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Title: The Life of the Rev. George Whitefield, Vol. 2 (of 2)
Author: Tyerman, L. (Luke)
Language: English
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                            The Life of the
                        Rev. George Whitefield



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  Illustration:     REV{D}. GEORGE WHITEFIELD, B.A.
                                AGED 54

                        Engraved by J. COCHRAN.



                               THE LIFE

                                OF THE

                        REV. GEORGE WHITEFIELD,

                  B.A., OF PEMBROKE COLLEGE, OXFORD.


                                  BY

                           REV. L. TYERMAN,

                               AUTHOR OF
         “THE LIFE AND TIMES OF THE REV. SAMUEL WESLEY, M.A.,
                          RECTOR OF EPWORTH;”
          “THE LIFE AND TIMES OF THE REV. JOHN WESLEY, M.A.;”
                     AND “THE OXFORD METHODISTS.”


                           _IN TWO VOLUMES._

                                VOL II.


                                London:
                         HODDER AND STOUGHTON,
                       27, PATERNOSTER ROW, E.C.

                             MDCCCLXXVII.


      Hazell, Watson, and Viney, Printers, London and Aylesbury.



                           GENERAL CONTENTS.

                               VOL. II.


                       SECOND VISIT TO SCOTLAND.

                        JUNE TO OCTOBER, 1742.

  Marvellous Work of God――Revivals at Cambuslang, Kilsyth,
    etc.――Letter to Lord Rae――Erection in the Hospital Park,
    Edinburgh――Great Commotions――Opposition of the “Associate
    Presbytery”――Mr. Robe’s Answer――Letter to Ebenezer Erskine――
    Public Fast――Anti-Whitefieldian Declaration――Letter
    from Gentleman in Boston――Hostile Pamphlets――Pamphlet by
    Whitefield on New England Revival――Whitefield’s Financial
    Report of Orphan House――Letter to Rev. Mr. Willison――
    Young Truants――Invasion of Georgia――Whitefield’s Chaplain
    and Surgeon Imprisoned――Letter to Trustees of Georgia――
    Whitefield’s Vindication of himself――Methodism in Wales――
    Whitefield’s Letter to his Mother――Second Visit to
    Cambuslang――The Moravians――Letter to Habersham――Revivals in
    Scotland――Letter to Colonel Gardiner――Whitefield and Wesley
    Reconciled――Collections in Scotland,                       1–35


                         IN ENGLAND AND WALES.

                   NOVEMBER, 1742, TO AUGUST, 1744.

  Letter to Habersham――Aristocratic Hearers――Letter to Lady
    Frances Gardiner――Rev. John Meriton――Persecution in Wales――
    John Cennick in Trouble――Letter to Bishop Sherlock――Orphan
    House――Letter to Ingham――Letter to Colonel Gardiner――
    Letter to Hervey――Methodism in Wales――Whitefield in
    Gloucestershire――Second Conference of Calvinistic
    Methodists――Rev. Howell Davies――Whitefield elected
    Moderator――Tour in Wales――David Taylor――In West of England――
    Association at Trevecca――Rev. Richard Thomas Bateman――Thomas
    Adams――Persecution at Minchin Hampton――John Syms――Proposed
    Conference――Separation from Church――Narrow Escape――Dissenters
    Alarmed――Birth of Son――In Devonshire and Cornwall――Letter to
    Howell Harris――Wiltshire Societies――In Staffordshire, etc.――
    Association at Watford――Whitefield’s Poverty――Death of his
    Child――Trial at Gloucester Assizes――Fly-Sheets of Bishop of
    London――Whitefield’s Answers――A Furious Pamphleteer――Rev.
    Thomas Church――Fine Picture of Enthusiasm――Bishop Smalbroke’s
    Charge――Whitefield’s Answer――Brutal Treatment at Plymouth――
    Labours at Plymouth――Rev. Henry Tanner――Rev. David Crossly――
    Thomas Beard――Methodist Soldiers――The _Christian History_――
    Whitefield’s Preachers――Outrages at Exeter,              36–119


                        THIRD VISIT TO AMERICA.

                     AUGUST, 1744, TO JUNE, 1748.

  Dangerous Voyage――Whitefield Ill――Prince’s _Christian
    History_――Sir William Pepperell――Letter by Whitefield’s
    Wife――Dr. Timothy Cutler――Rev. Charles Chauncy, D.D.――Rev.
    Zachary Grey, D.D.――Whitefield’s Answer to Chauncy――Hostile
    Publications――Friendly Publications――Summary――Whitefield
    in Boston――A Convert――Rev. Thomas Prince――Paper Warfare――
    Cennick’s Secession――Cape Breton Expedition――Sermon in a
    Thunderstorm――Brainerd――Receipts and Disbursements for Orphan
    House――Bickerings ――Associations of Calvinistic Methodists――
    Whitefield’s Preachers――Outrage at Plymouth――Whitefield’s
    Loyalty――In Maryland――In Virginia――Rev. Samuel Davies――Rev.
    Samuel Finley, D.D.――Countess of Huntingdon――Whitefield
    a Slave-Owner――Loss of Health――Letter to Cennick――Again
    Itinerating――Letter to John and Charles Wesley――Rev. Samuel
    Moody――Hunting after Sinners――Visit to Bermudas――Voyage
    Home――The Revival in America,                           120–185


               THREE YEARS IN GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND.

                   JULY 1, 1748, TO AUGUST 29, 1751.

  Popularity in London――Lady Huntingdon and the Calvinistic
    Methodists――Whitefield as Moderator――Resolves not to
    found Societies――Ceases to be Moderator――Howell Harris
    his Successor――New Scheme――Whitefield becomes Lady
    Huntingdon’s Chaplain――Earl of Bath――Earl of Chesterfield――
    Lord Bolingbroke――Dr. Stonehouse――Whitefield in Scotland――
    Synod of Glasgow――Proceedings of other Synods, and of the
    Associate Presbytery――Bishop Lavington Enraged――Persecution
    in Wales――Whitefield Visits Dr. Watts――Thomas Olivers
    Converted――Whitefield wishes to have Slaves――Letter to Dr.
    Doddridge――Aristocratic Hearers――Dr. Stonehouse afraid to
    become a Methodist――Whitefield in the West of England――Rev.
    Andrew Kinsman――Mr. Robert Cruttenden――A Reverend Slanderer――
    John Sladdin’s Pamphlet――Whitefield and Bishop Lavington――
    “_The Devil’s Castaways_”――Whitefield at Portsmouth――In
    Wales――An Indigent Minister――New Jersey College――College
    of Philadelphia――Franklin on Reformations――Rev. Robert
    Robinson――Letter to a Bishop――Bishop Lavington’s “Enthusiasm
    of Methodists and Papists Compared”――Rev. George Thompson――
    At Exeter――Letter to Hervey――Tour to the North of England――
    Wesley and Grace Murray――Another Tour――Colonel Galatin――
    Methodism in Dublin――Persecution at Cork――New Year’s Sermon――
    Rev. William Baddiley――Dr. Andrew Gifford――Persecution in
    Ireland――Whitefield helping Wesley――Government of Georgia――At
    Gloucester, etc.――Letter to Franklin――In Cornwall――New Jersey
    College――At Northampton――Persecution at Rotherham――Rev.
    John Thorpe――“Ingham’s Circuit”――In Scotland――James Nimmo,
    Esq.――Old Friends Meet again――Rev. Martin Madan――Rev. Moses
    Browne――Memorable Visit――Methodism in Canterbury――Letter on
    Marriage――Original Letter by Gilbert Tennent――Moses Browne
    Embarrassed――“A House of Mourning”――Hostile Publications――
    Whitefield on Slavery――In Ireland――Original Letter by
    Whitefield’s Wife――Leaving England,                     186–277


            FOURTH VISIT TO AMERICA, AND RETURN TO ENGLAND.

                   SEPTEMBER, 1751, TO MARCH, 1754.

  In America――Letter on Wesley――Sudden Return to England――
    Original Letter to Blackwell――Tour to West of England and
    Wales――Letter to Franklin――Success in Scotland――In Yorkshire,
    etc.――John Edwards and Dublin Methodists――The Orphan House――
    John and Charles Wesley――The New Tabernacle ――The Moravians――
    Whitefield’s Hymn Book――Specimens of Preaching――Foundation
    Laid of New Tabernacle――Methodism in Norwich――Whitefield’s
    “Expostulatory Letter” to Zinzendorf――Letters by James Hutton,
    Peter Bohler, and Count Zinzendorf――Andrew Frey’s Pamphlet――
    Letter to John Syms――New Tabernacle Opened――Tour to
    Scotland――Glasgow Playhouse――Glorious Seasons in Yorkshire――
    Another Tour――Norwich Tabernacle――Bristol Tabernacle――Wesley
    dangerously Ill――Letters concerning――Visit to England of
    Gilbert Tennent and Samuel Davies――New Tabernacle paid for,
                                                            278–324


                        FIFTH VISIT TO AMERICA.

                      MARCH, 1754, TO MAY, 1755.

  Popery in Lisbon――Learning Lessons――Arrival in America――
    Itinerating――New Jersey College――Government of Georgia――
    Scenes at Boston, etc.――Revival in Virginia――Visit to Orphan
    House――Return to England,                               325–340


                  EIGHT YEARS IN THE UNITED KINGDOM.

                             1755 TO 1763.

  Evangelical Clergymen――Trying to Serve a Friend――Whitefield’s
    “Communion Morning’s Companion”――Death of Lady Anne
    Hastings――Cornelius Winter――Methodists at Norwich――Wesley and
    Hervey――Charles Wesley’s Poem on Whitefield――Commencement of
    the “Seven Years’ War”――Tour to Newcastle――Long Acre Chapel――
    Bishop Pearce――Letters to――Long Acre Riots――Archbishop
    Herring on Whitefield and Wesley――Threatening Letters――
    Advertisement in _London Gazette_――Whitefield’s “Address to
    Persons of All Denominations”――National Alarm――Collection
    on Fast-Day――Tottenham Court Road Chapel――Rev. Dr. Thomas
    Haweis――Wesley’s Letter to William Law――Franklin’s Novel
    Scheme――Visit to a Murderer――Tour to Scotland――Rev. John
    Fawcett, D.D.――Samuel Whitaker――Labours in Scotland――Helping
    Charles Wesley――Rev. Henry Venn――Congregations in London――
    Faithful Preaching――Balaam-like Pamphlets――Shuter, the
    Comedian――Memorable Visit to Scotland――Thomas Rankin――Visit
    to Ireland――Nearly Murdered――Methodist Clergymen――“Mission
    Week” at Cheltenham――Death of Belcher and Burr――Whitefield’s
    Health Failing――Almshouses at Tottenham Court Road Chapel――
    Letter to Professor Francke――Journey in One-Horse Chaise――
    “Spiritual Routs”――Rev. Robert Robinson――Visit to Berridge――
    In Scotland――Thanksgiving Sermons――Return to London――Death
    of Hervey――Dr. Free――Remarkable Meetings――Lady Huntingdon and
    Methodism in Brighton――Whitefield Publishes a Sermon by John
    Foxe, the Martyrologist――Seven Weeks in Scotland――The Orphan
    House――Rev. Samuel Clarke’s “Annotations”――Three Thanksgiving
    Sermons――Sermon Against Theatres――Enlargement of Tottenham
    Court Road Chapel――Whitefield Publishes a Pamphlet on
    “Russian Cruelty”――Collections on Fast-Day――Riot at
    Kingston-on-Thames――Earl Ferrers――Burial of an Executed
    Felon――Preaching Journeys――Samuel Foote――“The Minor”――
    Large Number of Disgraceful Pamphlets Published――Madan’s
    Letter to Garrick――Painful Year――Foote after Whitefield’s
    Death――Sermons and Collections on Fast-Day――Berridge
    Helping Whitefield――Whitefield seriously Ill――Scurrillous
    Publications――Jonas Hanway――Bishop of Lincoln――At Bristol――
    Trip to Holland――Wesley’s Conference at Leeds――In Scotland――
    In the West of England――Relieving the Poor――Trying to Settle
    his Affairs――Whitefield’s Trustees――A Farewell Sermon――
    Extracts from other Sermons――Volume of Sermons, Published by
    Gurney――Answer to Bishop Warburton’s “Observations”――Tour to
    Scotland――Embarks for America,                          341–466


                        SIXTH VISIT TO AMERICA.

                    JUNE 4, 1763, TO JULY 8, 1765.

  At Sea――Pastoral Letter――At Philadelphia――Prevented Going to
    his Orphan House――At New York――Letter to Charles Wesley――At
    Boston――Harvard College――Dr. Wheelock’s School――The Orphan
    House――Again at New York――At Philadelphia――Letter to Wesley――
    The “New Lights”――Arrival at Savannah――Proposal to Convert
    the Orphan House into a College――Memorials――Orphan House
    Accounts――At Bethesda――Tour to Philadelphia――Embarks for
    England――John Harman――_Lloyd’s Evening Post_,           467–486


            WHITEFIELD’S LAST FOUR YEARS IN GREAT BRITAIN.

                  JULY 7, 1765, TO SEPTEMBER 5, 1769.

  Health not Improved――Supplies for his Chapels――Important
    Letter――Lady Huntingdon――Chapel at Bath――Memorial to
    George III.――Whitefield a Peacemaker――Methodists at
    Sheerness――“Brilliant Audiences”――Samson Occum――Thomas Powys,
    Esq.――“Quadruple Alliance”――John Fawcett begins to Preach――
    Letter to Gustavus Gidley――Whitefield’s Loyalty――A Royal
    Marriage――Fletcher of Madeley helps Whitefield――At Bath and
    Bristol――Captain Torial Joss――Captain Scott――Rowland Hill――
    “Lecture upon Heads”――_The Methodist and Mimic_――_The
    Methodist_――Letter to Thomas Powys, Esq.――“Preface” to
    Bunyan’s Works――Cornelius Winter――Winter’s Delineation of
    Whitefield――Re-opening of Brighton Chapel――Rev. Richard de
    Courcy――Another Preaching Tour――Services at Haverfordwest――
    Letter by Fletcher of Madeley――Letter to Rowland Hill――
    Chandler’s Proposal respecting Colonial Bishops――Whitefield’s
    Correspondence with the Archbishop of Canterbury respecting
    Orphan House――Proposal to make Orphan House a Public
    Academy――Letters to Rowland Hill――Whitefield Attends Wesley’s
    Conference――His Kindness to Wesley’s Preachers――Tour
    to Newcastle-on-Tyne――A Burglary――Visit to Venn
    at Huddersfield――Wesley’s Northern Societies――A Remarkable
    Service――Troubles of Methodist Students at Cambridge――Death
    of Earl of Buchan――The Young Earl of Buchan――Correspondence
    with Benjamin Franklin――Trevecca College――Expulsion of
    Oxford Students――Whitefield’s Letter to Dr. Durell――Hostile
    Publications――Curious Engraving――A Felon Executed――Visit
    to Tunbridge Wells――Letter by Rowland Hill――Death of
    Whitefield’s Wife――Opening of Trevecca College――Whitefield
    Ruptures a Blood-vessel――His Portrait――Remarkable Meetings
    at Lady Huntingdon’s――Orphan House Enlargements――Opening
    of Chapel at Tunbridge Wells――Extracts from Last Sermons in
    England――Rev. George Burder――Gurney’s Volume of Whitefield’s
    Sermons,                                                487–568


                       SEVENTH VISIT TO AMERICA.

