the right. It represents Gringoire offering his book to the king,
who is seated. In the background, a garden with a bee-hive and bees flying
about it. (Bibliothèque Nationale.)

       *       *       *       *       *

    avec privilege du roy pour trois ans. (Mark of Jean Lecoq.) On les
    vend à Troyes es hostels de Nicolas Mauroy, etc.

The privilege is of 1527. Small folio, in gothic type, printed in red and
black; signatures A to T.

This volume, which I saw in 1858, at M. Techener's, contains a large
number of engravings in the criblé style, and others in the modern style;
but only three of them are signed; these are:--

    1. A Last Supper, criblé.
    2. A Last Supper, 'à la moderne.'
    3. The Virgin, seated, holding the Child Jesus (folio 89 verso).

This book may give us the date of the other signed engravings found
at Troyes, which were published by M. Varlot in his 'Illustration de
l'imprimerie troyenne' (Troyes, 1850, folio).

III. HOURS OF THE VIRGIN, in Latin, published by Tory,
but printed by Simon de Colines; octavo.[356]

IV. HOURS OF THE VIRGIN, in Latin, published by Tory,
but printed by Simon Dubois; quarto.[357]


       *       *       *       *       *


In 1528 Pierre Vidoue printed, at the expense of Gilles de Gourmont, nine
comedies of Aristophanes, in Greek, which were published separately, in
quarto form, under the editorship of Jean Cheradam.[358] All of these have
a frontispiece engraved by Tory, of which a description follows. At the
foot, under the words 'Egidivs Gormontivs' in large letters, is a shield
with the Gourmont arms (three roses in chief and a crescent in point),
supported by two winged stags with ducal coronets about their necks,
the crest being a helmet above which is a St. Michael holding a naked
sword.[359] At the left, a Greek inscription; at the right, an inscription
in Hebrew. The two uprights represent the wise men offering their gifts to
the Child Jesus lying on his mother's knees. At the top is a shield with
three crowns in chief (this was the sign of Gilles de Gourmont, as may be
seen on the title-page of 'Champ fleury'), and tears in the field. This
shield has for supporters, on the right a lion, on the left a griffin,
and for crest a helmet surmounted by a fan-shaped ornament. On either
side is an angel with wings holding a shield; that on the left enclosing
an E, that on the right a G, the initials of Gilles de Gourmont's name
in Latin (Egidius Gourmontius). The Lorraine cross is at the foot of the
border, on the left.[360]


       *       *       *       *       *

    REFERTUM. (Here the mark of Thielman Kerver--two unicorns
    holding a shield _au Gril_, with the T. K., and, beneath, the
    full name, Thielman Kerver.) Parisiis ex officina librarie vidue
    spectabilis viri Thielmanni.

Small octavo, Paris, 1528, with engravings signed with the Lorraine
cross.[361] Printed in red and black, in gothic type. There are 31
signatures of 8 leaves,--_a_ to _z_, and A to G (signatures _x_ and _y_
have only four leaves each). In all there are 232 numbered leaves, plus 4
leaves of index not numbered.

The volume begins with the title-page, followed by a calendar, the whole
occupying 13 leaves, after which comes the text. It contains 54 engraved
plates, 12 of which are in the calendar, and a large number of initial
letters representing sacred subjects. Beneath each plate is a quatrain in

The 12 plates in the calendar represent allegorical subjects. They are
enclosed in oval borders, and are 71 millimetres by 55. Consequently they
are all out of proportion to the size of the book, which is 84 millimetres
by 48. It is evident therefore that they were not made for it. At the foot
of each, in the border, is the name of the month. The engraving for the
month of February represents a school; that for March, a hunt; that for
April, a gentleman and lady, walking in the country, arm in arm; that for
July, a domestic interior. The last is the only one of these engravings
that I have seen, and that only in a copy. The Lorraine cross may be seen
at the foot.

Here follows a list of the other engravings of this priceless volume, of
which only a single copy is known to exist. It is to be observed that the
pages on which they appear are not numbered, as the cuts occupy the whole

     1. The Trinity.
     2. The Annunciation.
     3. The Visitation.
     4. Jesus arrested by the Jews.
     5. Nativity of Jesus.
     6. Jesus before Pilate.
     7. The Annunciation to the Shepherds.
     8. The Crowning with Thorns.
     9. The Adoration of the Magi.
    10. The Bearing of the Cross.
    11. The Circumcision.
    12. Jesus on the Cross.
    13. The Flight into Egypt.
    14. The Descent from the Cross.
    15. The Coronation of the Virgin.
    16. The Placing in the Tomb.
    17. David and Bathsheba.
    18. David and Joab.
    19 to 23. The Story of David.
    24. Dance of the Dead.
    25. Three Men on Horseback
    in a Forest.
    26. Adam and Eve expelled from
    27. Adam and Eve condemned to
    28. The Creation of Man.
    29. Six Men praying before a Bier.
    30. Birth and Death.
    31. Purgatory.
    32. Extreme Unction.
    33. Job.
    34. A Woman, seated, surrounded by
    the Virgin, the Evil One, and a
    Man bearing the World.
    35. The Trinity (same as no. 1).
    36. Jesus in Limbo.
    37. The Resurrection.
    38. Jesus appearing to His Mother.
    39. Jesus appearing to Mary Magdalen.
    40. Jesus at Emmaus.
    41. The Incredulity of St. Thomas.
    42. The Ascent of the Virgin.[362]



Quarto, Paris, Josse Bade, 1529.

The Bibliothèque Mazarine has two copies of this priceless volume, one
on paper, the other on vellum, which differ slightly in respect to
the title-page. The one on vellum reads: 'Encomium Joannis Bertaudi
Petragorici Turrisalbæ in ducatu Engolismensi alumni, de cultu trium
Mariarum adversus Lutheranos, cum missa solemniore et officio canonico
earundem, auspiciis augustissimæ principis Joannæ, Aurelianensis,
Gyveriensium dominæ ac comitis de Barcq.' This is followed by a large
plate signed with the Lorraine cross, and representing the three Maries,
etc. There is no publisher's name; nothing but Josse Bade's mark at the
end of the book.

The title-page of the copy on paper reads: 'Encomium trium Mariarum
cum earumdem cultus defensione adversus Lutheranos, solemnique missa
et officio canonico, in quibus omnibus desideres nihil, emissum opera
et industria Joannis Bertaudi Petragorici, utriusque juris licentiati,
Turrisque Albæ in ducatu Engolismensi alumni, auspiciis augustissimæ
principis Joannæ Aurelianensis, Gyveriensium dominæ ac comitis de Barcq.'
Then follows Josse Bade's mark: 'Prelum Ascensianum,' taking the place of
the engraving of the three Maries. And below, 'Venundatur Jodoco Badio et
Galeoto a Pratis.'

This difference is explained by the fact that the copies on vellum were
not intended for sale, so that no bookseller's name was placed on them,
and, furthermore, they were embellished with the cut of the three Maries.

This volume contains three short productions by Jean Bertaud, all directed
to the same end--the defence of the worship of the three Maries.

They are entitled:

(1) Encomium trium Mariarum. (2) Officium trium filiarum beatæ Annæ. (3)
De cognatione sacerrimi Joannis Baptistæ.

There are some twenty engravings, but none of them are signed except that
of the three Maries. And, as Josse Bade was an old printer, who had no
known relations with Tory, we may assume that these engravings are not by
our artist. At most, we may attribute to him the shield of Orléans, at
page 4 of the first work.

    II. HOURS OF THE VIRGIN (sixteenmo), in Latin,
    published by Tory, for himself.[363]


Two small volumes, octavo, with a border for each page. The double cross
appears on some, not all, of these borders.[364]


Octavo, Simon de Colines, 1530.

This little book is enriched by eight engravings: a frontispiece borrowed
from the octavo Hours of 1527, and seven small subjects corresponding to
the seven epitaphs. The latter are certainly Tory's, although not signed.
They are:--

    1. Two hearts pierced by an arrow.
    2. Two hearts in a circle.
    3. Two hearts bound together by cords.
    4. Two hearts in a boat.
    5. A pig sniffing at two hearts.
    6. Two hearts, a distaff, etc.
    7. Two hearts being kicked by a horse.

See, for other details, what I have said of this book on pages 92 and 93.


Queen Eléonore's CORONATION and ENTRÉE, and the
EPITAPHS of the Queen-Mother, Louise de Savoie:--three quarto
brochures, of which I have spoken on pages 130 to 134; a description of
the engravings follows.

       *       *       *       *       *

    three sheets, quarto.

On the first page, a border, with the word 'Salus' at the foot; the
privilege is on the verso. The text begins on the second leaf, with the
letter L reproduced on page 1. On the last page is another border, with
the word 'Salus,' and the date of printing, March 16, 1530, old style.

       *       *       *       *       *

    II. ENTRÉE OF THE QUEEN; six sheets, quarto.

On the first page the same border as on the first page of the Hours of
1524-25; the privilege is on the verso. On page A ij recto, another border
and an ornamental letter R, after the style of the L in the work last
described. A iiij recto, another border. B iij recto, a border, with the
motto 'non plus' at the top. B viij verso, another border, with the word
'Salus' at the foot; this is identical with that of the last page of the
'Coronation.' E viij recto, another border. F i verso, a lovely drawing of
a 'present made to the queen, of two candlesticks.' On the last page the
border of the last page of 'Champ fleury,' and the date of the printing,
Tuesday, May 9, 1531.

       *       *       *       *       *

    a half.

First page, the border of the frontispiece of the Hours of 1524-25, with
the Pot Cassé of the first page of 'Champ fleury.' Last page, the border
of the last page of 'Champ fleury' and the Pot Cassé of the first page;
also the date of printing, October 17, 1531. In all three we find the
decorated letters of 'Champ fleury.'

These three brochures, bound together in a small volume, are in the
Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal. The borders used in them reappear later as
frames for the engravings of a book of Hours, quarto, printed in roman
type, in red and black, of which I know neither date nor place of printing
nor name of printer, as I have seen nothing except a few leaves of the
book, preserved at the Bibliothèque Nationale, with the works of Tory.


    I. BOOK OF HOURS, quarto, printed by Tory for

       *       *       *       *       *

    II. BOOK OF HOURS, octavo, with arabesques of
    flowers, insects, animals, etc., as in the quarto Hours of 1527.[366]

       *       *       *       *       *


Quarto, Simon de Colines, 1531.

This book is dedicated to Guillaume Petit, Bishop of Senlis, whose arms,
with the Lorraine cross, appear on the verso of leaf 8 of the front
matter. The motto is: 'Utinam novissima providerent.'

       *       *       *       *       *

    INTERPRETE.--Parisiis, apud Simonem Colinæum, 1531.

Large folio, with an engraved frontispiece having the Lorraine cross at
the foot, on the left.

The frontispiece represents several different subjects. At the top is
Jesus healing the leper; at the foot, doctors dissecting a dead body and
lecturing to a numerous audience; at the sides, full-length portraits of
the most celebrated physicians of antiquity; in the centre of the plate is
a scroll bearing the Latin title transcribed above. This frontispiece was,
doubtless, used with others of the works of Galen.

Simon de Colines also published, in 1536, an edition of the works of
Galen, under the supervision of the same editor (folio of 172 pages), and
embellished with five beautiful floriated letters engraved by Tory. In it
we find also, at the head of the epistle to the reader, an ornamental S
surmounted by a coat of arms,--a charming design, but not signed.


LATIN BIBLE of 1532; folio; Robert Estienne.

The title-page is decorated with a frieze signed with the Lorraine cross,
bearing the word 'Biblia' in large letters. It is a scroll surrounded by
vines, with the brazen serpent at the left, and Jesus on the Cross at the


The BON MESNAGER of Pierre des Crescens, printed by Nicolas
Cousteau for Galliot Dupré. Folio, 1533. The frontispiece, representing
Dupré presenting the book to François I, is signed with the Lorraine cross.

       *       *       *       *       *

Inasmuch as Tory died in 1533, it will, perhaps, seem that I ought to stop
here in this enumeration. But as many engravings executed by his own hand
were not printed until later, and, moreover, as those signed with the
Lorraine cross alone came from his establishment, which was managed by
his wife after his death, I have thought best to pursue my investigations
concerning the engravings with the Lorraine cross to the end.



Folio, Paris, Thielman Kerver's widow, 1534. The privilege is dated 1534.
(Bibliothèque S.-Geneviève, and Bibliothèque Mazarine.)

The Latin title which I have transcribed is engraved in great gothic
letters, arranged in the shape of a cul-de-lampe, and terminated by a
small black heart-shaped ornament (not unlike those used by Simon de
Colines), in which is the Lorraine cross. This circumstance leads me to
believe that Tory engraved this title-page in gothic letters; a most
interesting fact if true, for they are probably the only letters in that
style that he ever engraved, after those on folios 42 verso, 74, etc. of
'Champ fleury'; and it is all the more strange because the rest of the
book is printed in roman type. It may be that there was another edition in
gothic type.

However, this volume contains many other engravings signed with the
Lorraine cross, and others which, although unsigned, seem to be Tory's.

Folio 1, following the title, a large T, adorned with fleurs-de-lis, on a
background strewn with the same flowers.

Folio 5 verso, a large ornamental P, representing the Eternal Father.

Folio 19, the Virgin in a halo of fire, with the Child Jesus (signed).

Folio 21, Jesus among the Apostles, holding a saw (signed).

Folio 43, Moses receiving the Tables (signed).

Folio 63 verso, the Ark in the form of a church (signed).

Folio 77, the Annunciation, in an oval border (octavo).

Folio 88, Birth of Jesus (small octavo).

Folio 135, the Resurrection (signed).

Folio 148, the Ascension (signed).

Folio 154 verso, the Virgin among the Apostles (small octavo).

Folio 157 verso, the Trinity (signed).

Folio 161, Easter (signed).

Folio 221, Birth of the Virgin. She is in her mother's womb, holding the
Child Jesus (octavo).

Folio 325, Jesus tempted by the Devil (octavo).

The octavo engravings appear in several other books printed by the Kervers.

       *       *       *       *       *


Quarto, of 108 numbered, plus 4 preliminary unnumbered leaves.

Printed in 1534, but with no name of printer or bookseller. On the
first page is a quarto plate, representing the author crowned with
laurel, standing between François I and Clement VII. Beneath these three
personages are their respective arms, and above their heads their names:
Franciscus, Paulus, Clemens. The Lorraine cross is at the foot, on the
left. The same plate appears on the last page.


    vent a Paris, en la rue de la Juifverie, devant la Magdaleine, à
    l'enseigne du Pot Cassé....[367]

Quarto, 1535. This book is embellished with a magnificent frontispiece
representing Macault presenting his book to François I. Although unsigned,
it is certainly Tory's.

'His chef-d'œuvre,' says M. Renouvier,[368] 'is, perhaps, the frontispiece
of Macault's "Diodorus," in which we see François I seated in a chair
with a back carved with fleurs-de-lis, at table with his children, his
monkey, his greyhound, and his courtiers, while Macault reads his book to
him. This engraving, the authorship of which is unquestionable, does
not bear the Lorraine cross; the master published without that mark many
another work which M. Bernard, in his scrupulous exactitude, has chosen
not to mention. As some compensation for the works which I have denied
to Tory, I may be allowed the pleasure of mentioning here one which M.
Bernard has not attributed to him: "Les Fables d'Esopes mises en rithme
françois," by Gilles Corrozet (Paris, Denys Janot, 1542). As the copy that
I saw is not complete, it may be that the Lorraine cross might have been
found somewhere in the book; but, in any event, that would not change the
conviction based upon examination of the plates. The small engravings,
with the first four lines of the fables, are set in borders decorated with
pilasters and pediments in the master's style, and illustrated at the
base with tiny drawings of amorous subjects, treated with his somewhat
heavy-handed delicacy.


'There came from Tory's establishment, in the later years, many engravings
of blended types which can be attributed to none but pupils, or even
apprentices; analysis will always be impossible; when we have cast a light
upon the head of a school, we must leave the tail to languish in the
shadow. I will mention here, however, one pupil of Geofroy Tory, whom M.
Bernard does not mention, namely, François Gryphe, brother of Sébastien
Gryphe of Lyon. He engraved and printed, in 1539, a New Testament which,
as very rarely happens, mentions the engraver of the plates on the
title-page as well as in the privileges from the King and the Parliament
which stand at the beginning and end of the book respectively. "Novum
testamentum illustratum insignium rerum simulacris, cum ad veritatem
historiæ, tum ad venustatem, singulari artificio expressis." (Here the
mark of the griffin.) "Excudebat Fran. Gryphius, AN. MDXXXIX."
And in the privilege: "Francoys Gryphius, bookseller, printer and
tradesman, commorant in Paris ... prayed that he be permitted to cause to
be printed and sold the New Testament, illustrated by him."

'The volume is a small octavo; the Lorraine cross does not appear, but
there is a letter L engraved by Tory, and a series of small plates
executed with a delicacy instinct with firmness, in accordance with types,
attitudes and rules which can belong to no other school than his.'[369]



Small octavo, roman type, line engravings.[370]

       *       *       *       *       *


Quarto, Robert Estienne, 1536.

Charles Estienne, brother of the printer, who seems to have been the
editor of this book, informs us, in a brief preface, that the drawings
scattered through it were taken by him from ancient monuments, and
especially from marbles still extant at Rome. Several of the plates bear
the Lorraine cross, Robert Estienne's mark, on the title-page; also the
engraving on page 19 of 'De re navali' (repeated on page 168), and those
on pages 4, 44 and 64 of 'De re vestiaria'. All the other engravings,
although not signed, probably came from Tory's workshop. This book was
reprinted by Robert Estienne, in 1549, in the same form. Here is a
summarized list of the engravings contained in it: In the first part, 'De
re navali,' are some twenty representations of antique vessels, biremes,
triremes, etc., of which one is signed; in the second part, 'De re
vestiaria,' three are signed: (1) a woman; (2) a man; (3) a soldier; in
the third part, 'De vasculis,' are eight or ten representations of vases,
etc., not signed.

All these engravings were reproduced on copper in a reprint of Baïf's
work, published in Grævius's great collection called the 'Treasure of
Antiquities,'[371] and, strangely enough, the artist has left the Lorraine
cross on the first.[372] This mark appears again in column 1100 of the
same volume, in an analogous work by another author. The same engraving
was reëngraved on copper, with the cross, for the edition of Grævius's
'Thesaurus,' published at Venice in 1732, after the edition of Utrecht.
This later edition was like the earlier one, and the engraving in question
appears in the same volume and same column. So that we have an engraving
on copper, with the Lorraine cross, executed in the eighteenth century!



ROMANUM.--Parisiis, apud Simonem Colinæum, 1543.

Large quarto of 44 sheets, in 22 signatures of 2 sheets, _encartées_, A to
Y. On the verso of the title-page is a table of Easter-Days from 1543 to
1566; then comes the calendar, which fills the next six sheets. There are
in the text fourteen large engravings, with a special border:--

    1. St. John writing his Gospel (which begins on the following leaf).
    He is gazing at the Virgin, who appears to him in the sky, holding
    the Child Jesus.

    2. Jesus betrayed by Judas.

    3. The Salutation, with this device in French: 'Fait ce que tu
    vouras avoir fait quant tu moras.' ['Do what thou wouldst have done
    when thou diest.']

    4. The Visitation (signed).

    5. The Birth of Jesus.

    6. The Annunciation to the Shepherds (with the date 1537).

    7. The Adoration of the Magi (signed).

    8. The Circumcision (signed).

    9. The Flight into Egypt.

    10. The Death of Mary (signed).

    11. Jesus on the Cross (signed).

    12. The Descent of the Holy Ghost upon the Apostles (signed).

    13. The Penance of David (signed).

    14. Jesus restoring Lazarus to life.


All the pages are enclosed in borders, but the latter are of two sorts:--

1. Eight complete borders, that is to say, thirty-two compartments, in
simple line-engraving as in the Hours of 1524-1525. A single one of these
eight is signed; but they are all by the same artist. They bear the dates
of 1536, 1537, 1539, in little scrolls of the sort to which Tory was so
much addicted. These dates preclude our attributing these engravings to
himself, but they evidently came from his establishment which was then
conducted by his widow. One of these borders appears in a book published
in 1542: 'Rodolphi Agricolæ ... de inventione dialectica, libri III,' etc.
4to, Paris, Simon de Colines.

2. There are also eight complete borders, or thirty-two compartments,
engraved in black in an entirely different style, alternating with those
engraved in line. [Four of them are reproduced in this volume, on the
pages bearing the Author's Preface.] They are in niello, are neither
signed nor dated, and I doubt whether they came from Tory's workshop,
although we shall see that he engraved some similar ones for Jean de
Tournes. In any event their inclusion in this book, side by side with the
borders and drawings engraved in line, seems to me in wretched taste which
would have disgusted our artist.

We find also in this book some beautiful ornamental letters in the criblé
style, which may be Tory's.


The book was reprinted in 1549, in the same form, by Renaud and Claude
Chaudière, successors to Simon de Colines.

       *       *       *       *       *

II. In the same year 1543, Simon de Colines published another
book of Hours, octavo, which seems to be a smaller edition of the one I
have just described. Like that one, it is composed of 22 signatures, A to

This within a portico-shaped border, at the top of which is the name
Simon de Colines. At the foot of the page: 'Parisiis, apud Simonem

As in the quarto Hours of the same date the borders of the text pages are
arabesques of two styles, some in line and the others in black; and the
drawings, to the number of 13, are set in a special border. Some of these
borders bear the date 1537, and one of them has the name Simon de Colines
in full, which proves that the engravings were executed for him. A list of
the drawings follows; only one of them is signed, but all seem to be the
work of Tory.

    1. St. John writing his Gospel (signed).

    2. Calvary.

    3. The Salutation.

    4. The Visitation.

    5. The Nativity.

    6. The Annunciation to the Shepherds.

    7. The Adoration of the Magi.

    8. The Presentation.

    9. The Flight into Egypt.

    10. The Coronation of the Virgin.

    11. Pentecost.

    12. Bathsheba at the Bath.

    13. Job on the Dunghill.

The only copy of this book that I know of formerly belonged to the late
M. Renouvier, of Montpellier, who showed it to me in 1858. It lacks ten
leaves immediately following the title-page, which leaves undoubtedly
contained the calendar.


ADOLESCENCE (Jean Bouchet).

Quarto, gothic type, printed at Poitiers, January 8, 1536 (1537, new
style), by Jean and Engilbert de Marnef. The privilege is dated November
15, 1536.

There are two woodcuts signed with the Lorraine cross: the printers' mark,
on the first page; and, at the end of the preliminary pages, an engraving
representing a man in a long robe engaged in writing; facing him and below
him are four persons, also in robes, from whom he is apparently deriving
his inspiration. Near these latter, at the left, is a woman holding a

       *       *       *       *       *

    TRAVERSEUR (Jean Bouchet).

At the end are these words: 'Imprimé à Poictiers le premier d'avril M.
D. XXXVIII, par Jean et Engilbert de Marnef, freres.' This volume,
which is arranged like that last described, contains eleven engravings,
five of which are signed with the double cross.

Folio A 5 verso. A large plate representing the author presenting his book
to François I. The King is seated on his throne and surrounded by his
court. (Signed at the left.)

Folio B 1 recto. A meeting of the Parliament of Paris. (Signed at the

Folio B 4 recto. Fame announcing the demise of Louise de Savoie, mother of
François I. (Signed at the left.)

Folio B 7 recto. Mercury on his way to the field of Truth; below, Charon
in his boat. (Not signed.)

Folio C 1 verso. The field of Truth. Four persons, of whom three are
seated in a sort of thicket; and above them, a château. (Signed in the

Folio C 7 verso. The deceased (Louise de Savoie), her head encircled by a
wreath and holding in her right hand a bunch of flowers. (Signed at the

Folio D 3 recto. Fortune holding a wheel in one hand, and a standard in
the other. (Not signed.)

Folio D 6 verso. Repetition of C 7.

Folio E 5 verso. Mercury, with the caduceus in his hand, speaking to a man
in a robe, and pointing out a palace to him. (Not signed.)

Folio E 7 recto. A large hall adorned with statues. (Not signed.)

Folio L 8 verso. A winged personage, wrapped in a cloak, and having eyes
in his hands and feet. (Not signed.)

At the end of the volume the mark of the Marnefs. (Signed.)


MISSAL OF PARIS, 1539; folio. The Lorraine cross on two large
folio plates, one of which, dated 1538, represents God the Father seated
on his throne, his head surrounded by a halo; he is dressed like the Pope;
over his head, a triangular pediment. The other, not dated, represents
Christ on the Cross; the Blessed Virgin and St. John are standing at his
sides, and this inscription is printed in a semicircle over the cross:
'Absit michi gloriari nisi in crvce D[omi]ni n[ost]ri Jesvs Christi.'

These two subjects, which are often found in collections, sometimes on
paper and sometimes on vellum, sometimes black and sometimes coloured
(the mark and the date very often disappear under the colours[374]),
were first printed, so far as my knowledge goes, in the Missal of Paris,
published in 1539 by Thielman Kerver's widow. There follows a description
of this priceless volume, of which I know but one copy in Paris.[375] It
is entitled: 'Missale ad usum Ecclesiæ Parisiensis, noviter impressum,
et emendatum per deputatos a reverendissimo domino Johanne de Bellayo,
Parisiensi episcopo,' etc. Then comes Thielman Kerver's usual mark, and
below: 'Prostat Parisiis in vico divi Jacobi, apud Iolandam Bonhomme,
vidue spectati viri Thielmanni Kerver, ad signum Unicornis, ubi et excusum
fuit, anno Domini M. D. XXXIX.'

This work makes a large folio volume, printed in red and black, in gothic
type, with a large number of unsigned engravings in the text. These
engravings are of three sorts,--(1) floriated letters on a black ground;
(2) small drawings of the same size, but of a very graceful renaissance
type; (3) drawings of octavo size, which were commonly used by Thielman
Kerver's widow in the books of Hours published by her, and of which I have
already had occasion to speak.[376]

The two large drawings signed with the Lorraine cross face each other
in signature V, in the second part of the book, where the pagination is
discontinued. They have been reprinted several times in other editions
of the same book. I will mention particularly the edition, undated,
published in the name of Guillaume Merlin, bookseller, a copy of which
is in the Bibliothèque Mazarine[377]; that of 1543, at the Bibliothèque
Sainte-Geneviève; that of 1559 (all published by Iolande Bonhomme or her
son Jacques Kerver); and lastly a Missal of Cluny, of which I shall speak

Although these books are printed on paper, the plates in question are
always printed on vellum in editions of the sixteenth century; but this
precaution was neglected in later centuries.


Latin Bible in two folio volumes, bearing the dates 1538, 1539, 1540.
Paris, Robert Estienne. The word 'Biblia' appears on the title-page in
a scroll signed with the Lorraine cross, of which I have already had
occasion to speak, under the date of 1532, and which appears in others of
Robert Estienne's books.[378] The second title follows: 'Hebræa, chaldæa,
græca et latina nomina ... restituta cum latina interpretatione.' This
has led some bibliographers to assume, erroneously, that the book was a
polyglot affair. It is printed throughout in Latin; there are simply a few
Hebrew words in the dissertation to which the second title in question
applies, and which is printed in the second volume, with a title-page
of its own, dated 1538. The New Testament, also in the second volume,
is dated 1539, not 1540, as M. Renouard mistakenly says.[379] The Bible
alone, that is to say, the first volume and the beginning of the second,
bears the date 1540. In each part we find Robert Estienne's large mark,
signed with the Lorraine cross. The first volume contains also eighteen
magnificent engravings representing the Tabernacle of Moses, Solomon's
Temple, etc., executed under the direction of François Vatable, Royal
Professor of Hebrew Literature. The Lorraine cross appears on the large
plate of the camp of the Israelites, on folio 35; but I dare not upon
this evidence alone attribute all the other engravings to Tory.[380] In
any event the floriated letters used in the book are certainly Tory's,
for we find the designs mentioned by him in his 'Champ fleury.' It is a
fact worth noting that these letters seem to have been cast, or, at least,
reproduced by stereotyping, for they are often repeated on the same page,
without the slightest change in the design.

The Bibliothèque Nationale has a superb copy of this book on vellum, with
the arms of François I. It was reprinted in the same shape by Robert
Estienne in 1546, and by his son Henri in 1565. In this last edition,
printed at Geneva, we no longer find the two small drawings which appear,
with the frieze, on the title-page of the edition of 1532. (See p. 204,
supra.) The frieze in this later form appears in other books of the
Estiennes. I have seen it in a folio Xenophon printed for Fugger.


AMADIS DE GAULE, French translation by Nic. de Herberay, Seigneur
des Essarts, for the first eight books; first edition printed between 1540
and 1548, by Denis Janot, for the booksellers, Vincent Sertenas, Estienne
Groullau, and Jean Longis. Folio, with engravings.

I have seen only two of these engravings signed with the Lorraine cross,
but several others seem to have come from the same workshop. The great
majority of them, however, are of another _make_. The two that are signed
are: (1) Book II, chap. 2, a large plate representing a sort of
temple. A man armed cap-à-pie under a portico. At the right are shields
hanging upon posts; at the left, a man kneeling on the ground, holding a
naked sword in the air with his right hand, and another hand grasping it.
This represents a scene from the 'Île Ferme.' (2) Book VI, chap.
56, a small plate representing four persons on horseback near a château
in front of which stands an armed man. This cut does not seem to have any
connection with the subject, and may well have been taken from another
older work.

There is a copy of this book on vellum in the Bibliothèque Nationale.



Folio; Paris, Simon de Colines, 1541. Some copies have on the title-page
only the names of the brothers Arnould and Charles les Angeliers.
(Bibliothèque Nationale.)

There are in this book thirteen large folio cuts, besides the
frontispiece. A single one, the seventh, is signed, but all are by the
same hand. Following is a description of them, or, rather, a brief list;
for a description would lead us into too minute details:[381]--

1. Several men slain in divers ways, on a public square where there is a
large crucifix.

2. Examination of the bodies of the wounded lying in a room.

3. Examination of the witnesses.

4. The accused summoned by public outcry.

5. Arrest of the accused.

6. Examination of the accused.

7. Confrontation of the witnesses with the accused (signed).

8. Ratification of decree of pardon.

9. Torture by water.

10. Torture by the boots.

11. Torture by compressing the wrists.

12. Condemnation of the guilty.

13. Execution of the guilty.

There is at the Bibliothèque Nationale a magnificent copy of this book
on vellum, with the arms of France in miniature on the verso of the

       *       *       *       *       *

II. The first volume of the CATHOLIQUES ŒUVRES ET ACTES
DES APOSTRES, by Simon de Greban; followed by the MYSTERE DE
L'APOCALYPSE, by Louis Choquet. Printed for Arnould and Charles les
Angeliers, May 27, 1541. 'On les vend en la grand salle du Palais, par
Arnould et Charles les Angeliers freres.' Folio; Paris, 1541.

This work is embellished with engravings, of which only one is signed
with the Lorraine cross. This one, which is on folio I recto of
the Acts of the Apostles, represents the descent of the Holy Ghost upon
the Apostles. It is enclosed in a border, of octavo size, and belongs to
a series of engravings for a book of Hours published by Guillaume Merlin
in 1548.[382] The engraver's mark is in a small circle at the left of the
foot of the border. Beside it is an angel holding two shields in which are
the letters G. M. (Guillaume Merlin). The frontispiece of the Acts of the
Apostles has a border in which is the date 1537. The same border surrounds
the frontispiece of the Mystery of the Apocalypse, but there it is without
the date. This last-named portion of the volume contains 13 engravings
and a border, in Tory's style, but without the Lorraine cross. One of them
bears the letters P. R. There is a copy at the Bibliothèque Nationale.

       *       *       *       *       *

    III. HOURS OF THE VIRGIN, octavo, in roman type,
    but with the borders 'à la moderne' described on page 128, supra.

This book, printed by Olivier Mallard in 1541, was copied doubtless from
the edition made by Tory about 1531, which I have been unable to examine.
Mallard's edition, of which I have seen a copy on vellum, belonging to
M. Émilien Cabuchet, the painter, and another on paper, consists of
twenty-three octavo signatures, A to Y. The title-page reads; HORÆ
Cassé.) Parisiis, apud Oliverium Mallardum, sub signo Vasis Effracti,
1541. The last page, on which is printed a curious 'prescription against
the plague,' ends thus: 'Excudebat Parisiis Oliverius Mallard, bibliopola
regius, sub signo Vasis Effracti.'...

In this edition there are 16 different borders; each leaf has the same
border on both recto and verso. There are also 16 of the engravings of the
sixteenmo Hours of 1529, those not reproduced being nos. 1, 19 and 21 of
that edition.

The word 'Rom.' printed on the first page of each signature leads me to
believe that Mallard published at the same time, in the same format, an
edition of Hours 'ad usum Parisianum,' but I have found no trace of such
an edition.

After Olivier Mallard's death, which occurred, as I have said heretofore,
in 1542, his typographical outfit seems to have been acquired by Thielman
Kerver II (son of the first Thielman and Iolande Bonhomme, who lived, as
did his father before him, on Rue Saint-Jacques); for he published in 1550
a book of Hours similar to that printed in 1541 by Mallard. It contains
the same borders and the same drawings, but in a different arrangement.
The borders have been lengthened by means of a most ungraceful addition
to the side-pieces; as for the drawings in two parts, no pains has been
taken to place the parts facing each other, so that their meaning would
be uncertain if we had no other editions of the engravings. In fine, this
book is very imperfect. It consists of twenty-two and a half signatures, A
to Y. The title-page reads thus:--

the mark of Thielman Kerver, with the Lorraine cross.) 'Parisiis, apud
Thielmannum Kerver, vico sancti Jacobi, sub signo Cratis. M.D.L.' The
book closes with the curious 'prescription' found in Olivier Mallard's
edition of 1541, which is in these words: 'Approbatissima medicina contra
pestem.--Recipe quantum potes de amaritudine mentis contra peccata
commissa, cum vera cordis contritione, potius libram quam unciam. Hæc
misceantur cum aqua lacrymarum, et facies vomitum per puram confessionem.
Deinde sumas illud sacratiss. electuarium corporis Christi, et tutus eris
a peste.'

The book is printed in red and black. I have seen a copy on paper at
M. Potier's bookshop. There is an imperfect copy at the Bibliothèque
Mazarine, and a perfect one at Sainte-Geneviève.

About the same time there was published a small duodecimo volume of four
signatures, in French, with the same borders. It begins thus: 'Here
follows the method of receiving the blessed sacrament devoutly.' It is
like the book last-described except that it is printed in only one colour,
and that it is a little longer and wider.[383] To lengthen the borders,
sections have been added to them. It is most peculiar that a duodecimo
volume should be larger than an octavo, but the fact is unquestionable:
formats were already beginning to increase in size. Near the end of the
book is a little treatise with this heading: 'Here follows a devout
meditation as to the manner in which thou shouldst ordain and arrange the
whole day,' etc. And after that: 'The life of Madame Sainte-Marguerite,
with prayer to be said for women pregnant and in travail.'

This book is in the Bibliothèque Mazarine, in the same collection as the
last. It contains four small engravings, of which only one seems to me to
belong to Tory: it is the Christ on the Cross, which appears in the quarto
Hours of 1542, now to be described.


I. Hours, according to the Roman use, quarto, in Latin, published
by Olivier Mallard in 1542. This rare volume, of which I know only one
copy, belonging to M. Aerts, of Metz,[384] who himself kindly brought it
to me at Paris, is a reproduction of the Hours printed by Tory in 1531;
the type, however, is smaller. It consists of nineteen signatures of
two quarto sheets _encartées_, signatures A to T. The title-page reads:
TRIPLEX.--Parrhisiis, apud Oliverium Mallard, impressorem Regium.
The rest is as in the edition of 1531. On the last page: 'Parrhisiis, ex
officina Oliverii Mallard, Regii impressoris, Ad insigna Vasis Effracti.
Anno salu. M. D. XLII. Mense Augusti.' Then come the two lines:--

    'Effracti, lector, subeas insignia vasis,
      Egregios flores ut tibi habere queis.'

The table of Easter-Days, on the verso of the title-page, goes from 1542
to 1571; then comes the calendar, in which the order of the edition of
1531 has been followed in the arrangement of the borders, although the
type, being smaller, would have permitted the more regular arrangement of
the edition of 1524-25.

The book is printed in two colours, except signatures B, C, and D, which
are in black only--a most unusual state of things. The engravings are
the same as those of the edition of 1531, but the floriated letters are
different. The Passion, which begins on folio B 3 verso, is enriched by
the small Christ on the Cross which we find in the Hours of 1529, but
without the four additional subjects (bees, etc.), which there accompany
it.[385] It is probable that some accident happened to the plate, and that
only the Christ was saved. We find also in this volume, at the foot of the
border, the crowned C of Queen Claude of France, who had then been dead
about fifteen years.

The Lorraine cross, which had disappeared from several of the larger
engravings as early as the edition of 1531, appears on almost none of them
in that of 1542. For example, it has been expunged from the Birth of Jesus
and the Circumcision. The only ones which retain it are the Visitation,
the Crucifixion, and the Descent of the Holy Ghost. It remains on the
borders also.

Signature E begins with a leaf the recto of which is blank, while on the
verso is the angel of the Annunciation, as in the edition of 1531. The
large plate, the Triumph of the Virgin Mary, is also included in this

       *       *       *       *       *

    AD AUCTE. (Here the figure of St. Dominic holding an open
    book in his left hand, and in the right a staff with the cross
    at the end. At his feet lies a dog. The Lorraine cross is at the
    left.) Venundantur Parisiis, in edibus vidue spectabilis viri
    Thielmanni Kerver, in vico divi Jacobi, sub signo Unicornis, ubi et
    impresse.--M.D. XLII.'

Octavo; signatures A to X, and _a_ to _c_: in all, 26 forms. The
title-page engraving reappears on leaf R 4 verso. The others are not

       *       *       *       *       *


Octavo of 156 unpaged leaves. Calendar from 1541 to 1564. At the bottom of
the last page are the words: 'Imprimé à Troyes chez Jean Lecoq.' Gothic
type, printed in red and black.

The only copy of this book that I have seen is in the Bibliothèque
Publique of Besançon. It has 30 engravings, including the printer's
mark, which is on the title-page. The mark and three other engravings of
the first series are signed with the Lorraine cross. A list of all the
engravings follows:--

First series, .06 mm. by .043 mm.

     1. Printer's mark (signed).
     2. Jesus in the Garden of Olives (signed).
     3. Annunciation of the Virgin.
     4. The Visitation.
     5. The Nativity.
     6. Adoration of the Shepherds.
     7. Adoration of the Magi.
     8. The Presentation in the Temple.
     9. Massacre of the Innocents.
    10. Death of the Virgin (signed).
    11. The Crucifix.
    12. Pentecost.
    13. Bathsheba at the Bath (signed).
    14. Resurrection of Lazarus.
    15. Vision of St. Gregory.

Second series, .034 mm. by .022 mm.

     1. The Trinity.
     2. Death piercing with a Spear the Great Men of Earth.
     3. St. Anne.
     4. All Saints.
     5. Ecce Homo.
     6. The Virgin.
     7. The Beheading of St. John Baptist.
     8. St. Sebastian.
     9. St. Nicholas.
    10. St. Martin.
    11. St. Catherine.
    12. St. Barbara.
    13. Our Lady of Pity.
    14. Virgo Gloriosa.
    15. Our Lady of the Seven Sorrows.

    THEOLOGIE.... Imprimé nouvellement par Denys Janot, demourant
    en la rue Neufve Nostre Dame, à l'enseigne Sainct Jehan Baptiste,
    pres Saincte Geneviefve des Ardens.

Sixteenmo, 1542. On the verso of the title-page is an engraving signed
with the Lorraine cross. It represents the Virgin standing on a
crescent, holding the child Jesus in her arms, and surrounded by a halo.
(Bibliothèque Nationale.)


    Egnatius, translated by G. Tory.[386]

There were several other editions of these chronicles. M. Hippolyte
Boyer mentions one of 1541, in his 'Histoire des Imprimeurs et Libraires
de Bourges' (8vo, Bourges, 1854), p. 27; Antoine du Verdier, another,
of 1543, in his Bibliothèque françoise. This much is certain--that M.
Renouvier owned a copy, with illustrations, dated 1544. It is an octavo,
'for sale by Charles l'Angelier, in the "grand'salle du Palais."' It
contains 112 leaves (signatures A to O), plus 4 unnumbered leaves. The
engravings are of two sorts: the first represents an emperor on horseback,
carrying a battle-axe; there is no mark, but it is engraved with much
delicacy and distinguished by the little cartouches of which Tory was so
fond; this figure is reproduced several times. The others are busts of
emperors, roughly engraved, which cannot be Tory's. It may be noted that
the edition published by Tory in 1530 contains no engravings.