                 SEPTEMBER, 1769, TO SEPTEMBER, 1770.

  Embarks for America――Letter to Wesley――Detention in the Downs――
    Ordination Service at Deal――Last Sermons at Ramsgate――Arrival
    at Charleston――At Bethesda――Letter to Charles Wesley――
    Memorable Day at the Orphan House――Whitefield’s Memorable
    Sermon there――♦Orphan House Accounts――Rules for Orphan House
    Academy――Subsequent History of Orphan House――Wesley’s Letter
    respecting Orphan House――Happy――Another Gospel Tour――Meets
    Wesley’s Missionaries――Rev. Dr. Kirkland――Preaching on
    a Felon’s Coffin――A Rebuke――Whitefield’s Popularity――
    Whitefield’s Preaching Places during Last Two Months of his
    Life――His Last Letters――Riots at Boston――His Last Sermon――Rev.
    Jonathan Parsons――Whitefield’s Death――His Funeral――Benjamin
    Randall――Mourning at Savannah――Whitefield’s Corpse――His
    ♦Cenotaph――Proposed Monument――Visits to Whitefield’s
    Sepulchre――One of his Bones Stolen――His Will――Elegies,
    Charles Wesley’s, Cowper’s――Funeral Sermon by Wesley――Funeral
    Sermons _Preached_――Funeral Sermons _Published_――Rev.
    Jonathan Parsons on Whitefield――Dr. Pemberton on Ditto――Rev.
    Henry Venn on Ditto――Toplady on Ditto――Rev. John Newton on
    Ditto――The _Scots’ Magazine_ on Ditto――The _Pennsylvania
    Journal_ on Ditto――Dr. Gillies on Ditto――Concluding Remarks,
                                                            569–635


                                INDEX.

                     NAMES OF PERSONS AND PLACES.           635–645



                               THE LIFE

                                  OF

                   THE REV. GEORGE WHITEFIELD, B.A.



                      _SECOND VISIT TO SCOTLAND._

                        JUNE TO OCTOBER, 1742.


WHEN Whitefield arrived in Edinburgh, a minister told him, that,
though seven months had elapsed since his departure, scarcely one of
his converts had “fallen back, either among old or young.”[1] This
was a remarkable fact; but there was also another, equally deserving
notice. As already shewn, up to the time of Whitefield’s first visit
to Scotland, the churches of that country, like those of England,
were in the most deplorable condition. In many instances, ministers
were unfaithful; in most instances, congregations were dead; and, as
it respects the outside populace, it is not an extravagance to say,
that, speaking generally, they were almost entirely regardless of
religion, and were steeped in worldliness, frivolity, and vice. In the
interval, however, between Whitefield’s first and second visits, a most
marvellous work of God had taken place. How far Whitefield’s labours
and influence, in 1741, had contributed to this, it, perhaps, would be
presumptuous to say. So far as it concerns the cause of Christ, this is
of little consequence. Every reader of the unvarnished facts will form
his own opinion on the subject. Many of these facts have been already
given; and others must now be mentioned. Cambuslang was then a small
parish, about four miles from Glasgow; and here Whitefield had preached
with amazing power and success only a few months before. The minister
of Cambuslang――the Rev. William McCulloch――was a man of “genuine piety,
and of considerable capacity; but had nothing particularly striking
either in the manner or substance of his preaching.”[2] During most
of the year 1741, he had strongly pressed on his congregation the
nature and necessity of the new birth. In the third week of February,
1742, three days were specially employed in prayer. On the fourth day,
Thursday, February 18, “about fifty persons came to Mr. McCulloch’s
house, under convictions and alarming apprehensions respecting the
state of their souls, and desiring to speak with him.” After this,
numbers of others daily resorted to him, and he soon found it necessary
to preach a sermon every day, and, after the sermon, to spend some
time with the penitents, “in exhortations, prayers, and singing of
psalms.” In less than three months, more than three hundred were
converted. Though the parish was of small extent, and most of the
people lived within a mile of Mr. McCulloch’s church, not fewer than
twelve “societies for prayer” were begun by the converts. In the month
of April, the Rev. Mr. Willison, one of Whitefield’s correspondents,
visited the place, and wrote: “The work at Cambuslang is a most
singular and marvellous outpouring of the Holy Spirit. I pray it may
be a happy forerunner of a general revival of the work of God, and a
blessed means of union among all the lovers of Jesus.”

Kilsyth, a small town, about twelve miles from Glasgow, was another
place graciously visited by God’s good Spirit. Its minister, the Rev.
James Robe, began a series of sermons on the new birth, as early as
the year 1740; but nothing remarkable occurred until May, 1742, the
month when Whitefield set out on his second visit to Scotland. At
the beginning of the month, “societies for prayer were erected in the
parish;” and, almost immediately, great numbers began to cry aloud for
mercy. On May 16, after dismissing his congregation, Mr. Robe invited
the penitents into his barn; but the numbers were so great, that the
barn could not contain them: and, _nolens volens_, he was obliged to
convene them in his kirk. He says, “I sung a psalm, and prayed with
them; but, when I essayed to speak to them, I could not be heard,
such were their bitter cries and groans. After this, I ordered that
they should be brought to me in my closet, one by one; and, in the
meantime, I appointed psalms to be sung with those in the kirk, and
that the precentor and two or three of the elders should pray with
the distressed.” Before the month ended,――that is, before Whitefield
had arrived in Scotland,――the penitents at Kilsyth numbered nearly a
hundred; and a similar work was begun, and was spreading in several
neighbouring parishes, as Kirkintilloch, Auchinloch, Campsie, and
Cumbernauld.[3] Such was the state of things, in this part of Scotland,
when Whitefield and his wife reached Edinburgh, on Thursday, June 3,
1742.

One of his first letters, at Edinburgh, was addressed to Lord Rae, the
death of whose wife had recently occurred. An extract from it will help
to shew the spirit in which Whitefield began his work in Scotland.

                                      “EDINBURGH, _June 4, 1742_.

  “MY LORD,――Your lordship’s kind letter was put into my hands
  yesterday. I heartily sympathise with you; but could not help
  rejoicing on your honoured lady’s account, knowing she is now
  entered into her blessed Master’s joy. Among Christians, death
  has not only lost its sting, but its name. I never was so joyful
  as I am now at the death of those who die in the Lord; and never
  was so reconciled to living myself. Lately, in London, we had a
  sister in Christ, whose last words were, ‘Holy, holy, holy.’ She
  could say no more here; but our Saviour sent for her to finish
  her song in heaven. I preached over her corpse; our Society
  attended; and surely never did any triumph over death more
  than we did that night. But your lordship may ask, ‘Why are you
  reconciled to life?’ Because I can do that for Jesus on earth,
  which I cannot do in heaven: I mean, be made instrumental in
  bringing weary, heavy-laden sinners to find rest in His blood
  and righteousness. If our Saviour were to offer either to take
  me now, or to let me stay only to take one sinner more, I would
  desire to stay to take the sinner with me.

  “I hear of wonderful things in Scotland. I can only fall down
  and worship. I have seen greater things than ever in England. I
  expect to see far greater in Scotland. Our Lord will not let His
  people be disappointed of their hopes.”

Whitefield was in Edinburgh, but where was he to preach? The question
was soon solved. The following minute was passed at a meeting of the
managers of Heriot’s Hospital, held on June 17, 1742: “The managers
agree to erect seats in the Hospital Park for about two thousand people,
part of which are to be covered with shades, and let out to the best
advantage. It is further agreed, that, out of the profits arising
from these seats, after paying all charges anent the same, a sum not
exceeding £60 sterling shall be given to the Rev. Mr. George Whitefield,
for defraying his charges during his continuance in this country.”[4]
The seats, thus erected, were semicircular in form; those with shades
were let at three shillings each for the season; and those without
shades might be used by paying a halfpenny each for them, every time
they were occupied. A few seats outside the railing were free; and the
back seats within were permitted to be used by soldiers gratuitously.
The money thus raised seems to have amounted to £260 3s., which was
distributed as follows: For erecting seats, £80 4s.; for repairing the
“park dikes,” £28 5s.; payment to the _tacksman_ of the park for damage
done to the grass, £4 10s.; gift to Whitefield, £60; balance paid
to the treasurer of the hospital, £87 4s.[5] Such was Whitefield’s
cathedral in the metropolis of Scotland.

From the day of his arrival, he preached twice daily, expounded almost
every night, and regularly visited the three hospitals.[6] On the 12th
of June, in writing to his helper, John Cennick, he remarked: “Our
Saviour deals most lovingly with me. I never enjoyed so much happiness
in Him as now. Day and night, He is pleased to shine upon my soul. My
success here is great. I am enabled to ‘be instant in season, and out
of season,’ and to ‘reprove, rebuke, and exhort, with all longsuffering
and doctrine.’”[7]

Of course, a little time was requisite to erect Whitefield’s open-air
church; and hence, after spending twelve days in Edinburgh, he set
out, on June 15, to Kilsyth, Cambuslang, and other places, in the west
of Scotland. Previous to starting, he wrote, as follows, to the Rev.
William McCulloch, minister at Cambuslang:――

                                      “EDINBURGH, _June 8, 1742_.

  “REVEREND AND VERY DEAR BROTHER,――I heartily rejoice at the
  awakening at Cambuslang and elsewhere. I believe you will both
  see and hear far greater things than these. I trust, that, not
  one corner of poor Scotland will be left unwatered by the dew
  of God’s heavenly blessing. The cloud is now only rising as big
  as a man’s hand: in a little while, we shall hear a sound of an
  abundance of gospel rain. God willing, I hope to be with you at
  the beginning of next week.”

Whitefield spent more than a fortnight in this revival excursion to
the west,――one of the most remarkable fortnights in his eventful life.
Hence the following letters to his friends. The first and second were
addressed to John Cennick.

                                       “GLASGOW, _June 16, 1742_.

  “Last Lord’s-day, I preached, in the morning, in the park at
  Edinburgh, to a great multitude. Afterwards, I attended, and
  partook of the holy sacrament, and served four tables. In the
  afternoon, I preached in the churchyard, to a far greater number.
  Such a passover, I never saw before. On Monday, I preached again
  in Edinburgh. On Tuesday, twice at Kilsyth, to ten thousand; but
  such a commotion, I believe, you never saw. O what agonies and
  cries were there! Last night, God brought me hither. A friend
  met me without the town, and welcomed me in the name of twenty
  thousand. The streets were all alarmed. By three o’clock this
  morning, people were coming to hear the word of God. At seven,
  I preached to many, many thousands; and again this evening. Our
  Lord wounded them by scores. It is impossible to tell you what
  I see. The work flies from parish to parish. O what distressed
  souls have I beheld this day! _Publish this on the housetop; and
  exhort all to give thanks._”

In this letter, Whitefield’s wife added a postscript:――

  “My husband _publicly declared here_, that, he was a _member
  of the Church of England_, and a curate thereof; and, yet, was
  permitted to _receive_, and _assist at the Lord’s supper_ in the
  churches at Edinburgh.”[8]

                                                “_June 19, 1742._

  “Yesterday morning, I preached at Glasgow, to a large
  congregation. At mid-day, I came to Cambuslang, and preached,
  at two, to a vast body of people; again at six, and again at
  nine at night. Such commotions, surely, were never heard of,
  especially at eleven o’clock at night. For an hour and a half,
  there was such weeping, and so many falling into such deep
  distress, expressed in various ways, as cannot be described.
  The people seemed to be slain in scores. Their agonies and cries
  were exceedingly affecting. Mr. M’Culloch preached, after I had
  done, till past one in the morning; and then could not persuade
  the people to depart. In the fields, all night, might be heard
  the voice of prayer and praise. The Lord is indeed much with me.
  I have, to-day, preached twice already, and am to preach twice
  more, perhaps thrice. The commotions increase.”[9]

On his return to Edinburgh, Whitefield wrote to a friend in London, as
follows:――

                                      “EDINBURGH, _July 7, 1742_.

  “I arrived here, last Saturday evening, from the west, where
  I preached all last week――twice on Monday, at Paisley; three
  times each day, on Tuesday and Wednesday, at Irvine; twice on
  Thursday, at Mearns; three times on Friday, at ♦Cumbernauld;
  and twice on Saturday, at Falkirk, in my way to Edinburgh. In
  every place, there was the greatest commotion among the people.
  The auditories were very large, and the work of God seems to be
  spreading more and more.

  “Last Sabbath, I preached twice in the park at Edinburgh, and
  once in the church, and I have preached twice every day since. A
  number of seats and shades, in the form of an amphitheatre, have
  been erected in the park, where the auditory sit in beautiful
  order.

  “I purpose going to Cambuslang to-morrow, to assist at the
  communion; and shall preach at various places westward before
  I return here.”

To John Cennick, he sent the following:――

                                “NEW KILPATRICK, _July 15, 1742_.

  “Last Friday night, I came to Cambuslang, to assist at the
  blessed sacrament. On Saturday, I preached to above twenty
  thousand people. On the Sabbath, scarce ever was such a sight
  seen in Scotland. Two tents were set up, and the holy sacrament
  was administered in the fields. When I began to serve a table,
  the people crowded so upon me, that I was obliged to desist,
  and go to preach in one of the tents, whilst the ministers
  served the rest of the tables. There was preaching all day,
  by one or another; and, in the evening, when the sacrament was
  over, at the request of the ministers, I preached to the whole
  congregation of upwards of twenty thousand persons. I preached
  about an hour and a half. It was a time much to be remembered.
  On Monday morning, I preached again to near as many. I never
  before saw such a universal stir. The motion fled, as swift as
  lightning, from one end of the auditory to the other. Thousands
  were bathed in tears――some wringing their hands, others almost
  swooning, and others crying out and mourning over a pierced
  Saviour. In the afternoon, the concern was again very great.
  Much prayer had been previously put up to the Lord. All night,
  in different companies, persons were praying to God, and
  praising Him. The children of God came from all quarters. It
  was like the passover in Josiah’s time. We are to have another
  in two or three months, if the Lord will.[10]

  “On Tuesday morning, I preached at Glasgow――it was a glorious
  time――and, in the afternoon, twice at Inchannon. Yesterday
  morning, I preached there again; and here twice. Every time
  there was a great stir, especially at this place. A great
  company of awakened souls is within the compass of twenty miles;
  and the work seems to be spreading apace. I am exceedingly
  strengthened, both in soul and body, and cannot now do well
  without preaching three times a day.”

These were strange scenes. Much might be written respecting this
remarkable work of God in Scotland; but want of space prevents
enlargement. Those who wish for a full account, will do well to get,
(if they can,) and read, “A Faithful Narrative of the Extraordinary
Work of the Spirit of God, at Kilsyth, and other Congregations in the
Neighbourhood. Written by James Robe, A.M., Minister of the Gospel
at Kilsyth,[11] 1742.” (12mo. 224 pp.) The “_commotions_,” however,
which Whitefield mentions, may be briefly noticed. They were severely
criticised at the time; and even now deserve attention. What were they?
Mr. Robe shall answer.

Besides the intense excitement among the penitents in general, about
one in five of them “_came under_,” what Mr. Robe calls, “faintings,
tremblings, or other bodily distresses.”[12] He writes: “The bodies of
some of the awakened were seized with trembling, and fainting; in some
of the women there were hysterics, and convulsive motions in others,
arising from an apprehension and fear of the wrath of God.” Among
those who were not physically affected, there were loud outcries for
the mercy of God; and, among those who found peace with God, there
were some who experienced great, though joyous, agitation. Mr. Robe
remarks:――

  “Some, who had been under deep apprehensions of Divine wrath,
  and had sunk under a sense of their guilt, when the Lord opened
  their hearts to receive Him as offered to them in the gospel,
  were surprised with joy and admiration. Some cried out with a
  loud voice, shewing forth the praises of the Lord. Others broke
  forth into loud weeping, from a sense of their vileness and
  unworthiness. Some had, for a time, their bodies quite overcome,
  and were ready to faint, through the feeling of such unexpected
  happiness. The countenances of others quite changed. There was
  an observable serenity, a brightness, an openness, so that it
  was the observation of some concerning them, that they had got
  new faces.”[13]

This is not the place to enter into any elaborate defence or
condemnation of such religious phenomena. They were not novel.
Similar scenes had been witnessed, in Bristol, under Wesley’s ministry,
only three years before; and, at this very time, and on a large scale,
similar scenes were being witnessed, among the Presbyterians of New
England. Of course, they were denounced, especially by the Erskines and
their friends; but Mr. Robe, while not enamoured of them, endeavoured
to explain them, shewing that they were the natural results of deep
convictions and strong emotions; that exactly the same sort of thing
had often happened in the history of the Christian Church; and that
the Bible itself contained similar examples. One or two extracts, from
Mr. Robe’s “_Preface_,” must suffice:――

  “I seriously beg those who are prejudiced against this
  dispensation of God’s extraordinary grace, and look upon it
  as a delusion, to direct me and other ministers what we shall
  answer the distressed persons of all ages, who come to us crying
  bitterly that they are lost and undone, because of their sins.
  Shall we tell them, that, their fears of the wrath of God are
  all delusion? Shall we tell persons, lamenting their cursing,
  swearing, Sabbath-breaking, and other immoralities, that, it is
  the devil who makes them see these evils to be offensive to God,
  and destructive to their souls? Shall we pray, and recommend
  them to pray to be delivered from such delusions? It would be
  worse than _devilish_, to treat the Lord’s sighing and groaning
  prisoners at this rate. And, yet, such treatment is a natural
  consequence of reckoning this the work of the devil, and a
  delusion.”

In reply to “The Associate Presbytery”――the Church-reformers of the
age――who bitterly denounced the work, and compared the converts to the
Camisards,[14] Mr. Robe remarks:――

  “My dear brethren, whatever bitter names you and your party give
  us――whatever bitter reproaches you cast upon us――we take all
  patiently. There are thousands of witnesses, that we return you
  blessing for cursing, and that we pray for you, who despitefully
  use us. We would lay our bodies on the ground, for you to go
  over, if it could, in the least, contribute to remove your
  prejudices, and advance the kingdom of our dear Redeemer; but
  we cannot look upon the guilt you have brought upon yourselves,
  without the deepest grief; and upon the opposition you give to
  us in our endeavours to recover sinners out of the snare of the
  devil, without the most zealous concern. You declare the work of
  God to be the work of the grand deceiver. My dear brethren, for
  whom I tremble, have you been at due pains to know the nature
  and circumstances of this work? Have you taken the trouble to
  go to any of these places, where the Lord has appeared in His
  glory and majesty? Have you ever so much as written to any
  of the ministers, to receive information from them? It is not
  consistent with common justice to condemn them as deceivers; and
  it is amazing rashness, to pronounce, without enquiry, that to
  be the work of the devil, which, for anything you know, may be
  the work of the infinitely good and holy Spirit. Is not this to
  be like the scribes and Pharisees, who ascribed the miraculous
  work of our Lord to Beelzebub? Are you not afraid lest you come
  too near this sin?”

There is something profoundly mournful in all this. The Erskines were
sincere, but sour. Their zeal to reform the Church of Scotland might
be commendable; their opposition to the work of God cannot be too
severely censured. They had been the friends of Whitefield. At their
invitation, he, eleven months before, had come to Scotland; but,
instead of co-operating with him, they almost immediately disowned him.
Only a week after this, his second arrival in Scotland, he wrote a most
friendly letter to Ebenezer Erskine; but, as will soon be seen, without
good effect. The letter was as follows:――

                                    “EDINBURGH, _June 10, 1742_.

  “REVEREND AND VERY DEAR SIR,――The love which I bear you, for
  my Master’s sake, constrains me to send you a line. It is some
  concern to me, that our difference as to outward things should
  cut off our sweet fellowship with each other. God knows, I
  highly value and honour you. Reverend and dear sir, I do assure
  you, I love you and your brethren more than ever. I applaud
  your zeal for God; and, though, in some respects, I think it not
  according to knowledge, and to be levelled frequently against me,
  yet I feel no resentment, and should joyfully hear you and your
  brethren preach. I salute them all; and pray our common Lord to
  give us all a right judgment in all things. I hope the glorious
  Emmanuel will be present at the sacrament, and will make Himself
  known to you in breaking of bread. When I shall come to Stirling,
  I know not. O when shall the time come, when the watchmen will
  see eye to eye? Hasten that time, our Lord and our God! But,
  perhaps, I am troublesome. Forgive me, reverend and dear sir,
  being, without dissimulation, your younger brother and servant
  in the gospel of Christ,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

What was the response to this loving letter? Exactly five weeks
afterwards, on the 15th of July, “The Associate Presbytery” issued a
document announcing a “Public Fast,” and the reasons for observing it.
One reason was, that the “bitter outcryings, faintings, severe bodily
pains, convulsions, voices, visions, and revelations,” connected with
the revivals at Cambuslang and other places, were a proof that the
work there was a delusion, and of the devil; and another was, “the
fond reception given to Mr. George Whitefield, notwithstanding it is
notoriously known, that he is a _priest of the Church of England_,
who has sworn the _oath of supremacy_, and abjured the _Solemn League
and Covenant_, and endeavours, by his _lax toleration principles_, to
pull down the hedges of government and discipline, which the Lord has
planted about His vineyard in this land.”[15]

This was bad enough to come from Christian men; but worse followed.
A month later, there was published a pamphlet of thirty-two pages,
of minute type, and closely printed, with the title, “The Declaration
of the true Presbyterians within the Kingdom of Scotland, concerning
Mr. George Whitefield, and the Work at Cambuslang.”

This pretentiously religious, but extremely malignant production
begins as follows:――“The Declaration, Protestation, and Testimony of
the suffering Remnant of the anti-Popish, anti-Lutheran, anti-Prelatic,
anti-Whitefieldian, anti-Erastian, anti-Sectarian, true Presbyterian
Church of Christ in Scotland.” Very sonorous, but very rancorous!
Whitefield is branded as “an abjured, prelatic hireling, of as lax
toleration principles as any ever set up for the advancing of the
kingdom of Satan.” He is “a wandering star, who steers his course
according to the compass of gain and advantage.” He is “a base English
impostor, whom the enemies of Christ’s kingdom have chosen as their
commander-in-chief, to lead the covenanted kingdom of Scotland back
to Egypt and Babylon, to the bondage and slavery of Popery, Prelacy,
and Sectarianism.” He is “the most latitudinarian, prelatic priest
that ever essayed to confound, and unite into one, almost all sorts
and sizes of sects and heresies with orthodox Christians.” His
“foul, prelatic, sectarian hands” had administered the sacrament to
Presbyterians. He “is not of a blameless conversation, as the Word of
God requires all the ministers of the gospel to be, but is a scandalous
idolater, being a member of the idolatrous Church of England, which
resembles the idolatrous Church of Rome, in many of her idolatries.”
He “is a poor, vain-glorious, self-seeking, puffed-up creature.” He “is
a limb of Antichrist; a boar, and a wild beast, from the anti-Christian
field of England, come to waste and devour the poor erring people of
Scotland.” “In collecting such vast sums of money in Scotland, his
insatiable covetousness is shewn; and it is evident, that, his design
in coming is to pervert the truth, subvert the people, and make gain to
himself, by making merchandise of his pretended ministry.” The pamphlet
finishes by “protesting, testifying, and declaring against Whitefield,
and all, of every rank, station, and degree, within the kingdom of
Scotland, who, in any manner of way, have aided, assisted, countenanced,
and encouraged him.” The last paragraph in this pious production is as
follows:――

  “And that this our Declaration, Protestation, and Testimony
  may come to the world’s view, we do appoint and ordain our
  emissaries, in our name, to pass upon the ―――― day of August,
  1742, to the market-cross of ――――, and other public places
  necessary, and there publish, and leave copies of the same,
  that none may pretend ignorance thereof.

  “Given in Scotland, upon the ―――― day of August, 1742.

            “Let King Jesus reign,
             And let all His enemies be scattered.”

Worse and worse; and yet there is more to follow. About the same time,
there was published, in Edinburgh, “A Letter from a Gentleman in Boston,
to Mr. George Wishart, one of the Ministers of Edinburgh, concerning
the state of Religion in New England.” (12mo. 24 pp.) Three extracts
from this production must suffice.

  “The minds of the people, in this part of the world, had been
  greatly prepossessed in favour of Mr. Whitefield, from the
  accounts transmitted of him, as a _wonder of piety_, and a _man
  of God_. Accordingly, when he came to Boston, about two years
  ago, he was received as though he had been an _angel of God_,
  yea, a _god come down in the likeness of man_. He was strangely
  flocked after by all sorts of persons, and much admired by
  the _vulgar_, both _great and small_. The ministers had him in
  veneration, and, as much as the people, encouraged his preaching,
  attending it themselves every day in the week, and mostly twice
  a day. The grand subject of conversation was Mr. Whitefield, and
  the whole business of the town was to run from place to place
  to hear him preach. His reception, as he passed through this
  and the neighbouring governments of Connecticut and New York,
  was after much the same manner, save only, that he met with no
  admirers among the clergy, unless here and there one, anywhere
  but in Boston. You ask, What was the _great good_ this gentleman
  was the instrument of? I answer, Wherever he went, he generally
  moved the passions, especially of the younger people, and
  females; the effect whereof was a great talk about religion,
  together with a disposition to be perpetually hearing sermons,
  to the neglect of all other business. In these things _chiefly_
  consisted the goodness so much spoken of. I could not but
  discern, that there were the same pride and vanity, the same
  luxury and intemperance, the same lying and tricking and
  cheating, in the town, as there were before this gentleman
  came among us. There was also raised such a spirit of bitter,
  censorious, uncharitable judging, as was not known before; and
  the greatest friends of Mr. Whitefield were as much puffed up
  with conceit and pride as any of their neighbours.”

The writer then proceeds to say, that a number of imitators of
Whitefield sprung up after his departure, and that one of the most
famous of them was Gilbert Tennent,

  “A man of no great parts or learning, and whose preaching was in
  the _extemporaneous_ way, with much noise, and little connection.
  Under his preaching, scores cried out, fell down, swooned
  away, and were like persons in fits. Visions became common, and
  trances also. _Laughing, loud, hearty laughing_, was one of the
  ways in which the _new converts_ almost everywhere expressed
  their joy at the conversion of others. Houses of worship were
  scarce emptied night or day for a week together, and unheard-of
  instances of supposed religion were carried on in them. In the
  same house, and at the same time, some would be _praying_, some
  _exhorting_, some _singing_, some _clapping their hands_, some
  _laughing_, some _crying_, some _shrieking_, and some _roaring
  out_.”

The gentleman in Boston concludes thus:――

  “I am among those who are clearly of opinion, that, there never
  was such a spirit of _superstition_ and _enthusiasm_ reigning in
  the land before; never such _gross disorders_, and _bare-faced
  affronts to common decency_; never _such scandalous reproaches_
  on the blessed Spirit, making Him the author of the _greatest
  irregularities and confusions_. Yet, I am of opinion also, that
  the appearances among us have been the means of awakening the
  attention of many; and a good number, I hope, have settled into
  a truly Christian temper.”

The “Letter” was written with seeming candour, but there can be little
doubt that its publication in Edinburgh added to the difficulties
which Whitefield had to encounter among the precise Presbyterians of
the kingdom of Scotland. Almost contemporaneously with this, there
was published in Glasgow, a small 12mo. book, of 130 pages, entitled,
“The State of Religion in New England, since the Rev. Mr. George
Whitefield’s arrival there, in a Letter, from a Gentleman in New
England, to his Friend in Glasgow: with an Appendix containing Proofs
of the principal Facts, and further Accounts of the Disorders in
matters of Religion lately introduced into various parts of New England
and Carolina.” The gentleman’s letter is dated “May 24, 1742.”