    Estienne. Folio, Simon de Colines, 1545.

There are in this book about sixty large anatomical plates. Five are
signed with the Lorraine cross--folios 149, 150, 151, 154, 155. The last
four bear also the name of Jollat, with the dates 1530, 1531, 1532. Here
is what M. Renouvier has to say on the subject: 'Simon de Colines ...
employed another wood-engraver of some note, Mercure Jollat, to whom
Papillon attributed almost all of our gothic books of Hours. He should
be reckoned only among the engravers of an altogether modernized manner.
His name is written Iollat, the first letter in the zodiacal sign of
Mercury, followed by the dates 1530, 1531, and 1532, and accompanied by
the Lorraine cross, on four plates of Charles Estienne's book on the
dissection of the human body, representing the cadaver in its skin and
the cadaver with the skin removed. The drawing of the figures has been
attributed, even by Brulliot, to Woeiriot; but it is really the work of
the surgeon Estienne Rivière, who is named on the title-page and in the
preface as the painter of the bones, ligaments, and all the anatomical
details. His initials, S. R., appear on a tablet hanging from the branches
of a tree in the first plate. The engraving, which varies considerably,
would seem to be the work of different hands, or, at least, to have come
from an establishment which practised diverse styles and which sometimes
put forth work done by apprentices. The workmanship of the plates with
Jollat's mark seemed to me more monotonous--not unskilful although less
picturesque. I am not now passing upon their scientific merit, but upon
their picturesque interest simply.'[387]

The inscription of Jollat's name on plates marked with the Lorraine cross
seems, at first glance, quite hard to explain, especially with the general
opinion concerning the former of these artists, based on Papillon's
statements. But as the story of Jollat's work as an engraver still remains
to be told, I think I may safely say that he simply designed the plates
that bear his name in Charles Estienne's book, and that they were engraved
by Tory, or, at least, in his workshop. We have seen, in fact, that Tory
was Simon de Colines' favourite engraver. To be sure, M. Renouvier seems
to be of opinion that all the plates were designed by Estienne Rivière,
whence he concludes that the engraving is by Jollat; but this is a
mistaken opinion, based on a sentence in the preface. Rivière, who was a
friend of Charles Estienne, may have designed the majority of the plates
in Charles Estienne's book, and yet not have designed all of them. Those
signed Jollat evidently belong to that artist, who seems to have designed
a number of them before the work was placed in Rivière's hands.

I am confirmed in my belief that Jollat was the designer of the plates in
question by the fact that his name is always accompanied by the dates, and
that those dates are not those of the engraving, which I propose to prove.
There are only five plates signed with Jollat's name and with the Lorraine
cross in the Latin edition of Charles Estienne's book, published by Simon
de Colines in 1545. In the following year the same printer issued a French
edition of this work, under the title, 'La Dissection des parties du corps
humain' (folio, 1546), in which we find two additional plates so marked
and dated 1532. Why did not these plates appear in the first edition, if
they were engraved by Jollat?

But here is another fact even more conclusive. In 1575 the bookseller
Jacques Kerver published a volume of engravings without text, entitled
'Les Figures et portraicts des parties du corps humain' (folio), in which
we find not only the seven engravings with the cross, of the edition of
1546, but three others, also bearing Jollat's mark and the Lorraine cross,
and dated 1533. Evidently these plates appeared in some earlier edition,
unknown to me,[388] for it was not Kerver who had them engraved; he simply
made use of the woodcuts of which he had become the owner. But why did
they not appear in the edition of 1546? That is a matter easily explained.

Charles Estienne informs us in the preface to his book that the printing
was well advanced in 1539, but that it was interrupted by a lawsuit. We
give his own words in the French edition of 1546: 'All of which things
were well-nigh finished in the year 1539, and almost so far as the middle
of the third book printed, when, by reason of a suit that was begun, we
were forced (to your great discontent, methinks) to lay aside this work
and to desist from the completion thereof; for so long that in the mean
time it has been possible for many others to invent new ideas touching
this matter, and to make use at their will of many sheets filled with our
writings; for it was not possible for the printer so closely to safeguard
his book, so long suppressed, that some persons curious to learn of novel
things might not take away some sheets, still uncorrected, and send them
into Germany.'

Now let us see what was the cause of this suit. Charles Estienne does not
inform us, but it has been disclosed by M. Ambroise Didot, in his 'Essai
sur la Gravure.' The famous Vésale had published at Venice, in 1538,
through the printer B. Vitalis, a treatise on anatomy, embellished with
numerous plates, which was copied in several places, and notably in Paris,
despite the privilege granted by the Republic. Later, wishing to issue a
new and improved edition of his book, Vésale applied to Oporin, professor
of Greek, and printer at Basle, to whom he sent his plates, which had been
engraved at Venice by Calcar, a pupil of Titian. In 1543 Oporin finished
printing this new edition, for which the author had, no doubt, obtained
privileges from various sovereigns, especially from the King of France.
This seems to be proved by the suit instituted against Charles Estienne.
That is why the latter could not publish, in his edition of 1545, all the
plates which he had had made, and which appeared only at intervals as the
date of Vésale's privilege was left behind. As we have seen, he gives it
to be understood in his preface that it was he who was robbed in Germany.

As this is a favourable opportunity, I will say a few words concerning
Jacques Kerver's publication, of which I have never seen any mention,[389]
but which is of great interest to us. It is a folio volume, containing
61 large plates besides a considerable number of small ones. There is
no other text than the explanations printed on the plates,[390] and a
brief note to the reader, which begins thus: 'Friend reader, seeing that
medicine is not at all essential to preserve the health and to banish all
diseases, which often, on slight occasion, assail us, and that anatomy, or
the description of the parts of the human body, mainly serves us therein,
I have determined not to fail to exhibit them to you here.' We give a
description of those plates in the book which are of interest to us.

_Plates which appear only in Kerver's volume._

1. The human body in its relation to the signs of the zodiac (folio A 2
verso). This bears Jollat's name, the date 1533, and the Lorraine cross.

2 and 3. The human body in its relation to the seven planets (folio A 3
recto and verso). These two bear the same marks as the preceding.

_Plates which appear in the edition of 1546._

4. Skeleton seen from the left side (folio 11 of the edition of 1546, and
A 3 verso of that of 1575). Jollat's name, the Lorraine cross, no date.

5. Skeleton seen from the right side (folio 11, 1546, folio A 5 verso,
1575). Jollat's name, the date 1532, and the Lorraine cross.

_Plates which appear in all three editions._

6. Man flayed, front view (folio 149, 1545; folio 151, 1546; folio B 2
recto, 1575). The cross alone.

7. Man flayed, right side (folio 150, 1545; folio 152, 1546; folio B 2
verso, 1575). Jollat's name, the date 1532, and the Lorraine cross.

8. Man flayed, rear view (folio 151, 1545; folio 153, 1546; folio B 3
recto, 1575). The same marks as in the last case.

9. Man in his skin, front view (folio 154, 1545; folio 160, 1546; folio B
3 verso, 1575). The same marks as in the last case.

10. Man in his skin, rear view (folio 155, 1545; folio 161, 1546; folio B
5 recto, 1575). The same marks, with the date 1531.

Many others of the plates may belong to Tory, but as they are not marked,
I shall not speak of them here.

       *       *       *       *       *

Something analogous to what I have just described took place with
reference to the engravings of Tory's Hours. Having become the property
of the Kervers, as we have seen,[391] they were used by them for a long
while. We shall mention later the octavo Hours published by Thielman II
in 1550, 1552, and 1556, in which he utilized the woodcuts of the edition
published by Olivier Mallard in 1541. His son Jacques did better than
that: in 1574 he published a large octavo edition of the Hours of the
Virgin, in which he used the woodcuts of the quarto editions issued by
Tory himself in 1524 and 1527. As the crosses were removed in almost every
instance, one might have some right to deny their source, were not the
books published by Tory a half century before, at our hand to demonstrate
it. Jacques Kerver's book being rare, and of a date subsequent to the
period covered by my work, it seems to me that it may be well to give a
bibliographical description of it, from the copy owned by M. Chedeau,
which M. Potier, bookseller, has kindly furnished me.

'Officium beatæ Mariæ Virginis nuper reformatum et Pii V, pont.
max., jussu editum.--Apud Jacobum Kerver, via Jacobea, sub insigni
Unicornis.--1574.' Large octavo, with illustrations from the quarto
edition published by Tory in 1524-1525, surrounded by borders taken from
Tory's quarto edition of 1527, but reduced in size, mutilated, transposed,

Here is a list of the plates:--

    1. The Annunciation (two plates).
    2. The Salutation.
    3. The Nativity.
    4. The Adoration of the Shepherds.
    5. The Adoration of the Magi.
    6. The Circumcision.
    7. The Flight into Egypt.
    8. The Coronation of the Virgin.
    These eight plates are repeated three times. Then come:--
    9. The Triumph of Death.
    10. David's Penance.
    11. Jesus on the Cross.
    12. Pentecost.

Number 8 is taken from the quarto Hours of 1527; but all the others are in
the Hours of 1524-1525. Numbers 2 and 12 still bear the Lorraine cross.

There is no doubt in my mind that the Kervers printed also the quarto
Hours (1531) which I mentioned on page 201, and in which we find the
borders of the Hours of 1524-1525, and the porticoes of the opuscula of
1530-1531. The plates are not signed and cannot be Tory's, but as a list
of them may assist in the discovery of this edition, I will mention here
those which are at the Bibliothèque Nationale:--

    1. The Annunciation.
    2. The Conception.
    3. The Visitation.
    4. The Nativity.
    5. The Circumcision.
    6. The Resurrection.
    7. The Descent of the Holy Ghost.
    8. All Saints.
    9. The Trinity.


We place under this date three books of Hours which introduce us to
certain engravings signed with the Lorraine cross accompanied by initials.
1547 is not the exact date of the engravings to which we refer, for we
shall see that they are of earlier execution; but their first appearance
is so uncertain that we are forced to fall back upon the definite date
supplied by the books in question.

       *       *       *       *       *


Octavo. On the first page: 'The present hours according to the use of Tou
[_sic_], in full, _sans requerir_, newly printed at Paris.' (Here the mark
of François Regnault.) 'For sale in Paris, Rue Saint Jacques, at the sign
of the Elephant, opposite the Mathurins, by Françoys Regnault's widow.'

On the verso is a table of Easter-Days for thirteen years, beginning in
1547. Next comes a calendar, with engravings and verses (some in Latin,
some in French), the 'Jours moralisez,' divers moral and religious axioms,
in verse and in prose, and, lastly, the four Gospels of the Passion, in
Latin. All these form the first part, with a special series of signatures,
_aa_ to _ee_. It is more than likely that this first part, which has no
application to any particular diocese, is printed, in the same form,
in the Hours which Veuve Regnault probably printed for other churches
about the same time. In signatures _cc_ and _ee_ there is an engraving
representing Jesus on the Cross, signed with the letters I, L, B and the
Lorraine cross, which appears in several other publications of the same

The second part of the book comprises the Hours properly so-called,
according to the ritual of the church of Toul. This part is made up of
eight signatures, _a_ to _h_, the word _Tou_ being printed on the first
page of each sheet.

The volume contains a hundred leaves in all. In addition to the
bookseller's mark and the engraving signed with the Lorraine cross, there
are 55 large woodcuts, most of which are signed with the initials I, M
(without the cross), a few small engravings, and a large number of letters
in grisaille, but no borders.

With a copy of these Hours, which I have seen, was bound the following

'The fifteen effusions of the blood of our Saviour and Redeemer Jesus
Christ, by Barbe Regnault, Rue Saint Jacques, at the sign of the Elephant,
opposite the Mathurins.' Eight leaves in two octavo folds, enriched with
fifteen pretty woodcuts, interspersed through the text, and marked, like
the one mentioned above, which is one of them, with the letters I, L, B
and the Lorraine cross.

This little volume is undated, but it is known that Barbe Regnault
succeeded her mother, Madeleine Boursette, widow of François Regnault,
who was carrying on the business as late as 1555. So that the engravings
with the initials I, L, B might be of later date than that; but we have
seen that one of them had already appeared in the first part of the book;
therefore they are of earlier date than 1547.

Here is a list of these engravings, which are the same ones mentioned by
M. Robert-Dumesnil under date of 1599:--

     1. The Circumcision.
     2. Jesus in the Garden of Olives.
     3. The Apprehension of Jesus.
     4. Jesus Beaten with Rods.
     5. Jesus before Pontius Pilate.
     6. Jesus King of the Jews.
     7. Jesus Bearing his Cross.
     8. Jesus Stripped of his Clothing.
     9. Jesus on the Cross.
    10. Same subject (without initials).
    11. Same subject (again without initials).
    12. Same subject (with initials and without the cross).
    13. Erection of the Cross.
    14. Jesus between the two Thieves.
    15. Same subject (without cross or initials).

All of these are 4½ centimetres high and 5 wide.

The 'Fifteen Effusions' was reprinted frequently during the sixteenth
century, in different formats and in different type, but with the same
engravings, and almost always without date, because it was added to
other books. I have, however, seen one copy in large type, dated 1584
(Bibliothèque Nationale). These same engravings appear, with many others,
in a work entitled 'Abrégé des Méditations de la vie de Jésus-Christ';
octavo, Paris, Guillaume Chaudière, 1599.

       *       *       *       *       *

    IMPRESSE ET EMENDATE. (Here the Triumph of the Virgin, an old
    engraving with criblé background, with legends in gothic type, which
    figures in all the Hours of this period.) 'On les vend a Paris, en
    la rue Sainct Jacques, par la veufve Jehan de Brie, a l'enseigne de
    la Lymace, pres Sainct Yves.'

On the verso of the title, 'a calendar for XI years,' beginning
with 1548. Each month has its engraving, and the usual illustration is
placed within a circle; they are not signed.

Printed in red and black, in large gothic type, the work consists of 8
preliminary leaves and 16 folios of text, signatures A to Q, with the
letters _Pa_ (Paris). The folios do not begin until signature B, and
run without a break to the end of signature Q. On the last page of this
signature are these words: 'These present hours according to the use of
Paris, with several noble eulogies of Our Lady, have been printed by
Veufve Jehan de Brye [_sic_], living on rue sainct Jacques, at the sign
of the Snail, near Sainct Yves.--M. D. XLVIII.'

Then follow 12 leaves of appendix, ending with a figure of the Virgin,
over which are the words 'Nostre Dame de Lorette,' in roman capitals. At
the foot of the page: 'Ave Sanctissima Maria,' etc. (5 lines in gothic

This curious volume is preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale.

Besides the 12 small engravings of the calendar, there are several other
small subjects, also unsigned, and 13 large ones with the letters L, R,
and the double cross. These latter, which measure 10 centimetres in height
and 7 in width, are as follows:--

1. St. John writing his Gospel.

2. The Annunciation.

3. The Visitation.

4. The Crucifixion.

5. The Descent of the Holy Ghost upon the Apostles (with the initials, but
without the cross).

6. The Birth of Jesus.

7. The Annunciation to the Shepherds.

8. The Adoration of the Magi.

9. The Circumcision.

10. The Coronation of the Virgin.

11. The Penance of David. He is saying to the Father Eternal these words,
which are written in a scroll: 'I who have sinned.'[392]

12. The Last Judgement.[393]

13. Notre-Dame de Lorette.

As I have said heretofore (supra, p. 149), the first twelve of these are
improved copies of other, unsigned engravings, belonging to Thielman
Kerver I, which appear in many books published by him or by his widow,
Iolande Bonhomme, at least as early as 1522,[394] and which we find again
in the Paris missal published by their son Jacques in 1559.

M. Brunet[395] suggests a very plausible theory, to the effect that the
engravings signed L. R. were executed by Louis Royer, who was in fact
the first to use them, in a book of Hours entitled: 'Horæ beatæ Mariæ ad
usum Rom.'; duodecimo, gothic type, with the mark of Jean de Brie, and
the following words at the foot: 'Parisiis, impressum in vico Jacobi per
Claudium Chevallon, impensis Ludovici Royer, librarii Parisiensis, in
eodem vico commorante, ad insigne vulgariter dictum la Lymace.'

The book is not dated; but we see, on the one hand, that it was printed
by Claude Chevallon, who died in 1542, and, on the other hand, that Louis
Royer, at whose expense it was printed, had succeeded Jean de Brie at the
sign of the Snail. Now, the latter died about 1522; so that it was between
1522 and 1542 that this book saw the light, and that the engravings with
the letters L. R. first appeared.

We know nothing of this Louis Royer, whom Lottin does not mention. Nor
do we know any more of Jean de Brie's widow, who seems to have succeeded
Louis Royer. And, as if everything in this matter were fated to remain
obscure, we find other octavo Hours according to the use of Rome, in
French gothic type, undated, but with a calendar from 1568 to 1578,
printed with the same woodcuts, and for sale 'at Paris, on Rue Saint
Jacques, at the sign of the Snail'; with no other details. In the book we
have described we find also:--

1. The Virgin and the Child Jesus (signed with the letters L. R. and the

2. Jesus betrayed by Judas (same marks).

3. Jesus bearing his Cross (same marks).

4. Jesus on the Cross (same marks).

5. Jesus in the Tomb (same marks).

6. The Resurrection (same marks).

7. The Flight into Egypt (same marks).

8. Job (unsigned).

9. Jesus at Emmaüs (unsigned).

       *       *       *       *       *


Octavo, gothic type; printed in red and black. This book, which I saw at
the sale of M. Chedeau's library, is illustrated with engravings, most
of them signed with the Lorraine cross, to which the initials G. M. are
sometimes added. They are 8 centimetres high by 55 millimetres wide. The
list follows:--

1. Saint John writing his Gospel (unsigned).

2. The Annunciation (unsigned).

3. The Visitation (signed with the Lorraine cross and the initials G. M.).

4. The Nativity (signed with the Lorraine cross only).

5. The Annunciation to the Shepherds (the cross only).

6. The Adoration of the Magi (the cross only).

7. The Circumcision (the cross only).

8. The Flight into Egypt (unsigned).

9. The Coronation of the Virgin (the cross only).

10. The Descent of the Holy Ghost upon the Apostles (signed with the
letters G. M. and the Lorraine cross in a small circle).

11. Jesus on the Cross (the cross only).

12. Bathsheba (the cross only).

13. Job (the cross only).

We think that we can safely attribute the designing of these engravings to
Guillaume Merlin, the publisher of this book of Hours. They must, at all
events, be much earlier than 1548, for we have already seen one of them
(no. 10) in a book of 1541 (supra, p. 217).

Guillaume Merlin also published about 1559 a book of Hours embellished
with engravings signed with the Lorraine cross. It is entitled: 'Heures à
l'usage de Romme' [_sic_], and is undated, but has a calendar from 1559
to 1570. It is a small octavo, printed in gothic characters, in red and
black. At the end are the words: 'Printed by Jean Bridier.'

We find in this volume, which was in M. Chedeau's library, 12 engravings
representing the twelve months of the year. Three of them are signed with
the Lorraine cross, namely, January, May and December. The others have no
mark. They are 10 centimetres high by 7 wide. On folio 62 verso is the
Virgin holding the Child Jesus. She is within an aureole of flames, with
her feet on a crescent.


    THEODORI BEZÆ VEZELII POEMATA. Paris, Conrad Bade, 1548.

Octavo of 100 pages printed in italic type. This is the first edition of
this book and contains a portrait of Théodore de Bèze signed with the
Lorraine cross. It is the oldest portrait that we know. Below it are the
following verses, alluding to a laurel wreath which Théodore has in his

    Vos docti docta præcingite tempora lauro:
      Mi satis est illam uel tetigisse manu.


The inscription 'An. 29,' at the top of the portrait, indicates that it
was engraved in the same year that the book was printed; for Théodore de
Bèze, born at Vezelay June 24, 1519, completed his twenty-ninth year in
1548, the date of the dedicatory epistle of this book, which the author
addressed to his teacher, Melchior Volmar. 'Vale. Lutetiæ, VII.
cal. Iul. qui dies est mihi natalis.' The mark of Conrad Bade, also signed
with the Lorraine cross, is on the first page of this book, which was
finished on July 15, 1548. 'Lutetiæ, Roberto Stephano, regio typographo,
et sibi, Conradus Badius excudebat, idibus Julii M. D. XLVIII.'
It was shortly after, in this same year, that Théodore de Bèze, on
recovering from a severe illness, withdrew to Geneva, and abjured 'the
papacy, as he had sworn to God to do at the age of sixteen.' The portrait
has been reproduced on copper; there is a copy of the reproduction in the
collection of Tory's work at the Bibliothèque Nationale.

[Illustration: LVCHINVS]



Quarto of 199 pages. Paris, 1549. This book is a faithful copy of the
manuscript of the same work, preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale.[396]
It is embellished with beautiful letters in grisaille with criblé
background, and with portraits of the ten dukes of Milan who figure in
the manuscript. These portraits, all marked with the Lorraine cross,
are faithful reproductions of those in the manuscript, but on a smaller
scale. Following is a list of the portraits, taken by Paulus Jovius from
originals which existed in his day and of which he gives, in each case,
the place where it may be found:--

1. Otho archiepiscopus. 2. Matthæus magnus. 3. Galeacius primus. 4.
Actius. 5. Luchinus. 6. Joannes archiepiscopus. 7. Galeacius secundus. 8.
Barnabas. 9. Joannes Galeacius primus. 10. Philippus.

There is a French translation of this book, printed in 1552 by Charles
Estienne (Robert was then in exile at Geneva), with the same plates.
As for the Latin version, it was reprinted several times, in different
places, with engravings on copper copied from those of Robert Estienne's

       *       *       *       *       *


Quarto; Paris, Jacques Roffet, called 'Le Faulcheur,' 1549.

This book, of 38 leaves, consists of two parts: the 'Entrée du roi,' of
28 leaves, and the 'Entrée de la reine,' in which the pagination is
repeated, but with different signatures. The privilege, dated Chantilly
the last day of March, 1548 (1549 new style), grants to Roffet the sole
right to have printed and to offer for sale during one year 'the treatise
_which is to be written_ concerning the recent, joyful entrée,' etc.


There were two editions of this book, or, at all events, there are some
copies with additions to the second part--after folio 34. There are also
copies with the imprint of Jean Dallier. A list of the engravings follows:

1. A portico, above which we see Hercules holding, bound together by
the ears (by means of a chain issuing from his mouth and representing
eloquence), a wood-chopper, a soldier, a priest, and a noble (folio 4).
I can find no mark on this piece, but it is a reproduction of the Gallic
Hercules of 'Champ fleury.'

2. A fountain (folio 5 verso).

3. A triumphal arch surmounted by the arms of France (folio 9).

4. An obelisk on a rhinoceros (folio 11). The cross is under the left foot
of the rhinoceros.

5. A peristyle with pillars (folio 13).

6. A triumphal arch surmounted by three nude men, one of whom holds a
standard (folio 15).

7. A large vaulted hall, on the ceiling of which are H's and D's (folio
16). The cross is in a portico at the left.

8. A mounted man, armed (folio 19). The cross is in the horse's harness,
on the breastplate, a little below his mouth.

9. A triumphal arch, with two pillars (one on each side) surmounted by a
man on horseback (folio 38). The cross is on the left-hand pillar.

10. A portico with two openings, separated by a pillar against which rests
the statue of a woman standing on books (folio 39 verso).

11. A large plate, representing the façade of a palace with three porticos
(folio 40).

Of these eleven plates only four are signed; but all of them must have
come from Tory's workshop, for the style is the same. The absence of the
signature may be explained by the haste with which the engravings were
executed in order that they might appear at the opportune moment.

I cannot refrain from quoting M. Renouvier's remarks on the engravings in
this book, which, for lack of information, he attributed to Jean Cousin.

'I will, however, mention in this place the "Entrée de Henri II à Paris"
in 1549, because it is the chef-d'œuvre of French wood-engraving, and
because I know of no one to whom it can with more reason be attributed
than to the Sénonais master.[397] If he did not work for the court, he
may very well have been employed upon works for the city. Those which
were executed to commemorate the coronation of Queen Catherine de Medici
are of a manner of composition and a style that belong only to him.
The Gallic Hercules, made in the likeness of the late King François I,
with the four estates of the realm chained to his mouth; the fountain
surmounted by statues of the Seine, the Marne, and Good Fortune; the
triumphal arch bearing a Typhis, whose face strongly resembles that of the
"rex triumphans"; and, lastly, the figure of Lutetia nova Pandora "clad
as a nymph, with her hair falling over her shoulders and drawn about her
face, kneeling on one knee with wondrous grace"; and all the other details
which the artist painted, as happening in the streets through which the
procession passed, and which he included by way of narrative, are in the
refined manner of the French school. The drawing is pure and full of
delicacy, and the engraving so skilfully handled that one cannot believe
it to be by a different hand. It would seem that none but a sculptor
could, within such narrow limits, have set in relief those interesting
faces, designed those graceful figures, and arranged those draperies; and
that sculptor--who could it have been if not the author of the mausoleum
of Admiral Chabot, the French artist who best represented the two sides
of art,--detail and strength, compression and grandeur, gothicism and the

While agreeing with M. Renouvier that these plates were drawn by Jean
Cousin, we may well, it seems to me, attribute the engraving of them to
Tory's workshop.

       *       *       *       *       *

    USUM ROMANUM. (Here a small mark of the printer Chaudière,
    representing Time, with this device, printed from type, occupying
    three sides of the engraving: 'Hanc aciem | sola | retvndit
    virtvs.') 'Parisiis, ex officina Reginaldi Calderii et Claudii ejus
    filii.' 1549.

Large quarto, divided into signatures of two sheets, _a_ to _y_ (the _k_,
probably because that letter was lacking in the font used, is represented
by an _l_ and a _z_ joined together), or 22 signatures of 8 leaves, making
176 leaves; printed in red and black.

This volume corresponds in all respects with the one issued by Simon de
Colines in 1543[399]; but the Chaudières (Simon de Colines's successors)
have removed a French inscription which appeared below the third plate
(the Angelic Salutation) in the edition of 1543; and they have removed all
the dates inscribed in the borders of that edition. These dates are: 1536,
which appeared in large figures in a cartouche at the foot of the border
of folio _b_ 4 of the edition of 1543; 1537, in a cartouche at the foot
of the sixth plate (the Annunciation to the Shepherds); and 1539, in two
small cartouches at the top of the border of folio _a_ 2; so that all the
cartouches are empty in this edition of 1549.

I know of only two copies of this edition, one belonging to M. Kühnholtz,
the learned librarian of the Faculty of Medicine of Montpellier, the
other offered for sale at Claudin's bookshop in 1860. This last copy, in
a state of perfect preservation, is still in its original binding, with
S's _barré_, and small tortoises (_tortues_) in wreaths of olive. These
are the allusive[400] arms of the Tourteron family near Attigny. There is
also, on one of the fly-leaves at the front of the book, a large tortoise
coloured from life, on a red ground, in a green olive wreath; and at the
four corners a monogram of an I and two G's, the initials of the original
owner's baptismal names. The volume afterwards belonged to J.-F. Corel du
Clos, priest and canon, who wrote his name on the title-page and pasted
his arms, engraved on copper, in an empty space at the foot of folio _h_ 3
verso. Du Clos seems to have parted with it to the Cordeliers of Rheims,
in whose library it remained doubtless until the Revolution.

       *       *       *       *       *

    LE 13 NOVEMBRE 1549.

A large folio of more than 600 leaves, printed at Paris by François
Girault. The privilege, in the name of Sertenas, bookseller, is dated
October 1, 1549. It was issued evidently while the printing was in
progress, for it is impossible that the volume was made in a month and a

On the first page is the fine frontispiece of the Dream of Poliphilus,
above which is the mark of Jacques Kerver. There is but one way to explain
this fact, and that is to assume that Kerver was the printer of the book.
It may be that there are copies in his name. In that case he may have
furnished the border, which was left in all the copies.

On the second leaf is the representation of the 'Ymage de nostre Dame de
Verdun,' with the Lorraine cross. The Virgin, seated, has in her right
hand a flower, and in the left the Child Jesus, holding in his left hand
the globe surmounted by a cross. The Virgin's feet rest on a winged
dragon. Below her is a man kneeling, with his coat-of-arms before him.
Presumably it is the author of the book.

After folio cccli, which concludes the first volume, comes the second
volume, the pagination of which follows on. The title-page of this volume,
while it is set in the border of the Poliphilus, differs slightly from
that of the first. It reads thus: 'Second volume des antiquités de la
Gaule Belgique et de plusieurs principautez contenues en icelle, extraites
soubs les vies des evesques de Verdun, par M. Richard de Wassebourg.... On
les vend à Paris, en la gallerie du Palais, par Vincent Sertenas, libraire
audit lieu. Et aussi, se vend en la cité de Verdun.' On the verso is the
engraving described above. The Lorraine cross is under the dragon's tail.


       *       *       *       *       *


Folio, roman type, Paris, Estienne Groulleau, 1549. There are copies also
with the imprint of Longis, and others with that of Sertenas.

This volume contains numerous engravings, large and small; but only 31 of
them are different, many being repeated once, twice, or thrice. Three are
signed with the Lorraine cross, as follows:--

Folios 5 verso, 64 verso, 89 verso, and 183. Vessels manned by soldiers. A
woman stands near the shield of him who seems to be in command.[401]

Folio 46. A knight armed cap-à-pie standing in the recess of a portico.
His right foot is hidden by a sort of altar whereon are the names of
Madanil, Bruneo, Agradiis, and Amadis.[402]

Folio 48. Bird's-eye view of a château which has been besieged, at whose
gate stands a warrior accompanied by a horse and a dog; he is parleying
with the keeper of the gate, who stands at the top of the entrance tower.
This last plate is a superb folio.


       *       *       *       *       *

    I. HORÆ IN LAUDEM, etc.

Hours of the Virgin according to the use of Rome, in Greek and Latin.

Small sixteenmo, Paris, Jean de Roigny, 1550. Printed in red and black.
One of the engravings, on leaf 113, representing the Sacrifice of David,
is signed with the Lorraine cross. The others are not signed, but are
absolutely in the same style; they are: the Annunciation, folio 38
(repeated on 105), and the Resurrection of Lazarus, folio 133.[3]

       *       *       *       *       *

    EDUENSIS.--Parisiis, apud Iolandam Bonhomme, viduam Thielmani
    Kerver, in via Jacobea, sub Unicorni.

Small octavo, 1550. On the first page are the arms of Cardinal Hippolyte
d'Este, Bishop of Autun, signed with the Lorraine cross.[403]

       *       *       *       *       *


Translated by Vernassal. Folio, Paris, 1550.

This fine volume, printed by Pasquier Letellier for the bookseller Vincent
Sertenas, for whom Tory had engraved a mark, contains fifty engravings
in the text. A single one is signed with the Lorraine cross: it is found
on folio 137 verso, and represents a lion fawning upon a woman who sits
beside a fountain.

There are copies of this book in the names of other booksellers--Étienne
Groulleau, Jean Longis, etc.; but the privilege is in the name of
Sertenas.[404] At the end of the volume is a note to the reader by
Letellier. 'Dear reader,' he says, 'if you have noticed, on reading this
book, the common orthography changed in some words, even as to the double
letter, which is not pronounced according to the true French method,
think not that that is of my doing, but that it accords with the earnest
recommendation of the author.'

       *       *       *       *       *

    CLUNIACENSIS, etc. Here the vignette described below, followed
    by this imprint: 'Prostat Parisiis, apud Iolandam Bonhomme, in via
    Jacobea, sub Unicorni, ubi et impressum est.--Anno D. M. CCCCC.

This missal is embellished, on the title-page, with a cut signed with the
Lorraine cross, and representing Saint Peter and Saint Paul, patron saints
of the Abbey of Cluny. This cut appears in other parts of the book, where
we find also the two large cuts hitherto described (page 214) as included
in the Missal of Paris, of 1539, published by order of Jean de Bellay. We
find also a Saint John Baptist, with the Paschal Lamb under his left arm,
and pointing to it with his right hand. This cut, which is signed in two
different places, is on folio 49 of the second part. It is of quarto size.

The book is in two parts, paged separately. The two large engravings are
on folios 116 and 117 of the first part. At the end of the Missal proper,
which is followed by a few other leaves, are these words: 'Ex officina
chalcographica matrone clarissime Iolande Bonhomme, vidue industrii
viri Thielmanni Kerver, Parisiis, in via Jacobea, sub Unicorni, anno D.
millesimo quingentesimo quinquagesimo, idib. septembris.'

There are several copies of this book in the Bibliothèque Nationale. In
two of them the miniaturists have substituted for the date 1538, printed
on one of the large cuts, the dates on which they coloured it--1559 and
1567, respectively. It is well to call attention to such details as these,
which may give rise to mistakes.

We also find in the Cluny Missal the unsigned drawings to which I have
previously referred[405] and which are in the Paris Missals of 1539 and

       *       *       *       *       *

    PARIS. (Here a vignette representing the Virgin under a
    portico; at the foot the letters F. R., initials of François
    Regnault, deceased husband of Madeleine Boursette.) 'A Paris, par
    Magdaleine Boursette, à l'enseigne de l'Elephant, à la rue Sainct

On the verso of the title-page a table of Easter-Days from 1550 to 1566.

Sixteenmo, in signatures of 8 leaves. The work is in two parts; the first
has 168 numbered leaves, signatures A to X; the second part has only 32
leaves, signatures A to D. Roman type, double columns, printed in red
and black. On the recto of folio 168 of the first part, at the foot, are
these words: 'Parisiis excudebat Stephanus Mesviere in ædibus Vindocimis,
ex adverso collegii Becodiani.--1550.' And on the last leaf of the second
part: 'Cy finent ces presentes Heures a l'usaige de Romme, en latin et en
françoys, nouvellement imprimées à Paris, par Estienne Mesviere, demourant
a l'hostel de Vendosmes, devant le college de Boncourd.--M. D. L.'

This precious book, of which I know of but one copy, owned by M.
Silvestre, author of 'Les Marques Typographiques,' contains many
engravings. The principal ones are:

    Folio  5 recto, Saint John writing his Gospel (signed).
          12 recto, Jesus at prayer in the Garden of Olives.
          33 recto, The Angelic Salutation (signed).
          47 verso, The Visitation (signed).
          56 verso, The Nativity of Jesus (signed).
          60 recto, The Annunciation to the Shepherds (signed).
          63 verso, The Adoration of the Magi (signed).
          67 recto, The Presentation in the Temple (signed).
          70 verso, The Flight into Egypt (signed).
          77 recto, The Coronation of the Virgin.
          89 recto, Jesus on the Cross.
          93 verso, The Descent of the Holy Ghost (signed).
          97 verso, The Penance of David (signed).
         109 verso, Job on the Dunghill.
         168 verso, Death (signed).

       *       *       *       *       *

    ROMANUM.--Parisiis, apud Thielmannum Kerver. M. D. L.

On the verso of the last leaf: 'Excudebat Parisiis, Thielmannus Kerver, in
vico sancti Iacobi, sub signo Cratis.--M. D. L.'

Small octavo of 172 unnumbered leaves; signatures A to X of 8 leaves and
Y of 4. Roman type, printed in red and black, with the small borders with
birds, etc., used by Mallard in his Hours of 1541.[406]


    ex typographia Matthæi Davidis, via Amygdalina, ad Veritatis

Quarto of 338 leaves, plus one unnumbered leaf, on which are the words:
'Parisiis, excudebat Matthæus David, prid. calend. nov. [October 31] 1551.

On the title-page is David's mark, with the Lorraine cross. On the verso,
a portrait of Le Duaren, in the shape of a medallion, also signed with
the Lorraine cross. Encircling it, the legend: 'francisc. dvarenvs.

The work opens with an epistle to Marguerite, Duchesse de Berry, and
sister of François I. This letter, dated Paris, the Ides of June, 1550,
is more properly a dedication, for in it Le Duaren mentions the death of
Marguerite, which took place in 1549. He tells us, further, in the title
of this epistle, that it was written before his return to Bourges, which
he had been obliged to leave in 1547, as the result of a love-affair
('antequam Lutetia Parisiorum Avaricum Biturigum migrasset').[408]

       *       *       *       *       *

    II. CICERO'S WORKS (in Latin), published by
    Charles Estienne, from 1551 to 1555, in four folio volumes, usually
    bound in two.

This important work is embellished with a frieze engraved for Robert
Estienne, and signed with the Lorraine cross,--a frieze which appears in
the second volume of the works of Eusebius of 1544.[409] We also find
therein several floriated letters signed with the Lorraine cross.[410]
These are the E, the O, and the S of the medium alphabet,--for there
are three alphabets of different sizes, all three formed by Renaissance
arabesques. The largest is the one used in the folio Eusebius of 1544,
which, consequently, was engraved for Robert Estienne; but it has no
signature. The medium alphabet was, doubtless, engraved for Charles
Estienne in this same year 1551, in which he began to conduct a
printing-office. I cannot say whether any other letters of this medium
alphabet bore the Lorraine cross, for they do not all appear in the book,
but I am sure that the G has none. Of course, after Tory died, the artists
employed in the establishment carried on by his widow had no reason to
select the G rather than another letter.

I give some details concerning this valuable edition, of which M. Didot
owned a copy annotated by Henri Estienne. The text of the first volume,
printed in 1551, as stated in an imprint at the end (dated the 3d of the
Nones of September), exhibits one of the letters mentioned above--the S
(on folios 56 and 298). This volume received later a large title-page
dated 1555, and a dedication, to the Cardinal de Lorraine, also dated 1555
(the 6th of the Kalends of March), on which we find the frieze of the
Eusebius of 1544, signed, and bearing on a medallion Fame distributing
wreaths.[411] The text of the second volume, also of 1551, as I discovered
from an incomplete copy in the library at Montbrison (it has no final
imprint, but on the title-page some one has added III by hand
to the original numerals M. D. LI, so that it might correspond
with the other copies), contains the three floriated letters signed with
the Lorraine cross (folios 47, 122, 230, 313, 388, 398); we find also,
on the title-page, dated 1554, Charles Estienne's small mark described
later.[412] The text of the third volume was probably printed in 1552, but
it has no final imprint. The title-page is dated 1555; it has the small
mark with the Lorraine cross. The fourth bears on the title-page the date
1554, but it was not finished until 1555, as is shown by the final imprint
(3d of the Kalends of March, 1555); the vignette of the title-page is
unlike that in the second and third volumes, although of the same size,
and has not the cross. The work did not appear until 1555, as is shown by
the date on the title-page of the first volume, on which there is another
larger mark, also without the cross.[413]


    GENERALE. (Here the mark of Thielman Kerver, with the Lorraine
    cross.) Imprimé à Paris par Thielman Kerver, demourant rue Sainct
    Jaques, à l'enseigne du Gril.--1552.

Duodecimo, red and black; signatures A to O. Tory's small border with
decorations of birds. Plates of the Hours of 1541.[414]

       *       *       *       *       *

    EXPRIMUNTUR. (Mark of Madeleine Boursette, widow of François
    Regnault; Silvestre, no. 396.) 'Parisiis. Apud viduam Francisci
    Regnault, via Jacobæa.--1552.'

At the end of the volume: 'Parisiis. Excudebat Stephanus Mesviere, in
ædibus Vindocimis, ex adverso collegii Becodiani.'--1552.

Thirty-twomo; 45 signatures (_a_ to _z_, A to Y) of eight leaves each,
or 360 leaves in all. Only the first 350 are numbered; the last 10,
containing the index, are without folios. Printed in very small roman type.