The preface to this publication contains the following:――

  “Mr. Whitefield asks nothing, indeed, for his preaching, but
  he has a brother Syms to suggest, wherever he goes, what it
  is decent to give so great a man; and, by these means, he has,
  these four months past, made as much gain as several of the
  bishops in England, or any six ministers in Scotland, for the
  same time; and that partly by getting from some poor parishes,
  for a day’s _holding forth_, nearly as much as they collect for
  their own poor in a whole year.”

This was a baseless slander; but let it pass. The “Gentleman in New
England” asks:――

  “In what does Mr. Whitefield’s fervour turn? Is it not upon
  getting money and popular applause, by perpetually roaring
  out _hell-flames, fire and brimstone, incarnate devils, and
  damnation_? Some are frightened out of their senses; others fall
  into convulsions and epileptic fits; and others scream and roar
  with hideous voices. These are, according to him, the _fruits of
  the Spirit_, and _gales_ from the _Holy Ghost_.”

Gilbert Tennent, the friend of Whitefield, is similarly abused.

  “In the pulpit, Gilbert Tennent is an awkward and ridiculous ape
  of Whitefield, for his appearance is very clownish. His great
  business, in his sermons, is either to puzzle or to frighten his
  hearers, but especially the latter, which he does by roaring and
  bellowing _damnation_, _devils_, and all the _dreadful words_ he
  can think of. He is followed by all sorts of people, as much as
  Whitefield was, and, by many, is ♦preferred to him.”

Of the Presbyterian helpers, employed by Whitefield and Tennent in New
England, the “Gentleman” remarks:――

  “There is a creature here whom, perhaps, you never heard of
  before. It is called an _Exhorter_. It is of both sexes, but
  generally of the male, and young. Its distinguishing qualities
  are _ignorance_, _impudence_, _zeal_. Numbers of these exhorters
  are among the people here. They go from town to town; creep
  into houses; lead captive silly women; and then the men. Such
  of them as have good voices do _great execution_. They move
  their hearers, and make them cry, faint, swoon, and fall into
  convulsions.”

The _converts_ of Whitefield and Tennent are thus described:――

  “The converts are all made in this manner. First, they become
  concerned for their souls, and greatly distressed, and not
  rarely distracted. They continue in this condition for some days,
  and then, all at once, without any visible means, they come out
  of their dark and disconsolate state all light, joy, and ecstasy.
  This they express by their talk to their neighbours, which
  they call telling their experiences; and, in many places, by
  immoderate laughter and singing hymns. Their joy is sometimes
  so great, that, their eyes sparkle, and their faces shine. These
  are certain signs of the Spirit of God being in them. One of
  a hundred excepted, they all make religion to consist in the
  feeling of inward impulses and impressions, in an inexplicable
  faith, joys, ecstasies, and such-like things. They are bigoted
  to certain opinions, which they do not understand; and have not
  the least degree of charity for those who are of another way of
  thinking. All of them are vain, self-conceited, superstitious,
  enthusiastic, censorious slanderers. Reason, learning, and
  morality, they professedly disregard. If they hear a minister
  preach, in the most evangelical manner, upon any moral duty,
  or if they hear him recommend the exercise of reason and
  understanding, they call him a dry, husky, Arminian preacher,
  and conclude for certain that he is not converted.”

The reader may easily imagine the effects likely to be produced, at
this juncture, among the Presbyterians of Scotland, by such infamous
statements respecting Presbyterian converts and congregations in New
England.

The subject is a loathsome one; but, perhaps, it is best, once for
all, to exhaust it. To say nothing of objectionable passages in
Ralph Erskine’s pamphlet, entitled, “Fraud and Falsehood Detected,”
and in the sermons he preached at different places in the year
1742, particularly those on Luke xxii. 31, 32; Heb. xiii. 8; and
Rev. v. 9;[16] the following publications must have annoyed Whitefield,
and, also, injured him in the estimation of the Scottish people.

1. “Some Observations upon the Conduct of the Famous Mr. W――field.
By a true Lover of the Church and Country. Edinburgh: printed in the
year 1742.” (12mo. 12 pp.) The author of these “Observations” told
his readers, that, Whitefield had taken upon himself “the office of
a thirteenth apostle;” and that he began his work in Scotland “with a
notorious lie, for he said he was £600 out of pocket about his Hospital
in Georgia, whereas it can be proved that he advanced about £1000 to a
captain of a man of war, who gave him bills for it upon the Admiralty,
who paid this sum to him a little before he came to Scotland.” The
writer adds, “Instead of going to Georgia, this thirteenth Apostle was
moved to take to him a fellow-mate; so that now, I am afraid, these”
(Scotch) “collections will be applied towards the maintenance of him,
her, and their issue.” The anxious author, in conclusion, benevolently
remarks: “Let all good people beware of this stroller; for he will
yet find a way to wheedle you out of your money. He is as artful a
mountebank as any I know.”

2. “A Letter to a Gentleman in Edinburgh, containing Remarks upon a
late Apology for the Presbyterians in Scotland, who keep Communion, in
the Ordinances of the Gospel, with Mr. George Whitefield, a Priest of
the Church of England: shewing that such a Practice is not justifiable
by the Principles and Practice of the Church of Scotland, from
the Reformation to this day; nor by the Westminster Confession
of Faith, Solemn League and Covenant. In which Mr. Whitefield’s
Religion, Orthodoxy, and Moral Character are set in a proper light,
by Collections from his own printed Performances. Glasgow, 1742.”
(pp. 112.) The letter is signed, “John Bisset, Minister of the Gospel
in Aberdeen;” and is dated, “October 26, 1742.” Upon the whole, the
pamphlet is well written, and less verbose than many of the Scotch
productions of that period. Half of it is an elaborate criticism of
the “late Apology;” and the remainder a venomous attack on Whitefield,
who is branded as being “enthusiastically, daringly presumptuous,
and popishly superstitious,”――“a strolling impostor, whose cheats,
in due time, will be discovered.” In conclusion, Mr. Bisset writes:
“Mr. Whitefield has done more to promote effectually the cause of
♦Episcopacy, and a liking to it in Scotland, than all the means, fair
and foul, that have been used since our reformation from Popery to this
day.”

Besides the above, two other antagonistic pamphlets must be noticed,
which, though not printed in Scotland, were doubtless circulated there,
and helped to increase the difficulties with which Whitefield had to
struggle.

1. “A Brief History of the Principles of Methodism, wherein the Rise
and Progress, together with the Causes of the several Variations,
Divisions, and present Inconsistencies of this Sect are attempted to
be traced out, and accounted for. By Josiah Tucker, M.A., Vicar of All
Saints, and one of the Minor Canons of the College of Bristol. Oxford,
1742.” (8vo. 51 pp.) Mr. Tucker, in obsequious terms, dedicated his
anti-Methodistic publication to Dr. Boulter, Archbishop of Armagh, who
had treated Whitefield with great courtesy on his return from America
in 1738. Mr. Tucker tells the Archbishop, that Whitefield left the
University of Oxford “with a _crude_ and _undigested_ notion of the
system of William Law;” and, that “it happened through a _blunder_ on
his side, and a _mistake_ of the question on all sides, that he fell in
with the Calvinistical party, and looked upon them as his patrons and
advocates.” “It was some time, however, before he understood his _new
credenda_, or so much as knew the nature of the _five points_, and how
they hang in a _chain_ one upon another.”

2. “Genuine and Secret Memoirs relating to the Adventures of that
Arch-Methodist, Mr. G. W――fi――d: Likewise, Critical and Explanatory
Remarks upon that inimitable piece, entitled ‘God’s Dealings with the
Rev. Mr. Whitefield;’ wherein is likewise proved (by his own words),
that he has had pretty large dealings also with Satan: the whole
interspersed with observations instructive and humorous. Collected
and published, by a Gentleman of Oxford, for general information;
and necessary to be had in all families as a preservative against
Enthusiasm and Methodism. Oxford, 1742.” (8vo. 85 pp.)

This was a most disgraceful and disgusting pamphlet. To quote its
obscenity would be criminal. It finishes with eight verses, entitled
“The Field-Preacher. To the Tune of the Queen’s Old Courtier.” The
first of these verses is as follows:――

         “With face and fashion to be known,
          With eyes all white, and many a groan,
          With arms _outstretched_, and snivelling tone,
          And handkerchief from nose new-blown,
          And loving cant to sister _Joan_.
              (_Chorus._) ’Tis a new teacher about the town,
                          Oh! the town’s new teacher!”

Abuse like this was not pleasant. It is true, that Whitefield had
long been used to it; but the repetition of the thing did not abate
its hardship. Most of it was utterly untrue, the remainder, to a
great extent, was ill-tempered banter, and the whole was provokingly
disagreeable. Whitefield was quite as sensitive as are popular men in
general; and there can hardly be a doubt that such injustice caused him
many a bitter pang. In the midst of all, however, he rarely, if ever,
lost his equanimity; and he generally avoided “rendering railing for
railing.” He doubtless prized his reputation, as every good man does;
but his own fame was to him of less importance than the prosperity
of the work of God. Whatever interfered with that created profound
distress; and, hence, it is not surprising, that he replied to one of
the slanderous publications just mentioned. If what the “Gentleman in
New England” had said was true, the Presbyterians in Scotland might
justly look upon Whitefield’s ministry with suspicion and alarm. To
prevent this, Whitefield wrote and published the following: “Some
Remarks on a late Pamphlet, entitled, ‘The State of Religion in New
England, since the Rev. Mr. George Whitefield’s arrival there.’ Glasgow:
printed by William Duncan, and sold by the booksellers in Edinburgh
and Glasgow, 1742.” (16mo. 32 pp.) The “Remarks” are dated “Cambuslang,
August 31, 1742.”

Want of space renders it impossible to give a lengthened outline of
Whitefield’s pamphlet. Speaking of the publication to which he was now
replying, he truly says: “The design of it is base and wicked. It is
intended, if possible, to eclipse the late great and glorious work in
New England; to invalidate the testimonies that have been given of it;
and, thereby, to bring a reproach upon, and to hinder the spreading
of, a like glorious work, which God, of His infinite mercy, has, for
some time, been carrying on in Scotland.” He proceeds to shew that the
gentlemen, who had testified concerning the scriptural character of
the New England revival, were men of “sound understanding, integrity,
sobriety of manners, and piety.” Among others, he mentions the
Honourable Mr. Willard, secretary of the province; also the Rev.
Messrs. Colman, Cooper, and Prince, who held degrees conferred by the
University of Glasgow. He gives numerous testimonies, by persons living
on the spot, flatly contradicting the sweeping accusations of the
“Gentleman in New England;” and shews that some of his quotations
were so garbled as to be practically false. Stoutly defending his
friend Tennent, he writes: “I have the happiness of being intimately
acquainted with Mr. Gilbert Tennent. I scarcely know a man of a more
catholic spirit. Indeed, to the honour of the grace of God be it spoken,
he is a son of thunder, especially in his applications, and when he
is preaching the law. At such times, people cannot easily sleep. He is
a workman that needs not be ashamed, and is taught of God rightly to
divide the word of truth. His book, entitled ‘The Presumptuous Sinner
Detected,’ and his many printed sermons, shew him to be a man of great
learning, solidity, and piety.” Whitefield, however, admits that there
had been some chaff among the wheat. “The sum of the matter,” he says,
“seems to be this――there has been a great and marvellous work in New
England; but, by the imprudences of some, and the overboiling zeal of
others, irregularities, in several places, have been committed. This
is nothing but what is common. It was so in _Old_ England a few years
ago. Many young persons there ran out before they were called. Others
were guilty of great indiscretion. I checked them in the strictest
manner myself; and found, as they grew acquainted with the Lord Jesus
and their own hearts, the intemperance of their zeal abated, and they
became truly humble walkers with God. After a gathering, there will
always be a sifting time. The Church is generally shaken before it
is settled.” Finally, to shew that he was neither vanquished nor
disheartened, Whitefield concludes with two verses from the Scotch
Psalter:――

               “Why rage the heathen? and vain things
                  Why do the people mind?
                Kings of the earth do set themselves;
                  And princes are combin’d
                To plot against the Lord, and His
                  Anointed, saying thus,
                ‘Let us asunder break their bands,
                  And cast their cords from us.’

                He, that in heaven sits, shall laugh;
                  The Lord shall scorn them all.
                Then shall He speak to them in wrath,
                  In rage, He vex them shall.
                Yet, notwithstanding, I have Him
                  To be my King appointed:
                And over Sion, my holy hill,
                  I have Him King anointed.”

It ought to be added that, immediately after the publication of
Whitefield’s pamphlet, the Rev. Jonathan Edwards issued a very able
and exhaustive treatise on the same subject, with the title, “Some
Thoughts concerning the present Revival of Religion in New England, and
the way in which it ought to be acknowledged and promoted. By Jonathan
Edwards, A.M., Pastor of the Church of Christ at Northampton.” This was
first published in Boston, New England; and, in 1743, was reprinted in
Edinburgh. (12mo. 221 pp.)

In some of the hostile publications already mentioned, Whitefield
had been attacked respecting his Orphan-house collections; and
probably this, and other reasons, led him to publish the following:
“A Continuation of the Account of the Orphan House in Georgia, from
January, 1741, to June, 1742; to which are subjoined some Extracts from
an Account of a Work of a like Nature, carried on by the late Professor
Francke, in Glaucha, near Halle, in Saxony. By George Whitefield, A.B.,
late of Pembroke College, Oxford. Edinburgh: printed by T. Lumisden
and J. Robertson; and sold by J. Traill, Bookseller, in the Parliament
Close. 1742.” (18mo. 86 pp.)

Whitefield’s Preface, dated “September 22, 1742,” contains the
following curious paragraph――a paragraph which, of course, will shock
both teetotallers and the members of the Anti-Slavery Society:――

  “Once I am clear of all arrears, the Orphan House will be
  supported at a very easy expense. The last Parliament have
  altered the constitution of the colony of Georgia, in two
  material points: they have allowed the importation of rum, and
  free titles to the land. If they should see good hereafter to
  grant a limited use of negroes, Georgia must, in all outward
  appearances, be as flourishing a colony as South Carolina.”

Since his arrival in England, in March, 1741, Whitefield had collected,
for his Orphan House, £1158 6s. 0½d.; and had expended £1302 17s. 2½d.

Before proceeding further, two more of his publications, in
Scotland, must be mentioned; both of them _reprints_, but suited
to the circumstances in which the now found himself. 1. “A Letter,
from the Rev. Mr. George Whitefield to the Religious Societies of
England, written during his voyage to Philadelphia, in 1739; and now
particularly recommended to those who have lately formed themselves
into Religious Societies in Scotland; to which is added an extract from
a late Author, shewing that a Catholic Spirit is the only thing that
can unite and make Christians happy one amongst another in this divided
state of things. Edinburgh: 1742.” (18mo. 27 pp.) 2. “Nine Sermons,
upon the following subjects, namely: 1. The Lord our Righteousness,”[17]
etc. “By George Whitefield, A.B. Edinburgh, 1742.” (12mo. 199 pp.)

We now return to Whitefield’s correspondence, which, practically, is a
journal of his proceedings. We left him at Edinburgh on July 7, 1742.

The ministers of “The Associate Presbytery” were, without doubt, the
most violent of Whitefield’s opposers in Scotland; but there were also
others who gave him trouble. The Rev. Mr. Willison, of Dundee, was one
of the best of the Scottish clergy. Between him and Whitefield there
had been considerable correspondence. Under his auspices Whitefield had
preached in Dundee. Mr. Willison, also, sympathised with the present
revival movement; but even he occasioned Whitefield some disquietude.
Hence the following letter:――

                                      “EDINBURGH, _July 7, 1742_.

  “REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,――Your letter gave me some concern. I
  thought it breathed a sectarian spirit, to which I hoped dear
  Mr. Willison was quite averse. You seem not satisfied, unless
  I declare myself a Presbyterian, and openly renounce the Church
  of England. God knows that I have been faithful in bearing a
  testimony against what I think is corrupt in that Church. I
  have also shewn my freedom in communicating with the Church of
  Scotland, and in baptizing children in their own way. I can go
  no further.

  “Dear sir, be not offended at my plain speaking. I find but few
  of a truly catholic spirit. Most are catholics till they bring
  persons over to their own party, and there they would fetter
  them. I have not so learned Christ. I shall approve and join all
  who are good, in every sect; and cast a mantle of love over all
  who are bad, so far as is consistent with a good conscience.

  “Morning and evening retirement is certainly good; but if,
  through weakness of body, or frequency of preaching, I cannot
  go to God at my usual set times, I think my spirit is not in
  bondage. It is not for me to tell how often I use secret prayer.
  If I did not use it――nay, if, in one sense, I did not pray
  without ceasing――it would be difficult for me to keep up that
  frame of mind, which, by the Divine blessing, I daily enjoy. If
  the work of God prospers, and your hands become more full, you
  will then know better what I mean.

  “But enough of this. God knows I would do everything I possibly
  could to satisfy all men, and give a reason of the hope that is
  in me with meekness and fear; but I cannot satisfy all who are
  waiting for an occasion to find fault. Our Lord could not; I,
  therefore, despair of doing it. However, dear sir, I take what
  you have said in good part; only I think you are too solicitous
  to clear up my character to captious and prejudiced men. Let
  my Master speak for me. Blessed be God! He will, so long as I
  simply throw myself into His almighty arms.

  “I am glad the work goes on with you. Glory be to God! we have
  seen glorious things in the west.

                          “Yours, etc.,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

In the following letters, Whitefield refers to the opposition which he
had to encounter in Scotland. The first was addressed to a minister in
London:――

                                    “INCHANNON, _July 21, 1742_.

  “REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,――I heartily rejoice that the Lord is
  blessing and owning you. Go on, dear sir, go on, and you will
  certainly find the glorious Emmanuel will be with you more and
  more. It is observable that there is but one thing in Scripture,
  which we are commanded to do out of season――_preaching_. Be
  instant, therefore, in season and out of season. The Lord will
  stand by you and strengthen you, and deliver you from wicked and
  unreasonable men. You will find the blessedness of the cross;
  and the Spirit of Christ and of glory will rest upon your soul.

  “The Messrs. Erskine and their adherents have appointed a public
  fast, to humble themselves, among other things, for my being
  received in Scotland, and for the delusion, as they term it,
  at Cambuslang and other places; and all this because I would
  not consent to preach only for them, till I had light into, and
  could take the Solemn League and Covenant. To what lengths may
  prejudice carry even good men! From giving way to the first
  risings of bigotry and a party spirit, good Lord, deliver us!”

The next letter seems to have been addressed to the Rev. John McLaurin,
of Glasgow, and was accompanied by a number of young people who appear
to have come all the way from Glasgow to Edinburgh, to hear Whitefield
preach.

                                    “EDINBURGH, _July 28, 1742_.

  “REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,――With this, I suppose, you will receive
  several young ones, who, I think, have acted wrong in leaving
  their respective employments, under parents and masters, to go
  after me. Be pleased to examine them, and send them home.

  “The Lord was with me at Falkirk, and is pleased to work by
  me here. O free grace! I am persuaded I shall have more power,
  since dear Mr. Gibb has printed such a bitter pamphlet. Now
  I begin to be a disciple of Jesus Christ. I rejoice and am
  exceeding glad. The archers shot sore at me that I might fall,
  but the Lord is, and the Lord will be, my helper.”

To a friend in London, Whitefield wrote:――

                                    “EDINBURGH, _July 31, 1742_.

  “One of ‘The Associate Presbytery’ has published the most
  virulent pamphlet I ever saw, ascribing all that has been done
  here, and even in New England, to the influence of the devil.
  O how prejudice will blind the eyes of even good men!”

Whitefield had other troubles besides the bitter pamphlets that were
published against him. The Spaniards had invaded Georgia. With forty
sail of small galleys, and other craft, they had come into Cumberland
Sound. With another fleet of thirty-six ships, they had entered
Jekyl Sound. They had landed four thousand five hundred men, and
marched, through the woods, to Frederica. Half of their galleys also
approached the same town, and twenty-eight sail attacked Fort William.
Oglethorpe’s military force was small, but proved victorious; and
July 25, 1742, was appointed, by the General, “as a day of public
thanksgiving to Almighty God for His great deliverance in having put an
end to the Spanish invasion.”[18] Whitefield had heard of the invasion;
but, as yet, he had not heard of the defeat. In a series of letters,
written in July, his superintendent, Mr. Habersham, had informed him,
that, finding the Orphan House in great danger of attack, they had
removed all its inmates, eighty-five in number, to Mr. Jonathan Bryan’s
plantation, in South Carolina. They arrived at midnight on July 10; and,
within six weeks afterwards, were safely back to Bethesda.[19] Hence
the following letter to Whitefield:――

                                  “BETHESDA, _August 19, 1742_.

  “MY DEAREST FRIEND AND BROTHER,――I hope, before this reaches
  you, you will have received mine of the 4th, 11th, 14th,
  and 27th of July; and that you see your way clear to come
  to us. Blessed be God! we have reason to conclude the Spaniards
  have entirely left the colony; and we are now again very
  comfortably settled. The deliverance the Lord has wrought for
  us, by General Oglethorpe, I think, is the most remarkable I
  ever heard or read of, except some instances recorded in the
  Old Testament. I cannot now mention particulars. At Savannah,
  the poor people are almost all sick; at Frederica likewise,
  and at Mr. Bryan’s, and at other neighbours’, they are in the
  same condition. We also have many down. We have a good crop
  on the ground; but, except a few boys, have none to gather it.
  Brother Hunter” (the surgeon belonging to the Orphan House)
  “has his hands full, and is chiefly at Savannah. It is but
  little we buy abroad. We hunt, and kill our own stock; and
  have potatoes and corn enough of our own. I hope you are now
  on your passage to us. We cannot but expect you.”

Besides the Spanish invasion, Whitefield had another trouble in
Georgia. Mr. Jonathan Barber, his lay-chaplain at the Orphan House,
and Mr. Hunter, the house surgeon, had been arrested at Savannah, and
imprisoned above a week, for privately insulting the Savannah clergyman.
These and other matters are mentioned in the following letters. At
the time when they were written, Whitefield was in the midst of the
marvellous revival scenes at Cambuslang. The first was addressed to
Mr. Barber, his recently imprisoned chaplain.

                                  “CAMBUSLANG, _August 17, 1742_.

  “And has my dear brother Barber got the start of me? What, put
  into prison before me? I wish you joy, my dear brother, with
  all my heart. Had I been at Savannah, I would have come, and, if
  there had been need, would gladly have washed your feet. I doubt
  not but your imprisonment was for Christ’s sake. I wish you had
  told me who stood by at Savannah, and brought you refreshment.
  Greet them, and give them particular thanks in my name. I must
  write to the Trustees, and to others. I heard nothing of the
  affair, till I received your letter last week. A word or two of
  yours, to Mr.O――――,” (the Savannah clergyman,) “I think a little
  too harsh; but Paul spoke once a little too harsh to the high
  priest. Our Jesus will overlook this, and will reward you for
  your imprisonment by-and-by.

  “I cannot help believing that Georgia will yet be a glorious
  colony. The counsel of God shall stand. He surely put it into
  my heart to build the Orphan House. He certainly brought you to
  Georgia to superintend it. He will bless you and yours. I join
  in blessing God with you, and in admiring how He has spread a
  table for my dear family in that wilderness. I am kept from the
  least doubting. I am just now about to publish a further account
  of the Orphan House, and hope shortly to collect some more money
  towards its support.

  “I am blessed with far greater success than ever; and Satan
  roars louder. You will see, by what I here send, how the archers,
  of different classes, shoot at me; but the Lord causes my bow
  to abide in strength, and enables me to triumph in every place.
  Last Lord’s-day, I believe, there were here thirty thousand
  people, and above two thousand five hundred communicants. The
  work spreads, and, I believe, will yet spread.”

Whitefield was young, but plucky. He was not disposed to submit
silently to the high-handed acts of the small officials at Savannah.
Hence the following, addressed to their superiors, the Honourable
Trustees for Georgia:――

                                  “CAMBUSLANG, _August 17, 1742_.

  “HONOURED GENTLEMEN,――Letters, which I received last week
  from Georgia, occasion my troubling you with this. I find that
  Mr. Hunter and Mr. Barber have been taken up by a warrant, and
  were imprisoned above a week, for a thing which, I believe,
  none of you will judge cognisable by the civil magistrates. It
  seems that Mr. Barber, in a private conversation with Mr. O――――,
  (who I suppose is the present minister of Savannah,) told him,
  ‘he was no Christian; that he wondered at the impudence of young
  men in subscribing articles they did not believe; and that he
  should think it his duty to warn his friends not to hear him.’

  “I acknowledge, that such language was too harsh; but Mr. Hunter,
  who did not say near so much, was linked in the same prosecution,
  and imprisoned with him. Mr. Jones, who was then at Frederica,
  being informed of it, declared such a procedure to be illegal;
  and his Excellency General Oglethorpe desired my friends to lay
  the matter before the Board of the Honourable Trustees. They
  have sent to me a particular account of what has passed, which
  I will transmit to you, or, when I come to London, I will wait
  upon you in person. I find, also, that my friends were denied
  a copy of the proceedings in court; in which, I am persuaded,
  you will think they have been wronged. My friends require no
  satisfaction, but only desire that such a proceeding may be
  animadverted upon; knowing that otherwise it will be a great
  discouragement to people’s settling in Georgia.

  “I am sorry, also, to inform you, honoured gentlemen, that
  five very small children, (Swiss or Dutch,) whose parents lately
  died in their passage from England, have had their goods sold
  at Vendue, and are bound out till the age of twenty-one years.
  This I think directly contrary to the grant given me by you; for,
  thereby, I was empowered to take as many orphans into the house
  as my fund would admit of.

  “I understand, also, that the magistrates have been at the
  Orphan House, and claim a power to take away the children when
  they please, whether the children choose it, or complain of
  ill-treatment, or not. This grieves some of the children, and
  makes others of them insolent, who are, hereby, taught, that they
  have a power to go away when they will. This must be discouraging
  to those who are entrusted with their education; and who aim
  at nothing but the glory of God, the welfare of the colony, and
  the salvation of the children’s souls. I suppose the magistrates
  have taken such a liberty from the instructions which were sent
  from you some time ago; but Mr. Jones has told them, that, they
  have misunderstood you; and his Excellency General Oglethorpe,
  I find, has written to you about it.

  “Our plantation thrives well; and Mr. Habersham hopes we shall
  do with white servants alone. I will do all I can to promote the
  good of Georgia: only I beg that the management of the Orphan
  House and the orphans may be secured to me and my successors
  for ever; and that the magistrates be not suffered to disturb
  us, when there is no ground of complaint. They acknowledged,
  when at the Orphan House last, that the children were taken good
  care of, both as to their bodies and souls: will it not then
  tend much to the welfare of the colony, that the Orphan House
  should meet with all possible encouragement?

  “His Excellency General Oglethorpe has informed my friend Mr.
  Habersham, that, if I desired it, he thought you would grant
  me a greater tract of land, which I should be obliged to give
  away in a certain term of years; and that we might have our own
  magistrates, as the people of Ebenezer have. I know not whether
  I shall desire such a favour; but, if I should, I desire to know
  what you, honoured gentlemen, would say to it. Many have applied
  to me respecting their settling in Georgia; but, hitherto, I
  could give them no encouragement. I wish I may be enabled to
  give them a great deal in the future.

  “Honoured gentlemen, I do not desire to find fault. I doubt not
  but you have been prejudiced both against me and my friends.
  The event will shew what friends we are to Georgia. The Orphan
  House will certainly be of great utility to the colony; and the
  children educated therein will, I trust, be the glory of the
  society to which they belong. They are bred up to industry, as
  well as to other things; and are taught to fear God and honour
  the king. I heartily pray God to bless all who are concerned in
  the management of Georgian affairs.

  “I hope to be in London in about two months. In the meanwhile,
  I would beg the favour of a line by your secretary, and I also
  entreat you, honoured gentlemen, to write to the magistrates of
  Savannah, to let the Orphan House managers alone. If I, or my
  friends, should happen to say or do anything amiss, I assure you,
  you shall have all possible satisfaction given you by them, and
  also by, honoured gentlemen, your very humble servant,

                                              “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

Such was Whitefield’s letter to the Trustees of Georgia, written in the
midst of the great revival at Cambuslang.

On the same day, he wrote a long letter to his good friend, the Rev.
Mr. Willison, of Dundee, who seems to have been far more anxious about
Whitefield’s reputation than Whitefield was himself. The letter is
historical, and extracts from it must be given.

                                  “CAMBUSLANG, _August 17, 1742_.

  “REV. AND VERY DEAR SIR,――I heartily thank you for your concern
  about unworthy _me_. Though I am not very solicitous respecting
  what the world says of me, yet I would not refuse to give to
  any one, much less a minister of Jesus Christ, all reasonable
  satisfaction about my doctrine or conduct.