This book contains 120 engravings inserted in the text, and serving
thus 'to illustrate,' as we should say to-day, or 'to express,' as the
publisher says on the title-page, the Gospels and the Apocalypse. Those
relating to the Apocalypse, 22 in number, are of earlier date than the
others, and by another hand. Of those which illustrate the Gospels, many
are signed with the double cross. Although several of them relate to
subjects previously treated in the octavo Hours of 1527 and the sixteenmo
Hours of 1529, the engravings, while they are of nearly the same size, are
different none the less. A list of their titles follows:--

    Folio 2 recto, St. Matthew writing his Gospel.
          3 verso, Adoration of the Magi.
          4 verso, The Flight into Egypt (signed).
          5 recto, Massacre of the Innocents (signed).
          5 verso, Baptism of Jesus.
          6 verso, Jesus carried up into a Mountain (signed).
          8 recto, Jesus bids Simon and Andrew to follow Him (signed).
         12 recto, Jesus curing the Paralytic.
         13 verso, Jesus expelling the Money-changers from the Temple
         16 verso, St. John in Prison (signed).
         18 recto, The Apostles pardoned by Jesus.
         20 recto, Parable of the Sower.
         26 verso, Jesus teaching.
         27 verso, Jesus driving out the Devils (signed).
         30 recto, The Mother and Brothers of Jesus (signed).
         31 recto, Jesus and the Ass.
         31 verso, Jesus entering Jerusalem.
         32 recto, Jesus cursing the Fig-tree.
         33 recto, Parable of the Reapers (signed).
         33 verso, The Vine-Dresser slaying the only Son.
         36 recto, Jesus likens Himself to the Hen.
         37 recto, Jesus arguing with the Doctors (signed).
         39 recto, Parable of the Virgins (signed).
         41 verso, The Lord's Supper.
         47 verso, St. Mark writing his Gospel.
         50 recto, The Apostles pardoned by Jesus (as on p. 18).
         52 verso, One does not hide the Light under a Bushel (signed).
         53 recto, Jesus expelling the Devils, which enter into the
                    Swine (signed).
         56 recto, St. John's head borne by Herodias.
         57 verso, Jesus walking on the Water (signed).
         59 recto, The deaf and dumb Man (signed).
         59 verso, The Miracle of the Loaves.
         60 verso, Jesus curing a blind Man (signed).
         63 verso, Jesus blessing the little Children.
         69 verso, The Magdalen pouring Spices.
         75 verso, St. Luke writing his Gospel.
         77 recto, The Annunciation (signed).
         77 verso, The Visitation (signed).
         79 recto, The Nativity (signed).
         79 verso, The Annunciation to the Shepherds (signed).
         80 verso, The Circumcision (signed).
         81 verso, Jesus among the Doctors (signed).
         82 recto, St. John Baptist preaching (signed).
         83 recto, The Tree not bringing forth Fruits.
         84 verso, Jesus explaining the Writings in the Temple (signed).
         85 verso, Cure of Simon's Mother-in-law (signed).
         87 recto, Cure of the Paralytic (signed).
         88 verso, Jesus effecting Cures.
         90 recto, Jesus curing the Widow's Son (signed).
         97 recto, Jesus sends his Apostles forth to preach the Gospel.
         98 recto, Jesus discoursing to his Disciples.
         98 verso, Parable of the Good Samaritan (signed).
        100 verso, Jesus instructing a Woman (signed).
        101 recto, Jesus dining with a Pharisee (signed).
        107 verso, Return of the Prodigal Son.
        108 verso, The Rich Man in Flames and Lazarus in Abraham's Bosom.
        110 recto, Cure of the ten Lepers (signed).
        111 verso, The Shepherd and the Pharisee.
        112 recto, The Parable of the Camel.
        112 verso, Nicodemus on the Tree.
        118 recto, The Lord's Supper (as on p. 41).
        118 verso, Jesus in the Garden of Olives.
        122 verso, The Disciples at Emmaus.
        124 recto, The Ascension.
        125 verso, St. John writing his Gospel.
        126 verso, The Trinity.
        128 recto, The Marriage at Cana.
        128 verso, Jesus expelling the Money-Changers.
        131 recto, The Woman of Samaria.
        132 verso, Jesus curing the Son of a Wood-sawyer (signed).
        133 verso, The Pool (signed).
        134 recto, Jesus answering the Doctors (signed).
        135 verso, same as on p. 59.[415]
        137 recto, The Withered Hand.
        140 recto, The Woman taken in Adultery (signed).
        142 recto, Jesus leaving the Temple.
        142 verso, Jesus curing the blind Man.
        145 recto, Jesus in flight.
        146 verso, Resurrection of Lazarus (signed).
        147 verso, The Priests deliberating as to putting Jesus to Death
        150 verso, The Lord's Supper (as on pp. 41 and 118).
        155 verso, St. Peter cutting off Malthus's Ear.
        156 recto, Jesus before Caiaphas.
        157 verso, Jesus before Pontius Pilate.
        158 recto, The Scourging.
        158 verso, The Crown of Thorns.
        159 recto, Jesus beneath the Cross.
        159 verso, Jesus Crucified.
        160 verso, Jesus Entombed.
        161 verso, The Women going to the Tomb.
        162 recto, The Women announcing the Resurrection to the Disciples
        162 verso, The Magdalen takes Jesus for the Gardener.
        163 recto, The Ascension (signed).
        312 verso, St. John writing.
        321 verso, St. John receiving the Revelation.
        323 recto, Alpha and Omega.
        326 verso, A Throne erected in Heaven.

Then follow the engravings of the Apocalypse, impossible to describe, and
in an entirely different manner. At the end of the book is an engraving of
the Christ on the Cross, surrounded by rays of light.

       *       *       *       *       *

    ET REDOUTÉ DOM FLORES DE GRECE. Folio, Jean Longis, 1552.

There are many engravings in this book, but only one of them is signed
with the Lorraine cross. That one is on folio 90 verso, and represents
soldiers before a tower. It is reproduced in 'L'Histoire paladine,' folio,
Étienne Groulleau, 1555, on folio 56 verso.


Ronsard's 'LES AMOURS' annotated by Marc-Antoine Muret.

Octavo, printed by Maurice de la Porte's widow, 1553.[416] This edition
of 'Les Amours' is embellished with a portrait of Muret, signed with the
Lorraine cross, and bearing the inscription 'An. XXV,' which proves that
it was engraved that same year, for Muret was born in 1526.[417] This
portrait reappears, but without the inscription, in several other editions
of Ronsard. I will mention particularly the quarto edition of his works,
issued in 1567 by Gabriel Buon, successor to Maurice de la Porte's widow,
and the folio issued in 1623 by Nicolas Buon, Gabriel's son.


    TROUVÉES EN GRECE. By Pierre Belon. Quarto, Paris, 1554.

There were two editions of this book, printed by Benoît Prevost, for
Gilles Corrozet and Guillaume Cavellat, respectively, in 1553 and 1554.
The copies in Corrozet's name bear his mark, signed with the Lorraine
cross. There is a portrait of Belon signed with the cross at the end of
the front matter in the edition of 1554. I have not seen it in any copy
of the edition of 1553, which leads me to think that it had not then been
engraved. And, in effect, the fact that the portrait attributes to Belon
the age of thirty-six years seems to show that it was not drawn until
1554, as Belon is supposed to have been born in 1518. However that may be,
the portrait appeared afterward in several other books by the same author,
and particularly in his 'Histoire de la nature des oiseaux,' folio, 1555.


    Paris, G. Corrozet, 1555.

In this book we find, in addition to the portrait of Belon, seven cuts of
birds, signed with the Lorraine cross. They are: the osprey, folio 96; the
sea-gull, 169; the bustard, 238; the pullet, 252; the loriot, 295; the
woodpecker, 304; the sparrow-hawk, 376. Some of the other engravings in
the volume are signed with a white cross on a black ground.


    NOSTRE TEMPS. Par F. André Thevet, natif d'Angoulesme.--A
    Paris, chez les héritiers de Maurice de la Porte, au clos Bruneau, à
    l'enseigne S. Claude.--1558.

This rare and curious volume is a quarto of 8 preliminary leaves, 166
leaves of text, and 2 of index unnumbered,--in all, 46 signatures. The
privilege, which is printed on the verso of the title-page, is dated
Saint-Germain-en-Laye, December 18, 1556. In the dedication, addressed to
the Cardinal of Sens, Jean Bertrand, first Keeper of the Seals of France,
Thevet says that the country described by him maybe called the fourth part
of the world, 'for that no one has as yet made explorations there, all
geographers thinking that the world is limited to that which the ancients
have described to us.'

There are 41 engravings in the text, not including borders, floriated
letters, and Jean Bertrand's arms on the title-page. Of the 41, only seven
are signed with the double cross; four of these represent scenes in the
life of the American savage,--they are on folios 6 verso, 31 recto, 47
verso, and 151 recto; a fifth represents an extraordinary bird called _pa_
(45 recto); and the other two, plants,--the pineapple (89 verso), and the
cassava (113 verso). The last three appear in André Thevet's 'Cosmographie
Universelle,' published in 1575, in two volumes, folio.[418] The others
also appear in that work, but reëngraved on a larger scale, and without

The seven engravings signed with the double cross cannot have been
executed prior to 1556. For Thevet set out for the New World on November
4, 1555,[419] and remained there four months. So that it was not until
the early months of 1556, at the earliest, that the engravings could have
been executed. But, as the book did not appear until the beginning of
1558,[420] it may be that they were still in process of execution in 1557.

In the same year with the publication of Thevet's 'Singularités,' an
octavo edition appeared at Antwerp, with the imprint of Christophe
Plantin, and a privilege from the King of Spain, dated Brussels, April 20,
1558. The haste with which this reprint was prepared shows the interest
with which the book was regarded. The woodcuts of the Antwerp edition
are nothing more than wretched copies of those in the Paris edition. We
find among them, however, in chapters 56, 58, 67, and 74, cuts of animals
bearing the cipher of Jost Amman.

       *       *       *       *       *

    ROMANUM. (Here the mark of T. Kerver, without the cross.)
    Parisiis, apud Thielman Kerver, in via sancti Jacobi, sub signo

Duodecimo, 1556. Signatures A to M, and A to C vi. Border decorated with
birds, with the small engravings of 1529. M. Niel owns a copy of this
book bound with Tory's toolings. It has the Pot Cassé on the edges.
Another copy, belonging to M. Portalis, is bound with the prayers (in
French) described on page 219.


    HUMAIN.--A Paris, par Jaques Kerver, rue S. Jaques, aux deux

Folio, containing 61 large anatomical plates, several of which are signed
with the Lorraine cross, and dated 1531, 1532, or 1533. This collection
was reprinted in the same form, by the same publisher, in 1575.[421]


Folio; Paris, chez Charles Perier, at the sign of the Bellerophon,[422]

In the same year Perier published an edition of Durer's work in Latin,
similar in every respect to the French edition. It is entitled 'De
Symetria partium humanorum corporum.' I am unable to say which was printed


    apud Ægidium Gorbinum, sub insigne Spei, prope collegium

On the last leaf: 'Parisiis, excudebat Benedictus Prævotius, ad Stellam
Auream, via Frumentello.'

Twenty-fourmo of 278 numbered leaves of text, and 20 unnumbered
preliminary leaves; printed in red and black.

This little volume, printed in Greek and Latin, two columns on a page, was
called to my attention by M. Lornier, barrister, of Rouen. Opposite the
first page of text is a small engraving, signed with the Lorraine cross,
representing the penance of David. David is on his knees, with a book
before him and his harp at his right hand; he is gazing at God the Father,
who is seen in the sky blessing him. Doubtless this engraving appears in
other books of earlier date. It is 73 millimetres high by 55 wide.



A large plate, 35 centimetres in width by 27 in height, divided into two
parts by a tree at the foot of which is Man, thus placed on the boundary
of the two worlds. The tree bears only withered branches on the left side
(the old alliance), whereas, on the right (the new alliance), it is green
and flourishing.

In the compartment at the left we see Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden.
Eve is offering Adam the apple. Beneath them is the word 'peche.'[423]
Lower still is a skeleton on a bier, with the words 'la mort' beneath.
Above the Garden is Mount Sinai, whereon Moses is receiving the tables of
the law; beneath, on the right, the 'terrestrial Jerusalem,' wherein are
devout persons being devoured by serpents, with the serpent of brass in
the midst, and above it the words, 'Similitvde de la ivstification.' Moses
appears on the right; at the left, and a little lower, Hagar and Ishmael;
lower still, the prophet pointing out to Man Jesus on the Cross at the

In the compartment at the right we see God standing on the terrestrial
globe, with the words, 'Iervsalem celeste'; above, 'Mont Sion,' on which
stands a woman's figure, with the words 'La Grace' over her head. An angel
bearing a cross descends from Heaven (where are the words, 'Emmanvel Diev
avec novs') amid rays of light which fall upon the woman. Lower, at the
left, is another angel announcing the birth of Christ to the shepherds.
Near by, at the right, the Christ on the Cross, with the words, 'nostre
ivstice,' and the Paschal Lamb, with the words, 'nostre innocence'; below,
Jesus coming forth from the tomb, with the words, 'nostre victoire'; still
lower, at the left, St. John Baptist pointing out to Man the Christ on the
Cross; the Forerunner is indicated by the words, 'Lenseignevr de Christ,'
in a cartouche; above St. John are Sarah and Isaac.

In each of the compartments is a number of figures which apparently
correspond to some vanished text.[424] There are eight in the one at the
right and nine in the other. 'Man' is marked with a zero. I am unable to
give the origin of this plate, which is in the Cabinet des Estampes in the
Bibliothèque Nationale, and was for a long time attributed to Jean Cousin.
It was M. Devéria who removed it from that artist's work and placed it
with Tory's, whose double cross it bears, at the left, below the cartouche
containing the words 'Lenseignevr de Christ.' I believe that it belongs in
some large folio Bible; for I have seen the subject treated in a more or
less summary fashion[425] on the title-pages of several Bibles, in French
and other languages. I will mention particularly the following, all of
which are in the Bibliothèque Nationale. (1) A French Bible, printed at
Antwerp in 1530, by Martin l'Empereur; (2) A Bible in old Saxon, printed
at Lubeck in 1533 by Ludowich Dietz (the same woodcuts reappear in an
edition in Danish, issued by the same printer, at Copenhagen, in 1550);
(3) A Bible in Latin, from the text of Erasmus, published in 1543 or 1544,
with two engravings by Cranach; (4) A Bible in Flemish, printed at Antwerp
in 1556. I will mention also Luther's Latin Commentaries ('enarrationes')
on the Bible, printed at Nuremberg in 1555, with an engraving on the
title-page dated 1552.

Whatever its source, this drawing was reproduced in 1562, on a large
enamelled plate in tinted grisaille, attributed to Pierre Rexmond,
enameller, at Limoges. The sketch for this plate was published in 1843,
after a copy in the collection of M. Baron, in the volume entitled
'Meubles et Armes du moyen âge,' a large quarto, published by Hauser,
dealer in prints on Boulevard des Italiens.[426] It is no. 127 in the
collection. In this drawing the groups are arranged in chronological
order, the circular form of the plate making it impossible to retain
the arrangement of the engraving. But the various subjects and their
respective inscriptions are identical, save for the errors in orthography
with which the Limousin artist has besprinkled the latter. The two
Jerusalems are separated by two trees, which, starting at the outer border
of the plate, formed of Renaissance arabesques, join their heads at the
centre, where there is a medallion containing the face of Marguerite de
Valois, sister of François I.[427]

This subject has been treated also in a cameo now in the Bibliothèque
Nationale, but in a very summary fashion because of the small size of the
piece, which is only 57 millimetres in width by 72 in height. All the
essential details of the engraving are reproduced. A description of this
interesting cameo will be found under no. 317, in the 'Notice du Cabinet
des médailles,' published by M. Chabouillet, one of the conservators of
that priceless collection. It has been reproduced, too, in the collection
of 'Mémoires de la Société des antiquaires de Morinie,' and the curious
feature of the business is that the engraver has taken for his mark the
arms of the city of Saint-Omer, which are the Lorraine cross.

    Tillet, sieur de la Bussiere, protonotaire et secretaire du roy,
    greffier de son parlement.--Plus, une chronique abrégée contenant
    tout ce qui est advenu ... entre les roys et princes ... estrangers,
    par M. Jean du Tillet, évêque de Maux.[428]

Folio; one volume in two parts, Paris, J. du Puys, 1580.

This volume is an exact reproduction of the manuscript preserved at the
Bibliothèque Nationale, which I have already described.[429] Although
dedicated to Charles IX, the book was prepared for publication at a much
earlier date. In fact, the author tells us, in the dedicatory epistle,
that he had presented a copy to Henri II; indeed, it seems that he had it
prepared for printing at the insistence of the King and Queen, who had
promised 'to take care of the expenses.' This fact explains why almost
all the portraits of the kings of France, from Clovis to François I,
are signed with the Lorraine cross. These portraits are copied from the
miniatures of the manuscript, but are on a smaller scale; furthermore they
are in oval instead of square borders.

Du Tillet died in 1570, before he was able to carry out his project of
printing this work. On August 10, 1578,[430] his heirs obtained a license
to publish their 'late father's' work, which finally appeared in 1580; in
fact, one part is dated 1579. They made use of the woodcuts bearing the
Lorraine cross. Jean du Puys, the publisher,[431] added to the book some
portraits which are not in the manuscript (among others those of Henri II
and Charles IX), and which consequently do not bear Tory's mark.

Following is a complete list of the portraits contained in this volume,
with indication of those not in the manuscript and of those signed with
the Lorraine cross.

    Folio  16, Clovis (signed).
           18, Childebert; added.
           19, Clotaire I (signed).
           23, Sigebert (signed).
           24, Chilperic and Fredegonde (signed).
           28, Dagobert; added.
           30, Clovis, son of Dagobert; added.
           31, Clotaire III.
           32, Childeric II; added.
           35, Dagobert II; added.
           41, Carloman I; added.
           42, Charlemagne.
           44, Louis le Debonnaire; modified.
           48, Charles le Chauve (signed).
           53, Charles le Simple.
           54, Raoul (signed).
           56, Louis d'Outre Mer.
           58, Lothaire (signed).
           75, Philippe I.
           76, Louis le Gros.
           92, Louis le Jeune.
           94, Philippe-Auguste (signed).
          101, Louis, père de Saint Louis (signed).
          109, Charles II; added.
          112, Saint Louis.
          121, Philippe III; added.
          133, Philippe le Bel (signed).
          134, Louis le Hutin.
          136, Philippe le Long.
          137, Charles le Bel (signed).
          138, Philippe de Valois.
          140, Jean.
          157, Charles V.
          160, Charles VI.
          164, Louis XI.
          165, Charles VIII (signed).
          166, Louis XII (signed); modified.
          167, François I (signed); modified.
          168, Henri II and Catherine de Médicis; added.
          169, François II; added.
          169, Charles IX; added.

It will be seen that there are, in all, 10[432] portraits added to those
found in the manuscript. For the other princes mentioned in the work,
whose features it was impossible to present, empty frames are printed.
Naturally, none of the portraits added to du Tillet's book by the editor
are marked with the Lorraine cross, and of the other 31, there are only
15[433] on which it is found.

These cuts were reproduced in a great many later editions of du Tillet's
work, both folio and quarto. I will mention particularly those of 1586,
1587, 1602, 1607, and 1608.

The volume contains also many engravings of shields and seals.

       *       *       *       *       *


Octavo; Paris, Denis Binet, near Porte S. Michel, 1598.

       *       *       *       *       *


Octavo; Paris, Denis Binet, near Porte S. Michel, 1598.

On the title-pages of these two volumes, both of which are in the
Bibliothèque Nationale, there is a woodcut signed with the Lorraine cross,
representing a cross with the crown of thorns, set in a border of the size
of a five-franc piece. It was undoubtedly engraved long before 1598.

       *       *       *       *       *


Quarto, Troyes, 1850 and 1859. The first fascicle of this book, which
consists of a collection of old woodcuts gathered by M. Varlot in the
printing-offices of Troyes, contains two signed with the Lorraine cross.
They are nos. 50 and 188. The first represents the Coronation of the
Virgin; we may join with it a piece in the same manner representing the
Visitation, no. 51 in the same collection; and no. 5 (the Virgin holding
the Child Jesus) of the fascicle published in 1859. These cuts, which are
in format a small folio, doubtless formed part of a series of engravings
relating to the Virgin and intended for a book of Hours.

MM. Alexis Socard and Alexandre Assier, in their work entitled 'Livres
liturgiques du diocèse de Troyes' (8vo, 1863), also give, on page 79,
an old Troyes woodcut, small folio, signed with the double cross,
representing the Descent of the Holy Ghost on the Virgin and the Apostles.
It is 135 millimetres high by 60 in width.

No. 188 of M. Varlot's fascicle, which is only one inch high by two wide,
represents a harvest. It was undoubtedly one of a series of engravings
illustrative of the twelve months. MM. Socard and Assier saw it in a book
of Hours printed at Troyes in 1583, by Jean du Ruan, who seems to have
inherited a portion of the woodcuts of Jean Le Coq, printer, of the same
city. We find also in M. Varlot's collection two woodcuts marked with the
letters G. T., which may have been Geofroy Tory's earlier mark, before he
had adopted a special symbol. These two are no. 84, in the criblé style,
and no. 131, in the Renaissance style.[434]

On account of the worn state of these cuts it is impossible to say whether
they are originals or copies. It is not impossible, however, that they
were executed by Tory for the printer Nicole Paris, or rather for Jean Le
Coq, whose mark he engraved also.[435]

       *       *       *       *       *

VI. Not only at Paris and Troyes do we find woodcuts with the
Lorraine cross; we find them also at Orléans, at Chartres, at Poitiers,
and even at Lyon, although the last-named city had a most flourishing
school of engraving of its own; witness the illustrations of the Bible
after Holbein,[436] published by Jean Frellon, in 1547, and those of
Salomon Bernard, published by the de Tournes after 1553. But the works
executed by Tory for Simon de Colines, Robert Estienne, and the rest, had
so spread his name abroad, that there was not a printer of taste in France
who did not seek the honour of obtaining some work of our artist. In this
way Jean de Tournes, first of the name, who was unquestionably one of
the most famous printers of Lyon, had engraved by Tory, or by his widow,
borders and pictures in considerable numbers; unfortunately we find very
few of them signed, whether because Tory's mark was afterward removed from
the others, or because he omitted to place it upon them, in accordance
with the wish of Jean de Tournes; for in those days printers were very
desirous to appropriate the engravings that they ordered, especially at
Lyon, where, nominally at least, no other engraver was known than Salomon
Bernard; moreover, it is well to note that that artist, none of whose work
is signed, is known only because his name was afterward published by the
printers, in the very interest of their publications.

However, I propose to give a list of the pieces signed with the Lorraine
cross which I have seen in books published by the de Tournes, that is, by
Jean I and Jean II, his son; for it is impossible, in default of any sort
of a catalogue, for me to decide what ones are attributable to each of
them. As a matter of fact, I should be justified in confining myself to
the second, if he had not himself said that he used woodcuts belonging to
his father. And, in truth, although we know of no books published by the
latter with engravings, except his edition of Petrarch of 1545 (reprinted
in 1547), and his book of Chiromancy and Physiognomy, also of 1545,
octavo, everything seems to indicate that those marked with the Lorraine
cross were made for Jean I, who died about 1550.

The first book that I shall mention is an octavo volume, without title,
described thus by M. Didot in his 'Essai sur la Gravure,' col. 235;
'Pamphlet without title, printed on one side only, with this imprint on
page 1: "A Lion, Ian de Tournes, 1551." The border, composed of arabesques
in white on a black ground, has at the foot the Lorraine cross. Twenty-two
of these engravings represent scenes from the theatre of the ancients; the
ninth bears the Lorraine cross.' This pamphlet was reprinted in 1556, as
we shall see in a moment.

The second book that I shall mention is an octavo volume, without date,
entitled: 'Thesaurus amicorum,' which is in the Bibliothèque Nationale. It
contains three series of borders: (1) Borders with arabesques in black on
a white ground (one of them is signed with a very small Lorraine cross);
(2) Borders with arabesques in white on a black ground (one of these also
is signed with a small white cross); (3) Borders with grotesque subjects,
licentious and otherwise. These last, none of which are signed, represent
figures analogous to those that are found in the 'Songes drolatiques'
attributed to Rabelais, and seem to be modelled upon them.

In the first part of the book, the borders, 32 in number, are empty[437];
in the second part, they enclose medallions of famous characters of
ancient times, with mottoes in all sorts of languages. There are
96 of these portraits. They were reproduced, with many others, in a
book printed in 1559, under the title, 'Insignium aliquot virorum
icones' (octavo).[438] In the dedication, to G. Tuffano, 'gymnasiarchæ
Nemausensi,' Jean de Tournes, second of the name, the printer of the
book, informs us that he undertook it in order to utilize the woodcuts
left by his father. 'Cum pater jamdudum haberet hasce icones inutiles ne
omnino perirent, hæc pauca, quæ huic opusculo insunt, ex variis auctoribus
accumulavi....' In this book the medallions number one hundred and
forty-three; none are signed, but they are altogether in Tory's manner.

These same medallions, as well as the borders of the 'Thesaurus amicorum,'
have been used in a multitude of other publications, which are known to us
only through detached fragments. I will mention particularly eight leaves
preserved in the Cabinet des Estampes, printed on one side only, having
a border with a portrait on each page.[439] Also, four leaves without
borders, on each of which two portraits are printed, side by side.[440]

As for the borders, they appear again,--first, in the edition of Marot's
Psalms, published by Jean de Tournes in 1557, in octavo; and second, with
less impropriety, in the various editions, both in French and in Italian,
of Ovid's 'Metamorphoses,' issued by the same printer.

Jean de Tournes published also, in 1556, a small octavo volume of
specimens of his woodcuts, printed on one side only. This volume, which
is well known to collectors, and which may be found in the Cabinet
des Estampes, has on the first page these words alone: 'A Lion, Ian
de Tournes, M.D.LVI.'[441] This page has a border of white
arabesques on a black ground, in which the Lorraine cross is perfectly
visible, at the foot. There are 22 engravings representing scenes from the
theatre of the ancients.

The ninth bears the Lorraine cross. In the midst of this series, on leaf
21, is a piece which does not belong to the series; it represents a dog
lying on a cushion.[442] After this series come various engravings which
we find in Maurice de Seve's 'Saulsaye' (octavo, Lyon, 1547), in Ovid's
'Metamorphoses,' and the 'Hymnes du Temps' of Guillaume Gueroult, which
were printed subsequently; then 11 plates bearing two figures facing
each other, taken from a work on Chiromancy and Physiognomy, by Indagine
(octavo, Lyon, 1549); 5 engravings from the edition of Petrarch issued
by the first Jean in 1545; and 9 small miscellaneous subjects.[443] The
Cabinet des Estampes also contains one leaf of a folio specimen of the
woodcuts of the de Tournes, in which we find again the plates of the
Petrarch. It lacks, however, the Lac d'Amour, which is on folio 5 of the
collection we are describing, and is altogether in the manner of the seven
epitaphs published by Tory in 1530.[444]

I will not enumerate here the other books with engravings, of later date,
published by the second Jean de Tournes, because there is nothing to
justify me in attributing them to Tory's workshop; but one may conclude
from what I have said heretofore, that many engravings of the printers of
Lyon, hitherto attributed to Salomon Bernard, called Le Petit Bernard,
came from Tory's establishment. Indeed, we may well wish that Le Petit
Bernard might be relieved of the enormous mass of engravings which have
been attributed to him for lack of information concerning them, but which
render uncertain the attribution of those which most certainly belong to

Our list includes only engravings on wood; but I have no doubt that Tory
engraved also on metal, and not alone letters, which we should naturally
expect from Garamond's master, but plates as well. Now that the eyes of
collectors are about to be opened, I should not be surprised if some one
should discover one marked with his cross.[446] To forward such discovery
I will insert the estimate of Tory's draughtsmanship formed by M.
Renouvier, who is so competent a judge of such matters.

'The plates of "Champ fleury," the first of which is dated 1526, have
an Italian after-taste, which manifests itself by the correctness of
the figures, and by their costumes; but the delicacy of expression, the
fineness of line, distinguish them clearly from the Venetian vignettes.
The vignettes of the Hours published between 1524 and 1543, varying in
execution, always delicate and with little shading, exhibit a degree of
taste which the Parmesan School sometimes achieves; but by the delicacy
of their execution they deserve the praise bestowed upon them by Dibdin.
Even if the figures are slightly confused in their attitudes and in their
draperies, or defective at some of the extremities, still, the spirited
drawing of the heads, and the arrangement of the scenes, amid charming
architectural designs, or in very restricted fields, show that our
engravers of vignettes lost nothing of their talent in passing from gothic
to italic letters, and, despite the name of the latter, it is certain that
Italy never produced any like them. Simplicity took the place of Gothic
_goguenarderie_; their expression is in the most refined French sentiment
of the period.[447]

'I seem to recognize Geofroy Tory's style in the "Tableau de Cèbes,"
published by Denis Janot and Gilles Corrozet in 1543, the vignettes
of which are often attributed to Jean Cousin. As for Tory's drawing, I
should recognize it through several layers of wood, by the delicately
drawn heads, the slender figures, the split extremities, to say nothing
of the floriated letters and the borders, in which the Italian grotesques
are mingled with natural vegetations, and in which he has often engraved
his name, his Pot Cassé and his mottoes. In Tory's vignettes there are
doubtless qualities that are more subtle than great, but they are our





[Footnote 319: See Part 1, Biography, supra, p. 7.]

[Footnote 320: This plate was reproduced by MM. Alexis Socard and
Alexandre Assier in their work entitled: _Livres liturgiques du diocèse de
Troyes_, 8vo, 1863.]

[Footnote 321: See what I have to say on this subject in § III,
under the word 'Colines' (infra, p. 268).]

[Footnote 322: See what I have to say of this book in the _Bulletin du
Bouquiniste_, 1860, p. 101.]

[Footnote 323: If necessary, four workmen would have sufficed,--two
compositors and two pressmen--Lefèvre d'Etaples being abundantly able to
perform the duties of corrector.]

[Footnote 324: [An office-book formerly in use, containing the antiphones
called 'graduals,' as well as introits and other antiphones, etc., of
the mass. Also called the 'Cantatory' or 'Cantatorium.'--CENTURY

[Footnote 325: Bibliothèque Nationale.]

[Footnote 326: Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal.]

[Footnote 327: An additional proof in confirmation of what I have already
said as to the unscrupulous way in which artists copied one another. (See
page 149 note 1.)]

[Footnote 328: This design is based upon a legend concerning Virgil, which
had some vogue in the Middle Ages]

[Footnote 329: See pp. 101-129, supra.]

[Footnote 330: _Revue universelle des Arts_, September, 1857 (vol. v, no.
6, p. 513).]

[Footnote 331:

    In his game-bag we see that he hath rats,
    Which are detestable, and gnawing vermin
    Making shocking wounds in his vitals.
    From his breast cometh a keen, darting flame,
    Which burneth heart and lips and body.

[Footnote 332: In an imperfect copy of this book, on parchment, which I
have seen at the shop of M. Potier, and which is illuminated, the artist
has erased Tory's mark, for what purpose I have no idea.]

[Footnote 333: It seems that the Parliament proposed at first to prohibit
the publication of this book; but evidently it did not persist in its
opposition, for, besides the four quarto editions, I have seen four others
in octavo, which, however, are without interest for us. See Brunet's
_Manuel du Libraire_, under 'Gringoire.']

[Footnote 334: This deplorable practice of removing the text from
engravings, which was once rigourously followed in the Cabinet des
Estampes at the Bibliothèque Nationale, injured the collection materially.
There are many pieces of which neither the origin nor the meaning is
known, because of the removal of the legends which formerly accompanied

[Footnote 335: _Number_ 3.

    Hell he defies (to him no arduous task),
    And the dog Cerberus, him with the three heads;
    He seeks the infernal regions, fighting hand to hand,
    To set at liberty Theseus his good friend.

_Number_ 9.

    The raging bulls (most marvellous to see)
    With his two sinewy hands he masters easily,
    Compels them by main force to bend the knee,
    Albeit they were deemed unconquerable.

_Number_ 10.

    A boar with frothing lips and long sharp tusks,
    Who, in his rage, despoiled men, fields and vineyards,
    And by whom the whole world was ravaged,
    He, by his courage, all alone, did slay.

[Footnote 336: On March 4, 1858, at the Lassus sale, I saw a complete set
of the Labours of Hercules, without the verses.]

[Footnote 337: The earliest book in which I have seen it, excluding the
_Thesaurus latinæ linguæ_ of 1536, and the _Dictionarium Latino-Gallicum_
of 1538, which was a sequel to the first, and in which it was necessarily
used (I saw these two books at M. Didot's), is a quarto pamphlet,
published in 1537, on the occasion of the discussions between François I
and Charles V, entitled: _Exemplaria litterarum_, etc.]

[Footnote 338: Later, Estienne had other floriated letters engraved at
Tory's establishment, carried on by his widow. But the G was not then
chosen to receive the artist's mark. See infra, under 1551.]

[Footnote 339: [These letters and friezes appear in the Works of Justin
Martyr printed by Estienne in 1541, from which they are reproduced for
this volume--some of the letters on pp. 190 and 191, and the friezes at
the beginning of the Printers' Preface, and of the three sections of the

[Footnote 340: Papillon, who saw Woeiriot everywhere, says on page 509 of
the additions to his first volume: '_Champ fleury_ is filled with woodcuts
by Woeiriot,--among others several capital letters with nude human figures
for their limbs, and several vignettes about three inches by two and a
half, simply in outline, with the cross of Lorraine in every corner.' As
a matter of fact there are very few Lorraine crosses on the engravings of
_Champ fleury_.]

[Footnote 341: [Reproduced on the title-page of the present volume.]]

[Footnote 342: [See supra, p. 45, no. 4.]]

[Footnote 343: [See supra, p. 100.]]

[Footnote 344: See supra, p. 1. Neither this engraving nor those last
mentioned are found in the octavo edition of _Champ fleury_.]

[Footnote 345: See the reproduction of this cut on p. 141, supra.]

[Footnote 346: In the octavo edition it was found to be impossible to have
the two parts face each other, so that Apollo's chariot is cut in two.]

[Footnote 347: [Reproduced on pp. 50 and 51 supra.]]

[Footnote 348: [Reproduced on p. 48, supra.]]

[Footnote 349: This cut does not appear in the octavo edition. It is
reproduced on p. 21, supra [where it is said to be on 43 recto].]

[Footnote 350: [One of these is reproduced on this page.]]

[Footnote 351: [Reproduced on p. 152, supra.]]

[Footnote 352: [Reproduced on the following page.]]

[Footnote 353: These letters do not appear in the octavo edition.
[Reproduced on p. 195, infra.]]

[Footnote 354: This alphabet, which Tory used in several of the books
printed by him, as I have already stated, was replaced by a different one
in the octavo edition of _Champ fleury_.]

[Footnote 355: Not in the octavo edition. [Reproduced on p. 49, supra.]]

[Footnote 356: [See supra, pp. 120-122].]

[Footnote 357: [See supra, pp. 122-124].]

[Footnote 358: _Lutetiæ, sumptibus Ægidii Gormontii, studio Joannis
Cheradami, labore et industria Petri Vidovœi._]

[Footnote 359: This engraving was used later as a model for a magnificent
plate placed at the beginning of the _Tableaux des arts libéraux de
Christophe de Savigny_, published in 1587, in folio, by Jean and François
de Gourmont, sons of Gilles. See my _Les Estienne_, p. 63, note.]

[Footnote 360: For the family of Gourmont, see my _Les Estienne_, pp. 62
and 63, notes.]

[Footnote 361: Not all of the engravings are signed; but, as I have not
been able to inspect the volume, which was a part of the Boorluut library
of Noortdonck, sold at Ghent in April, 1858, I am obliged to resort to
the words of the compiler of the catalogue of that sale, my confrère M.
Vander-Meersch, who has kindly furnished me since with some more detailed
information (albeit less complete than I could have wished), after the
volume was sent to England. M. Boorluut had paid 1 franc 50 centimes for
the volume, which was sold to a London bookseller, Mr. Toovey, on April
19, 1858, for 270 francs. I wrote to him asking for details concerning it;
but, in accordance with the not over-courteous English custom, he did not
choose to tell me for whom he had purchased the book, so that I have been
unable to obtain more ample information.]

[Footnote 362: I am not informed whether these cuts appear in _Hore Marie
Virginis ad usum Sarum_, 1532, or in _The Prymer of Salisbury_, 1534, both
of which were printed at the same establishment.]

[Footnote 363: [See p. 125, supra].]

[Footnote 364: See what I have heretofore said of this book, pp. 85-87

[Footnote 365: [See pp. 126-128, supra].]

[Footnote 366: See what I have had to say of this book, pp. 128-129,
supra; also, p. 218, infra, under the Hours of 1541, where we find these
same borders, called 'à la moderne,' together with the plates of the Hours
of 1529, described on p. 125, supra; which leads me to think that these
same plates appeared in the octavo edition now under consideration. See
also no. 1 of the year 1536 (p. 208, infra), which is a sort of
link between the editions of 1531 and 1541.]

[Footnote 367: [See p. 136, supra.]]

[Footnote 368: _Revue Universelle des Arts_, Sept. 1857 (vol. v, no. 3, p.

[Footnote 369: I saw this volume at M. Potier's book-shop in 1865; it is
a 16mo, illustrated with a large number of fascinating engravings which
would assuredly do much honour to Tory. I freely admit that François
Gryphe was a pupil of our artist, but that is all. I do not understand why
M. Renouvier attributes to Tory a small plate of no interest, when the
privileges expressly attribute all the engravings to Gryphe.]

[Footnote 370: Brunet, _Manuel du Libraire_, 5th edition, vol. v, col.
1660, no. 328. The line engravings are doubtless those of the 16mo Hours
of 1529 (see p. 125 supra). As for the borders, which M. Brunet does not
mention, I imagine that they are the same that I spoke of on p. 128. But
see no. III, under the year 1541 (infra, p. 218).]

[Footnote 371: _Thesaurus antiquitatum romanarum_, etc., a J. C. Grævio;
folio, Utrecht, 1697. M. Olivier Barbier, sub-manager of the Bibliothèque
Nationale, owns the copy of the original edition which was used for this
reprint. It contains not only the additions that were made, but also
directions, in Dutch, concerning the size of the copper-plates, etc.]

[Footnote 372: See vol. vi, col. 562.]

[Footnote 373: Another edition of this book was published by the same
printers and with the same woodcuts, in 1545.]

[Footnote 374: Sometimes, too, the colourist has substituted for the
printed date that at which he did his work. I have seen several cases of
such substitution.]

[Footnote 375: Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal.]

[Footnote 376: See pp. 149 and 205, supra.]

[Footnote 377: The title-page of this rare volume reads: _Missale ecclesie
Parisiensis denuo ab aliquot ejusdem ecclesie canonicis ac doctoribus
theologis ad id a reverendiss. do. Joan. de Bellayo ... delegatis...._
Then follows Merlin's mark, signed with the Lorraine cross. In addition
to 8 preliminary leaves this volume contains: _Calendarium temporale_,
signatures _a_ to _v_; _Sanctorale_, A to M; _Commun._, A to E, gothic;
etc. The first page of the text is in a border which has the Eternal
Father at the top, four popes at the sides, and at the foot the mark of
the widow Iolande Bonhomme, with the unicorns. The volume was probably
published about 1540.]

[Footnote 378: See p. 204, supra. A copy of this frieze--a slavish
imitation--in which even the Lorraine cross is reproduced, appears in a
Flemish Bible, folio, printed at Antwerp in 1556 (Bibliothèque Nationale).]

[Footnote 379: _Annales des Estienne_, 3d edition, p. 49.]

[Footnote 380: The cross is not very distinct on the copies of 1540,
but, strangely enough, it is perfectly clear on those of 1546.--These
engravings, like the frieze on the title-page, have been copied by other
printers. Such copies may be found in a Bible published at Lyon in 1550,
by Sébastien Honorat, and in another published in 1554 by Jean de Tournes.
We find them also in a Bible published at Paris in 1586 by Sébastien
Nivelle and Gabriel Buon, etc., etc.]

[Footnote 381: See concerning this book, the _Revue des Sociétés
Savantes_, vol. v, pp. 624 ff. The author's name was Milles. Some
information concerning him is given in the _Revue_.]

[Footnote 382: [See p. 229, infra].]

[Footnote 383: I have seen it bound with a book of Hours published by
Kerver in 1556: M. Portalis's copy.]

[Footnote 384: It has since been sold at auction.]

[Footnote 385: [See p. 115 supra.]]

[Footnote 386: See what I have had to say concerning this book, pp. 88-91,

[Footnote 387: Renouvier, _Des Types_, etc., 16th century, p. 168.]

[Footnote 388: The _Bibliophile Français_ (April 15, 1865) mentions an
edition of this book, with the date of 1557. I regret that I was not aware
of it before the above paragraph was _printed_, as I should have cited
that edition in preference to that of 1575. However, it is unimportant, as
the two editions are identical except in the order of the plates, which
differs slightly.]

[Footnote 389: Neither the edition of 1557 nor that of 1575 was known
to M. Choulant, who published a curious monograph concerning works with
anatomical figures. (_Geschichte ... der anatomischen abbildung_; quarto,
Leipzig, 1852.)]

[Footnote 390: These explanations are printed, in movable type, in
cartouches inserted for that purpose. The type is different in all four of
the editions known to me.]

[Footnote 391: See p. 41, supra.]

[Footnote 392: I have seen this engraving in a fragment of a book of
Hours, printed in Roman type at a date which I cannot fix although it was
contemporaneous. This fragment consists of signatures _Aa_ and _Bb_ (a
half-signature), that is, 12 leaves, numbered 185 to 196. Signature _Aa_
begins (folio 185) with a title-page printed in red, in these words: 'Die
dominica ad vesperas. Psalmus.' The engraving in question is below them.
The last page of _Bb_ ends with the word 'finis,' which proves that the
book had but 25 signatures.]