  “I am sorry that ‘The Associate Presbytery’ have done me much
  wrong. As to what they say about the _supremacy_, my sentiments
  agree with what is said in the Westminster Confession of Faith
  (chapter xxiii.). I do own the Lord Jesus to be the blessed Head
  and King of His Church. I never abjured the Solemn League and
  Covenant; neither was it ever proposed to me to be abjured.

  “As for my _missives_, if ‘The Associate Presbytery’ will be
  pleased to print them, the world will see that they had no
  reason to expect I would act in any other manner than I have
  done.

  “What that part of my _experience_ is that savours of the
  grossest _enthusiasm_, I know not. It is not specified; but
  this one thing I know, when I conversed with them, they were
  satisfied with the account I then gave of my experience, and
  also of the validity of my mission. Only, when they found I
  would preach the gospel promiscuously to _all_, and _for every
  minister_ that would invite me, and not adhere only to them,
  one of them said, ‘That they were satisfied with all the other
  accounts which I gave of myself, except of my call to Scotland
  at that time.’ They would have been glad of my help, and would
  have received me as a minister of Jesus Christ, had I consented
  to preach only at the invitation of them and their people. I
  thought their foundation was too narrow for any high house to
  be built upon. When I was last in Scotland, I declared freely,
  (and I am more and more convinced of it since,) that they were
  building a Babel.

  “At the same time, they knew very well, I was far from being
  against all church government. How can any church subsist
  without it? I only urged, as I do now, that, since holy men
  differ so much about the form, we should bear with one another,
  though, in this respect, we are not of one mind. I have often
  declared, in the most public manner, that I believe the Church
  of Scotland to be the best constituted National Church in the
  world; but, then, I would bear and converse with all others,
  who do not err in fundamentals, and who give evidence that they
  are true lovers of the Lord Jesus. This is what I mean by a
  _catholic spirit_.

  “You know how strongly I assert all the doctrines of grace as
  contained in the Westminster Confession of Faith, and in the
  doctrinal Articles of the Church of England. I trust, I shall
  adhere to these as long as I live; because I verily believe they
  are the truths of God, and because I have felt the power of them
  in my heart.

  “I am only concerned that good men should be guilty of such
  misrepresentations; but this teaches me, more and more, to
  exercise compassion towards all the children of God, and to be
  more jealous over my own heart, knowing what a fallible creature
  I am. I acknowledge that I am a poor blind sinner, liable to
  err; and I would be obliged to an enemy, much more to so dear
  a friend as you are, to point out to me my mistakes, as to my
  practice, or as to unguarded expressions in my preaching or
  writing.

  “I am just about to print a further account of the Orphan House
  in Georgia; and, having many other affairs of importance before
  me, can only now entreat the continuance of your prayers, and
  beg to subscribe myself,

                                    “Yours, etc.,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

Unfortunately, Whitefield’s troubles were not confined to Scotland
and Georgia. Methodist affairs in Wales were far from being in a
satisfactory state. Hence the following letter to Howell Harris:――

                                “CAMBUSLANG, _August 26, 1742_.

  “MY VERY DEAR BROTHER,――I was glad, last night, to receive your
  letter. I love your simple, honest heart.

  “The account, sent with this, will shew you how often I have
  been enabled to preach; but with what efficacy and success, pen
  cannot describe. The glorious Redeemer seems to be advancing
  from congregation to congregation, carrying all before Him.

  “I am opposed on every side. The Messrs. Erskines’ people have
  kept a fast for me, and given out that all the work now in
  Scotland is only delusion, and by the agency of the devil.

  “What you said about poor Wales affected me. I lay upon my face
  this day, and, for some time, pleaded, with groans unutterable,
  for direction in that and several other matters of great
  consequence. I fear my dear brother thinks too highly of me;
  but, if Christ is pleased to honour me so far, I shall be glad
  to help the brethren in Wales. I am sorry to hear there have been
  such divisions; but dividing times generally precede settling
  times.”

In the midst of all these altercations, it is refreshing to be able to
introduce one of Whitefield’s filial outpourings to his mother, who was
now an inmate of Whitefield’s house in Bristol.

                                “CAMBUSLANG, _August 26, 1742_.

  “HONOURED MOTHER,――I rejoice to hear that you have been so
  long under my roof. Blessed be God that I have a house for my
  honoured mother to come to! You are heartily welcome to anything
  it affords, as long as you please. I am of the same mind now,
  as formerly. If need were, these hands should administer to your
  necessities. I had rather want myself, than you should. I shall
  be highly pleased when I come to Bristol, and find you sitting
  in your youngest son’s house. O that I may sit with you in the
  house not made with hands, eternal, in the heavens!

  “My honoured mother, I am happier and happier every day. If
  any at Bristol enquire after me, please to tell them, I am well
  both in body and soul, and desire them to help me to praise
  free and sovereign grace. O that my dear mother may be made an
  everlasting monument of it! How does my heart burn with love
  and duty to you! Gladly would I wash your aged feet, and lean
  upon your neck, and weep and pray until I could pray no more.
  With this, I send you a thousand dutiful salutations, and ten
  thousand hearty and most humble thanks, for all the pains you
  underwent in conceiving, bringing forth, nursing, and bringing
  up your most unworthy, though most dutiful son, till death.

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

Whitefield’s second visit to Cambuslang was on Friday, August 13, 1742;
and here, and in the surrounding neighbourhood, he spent the next
three weeks. A glimpse of his enormous labours may be obtained from the
following, which was written to a friend in London:――

                                  “CAMBUSLANG, _August 27, 1742_.

  “A fortnight ago, I came to this place, to assist at the
  sacramental occasion, with several worthy ministers of the
  Church of Scotland. Such a passover has not been heard of. I
  preached once on the Saturday. On the Lord’s-day, I preached in
  the morning; served five tables; and preached again, about ten
  o’clock at night, to a great number in the churchyard. Though
  it rained very much, there was a great awakening. The voice of
  prayer and praise was heard all night. It was supposed, that,
  between thirty and forty thousand people were assembled; and
  that three thousand communicated. There were three tents. The
  ministers were enlarged, and great grace was among the people.

  “On Monday, August 16th, at seven in the morning, the Rev. Mr.
  Webster preached, and there was a great commotion; and also in
  the third sermon of the day, when I preached.

  “On Thursday, August 19th,[21] I preached twice at Greenock; on
  Friday, three times at Kilbride; on Saturday, once at Kilbride,
  and twice at Stevenson. On Sunday, August 22nd, four times at
  Irvine; on Monday, once at Irvine, and three times at Kilmarnock;
  on Tuesday, once at Kilmarnock, and four times at Stewarton;
  on Wednesday, once at Stewarton, and twice at ♦Mearns; and
  yesterday, twice at this place. I never preached with so much
  apparent success before. The work seems to spread more and
  more. Oh, my friend, pray and give praise on behalf of the most
  unworthy wretch that was ever employed in the dear Redeemer’s
  service!”

This is a mere outline of a fortnight’s stupendous labours in the
west of Scotland. The sacrament at Cambuslang was an event never to
be forgotten. Thirteen ministers were present on Friday, Saturday,
and Sunday; and, on Monday, twenty-four. “All of them,” wrote the Rev.
Mr. McCulloch, the pastor of Cambuslang, “appeared to be very much
assisted in their work. Four of them preached on the fast-day; four on
Saturday; on the Sabbath I cannot tell how many; and five on Monday.
Mr. Whitefield’s sermons, on Saturday and the two following days, were
attended with much power, particularly on Sunday night, and on Monday;
several crying out, and a great weeping being observable throughout his
auditories. While he was serving some of the tables, he appeared to be
so filled with the love of God, as to be in a kind of ecstasy, and he
communicated with much of that blessed frame. The number present, on
the Lord’s-day, was so great, that, so far as I can hear, none ever
saw the like since the revolution, in Scotland, or even anywhere else,
at any sacrament occasion. This vast concourse of people came, not
only from the city of Glasgow, but, from many places at a considerable
distance. It was reckoned, that, there were two hundred communicants
from Edinburgh, two hundred from Kilmarnock, a hundred from Irvine, and
a hundred from Stewarton. Some, also, were from England and Ireland. A
considerable number of Quakers were hearers. The tables were all served
in the open air, beside the tent below the brae. Some estimated the
number of persons present at fifty thousand; some at forty thousand;
and the lowest estimate was upwards of thirty thousand. Not a few were
awakened to a sense of sin; others had their bands loosed, and were
brought into the liberty of the sons of God; and many of God’s children
were filled with joy and peace in believing.”[22]

Whitefield came back to ♦Edinburgh early in September, and here he
_chiefly_ remained and laboured until his return to England at the end
of October. His letters, during this interval of two months, are full
of interest, and extracts from them must be given.

Already a scheme was contemplated to unite the Methodists in Wales into
a separate connexion; and the following, addressed “to Howell Harris,
in Hoxton, near London,” refers to this:――

                                          “_September 3, 1742._

  “MY VERY DEAR BROTHER,――Wales is upon my heart. I think to meet
  all the Brethren there together. As the awakening seems, in some
  measure, to be over, and there are so many living stones, it
  may be time to think of putting them together. May the great
  Builder of the Church guide and direct us! I am glad to hear that
  matters at Bristol are better than I expected. We have had most
  blessed days here. I and the people have been in the suburbs of
  heaven. Blessed be God! I live in heaven daily. O free grace! I
  feel myself viler, and yet happier, every day.”[23]

Whitefield’s friend, Gilbert Tennent, had been brought into contact
with the Moravians, and had not liked them. Hence the following, which
Whitefield wrote to a gentleman in America:――

                              “EDINBURGH, _September 13, 1742_.

  “I have just been writing to our dear brother, Gilbert Tennent.
  He speaks many things, which, I know, are too true of the
  Moravian Brethren; but his spirit seems to be too much heated,
  and, I fear, some of his own wildfire is mixed with that sacred
  zeal, which comes from ♦God. I want to be more like Jesus, who
  sees all the quarrels and heart-risings of His children, and
  yet bears with, and loves them still. I confess, I am jealous
  over many, who talk and write of the Lamb, and who mimic some
  particular person in their outward way, but yet are not truly
  poor in spirit. They act too much like me, who, at my first
  setting out, imitated the outward show of humility in Monsieur
  Dezenly, before I got true simplicity of heart. At the same time,
  I would love all who love Jesus, though they differ from me in
  some points. The angels love all the true worshippers of Jesus
  everywhere, and why should not we? If our brethren will quarrel
  with us, let us not quarrel with them.”

In the same catholic spirit, Whitefield wrote as follows, to a friend
in Pennsylvania:――

                              “EDINBURGH, _September 22, 1742_.

  “You cannot have a scene of greater confusion among you, than
  there has been in England. But, blessed be God! matters are
  brought to a better issue, and, though we cannot agree in
  principles, yet we agree in love. I have not given way to the
  Moravian Brethren, or to Mr. Wesley, or to any whom I thought
  in an error, no, not for an hour. But I think it best not to
  dispute, when there is no probability of convincing. Disputing
  embitters the spirit, ruffles the soul, and hinders it from
  hearing the still small voice of the Holy Ghost.”

To Mr. Habersham, the superintendent of his Orphan House, he wrote:――

                              “EDINBURGH, _September 24, 1742_.

  “MY MOST ENDEARED FRIEND AND BROTHER,――With this, I send you a
  ‘Continuation of the Orphan House Account,’ which I have printed
  to satisfy the public, and to promote future collections. I yet
  owe upwards of £250 in England, upon the Orphan House account,
  and have nothing towards it. How is the world mistaken about
  my circumstances! worth nothing myself, embarrassed for others,
  and yet looked upon to abound in riches! Our extremity is God’s
  opportunity. O faith, thou hast an all-conquering power! I put
  my trust in God, and, through His mercy, I shall not miscarry.
  I pray for you. I think and dream of you almost continually. I
  long, I long to be with you, and, methinks, could willingly be
  found at the head of you, though a Spaniard’s sword should be
  put to my throat.

  “Some of my friends in Philadelphia are suspicious that I am
  joined with the Moravian Brethren; but, indeed, I am not. My
  principles are still the same; only, as I believe many of them
  love the Lord Jesus, I would be friendly to them, as I would
  be to all others who bear the image of our common Master,
  notwithstanding some of my principles are as far distant from
  theirs as the east is from the west.”

The next extract, from a letter to a minister in Wales, affords a
glimpse of Whitefield’s labours in Scotland, and announces his purpose
to return to England. Perhaps, it ought to be premised, that, on Sunday,
the 3rd of October, a sacrament was held at Kilsyth, in which a dozen
ministers took part. The solemnities of the day began at half-past
eight in the morning, and continued, without intermission, till
half-past eight at night. During the day, twenty-two different services
were held; and the number of communicants were nearly fifteen hundred.
At Muthel, also, a gracious revival had been vouchsafed. After public
worship in the kirk, crowds of people were wont to flock to the manse
of the Rev. William Hally, the minister, who wrote, “Their mourning
cries frequently drown my voice, so that I am often obliged to stop
till they compose themselves.”[24]

                                  “EDINBURGH, _October 6, 1742_.

  “The Lord has dealt bountifully with me. He gives me to rejoice
  in all His dispensations towards me. I am taught more and more,
  every day, to live by faith in the Son of God, who loved me, and
  gave Himself for me. God keeps me, and brings me where I would
  desire to be――at His feet, waiting His will, and watching the
  motions of His blessed Spirit, word, and providence. Here I
  find safety and refuge amidst the various storms of opposition
  and reproach with which I daily meet. God is on my side: I will
  not fear what men or devils can say of or do unto me. The dear
  Messrs. Erskine have dressed me in very black colours. Dear men,
  I pity them. Surely they must grieve the Holy Spirit much. O for
  a mind divested of all sects and names and parties! I think, it
  is my one single aim to promote the kingdom of Jesus, without
  partiality and without hypocrisy, indefinitely amongst all. I
  care not if the name of George Whitefield be banished out of the
  world, so that Jesus be exalted in it.

  “Glory be to His great name! we have seen much of His power
  in Scotland. The work in the west goes on and increases. Last
  Sabbath and Monday, things greater than ever were seen at
  Kilsyth. There is a great awakening also at Muthel. I preach
  twice every day with great power, and walk in liberty and love.
  In about three weeks, I purpose to leave Scotland; and hope,
  before long, to spend a month in Wales. I intend to travel
  through Newcastle and Yorkshire.[25]

  “I have been much strengthened since the Spaniards invaded
  Georgia. I am, like the ark, surrounded with waves; but, through
  free grace, I am enabled to swim above all. Ere long, I shall
  rest on Mount Zion, in the arms of my beloved Jesus.”