[Footnote 393: Or, better, Purgatory. In an octavo collection at the
Bibliothèque Mazarine, there is a little book entitled: 'Le Purgatoire
prouvé par la parole de Dieu' (octavo; Paris, Denis Basset, 1600), in
which this engraving, signed with the Lorraine cross, appears twice;
it represents a nude man standing in the flames, with this legend in a
scroll: 'Constitvas mihi tenrvs' (tempvs?) 'in qvo recorderis mei.']

[Footnote 394: Such is my opinion; but I am bound to say that M. Achille
Devéria, formerly Conservator of the Department of Engravings, was of the
opposite opinion. According to him the unsigned engravings were copies of
the others. It seems to me that the dates of printing confirm my theory.
For we find the unsigned engravings in an edition of 1522; so that we
must refer those with the cross to an earlier date; but this seems hardly
probable, since Louis Royer (to whom they are attributed, as we shall see,
because he was the first to use them) succeeded Jean de Brie, who did not
die until about 1522.]

[Footnote 395: _Manuel du Libraire_, 5th edition, vol. v, col. 1672, no.
366 _bis_.]

[Footnote 396: See supra, p. 168.]

[Footnote 397: [Jean Cousin was born in 1501, and died at Sens about

[Footnote 398: Renouvier, _Des Types_, etc., _Seizième siècle_, p. 162.]

[Footnote 399: [See supra, p. 211.]]

[Footnote 400: That is, having immediate reference to the bearer's name.]

[Footnote 401: [Reproduced on the opposite page.]]

[Footnote 402: This engraving had previously appeared in 'Amadis de
Gaule': see supra, p. 216.]

[Footnote 403: Bibliothèque Nationale.]

[Footnote 404: The copies in Sertenas's name bear a very curious mark,
which is reproduced in M. Silvestre's book, nos. 221 and 714.]

[Footnote 405: [Supra, p. 149.]]

[Footnote 406: See under that date for details (supra, p. 218).]

[Footnote 407: This portrait was engraved on copper, in 1556, by
Woeiriot, printed separately, and pasted on the recto of the second leaf
of Le Duaren's works, printed at Lyon in 1558 by Guillaume Rouille, in
folio; on some copies Woeiriot's engraving of Le Duaren's portrait is
replaced by the one engraved by Georges Ghisy, called the Mantuan. See
_Robert-Dumesnil, Peintre-graveur français_, vol. vii, p. 109, no. 282.]

[Footnote 408: See, too, the article on Le Duaren in the _Biographie

[Footnote 409: Supra, p. 189, note 3.]

[Footnote 410: These letters had already appeared in a book published by
Robert Estienne in 1549.]

[Footnote 411: This frieze in 1561 came into the possession of the second
Robert Estienne, who used it in a book entitled: _Ordonnances de M. le duc
de Bouillon pour le règlement de la justice de ses terres_. Small folio,

[Footnote 412: Page 271.]

[Footnote 413: Bibliothèque Nationale.]

[Footnote 414: [Supra, p. 218.]]

[Footnote 415: [The author forgets that he has listed two engravings on
folio 59, one on each side of the leaf.]]

[Footnote 416: Bibliothèque Nationale.]

[Footnote 417: [The inscription would seem to prove, on the contrary, that
the engraving was made] two years earlier, or in 1551.]

[Footnote 418: Vol. ii, folios 936 recto, 948 verso, and 994 recto.
This work of Thevet's must not be confounded with that geographer's
_Cosmographie du Levant_, the fruit of an earlier journey, two editions of
which had been published at Lyon, in 1554 and 1556, by Jean de Tournes, in
quarto, with engravings in the text.]

[Footnote 419: See the details of this voyage of Thevet given by M.
Ferdinand Denis in a letter printed at the beginning of a work by M.
Demersay, entitled: _Études économiques sur l'Amérique_; 8vo, 1851.]

[Footnote 420: We shall see in the next paragraph that a reprint of it was
issued in April, 1558.]

[Footnote 421: See what has been said concerning this volume, on pages 223
and following, supra.]

[Footnote 422: This sign was retained by Thomas Perier, Charles's son. See
Silvestre, _Marques Typographiques_, no. 386.]

[Footnote 423: _Péché_ [sin].]

[Footnote 424: I have previously had occasion to comment upon the
extraordinary custom that formerly prevailed in the Cabinet des Estampes
of removing from engravings, etc., every sort of extraneous matter. It is
impossible to measure the extent to which this custom has impaired the
value of the collection. Unfortunately it is followed by most collectors
of prints, who sometimes destroy a very valuable and unique volume for no
other purpose than to preserve an engraving unaccompanied by text.]

[Footnote 425: We find some features of it in the frieze engraved by Tory
for the Bible published by Robert Estienne in 1532. See p. 202, supra.]

[Footnote 426: This collection was sold in January, 1846, and the plate in
question was purchased, for about 2000 francs, for M. Cambacérès, Grand
Master of Ceremonies in the Imperial household, who now owns it [1857].
This is what M. Baron says of it in his sale catalogue, no. 445: 'This
important piece, in the most perfect preservation, merits the attention of
collectors by virtue of its value and its rarity.' There is a copy also in
the Cabinet of Geneva.]

[Footnote 427: According to the catalogue quoted in the last note, the
reverse of the plate also is embellished with arabesques.]

[Footnote 428: Brother of the first-named Jean.]

[Footnote 429: [See p. 169, supra.]]

[Footnote 430: And not August 20, as it has sometimes been printed.]

[Footnote 431: The 'Avis au lecteur' is by him.]

[Footnote 432: [According to the list there are 11.]]

[Footnote 433: [According to the list only 14.]]

[Footnote 434: See what I have said on this subject on p. 173, supra.]

[Footnote 435: See infra, § III, 'Le Coq.']

[Footnote 436: These engravings are, as is well known to-day, by
Luczelburger, of Basle, Holbein's regular engraver.]

[Footnote 437: These pages were intended to be used as an album. I have
seen a very valuable copy at M. Potier's bookshop; he bought it of M.
Gaullieur, who has described it in his _Études sur l'imprimerie de
Genève_, p. 207. This copy, which was arranged by Durand the bookseller,
who emigrated to Geneva for religious reasons, has no title-page and
contains only the empty pages, that is to say those with borders alone,
within which Durand's friends, the most illustrious leaders of the
Reformation--de Bèze, Goulard, etc.--have inscribed each some sentence.
In some verses which come first, and which are admirably engrossed on
parchment, Durand tells us that he wrote them in 1583, without spectacles,
notwithstanding his great age and 'the gout in his fingers.']

[Footnote 438: Bibliothèque Nationale.]

[Footnote 439: It may be that this fragment belongs to a collection
cited by M. Brunet (_Manuel du Libraire_, vol. iv, col. 850), under the
title, _Pourtraictz divers_, small octavo, Lyon, Jean de Tournes, 1557,
as containing 63 plates, including the title-page. M. Brunet then gives
a description of this collection, which cannot possibly fit it. 'These
plates represent factories, animals, scenes of divers sorts, mythological
subjects, and architectural designs.' This description evidently belongs
to the volume of 1556 mentioned on the next page.]

[Footnote 440: These portraits and many other woodcuts of the de Tournes,
which are still preserved in the Fick Press, at Geneva, have lately
been reproduced in a sumptuous publication entitled: _Anciens bois de
l'imprimerie Fick_, folio, Geneva, 1864. It contains many engravings of
Petit Bernard.]

[Footnote 441: I have already cited (page 259), on the authority of M.
Didot, an edition of this book under the date of 1551, but I doubt its

[Footnote 442: The first 24 pages of this collection are bound with an
edition of Claude Paradin's _Quadrins historiques_, published by Jean de
Tournes, in 1558.]

[Footnote 443: This book was reprinted in 1557, with the title
_Pourtraictz Divers_; see p. 260, note 1.]

[Footnote 444: [See pp. 201-202, supra.]]

[Footnote 445: For instance, the anonymous author of a book entitled
_Notice sur les Graveurs_, printed at Besançon in 1807 (2 vols., octavo),
attributes to Salomon Bernard, whose period of activity he places between
1550 and 1580 (vol. i, p. 63 ), the engravings of Petrarch's _Triumphs_,
which appear in an edition of 1545, and a _Resurrection of the Dead_,
dated 1547 (vol. i, p. 64), which dates are inconsistent with those
mentioned above; he also attributes to him (vol. i, p. 65) the theatrical
scenes which we have with good reason ascribed to Tory, whose cross
appears on one of them; and, lastly, he attributes to him the story of
Psyche, in 32 duodecimo cuts, and the medallions of Jacques Strada's
_Epitome des Antiquités_ (Lyon, 1553), his authorship of which is very
doubtful. But there is no question at all concerning the following pieces,
which certainly belong to Salomon Bernard:--

I. The figures of the Bible, to the number of 251, reprinted
very frequently after 1553. In an edition of 1680, printed by Samuel de
Tournes, at Geneva, whither the second Jean withdrew about 1580, because
of his religion, is the following note: 'The figures that we offer you
here are from the hand of an excellent craftsman, known in his day under
the name of Salomon Bernard, called Le Petit Bernard, and have always been
held in esteem by those who are learned in works of this sort.'

II. Claude Paradin's _Devises héroiques_, containing 184
engravings, besides a border on the title-page. Large octavo, Jean de
Tournes, 1557 ( Bibliothèque Nationale). The license at the end of the
volume discloses the titles of several other volumes which Jean de Tournes
was then intending to publish, particularly the two following, which
appeared the same year.

III. The Metamorphoses of Ovid; octavo, 1557; 178 engravings.

IV. _L'Astronomique Discours_, by Jacques Bassentin; folio, 1557;
with a large number of astronomical plates.

V. _Hymnes du temps_, by Guillaume Gueroult; quarto, 1560; 88
pages, with borders and drawings. In the _avis au lecteur_ we read: 'I
hope that you will find some pleasure herein, for that the whole is
the work of a goodly hand; for the invention [of the engravings] is of
M. Bernard Salomon, an excellent painter as there has ever been in our

VI. Virgil's Æneid, French translation; quarto, 1560; with 12

VII. A book of _Thermes_, in eighteen orders; printed at Lyon in
1572, by Jean Marcorelle.--At the tenth _therme_ is a genie carving on a
shield the letter S, the initial of Bernard's baptismal name.

A large number of vignettes, and of letters in grisaille, used by the
printers of Lyon, are also attributed to this artist.]

[Footnote 446: See what I have had to say on this subject apropos of
Baïf's _Annotations_, supra, p. 208.]

[Footnote 447: _Des Types et des Manières des maîtres graveurs_, etc.,
16th century, pp. 167, 168.]



The inventor of the Pot Cassé was chosen by his confrères, in preference
to all other engravers, to engrave their private marks. They had realized
the force of his 'kindly exhortation to practice and employ themselves in
goodly inventions,'[448] and had been impressed by the perfection with
which he executed that species of engraving, which he had completely
transformed. For, in lieu of the coarse vignettes with a black background,
on which the design stood out in white, as if cut with a die, Tory had
gradually introduced into these woodcuts all the delicacy of the Italian
engravings. The earliest ones of his of which we have any knowledge are
in the criblé style, which the Middle Ages had handed down to him; but he
soon rejected that style and not only adopted a new manner of engraving,
but altered the arrangement of the designs that were entrusted to him.
This fact is especially manifest if we compare the original mark of the de
Marnefs (Silvestre, 'Marques Typographiques' no. 151) with the one that
bears the motto, 'Principivm ex fide, finis in charitate' (Silvestre, no.
1043). Instead of the roughly drawn Pelican nourishing from its vitals
its still more roughly drawn young, in a nest perched on a tree of which
the leaves are larger than the trunk, we have, in the second engraving
[given above], an entirely new composition, of which both design and
execution are irreproachable. In the face of such results, we should not
be surprised by the predilection of the printer-booksellers for Tory; they
deemed it a duty to employ a confrère who poetized their profession: to
them it was a question of esprit de corps and of patriotism alike.

That is why we have so many typographical marks signed with the Lorraine
cross. We propose to enumerate all of those which we have actually had
before us. As it was impossible to arrange them chronologically, we have
adopted the alphabetical order.

       *       *       *       *       *

ALARD (GUILLAUME), bookseller at Paris in 1550. See


       *       *       *       *       *

BADE (CONRAD), printer and bookseller at Paris from 1546 to
1560, when he withdrew to Geneva for religious reasons.--One mark, which
appears on the first edition of Théodore de Bèze's 'Poemata' (1548); the
volume contains also a portrait of the author signed with the double
cross. Conrad's mark, like that of his father, Josse Bade, represents
a printing-press. It contains also the words 'Prelum ascensianum';
but, instead of being inscribed in a cartouche on the press, they are
in two cartouches, one at the top, the other at the bottom, of the
border (Silvestre, no. 867). When Conrad betook himself to Geneva, Eloi
Gibier,[449] a printer of Orléans, bought the mark. It afterwards passed
to Fabian Hotot, a printer in the same city, who was using it in 1609; but
before using it he had the word 'Ascensianum' removed.

       *       *       *       *       *

BESSAULT (THIBAUT, and JEAN, his son),
booksellers at Paris. See REGNAULT (BARBE).

       *       *       *       *       *

BONFONS (JEAN), bookseller at Paris from 1548 to 1572.--One mark
(Silvestre, no. 125), representing a dove on a tree, within a circle
formed by a serpent, and on the outside of the circle this sentence from
the Bible: 'Estote prudentes sicut serpentes, et simplices sicut columbæ.'
I have seen it in a quarto edition of 'Le Petit Jehan de Saintré,'
published by Bonfons in 1553, in gothic type.

       *       *       *       *       *


       *       *       *       *       *

CALVARIN (SIMON), printer-bookseller at Paris, from 1553 to 1593.
Two marks, representing a woman, seated, surrounded by the paraphernalia
of the arts and sciences, and holding in one hand a palm-tree decorated
with three wreaths. I have seen one of these marks, the larger, in an
edition of Rodolphe Agricola's book entitled: 'De Inventione dialectica
libri tres' (quarto, 1558), on the title-page of which is this imprint:
'Parisiis, ex officina Simonis Calvarini, in vico Belovaco, ad Virtutis
insigne.'[450] The smaller one appears at the end of a book entitled:
'Conservation de santé et prolongation de vie, etc., composé premierement
par noble homme H. [Hieronime] Monteux, conseiller et medecin ordinaire
du roi François II, et nouvellement traduit en nostre langue fraçoise
par maistre Claude de Valgelas, docteur medecin, etc. Paris, chez Simon
Calvarin, rue Saint-Jacques, à la Rose blanche couronnée, 1572.' This
is a 16mo, of which there is a copy in the Bibliothèque Nationale. This
Simon was, I have no doubt, a son of Prigent Calvarin, printer at Paris
from 1524 to 1582, whose mark is very different (Silvestre, no. 137).[451]
It represents two persons holding a shield which hangs from a vine, with
these sentences surrounding them: 'Deum time,' 'Pauperes sustine,' 'Finem
respice,' 'Prigent Calvarin.' Simon, having set up for himself during his
father's lifetime, had to adopt a different mark.

       *       *       *       *       *

CHAUDIÈRE (REGNAULT), bookseller at Paris from 1516 to 1546, in
the latter year succeeded to the printing business of Simon de Colines,
whose marks 'au Temps' he used thereafter. He had a new one engraved in
Tory's establishment, with the same figure, but with a slightly different
motto: it reads: 'Virtus sola aciem retundit istam.' This mark appears in
the edition of the comedies of Terence printed in 1546. See COLINES


       *       *       *       *       *

COLINES (SIMON DE), printer-bookseller at Paris from 1520 to
1546. Four marks at least. See the two already described in the preceding
section, under 1520-1521, as forming a part of title-pages, and numbers
80 and 329 of M. Silvestre's 'Marques typographiques.' The last two
passed in 1546 into the hands of Regnault Chaudière, a bookseller since
1516. Chaudière had married Colines's daughter by the widow of Henri
Estienne, and by virtue of the connection inherited his father-in-law's
printing-office and bookshop. He himself printed, in 1546-1547, under the
Latin name Calderius, an edition of the comedies of Terence[452]; at the
end is M. Silvestre's no. 329, which (like no. 80) represents Time armed
with a scythe, and this devise in a scroll: 'Hanc aciem sola retundit
virtus.' Chaudière, who had previously used another mark (Silvestre, no.
96), employed thenceforth this one with the figure of Time, and handed it
down to his successors.[453] In 1548 he published an octavo catalogue of
his own books and those of Simon de Colines--'tum ab Simone Colinæi, tum
ab Calderio excusi.'[454] The following is, in my opinion, the order in
which Simon de Colines's various marks were engraved by Tory: In the first
place, in 1520, the one with the rabbits, or _conils_, which it has been
said that Colines adopted as a play upon his own name; but this conjecture
seems to me the more improbable because these same rabbits had been used
on the sign of Henri Estienne's shop as early as 1502.[455] However that
may be, Colines seems to have retained this mark during all the time
that he occupied Henri Estienne's house. When he turned over that abode,
in 1525, to Robert Estienne, who established himself in business on the
paternal premises, Colines went a little farther down rue de Beauvais, and
took for his sign the 'Soleil d'or,' which appears on the second mark;
finally, in 1528, he adopted the one with the figure of Time, which was
afterwards adopted by his son-in-law, Regnault Chaudière.

[Illustration: S. DE COLLINES]

[Illustration: GILLES CORROZET]

       *       *       *       *       *

CORROZET (GILLES), bookseller at Paris from 1538 to 1568.--One
mark, representing, by way of allusion to the name of its owner, a rose
upon a heart ('cor'), and with 'Gilles Corrozet' at the foot (Silvestre,
no. 145). This mark, which I have seen on a book of 1539,[456] was
undoubtedly the first that Corrozet used. It descended to his heirs, and
his grandson Jean was still using it a century later, on the 'Trésor des
histoires de France,' the work of another Gilles Corrozet, which Jean
reprinted several times between 1622 and 1644. Jean simply removed from
the mark his grandfather's Christian name, regardless of the lack of
symmetry in the engraving caused by this subtraction. So that here was an
engraving that was in use more than a hundred years; it is an interesting
example of the durability of these woodcuts.

       *       *       *       *       *

Chartres;--(PHILIPPE), bookseller at Blois.


       *       *       *       *       *

DAVID (MATHIEU), printer-bookseller at Paris from 1554 to 1566.
Three marks (Silvestre, nos. 227, 394, and 759). They represent a warrior
bearing on his shoulders a woman plunging a sword in his throat. One of
the marks has the word 'odiosa' in the border on one side, and 'veritas'
on the other. Another is printed in an octavo volume of 1539 (Bibliothèque
Nationale), Ravisius Textor's 'Epistolæ a mendis repurgata.'

[Illustration: NOLI ALTVM SAPERE]

       *       *       *       *       *

DUPUY (J.), printer at Paris in 1549. See FEZANDAT.

       *       *       *       *       *

ESTIENNE (ROBERT), printer-bookseller at Paris, from 1526 to
1550. Six marks at least, representing the olive-tree in different
forms. Three of them are reproduced in M. Silvestre's work: nos. 162,
318,[457] and 319[458]; add to these the large folio mark that appears
on the Bible of 1528[459] and that of 1540, previously described; a
small mark which appears in the 16mo Virgil of 1549; and, lastly, a mark
similar to Silvestre's no. 163 (except that the figure is bald), which
appears in 'Caroli Stephani de Nutrimentis,' etc.[460] Probably most
of these marks were engraved for Robert Estienne at the outset of his
typographical career, that is to say, about 1526; he carried them with him
to Geneva in 1550; and his son, the second Henri, used them in his turn,
after his father's death, which occurred in 1559. It was undoubtedly the
widow of Tory who engraved the mark (in different sizes) which appears,
after 1544, on the Greek books printed with the royal types, and which
represents a basilisk entwined about a lance.


       *       *       *       *       *

ESTIENNE (CHARLES), printer and bookseller at Paris from 1551 to
1561. Three marks at least. Upon entering the typographical profession
Charles adopted his brother's olive-tree; that is to say, he simply had
copies made of Robert's marks, as he succeeded to his business. I have
seen the first of these marks, similar to Silvestre's no. 163, in an
octavo edition of P. Bunel's 'Epîtres familières,' printed by Charles in
1551; the second appears in a folio edition of Cicero, in four volumes,
published by the same printer from 1551 to 1555[461]; and the third, like
Silvestre's no. 162, in the 'Petit Dictionnaire français-latin' (quarto),
published by Charles in 1559. It is probable that the second Robert used
these same marks after his uncle's retirement in 1561.

       *       *       *       *       *

FEZANDAT (MICHEL), printer-bookseller at Paris from 1541 to 1553.
One mark (Silvestre, no. 423). This mark which, by way of allusion to the
name of its owner, represents a pheasant (_faisan_) on a dolphin, with
the letters M and F at the left and right, respectively, of the pheasant,
was used without the initials in 1549, as may be seen on the title of 'Le
Temple du chasteté,' printed in that year by Fezandat, in octavo.[462]

In 1550, one Guillaume Alard (Fezandat's son-in-law, it may be), who
lived 'e regione collegii de la Mercy,' also used the mark in that
form.[463] The appearance of this mark on Alard's book may be due solely
to the fact that the book in question was printed by Fezandat. I have been
unable to ascertain the facts because the fragment of the title-page on
which I saw the mark and Alard's name does not contain the title of the
book. The only possible clue is the three Greek verses on the other side
of the page, which lead one to think that it may have been a work of Jean
Blaccus Danois, of whom we have a translation of Isocrates into Latin
verses, printed by Regnault Chaudière, also in 1550 (quarto).[464] This G.
Alard is not named by Lottin in his 'Catalogue des imprimeurs-libraires
de Paris.' I find the same mark in a small volume entitled 'Le Bouquet
des fleurs de Sénèque'; octavo; Caen, 'de l'imprimerie de Jacques le
Bas, imprimeur du roy,' 1590.[465] I find Fezandat's mark also in a book
published by the bookseller J. Dupuy in 1549: 'Novum Testamentum,' in
Greek and Latin; 16mo. Why? I have no idea.


       *       *       *       *       *

GIBIER (ELOI), printer at Orléans. One mark, representing a
printing-press. This printer, whose oldest known imprint is dated 1559,
had evidently practised his trade several years earlier. This is what
we find concerning him in the 'Bibliothèque historique des auteurs
orléanais,' by Dom Gerou, which is preserved in manuscript in the Public
Library of Orléans: 'We may say that Eloy Gibier was in a certain sense
the first printer of Orléans; Mathieu Vivian and Pierre Asselin had
preceded him, but we know of only a single work printed by each of them,
whereas there are a great number by Eloy Gibier. We do not know when he
began, but the earliest book printed by him of which we have any knowledge
is of 1559. At first he put no symbol on the title-pages of his works;
the place where the symbol should be was entirely unoccupied; later, he
sometimes inserted one, but not always. This symbol was a printing-press,
about which were the words: "In sudore vultus tui vesceris pane tuo."'
I have seen this mark on the 'Coutumes générales d'Orléans,' printed by
Gibier in 1570, octavo.[466] But he afterward adopted the mark of Conrad
Bade. See that name.


       *       *       *       *       *

GOURMONT (GILLES DE), printer-bookseller at Paris, from 1506 to
1530.--Three marks. The first, in the form of a border, is found on the
title-page of a volume containing nine comedies of Aristophanes, printed
by Pierre Vidoue, at Gilles de Gourmont's expense, in 1528 (quarto)[467]:
a description of it will be found above.[468] The second represents Fame:
it is a nude woman, winged, all over whose body are eyes, tongues, and
ears. At the foot, in a scroll, are the words: 'Ecqvis incvmbere famae'
('poterit' understood, no doubt). The Lorraine cross appears at the left
on the lower edge of the engraving. I have seen this mark on a small book
entitled: 'Alphabetum hebraicum,' consisting of 8 leaves, printed by
Pierre Vidoue (Silvestre, no. 98). Although the name of Gourmont nowhere
appears in this case, I have no doubt that the mark belongs to Gilles
de Gourmont, for it is accompanied by his initials, E and G (Egidius
Gourmontius), at the left and right respectively; and we shall see that
this same mark was afterward used by Jérôme de Gourmont, Gilles's son or
nephew. It maybe that it was because of the loan of Gourmont's Hebrew
type that his mark appears on this precious pamphlet, a description of
which follows. First leaf, beginning at the end (according to the Hebrew
and Arabic custom), Gourmont's mark in a border of detached compartments.
On the verso Pierre Vidoue's epistle to the reader, dated from his
workshop August 1, 1531. Then comes the text, followed by this subscript:
'Petrus Vidovæus Vernoliensis excudebat Lutetiæ' And, lastly, Vidoue's
mark--Fortune, with the words: 'Audentes juvo' (Silvestre, no. 65). The
third of Gilles de Gourmont's marks signed with the Lorraine cross is
given by M. Silvestre (no. 826). [This mark forms the lower part of the
border first described, and has evidently been cut from the border for use
separately.] It represents the Gourmont arms[469]: a shield coupé, three
roses in chief and a crescent in base; for crest a St. Michael, holding
a bare sword, supports two winged stags with ducal coronets about their
necks. This subject, much more fully developed, appears on the first page
of the 'Tableaux des Arts Libéraux de Savigny,' in-plano,[470] published
in 1587, by Jean and François, sons of Gilles de Gourmont, who succeeded
to his establishment on rue Saint-Jean-de-Latran.

       *       *       *       *       *

GOURMONT (JÉRÔME DE), printer-bookseller at Paris from 1524 to
1533.--One mark representing Fame, copied from the second mark of Gilles
de Gourmont just described, but reversed. Beneath the inscription 'Ecqvis
incvmbere famae,' in a small cartouche, are the initials H. D. G. (Hierome
de Gourmont), with the Lorraine cross just above. I have seen this mark in
an octavo volume published at Paris in 1534 by Jérôme de Gourmont, under
this title: 'Pauli Paradisi ... de modo legendi hebraice dialogus,'[471]
and in another octavo, also published at Paris ('Dionysiæ') in 1535, under
a Greek title of which the Latin translation is: 'Apollonius Alexandrinus,
de Constructione.'[472] Jérôme de Gourmont published at least one other
book at 'Dionysiæ' in 1535; but I do not know the title, as I have not
seen the title-page. All that I can say is that Ausonius is quoted in the
Latin preface printed on the verso of the first leaf, of which I have seen
only a fragment, belonging to M. Silvestre.

I believe that Jérôme de Gourmont did some printing, although he is
named only as a bookseller in the bibliographies. The books that I have
mentioned show that he was a scholar who followed in the tracks of Gilles
de Gourmont. Indeed, the one first described, which is in Latin, contains
some Hebrew words; the second is entirely in Greek.

I have seen a little book, printed at Paris in 1539, with Jérôme de
Gourmont's mark: it is 'Pugna porcorum per J. Porcium,' octavo. The
subscript below the mark reads: 'Parisiis, apud Anthonium Bonnemere.' Was
Anthoine Bonnemere publisher for Jérôme de Gourmont, at the same sign?
That is something that I do not know.

       *       *       *       *       *

GOURMONT (BENOÎT DE), bookseller at Paris.--One mark,
representing a man standing above two precipices; above him is a scroll
with the words: 'Vndiqve praecipitivm'; and at his feet the initials B. D.
G. (Silvestre, no. 838).

       *       *       *       *       *

GRANDIN (LOUIS), printer-bookseller at Paris, from 1542 to
1553.--Two marks (Silvestre, nos. 277 and 416). They represent two men,
one of whom is receiving a sphere from the hand of God; the other holds
one which is crumbling in his fingers. On the second of the two marks are
the words: 'Confidere in Domino bonum esse quam confidere in homine. Ps.


       *       *       *       *       *

GUEULLARD (JEAN), printer-bookseller at Paris, from 1552 to
1553.--Two marks representing the Phœnix rising from the flames,[473] in
an oval border. The smaller one has, within the border, the words, 'Amor
vitæ acer nimis,' with Gueullard's initials, I. G., below (Silvestre, no.
790). This mark is .055 of a millimetre high by .044 wide. I have seen it
in a book entitled: 'Petri Ruffi Druydæ dialectica, nuper ab eodem autore
emendatur,' quarto, 1553 (3d edition).[474] The larger one has this motto
within the border: 'Mori vivere mihi est'; it is .087 of a millimetre high
by .063 wide (Silvestre, no. 882). I have seen it in a book entitled,
'Hexastichorum moralium libri duo, per Nic. Querculum Tortronensem Rhemum;
quarto, Paris, 1552.'[475] See HARSY (OLIVIER DE).

       *       *       *       *       *

GUILLARD (CHARLOTTE), printer-bookseller from 1518 to 1556.--One
mark representing her sign, a golden sun in a starry sky. Below, two lions
erect, holding a shield on which are the initials C. G. This lady carried
on the printing trade for more than fifty years. She married first, in
1502, Berthold Rembold, a partner of the first printer in Paris, Ulric
Gering. Berthold, who had established his domicile on rue Saint-Jacques,
'au Soleil d'Or,' having left Charlotte a widow in 1518, she carried on
the business alone until 1520, when she married Claude Chevallon, who took
up his abode on the same premises. Chevallon having departed this life, in
his turn, in 1542, Charlotte continued in the business until 1556. It was
during her second widowhood that the mark in question, which we reproduce
herewith, was engraved. I have seen it on a quarto volume entitled,
'Institutionum civilium libri quatuor, 1550. Parisiis, apud Carolam
Guillard, viduam Claudi Chevallonii, sub Soli aureo, et Guilelmum Desbois,
sub Cruce Alba, in via divi Jacobi.' Claude Chevallon had upon his mark,
by way of allusion to his name, two horses standing (cheval-long). But M.
Silvestre publishes as his (no. 395) a mark which has the lions.


       *       *       *       *       *

HARSY (OLIVIER DE), bookseller at Paris, from 1556 to 1584,
used Gueullard's mark on several works written by Nicolas Ellain;
among others, 'Elegia libri duo ad Joach. Bellaium, quo adhuc vivo eos
scripsit.--Parisiis, e typogr. Olivarii de Harsy, ad Cornu cervi, in
clauso Brunello'; quarto, 1560.[476] I have no idea why de Harsy adopted
Gueullard's mark.

       *       *       *       *       *

HOTOT (FABIAN), printer at Orléans. See BADE (CONRAD).

       *       *       *       *       *

HOUIC (ANTOINE), bookseller at Paris. See REGNAULT

       *       *       *       *       *

KERVER (THIELMAN II), printer and bookseller at Paris, from
1530 to 1550.--One mark, representing the arms of the Kervers; a 'gril'
(_cratis_) held by two unicorns, with the letters T. K. Below is the
printer's name in full: 'Thieman [_sic_] Kerver.' This mark appears on a
book of Hours of 1550.

       *       *       *       *       *


       *       *       *       *       *

LE COQ (JEAN) printer at Troyes, from 1506 to 1525.--One mark,
representing Le Coq's arms (a cock), hanging from a tree; below is the
name, 'Jean Le Coq' (Silvestre, no. 875). This mark appears in a 'Graduel'
of 1521, previously described.[477] We find it again in a book of Hours
according to the use of Toul, published in 1541, which contains many
other engravings signed with the double cross.[478] Also in a small book
published in our own day by Aubry the bookseller[479]; that is to say,
this particular woodcut is still in existence and belongs to M. Aubry.

       *       *       *       *       *

LE NOIR (PHILIPPE), printer-bookseller at Paris, from 1520 to
1539. Three marks,[480] representing two negroes (noirs) holding a shield
with Philippe le Noir's initials.

       *       *       *       *       *

MALLARD (OLIVIER), printer-bookseller at Paris, from 1536 to 1542.

       *       *       *       *       *

MALLARD (JEAN), bookseller at Rouen.

       *       *       *       *       *

MARNEF, DE: Enguilbert, Jean and Geoffroy, brothers, were
printers and booksellers at Paris and Poitiers, together or separately,
from 1510 to 1550. Their mark was a pelican, piercing his side in order
to nourish his young. Tory engraved for them at least two marks: one
which appears on a book printed by Enguilbert and Jean, in Poitiers, in
1536,[481] entitled 'Les angoisses et remedes d'amour du Traverseur en son
adolescence' (by Jean Bouchet), with this device: 'Eximii amoris typus';
it is reproduced by Dibdin,[482] and by Silvestre (no. 152).[483] The
other may be seen in the Print Section of the Bibliothèque Nationale,
among Tory's work; the pelican and its young are in an oval border, around
which is this device: 'Principium ex fide, finis in charitate' (Silvestre,
no. 1044). [See also the reproduction at the beginning of this section,
page 265.]

       *       *       *       *       *

MENIER (MAURICE), printer at Paris, from 1545 to 1566.--One mark
(Silvestre, no. 789), representing a man closing a woman's mouth, with
this device, 'Coercenda volvptas.'

       *       *       *       *       *

MERLIN (GUILLAUME), bookseller at Paris, from 1538 to 1570.--One
mark, representing a swan whose neck is twined about a cross, surrounded
by the device, 'In hoc signo vinces.' The Lorraine cross is barely visible
in the lowest ornament of the engraving. I have seen this mark on the
first page of a 'Missale ecclesie Parisiensis,' in folio, without date,
printed by Iolande Bonhomme, widow of the first Thielman Kerver, as is
shown by the presence of that printer's mark on the first page of the
text; it may be that there are copies in her name. This book is without
date, but should be placed between the years 1532 and 1552, which embrace
the incumbency of Jean du Bellay as Archbishop of Paris. Merlin's mark is
.095 of a millimetre high by .067 wide.[484]

       *       *       *       *       *

MOREL (GUILLAUME), printer-bookseller at Paris, from 1548 to
1564.--One mark, reproduced by M. Silvestre (no. 164), who informs me
that his engraver accidentally omitted the Lorraine cross. 'This mark,'
he adds, 'was used later by Estienne Prevosteau, Morel's son-in-law, who
subsequently reëngraved it, or had it reëngraved, with his initials, E. P.
in place of Tory's mark.'[485] It represents a capital theta (Θ), about
which are twined two winged serpents, and in the centre an angel, seated
on the cross-piece of the Θ, with a lighted torch in her hand.

       *       *       *       *       *

NIVELLE (SEBASTIEN), printer and bookseller, at Paris, from 1550
to 1601. One mark, representing two storks in the air, one being carried
and fed by the other; with this verse from Exodus (XX, 12), to
explain the drawing: 'Honora patrem tuum et matrem tuam, et sis longævus
super terram.' I have seen this mark on an octavo edition of St. John
Chrysostom ('Homeliæ duæ'), printed by Sebastien Nivelle in 1554. It is
reproduced by M. Silvestre (no. 201), but the Lorraine cross is barely
visible on this impression. I have seen also another mark of Nivelle's
representing the same subject, with analogous designs suggesting filial
love in the four corners; but it is not signed with the cross although it
is absolutely in Tory's manner.


       *       *       *       *       *

NYVERD (GUILLAUME), printer and bookseller at Paris, from
1516.--One mark, or, to speak more precisely, a small border in the style
of one of the marks of Simon de Colines. At the foot, in a scroll, are the
words, 'Nasci, laborare, mori.' This border appears in a small pamphlet,
undated, in pure gothic type, entitled, 'La Reformation des tavernes et
destruction de gourmandise, en forme de dialogue'; a small octavo of 4
leaves, of which M. Cigogne possesses the only known copy (1856). At the
end are the words, 'Paris, by Guillaume Nyverd, printer.' So that Lottin
is mistaken in saying that he was a bookseller only. He gives only one
date for his career in the trade--1516--but our engraving is certainly
later than 1520. M. Silvestre extends Nyverd's business career to 1559, on
what grounds I do not know; but he also calls him a bookseller only. The
text of the 'Reformation des tavernes,' etc., was reprinted on page 223
of the second volume of the 'Recueil des poésies françoises des XV et XVI
siècles,' collected and annotated by M. Anatole de Montaiglon.[486]

       *       *       *       *       *

NYVERD (GUILLAUME DE), probably the son of the preceding,
printer-bookseller at Paris, from 1550 to 1580.--One mark, representing
the arms of France borne by two winged genii. Above them a head with
wings; from its mouth come two garlands in the style of those on the last
plate of 'Champ fleury.' At the left, at the foot of the cut, the letters
G. N., and at the right the Lorraine cross. This engraving, which is 8
centimetres wide by 11 high, was undoubtedly executed when Guillaume
de Nyverd was appointed king's printer, which title he held in 1561,
according to Lottin. In all probability he held it earlier than that.
However that may be, I have seen this mark, already much worn, in an
impression of 1572: 'Prognostication touchant le mariage du tres honoré et
tres aimé Henry, par la grace de Dieu roy de Navarre, et de tres illustre
princesse Marguerite de France, calculée par maistre Bernard Abbatia,
docteur medecin et astrologue du tres chrestien roy de France' [Charles
IX]. There are in the Bibliothèque Nationale at least three editions of
the little pamphlet, made by the same printer at about the same time,
that is to say immediately after the marriage of the King of Navarre with
Marguerite de Valois. All three have this engraving on the last page, but
in every case it is accompanied by an addition of much later date, namely,
the device of Charles IX (two pillars joined by a scroll containing the
words, 'Pietate et Jvsticia'), above the arms of France. The volume
contains also numerous other engravings and letters bearing Guillaume de
Nyverd's initials. It is worth while to call attention to the fact that de
Nyverd does not assume the title of king's printer in this book, although,
as we have seen above, his appointment was of much earlier date.

       *       *       *       *       *

PALLIER (JEAN), called 'Marchand,' printer and bookseller at
Metz, from 1539 to 1548.--One mark (Silvestre, no. 156), representing a
fleur-de-lis held in the air by two naked children, with the letters I. P.
in the field.[487] Jean Pallier, or, better, Palyer (in Latin, Palierus),
did business also in Paris, for I have seen several books of his dated
from that city in 1541 or 1542, with the mark described above. I will
mention, among others: (1) 'Epitomæ singularum distinctionum libri primi
sententiarum, cum versibus memorialibus Arnoldi Vesaliensis,' etc., 16mo,
Paris, 1541; and (2) 'Topica Marci Tullii Ciceronis,' etc., 'ex officina
Joannis Palierii, e regione Navarræ, sub signo Leonis Coronati,' 4to,

       *       *       *       *       *

PARIS (NICOLE), printer at Troyes, from 1542 to 1547.--One mark
(Silvestre, no. 175), representing a child clinging to the branches of a
palm-tree (?), beneath the device, 'Et Colligam.'


       *       *       *       *       *

PERIER (CHARLES), bookseller at Paris, from 1550 to 1557.--One
mark, found on the title of the folio entitled, 'Les quatre livres
d'Albert Durer ... de la proportion des parties et pourtraicts des corps
humains, traduits par Louys Meigret,' etc., 'chez Charles Perier ... à
l'enseigne du Bellerophon, 1557.'[488] This bookseller issued two editions
of Dürer's book in the same year, one in Latin and the other in French,
both illustrated with the same cuts. I am unable to say which appeared
first. He had already published, in 1555, for Louis Meigret, a translation
of 'Les XII livres de Robert Valturin, touchans la discipline militaire,'
in folio, with engravings, in which his mark appears, signed with the
double cross. The sign of Bellerophon was retained by Charles Perier's son

       *       *       *       *       *

PETIT (OUDIN), bookseller at Paris from 1541.--One mark
(Silvestre, no. 103), representing a shield bearing a fleur-de-lis, and
held by two lions; in the field the letters O. P.