Among the distinguished persons with whom Whitefield became acquainted
in Scotland, was Lady Frances Gardiner, daughter of the Earl of Buchan,
and wife of the celebrated Colonel Gardiner, who fell, in the service
of his country, at the battle of Prestonpans, in 1745. The Colonel was
now with his soldiers at Ghent; and to him Whitefield addressed the
following characteristic letter:――

                                “EDINBURGH, _October 17, 1742_.

  “HONOURED SIR,――Though I never had the pleasure of seeing you, I
  have often prayed for you. I hope you will not be offended with
  me for troubling you with this. Your honoured lady tells me you
  will not.

  “Dear sir, I rejoice to hear that you are a good soldier of
  Jesus Christ, and that you delight to fight the Redeemer’s
  battles. May you be covered with all His armour, and be filled
  with all His fulness!

  “I have the pleasure often to go without the camp, and to bear
  a little of His sacred reproach; and I prefer it to all the
  treasures in the world. Weak as I am, my Jesus makes me more
  than conqueror, through His love. He has brought mighty things
  to pass here, and gotten Himself the victory in many hearts. I
  trust not a day passes without some poor creature being plucked
  as a brand from the burning.

  “I wish I could hear that God was more in the camp. Blessed be
  His name! for raising you up, to lift a standard for Him. May
  you be endued with the _meekness_ of Moses, the _courage_ of
  Joshua, the _zeal_ of Paul, and a large portion of the blessed
  spirit of Christ!

  “I hope, honoured sir, you will, now and then, remember me, a
  poor sinner, and speak a word for me to the King of kings and
  Lord of lords, that I may not turn my head in the day of battle,
  but rather die for Him, than, in any wise, deny Him. Neither you
  nor yours are forgotten by me. I am a poor creature, but happy,
  very happy, in the once crucified, but now exalted Jesus. For
  His sake, and in His great name, I beg leave to subscribe myself,
  honoured sir, your affectionate, humble servant,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

Colonel Gardiner was as distinguished a Christian as he was a soldier.
Nine days after the date of Whitefield’s letter, the Colonel wrote, as
follows, to his friend Dr. Doddridge, of Northampton:――

                                    “GHENT, _October 16, 1742_.

  “I have received a letter from Mr. Whitefield. The accounts I
  have had of that man, both when in England and since I came here,
  have ravished my soul. If my heart deceives me not, I would
  rather be the persecuted, despised Whitefield, to be an
  instrument in the hand of the Spirit, for converting so many
  souls, and building up others in their most holy faith, than be
  the emperor of the whole world.”[26]

Towards the close of his visit to Scotland, Whitefield re-opened
his correspondence with Wesley, the result of which was a perfect
reconciliation. From this time, their mutual regard and friendly
intercourse suffered no interruption, until Whitefield’s death,
twenty-eight years afterwards. The following is one of the letters
which, at this important period, passed between them:――

                                “EDINBURGH, _October 11, 1742_.

  “REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,――About ten days ago, I sent you a packet,
  by my dear wife, which I hope you will have received ere this
  comes to hand. Yesterday morning, I had your kind letter, dated
  October 5.

  “In answer to the first part of it, I say, ‘Let old things
  pass away, and all things become new.’ I can heartily say ‘Amen’
  to the latter part of it. ‘Let the king live for ever, and
  controversy die.’ It has died with me long ago.

  “I shall not leave Scotland in less than three weeks. Before
  yours came, I had engaged to go through Newcastle,[27] in my
  way to London. I rejoice to hear the Lord has blessed your dear
  brother’s labours.

  “I am enabled to preach twice daily, and find I walk in light
  and liberty continually. I thank you, dear sir, for praying for
  me, and thank our common Lord for putting it into your heart so
  to do. I have been upon my knees praying for you and yours. O
  that nothing but love, lowliness, and simplicity may be among
  us! The work is still increasing in Scotland. Dear friend, my
  soul is on fire. O let us not fall out in the way! Let us bear
  with one another in love. God be praised! for giving you such a
  mind. My kind love to all who love the Lord Jesus in sincerity.
  In much haste, and with great thanks for your last letter,
  I subscribe myself, reverend and very dear sir, your most
  affectionate, though younger, brother in the gospel of our
  glorious Emmanuel,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

Before leaving Scotland, Whitefield made three collections for his
Orphan House. In the park, at Edinburgh, on October 6, his congregation
gave him the noble sum of £128 10s. 7d.;[28] and, on another occasion,
they contributed £44. At Glasgow, also, the public collection and
private donations amounted to the same sum as the first collection
in Edinburgh, making £300 in all. Even the liberality of his friends
excited the anger of his enemies. The _Scots’ Magazine_ sneeringly
remarked (pp. 459, 464):――

  “By his affecting comments on the widow’s throwing her two mites
  into the treasury, many, who live on charity, have literally
  given him the whole of their living, and been obliged to beg
  their next meal. At his diets for collecting, when he has raised
  the passions of his audience by a suitable sermon, his next
  care is to ply them while in a right frame. For this purpose,
  he makes his last prayer very short; thereafter pronounces the
  blessing without singing psalms; and then immediately falls a
  collecting, in which he shews great dexterity.”



                        _IN ENGLAND AND WALES._

                     NOVEMBER 1742 TO AUGUST 1744.


WHITEFIELD left Scotland on November 1st, 1742; and arrived in
London five days afterwards. He now resumed his ministry in his
wooden Tabernacle, where, for some time past, Howell Harris had been
officiating as his substitute. One of his first letters, in London, was
addressed to his friend Habersham.

                                  “LONDON, _November 12, 1742_.

  “MY DEAREST FRIEND AND BROTHER IN A CRUCIFIED JESUS,――How do
  I long to come over to see you, and the rest of my dear family!
  The cloud seems now to be moving towards America. I trust I
  shall be with you in a few months.

  “The Lord did wonderful things for me and His people in Scotland.
  The concern expressed at my departure was unspeakable. I rode
  post from Edinburgh, and came here, in rather less than five
  days, on Saturday last.

  “There seems to be a new awakening in London. We have been
  obliged to enlarge the Tabernacle. Dear Brother Harris has been
  sent with a sweet, searching commission. Brother Cennick is much
  blessed in Wiltshire. The word runs and is glorified in Wales.
  God is raising some fresh witnesses of the power of His dear
  Son’s blood in Gloucestershire. Blessed are the eyes which see
  the things that we see.

  “The collections in Scotland were large. In Edinburgh, I
  collected £128 at one time, and £44 at another; and in Glasgow,
  about £128, with private donations. Blessed be God! I owe
  nothing now in England on the Orphan-house account; what is due
  is abroad. I think, since I have been in England, we have got
  near £1500. The Lord will provide what we want further. Glory be
  to His name!

  “My wife lies now very weak. She was tossed for ten days in her
  voyage from Scotland. The ship was in imminent danger, but the
  Lord gave her much of His presence. I trust she will be ready
  shortly for another voyage.”

Whitefield spent nearly four months in London. His congregations, of
course, were very large, and, in another respect, were remarkable. His
friend Wesley was pre-eminently and almost exclusively the poor man’s
preacher. It was otherwise with Whitefield. During the winter of 1742,
the Earl and Countess of Huntingdon were constant in their attendance
upon his ministry, and were often accompanied by his lordship’s sisters,
the Ladies Hastings. Occasionally, Sarah, Duchess of Marlborough,
and Catherine, Duchess of Buckingham, two of the most celebrated and
remarkable women of their day, were among his hearers; so also was
Lord Lonsdale, who had been one of the lords of the bedchamber, and
constable of the tower. Charles, third Duke of Bolton; Lord Hervey, who
had distinguished himself as an orator in both houses of Parliament,
and who had held the offices of vice-chamberlain, and keeper of the
privy-seal; and Lord Sidney Beauclerk, fifth son of the Duke of St.
Albans, were likewise numbered among the young preacher’s auditors.
Yea, even royalty itself, in the persons of William Augustus, Duke
of Cumberland, youngest son of George II., and his brother Frederick,
Prince of Wales, helped to swell some of Whitefield’s congregations.[29]

This is a remarkable fact, and, perhaps, may be partly accounted for
by the favour with which Whitefield had been honoured by some of the
aristocracy of Scotland. Between him and them a warm friendship had
been created; and there can hardly be a doubt that this helped to
secure him the attention of not a few of the nobility of England. As
shewing his Christian intimacy with persons of distinguished rank in
Scotland, the following letters, written within a fortnight after his
arrival in London, will be useful. The first was addressed to Lady
Frances Gardiner, the wife of the celebrated colonel.

                                  “LONDON, _November 13, 1742_.

  “HONOURED MADAM,――Mindful of my promise, which I made before I
  left Edinburgh, I now steal a few moments to send your ladyship
  a letter of thanks. I trust it will find you sitting under the
  Redeemer’s shadow with great delight. It rejoiced me when I
  heard that God had blessed my unworthy ministry, to recover your
  ladyship from a state of darkness and spiritual desertion. Glory,
  glory be to rich, free, and sovereign grace! I trust you will
  now be kept in the love of God, and that no idol will interpose
  between you and the Redeemer. I hope the dear Colonel is now in
  his proper place, and that you can think of him without anxiety
  or distracting care. This is that freedom wherewith Jesus Christ
  makes us free: to love all things in Him, and for Him, and to
  love Him above all. Thus we have peace and joy. Whenever we
  deviate from it, we fall into darkness and distress of soul.

  “We have blessed seasons in London. O who can express the
  loving-kindness of the Lord, or shew forth all His praise? We
  beg your prayers; and wishing you and your honoured Colonel all
  manner of prosperity, I am, etc.,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

The following also was addressed to a titled lady in Edinburgh:――

                                  “LONDON, _November 13, 1742_.

  “I hope this will find you a very poor sinner, sitting at the
  feet of Jesus. If I mistake not, your soul is athirst for God,
  yea, to be filled with all the fulness of God. Go on, dear madam.
  God will satisfy all your desires. He has promised, and He will
  perform. There is no end of His goodness.

  “I believe your ladyship will hear shortly from Mr. Harris.
  He is a dear soul, and left London on Thursday last, full of
  simplicity and love. The work goes on bravely in Wales, and
  elsewhere. Surely it is the midnight cry. Surely the Bridegroom
  is coming. Methinks I hear your ladyship say, ‘Then I will make
  ready to go forth to meet Him.’ That you may be always ready to
  obey the most sudden call, is the hearty prayer of, etc.,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

The next was written to one of the Scottish nobles:――

                                  “LONDON, _November 15, 1742_.

  “MY LORD,――My departure from Edinburgh was very sudden, and
  it was but a few days before I left, that I heard of your
  lordship’s illness. I have not been unmindful of you, and I
  trust, that, in answer to prayer, our Lord has rebuked your
  fever, and that this will find you risen and ministering unto
  Him. How apt are we, when in health, to follow Jesus afar off,
  and to fall into a Laodicæan spirit. May this sickness be a
  means of drawing you nearer to God!

  “I am now in my winter quarters, preparing for a fresh campaign.
  Happy they who fight under the Redeemer’s banner!”

Whitefield’s “fresh campaign” included more than preaching. He lived in
troublous times, and needed both “the sword and trowel.” Affairs in New
England made him anxious. Hence the following to the Rev. Dr. Colman,
of Boston:――

                                  “LONDON, _November 18, 1742_.

  “REV. AND DEAR SIR,――The confusion in New England has given me
  concern; but our Lord will over-rule all for good. When I shall
  come to Boston, the Lord Jesus only knows. I believe it will
  not be long. I find I shall come in perilous times; but the
  all-gracious Saviour, who has helped me hitherto, will guide me
  by His counsel, and give me a true scriptural zeal. How hard it
  is to keep in the true narrow path, when speaking for the Lord
  Jesus! God preserve me, and all His ministers, from defending
  His truths and cause in our own, or under the influence of a
  false spirit! It destroys the cause we would defend. In Scotland,
  there have been, as yet, but few of the disorders complained
  of amongst you; but, as the work increases, I suppose, the
  stratagems of the enemy will increase also. This is my
  comfort――Jesus reigns.”

The Rev. John Meriton was encountering bitter opposition in the Isle of
Man, and wished for Whitefield’s advice respecting his going to Georgia.
Whitefield’s answer was as follows:――

                                  “LONDON, _November 19, 1742_.

  “REV. AND DEAR SIR,――If the Lord has given you more zeal, I
  wonder not that you meet with more opposition. However, I would
  not have you rash or over-hasty in leaving the Isle of Man.
  Wait; continue instant in prayer; and you shall see the salvation
  of God. I have not heard from my family abroad for some time,
  and cannot give you any determinate answer about your going to
  Georgia, because I know not how their affairs stand. God will
  yet shew you what He would have you to do. Even so, Lord Jesus.
  Amen and amen!”

From New England and the Isle of Man, the reader must follow Whitefield
to the principality of Wales. One of the Methodist Exhorters there
had been indicted for holding a conventicle. Whitefield’s services
were solicited on behalf of this luckless brother. He, at once, opened
a correspondence with the Bishop of Bangor, on the subject; and the
following is one of the letters that passed between them:――

                                  “LONDON, _November 19, 1742_.

  “MY LORD,――I received your lordship’s letter this evening. It
  confirmed me in the character given me of your lordship’s spirit.
  I verily believe you abhor everything that has a tendency to
  persecution; and yet, in my humble opinion, if Mr. C―――― is not
  somewhat redressed, he is persecuted.

  “My Lord, the whole of the matter seems to be this: In Wales,
  they have fellowship meetings, where some well-meaning people
  meet together, simply to tell what God has done for their souls.
  In some of these meetings, I believe, Mr. C―――― used to tell
  his experience, and to invite his companions to come and be
  happy in Jesus Christ. He is, therefore, indicted as holding
  a conventicle; and I find this is the case of one, if not two,
  more.

  “Now, my Lord, as far as I can judge, these persons, thus
  indicted, are loyal subjects of his Majesty, and true friends of
  the Church of England service, and attendants upon it. You will
  see, by the enclosed letters, how unwilling they are to leave
  the Church; and yet, if the Acts, made against persons meeting
  together to plot against Church and State, be put in execution
  against them, what must they do? They must be obliged to declare
  themselves Dissenters. I assure your lordship, it is a critical
  time in Wales. Hundreds, if not thousands, will go in a body
  from the Church, if such proceedings are countenanced. I lately
  wrote them a letter, dissuading them from separating from
  the Church; and I write thus to your lordship, because of the
  excellent spirit of moderation discernible in your lordship, and
  because I would not have (to use your lordship’s own expression)
  ‘such a fire kindled in or from your diocese.’”