       *       *       *       *       *

PORTE (MAURICE DE LA), bookseller at Paris from 1524 to
1548.--One mark used by his widow in the volume entitled, 'M. A. Mureti
Juvenilia'; octavo, 1553.[489] Maurice de la Porte's widow sold his plant
to Gabriel Buon, who used the marks of the deceased from 1558 to 1587.
They represent a man carrying a valise at the door (_à la porte_) of a
house; one of them has the device, 'Omnia mea mecum _porto_.' The man
is Bias,[490] according to La Caille. About the same time there was a
printer at Lyon named Hugues de la Porte, whose mark represented Samson
carrying away the gates (_portes_) of Gaza in his arms, with the device,
'Libertatem meam mecum _porto_.' (He also published a folio Latin Bible in

       *       *       *       *       *


       *       *       *       *       *

REGNAULT (BARBE), bookseller at Paris from 1556 to about
1560.--One mark, representing an elephant carrying a tower on his back,
with the device, 'Sicut elephas sto'; height 7½ centimetres, width 5½
centimetres. Barbe was undoubtedly the daughter of François Regnault,
who died in 1552, and who had a similar mark.[492] François Regnault's
mark was retained by his widow, Madeleine Boursette, who added to it
her initials, M. B., and did business in her own name until 1555. Barbe
Regnault's mark first appears, so far as my knowledge goes, in a small
octavo, printed about 1556, entitled, 'Description de la prinse de Calais
et de Guynes, composée par forme de style de proces par M. G. de M.' (Here
the mark.) 'A Paris, chez Barbe Regnault, rue Sainct-Jacques, à l'enseigne
de l'Elephant.'[493] La Caille informs us of other works published
about the same time by Barbe Regnault: 'Monstre d'abus contre Michel
Nostradamus,' 1558; J. Seve, 'Supplication aux rois,' ... 'de faire la
paix entre eux,' 1559. In 1560 she published a book by Estienne Brulefer,
in octavo, entitled, 'Identitatum et distinctionum ... traditarum
compendiosa contractio'; then comes the mark, and below it an imprint
in which Barbe styles herself the widow of André Barthelin.[494] I am
unable to say whether this is the same man whom La Caille and Lottin call
André Berthelin, and who published in 1544 a work entitled, 'Francisci
Georgii Venali ... de Harmonia mundi totius cantica tria'; folio, Paris,
'apud Andream Berthelin, via ad divum Jacobum, in domo Guilelmi Rolandi,
sub insigne Aureæ Coronæ, et in vico Longobardorum in domo ejusdem
Rolandi.'[495] If he is the same man, we must assume that he was not yet
married to Barbe Regnault, for we see that, while he lived, as she did,
on rue Saint-Jacques, he had a different sign. Indeed, I am inclined to
think that Barbe did not adopt the 'Elephant' until after the death of
Madeleine Boursette, François Regnault's widow, about 1556. However that
may be, La Caille says that Barbe Regnault's mark passed into the hands
of Thibault Bessault, then to his son Jean, and finally to Antoine Houic.
I have seen a book published by the last-named in 1582, embellished with
Barbe Regnault's 'Elephant.'

       *       *       *       *       *

ROBINOT (GILLES I), bookseller at Paris, from 1554 to 1575.--One
mark (Silvestre, no. 686), representing Icarus hurled into the sea for not
following the advice of Dædalus, his father, not to approach too near the
sun lest that luminary should melt the wax with which the wings of our
presumptuous youth were fastened to his body. In a scroll are these words,
'Ne quid nimis.' This mark was used as late as 1619 by Gilles Robinot the
second, son of the first Gilles[496]; it is .05 of a millimetre high by
.047 wide. See SERTENAS.


       *       *       *       *       *

ROFFET (PIERRE), called 'Le Faulchoir,' bookseller at Paris,
from 1525 to 1537.--One mark (Silvestre, no. 150) representing a mower
(_faucheur_) appears in a book printed in 1536.[497]

       *       *       *       *       *

ROIGNY (JEAN DE), bookseller at Paris, from 1529 to 1562.--I
know two marks of de Roigny, signed with the Lorraine cross. The older is
the one that appears in a superb edition of Pliny's 'Letters,' printed
by Josse Bade in 1533, in folio (Silvestre, no. 674).[498] It represents
a man and a woman, each holding a scroll containing a Latin motto; the
man's reads thus: 'Nec me labor iste gravabit'; and the woman's, 'Spes
premii solatium est laboris.' In the sky is Fortune with her wheel
and the horn of plenty, and this device in a scroll beneath: 'Quod
differtur non aufertur.' The second mark, which was adopted by Jean de
Roigny after the death of his father-in-law, Josse Bade, in 1535, is the
'Prelum ascensianum,' but reëngraved (Silvestre, no. 787); for Bade's
typographical plant passed into the hands of another son-in-law of his,
Michel de Vascosan, who continued to use his father-in-law's old woodcuts,
especially his mark, badly worn as it was. As for Robert Estienne, Bade's
third son-in-law, his father-in-law's death caused no change in his
typographical arrangements; he still retained the 'Olive-tree' which he
has made so celebrated.


       *       *       *       *       *

SERTENAS (VINCENT), bookseller at Paris, from 1534 to 1561.--One
mark, which was used on two opuscula, in octavo, of 1561; they are usually
bound in the same volume, and are entitled: (1) 'Régime de vivre et
conservation des corps humains,' etc.; (2) 'Recueil de plusieurs secrets
très-utiles pour la santé,' etc. This mark represents the initials V. S.
interlaced, in a medallion above which is the sun, with a genie on each
side; and below, the device, 'Vincenti non victo.' We also find Robinot's
mark, described above, in certain books published by Sertenas. I will
mention among others the 'Recueil des rimes et proses, by E. P.; octavo,
1555.[499] Presumably, it was because Robinot was the printer that he
placed his mark on the books.

       *       *       *       *       *

VIVIAN (THIELMAN), bookseller at Paris in 1539.--One mark
(Silvestre, no. 725), which appears in the second part of the 'Grand
Marial de la mère de vie,'[500] translated by Adam de Saint-Victor. This
second part is entitled, 'A la très-pure et immaculée Conception de la
Vierge'; quarto, 1539. Vivian lived in Clos Bruneau; his mark bore this
device, 'Post tenebras spero lucem' in a scroll, above a fountain guarded
by two unicorns; below are the letters T. V., and still lower, 'Thielman

[Illustration: THIELMAN VIVIAN]




[Footnote 448: _Champ fleury_, folio 43 verso.]

[Footnote 449: Eloi Gibier used previously a similar mark, which bore
the following device: 'In sudore vultus tui vesceris pane tuo.' (See
Silvestre, no. 544.) He used it particularly at the end of the _Coutumes
générales d'Orléans_, 1570.]

[Footnote 450: Bibliothèque Nationale.]

[Footnote 451: Brunet, _Manuel de Libraire_, vol. ii, col. 1629.]

[Footnote 452: This very rare and valuable edition contains a dissertation
on Latin accents. Bibliothèque Nationale.]

[Footnote 453: See Silvestre, nos. 286 and 287.]

[Footnote 454: See Mattaire, _Annales typographiques_, vol. iii, part 1 A,
p. 147.]

[Footnote 455: See the subscription of the first book published by him
in conjunction with Wolfgang Hopyl, under the title, _Artificialis
introductio Jacobi Fabri Stapulensis_, etc.; folio, 1502. This book is in
the Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève.]

[Footnote 456: According to Lottin, it was first used in 1555. See his
_Catalogue_, vol. ii, p. 30.]

[Footnote 457: I have reproduced this mark on the title-page of my _Les
Estienne et les types grecs de François I_; octavo, 1856.]

[Footnote 458: [Silvestre also gives three other variants, nos. 508, 542,
and 958, signed with the cross. No. 508 is reproduced above.]]

[Footnote 459: [1538? M. Bernard mentions no Bible of 1528.]]

[Footnote 460: Octavo; Paris, Robert Estienne, 1550. Bibliothèque

[Footnote 461: This book is described on p. 244, supra.]

[Footnote 462: Bibliothèque Nationale.]

[Footnote 463: See the collection of Tory's work in the Print Section of
the Bibliothèque Nationale.]

[Footnote 464: _Sermonum liber unus ex Isocratis notione de regno, carmine
heroico._ Bibliothèque Mazarine.]

[Footnote 465: Bibliothèque Nationale.]

[Footnote 466: Bibliothèque de l'Institut.]

[Footnote 467: Bibliothèque Nationale.]

[Footnote 468: On p. 197. [Reproduced on p. 198.]]

[Footnote 469: The placing of these arms on the typographical mark of
Gilles de Gourmont proves, in contradiction of the common opinion, that
the printer's trade was not degrading. (But see what I have said on this
subject in my book on the _Origin of Printing_, vol. i, p. 210, and vol.
ii, p. 89.) The Gourmonts of Paris were in fact descended from a noble
family of the Cotentin, which may still be in existence, and which bore
the same arms in the seventeenth century. Gilles de Gourmont had taken
up his abode in Paris in the last years of the fifteenth century, as had
several of his brothers, who practised the same trade. The oldest, Robert,
appears in that city as early as 1498; Jean, who was younger than Gilles,
not until 1507. We hear also of a Jérôme and a Benoît as booksellers in
Paris in the middle of the sixteenth century. I do not know what their
relationship to the earlier men was. Perhaps they were sons of Robert.
(Benoît, who married Catherine Goulard, had a son baptized by the name of
Gilles at the church of Sainte-Croix-en-la-Cité, on October 9, 1546.) We
also find a Jean Théobald de Gourmont at Antwerp in 1527. As for Gilles,
he was engaged in bookselling and printing from 1506 to about 1533, and
left two sons, Jean and François, who retained his establishment on rue
Saint-Jean-de-Latran, and printed there, in 1587, the _Tableaux des Arts
Libéraux de Christophe de Savigny_. This is an in-plano, at the beginning
of which is a superb engraving representing the arms of the family [as
described in the text]. This remarkable work, which bears the monogram
of the two brothers, was probably executed by Jean, the elder, who was a
painter and engraver. The Musée du Louvre has a picture supposed to be by
him (_Notice des tableaux du Louvre_, part 3, p. 156); he is the author
of a fine portrait of the Cardinal de Bourbon, mentioned by Mariette and
now in the Cabinet des Estampes; he is mentioned also by Abbé de Marolles
and by Papillon for certain pictures of equestrian groups and bits of
decoration. His mark (formed of the letters I D G entwined) and the name
accompanying it are found on several pieces cited by Brulliot, on the
plates of a Bible of 1560, and on certain pieces of Tortorel and Perissim
(Renouvier, _Maîtres Graveurs du Seizième Siècle_, p. 195 ). It will be
seen that Gilles had worthy successors; unfortunately the race of the
Gourmonts of Paris died out with them.]

[Footnote 470: [That is, consisting of unfolded sheets, so that each sheet
forms only one leaf, or two pages.]]

[Footnote 471: Bibliothèque Nationale.]

[Footnote 472: Bibliothèque Mazarine.]

[Footnote 473: Gueullard lived at the sign of the Phœnix, _e regione
collegii Remensis_.]

[Footnote 474: Bibliothèque Mazarine.]

[Footnote 475: Bibliothèque Nationale.]

[Footnote 476: Bibliothèque Nationale.]

[Footnote 477: [See p. 177, supra.]]

[Footnote 478: [See p. 221, supra.]]

[Footnote 479: _Bibliothèque de l'Amateur champenois_, 2d part:
'Construction d'une Notre-Dame.']

[Footnote 480: See Dibdin, _The Bibliographical Decameron_, vol. ii, p.
43; Silvestre, no. 61. The one in Silvestre is a reduced copy of that
at the end of _Des Coustumes et statuz particuliers de la pluspart des
baillages_, etc. (4to, 1527), which is of much larger format, and is also
signed with the Lorraine cross. [This magnificent mark is reproduced in
its full size on p. 264, supra.]]

[Footnote 481: Quarto; finished Jan. 8, 1536 (1537 n. s.).]

[Footnote 482: _Bibliographical Decameron_, vol. ii, p. 32.]

[Footnote 483: Nos. 153 and 174 seem to be by the same artist, but they
are not signed.]

[Footnote 484: Silvestre, no. 801. See a further description of this book,
supra, p. 215, note.]

[Footnote 485: Indeed I have seen this mark, with the Lorraine cross,
on a Greek alphabet of 1560, printed by G. Morel (Bibl. Nat.), and on
several other works printed by Prevosteau, his son-in-law; I will mention
particularly _Adriani Behotii diluvium_, octavo, 1591 (Bibl. Nat.), where
the mark is cracked, which explains why it was reëngraved with the letters
E. P.]

[Footnote 486: Sixteenmo; Paris, Janet, 1855.]

[Footnote 487: See _Le Second Enfer d'Estienne Dolet_; quarto, 1544;
Bibliothèque Nationale.]

[Footnote 488: Bibliothèque du Jardin des Plantes et Sainte-Geneviève.]

[Footnote 489: Bibliothèque Mazarine.]

[Footnote 490: One of the 'Seven Sages' of Greece.]

[Footnote 491: Bibliothèque Nationale.]

[Footnote 492: See Silvestre, nos. 42 and 43.]

[Footnote 493: Bibliothèque Nationale.]

[Footnote 494: Bibliothèque Nationale.]

[Footnote 495: Bibliothèque Nationale.]

[Footnote 496: See _Epistres morales d'Honoré d' Urfé_; 8vo, 1619.]

[Footnote 497: [Reproduced on p. 137.]]

[Footnote 498: [Reproduced on p. 286.]]

[Footnote 499: Copies of both books are in the Bibliothèque Nationale.]

[Footnote 500: This book is in the Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal. The first
part is in gothic type, without typographical signs; the second, in roman.]




1. _Of his Forbears and Collateral Relations._


Genealogical investigation, supplemented with information furnished by two
learned Berrichons, enabled me to enumerate, in my first work on Tory,
a considerable number of members of his family, all, or almost all, of
whom lived in Faubourg Saint-Privé [Bourges]. The recent researches of my
friend M. Hippolyte Boyer, Deputy Archivist of the Department of the Cher,
make it possible for me to make known his grandfather, his father, and all
his brothers and sisters.

'By deed of December 29, 1486, Robert Thory, husbandman, living in the
parish of Saint-Germain-du-Puy, conveys to Jean Thory, his brother, for 20
livres tournois, his share in the heritage of the late Jean and Jeanne,
their father and mother.'

'By contracts of September 5 and 8, 1507, Jean Thory, of Saint-Privé,[501]
and Philippe _Thoreye_, his wife, give their two daughters, Jehanne Thorye
and Perron Thorye, in marriage to Thevenin and François Leconte, sons of
Jean Leconte.' Among the provisions of Perron's contract is one to the
effect that Jean Thory and his wife settle a dowry of 40 livres tournois
on their daughter: 'and this in satisfaction of all claim upon father and
mother, be it in respect of furniture or of inheritance, which said claim
the said future bride, with the authority of her said future husband,
hath renounced and doth by these presents renounce, in favour of her
father and mother, of _maistre Geoffroye_, André, Antoine and Michell
Thoris, children of said Jean and Philippe, save for the power to,'

Thus it appears that Geofroy was the oldest of the brothers and sisters,
as he is named first in the document. Now, as two of his sisters were of
marriageable age in 1507, and as he is called _maistre_, it is probable
that he himself was more than twenty-five. That is why I have placed his
birth about 1480.

2. _Of his Descendants._

Jean Toubeau, printer and bookseller at Bourges, who died at Paris in
1685, while on a mission for his native place,[503] wrote the following
in the preface to his 'Institutes consulaires,' printed by himself in
1682, three years before his death: 'I have not been impelled to undertake
and write this work by the examples of the illustrious members of my
profession. Nor is it the example of those of my own family who have given
their works to the public: Geofroy Tory, professor in the University
of Paris, and a printer and bookseller in the same city, who was so
prolific that, proposing to put forth a book which should teach the scope
and proportions of those beautiful roman letters which we use to-day
in printing, he could not forbear to produce a book overflowing with
learning, which was followed by numerous others of instruction, which are
so well known that it is needless to give a list of them here, especially
as M. de la Thaumassière gives them a whole chapter in our history.'

It is evident from this passage that Toubeau was related to Tory, but it
is not clear how the relationship came about; and La Thaumassière does
not mention Tory in his 'Histoire du Berry,' printed a few years later
by François Toubeau, Jean's son, despite the promises which he seems to
have made to Jean, who had transferred to him the duty of making known to
posterity that illustrious son of his province.

The only author able to assist us at all in our investigations is Moréri,
who, in the article on Jean Toubeau in his great historical dictionary,
says that he was the great-great-grandson of Tory, on his mother's side.
This statement should be exact, and the article appears to be written from
information furnished by the Toubeau family; but all that we can determine
from it is that Toubeau was a descendant of Tory in the fourth degree.
Whether he descended from a son or daughter of Geofroy, I have been
unable to discover. To elucidate this fact, I wrote to M. Auguste Toubeau,
judge of the civil court at Bourges, and this was his reply, dated March
5, 1856: 'I should have been glad to give you the information you desire
about Tory. But I have no documents or family papers which establish his
relationship to Jean and Hilaire Toubeau. I do not know what connection
there was between them and Tory, and I learned that there was such a
connection only from what Moréri says of it.'

Failing family papers, I made fruitless efforts to fix the relationship
between the Toubeaus and Tory. Finding it impossible to reach any certain
result, I have abandoned this search, which has no bearing upon the
history of our illustrious typographer. The Toubeaus alone are interested
in the solution of the question; I leave to them the task of proving their

POSTSCRIPT.--It may be surmised that Bonaventure _Torinus_,
bookseller of Bourges, who caused to be printed at that city, in 1595, by
the widow of Nicolas Levez, the 'Epitome juris civilis,' by an unknown
author, and 'Julii Pauli receptarum sententiarum libri V,'[504] was Tory's
son, for he wrote his name in Latin in the same way that Tory wrote it;
but was it from a daughter of Tory or from a daughter of this Bonaventure
that Toubeau descended? It is impossible for me to say. The lateness of
the period at which Bonaventure makes his appearance leads me to believe
that he did not see the light until Tory had reached an advanced age.
Indeed, if we compare the dates, we shall find that this son of Tory
cannot have come into the world before 1530, for, starting from that year,
he would have been sixty-five years old in 1595, when his 'Epitome juris'
was printed, and there is no reason to believe that he died very soon
thereafter. For my own part, I believe that he was not born until after
the publication of 'Champ fleury,' and that his Christian name was an
allusion to his late birth.[505] In that case, we can understand why he
did not succeed to the paternal establishment: he was only two or three
years old at Geofroy's death--too young to think of taking his place; so
that that duty fell to Geofroy's pupils, whoever they may have been. As
for Bonaventure, the family traditions naturally led him back to Bourges,
and the trade that he adopted brought him still nearer to his father.



'Ejusdem [Leonardi] Coxi ad eruditum virum Gefridum TROY[507] de
Burges[508] Gallum, Campi floridi authorem, quem ille sua lingua Champ
fleury vocat, nomine omnium Anglorum, phaleutium.

    'Campo quod toties, Gefride docte,
    'In florente tuo cupisti habemus.
    'Nam sub legibus hic bene approbatis
    'Sermo gallicus ecce perdocetur.
    'Non rem grammaticam Palæmon ante
    'Tractarat melius suis latinis,
    'Quotquot floruerant ve posterorum,
    'Nec Græcis melius putato Gazam
    'Instruxisse suos libris politis,
    'Seu quotquot prætio prius fuere,
    'Quam nunc gallica iste noster tradit.
    'Est doctus, facilis, brevisque quantum
    'Res permittit, et inde nos ovamus,
    'Campo quod toties, Gefride docte,
    'In florente tuo cupisti, habentes.'

_Remarks on the foregoing lines._

The numerous errors of all sorts which disfigure Palsgrave's book (a very
interesting book, none the less)--errors of which the foregoing lines
afford several specimens--should have humbled to some extent the national
vanity of the author, who cries out incessantly, throughout his bulky
volume, against the ignorance of French printers. He should, in any event,
have remembered that English typography was the very humble daughter of
French typography, which latter not only trained the first English artist
(Caxton), but also gave him his two most illustrious successors,--Wynkyn
de Worde and Pinson,--the last named of whom did in fact print a part of
Palsgrave's book.

A modern Englishman, David Baker, has gone even farther than Palsgrave; he
says, speaking of Palsgrave's work: 'the French nation, so proud to-day of
the universality of its language, seems to owe it to England.' To which M.
Génin retorts: 'Baker reasons backward. The French language did not come
into universal use because it pleased Palsgrave to write a grammar; on
the contrary, Palsgrave composed his grammar because the French language
was already universal. This universality was a fact, admitted before
Palsgrave's birth,[509] and others before him had tried to draw up rules
to facilitate the study of French by foreigners. Palsgrave names three to
whom he acknowledges that his work is greatly indebted.

'Leonard Coxe exults more modestly and with more propriety than David
Baker, for he seems to attribute to Geofroy Tory the honour of having
called forth Palsgrave's grammar. To be sure, a comparison of dates seems
to leave little likelihood to that conjecture, for the Frenchman's work
and the Englishman's are only about a year apart; but I must notice here
one curious fact which has not been noticed by the bibliographers. On the
title-page of the English book we find the date 1530, and on the last
leaf, "Printing completed July 18, 1530." But the king's licence to print,
at the beginning of the volume, is dated, "At our Castle of Ampthill,
the second of September, in the year of our reign the XXII."
Now, as Henry VIII succeeded to the throne in 1509, after Easter, the
twenty-second year of his reign was the year 1531,[510] and "Champ fleury"
appeared early in 1529. So that this gives us an interval of three
years.[511] In this view Leonard Coxe's words have genuine force, and the
point of concurrence which Palsgrave congratulates himself upon finding
in "Champ fleury" and "Lesclaircissement" may not be so fortuitous as he
chooses to state.'

However, as M. Génin goes on to say, 'this honour, claimed by the English,
of having been the first to write upon the French language, is, all things
considered, simply an act of homage to France; for if our neighbours had
awaited from a foreign nation the first book on the English language,
perhaps they would be awaiting it still.'



In the 'Acta Facultatis medicinæ Parisiensis,'[512] at the end, we read as

'Die Martis 18 febr. 1532 [1533, n. s.]....

'Die sabbati sequenti, vocata est Universitas in ecclesia Mathurinorum,
super tribus articulis: clausione rotuli, resignatione cure Sanctorum
Cosme et Damiani, et receptione vigesimi quinti librarii Universitatis.
Clausus est rotulus solito more; admissa est resignatio permutationis
causa et sine prejudicio turni, et admissus est vigesimus quintus
librarius Gauffridus Torier [_sic_], dono regio. Ubi supplicavit magister
Jacobus Japhet pro pastillaria.'


    'On the following Saturday [February 22, 1533], the University was
    called together at the Church of the Mathurins. There were three
    articles in the order of the day: Closing of the register [of
    benefices]; resignation of the curé of Saint-Come and Saint-Damien;
    reception of a twenty-fifth bookseller to the University. The
    register was closed according to the usual form. The resignation
    was accepted, by way of exchange, without prejudice to the next
    in turn. Geofroy Tory was admitted as twenty-fifth bookseller, by
    presentation of the king. At this same session Maître Jacques Japhet
    prayed for leave to present his "pastillary" thesis.'

       *       *       *       *       *

The only item that interests us in this extract from the proceedings of
the Faculty of Medicine is the passage relating to Tory. We see that in
1533 he was made the twenty-fifth bookseller to the University, by command
of King François I. Up to that time there had been only twenty-four (see
M. Didot's 'Essai,' col. 744), and they undoubtedly went back to that
consecrated number after the death of Tory, in whose behalf an exception
had been made.



The dedicatory epistle of Tory's edition of Pomponius Mela is dated Paris,
December, 1507; but it mentions no place of abode.

The edition of the 'Cosmography' of Pope Pius II is dated at the Collège
du Plessis, October 2, 1509. Tory was at the Collège du Plessis as late as
May 10, 1510.[513]

On August 18, 1512, we find him installed at the Collège Coqueret; and a
little later at the Collège de Bourgogne.[514]

About 1518, having joined the fraternity of booksellers, he went to live
on rue Saint-Jacques, opposite the Écu de Bâle, which was then used as a
sign by the famous printer Chrétien Wechel. The latter's establishment was
on the right going up rue Saint-Jacques, near the church of Saint-Benoît.

About 1526 Tory established himself on the Petit-Pont, near Hôtel-Dieu,
but did not give up his shop on rue Saint-Jacques, at the sign of the Pot

Early in 1531, he changed his abode to rue de la Juiverie, the Halle aux
Blés de Beauce, where he set up his printing-press and his bookstall. He
retained his shop on rue Saint-Jacques for some time.[515] It was in his
house on rue de la Juiverie that he died, in 1533.



M. Francis Wey, in a report made by him to the Philological section of the
Committee on the Language, History, and Arts of France, on June 9, 1856,
and published in the 9th fascicle of volume three of that Committee's
'Bulletin' (page 437), seems to attribute to Jean Salomon, otherwise
called Montflory, or Florimond, the first philological dissertation
in which there is any mention of the accent, the apostrophe and the
cedilla,--signs peculiar to the French language, which, as every one
knows, was for many years content with the alphabet of the Latin tongue,
from which it descended; more than that, he attributes to that author the
first use of these signs in a printed book. In both respects the honour
is due to Geofroy Tory. In truth, in his 'Champ fleury,'--which was not
published until 1529, it is true, although begun in 1523, the license
to print being dated September 5, 1526,--Tory proposed to introduce the
accent, the apostrophe, and the cedilla into the French language; he
did more than that; for, having become a printer, he was the first to
introduce those signs into typography. They appeared for the first time in
the last of the four editions of the 'Adolescence Clementine' (by Clement
Marot), all four of which he published. This fourth edition appeared June
7, 1533, accompanied by an 'avis' in these words: 'With certain accents
noted, to wit, on the _é_ masculine, different from the feminine,[516]
on letters joined by synalephe, and under the _c_ when it is pronounced
like _s_, the which for lack of counsel has never been done in the French
language, albeit it was and is most essential.' This was the first work
in which Tory applied his orthographic system, as may be seen by the
inexperience of the compositors in his employ, who made several errors of
omission and transposition in this very notice.

This so necessary reform spread very rapidly, thanks to the fact that the
necessity had already made itself felt, as is proved by the work of Jean
Salomon, published in that same year 1533. But it is Tory's especial glory
that only those changes which were proposed by him were retained, save a
few orthographic signs which have no other purpose than to distinguish
words spelled alike but of different meanings--and these signs were
introduced later: a, à; ou, où; du, dû, etc.

With however good a will one might seek to deny Tory's precedence in the
use of orthographic signs in the French tongue, and to award it to Jean
Salomon, who used them in the same year, there are two facts that decide
the question in favour of the former: these are, the publication in April,
1529, of his 'Champ fleury' (the first book of which is entitled, 'An
exhortation to fix and ordain the French language by certain rules for
speaking with elegance in good sound French words'), and the formulation
of the 'General rules of orthography of the French language,' no copy of
which is known to exist, it is true, but for which Tory obtained a license
to print on September 28, 1529, four years before Salomon's work appeared.

Nor must we lose sight of the fact that Tory was from Bourges, that is to
say, from the same province as Jacques Thiboust, Seigneur de Quantilly,
'friend of books, and distinguished penman,' who was Jean Salomon's
Mæcenas. There is nothing improbable in the supposition that Thiboust had
had his interest aroused by Tory, who is likely to have been a crony of
Thiboust in Paris by a two-fold claim,--as a Berrichon and as a 'friend
of books.' It seems to me that the alias 'Montflory' assumed by Salomon
is an allusion to 'Champ fleury.' That, in my opinion, is why he wrote
it 'Montflory' or 'Florimond,' indifferently, the word being an anagram
rather than a real surname.

As the opportunity offers itself, I will add to M. Francis Wey's notes a
few remarks which may some day assist in writing the biography of Jean
Salomon, of whom nothing is known except the fact, told us by himself,
that he was an Angevin.

We know now of three different editions of his work. The first, dated
1533, with no indication of the month, was printed in that year in three
pages and a half, octavo, under this title: 'Briefve doctrine pour
deuement escripre selon la propriete du langaige francoys.' We do not know
where or by whom it was published, but it certainly was printed at Paris,
where Salomon undoubtedly lived, and probably by Antoine Augereau, as was
the one next described, which seems to have been modelled upon it. Indeed,
like it, it is generally found between the same covers with an edition of
the 'Miroir de l'âme pécheresse' (of Marguerite of Navarre),--an edition
without date, name of place or of printer, which, therefore, should also
be attributed to Antoine Augereau and to the year 1533. This edition,
which M. Brunet does not mention,[517] has on the first page: 'Le Miroir
de lame pecheresse, auquel elle recongnoit ses fautes et pechez, aussi
les graces et benefices a elle faictz par Jesuchrist son espoux.' It
consists of nine half sheets in octavo, printed as four (signatures _a_
to _i_). On the last leaf is a note to the reader wherein forgiveness is
asked for the first corrector (he who is called to-day 'the corrector
of first proofs'), who has inadvertently omitted three verses. 'Divers
other trivial errors may peradventure be found before or after, but they
must needs be charged rather to the variety of the copies than to the
negligence of the correctors or to the haste of the printers.'--As I
have said, it is at the end of this pamphlet that we find printed, with
separate signatures of its own, from _a_ to _d_, the little book described
by M. Wey after the copy in the Bibliothèque Nationale which contains the
'Briefve doctrine.' But one essential point, which M. Wey has forgotten to
mention, is that in the first edition not a word is said of the accent or
the cedilla; there is no mention of anything except the apostrophe.

The second edition, printed at Paris by Antoine Augereau, in December,
1533, at the back of another edition of the 'Miroir de l'âme pécheresse'
(called 'Miroir de tres chrestienne princesse Marguerite, reine de
Navare'), is two-thirds larger. It was probably published (like the
preceding one) by the Queen of Navarre's secretary, Jean Thiboust, after a
manuscript which the author had dedicated to him as his Mæcenas. Indeed,
we find at the head of this reprint the words 'ex manuscriptis authoris,'
which seems to indicate further that the author was dead. A point worth
noting is that the 'Briefve doctrine' again forms a part of an appendix
distinguished by separate signature letters (and folios) from Marguerite's
poem, and bearing the same title as in the earlier print, despite
the additions that had been made to it (presumably based upon Tory's
publications), especially with respect to the cedilla and the accent,
which, moreover, are used throughout the volume.

The third is the one which is still in manuscript at Bourges. It contains
several passages more than the preceding; but these passages, which are
of very debateable merit (as M. Wey, who reproduces them in his report,
declares), were probably added by one Jean Milon, of Arlenc in Auvergne,
calling himself a retainer ('serviteur') of Thiboust, who revised the
'Briefve doctrine' about 1542; so much at least we may infer from the
date of some other pieces in the collection containing it, which was
presented, in 1555, by Jacques Thiboust to the Collège de Bourges, whence
it found its way to the public library of the same city. It is exceedingly
interesting to find this document in Geofroy Tory's native place. It
is as if chance had chosen thereby to remind us of the source of the
orthographic reform proposed by Jean Salomon.

To be entirely fair, we ought to say that certain other writers had even
anticipated Salomon. Thus Jacobus Silvius, otherwise called Jacques
Dubois, had published through Robert Estienne, on the 7th of the Ides
of January, 1531 (January 7, 1532, n. s.), a French grammar in Latin,
wherein he suggested a complete system of orthographic reform, including
the acute accent, the apostrophe, the cedilla, etc.; but his plan was so
complicated that it could not be followed in its entirety. Moreover, the
signs proposed by him were, for the most part, impossible of adoption
throughout a book. For instance, the cedilla consisted of an _s_ placed
about the _c_. The merit of Tory's system, over and above its priority,
was its simplicity. So we may say that it was generally adopted after 1533.



    January 17, 1539 [new style].

François, by the grace of God King of the French, to the French nation,

We desire that it be known to one and all that our dearest wish is, and
has ever been, to accord to letters our support and especial favour, and
to do our utmost endeavours to supply the young with useful studies.
We are persuaded that such useful studies will produce in our realm
theologians who will teach the blessed doctrines of religion; magistrates
who will execute the laws, not with passion, but in a spirit of public
equity; and skilful administrators, the glory of the State, who will not
hesitate to sacrifice their private interests to love of the public weal.

Such are in effect the advantages which we are justified in anticipating
from worthy studies almost alone. And that is why we did, not long since,
make liberal allotments of stipends to distinguished scholars that they
might teach the young the languages and sciences, and train them in the no
less valuable practice of good morals. But we have considered that there
was still lacking, in order to hasten the onward march of literature,
something no less essential than public instruction, namely, that a
capable person should be specially entrusted with the matter of printing
in Greek, under our auspices and with due encouragement from us, in order
to the correct printing of Greek authors for the use of the young people
of our realm.

In truth men distinguished in letters have represented to us that the
arts, history, morality, philosophy, and almost all other branches of
knowledge, flow from the Greek authors as streams flow from their sources.
We know likewise that, Greek being more difficult to print than French
and Latin, it is indispensable for the successful administration of a
printing establishment of this sort, that the director thereof should be
well versed in the Greek tongue, extremely painstaking, and blessed with
abundant means; that it may be that there is not a single person among
the printers of our realm who combines all these qualifications (that is
to say, knowledge of the Greek language, painstaking energy and large
wealth), but that in one the fortune is lacking, in another the necessary
knowledge, and in others still different conditions. For those men who
possess at once wealth and learning prefer to pursue any other occupation
rather than turn their hands to typography, which demands a most toilsome

Accordingly we instructed several scholars whom we admit to our table or
to our intimacy, to point out to us a man overflowing with zeal for the
art of typography, and of proved learning and diligence, who, supported by
our generosity, should be employed to print Greek books.

And we have a two-fold motive in thus serving the cause of study. Firstly,
as we hold this realm from the All-powerful God, which realm is abundantly
supplied with wealth and with all the conveniences of life, we choose that
it shall yield to no other in respect to the profundity of its studies,
the favour accorded to men of letters, and the variety and extent of the
instruction provided; secondly, in order that the studious youth, knowing
our good-will toward them, and the honour which it is our delight to
bestow upon learning, may give themselves with the greater ardour to the
study of letters and of the sciences, and that men of worth, incited by
our example, may redouble their zeal and efforts to train our youth to
goodly and useful studies.

And even as we sought the person to whom we could with all confidence
entrust this function, Conrad Néobar presented himself most opportunely,
being most desirous to obtain some public employment which should
place him under our protection, and confer upon him personal benefits
proportioned to the importance of his service; and, acting upon the
testimony that has been laid before us of his learning and his skill, by
men of letters well known to us, it has pleased us to entrust to him the
matter of Greek typography, to the end that he may print correctly in our
kingdom, supported by our munificence, those Greek manuscripts which are
the source of all learning.

But, desiring to provide at the same time for the public service, and
in order to forestall any possible fraud to the prejudice of Néobar our
printer, we establish him in his said office upon the following rules and

Firstly, we understand that all works not yet printed shall not be put
to press, still less published, before they have been submitted to the
judgement of our professors of the Académie of Paris who are charged with
the instruction of the young; so that the examination of works in profane
literature shall be entrusted to the professors of belles-lettres, and of
those on religious subjects to the professors of theology. By this means
the purity of our most sacred religion will be preserved from superstition
and heresy, and integrity of morals be removed beyond the reach of the
debasement and contagion of vice.

Secondly, Conrad Néobar will deposit in our library a copy of all editions
of Greek texts which he shall first put forth, to the end that, in the
event of some occurrence calamitous to letters, posterity will have this
source to draw upon to repair the loss of books.

Thirdly, all such books as Néobar may print shall contain an express
statement that he is our _printer for the Greek_, and that he is specially
entrusted with Greek printing under our auspices; to the end that not the
present age alone, but all posterity, may learn of the zeal and good-will
for letters whereby we are moved, and that, inspired by our example, it
may, like ourselves, prove itself disposed to strengthen the cause of
study and contribute to its progress.

Furthermore, inasmuch as this office is of more benefit to the State than
any other, and as it demands from the man who desires to perform its
duties zealously such assiduous care and attention that he can not have
a single moment to devote to labours which might lead him to honours or
to wealth, we have chosen to provide in three ways for the interest and
support of our printer Néobar.

Firstly, we award him an annual stipend of one hundred gold crowns, called
'écus au soleil,' by way of encouragement and to indemnify him in part for
his expenses. It is our will, further, that he be exempt from all imposts
and that he enjoy the other privileges which we and our predecessors have
accorded the clergy and the Académie of Paris, so that he may enjoy the
greater advantage from the disposal of his books and that he may the
more easily acquire all that is essential for a printing establishment.
Finally, we forbid everybody, printers and booksellers alike, to print or
to sell, in our realm, for the term of five years, such books in foreign
tongues, whether Latin or Greek, as Conrad Néobar shall have published
first, and for the term of two years such books as he shall have reprinted
more correctly, from ancient manuscripts, whether by his own labours or by
availing himself of the work of other scholars.

Whoever violates the terms hereof shall be punishable with a fine for
the use of the treasury, and shall reimburse our printer all the cost of
his editions. Furthermore, we command the provost of our city of Paris,
or his lieutenant, as well as all other magistrates now in office, or
who hold public employments from us, to see to it that Conrad Néobar,
our printer, enjoys to the full all the privileges and immunities hereby
conferred upon him, and to inflict severe punishment upon whoever shall
cause him annoyance or hindrance in the performance of his duties: for
it is our will that he be protected from the evil-disposed and from the
malice of the envious, to the end that the tranquillity and security of an
unharrassed life may enable him to devote himself with the greater zeal to
his important duties.

And that full and entire credence may be forever given to what is
hereinbefore commanded, we have confirmed it with our signature and have
caused our seal to be affixed. Adieu.

Given at Paris, the seventeenth day of January, in the year of grace 1538,
and of our reign the twenty-fifth.



François, by the grace of God King of France, to all those who shall see
these letters, greeting. Be it known that we, having been well and duly
advised of the great skill and experience which our dear and well-beloved
Denis Janot has acquired in the art of printing and in the matters which
depend thereon, whereof he has ordinarily made great profession, and even
in the French language; and considering that we have already engaged and
constituted two printers of our own, one for the Latin, the other for
the Greek language; desiring to do no less honour to our own than to the
said two other languages, and to commit the printing thereof to some
person who is able to acquit himself thereof, as we hope that the said
Janot will prove himself well able to do, for these causes and others
moving us thereto, we have engaged and do by these presents engage him
to be our printer in the said French language, henceforward to print
well and duly, in good type and as correctly as may be, such books as
are and shall be written in said language, and such as he may be able to
recover; and to enjoy in that office the honours, authority, privileges,
precedencies, powers, liberties, and rights which may appertain thereto,
so long as it shall be our good pleasure. And in order to arouse in him
the greater ardour and to afford him better means and opportunity to
maintain and support the cost and outlays, the toil and labour which it
will be incumbent on him to make and undergo, as well in the printing and
correcting as in other matters depending thereon, we have decreed and
ordered, do decree and order, and it is our pleasure that the said Janot
be given permission, by these presents, to print all books composed in the
said French language which he may be able to recover, but only after they
shall have been well, duly, and sufficiently inspected and examined, and
found to be excellent and not scandalous.... Given at Paris the twelfth
day of April in the year of grace one thousand five hundred forty-three,
and of our reign the twenty-ninth.

On the outside are the words: 'By the King--Present, the Bishop of
Thulles. Signed BAYARD; and sealed _sur double cueue_[521] with
that lord's great seal.'



    GEOFROY TORY, 1530-1533.[522]

    OLIVIER MALLARD, 1536-1542.

    DENIS JANOT, 1543-1550.[523]

    CHARLES ESTIENNE, 1551-1561.

    ROBERT ESTIENNE II (nephew of CHARLES), 1561-1570.

    JEAN METTAYER, 1575-1586.

    JAMET METTAYER (brother of JEAN), 1586-1602.

    PIERRE METTAYER (brother of JEAN and
    JAMET), 1602-1639.

    MAMERT PATISSON, 1578-1601. His widow succeeded him and
    held the office from 1602 to 1606.

    MICHEL DE VASCOSAN, 1560-1571.

    PIERRE LE VOIRRIER, 1583.[524]

    FEDERIC MOREL (VASCOSAN'S son-in-law), 1560-1581.

    FEDERIC MOREL II (son of FEDERIC), 1582-1630.[525]

    CLAUDE MOREL, 1617 (?).

    CHARLES MOREL (son of CLAUDE), 1635-1639.

    GILLES MOREL (son of CHARLES), 1639-1647.

    PIERRE LE PETIT. Succeeded MOREL, June, 1647
    'with the privileges and salary of 225 livres charged upon the
    State.'[526] He died in 1686.


    GUILLAUME CHAUDIÈRE, } Printers of the Sacred Union, 1589-1594.
    ROLIN THIERRY,       }

    CLAUDE PREVOST, 1614-1629.

    NICOLAS CALLEMONT, 1622-1631. His widow held the office in


    ANTOINE ESTIENNE, 1614-1664. In 1649 he called himself
    '_first_ king's printer.'[527]

    HENRI ESTIENNE, his son, obtained the reversion of his
    father's office in 1652, but he died before him, in 1661, probably
    without acting.[528]

    PIERRE MOREAU, 1640-1647. (For his bastard italic.)

    ANTOINE VITRÉ, 1622-1674. 'Linguarum orientalium
    typographus regius.'


    JACQUES DE GAST, 1640.

    SÉBASTIEN CRAMOISY, December 24, 1633. In 1640 he was
    appointed manager of the royal printing-office of the Louvre; in
    1651 he resigned the office of king's printer in favour of his
    grandson, SÉBASTIEN MÂBRE-CRAMOISY, and died in 1669.

    SÉBASTIEN MÂBRE-CRAMOISY (grandson of the preceding,
    through his mother), 1661-1687. He also held the office of manager
    of the royal printing-office.

    SÉBASTIEN HURÉ, August, 1650.

    SÉBASTIEN HURÉ II (son of the preceding), appointed in
    1662, in place of HENRI ESTIENNE, Antoine's son; died in

    PIERRE ROCOLET, April 14, 1635; died in 1662.

    DAMIEN FOUCAULD (son-in-law of ROCOLET), succeeded
    him; 1662-1687(?).

    FRANÇOIS MUGUET, appointed as locum tenens in November,
    1661, was definitively appointed in 1671; resigned his letters in
    1686, to replace PIERRE LE PETIT, at the salary of 225
    livres. Muguet died in 1702.

    FRANÇOIS-HUBERT MUGUET (son of the preceding) succeeded
    him; 1702-1742.


    FRÉDÉRIC LÉONARD II (son of the preceding) succeeded him;

    JEAN DE LA CAILLE, 1644-1673.


    COGNARD'S widow, 1737-1760.

    1717-1752, when he resigned.

    JACQUES LANGLOIS, 1660-1678.

    JACQUES LANGLOIS II (son of the preceding), 1678-1697.


    GUILLAUME DESPREZ, 1686-1708.

    GUILLAUME DESPREZ II (son of the preceding), 1740-1743,
    when he resigned.

    GUILLAUME-NICOLAS DESPREZ (son of the preceding),
    1743-1788. He was at the end the dean of the king's printers.


    CLAUDE-CHARLES THIBOUST, appointed king's printer in 1756,
    died in 1757.

    N. DE MAISONROUGE (widow of the preceding), succeeded him,
    and held the title of king's printer till 1788.


    LOUIS-FRANÇOIS PRAULT (son of LAURENT) succeeded
    him; 1780-1788.

    ANTOINE BOUDET, 1768-1779.

    FRANÇOIS LE BRETON; died October 4, 1779.

    virtue of letters dated October 7, 1779.[529] He was appointed first
    king's printer in August, 1785.



    (Demoiselle) HÉRISSANT, 1788.

_King's Printers for Greek._[530]

    CONRAD NÉOBAR, 1538-1540.
    ROBERT ESTIENNE, 1540-1550.
    ADRIEN TURNÈBE, 1552-1555.
    GUILLAUME MOREL, 1555-1564.
    MICHEL DE VASCOSAN, 1560-1576.
    ROBERT ESTIENNE II, 1561-1570.
    FEDERIC MOREL, 1571-1581.
    ÉTIENNE PREVOSTEAU, 1581-1600(?).
    PIERRE PAUTONNIER, 1600-1605(?).

_Printers of the King's Closet._

    N. DEHANSY (widow of the preceding), 1744.
    JEAN-JACQUES ESTIENNE COLLOMBAT (their son, 1752-1763).

_Printers of His Majesty's Closet, Household and Buildings._

    MARIE-NICOLE HÉRISSANT (his daughter), 1772-1788.

_King's Printers for Mathematics._

    JEAN LEROYER, February 3, 1553 (1554, n. s.)-1565.
    PIERRE LEVOYRIER, 1575-1584.

_King's Printer for Coins._

JEAN DALLIER, August 23, 1559.

_King's Printers for Engravings._

    PIERRE LENGEVIN, buried February 5, 1609.[531]
    MELCHIOR TAVERNIER, 'living on the Île du Palais.'

_King's Printers for Music._

    ROBERT BALLARD, 1551-1606. Letters patent of May 5,
    1516,[532] inform us that he received 250 livres tournois in this

    LUCRÈCE LE BÉ (BALLARD'S widow), 1606.

    PIERRE BALLARD (son of ROBERT I), 1608-1640.

    ROBERT II (son of PIERRE), 1640-1679.

    ----widow of ROBERT II, 1679-1693.

    J.-B.-CH. BALLARD (grandson of ROBERT II),

    ----(widow of the preceding), 1750-1758.

    ----CHR.-J.-F. BALLARD (son of J.-B.-CH.),

    ----(widow of the preceding), 1765-1792.

    CHR.-J.-F.), 1779-1792.

After the Restoration Louis XVIII named as king's printers members of
certain families in the printing trade which had formerly borne that
title, and some others who had won great renown in their trade; such
are the first six in the following list, which includes all the king's
printers of the Restoration.

    LOTTIN DE SAINT-GERMAIN,[533] 1815-1828.
    BALLARD,[534] 1815-1828.
    BALLARD'S widow, 1828-1830.
    VALADE,[535] 1815-1822.
    PIERRE DIDOT, the elder, 1815-1822.
    JULES DIDOT, his son, succeeded him; 1822-1830.
    FIRMIN DIDOT (PIERRE'S younger brother), 1815-1827.
    LEBEL, successor to VALADE, 1822-1825.
    LEBEL'S widow, 1826.
    LENORMANT, 1824-1830.

AMBROISE DIDOT (son of FIRMIN) was appointed king's
printer by patent of December 7, 1829. The office became extinct in his
hands in July, 1830. M. Ambroise Firmin Didot, who thus closes the list
of king's printers, opened by Tory, has another bond of union with the
latter: like him he was an engraver. See what M. Firmin Didot père wrote
on this subject at the beginning of his tragedy, 'Annibal,' which was
printed by him in 1817, preceded by a letter from his son, who was then
travelling in Greece; the letter being printed in an 'English' type which
he tells us was engraved by his son Ambroise.[536]



There had long been functionaries known as 'libraires du roi' (king's
librarians), when François I instituted the office of king's printer.
Indeed, we find that Guillaume Eustace bore the title as early as 1574,
that is, under Louis XII. He is so styled in the subscript of an edition
of 'Les Chroniques de France,' in three volumes, folio. At the end of the
last volume, we read: 'Here endeth the third and last volume of the great
chronicles of France, printed at Paris in the year a thousand five hundred
and fourteen, the first day of October, for Guillaume Eustace, _libraire
du Roy_, and sworn binder to the University of Paris.'

In our first edition we expressed the opinion that Eustace may have been
replaced in 1522 by Jean de Sansay, who is described as king's librarian,
in 1530, in the accounts published by M. de Laborde.[537] This is an
error. Eustace was still king's librarian in 1533. Jean de Sansay was not,
as Eustace was, _purveyor_ to the king's library, but _keeper_ thereof, a
title assumed in more exact terms by one of his successors, Jean Gosselin,
in a book which he caused to be printed in 1583.[538]

Jean de Sansay's immediate successor, under François I, seems to have been
Claude Chappuis, who was king's librarian before March 28, 1543, as may be
seen from the following document, dated January 6, 1544, new style, the
original of which is in the Joursauvault collection at the Bibliothèque du

'In the presence of me, notary and secretary of the state to the King our
sire, Jehan Estienne,[539] dealer in silversmithery to the queen, having
power of attorney from maistre Claude Chappuys, librarian to our said
lord, thereby sufficiently authorized, did by deed of the twenty-eighth
day of March a thousand five hundred forty-three, after Easter last
past, executed before Jehan Langlois, royal notary in the bailiwick or
chatelany of Moret, aver that he had had and received from maistre Jacques
Bouchetel, treasurer and paymaster of the household of our said lord,
the sum of two hundred forty livres tournois on account of his office of
librarian during the year beginning the first day of January a thousand
five hundred forty-two [1543, n. s.], and ending the last day of December
a thousand five hundred forty-three. For which sum of IIᶜ
XL livres tournois the said Jehan Estienne, as attorney as
aforesaid, hath held and doth hold himself accountable and duly paid,
and hath acquitted and doth acquit the said maistre Jacques Bouchetel,
treasurer as aforesaid, and all other persons. Witness my sign manual
hereto affixed at his request. The VI day of January in the year
a thousand five hundred forty-three.


In 'La Renaissance des Arts,' M. de Laborde has published several extracts
from the royal accounts relative to this Claude Chappuis.

'To maistre Claude Chappuis, librarian to our said lord, the sum of
thirty-three livres five sols tournois, to him ordered to be paid by our
said lord, to reimburse him for several small sums by him furnished and
paid for the embellishment of books which our said lord hath caused to be
brought from Thurin, for the carriage thereof from Fontainebleau to Paris
and to Sainct-Germain-en-Laye, and from said Sainct-Germain to Paris and
Fontainebleau, and for expense incurred by said Chappuis, say XXXIII
L. V. S.'[541]

'To maistre Claude Chappuys, librarian to our said lord, the sum of six
times twenty and ten livres, and ten sols tournois to reimburse him for
the like sum which he hath paid of his own moneys to a bookseller of Paris
named Le Faucheux, for having, by command of our said lord, re-bound and
gilded divers books from his library, in the manner and guise of a gospel
heretofore bound and gilded by said Le Faucheux, written in letters of
gold and ink.'[542]

Doubtless this Claude Chappuis is the same man who belonged to the
household of Jean du Bellay, Ambassador to Rome in 1536. Having become
librarian to the King, he probably used in gilding the books mentioned in
the last quotation, the irons which François I had bought in Venice, as we
learn from another account, undated, but a little earlier, preserved, like
the others, in the national archives.

'To Loys Alleman, Fleurantin, for sending to Venice for irons to
print[543] certain Italian books, and for the cost of such printing, the
sum of V livres.'

As for Le Faucheux, mentioned here as a binder, he is evidently Étienne
Roffet, called Le Faucheux, described as binder and librarian to the King
on the title-page of the 'Œuvres de Hugues Salel,' which he published, and
which was printed at Paris, in octavo, in 1540.[544] He was the son of
Pierre Roffet (publisher to the two Marots, father and son), who had for
his sign a 'faucheur,' mower.[545]




    _Godofredus Torinus Bituricus Joanni Rosselletto, literarum
    amantissimo, S. D. P._[546]

Egregiam de te spem, Joannes ornatissime, tuis et cognatis et patriæ, non
solum moribus, imo et benefactis, te velle nobiliter ostendere, nunquam
(opinor) tu prætermittes neque desistes. Quo tu Reipubl. vel consilio
prodesses, curasti ut per me Quintilianus emendatior caracteribus et
impressioni daretur bellissime. Multis exemplariis diligenter collatis,
unum (mendis pene innumerabilibus deletis) castigatissimum non pigra
manu feci; ipsum, ut jussisti, a Parrhisiis Lugdunum misi. Utinam et qui
impriment novos non superinducant errores. Vale, et me ama.

Parrhisiis, apud collegium Plesseiacum, tertio calendas Martias.


    Imbutam ausonia cupiens me reddere lingua
      Artibus et pariter me decorare bonis,
    Nocte dieque docens pater ut charissimus, ipse
      Fundamenta mihi dulcia et ampla dabat.


    MONITOR. Hanc tibi quis struxit gemmis insignibus urnam?

    AGNES. Quis? Meus in tali nobilis arte pater.

    MON. Excellens certe est figulus genitor tuus.

    AGNES.                                         Artes
    Quottidie tractat sedulus ingenuas.

    MON. An ne etiam scribit modulos et carmina?

    AGNES.                                       Scribit.
    Dulcibus et verbis hæc mea fata beat.

    MON. Ipsius est nimirum hominis solertia mira?

    AGNES. Tam celebrem regio vix tulit ulla virum.


    VIATOR. Mecenate aliquo certe dignissimus ille est.

    GENIUS. Mecenas franco rarus in orbe viget.
    Nemo hodie ingenuas donis conformibus artes
      Aut fovet, aut ulla sorte fovere parat.
    Non est in pretio probitas, nec candida virtus.
      Infelix adeo regnat Avaricia.
    Fraus, dolus et vitium præstant; virtutibus omne
      Postpositis miserum serpit ubique nephas.

    VIA. Quid facit ille igitur Musis excultus amœnis?

    GEN. In propria gaudet vivere posse domo.

    VIA. Ad reges alacri deberet tendere passu.

    GEN. Non curat, quoniam libera corda gerit.
    Isti nonnunquam gaudent spectare potentes
      Carmina, sed quid tum? nictibus illa beant.
    Deberent gemmis auroque rependere puro
      Aurea de superis carmina ducta polis.
    Sed potius fatuis, nebulonibus atque prophanis
      Contribuunt stulti grandia dona leves.


Egregii quidam sunt felici hoc seculo pictores, lector humanissime,
qui suis lineamentis, picturis et variis coloribus deos gentilitios et
homines, itemque alias res quascunque adeo exacte depingunt, ut illis vox
et anima deesse tantummodo videatur; sed ecce, lector humanissime, ego jam
tibi, illorum propemodum more, domum offero, non solum suis lineamentis et
partibus elegantem et absolutam, sed etiam pulchre loquentem et encomio
sese particulatim describentem.


Godofredo Torino, quem Ulvaricum[547] Biturigum peperit, quem Lutetia
Parisiorum fovit, viro linguæ: turn latinæ turn græcæ peritissimo,
litterarum denique amantissimo, typographo solertissimo et bibliographo
doctissimo, quod de partibus ædium elegantissima distica scripserit,
tumulos aliquot ludicros veterrimo stylo latine condiderit, Xenophontis,
Luciani, Plutarchi tractatus e græco in gallicum converterit, Parisiis
in Burgundiæ gymnasio philosophiam edocuerit, primus omnium de re
typographica sedulo disseruerit, litterarum sive caracterum dimensiones
ediderit, et Garamundum calco-graphum principem edocuerit, viri boni
officio, quoad devixit, anno M.D.L. semper defunctus, a monente
Joanne Toubeau, etiam typographo et auctore, mercatorum prætore, ædili
Bituri-censi, ob negotia civitatis difficillima ad regem et concilium
legato, ejusdem Torini abnepote, et typographicorum insignium hærede,
Nicolaus Catharinus, nobilis Bituricus, regis advocatus et senator
in Biturigum metropoli, a teneris annis huc usque et deinceps rei
typographicæ addictissimus, cursim raptimque scripsit, exeunte novembri


    _Godofredus Torinus Bituricus Philiberto Baboo, civi Biturico,
    serenissimi Gallorum regis dispensatori ac camerario meritissimo,
    salutem dicit humilimam._

Pomponium Melam, ornatissime Philiberte, geographorum authorem
luculentissimum, quum nuper inspicerem, eum tot mendis depravatum ac
lacerum esse cognovi, ut

    ... Ecce ante oculos mœstissimus author
      Visus adesse mihi, largosque effundere fletus;
                _Vergilius_, _Eneid._ _ij._

    Ecce inquam:

    Raptatus bigis (heu miserum) aterque cruento
    Pulvere, perque pedes traiectus lora tumentes,
    Quam graviter gemitus imo de pectore ducens.
                          _Id._, _ibid._

Talibus verbis conqueri videbatur: Siccine ego qui tot terras, tot gentes,
insulas, amnes, freta, vada, carybdes, tam eleganter descripsi, quique
totius orbis descriptionem tam confidenter aggressus sum, sic mancus, sic
mutilus, sic truncus habebor?

    Hei mihi! quam cæsus sum, quamque similimus illi
    Hectori qui quondam concretos sanguine crines
    Vulneraque illa tulit quæ circum plurima muros
    Accepit patrios....
                            _Id._, _ibid._

Nisi medicabiles aliquæ in me manus se extendant, sine dubio, iam emoriar.

    Tarda Philoctetæ sanavit crura Machaon,
      Phœnicis Chyron lumina Philyrides;
    Et Deus extinctum Cressis Epidaurius herbis
      Restituit patriis Androgeona focis.
             _Proper._, _lib. ij_, _ad Mæcenatem_.

    Sed sane credo quod

    Hoc si quis vitium possit[548] iam demere, solus
      Tantalea poterit tradere poma manu.
    Dolia virgineis idem ille repleverit urnis,
      Ne tenera assidua colla graventur aqua;
    Idem Caucasea solvet de rupe Promethei
      Brachia, et a medio pectore pellet avem.
                             _Idem_, _ibid._

Certe statim apud me dixi: Si Machaon, si Chyron aut Æsculapius essem,
libens huic rei subvenirem. Sed quid autem si manuum mearum opellam
impenderem? Nonne remedio esse possem? Forte, at equidem expertus, et id
quo saltem emendatior habeatur.

    Quod si deficiant vires, audacia certe
      Laus erit: in magnis et voluisse sat est.
        _Idem_, _lib. ij_, _ad Musam_ [_Ad Augustum?_].

Pauculas ergo annotationes adiecimus[549] quibuscum sub tuo nomine
(quandoquidem[550] et literarum et literatorum amantissimus es) bonis ut
aiunt avibus Pomponius ipse Mela iam tutius exeat. Vale.

Parrhisiis, vj no. decemb. MCCCCC vij.


Habes, ornatissime Philiberte, Pomponium ipsum Melam pluribus quibus
scatebat mendis iam emendatum. Curavi siquidem accuratissimo (qui etiam
primus apud Parisios græcis caracteribus lotissimas addidit manus)
impressori dare. Eum diligentius, et quo politior ac absolutior in tuas
primum, deinde cæterorum manus perveniat, recognoscere pauculaque in
eum subannotare non ingratus volui. Tu nunc cum ipso per totum orbem,
quemadmodum et Phiclus, qui super aristas eas non frangendo cucurrisse
fertur, non tantum secure, sed confidenter ac præsentissime ire ac redire
vales. Si tigres animalium pernicissimos comprehendere, catoblepam sine
tui malo cernere; si dracones, feras, satyros, panes, silvanos; si Indos,

    Et penitus toto divisos orbi Britannos;

si Sauromatas, Afros, eorum denique si medios omnes populos videre,
pariterque ipsorum mores mirabiles cognoscere desideras, hoc in orbe, id
est,[551] Pomponio, manibus tuis amplissime comprehenso, sine dubio, iam
optime dispicere potes. Vale et me tibi devotum semper ama.

Parisiis, nono calen. januarias.



_In Pomponium Melam._

    Mela, quibus plænus fueras erroribus, es iam
      Excussus, tecum paucula menda manet.[552]
    Tu melior multo longeque probatior extas
      Quam prius; hoc fecit tantula nostra manus.

_Ad Philibertum Baboum._

    Quod mea vita tibi multos se debeat[553] annos,
      Hoc duo versiculi iam, Philiberte, probant.
    Αλϕα mihi teneris habui quodcumque sub annis,
      Id voluit fœlix ωμεγα ferre tuum.




Quia nihil est diffilius (_sic_) quam in nullo errare, non absurdum esse
videtur si cum lectoris bona pace paucorum admodum erratorum paucula
retractentur, ut illo verbo cum dicit in epistola _potuit_, scribendum est


    _Reverendo in Christo patri et domino D. Germano Gannaio,
    Cathurcensium episcopo designato, Godofredus Torinus Bituricus
    salutem dicit humilimam._

Pium papam, antistes excellentissime, au thorem et dignitate et
singularitate sine dubio venerandum, in Asiæ et Europæ descriptione, iam
tersiorem et emendatiorem quam antea legebatur in luce exire curavimus.
Quem autem ei recenter ex chalcotypea officina sese expedienti, virum
delectum, literarum amantissimum, et singulari virtute plenissimum, statim
devotissime salutatum iret, potiorem sane te, dignioremve, cognoscere
potui nullum. Summum ipsum pontificem te maxime venerabilem antistitem
invisere rem esse putavi non iniucundam. Ipsum, inquam, geographiæ et
lectu dignissimæ (uti videre poteris) historiæ non pœnitendum authorem,
te, bonarum omnium literarum amatorem et cultorem, accedere et amplecti,
factum opido quam decentissime existimavi, gemmam auro, encaustum, id
est opus igni pictum, argento, et palmam vincenti conferre, procul
dubio nihil aliud est quam bona bonis, splendida splendidis et merita
meritis addere. Tibi profecto et cum his alia ratione pulcherrimum hoc
opus meritissime dedicari debet, siquidem per capita distinctum, et in
commodiorem ordinem, te promotore et iubente, redactum est. Quo facilius
(ut voluisti) et melius, tibi in primis, consequenter aliis omnibus
studiosis et legentibus, regiones terræ, quæ numero sunt multæ, et in
eis res scitu periucundæ capiantur et memoriæ commendentur, capitatim
nominibus fluviorum, opidorum, locorum, ducum et aliarum rerum insignium
in margine coannotatis, quæ etiam omnia in indice numeratim inveniuntur,
divisimus, ipsam hanc nostram lucubratiunculam tibi antistiti, reverentia
percelebri, sincæro dedicamus animo. Impar sine controversia est, quam
tuæ reverendæ paternitati deberem offerre, tu tamen, cuius benignitatem
et integritatem omnes prædicant (et me minime latet) excellentissimam, ea
fronte qua huiusmodi alias solitus es ipsam purissimas in manus tuas, si
placet, accipies. Vale.

Parrhisiis, apud collegium Plesseiacum, 6 nonas octobris anno Domini 1509.


    _Godofredus Torinus Bituricus ad lectorem._

Quod eruęre, contendęre, misęre et huiusmodi multa, per tale e
in penultima scripta leges, factum est ut ipsa indicativi præterita, quæ
regulariter penultimam habent longam, a presenti et præterito imperfecto
modi infinitivi, quæ in tertia coniugatione semper corripiunt penultimam,
suam quantitatem, et quam inter legendum proferre debes, tibi ostendant.
Illam Psalterii Quincuplicis nuper in lucem dati perelegantem et absolutam
scripturam libenter sum imitatus et insecutus. Invenies etiam ipsum e in
aliquibus dictionibus, similiter in genitivis et dativis singularibus,
nominativis et vocativis pluralibus primæ declinationis nonnunquam, more
quorumdam, pro ædiphtongo poni, sed rarius. Insuper hæc consulto scripsi
mistum per s, et non per x, nam misceo facit miscui in præterito, unde
et mistum analogice, intellego, toties, quoties, litus, opidum, litera,
tralatum, aliquando, et id genus alia, secundum ορθογραϕιαμ,
id est rectam scripturam, observanda. TVRCAM etiam in prima declinatione,
quod multi in secunda proferunt, scripsi. Michael Tarchaniota Marulus
Constantinopolitanus ad Carolum regem Franciæ plausibiliter author est
mihi. Eius sunt hæc verba:--

    Invicte magni rex Caroli genus,
      Quem tot virorum, tot superum piæ
      Sortes iacentis vindicemque
      Iusticiæ fideique poscunt;
      Quem mesta tellus Ausonis hinc vocat,
      Illinc solutis Grecia crinibus,
      Et quicquid immanis profanat
      TVRCA Asiæ, Syriæque pinguis, _et cætera_.

Quod etiam plureis parteis, omneis monteis, accusativos in eis protuli,
grammatice quidem et latine, authore Prisciano, lib. 7, cap. de
accusativis pluribus tertiæ declinationis, facere visus sum. Ea est
pulchra ad accusativum a nominativo discriminandum diferentiam, et
qua mille sunt usi authores, de quibus multis Salustium, Vergilium et
Plautum hic testes habere sat erit. Salustius, quiquidem primo etiam
verbo est usus, sic ait in Catilinario bello: 'Omneis homines qui sese,
etc.' Vergilius in primo Eneidos: 'Hic fessas non vincula naveis Ulla
tenent....' Plaut. in Aulularia: 'Quid est? quid ridetis novi omneis, scio
fures hic esse complureis.' Hoc lubens annotare volui, ut (bone lector)
non tantum dicendi puritatem intellegas, sed et tanquam digitos inter et
legendum et dicendum pura verba festiviter in promptu habeas et dicas.



    _Herverus de Berna Amandinus Iuventuti Bituricæ S. D._

Divitem, didascalum nostrum, sapientia clarum et musarum alumnum, de
vobis bene meritum, non ignoratis; docuit enim vos Musas, Heliconem,
Phœbi nemus, Mercuriumque; et enim innumeri (tanquam ex e quo Troiano)
ex officina eius prodiere litterati. Curæ sunt ei gloriosissim Musarum
labores, cuius nomen in honoribus et laurea immortale servandum censeo
maxime. Ipse non solum quod dicitur ad Aristophanis, sed etiam ad
Cleantis, lucernam lucubrasse fertur. Elegantia carminis laudatum haud
dubitatis, ex quo fit ut poema religiosum quod conscripsit de Passione
Dominica extet, tantoque splendore refulgeat, tanta suavitate redoleat,
tamque florido ornatu spectabile sit, ut cœlestis ingenii artificio
potius quam humani fabrefactum credatur. Nec dubito quin ex eo contingat
quod plurimum litteratis viris contingere consuevit: ut ait Claudianus,
minuet praesentia[554] famam. Non tamen sine Theseo, hoc est Torino
Biturico, commilitone nostro, antiquis moribus, et, ut Plautus ait,
Massiliensibus[555], et cum virtute doctissimo, voluimus ut Dives in
publicum volaret: speroque iterum secundis (ut aiunt) avibus. Valete
fœlicissime. Ex ædibus nostris Amandinis, calendis martii.


    _Godofredi Torini Biturici in preceptoris sui Guilielmi Divitis
    Gandavensis commendationem dialogus._

_Interlocutores_: MONITOR _et_ LIBER.

    M. Sancte liber, passum qui defles carmine Christum,
      Fare age: cuius opus tam potes esse pium?

    L. Cuius opus? videas. Sum Divitis.

    M.                         Illius euge
      Ditia qui Bituris tot documenta dedit?

    L. Vera putas.

    M.             Vere est sapienti pectore Dives.

    L. Aptius hoc nullum nomen habere potest.

    M. Ipse est qui Bituris florenti dicere lingua
      Edocuit, faciles pangere et ore modos.

    L. Dicere non tantum docuit, nec texere carmen,
      Corpora sed Christi cæsa videre dedit.

    M. Brachia fixa Dei si quisquam cernere vellet,
      An satis ad vivum Dives et ipse darer?[556]

    L. Ferre crucem Domini, si vulnera sæva, coronam,
      Discupis, in manibus me gere, cuncta feres.

    M. Omnia vota ferat semper fœlicia Dives,
      Tale piis qui dat cordibus esse bonum!

    L. Nestoreos terris perstet victurus in annos,
      Postque obitum cœli ditia regna petat.



    _Philibertum Baboum, virum honestissimum, Godofredus Torinus
    Bituricus salutem plurima iubet impartitum._

Anno præterito, quo tempore Pii Pontificis Maximi Cosmographiam
imprimendam curavi, Berosum Babilonicum in antiquitatibus regnorum
bellissime recognoscere et impressoribus non immutare dare venerat in
mentem; at, nescio quo animo meo se tunc agente, in aliud tempus, opera
dedita, rem propemodum divinam facturus, differre decrevi, distulissem
quidem et in longissimum, atque, ut proverbio memoratur, ad calendas
græcas, nisi, ut ita dicam, Berosus ipse, et quod non parvi apud me est,
eritque semper, amicorum plusculi, quotidie ad aurem meam cum precibus
quodam modo simul innuentes, Myrsilum, de origine Turrenorum, Catonem, in
fragmentis, Archilocum, Methastenem, Philonem, Xenophontem, de æquivocis,
Sempronium, Fabium Pictorem, et Antoninum Pium, in fragmento itinerarii,
coimprimendos efflagitanter desiderassent. Avarissimum est genus hominum,
quod si librum (librum dico inventu rarum) trium aut quatuor versiculorum
habeat (more formicarum Indiæ, necnon griforum, qui aurum penitus egestum
cum summa pernicie attingentium custodire feruntur), continuo abstractum
servat, cathenis et compedibus captivum et misellum prorsus incarcerat.
Tale genus potius cum huiusmodi et formicis et grifis, quod et alii
grifibus declinant, curiosam et avaram illam singularis alicuius sibi
habendi cupiditatem exercere, quam cum hominibus inhumanitatem, quod et
melius forte dixerim immunitatem, habere deberet. Non solum nobis nati
sumus, debemur et amicis, debemur et patriæ. Igitur ne ardentis lucernæ
clarissimum lumen opprimere velle videar, sub nomine tuo, Philiberte,
civium Bituricorum ornatissime, gratiusculum reipublicæ factum opinor
daturus Berosianam antiquitatem cum aliis authoribus nominatim præscriptis
in apertum, et studium omnibus commune iam libentius emitto. Vale.

Parrhisiis, apud collegium Plesseiacum, 6 nonas maias 1510.



    _Godofredus Torinus Bituricus ornatissimos Philibertum Baboum et
    Ioannem Alemanum Iuniorem, cives Bituricos, pari inter se amicitia
    conjunctissimos, salutat._

Debentur vobis, viri singulari virtute plenissimi, omnes quos et noctu et
interdiu assumere possum (etiam de industria) labores. Ecce. Quia moribus
antiquis, id est honestis et vere bonis, haud mediocriter utimini et
gaudetis, Probum Valerium scripturarum antiquarum et abbreviationum quæ
in numismatis, sepulchris et tabellis antiquitus perbelle consignabantur,
diligentissimum coacervatorem certissimumque explanatorem, sub vestro mihi
semper amando nomine, lubens ut vel tantillum reipublicæ valeam prodesse,
caracteribus et impressioni, cum nostra utinam tam felici quam diligenti
recognitiuncula, trado. Sinite, quæso, authorem perquam singularem primum
in vestras omnem ad virtutem aptissimas, deinde studiosorum omnium aliorum
manus, commode iam et festiviter exire. Valete.

Parrhisiis, apud collegium Plesseiacum, 6 idus maias 1510.



    _Godofredus Torinus Bituricus lectori salutem._

A quo tempore Probum Valerium imprimere bonis, ut reor, avibus incœpi, ne
liber unius aut duorum codicum enchiridio minus aptus exiret, pluscula
scitu non indigna coimprimere venit in mentem. Tractatum de ponderibus
et mensuris, ex Prisciano; item, quemadmodum datæ formæ agrorum metiri
debeant, ex Columella; similiter figuras quæ sub dimensionem cadant,
ex Georgio Valla; dialogos etiam aliquot cum ænigmatis, ex diversis
authoribus diligenter pro tempore collectis, superaddimus. Ænigmata
consulto reliquimus inenarrata, ut tibi legenti (quod ait Gel. in 12
libro, cap. 6) coniecturas in requirendo acueres. Da, precor (bone
lector), operam, ne tibi, quod etiam ænigmatice Plautus in Milite ait:
Glaucoma ob oculos obiecerim. Vale.


    _Dialogus per Godofredum Torinum, in quo urbs Biturica, sub loquente
    persona, describitur._

    _Interlocutores_: MONITOR _et_ URBS.

    MON. Urbs, tibi quod nomen?

    BIT. Biturix.

    MON.          Tu dic age quodnam
    Hæc sibi quæ video tecta superba volunt?

    BIT. Templa, domos, turres, divina palatia spectas.

    MON. Hercle! suis cœlos molibus exuperant.
    Hæc quæ templa, precor?

    BIT.                  Stephani protomartiris, ipsa
    Quæ Triviæ excedunt marmora celsa deæ.

    MON. Quæ domus illa rubris excellens cordibus una,
    Memnonis anne ipsa est ædificata manu?

    BIT. Hanc Iacobus homo Cordatus condidit olim,
    Dives opum; nobis quem abstulit invidia.

    MON. Arcibus hæc Phariis quæ maior cernitur, heus tu!
    Quæ turris? miror cum satis aspicio.

    BIT. Celtarum populos regeret cum maximus ille
    Ambigatus, quondam condita tanta fuit.

    MON. Dic, ea, dic, palatia sunt Capitolia nunquid
    Aurea? Responde, quid retices, Biturix?
    Non loqueris facili quæ[557] iam sermone loquuta es,
    Hic mihi vis fieri quod fuit Harpocrates?

    BIT. Non, ea sed tanta (videas) sunt arte probanda,
    Talia quod totus non tulit orbis adhuc.

    MON. Terra quid hæc tanto quæ se distendit hiatu?

    BIT. Est ubi turris erat constituenda mihi.

    MON. Altera nonne tibi quanta est hæc?

    BIT.                                   Altera tanta.
    Turribus a binis inde vocor Biturix.

    MON. Nomine quo fertur nostro hoc sub tempore?

    BIT.                                           Fossam
    Vulgus arenarum dictitat et vocitat.

    MON. Quis tibi, quis fluvius memorandus?

    BIT.                                     Avaricum.

    MON.                                              An ille est
    Quem memorat Cæsar Gallica bella notans?

    BIT. Ille est.

    MON. Sunt alii?

    BIT. Duo sunt: sunt Ultrio et ipsa
    Innumeris pregnans Hebrya pisciculis.

    MON. Quæ tibi sunt dotes?

    BIT.                      Omnis veneranda facultas
    Est mihi quæ nummos cudit et aula novos.

    MON. Nil aliud quicquam est?

    BIT.                         Aquitania primam
    Me vocat, et leges accipit ipsa meas.

    MON. Numina quæ tecum?

    BIT.                   Sunt Juno, Jupiter et Pan,
    Vesta, Diana, Ceres, Liber et ipse pater.


    _Godofredus Torinus Bituricus Philiberto Baboo et Ioanni Alemano
    Iuniori, viris ornatissimis, S. P. D._

Maiores nostros sua probitate contentos modum suum ædificandi parva
cum arte et elegantia quondam exercuisse (viri singulari virtute
cumulatissimi) nemo est qui nesciat. Contenit siquidem ipsa mediocritate,
domos et habitacula magno sine luxu et splendore construebant et
inhabitabant. Eo tandem est perventum, ut ingeniis plusculum iam
expergefactis fiant et adstruantur ædificia passim non incelebria. Nempe
ab illo tempore quo magnanimus ille Rex, totius Italiæ terror, Carolus
Octavus, non sine magna gloria victor Neapoli rediit, ars ipsa ædificandi
sane quamvenusta, Dorica et Ionica, item Italica, totam hic apud
Galliam exerceri cœpit bellissime. Ambasiæ, Gallioni, Turoniæ, Blesis,
Parrhisiis et aliis centum nobilibus locis, publice et private conspicua
iam ædificia cernere licet antiqualia. Licet, inquam, adeo nitida et
ad unguem exculpta dispicere multa, ut non modo Italos, imo Dores et
Iones, Italorum magistros, ipsi Galli vincere videantur et iudicentur
manifestissime. Rebus huiusmodi et ingeniis tam excellenter florentibus
optimum esse duxi rem admodum utilem non ingratus obferre, diligensque
superaddere, Leo Baptista Albertus, author in architectura et familiaris
et luculentus, apud me quasi sopitus delitescebat. Visus est dignissimus
qui tempestive iam pro claris et melioribus ingeniis oblectandis et
adiuvandis in Gallia daretur impressioni. Dignissimus, inquam, visus est
mihi, et eo maxime, quod et libri ipsi decem, quibus totum opus constat,
per capita sunt distincti. Ipsa capita vir bonis literis eruditus Robertus
Duræus Fortunatus, meus apud suum collegium Plesseiacum Parrhisiis quatuor
annos quibus docebam olim primarius, accurate et diligenter digessit,
mihi exscribenda non gravate dono dedit. Exscripsi opusque totum,
insuper elimavi, mendis quamplurimis defecavi, succum textus in margine
transcripsi, chalcographo imprimendum dedi. Sinite, oro, viri Biturigum
celeberrimi, opus egregium in bonorum omnium ingeniorum et studiosorum
manus sub nomine vestro mihi semper excolendo fœliciter exire haberi,

Valete patriæ columina et ornamenta speciosissima.

Parrhisiis, e regione collegii Coqueretici, XV kal. septembris M. D. xij.


Leonis Baptistæ Alberti Florentini, viri clarissimi, de re ædificatoria
opus elegantissimum et quammaxime utile, accuratissime Parisius in Sole
Aureo vici Divi Jacobi impræssum, opera magistri Bertholdi Rembolt et
Ludovici Hornken, in eodem vico ad intersignium Trium Coronarum, e regione
Divi Benedicti commoran. Anno Domini M. D. XII, die vero xxiii Augusti.


    _Godofredus Torinus Bituricus Philiberto Baboo, viro modestissimo,
    S. P. D._

Itinerarium multis iam annis, vir ornatissime, situ propemodum obsitum,
quum ab amico michi semper excolendo Christophoro Longuolio, viro sine
controversia studiorum omnium bonorum excellentissimo, iam ab hinc
quatuor annos commodo primum exscribendum accepissem, unum tibi manu mea
scriptum, forma quidem non usque quaque ineptum, ad te ex Parrhisiis in
Turoniam mittere venerat in mentem. Viro cuius etiam nomini lubens parco
ad te dederam portandum; verum ipse alii nescio cui, te, me, et sua fide
posthabitis, satis impudenter dono dedit. Labore meo sic ego frustratus,
alterum tibi conscribere maturabam, nisi ipse Longuolius, qui exemplar
iam olim ex Morinis adportaverat, et michi, ut dixi, commodo dederat,
nuper ex Pictavis Parrhisios adveniens, monuisset imprimendum curarem.
Curavi equidem, nominibus opidorum seiunctim et seriatim coordinatis,
additis etiam suo loco plusculis aliter in altero exemplari scriptis.
Feci et indicem, quo facillime quodcumque opidi et loci nomen in toto
opere disquiri possit. Mirabitur fortassis aliquis ipsius operis stilum,
interdum etiam nonnullis in locis latinitatem. Stilum ipsum satis
laudabit studiosus; latinitatem vero antiquæ illi ætati lector non
malivolus condonabit. Multa subemendassem Ptholomeo, Strabone, Dionysio,
Mela, Plinio, Solino et authoribus aliis aliquot non omnino aspernandis
usus, sed et authori augusto reverentiam, et exemplari admodum vetusto
synceritatem observans, nichil immutare volui, Longuolii mei in aliud
tempus studia vigilantissima, vel alicujus Hermolai limam exactissimam
expectans. Unum est quod hic tangere non verebor, authoris nomen in
exemplari fuisse meo judicio imperfectum (nam et Antoninus Augustus
inscribitur). Ab Hermolao, viro alioqui nitido, Antoninus multis in locis
apud suas in Plinium castigationes allegatur. Viderint qui legent. In
textu exemplar ipsum secutus sum. In inscriptione libri Hermolaum sum
imitatus. Laborem meum quantulumcumque tibi (ut debeo), animo nequaquam
ingrato, nuncupatim dico. Suscipe, oro, qua fronte et optima quæque soles,
et permitte studiosissimorum quemque per insignes mille urbes, te duce,
cum hoc itinerario venire. Vale, studiorum meorum succollator humanissime.

Parrhisiis, e regione collegii Coqueretici, 14 calendas septembris 1512.



    _Torinus lectori salutem._

Quo melius hoc Itinerario, iucunde lector, possis uti, admonendus es
quæcumque virgula miniacea notata deprehendes ea plura fuisse apud vetus
exemplar quam in altero recenti; quæ autem in ipso recenti diversa
legebantur minutula litera et ipsa quidem rubra suis locis sunt super
impressa. Quandocumque hujus modi signum ʌ interlegendum occurret, dictio
vel numerus eodem signo supra vel juxta notatus esse debet. Ilud etiam in
textu multis in locis hoc modo scriptum mpm. significat milia plus minus.
Scriptum est autem sic ne tam frequens et longula repetitio lectorem tedio
afficeret. In indice nonnumquam b. literam solam, post vel inter chartarum
numeros, invenies: ea significat dictionem ipsam bis ad minimum eadem in
charta posse inveniri. Vide ergo, et gratus attende, quod si quos hanc
nostram diligentiam non amare videas, Persianum illis hoc apud te dicas:
'Virtutem ut videant, intabescantque relicta.' Hoc ideo scribo quoniam
inter imprimendum quidam nichil tale intelligentes de more damnabant.

Vale et vive diu fœlix.



    _Gerardi Versellani Burgundi carmen hendecasyllabon in malos

      Ergo hinc ergo procul manus profanæ
    Vulgi chalcographon inauspicati,
    Impuræque operæ procul facessant,
    Ne interdicto aditu improbaque fronte
    Res spurcetur et inquinetur alma.
    Ne quis nesciat: hoc sacrum est volumen.

      Heu chalcographi mali et miselli,
    Nullas ne scholicas quidem aut aniles
    Nugellas dare formulis periti,
    Quid sanctas male taminatis artes,
    Incestaque manu novem Sororum
    Funestatis opes laboriosas?

      Quid non promitis ita ab officina
    Illuc projicier fodique dignum
    Quo ventris retrimenta deferuntur?

      Ergo hinc ergo procul profani abite,
    Vos, o chalcographi mali et miselli!
    Sit dictum satis: hoc sacrum est volumen
    Quod noster Godofredus, ille noster,
    Ille, inquam, Biturix, Pii misertus,
    Lethæa carie eruit sepultum,
    Ductu Longuolii sui atque ope usus.


    _Torinus lectori felicitatem._

Hasce plusculas recognitiones, lector optime, oro non admirare. Sic eas ab
exemplari vetere diversas collegi, ut tibi non pigra manu librum emendare
possis. Errores chalcographis imponerem; sed ars ipsa prelaria suopte more
hoc in se habet, ut ne libellus quidem sine aliqua menda prorsus imprimi
possit. Vale.

    _Ad studiosum Epigramma per Torinum._

    Oppida si centum, centum si sedulus urbes
      Certo cum spacio, lector, adire paras,
    Centena portus si cum statione marinos
      Excupis, et recta doctior ire via,
    Hunc tibi comprimis habilem studiose libellum
      In dextra gratus semper habeto manu.


    _Torinus ad Librum._

    I, Liber, ad vatum penetralia sacra piorum;
      Es facilis, tersus, candidus, atque probus.
    Exornatus habes nardosque, rosasque, crocosque,
      Cum Phœbo et latias numina grata Deas.
    Ne vereare Deos tecum vectare faventes,
      Spirantem lauros te super astra ferent.

    _Agnes Torina, virguncularum modestissima suavissimaque, de tumulo
    viatorem alloquitur._

    Qui levibus transis pedibus, dilecte viator,
      Siste parum; ecce, tibi dicere pauca libet.
    Vive memor leti, viciis abstersus, et illam
      Spem tibi vivendi, si sapis, abjicito.
    Ore nites hodie pulchro, sed stamine secto
      Protinus in nihilum te impia Parca rapit.
    Hoc experta scio, quoniam virguncula nuper
      Annos nata decem rapta repente fui.
    Ut rosa florebam sociis virtutibus illis
      Quæ cerni in tenera virginitate solent.
    Sed tamen interii crudelibus obruta fatis,
      Iam data carnivoris vermibus esca meis.
    Vermibus esca meis iaceo data, non tamen usque
      Usque adeo exanguis quin tibi vera loquar.
    Ore loquor latio, nec mirum, candide amice,
      Filia nam vatis sum memoranda pii.
    Imbutam ausonia cupiens me reddere lingua
      Artibus et pariter me decorare bonis,
    Nocte dieque docens, pater ut charissimus, ipse
      Fundamenta mihi dulcia et ampla dabat.
    Docta forem celebres nimirum amplexa camænas,
      Et canerem blandis carmina pulchra modis.
    Oscula chara mihi genitor meus inde dedisset,
      Imponens capiti laurea serta meo.
    O miseras hominum sortes! O vota caduca!
      In terris nihil est quod solidum esse queat.
    Non solum miseris mortalibus obvia mors est,
      Sed tacito insidians clam subit ilia pede.
    Ah! caveas igitur, caveas moriture, profecto
      Omnia sub modico tempore lapsa ruunt.
    Tu dum vivis adhuc, magnos dum quæris honores,
      Instabili[558] et rapide pergis obire gradu.
    Si contentus abis hoc uno denique certo
      Consilio, et tu me dicere vera putas,
    Sparge mihi flores, violas et lilia, nardos;
      Funde preces etiam, si placet, et lachrymas.
    Me facies superum precibus conscendere ad axem,
      Lux ubi perpetua est, pax et amœna quies.
    Hoc erat exiguum quod ego te scire volebam,
      Vive memor leti, mox periture. Vale.

          Obiit ubi erat nata, Parisiis, xxv augusti,
            anno Do[mini] M.D.XXII.

Vixit annos novem, menses undecim, dies fere triginta. Horas scit nemo.
Momenta solus novit Deus.

       *       *       *       *       *

    PATER _et_ FILIA _collocutores_.

    P. Vermibus esca iaces, charissima filia! tu me
      Linquis in assiduis fletibus et lachrymis.

    F. Chare pater! lachrymis parcas et fletibus, actum
      Est de me. Iuvenes mors rapit atque senes.

    P. Parcere non possum diris nec planctibus. Eia!
      Debueram in mortem iustius ire prior.

    F. Sic fore non placuit fatis cœlestibus. Ad me,
      Crede mihi, certo funere tu venies.

    P. Interea manibus violas et lilia plenis
      Ad tua demissa fronte sepulchra feram.

    F. Adde preces, precibus supera ad convexa volabo:
      Astra piæ faciunt scandere celsa preces.

    P. Est ut ais, tu gnata etiam pro patre precare,
      Scilicet ut tecum sidera læta petat.

    F. Sidera læta petes curis exemptus amaris,
      Omnibus et mentis sordibus expositis.

    P. Vera mones, et sic faciam. Deus optimus ad se
      Te vocet in cœlum. Filia chara, vale.

           *       *       *       *       *

    P. Eia, mea dulcis anima, defuncta es.

    F. Euge, pater. Nemo immortalis.

       *       *       *       *       *

    _Disticha duodecim urnæ faciebus separatim inscribenda._

In prima facie.

    Vis flores! violas! Vis lilia! serta! cyperos!
      Hæc tibi, sume libens, fictilis urna dabit.

In secunda.

    Hac Agnes defuncta iacet virguncula in urna,
      In cuius medio spirat amœnus odos.


    Hic locus, hic et Amor, Ludus, Virtus quoque, et ipsæ
      Cum Musis Charites suntque sedentque Deæ.


    Hac amaracus inest urna, redolensque cyperus,
      Insunt et violæ, lilia, serta, rosæ.

In V.

    Non iacet hic Agnes virguncula sola, sed ipsæ
      Cum Phœbo Clariæ suntque sedentque Deæ.

In VI.

    Bracteolas gemmis iunctas viridesque lapillos
      Hæc cum perpetuis floribus urna fovet.


    Vis et amas urnam Agnetis cognoscere? Cerne,
      Laurus ubi excellens alta sub astra viret.


    Hic defuncta iacet virgo memorabilis Agnes,
      Quæ faciles tenero iam dabat ore modos.

In IX.

    Annos nata decem iacet hic virguncula vates,
      Carminis ingenui et virginitatis honor.

In X.

    Si petis Agnetis cineres cognoscere certos,
      Hic sunt, ne dubita credere, certus habes.

In XI.

    Vis Phœbum et Musas modulis cum dulcibus ipsas?
      Hanc subeas urnam, protinus invenies.


    Succrescens vates, teneris defuncta sub annis,
      Hic cum laurigera virginitate iacet.

       *       *       *       *       *

    MONITOR _et_ AGNES _collocutores_.

    M. Dic mihi pauca, precor, vates virguncula?

    A.                                           Dicam.
      Dummodo pauca roges.

    M.                   Pauca rogabo.

    A.                                 Roga.

    M. Quæ tibi defunctæ mens?

    A.                         Aurea.

    M.                                Quid tibi corpus?

    A. Pulvereum.

    M.            Quisnam spiritus?

    A.                              Æthereus.

    M. Sufficit, alma quies tibi sit cum pace perennis.

    A.   Et tibi viventi dulcis et ampla salus.

    _Disticha de lauro prope tumulum et urnam Agnetis in tabellis
    scriptis pendentia._

In prima tabella.

    Hic iacet eximiæ vates virtutis imago,
      Naturæ specimen nobile et egregium.

In secunda.

    Hic confracta iacent pharetris languentibus arma,
      Quæ quondam ingenuus ferre solebat Amor.


    Unio, chrystallus, magnes, viridisque smaragdus,
      Hic cum virginea vate iacente nitent.


    Hic ver perpetuum vario cum flore virescet,
      Dum carpenta micans aurea Phœbus aget.

In V.

    Hic Decor et Ludus, Risusque, Iocusque, quiescunt,
      Hic cum laurigera est virgine inermis Amor.

In VI.

    Hac conclusus inest media thesaurus in urna;
      Ne tangas, gemmæ sunt simul innumeræ.


    Dum radiis Phœbus cœlestia templa replebit,
      Hic violæ et flores, his et anetus erunt.


    Hic Amor, et Ludus, Risusque, Iocusque, Leposque,
      Hic Musæ et Charites, hic et Apollo sedent.

In IX.

    Hic cum mellifluis habitat virguncula Musis,
      Acceptura decus perpetuumque melos.

In X.

    Sponte sua tellus amaracina secta refundens
      Hic viret, et verno rore benigna madet.

In XI.

    Hic violæ, hic flores, hic lilia, serta, coronæ,
      Sponte sua increscunt, sponte suaque virent.


    Hic sua signa manu Genius difringit acerba,
      Naturæ specimen dum periisse videt.

       *       *       *       *       *

    MONITOR _et_ VIRGINITAS _collocutores_.

    M. Heus tu quæ roseo es virgo spectabilis ore,
      Quid facis hic lachrymans anxia tota?

    V.                                    Gemo.

    M. Quæ causa est gemitus?

    V.                        Agnes virguncula, cuius
      Hæc prope me cineres fictilis urna tenet.

    M. Unde meis tam suavis odos est naribus?

    V.                                        Urna
      De media, Charites quem posuere Deæ.

    M. Quid posuere?

    V.               Rosas et cinnama, balsama, nardos,
      Flores et violas, lilia, serta, crocos.

    M. An amaracus inest etiam cum stacte cyperus?

    V.   Omnis inest redolens herba et amænus odor.

    M. Urna gerit viridem pulchre insignita coronam?

    V.   Ut decet et par est, laurea serta gerit.

    M. Quæ ratio?

    V.            Musas in se comprendit ovantes,
      Quæ teneræ cantant virginis exequias.

    M. An solæ recinunt?

    V.                   Solæ non. Phœbus Apollo
      In medio modulans mystica sacra fovet.

    M. Quid tibi vis igitur, virgo suavissima, tanto
      Cum gemitu, et superi te prope dulce canunt?

    V. Vera tibi dicam, nequeo non flere libenter,
      Tam fuit egregio nobilis ingenio.
    Annos nata decem, patris præcepta secuta,
      Iam facilis vates carmen ab ore dabat.

    M. Tu mihi naturæ miracula grandia narras!

    V.   Hisce nihil terris verius esse potest.

    M. Qui sunt quos video stantes?

    V.                              Ludus, locus, inde
      Gestus, Honor, Virtus et genialis Amor.

    M. Arma iacent urnam circum quamplurima fracta?

    V.   Ipsi gestabant integriora Dei.

    M. Quid facient fractis olim sic omnibus illis?

    V.   Cum planctu et lachrymis assiduos gemitus.

    M. Tune etiam flebis?

    V.                    Flebo mœstissima semper.

    M.   Nomen habes?

    V.                Habeo.

    M.                       Quid tibi?

    V.                                  Virginitas.

    M. Chara, vale.

    V.   Valeas, Monitor charissime, et huius
      Egregiæ quondam virginis esto memor.

       *       *       *       *       *

    MONITOR _et_ AGNES _collocutores_.

    M. Parva iacens vates celebri dignissima laude,
      Sum potis his tecum dicere pauca?

    A.                                    Potis.

    M. Hanc tibi quis struxit gemmis insignibus urnam?

    A.   Quis? Meus in tali nobilis arte pater.

    M. Excellens certe est figulus genitor tuus.

    A.                                           Artes
      Quottidie tractat sedulus ingenuas.

    M. Anne etiam scribit modulos et carmina?

    A.                                        Scribit.
      Dulcibus et verbis hæc mea fata beat.

    M. Ipsius est nimirum hominis solertia mira?

    A.   Tam celebrem regio vix tulit ulla virum.

    M. O tali virgo felix genitore!

    A.                              Profecto.
      Ipse etiam nomen tollit inastra meum.

    M. Audio concentus.

    A.                  Clariæ modulamina Musæ
      Cum Phœbo hic mecum nocte dieque canunt.

    M. Te prope conspicio Charites?

    A.                              Mihi serta ministrant.

    M.   Unde legunt violas?

    A.                       Collibus Elysiis.

    M. Sunt alii tecum?

    A.                  Sunt et tria numina.

    M.                                       Quænam?

    A.   Ludus, Amor, Monitor candide, et inde Iocus.

    M. Quid faciunt?

    A.               Holocausta mihi divina reponunt,
      Et solitos implent fomite et igne focos.

    M. Es Dea de superis iamdudum sedibus una?

    A.   De superis fio sedibus una Dea.

    M. Si Dea, cur charos in cœlica regna parentes
      Scandere non curas?

    A.                    Scandet uterque parens.

    M. Sed quando?

    A.             Quando certe sua fata videbunt
      Esse opus. Ex fatis stat sua cuique dies.

    M. Stat sua cuique dies ergo certissima?

    A.                                       Cuique
      Eveniunt certo fata suprema die.

    M. Interea genitor tuus et tua mater in hisce
      Quid facient terris?

    A.                     Quid? Pia, sacra, preces.

    M. Postea quid fiet?

    A.                   Cœlestia templa beati,
      Æthereo et supero patre favente, petent.

    M. In mea iam redeo tractanda negocia.

    A.                                     Quando
      Nempe voles; felix vive, et amice vale.

    M. Tu quoque cum superis habita cœlestibus ut mens
      Ætherea, ut sidus nobile, ut alma Dea.

       *       *       *       *       *

    GENIUS _et_ VIATOR _collocutores_.

    G. Siste parum, ulterius, quæso, nec tende viator,
      Hanc urnam et tumulum quin prius aspicias.

    V. Quis tu?

    G.          Sum Genius.

    V.                      Quid vis tibi?

    G.                                     Pauca vicissim
      Hic cupio tecum dicere, amice.

    V.                               Placet.

    G. Virgineam vatem fatis crudelibus haustam
      Aspice ut hæc in se fictilis urna tenet!

    V. Annos quot vixit?

    G.                   Bis quinque.

    V.                                Canebat et ilia
      Docta modos?

    G.             Sic est.

    V.                      Tu mihi mira canis.

    G. Scribebat dulci genialia carmina versu,
      Sponte sua modulans, sponte suapte canens.

    V. Naturae o rarum decus! o manifesta Deorum
      Gloria, quod vates ilia tenella foret?

    G. Carmen erat quicquid casu proferre volebat,
      Quicquid et optabat dicere carmen erat.

    V. Unde illi tantæ frugis veniebat origo?

    G.   Sedibus a superis, unde venire solet.

    V. Ut divina igitur versus faciebat amœnos?

    G.   Ut divina, sui et iussa secuta patris.

    V. Illius an etiam genitor modulamina tractat?

    G.   Tractat, et est vates candidus atque probus.
    Est probus et facilis, tersus, florensque, decensque.
      Est quem divino carmine Musa beat.

    V. Mecenate aliquo certe dignissimus ille est.

    G.   Mecenas Franco rarus in orbe viget.
    Nemo hodie ingenuas donis conformibus artes
      Aut fovet, aut ulla sorte fovere parat.
    Non est in pretio probitas, nec candida virtus.
      Infelix adeo regnat Avaricia.
    Fraus, dolus et vitium prestant; virtutibus omne
      Postpositis miserum serpit ubique nephas.

    V. Quid facit ille igitur Musis excultus amœnis?

    G.   In propria gaudet vivere posse domo.

    V. Ad reges alacri deberet tendere passu.

    G.   Non curat, quoniam libera corda gerit.
    Isti nonnunquam gaudent spectare potentes
      Carmina, sed quid tum: nictibus illa beant.
    Deberent gemmis auroque rependere puro
      Aurea de superis carmina ducta polis.
    Sed potius fatuis, nebulonibus atque prophanis
      Contribuunt stulti grandia dona leves.

    V. Ille suam natam studiis ornabat honestis?

    G.   Ornabat studiis, artibus atque bonis,

    V. An quoque et illa libens patris præcepta tenebat?

    G.   Nil magis optabat quam patris ora sequi.

    V. O quam grandis honor patriæque patrique fuisset
      Integra si vitæ munia adepta foret!

    G. Nimirum Francis in sedibus illa puellas
      Ante omneis alias gloria prima foret.
    Insignis facie, vultu formosa modesto,
      Moribus et dictis aurea tota bonis.
    Ad se corda hominum, iuvenumque, senumque trahebat
      In sua constanti vota sequenda fide.

    V. Mira mihi dicis?

    G.                  Dico tibi vera, viator.
      Ingenuæ speculum nobilitatis erat.

    V. O nimis immensus dolor! o dolor asper et angor!
      Tam rapido talem posse perire gradu!
    Quid pater interea faciet?

    G.                         Mœstissimus ipse
      Cordolium et lachrymas perferet assiduas.

    V. Ille preces melius superis cœlestibus amplas
      Funderet et precibus iungeret exequias.

    G. Exequias precibus iungitque fovetque perennes,
      Implet et assuetos fomite et ignefocos.

    V. O tam plausibili virguncula digna parente!
      O etiam tali stirpe beate pater!

    G. Illa modo lætis in nubibus alma refulget,
      Ut jubar exortum, sidus ut aureolum.

    V. Æthereis fulgens in sedibus illa triumphet,
      Et patrem secum filia grata trahat.

    G. In rem vade tuam, si vis modo abire, viator:
      Hæc sunt quæ volui dicere. Amice, vale.

    V. Sis felix tumuli custos, urnæque retector;
      In rem vado meam sedulus et properus.

Impressum Parrhisiis, e regione scholæ Decretorum, anno Do[mini]
M.D.XXIII, die xv mensis febr.


    _Godofredus Torinus Biturigicus lectori candido s(alutem)._

Egregii quidam sunt felici hoc seculo pictores, lector humanissime,
qui suis lineamentis, picturis et variis coloribus deos gentilitios et
homines, itemque alias res quascunque adeo exacte depingunt, ut illis vox
et anima deesse tantummodo videatur; sed ecce, lector humanissime, ego iam
tibi illorum propemodum more, domum offero, non solum suis lineamentis et
partibus elegantem et absolutam, sed etiam pulchre loquentem et encomio
sese particulatim describentem. Offero etiam tibi septem Epitaphia antiquo
more et sermone veterrimo conficta et conscripta, varios miserorum
hominum amantum affectus pervio quodam modo ostendentia. Ipsa tibi
(inquam) lubens offero, non ut ita verbis obsitis loquaris aut scribas,
sed ut antiquitatem ipsam tibi ante oculos tuos faciles et iucundissimos
habeas, et te a me benemonitum intelligas, ut in amoris insani laqueos et
angustias devenire caveas. Vale.


    _Gotofredus Torinus Biturigicus ad reginam Leonoram._

    Pergimus hunc, Leonora, tuum celebrare triumphum,
      Quem tibi Parrhisii contribuere tui.
    Tam pia tu nobis extas regina quod omnes
      Dicere te veram possumus esse DEAM.
    Esse DEAM sane te dicere possumus almam,
      Quum nos optata denique pace beas.
    Pace beas omneis qui Gallica regna frequentant,
      Fata adeo nutu te statuere bono.
    Ut proba, sancta etiam, clemens, et vera beatrix,
      Adduxti patriæ Lilla nostra suæ.
    Vis dicam paucis, et verum proloquar, in te
      Omnibus est nobis publica et ampla salus.

_Idem ad eandem._

    Di, Leonora, tibi felicia Fata perennent;
      Lætitia es nobis, Pax, et amœna Quies.

_Idem Torinus ad Gentem Gallicam._

    Exulta et lætare simul, gens Gallica, cernis
      Quas tibi delicias iam Leonora facit.
    Ipsa, Dei (credas) manifesto numine missa,
      Te facit egregia denique pace frui.
    Sparge rosas, lauros, violas, nardumque, crocumque,
      Et genio indulge tota iocosa tuo.
    Sed videas etiam ne tu gens optima cesses
      Ante Deum laudes accumulare pias;
    Si canis usque Deo laudes, et phana frequentas,
      (Crede mihi), pacis commoda longa feres;
    Aurea sub facili spectabis secula cœlo,
      De terra et felix aurea farra metes.
    Adde quod et pariter fies gens aurea tota.
      Perge igitur summo sacra iterare Deo.


    _Ludovica, regia mater, suam Galliam alloquitur et consolatur, Go.
    Torino Bit. scribente._

    Gallia, quid de me luges mæstissima? nescis
      Quod genus omne hominum morte perire solet?
    Respira, et tecum expende ut te provida ab atris
      Hostibus et diris casibus eripui.
    Linquo tibi gnatum cœlesti numine regem,
      In pulchra qui te, me duce, pace fovet.
    Te penes in gremio lætus sua pignora cernit,
      Orbem quæ totum sub tua sceptra dabunt.
    Reginam virtutis habes et pacis alumnam,
      Sidere felici quæ tua fata beat.
    Altera et una tibi est etiam regina sacrati
      Quæ soror est regis et benesuada tui.
    Principibus tantis non est tibi, chara, gemendum,
      Gallia! tu felix talibus es ducibus.
    Ipsa ego te prorsus moriens non desero, nanque
      Immortale meum tu modo nomen habes.
    Semper apud superum pro te devota Tonantem
      Orabo, ut victrix et generosa regas.
    Sparge mihi lauros, violas, nardosque crocosque;
      Stracte (_sic_) etiam flores, lilia, serta, rosas;
    His super adiungas summiscum laudibus hymnos,
      Exequias, modulos, thura sabea, preces.
    Aras ne dubita mihi tendere. Nam, Dea ut alma
      In cœlos pergo ianque volare. Vale.



[Footnote 501: Another document which M. Boyer has kindly made known
to me, dated in 1489, informs us that this Jean Thory lived on rue aux
Vaches, in Faubourg Saint-Privé; so that it was on that street that
Geofroy was born. 'Now,' M. Boyer writes me, 'as that street contains
only two houses, I am inclined to select as the house in question the
one designated by the name of _maison du perron_, because of a stoop
(_perron_) with a wooden roof which is still preserved, and which is
accounted for by the proximity of the river.' I saw the house in 1856; it
still belongs to the Toubeau family, which tends to confirm M. Boyer's

[Footnote 502: Archives of the Department of the Cher, Series C, Notarial
Records; minutes of Jean Dujat, notary, 1507.]

[Footnote 503: [See supra, p. 44.]]

[Footnote 504: On the first page of both books are the words: 'Biturigis,
apud Bonaventuram Thorinum, sub signo Anchoræ, vico Maiore, 1595'; and
at the end: 'Excusus fuit hic liber typis viduæ Nicolai Levez, Avarici
Biturigum, juxta scholas utriusque juris.' (Bibliothèque Nationale.) The
first alone contains a license to print (dated August 29, 1595). Therein
the publisher is called, in French, 'Thorin,' the natural rendering of
the Latin name that we find in the 'note to the reader,' where the form
'Torinus' occurs four times, and 'Thorinus' once only; which confirms my
hypothesis relative to the descent of this bookseller of Bourges. For we
have seen that Tory wrote his name Torinus in Latin. I must not omit to
mention one objection suggested by a friend of mine at Bourges,--that our
man is called Bonaventure _Thorin_, in a book of imposts for the year
1588. But every one knows how irregular the spelling of names was in the
old days.]

[Footnote 505: May not Tory's son have had for his godfather Bonaventure
des Périers, who committed suicide in 1544, in order to avoid a
prosecution on account of his religion?]

[Footnote 506: This book, which bears a French title, _Lesclaircissement
de la langue françoise_, although written in English and for the English,
was printed at London shortly after the publication of Tory's _Champ
fleury_. M. Génin issued a second edition in 1852, quarto, Paris,
Imprimerie Nationale.]

[Footnote 507: Read 'Tory'; letters transposed.]

[Footnote 508: Read 'Bourges.' The error is due to the fact that the
London printers were much more familiar with Bruges, where Caxton, their
first master, lived a long while before he introduced printing in England,
than with Bourges in Berry. (See my book on the _Origin of Printing_, vol.
ii, pp. 347 ff.)]

[Footnote 509: See what I have myself said on this subject, supra, p. 17.]

[Footnote 510: In order to be fair to everybody I am bound to say that M.
Génin's reckoning is at fault. Henry VIII having succeeded to the throne
on April 22, 1509, the twenty-second year of his reign extends from April
22, 1530, to April 21, 1531, and consequently the license cited here must
have been dated September 2, 1530, that is to say, a month and a half
after the printing of Palsgrave's book was finished.]

[Footnote 511: Say a year and a half, in consequence of the correction
suggested in the preceding note. However, Tory had announced a year
earlier the _Reigles de lorthographe du langaige françois._ See supra, p.

[Footnote 512: Vol. iv, fol. 320 recto. MSS. folio preserved at the
Library of the École de Médecine in Paris.]

[Footnote 513: [See supra, pp. 55 and 65.]]

[Footnote 514: [See supra, pp. 69 and 44.]]

[Footnote 515: [See supra, p. 96.]]

[Footnote 516: The necessity of distinguishing between the final _e_
which requires the acute accent (_aveuglé_) and that which does not
take it (_aveugle_) led to calling the former _masculine_ and the other
_feminine_. Hence the term 'feminine' still given in French poetry to mute

[Footnote 517: In the fourth edition of the _Manuel de Libraire_; he
does mention it in the fifth edition, however, citing me. It is not
mentioned either in the _Essai sur la Vie et les Ouvrages de Marguerite
d'Angoulême_, by M. de Lincy, prefixed to his edition of the _Heptameron_,
which was published by the Société des Bibliophiles Français in 1853-54. I
describe it from a copy owned by M. Ferdinand Denis.]

[Footnote 518: The original text of these letters may be found in my book,
_Les Estienne et les types grecs de François Iᵉʳ_; I give here only a
translation borrowed from M. Crapelet, _Études pratiques_, p. 89.]

[Footnote 519: By an inexplicable blunder M. Crapelet has thought fit
to render the two words 'Gallicæ reipublicæ,' _republic (of letters)_,
failing to understand that the word 'respublica' stands for the State. It
is needless to say that he has been followed by many others, particularly
M. Duprat in his 'Histoire de l'Imprimerie impériale,' 1861.]

[Footnote 520: I borrow this fragment from M. Crapelet (_Études
pratiques_, p. 116), for I have been unable to inspect the volume from
which he took it, although he gives an interesting description of it.]

[Footnote 521: [_Lettre à_ or _sur double queue_, letters on which the
seal is suspended from a strip of parchment passed through the document.]]

[Footnote 522: See what I have to say in the Preface on the subject of
Pierre le Rouge, who is given the title of king's printer once, in 1488.]

[Footnote 523: The dates that I give are those of the holding of the
office of _king's printer_, and not of the carrying on the trade of
printer, which, as a general rule, do not coincide, at least so far as the
earlier dates are concerned.]

[Footnote 524: Brunet, _Manuel de Libraire_, 5th edit., vol. ii, col.
1672.--See infra, p. 307 _King's Printers for the Mathematics_.]

[Footnote 525: He calls himself 'architypographus regius' in a work
printed by him in 1608.]

[Footnote 526: See the _Recette générale des finances_ of Paris for 1671,
in the national archives, KK. 356, fol. 53.]

[Footnote 527: See my _Les Estienne_, p. 35.]

[Footnote 528: Renouard, _Annales des Estienne_, 3d edit., p. 228, col. 1.
See also my _Les Estienne_, p. 36.]

[Footnote 529: This appointment involved him in some difficulty with his
colleagues, as may be seen from the following letter, of which I found a
copy in the Bibliothèque du Louvre, in the Nyon collection.

'When I asked and obtained the office of king's printer, of which M. Le
Breton had been deprived by death, I had no idea that it could cause
any heart-burning on the part of my confrères, with whom I have always
earnestly desired to be on the best of terms. If I had been able to
foresee such a thing, I am too much a friend of peace to have voluntarily
exposed myself to it by assuming a title which was subject to dispute.
But, monsieur, when I submitted the question to you, I thought that I
could see that it did not seem to you free from doubt. For this reason I
cannot hesitate to abandon claims which seem to me well-founded.

'I beg you therefore, monsieur, to regard as not having been made the
claims that I put forward on this subject, and as my confrères do not
pretend that any one of them has the right to style himself first king's
printer, in like manner I agree to assume simply the title of ordinary
printer to his Majesty, and that we shall be placed in the _Almanack
Royal_ in the order of our reception.

    'Paris, 20 November, 1779.


For this famous printer, see Lottin, _Catalogue des Imprimeurs de Paris_,
vol. ii, p. 139.]

[Footnote 530: For this paragraph, see my _Les Estienne_.]

[Footnote 531: He is mentioned as 'imprimeur du roi,' without other
description, in the registers of the cemetery of Les Réformés de la
Trinité, rue Saint-Denis; but I think that he was simply an engraver on
copper, like Tavernier.]

[Footnote 532: [Clearly a misprint; perhaps 1561.]]

[Footnote 533: He had been in business since 1784.]

[Footnote 534: He had been in business since 1813.]

[Footnote 535: He had been in business since 1785.]

[Footnote 536: There were royal printers in various cities of France after
the latter part of the sixteenth century; but the office was neither
regularly instituted nor general in its scope. These printers seem to have
had it specially in charge to print official documents in the provinces,
which function conferred on them certain privileges, and sometimes caused
difficulties with the local authorities, who also had their special
printers. The first editions of the edicts, ordinances, etc., emanating
from the central authority were afterwards placed in the hands of the
royal printing-office in Paris. See what I have to say on this subject in
my work on _Les Estienne_, p. 56.

In 1844 M. Le Roux de Lincy published in the _Journal de l'Amateur de
livres_, and also had printed separately in an octavo pamphlet of 16
leaves, a compilation entitled: _Catalogue chronologique des imprimeurs et
libraires du roi, par le père Adry_; but those shapeless memoranda were
not originally intended for printing, and I have been unable to obtain the
slightest particle of useful information from them.]

[Footnote 537: Archives, reg. KK, 99, fol. 116 verso. '_Librairie._--To
maistre Jean de Sansay, _libraire ordinaire_ to the King our Sire, the
sum of two hundred forty livres tournoys, ordered [to be paid] to him by
our said lord and his warrant, for his wages as _libraire ordinaire_ to
our said lord, [said office being held] by him during this present year
beginning the first day of January a thousand five hundred twenty-eight
[1529 n. s.], and ending the last day of December following, a thousand
five hundred twenty-nine, of which sum this present clerk has made payment
to the said Sansay by virtue of said warrant, as appears by his receipt
signed at his request by Mᵉ Huault, notary and secretary to the King,
the twenty-third day of January in the year a thousand five hundred
twenty-nine now current. For the said sum of IIᶜ XL l.

[Footnote 538: Brunet, _Manuel de Libraire_, 5th edit., vol. ii, col.

[Footnote 539: Was this Jehan Estienne of the family of the great
printers? I am unable to say. He is not mentioned in any of their
genealogies, nor is the Gommer Estienne, whom I have referred to in my
_Les Estienne_.]

[Footnote 540: The name is left blank at the beginning of the original
document, and the signature is very doubtful. But the name _Burgensis_ or
_Bourgeois_, is very common at that period. François I had a physician
called Louis Burgensis.]

[Footnote 541: _La Renaissance des Arts_, vol. i, p. 973.]

[Footnote 542: Ibid., p. 925.]

[Footnote 543: That is to say, to _goffer_.]

[Footnote 544: This volume is without date, but the license to print is
dated February 23, 1539 (1540, n. s.).]

[Footnote 545: [See supra, p. 138.]]

[Footnote 546: _Salutem dicit perpetuam._]

[Footnote 547: Read _Avaricum_.]

[Footnote 548: The book has _potuit_, but the errata informs us that we
should read _possit_.]

[Footnote 549: The book has _adiiecimus_.]

[Footnote 550: The book has _quandoquidam_, but the errata corrects the

[Footnote 551: The book has _i._, which, the Middle Ages, stood for _id

[Footnote 552: Should we not read _manent?_]

[Footnote 553: In the errata it is said that we should read _debebat_, but
that word does not fit the metre.]

[Footnote 554: _Claud._, XV, 385: 'Minuit præsentia famam.']

[Footnote 555: Plautus, _Casine_, act. V, sc. IV, v. 1: Ubi tu
es, qui colere mores Massilienseis postulas.]

[Footnote 556: Should we not say _daret_, or, rather, _dares?_]

[Footnote 557: Read _quo_. At the best this verse is halting.]

[Footnote 558: The book has _Istabili_. It was impossible to place the
sign of abbreviation over the capital I.]



    ABBATIA, _Bernard, 'Prognostication touchant le mariage du tres
       honoré et tres aimé Henry,' etc._, 282.

    _Abrégé des Meditations de la vie de Jésus-Christ_, 229.

    _Accents. See Orthographic marks._

    _Adolescence Clementine. See Marot, Clement._

    _Adriani Behotii diluvium_, 280 _note_ 2.

    ÆDILOQUIUM, _etc._, 29-30, 31, 92-93, 201-202.

    _Agricola, Rodolphe, 'De inventione dialectica,'_ 267.

    _Alard, Guillaume, his mark_, 273.

    _Alphabetum hebraicum_, 274-275.

    _Amman, Jost_, 251.

    _Anciens bois de l'imprimerie Fick_, 260 _note_ 3.

    _Ange Bologninus, 'De la curation des ulceres exterieurs,'_ 41.

    _Annius of Viterbo_, 3, 61.

    _Antistitis incomparabilis Michaelis Bodeti_, 137.

    _Apollonius Alexandrinus, De constructione_, 276.

    _Apologie pour la foi chrestienne contre les erreurs contenues en
       un petit livre de Messire Georges Halevin_, 138.

    _Apostrophe. See Orthographic marks._

    _Aristophanes_, 197, 274.

    _Artificialis introductio Jacobi Fabri Stapulensis_, 268 _note_ 4.

    _Asselin, Pierre_, 273.

    _Assier, Alexandre. See Socard, Alexis._

    _Aumale, Duc d'_, 144, 154, 163, 164 _note_ 1.

    _Aumont, Blanche d', arms of_, 171.

    _Avaricum. See Bourges._

    BABOU, _Philibert_, 2, 3, 4 5, 6, 10, 51-53, 60-61 65, 68, 69, 72.

    _Bade, Conrad_, 232, 233;
      _his mark_, 266.

    _Bade, Josse_, 57, 145, 200, 201.

    _Baïf, Lazarus, 'Annotationes,' etc._, 208-209.

    _Baker, David_, 293.

    _Barbier, Olivier_, 208 _note_ 2.

    _Baron Collection_, 254 _and note_ 2.

    _Barra, Jean_, 148.

    _Bassentin, Jacques, 'L'astronomique discours,'_ 262, _note_ 4.

    _Basset, Denis_, 230 _note_ 2.

    _Beaupré, M., 'Notice bibliographique sur les livres liturgiques ... de
        Toul et de Verdun,'_ 150 _note_ 4.

    _Beauvoys. See Delaigue, Étienne._

    _Beckford, William_, 167.

    _Bellay, Jean du_, 214, 215 _note_ 1, 280.

    _Belon, Pierre, 'Histoire de la nature des oiseaux,'_ 250;
      _'Les observations' etc._, 250.

    _Bernard, Auguste, 'Les Etiennes, et les types grecs de François
        I,'_ 197 _note_ 4, 199 _note_ 1, 271 _note_ 1.

    _Bernard, Salomon ('Le Petit Bernard')_, 258, 261 _and note_ 4.

    _Beroaldo, Filippo_, 2.

    BEROSUS BABILONENSIS, _Tory's edition of_, 3, 60-64.

    _Bertaud, Jean, 'Encomium,' etc._, 200-201.

    _Berthelin, André_, 284.

    _Bertrand, Jean, Cardinal of Sens_, 250, 251.

    _Berty, Adolphe, 'Les trois îlots de la cité,'_ 35 _and note_ 3.

    _Bessault, Thibault_, 285.

    _Bèze, Theodore de, 'Poemata,'_ 232-235, 266.

    _Bible in French, Antwerp_, 1530, 254.

    _Bible in Latin_, 1532, 204.

    _Bible in Saxon, Lubeck_, 1533, 254.

    _Bible in Latin_, 1538-1540, 215.

    _Bible in Latin_, 1543, 254.

    _Bible after Holbein_, 1547, 258.

    _Bible in Flemish, Antwerp_, 1556, 254.

    _Bibliothèque de l'amateur champenois_, 279.

    _Binet, Denis_, 257.

    _Blazon des heretiques_, 180.

    _Blés de Beauce, Halle aux, Tory's removal to_, 35, 37, 38, 40 _and
        note_ 4, 41, 97, 295.

    _Bonfons, Jean, his mark_, 266.

    _Bonhomme, Iolande, widow of Thielman Kerver I_, 149, 204, 214, 215
       _and note_ 1, 221, 230, 241, 242, 280.

    _Bonnemere, Anthoine_, 276.

    _Boorluut, M._, 199.

    _Bouchet, Jean, 'Les angoisses et remedes damour du Traverseur,'
          etc._, 212-213, 279;
       _'Le jugement poetic de l'honneur feminin,...par le Traverseur,'_

    _Bouchetel, Guillaume, 'Le Sacre ... de la Royne,'_ 34;
      _'Lentree de la Royne,' etc._, 34.

    _Boudet, Michael de_, 137.
      _And see 'Antistitis incomparabilis.'_

    _Bouillon, M. le duc de, 'Ordonnances,'_ 245 _note_ 2.

    _Boullé, Guillaume_, 98, 99.

    _Bouquet des fleurs de Sénèque, Le_, 273.

    _Bourges_, 1, 2, 4, 66-67;
      _coat-of-arms of_, 129.

    _Bourgogne, Collège de_, 6, 7, 295.

    _Boursette, Madeleine, widow of François Regnault_, 228, 243, 246,
        284, 285.

    _Boyer, Hippolyte, 'Histoire des imprimeurs et libraires de Bourges,'_
        91, 222, 289 _and note_ 1.

    _Breviarium ad ritum diocesis Eduensis_, 241.

    _Briçonnet, Guillaume, Bishop of Meaux_, 176.

    _Bridier, Jean_, 232.

    _Brie, Jehan de_, 230 _note_ 3, 231.

    _Brie, widow of Jehan de_, 149, 229, 231.

    _Brucherius, Joannes, 'Epitome of the Adages of Erasmus,'_ 174, 176.

    _Brulefer, Étienne, 'Identitatum et distinctionum,' etc._, 284.

    _Brunet, Jacques-Charles, 'Manuel du Libraire,'_ 64, 119, 120, 124,
        139 _note_ 1, 140, 149 _note_ 2, 150, 170 _note_ 1, 181 _note_ 2,
        208 _note_ 1, 231, 260 _note_ 2.

    '_Bulletin du bouquiniste_,' 1860, 174 _note_ 2.

    _Bunel, P., 'Epîtres familières,'_ 272.

    _Buon, Gabriel_, 215 _note_ 4, 249;
      _his mark_, 284.

    _Buon, Nicolas_, 249.

    CÆSAR, _'Commentaries,' translation of_, 178.
      _See also 'César, Les Commentaires de.'_

    _Calcar_, 225.

    _Calvarin, Prigent, his mark_, 267.

    _Calvarin, Simon, his marks_, 267.

    _Catherine de Medici_, 122.

    _Catherinot, Nicolas, his epitaph of Tory_, 43, 44, 55 _note_ 2.

    _Cavellat, Guillaume_, 250.

    'CEBES, TABLE OF,' _Tory's translation of_, 27, 28, 85-87, 201.

    '_Cebes, Tableau de_,' 1543, 262.

    _Cedilla. See Orthographic marks._

    _'César, Les Commentaires de,' manuscript (author unknown)_, 143-144,
      _Comte Léon de Laborde's description of_, 154-164.

    _Chabouillet, M., Notice du Cabinet des médailles_, 255.

    'CHAMP FLEURY,' _first conceived by Tory_, 9, 12;
      _the first book of_, 14 _and note_ 3;
      _the second book of_, 15-17;
      _the third book of_, 17-20;
      _published_ (1529), 26;
      _effect of publication of_, 32-33;
      _orthographic system of, first applied_, 37 _and note_ 1, 295-299;
      _second edition of_ (1549), 42, 43, 84;
      _bibliographical description of_, 81-84;
      _description of engravings in_, 189-196;
      _M. Renouvier on engravings in_, 262;
      _quoted_, 1 _note_ 2, 2 _note_ 3, 5, 7 _note_ 8, 9, 12-14, 15-16,
           17, 18, 19-20, 21-22, 23, 26, 29 _note_ 1, 141, 145.

    _'Chants royaux.' See Gringoire._

    _Charles IX_, 144.

    _Chaudière, Claude_, 238.

    _Chaudière, Guillaume_, 229.

    _Chaudière, Regnault_, 238, 273;
      _his mark_, 267, 268, 269.

    _Cheradam, Jean, editor of Aristophanes_, 197.

    _Chevallon, Claude_, 231, 278.

    '_Chiromancy and Physiognomy_,' 259, 261.

    _Chrestien, Nicolas_, 41.

    _Choquet, Louis, 'Mystère de l'Apocalypse,'_ 217-218.

    '_Chronique du tres vaillant et redouté Dom Flores de Grece_,' 249.

    _Chrysostom, Saint, 'Homeliæ Duæ,'_ 281;
      '_Liber contra gentiles_,' 120.

    _Cicero, 'Orator,'_ 42;
      _works of_, 244-246, 272.

    _'Civis,' Tory's first device_, 2;
      monogram of, 6.

    _Claude de France, queen of François I_, 127.

    _Colines, Simon de_, 24, 25, 29, 33, 72, 101-116, 120-122, 146, 174,
          175, 185, 189, 197, 201, 203, 223, 239, 258;
      _his marks_, 174, 267-269.

    '_Compendium grammaticæ græcæ_,' 189.

    _'Conférence accordée entre les predicateurs, La,' etc._, 257.

    _'Copie de l'arrest du grand conseil,' etc._, 38.

    _'Copie d'une lettre de Constantinople,' etc._, 38.

    _Coqueret, Collège_, 5, 295.

    _Corrozet, Gilles_, 148, 250, 263;
      '_Les Fables d'Esopes mises en rithme françois_,' 207;
      _his mark_, 269-270.

    _Corrozet, Gilles II, 'Trésor des histoires de France,'_ 270.

    _Corrozet, Jean_, 270.


    _Cottereau (also Cotereau), Philippe_, 41, 47.

    _Cottereau, Richard_, 41, 47.

    _Cousin, Jean_, 237, 238, 254, 263.

    _Cousteau, Nicolas_, 204.

    _'Coustumier de la baronnye,' etc._, 41.

    '_Coutumes générales d'Orléans_,' 266 _note_ 1, 274.

    _Coxe, Leonard_, 34, 293.

    _Crescens, Pierre des, 'Bon Mesnager,'_ 204.

    DALLIER, _Jean_, 237.

    _Danois, Jean Blaccus, translation of Isocrates_, 273 _and note_ 2.

    _David Matthæus_, 244;
      _his mark_, 270.

    _'De judiciis urinarum,' etc._, 39.

    _Debure, M., and 'Les Commentaires de César,'_ 161.

    _Delaigue, Étienne_, 178.

    _Delange, MM._, 151.

    _'Description de la prinse de Calais,' etc._, 284.

    _Devéria, Achille_, 150 _note_ 2, 230 _note_ 3, 254.

    _Dibdin, Thomas F., 'Bibliographical Decameron,'_ 110, 123, 279
         _notes_ 4 _and_ 6.

    '_Dictionarium latino-gallicum_,' 189 _note_ 1.

    _Didot, Ambroise Firmin_, 28, 47, 91, 96, 98, 136 _note_ 3;
      '_Essai sur la gravure_,' 150, 151, 225, 259.

    _Didot, Firmin, père_, 144, 166.

    _Dietz, Ludowich_, 254.

    _Diodorus Siculus, Macault's translation of first three books of_, 47,
          136, 205-207;
      _manuscript of_, 144, 166-168.

    _Dives. See Ricke, Guillaume de._

    '_Divi Joannis Chrisostomi liber contra gentiles_,' 120.

    _Dolet, Étienne_, 117.

    _Doré, Pìerre, 'Dyalogue instructoire des chrestiens,'_ 222.

    _Dubois, Simon_, 25, 196, 197.

    _Dupré, Galliot_, 135 _note_ 1, 178, 196, 204.

    _Dupuy, J._, 273.

    _Duradier, Dreux, 'Les Récréations historiques,'_ 170.

    _Durand, M._, 259 _note_ 1.

    _Dure (Duræus), Robert_, 5 _and note_ 3.

    _Dürer, Albrecht_, 16 _and note_ 2, 252.
      _See also Meigret._

    _Duverdier, M._, 98.

    'ECONOMIC XENOPHON,' _Tory's translation of_, 30-31, 93-97.

    EGNASIO, J. B., SUMMAIRE DE CHRONIQUES, _Tory's translation_, 28, 42,
         88-91, 222.

    _'Elegia ... ad Joach. Bellaium,' etc._, 278.

    _Eleonora of Austria, queen of François I_, 'LE SACRE ET CORONNEMENT
          DE,' 34, 130-131, 202;
      'ENTRÉE DE, EN SA VILLE ET CITÉ DE PARIS,' 34, 131-133, 202;
      _Tory's verses to_, 35, 132-133.

    '_Empereurs de Turquie, Histoire des_,' 138.

    _'Enchiridion, preclare ecclesie Sarum,' etc._, 199-200.

    _English booksellers, idiosyncrasies of_, 199 _note_ 2.

    _'Entrée de la Royne,' etc. See Eleonora._

    'EPITAPHIA LATINA ET GALLICA' (_on Louise de Savoie_), 35.

    _'Epitomæ singularum distinctionum,' etc._, 282.

    _Estienne, Charles_, 235, 244-245;
      '_De dissectione partium corporis humani_,' 223-226;
      '_De nutrimentis_,' 271;
      _his marks_, 272.

    _Estienne, Henri I_, 174.

    _Estienne, Henri II_, 17, 69, 268, 269, 271.

    _Estienne, Robert_, 33, 146, 175, 185, 189 _and notes_ 2 _and_ 3, 204,
          208, 215, 216, 235, 244, 245, 258, 269, 286;
      _king's printer_, 39, 40;
      _his marks_, 270-272.

    _Eusebius, 'Ecclesiastical history,'_ 135, 189.

    _'Exemplaria litterarum,' etc._, 189 _note_ 1.

    FANTE, _Sigismunde, 'Thesauro de' scrittori,'_ 15 _and note_ 3.

    _'Faulcheur, Le.' See Roffet, Jacques._

    _Féret, Martin_, 37.

    _Fezandat, Michel, his mark_, 272-273.

    _Fick Press, Geneva_, 260 _note_ 3.

    '_Fifteen Effusions of the Blood of our Saviour_,' 228, 229.

    '_Figure de l'ancienne et de la nouvelle alliance_,' 253-255.

    '_Figures et portraicts des parties du corps humain, Les_,' 252.

    _Fortunatus, Robertus. See Dure, Robert._

    _Fouquet, Jean_, 171.

    _France, Collège de_, 39.

    _François I_, 29, _note_ 1;
      _appoints Tory king's printer_, 32-34;
      _and extra bookseller to the University_, 36, 294;
      _remodels institution of king's printers_, 39-40;
      _ordinances of_, 134-135;
      _in 'Les Commentaires de César,'_ 157-163;
      _and in Macault's translation of Diodorus_, 167-168.

    _François de Valois, Dauphin of France_, 31, 38, 97-98.

    _Frellon, Jean_, 258.

    GAGUIN, _Robert_, 178.

    _Galen, 'De anatomicis administrationibus,'_ 203.

    '_Gallic Hercules, The_,' 141.

    _Gannay, Germain de_, 3 _and note_ 2, 54.

    _Garamond, Claude_, 33, 145.

    _Génin, M., 'Introduction to Palsgrave's Lesclaircissement de la
         langue françoise,'_ 14, 292 _note_ 1, 293-294.

    '_Gerard d'Euphrate_,' 241.

    _Gérard de Vercel, verses of_, 6, 71.

    _Gering, Ulric_, 277.

    _Gerou, Dom, 'Bibliothèque historique des auteurs orléanais,'_ 273.

    _Ghisy, Georges_, 244 _note_ 2.

    _Gibier, Eloi_, 266 _and note_ 1;
      _his mark_, 273-274.

    _Gillot, Jean, 'De juridictione et imperio,' etc._, 39;
      '_Isagoge in juris civilis sanctionem_,' 39.

    _Girault, François_, 239.

    _Godefroy, miniaturist, identity of with Tory discussed_, 142-144,

    _Gourmont, Benoît de, his mark_, 276.

    _Gourmont, François de_, 197 _note_ 4, 271.

    _Gourmont, Gilles de_, 3, 26, 28, 50 _and note_ 3, 54, 64, 197;
      _the first printer of Greek in Paris_, 26;
      _his marks_, 274-276.

    _Gourmont, Jean de_, 197 _note_ 4, 271.

    _Gourmont, Jérôme de_, 275;
      _his mark_, 276.

    _Gourmont arms_, 275 _note_ 1.

    _Gourmont family_, 275 _note_ 1.

    '_Gradual_,' 177.

    _Grævius, J. C., 'Thesaurus antiquitatum romanarum,'_ 208 _and note_ 2.

    _Graf, Urs_, 179.

    _Grandin, Louis, his marks_, 277.

    _Greban, Simon de, 'Catholiques œuvres et actes des Apostres,'_

    _Greek, Tory's unfamiliarity with_, 27 _note_.

    _Greek alphabet_, 189, 280 _note_ 2.

    _Gringoire, Pierre, 'Chants royaux,'_ 180-181, 183, 184;
      _Hours in rhyme_, 180;
      _'Notables enseignemens,' etc._, 196.

    _Grolier (Groslier), Jean_, 12, 45, 145.

    _Groulleau, Estienne_, 241, 249.

    _Gryphe, François_, 207 _and note_ 1.

    _Gualtherot, Vivant_, 43.

    _Gueroult, Guillaume, 'Hymnes du temps,'_ 261 _and note_ 4.

    _Gueullard, Jean, his marks_, 277.

    _Guillard, Charlotte, her mark_, 277-278.

    HAIENEUVE, _Simon_, 16.

    _Halevin, Georges_, 138.

    _Harleian MSS._, 158.

    _Harley, Robert, Earl of Oxford_, 158.

    _Harsy, Olivier de_, 278.

    _Henon, Jean_, 38.

    _Henri II_, 169;
      _Entrée de_, 235-238.

    _Herverus de Berna_, 2, 3, 57, 58.

    _'Hexastichorum moralium,' etc._, 277.

    '_Histoire du Saint Graal_,' 178.

    '_Histoire paladine_,' 249.

    _Hongont, Jean_, 57 _and note_ 1.

    _Honorat, Sébastien_, 215 _note_ 4.

    _Hopyl, Wolfgang_, 150, 268 _note_ 4.

    _Hornken, Louis_, 5, 68, 69.

    _Hotot, Fabian_, 266.

    _Houic, Antoine_, 285.

    HOURS OF 1524-25, _quarto_, 24, 45, 47, 101-119;
      _sales of_, 119 _note_ 1.

    HOURS OF 1527, _octavo, Colines_, 25, 45, 47, 120-122.

    HOURS OF 1527, _quarto, Dubois_, 25, 45, 47, 122-124.

    HOURS OF 1529, 16_mo_, 29, 125-126.

    HOURS OF 1531, _quarto_, 25, 126-128.

    HOURS OF (?), _octavo_, 25, 128-129.

    _Hours of_ 1515, _Simon Vostre_, 172.

    _Hours of_ 1536, _octavo_, 208.

    _Hours of_ 1541, _Mallard_, 40, 218.

    _Hours of_ 1542, _Bonhomme_, 220-221.

    _Hours of_ 1542, _Lecoq_, 221-222.

    _Hours of_ 1542, _Mallard_, 40, 219-220.

    _Hours of_ 1543, _Colines_, _quarto_, 209-212.

    _Hours of_ 1543, _Colines_, _octavo_, 212.

    _Hours of_ 1547 (?), _Regnault_, 227-229.

    _Hours of_ 1547 (?), _Brie_, 229-231.

    _Hours of_ 1548, _Merlin_, 231-232.

    _Hours of_ 1549, _Chaudière_, 238-239.

    _Hours of_ 1550, _Boursette_, 16_mo_, 243.

    _Hours of_ 1550, _Kerver_, _octavo_, 218-219, 243-244.

    _Hours of_ 1550, _Roigny_, 16_mo_, 241.

    _Hours of_ 1552, _Kerver_, 246.

    _Hours of_ 1556, _Kerver_, 251-252.

    _Hours of_ 1574, _Kerver_, 226-227.

    _Hours in rhyme. See Gringoire._

    'INSIGNIUM _aliquot virorum icones_,' 260.

    _'Institutionum civilium,' etc._, 278.

         edition of_, 5, 69-72.

    JANOT, _Denys_, 222, 263;
      _appointed king's printer_, 302-303.

    _Joly, Abbé de_, 55 _note_ 2.

    _Jollat, Mercure_, 223, 224.

    '_Jours moralisez, Les_,' 228.

    _Justel, Christophe_, 158.

    _Justel, Henri_, 158.

    _Justin Martyr, Works of_, 189 _note_ 3.

    KERVER, _Jacques_, 149, 224-226, 230, 239, 252.

    _Kerver, Jean_, 41.

    _Kerver, Thielman I_, 41, 149, 199, 230.
      _And see Bonhomme._

    _Kerver, Thielman II_, 218, 226, 243, 246, 251, 279.

    _King's binders_, 308-311.

    _King's librarians_, 308-311.

    _King's printer, Institution of office of_, 32, 34 _and note_ 2;
      _title bestowed on Tory_, 34-36;
      _institution of, remodeled_, 39;
      _list of holders of the office_, 303-308.

    LA BARRE, _Jean de_, 34 _note_ 3, 35 _note_ 1.

    _Laborde, Comte Léon de_, 24 _note_, 143;
       _his description of the MSS. of 'Les Commentaires de César' and
       'Les Triomphes de Pétrarque,' illustrated by 'Godefroy,'_ 154-166.

    '_Labours of Hercules, The_,' 182, 184.

    _La Caille, 'Histoire de l'imprimerie,'_ 6, 24 _note_ 1, 28, 40, 43,
        44, 99, 175, 284, 285.

    _La Croix du Maine_, 143, 145.

    _La Guierche, Michel de_, 42.

    _Lallemand, Jean_, 3, 4, 65, 68.

    _Lallemand, Jeanne_, 4.

    _Lancelot, M._, 170.

    _La Porte, Heirs of Maurice de_, 250.

    _La Porte, Widow of Maurice de_, 249;
      _her mark_, 283-284.

    _La Sapienza (college at Rome)_, 2.

    _La Thaumassière, 'Histoire du Berry,'_ 290.

    _Latini, Brunetto, 'Le Trésor,'_ 17 _and note_ 3.

    _Laulne, Étienne de_, 163.

    _'Laurentii Vallæ de linguæ latinæ elegantia,' etc._, 120 _and note_ 1.

    _Le Bas, Jacques_, 273.

    _Lecoq, Jean_, 177, 196, 221, 258, 279.

    _Le Duaren, François, 'De sacris ecclesiæ ministeriis ac beneficiis,'
        etc._, 244.

    _Lefèvre d'Etaples, Jacques, 'Commentarii initiatorii in quatuor
         Evangelia,'_ 174-176.
      _See also 'Artificialis introductio.'_

    _Le Hullin, Perrette, wife of Tory_, 6, 37;
      _and his successor_, 38, 42, 144, 150.

    _L'Empereur, Martin_, 254.

    _Le Noir, Philippe_, 178, 180;
      _his marks_, 279.

    LEO BAPTISTA ALBERTUS, _Tory's edition of_, 5, 68-69.

    _Leonardo da Vinci_, 15.

    _Le Petit, Pierre_, 36.

    _Le Preux, Poncet_, 178.

    _Le Prince, 'Essai historique sur la bibliothèque du roi,'_ 169
        _note_ 2.

    _Le Riche. See Ricke, Guillaume de._

    _Les Angeliers, Arnould_, 216, 217.

    _Les Angeliers, Charles_, 216, 217, 222.

    _Letellier, Pasquier_, 241, 242.

    '_Liber de opificio dei_,' 189.

    _Libraires jurés. See Paris, University of._

    _Livy, translation of, MS._, 171.

    _Longis, Jean_, 241, 249.

    _Longueil, Christophe de_, 6, 70, 72 _note_ 1.

    _Lorraine, Duchesse Regnee de Bourbon_, 180.

    _Lorraine cross, The_, 47, 91, 178;
      _how far a guide to Tory's work_, 147-152;
      _in the 18th century_, 208;
      _at Orléans, Chartres, Poitiers and Lyon_, 258.

    _Lottin, 'Catalogue des libraires,'_ 99, 270 _note_ 1, 273, 281.


    _Lucas Paciol, 'Divina proportione,'_ 15.

    LUCIAN, DIALOGUES OF, _Tory's translation of_, 27, 85-87.

    LUCIAN, 'LA MOUCHE,' _Tory's translation of_, 32, 99-100.

    _Lud, Gauthier_, 150.

    _Luther, 'Enarrationes' (on the Bible), Nuremberg_, 1555, 254.

    MACAULT, _Antoine. See Diodorus Siculus._

    _Maittaire, M., 'Annales Typographiques,'_ 176, 268 _note_ 3.

    _Mallard, Olivier, Tory's successor at the sign of the Pot Cassé_,
      _king's printer_, 39, 40, 41, 43, 128, 129, 218.

    _Marchand, J._, 60.

    _Marcorelle, Jean, 'Book of Thermes,'_ 261 _note_ 4.

    _Marguerite d'Angoulême, Queen of Navarre (sister of François I)_,
         123, 124 _note_ 1, 244.

    _Marnef, Geofroy de_, 60, 64.

    _Marnef Frères_, 3, 213;
      _their mark_, 279-280.

    _Marot, Clément, 'Ladolescence Clementine,'_ 36-37, 138-140, 296;
      '_Psalms_,' 1557, 260.

    _Marot, Jan (father of Clément), 'Sur les deux heureux voyages de Genes
         & Venise,' etc._, 140.

    _'Marques Typographiques.' See Silvestre._

    _Massé, René_, 33.

    _Mauroy, Nicolas, 'Les hymnes communes de l'annee,'_ 196.

    _Mazochi, 'Epigrammata,' etc._, 7 _and notes_ 8 _and_ 9.

    _Meigret, Louys, 'Les quatre livres d'Albert Durer' (translation)_,
         252, 283.

    '_Mémoires de la société des antiquaires de Morinie_,' 255.

    '_Menagiana_,' 55 _note_ 2, 93.

    _Menier, Maurice, his mark_, 280.

    _Merlin, Guillaume_, 215, 217, 231, 232;
      _his mark_, 280.

    _Mesviere, Estienne_, 243, 246.

    '_Meubles et armes du moyen âge_,' 254.

    _Milan, Paulus Jovius's Lives of the Dukes of. See Paulus Jovius._

    _Millæus, Johannes, 'Praxis criminis persequendi,' etc._, 216-217.

    _Missal (Toul)_, 1508, 150.

    _Missal (Paris)_, 1539, 148, 214-215, 242.

    _Missal (Paris), folio, no date_, 280.

    _Missal (Cluny)_, 1550, 242.

    _Missal (Paris)_, 1559, 149.

    '_Monstre d'abus contre Nostradamus_,' 284.

    _Montaiglon, A. de, 'Archives de l'art français,'_ 132 _note_ 1;
      _Recueil des poésies, etc._, 281.

    _Montenay, Georgette de, 'Emblesmes et devises chrestiennes,'_ 148.

    _Monteux, Hieronime, 'Conservation de santé,' etc._, 267.

    _Montpellier_, 137.

    _Morante, Marquis de_, 73.

    _Morel, Guillaume, his mark_, 280.

    _Moréri, Historical Dictionary_, 290-291.

    _Muret, Marc-Antoine, 'Juvenilia,'_ 249, 283.

    NÉOBAR, _Conrad, king's printer for Greek_, 36, 39, 40;
      _letters patent of_, 299-302.

    _New Testament and Apocalypse (Boursette)_, 246.

    _New Testament in Greek and Latin_, 1549, 273.

    _Nivelle, Sébastien_, 215 _note_ 4;
      _his mark_, 280-281.

    '_Notice sur les graveurs_' (1807), 261, _note_ 4.

    _Nyverd, Guillaume, his mark_, 281.

    _Nyverd, Guillaume de, his mark_, 282.

    OPORIN _(Basle)_, 225.

    'ORDONNANCES DU ROY,' _published by Tory_, 134-135.

    _Orthographic marks_, 19-20, 100, 140, 295-299.

    ORUS APOLLO, HIEROGLYPHS OF, _translated by Tory_, 25, 100.

    _Ovid, 'Metamorphoses,'_ 260, 261 _and note_ 4.

    PALATINO, _Giovanbattista_, 42 _note_ 2.

    _Pallier, Jean, his mark_, 282.

    _Palsgrave, 'Lesclaircissement de la langue françoise,'_ 14 _note_ 1,
         34, 292-294.

    _Panzer, M._, 176.

    _Papillon, 'Traité de la gravure sur bois,'_ 127, 145, 189 _note_ 4.

    _Paradin, Claude, 'Devises héroïques,'_ 261 _note_ 4;
      '_Quadrins historiques_,' 261 _note_ 1.

    _Paris, Nicole, his mark_, 283.

    _Paris, University of, libraires jurés of_, 32 _note_ 2, 36.

    PASSION, THE, _G. de Ricke's Latin poem on, edited by Tory_, 3, 57-59.

    _Paulus Belmisserus Pontremulanus, 'Opera poetica,'_ 205.

    _Paulus Jovius Novocomensis, 'Vitæ duodecim vicecomitum Mediolani,'
        MS. of_, 168-169, 235.

    _Paulus Paradisus, 'De modo legendi hebraice dialogus,'_ 276.

    _Perier, Charles_, 252;
      _his mark_, 283.

    _Perier, Thomas_, 283.

    _Périers, Bonaventure des_, 291 _note_ 2.

    _Perot_, 159 _and note_ 2.

    _Perreal, Jean, Tory's instructor in drawing_, 7, 15, 23 _and note_ 1,
        24, 123.

    _Petit, Guillaume, Bishop of Senlis_, 203.

    _Petit, Jean_, 2, 50, 85.

    _Petit, Oudin, his mark_, 283.

    _Petit dictionnaire français-latin_, 272.

    '_Petit Jehan de Saintré, Le_,' 267.

    _Petrarch_, 259, 261.

    _Petrarque, 'Les Triumphes' de, MS._, 144;
      _described by M. de Laborde_, 164-166.

    _'Petri Ruffi Druydæ dialectica,' etc._, 277.

    _Piccolomini, Enea Silvio. See Pius II._

    PIUS II (POPE), COSMOGRAPHY OF, _Tory's edition of_, 3 _and note_ 1,

    _Plantin, Christophe_, 251.

    _Plato, Dialogues of_, 41.

    _Plessis, Collège of_, 3, 295.

    _Pliny, 'Letters,'_ 285.

    PLUTARCH, POLITICS, _Tory's translation of_, 31, 97, 99.

    POMPONIUS MELA, _Tory's translation of_, 2, 50-54.

    _Porcium, J., 'Pugna porcorum,'_ 276.

    _Pot Cassé, Tory's first use of_, 11;
      _explanation of_, 12;
      _modifications of_, 20;
      _interpreted by Tory in 'Champ fleury,'_ 21-22, 35, 38, 39, 41, 42,
          45-47, 72.

    '_Pourtraictz divers_,' 260 _note_ 2.

    _Prevost, Benoît_, 250.

    _Prevosteau, Estienne, his mark_, 280.

    _Printers' marks signed with the Lorraine cross_, 65-287.

    _'Procession de Soissons, Le,' etc._, 91-92.

    '_Psalterium Davidicum Græcolatinum_,' 252.

    '_Psalterium Quincuplex_,' 55 _note_ 2.

    _'Purgatoire, Le,' 'prouvé par la parole de Dieu,'_ 230 _note_ 2.

    _Puys, Jean du_, 255.

    QUINTILIAN, 'INSTITUTIONES,' _Tory's edition of_, 4, 67.

    RABELAIS, '_Pantagruel_,' 14 _and note_ 3.

    '_Recueil de plusieurs secrets très-utiles pour la santé_,' 287.

    _'Recueil des rimes,' etc._, 287.

    _'Recueil des Rois de France.' See Tillet, Jean du._

    '_Reformation, La, des tavernes et destruction de gourmandise_,' 281.

    _'Régime de vivre,' etc._, 287.

    _'Reglement pour l'instruction des proces,' etc._, 41.

    _Regnault, Barbe_, 228;
      _her mark_, 284-285.

    _Regnault, François_, 178, 228, 284.

    _Regnault, Widow of François. See Boursette, Madeleine._

        of Tory_, 29, 100, 297.

    _Rembolt, Berthold_, 5, 68, 69, 277, 278.

    _Renouard, M., 'Annales des Estienne,'_ 215.

    _Renouvier, Jules, 'Des types et des manières des maîtres-graveurs,'_
           16, 119, 145, 146, 147 _note_ 2, 149-150, 172, 184-185, 223,
           237-238, 262-263;
      _in 'Revue Universelle des Arts,'_ 153-154, 179, 205-207.

    '_Repertorium Bibliographicum_,' 167-168.

    _Rexmond, Pierre_, 254.

    _Ricke, Guillaume de, Tory's teacher at Bourges_, 1, 2;
      _Latin poem of on_ THE PASSION, _Tory's edition of_, 3, 57-59;
      _Jules de Saint-Genois on_, 59.

    _Rivard, Claude_, 148.

    _Riviere, Estienne_, 223.

    _Robert-Dumesnil, M., 'Le peintre-graveur français,'_ 138 _note_ 2,
         147, 148, 149, 228.

    _Robinot, Gilles I_, 287;
      _his mark_, 285.

    _Robinot, Gilles II_, 285.

    _Rochechouart, François de, arms of_, 171.

    _Rodolphi Agricolæ Phrisii, 'De inventione dialectica,'_ 120, 211.

    _Roffet, Jacques, called 'Le Faulcheur,'_ 235, 237.

    _Roffet, Pierre_, 138;
      _his mark_, 285.

    _Roigny, Jean de_, 241;
      _his marks_, 285-286.

    _Ronsard, 'Les amours,'_ 249.

    _Rothschild, Solomon de_, 120, 126 _note_ 1, 127-128.

    _Rousselet, Jean, Seigneur de la Part-Dieu_, 4, 67.

    _Royer, Louis_, 230 _note_ 3, 231.

    '_Rozier historial de France_,' 178.

    _Ruan, Jean du_, 258.

    _Ruccelli. See Rousselet._

    SACRE ET CORONNEMENT DE LA ROYNE, LE. _See Eleonora of Austria._

    _Saint-Amand, Chevalier de, biographer of Tory_, 138.

    _Saint-Genois, Jules de_, 59.

    _Saint-Victor, Adam de, translation of the 'Grand Marial de la mère
        de vie,'_ 287.

    _Sainte-Marguerite, Life of_, 219.

    _Saix, Antoine du_, 33.

    _Salomon, Jean, 'Briefve doctrine pour deuement escripre selon la
         propriete du langaige francoys,'_ 296-298.

    _Savigny, Christophe de, 'Tableaux des arts libéraux,'_ 197 _note_ 4,

    _Schoiffer, Pierre_, 109.

    '_Sermones Iudoci Clichtovei Neoportuen_,' 204-205.

    _Sertenas, Vincent_, 239, 241, 242;
      _his mark_, 287.

    _Seve, J., 'Supplication aux rois,' etc._, 284.

    _Seve, Maurice de, 'Saulsaye,'_ 261.

    _Seyssel, Claude de, translation of Eusebius_, 135.

    _Silvestre, 'Marques Typographiques,'_ 45, 46, 47, 265, 271, 279
        _and note_ 4.

    _Sirand, Alexandre, 'Courses archéologiques,'_ 24 _note_.

    _Socard, Alexis, and Alexandre Assier, 'Livres liturgiques du diocèse
        de Troyes,'_ 173 _note_ 2, 257-258.

    'SUMMAIRE DE CHRONIQUES.' _See Egnasio._

    'TEMPLE _de Chasteté, La_,' 272.

    _Terence, Comedies of_, 1546, 267.

    _Terentianus Maurus, 'De literis,' etc._, 203.

    _Textor, Ravisius, 'Epistolæ a mendis repurgata,'_ 270.

    '_Thesaurus amicorum_,' 259 _and note_ 1, 260.

    '_Thesaurus latinæ linguæ_,' 189 _note_ 1.

    '_Theses, Les, qui ont esté affigées dans la ville de Geneve_,' 257.

    _Thevet, F. André, 'Les Singularitez de la France antarctique,'
         etc._, 250-251;
      '_Cosmographie universelle_,' 251.

    _Thiboust, Jacques_, 297.

    _Thory. See Tory._

    _Thucydides_, 30.

    _Tillet, Jean du, 'Recueil des portraits des rois de France,'
         manuscript of_, 144, 169-170, 255-257.

    '_Topica Marci Tullii Ciceronis_,' 282.

    _Toret, symbolic use of, in modified form of the Pot Cassé_, 22.

    _Torinus, Bonaventure_, 291 _and note_ 1, 292.

    _Tory, divers spellings of the name_, 1 _note_ 1.

    _Tory, Agnes, daughter of Geofroy, birth of_, 6, 73;
      _death of_, 10, 73;
      _and the Pot Cassé_, 21.

    TORY, AGNES, LATIN POEM ON THE DEATH OF, 10-11, 46, 73-81.

    _Tory, Geofroy, birth_, 1;
      _ancestry_, 1;
      _early life_, 1-2;
      _first journey to Italy_, 2;
      _settles in
    Paris_, 2;
      _his first device_, 2;
      _at the Collège of Plessis_, 3;
      _at the Collège Coqueret_, 5;
      _his marriage_, 6, 73;
      _birth of his daughter Agnes_, 6, 73;
      _at the College de Bourgogne_, 6, 7;
      _first steps in art_, 7;
      _second journey to Italy_, 7, 8;
      _returns to Paris_, 8;
      _becomes an engraver_, 8;
      _and a bookseller_, 8;
      _employed by Simon de Colines_, 8;
      _his study of the French language_, 9;
      _'Champ fleury' conceived_, 9, 12;
      _death of Agnes_, 10, 73;
      _adopts the Pot Cassé and the device 'non plus,'_ 11;
      _and Rabelais_, 14 _and note 3_;
      _his scheme of orthographic marks_, 20, 55 _and note 2_;
      _elucidation of the Pot Cassé_, 21-22;
      _'Champ fleury' completed_, 24;
      _first books of Hours_, 24-25;
      _begins translator_, 25;
      _'Champ fleury' published_, 26;
      _removes to the Petit Pont_, 26, 119;
      _first book printed by_, 27;
      _is made 'libraire juré' of the University_, 32, 36, 100, 294-295;
      _and king's printer_, 34, 35, 36;
      _Latin verses of_, 35, 91;
      _removes to the Halle aux Blés de Beauce_, 35;
      _last book printed by_, 37;
      _probable date of death of_, 37, 43;
      _epitaph on_, 44;
      _autograph of_, 45;
      _his work as a binder_, 47;
      _scope of artistic acquirements of_, 141-152;
      _identity of, with 'Godefroy,' discussed_, 142-144;
      _was he an engraver?_, 144-147;
      _how far the Lorraine cross is a reliable guide to the work
          of_, 147-152;
      _M. Renouvier on identity of, with 'Godefroy,'_ 153;
      _and Simon Vostre's Hours_, 172;
      _and Simon de Colines_, 174;
      _engravings marked 'G. T.' attributed to_, 173;
      _monogram of_, 179;
      _and the 'Labours of Hercules' plates_, 184;
      _vogue of, among printers_, 258;
      _as an engraver on metal and of printers' marks_, 262, 265;
      _domiciles of, in Paris_, 295;
      _brothers and sisters of_, 289-290;
      _descendants of_, 290-292.
      _See also, 'Ædiloquium,' Antoninus, Berosus Babilonensis, Cebes,
          'Champ fleury,' 'Economic Xenophon,' Egnasio, Eleonora of
           Austria, Hours of_ 1524-25, 1527, 1529, 1531, _Leo Baptista
           Albertus, Louise de Savoie, Lucian, Marot (Clement), Pope
           Pius II, Plutarch ('Politics'), Pomponius Mela, Pot Cassé,
           Quintilian, Guillaume de Ricke, Valerius Probus, Volaterran._

    _Tory, Jean, father of Geofroy_, 289, 290.

    _Tory, Madame Geofroy. See Le Hullin, Perrette._

    _Tory, Philippe, mother of Geofroy_, 289, 290.

    _Toubeau, Jean_, 43, 44, 290-291.

    _Tournes, Jean de_, 211, 258, 259, 260, 261 _and note_ 4.

    _'Traverseur, Le.' See Bouchet, Jean._

    _'Triumphes, Les de Pétrarque.' See Pétrarque._

    _Trois Couronnes, Les_, 26.

    _Types used by Tory_, 35.

    VALEMBERT, _Simon de, translation of Plato's Dialogues_, 41.

    VALERIUS PROBUS, _Tory's edition of_, 3, 59, 64-67.

    _Van Praët, M., and the MS. of 'Les Commentaires de César,'_ 161.

    _Varlot, M., 'Illustration de l'ancienne imprimerie troyenne,'_ 173,
         197, 257-258.

    _Vascosan, Michel de_, 286.

    _Vaudemont. See Gringoire._

    _Verdier, Antoine du_, 143.

    _Vernassal, M., 'Histoire de Primaleon de Grèce' (translation)_, 241.

    _Vésale's Anatomy_, 225.

    _Vidoue, Pierre_, 178, 179, 197, 274, 275.

    _Vincentino, Ludovico_, 16 _and note_ 1.

    _Virgil, Æneid in French_, 261 _note_ 4; (1549) 271.

    _Viriville, Vallet de_, 171 _note_ 1.

    _Vivian, Mathieu_, 273.

    _Vivian, Thielman, his mark_, 287.

    VOLATERRAN, LA MANIERE DE PARLER ET SE TAIRE, _Tory's translation of_,
        32, 99-100.

    _Volcyr, Nicole, de Serouville, 'Histoire de la glorieuse victoire,'
         etc._, 181-182, 184.

    _Vostre, Simon, Hours published by_, 172.

    WASSEBOURG, _Richard de, 'Antiquités de la Gaule belgique,' etc._,

    _Wey, Francis_, 295-296.

    _Willemin, 'Monuments français inédits,'_ 114.

    _Woeiriot_, 127, 147, 189 _note_ 4, 244 _note_ 2.

    XENOPHON, _'Œconomicus.' See 'Economic Xenophon.'_

    ZANI, 145.



          ON PAGE

          ON PAGE

    Design on covers: from the binding of a copy of Petrarch, Venice,
      1525, in the Library of the British Museum.                      47

    I The letter Alpha: from the Greek alphabet of Robert Estienne.   189

    III Border: from the title-page of 'Champ fleury.'                192

    IV Border: from Ovid's 'Tristia,' 'Fasti,' etc. Paris, Colines,

    V Frieze: from the Works of Justin Martyr. Paris, Robert Estienne,
       1551 (slightly reduced).                                       189

    V Initial: from the Greek alphabet of Robert Estienne (1541).     189

    IX Border: from the Colines Hours of 1543.                        210

    X-XIX Borders in niello: from the Colines Hours of 1543.          211

    XXI Border used by Colines on the title-pages of various works.   174

    1 Frieze: from a border of the Colines Hours of 1543 (reduced).   210

    1 Initial letter L: from folio 1 of 'Champ fleury.'                22

    6 Monogram of 'Civis.'                                              6

    12 Pot Cassé, as printed in Tory's poem on his daughter's death.   12

    20 Pot Cassé, as used by Tory on bindings.                         20

    21 Pot Cassé: from 'Champ fleury,' folio 43.                       21

    23 Letters I and K, by Jean Perreal: from 'Champ fleury,' folio
        46.                                                            23

    45 Tory's autograph, on Manuscript of Cicero's orations against
       Verres: from Bernard.                                           45

    45-47 Various forms of the Pot Cassé.                           45-47

    48 Letter A with the 'lisflambe': from 'Champ fleury.'            192

    49 Border: from 'Champ fleury.' Afterwards used on various works. 196

    50-51 Triumph of Apollo and the Muses: from 'Champ fleury,'
        folios 29 verso and 30 recto.                                 192

    100 Arms of France: from 'Champ fleury' verso of title.           192

    101-117 Borders and illustrations: from the Hours of 1524-1525;
        from the copy in the British Museum.                      109-116

    129 The Visitation: from Mallard's octavo Hours of 1542. Bernard
        describes only the octavo edition of 1541.               129, 218

    130 Border: from title-page of Macault's translation of Diodorus
        Siculus.                                                      136

    137 Mark of Pierre Roffet.                                   140, 285

    140 Border of title: 'Isocratis Oratoris dissertissimi sermo,'
    etc. Paris, Simonem Colinæum, 1529. Not mentioned by Bernard.

    141 The 'Gallic Hercules': from 'Champ fleury,' folio 3.          192

    152 Allegorical letter Z: from 'Champ fleury,' folio 65.          193

    153 Frieze (slightly reduced). See under page v.                  189

    171 Coronation of the Virgin: from the quarto Hours of 1527.      124

    172 Frieze (slightly reduced). See under page v.                  189

    172 Monogram: from Vostre's Hours of 1515; from Bernard.          172

    179 Monogram of Tory.                                             179

    183 Monogram of Tory: from 'The Labours of Hercules'; from Bernard.

    186-188 Floriated (Roman) letters engraved for Robert Estienne.   185

    190-191 Floriated (Greek) letters: engraved for Robert Estienne.  189

    193 Letter Y: from 'Champ fleury,' folio 63.                      193

    194 Greek Alphabet: from 'Champ fleury,' folio 71.                193

    195 Latin Alphabet: from 'Champ fleury,' folio 72.                193

    198 Title-page of the Aristophanes of 1528, with the sign of
        Gilles de Gourmont and the Gourmont arms.                     197

    206 Frontispiece of Macault's translation of Diodorus Siculus.    205

    209-211 Borders: from Colines quarto Hours of 1543.               210

    233 Portrait of Theodore de Bèze: from 'Theodori Bezæ Vezelii
        Poemata,' 1548.                                               233

    234 Portrait of Luchinus, Duke of Milan: from Pauli Jovii
        Novocomensis, etc., 1549.                                     235

    236 A man on horseback: from the Entrée de Henri II à Paris, 1549.
        Usually attributed to Bernard Salomon (Le petit Bernard).     237

    240 A fleet of ships: from 'Gerard d'Euphrate,' 1549.             241

    263 Frontispiece of 'Textus de Sphæra' Joannis de Sacrobosco.
        Paris, Simon de Colines, 1527 (reduced). Not mentioned by

    264 Mark of Philippe Le Noir.                                     279

    265 Frieze (slightly reduced.) See under page v.                  189

    265 Mark of the Marnefs.                                          265

    266 Mark of Conrad Bade.                                          266

    268 Mark of Simon de Colines.                                     268

    269 Mark of Simon de Colines.                                     268

    269 Mark of Gilles Corrozet.                                      269

    270 Mark of Mathieu David.                                        270

    271 Mark of Robert Estienne.                                      271

    272 Mark of Robert Estienne.                                      272

    273 Mark of Michel Fezandat.                                      272

    274 Mark of Gilles de Gourmont.                                   274

    277 Mark of Louis Grandin.                                        277

    278 Mark of Charlotte Guillard.                                   277

    281 Mark of Sebastien Nivelle.                                    280

    283 Mark of Nicole Paris.                                         283

    285 Mark of Gilles Robinot.                                       285

    286 Mark of Jean de Roigny.                                       285

    287 Mark of Thielman Vivian.                                      287

    288 The Triumph of Death: from the quarto Hours of 1527.          124

    289 Frieze: from Orontius Finæus. Colines, 1544 (slightly
        reduced). Not mentioned by Bernard.

    289 Initial G, with Lorraine cross: from the Roman alphabet
        engraved for Robert Estienne.                                 185

    325 Border: from Robert Estienne's Greek testament, folio, 1550.
        Not mentioned by Bernard.

    338 Letter Omega: from the Greek alphabet, engraved for Robert
        Estienne.                                                     189

    339 Illustration from Mallard's octavo Hours of 1542.         129, 218



    PRINTERS' PREFACE.                                             PAGE V

    AUTHOR'S PREFACE.                                                  IX

    PART I. BIOGRAPHY.                                                  1

    PART II. BIBLIOGRAPHY.                                             49

    I. WORKS WRITTEN OR ANNOTATED BY TORY.                             50


    III. WORKS PUBLISHED BY TORY FOR FRANÇOIS I.                      130


    PART III. ICONOGRAPHY.                                            141


        PUPILS.                                                       172



    I. CONCERNING GEOFROY TORY'S FAMILY.                              289

    II. VERSES IN HONOUR OF TORY.                                     292



    V. OF THE FIRST USE OF THE APOSTROPHE, ETC.                       295

        KING'S PRINTER FOR GREEK.                                     299

        PRINTER.                                                      302

        INSTITUTION OF THAT OFFICE.                                   303


    X. LATIN PASSAGES TRANSLATED IN THIS BOOK.                        311

    INDEX.                                                            325

    LIST OF REPRODUCTIONS.                                            333






    NO. 288

       *       *       *       *       *

    |                      Transcriber notes:                            |
    |                                                                    |
    | P. 298. 'M. Wey has forgotton', changed 'forgotton' to 'forgotten'.|
    | Index: 'Barthelin' changed to 'Berthelin' and moved to alphabetic  |
    |   position.                                                        |
    | Index: 'Bassentin, Jacques, 'L'astronomique discours,' 261', page  |
    |   number should be 262, changed.                                   |
    | Index: 'Champ Fleury, p. 29: added 'note 1'.                       |
    | Changed all instances of 'francois' to 'françois' when in Latin or |
    |   French.                                                          |
    | Fixed various punctuation and latin accents.                       |

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