Whitefield found it necessary to appeal to another bishop of the
English Church. John Cennick was one of Whitefield’s preachers in as
full a sense as Thomas Maxfield was one of Wesley’s, and had as great
a claim upon Whitefield’s sympathy and support, as the itinerants of
Wesley had upon him. John Cennick was now in trouble. Though he had
occasionally preached in London, Bristol, Kingswood, and elsewhere,
his labours had been principally devoted to the county of Wilts. His
first sermon, in the county, was preached in the street of Castlecombe,
on July 16, 1740; and, before long, he formed himself a preaching
circuit, consisting of Lyneham, Chippenham, Avon, Langley, Hullavington,
Malmsbury, Littleton-Drew, Foxham, Brinkworth, Stratton, Somerford,
Tytherton, Swindon, and other places. He had many adventures, and some
of them serious ones. In the month of June, 1741, accompanied by Howell
Harris and twenty-four other friends, all on horseback, he went to
Swindon, and began to sing and pray; but, before he could begin to
preach, the mob, he writes, “fired guns over our heads, holding the
muzzles so near our faces, that Howell Harris and myself were both made
as black as tinkers with the powder. We were not affrighted, but opened
our breasts, telling them we were ready to lay down our lives for our
doctrine. They then got dust out of the highway, and covered us all
over; and then played an engine upon us, which they filled out of the
stinking ditches. While they played upon brother Harris, I preached;
and, when they turned the engine upon me, he preached. This continued
till they spoiled the engine; and then they threw whole buckets of
water and mud over us. Mr. Goddard, a leading gentleman of the town,
lent the mob his guns, halberd, and engine, and bade them use us as
badly as they could, only not to kill us; and he himself sat on
horseback the whole time, laughing to see us thus treated. After we
left the town, they dressed up two images, and called one Cennick,
and the other Harris, and then burnt them. The next day, they gathered
about the house of Mr. Lawrence, who had received us, and broke all his
windows with stones, cut and wounded four of his family, and knocked
down one of his daughters.”

Within three months after this, Cennick was again in peril. While
preaching at Stratton, the Swindon mob arrived, with “swords, staves,
and poles.” Cennick writes:――“Without respect to age or sex, they
knocked down all who stood in their way, so that some had blood
streaming down their faces, and others were taken up almost beaten and
trampled to death. Many of our dear friends were cut and bruised sadly;
and I got many severe blows myself.”

Notwithstanding, however, this brutal opposition, Cennick’s labours
were successful. He formed several Societies. At Brinkworth, in the
month of August, 1741, he began to build his first meeting-house. “On
Monday, October 25, 1742,” he writes, “I bought the house and land at
Tytherton, where now our chapel is built; and, on Sunday, November 14,
I preached the first time there, after we had taken down several lofts
at one end of the house, in order to make room.”[30]

Cennick continues, “Two days after this, we were sadly misused at
Langley-Burrell. The rude people, besides making a noise, cut the
clothes of the congregation, threw aquafortis on them, and pelted
them with cow-dung.”

In the midst of all this, Cennick wrote to Whitefield, as follows:――

  “Last Tuesday, at Langley, several persons came, casting great
  stones at the windows of the house where we worshipped, and
  hallooed to each other to disturb us with their noise. They then
  blamed each other for not dragging me out of the pulpit, and
  pulling the house to pieces. At last, they laboured very hard
  in gathering dirt and filth, which they continued to throw at us
  till we finished. Not content with this, they laid wait for us
  in the fields and lanes, and pelted us as we passed on our way.
  They cut the clothes of some of the Society with scissors, and
  pushed them into brooks and ditches.

  “The persecutions in these villages seem to increase in
  proportion as the work goes on. The ministers and parish
  officers threaten to famish the poor ‘Cennickers.’ Their threats
  have prevailed with some, while others tell them, ‘If you
  starve us, we will go’ to the meetings; ‘and rather than we will
  forbear, we will eat grass like the kine.’”[31]

Such was poor Cennick’s plight. First of all, Whitefield wrote to him
a letter of consolation:――

                                  “LONDON, _November 20, 1742_.

  “MY VERY DEAR BROTHER,――Your letter did not surprise me at all,
  though it made me look up to the Lord for you. I believed you
  would be down in the valley of humiliation soon; but, fear not;
  it is only that you may be the more exalted. I trust this will
  find you mounting on wings like an eagle; walking, yet not weary;
  running, yet not faint. God does and will remarkably appear for
  you. Doubtless you are His servant and minister. He, therefore,
  that touches you, touches the apple of God’s eye. Poor Wiltshire
  people! I pity them. If I knew their bishop, I would apply to
  him. I wrote to the Bishop of Bangor for our brethren in Wales,
  and have received a very favourable answer. The wrath of man
  shall turn to God’s praise, and the remainder of it He will
  restrain.”

Dr. Sherlock was the bishop in whose diocese Cennick’s “Wiltshire
circuit” was situated. Sherlock, as every one knows, was eminent for
his learning, and yet more eminent for his piety. The prelate had no
power to punish the mob for their riotous proceedings; but he had power
to rebuke his persecuting clergy; and, hence, Whitefield wrote to him
as follows:――

                                  “LONDON, _November 30, 1742_.

  “MY LORD,――I beg your lordship’s pardon for troubling you with
  this. I believe you will not be offended when you know the cause.

  “There is one Mr. Cennick, a true lover of Jesus Christ, who has
  been much honoured in bringing many poor sinners in Wiltshire
  to the knowledge of themselves and of God. He is a member of
  the Church of England; but is sadly opposed by the clergy in
  Wiltshire, as well as by many who will come to hear him preach.

  “In a letter, dated November 16, from Foxham, he writes thus:
  ‘The ministers of Bremhill, Seagry, Langley, and many others,
  have strictly forbidden the churchwardens and overseers to let
  any of the _Cennickers_ have anything out of the parish; and
  they obey them, and tell the poor, if they cannot stop them from
  following me, they will famish them. Several of the poor, who
  have great families, have already been denied any help. Some of
  the people, out of fear, have denied they ever came; and others
  have been made to promise they will come no more; whilst the
  most part come at the loss of friends and all they have. When
  the officers threatened some of them to take away their pay,
  they answered, “If you starve us, we will go; and rather than
  we will forbear, we will live upon grass like the kine.”’

  “In another letter, I received from Mr. Cennick last night, he
  writes thus: ‘I should be glad if you could mention the cruelty
  of the ministers of Bremhill and Seagry to the Bishop of Sarum.
  Indeed, their doings are inhuman. The cry of the people, because
  of their oppression, is very great.’

  “In compliance with my dear friend’s request, I presume to lay
  the matter, as he represents it, before your lordship; being
  persuaded that you will not favour persecuting practices, or
  approve of such proceedings to keep people to the Church of
  England. Should this young man leave the Church, hundreds would
  leave it with him. But I know, that, at present, he has no such
  design. If your lordship pleases to give me leave, I would wait
  upon you, upon the least notice. Or, if your lordship is pleased
  to send a line into Wiltshire, to know the truth of the matter,
  and judge accordingly, it will satisfy your lordship’s most
  obedient son and servant,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

The effect of Whitefield’s letter is not known; but, twelve days after
it was written, Cennick says, in his diary: “On Sunday, December 12th,
a servant of farmer Rogers, of Tytherton, daubed the gates and stiles
our people had to pass over with dung and tar; and, by this means, many
had their clothes entirely spoiled.”

At present, nothing need be added respecting Cennick’s circuit.
Whitefield visited it a few months afterwards, and met with some
memorable adventures.

Of course, wherever he was, the Orphan House in Georgia occupied
Whitefield’s attention and time. The clergyman at Savannah, on account
of whom the chaplain and the surgeon of the Orphan House had been
imprisoned, was now dead; and, further, a fatal disease was prevalant
among the colonists. Addressing the secretary of the Trustees of
Georgia, Whitefield writes:――

                                  “LONDON, _November 20, 1742_.

  “Another distress is come upon poor Georgia. A violent sickness
  rages, and has taken off many. My letters say, the Orphan-house
  surgeon had fifty patients under his care. This, I trust, will
  more and more convince the Honourable Trustees, of what benefit
  the Orphan House is, and will be, to the colony.

  “I hear that Mr. O――――, the minister of Savannah, is dead. I
  know one Mr. Meriton, a clergyman in the Isle of Man, who would
  go and supply his place, if he were applied to. I believe, the
  Bishop of Sodor and Man will give him a recommendation. You
  may acquaint the Honourable Trustees with this, and let me know
  their answer.[32]

  “I hope, in about two months, to embark for Georgia. I find, God
  has given my family a good crop; but the hands are sick, so they
  cannot speedily carry it in.”

Of course, the greatest orphanage of the time was the one founded
by Augustus Hermann Francke, at Halle, in Germany, in which he made
provision for two thousand children. Besides providing for their
sustenance, he established, on their behalf, a large library, and a
museum of natural curiosities; and also commenced a printing office,
and furnished it with the means of printing books in numerous languages.
Fifteen years ago, Professor Francke had died, at the age of sixty-five,
regretted by all classes in Germany, and extolled for the noble
services which he had rendered to his country, and to the world. His
son was his successor, and to him Whitefield addressed the following
letter:――

                                  “LONDON, _November 24, 1742_.

  “REV. SIR,――I have long designed writing to you, but have always
  been prevented. I can now defer no longer; for, though I never
  saw you in the flesh, I highly esteem you, and wish you much
  prosperity in the work of the Lord.

  “Your honoured father’s memory is very precious to me. His
  account of the Orphan House has been a great support and
  encouragement to me in a like undertaking. The account, sent
  with this, will inform you how it prospers. Hitherto, it has
  answered its motto, and has been like the burning bush, on fire,
  but not consumed. About January next, God willing, I intend to
  embark. In the meanwhile, I should be glad to know how it is
  with your Orphan House; and whether you have any commands for
  Georgia.”

Whitefield’s work was multifarious in its character; but his great
employment was testifying the gospel of the grace of God. He had no
idle moments; but his highest ambition was to save the souls of his
fellow-men. Hence the following:――

                                    “LONDON, _December 4, 1742_.

  “Vile and unfaithful as I am, my Master lets me have my hands
  full of work. From morning till midnight, I am employed;
  and I am carried through the duties of each day with almost
  uninterrupted tranquillity. Our Society[33] is large, but in
  good order, and we make improvements daily.”

                                    “LONDON, _December 9, 1742_.

  “I am never so much in my element as when I preach free grace
  to the chief of sinners. I am much blessed here. We have many
  gracious souls. Ere long, I must leave them.”

                                  “LONDON, _December 18, 1742_.

  “The 16th of this month was my birthday. It made me blush
  to think how much sin I have committed against God, and how
  little good I have done for Him. I am now in my winter quarters,
  preparing for a fresh campaign. Our Society goes on well. Though
  I richly deserve it, our infinitely condescending Jesus will not
  lay me aside, until He has performed all His good pleasure by me.”

It is a fact of great importance, and which must always be borne
in mind, that, notwithstanding the excitement in which he lived,
Whitefield habitually cultivated his own personal religion. The
following extracts from letters, written at this period, beautifully
illustrate this momentous matter.

His old friend, the Rev. Benjamin Ingham, by his powerful preaching,
had formed fifty Religious Societies in Yorkshire and Lancashire,
and had recently placed them under the care of Moravian ministers.
Whitefield now wrote to him as follows:――

                                  “LONDON, _December 21, 1742_.

  “To-day, I dined with old Mr. F――――, and was kindly entertained
  by him and his wife. I remembered what sweet counsel you and I
  had taken there together; and I rejoiced in the happy prospect
  of our being, before long, with our blessed and glorious Lord.
  My brother, what has our Saviour done for us since that time?
  What is He doing now? What did He do before time began? What
  will He do when time shall be no more? O how sweet it is to be
  melted down with a sense of redeeming love! O to be always kept
  low at the feet of Jesus! It is right, my brother, to insist on
  poverty of spirit. I know what a dreadful thing it is to carry
  much sail without proper ballast. Joy, floating upon the surface
  of an unmortified heart, is but of short continuance. It puffs
  up, but does not edify. I thank our Saviour, that He is shewing
  us here more of our hearts and more of His love. I doubt not but
  He deals so with you. I heartily greet your dear household,[34]
  and your Societies. If our Saviour gave me leave, I would gladly
  come to Yorkshire; but the cloud points towards Georgia.”

Colonel Gardiner was still with his regiment in Flanders, and to him
Whitefield wrote the following:――

                                  “LONDON, _December 21, 1742_.

  “HONOURED SIR,――Your kind letter put me in mind of righteous Lot,
  whose soul was grieved, day by day, at the ungodly conversation
  of the wicked. It was the same with holy David. His eyes, like
  yours, gushed out with water, because men kept not God’s law.
  Your situation and employment cannot be very agreeable to a
  disciple of the Prince of Peace. I cannot say, I would change
  posts. Indeed, honoured sir, I think mine is a glorious employ.
  I am not ashamed of my Master, though my Master may well be
  ashamed of me. I know no other reason why Jesus has put me
  into the ministry, than because I am the chief of sinners, and,
  therefore, fittest to preach free grace to a world lying in the
  wicked one. Blessed be God! He gives much success. I am often
  ashamed that I can do no more for that Jesus who has redeemed
  me by His own most precious blood. O that I could lie lower!
  Then should I rise higher. Could I take deeper root downwards,
  I should bear more fruit upwards. I want to be poor in spirit.
  I want to be meek and lowly in heart. I want to have the whole
  mind that was in Christ. O that my heart were Christ’s library!
  I would not have one thief to lodge in my Redeemer’s temple.”

To a titled lady in Scotland, he wrote:――

                                  “LONDON, _December 23, 1742_.

  “The Lord empties before He fills; humbles before He exalts.
  At least, He is pleased to deal thus with me. I thank Him for
  it, from my inmost soul; for were it not so, His mercies would
  destroy us. When I discover a new corruption, I am as thankful
  as a sentinel, keeping watch in a garrison, would be at spying a
  straggling enemy come near him. I stand not fighting with it in
  my own strength, but run immediately and tell the Captain of my
  salvation. By the sword of the Spirit, He soon destroys it. This
  is what I call a simple looking to Christ. I know of no other
  effectual way of keeping the old man down. Look up then, dear
  madam, to a wounded Saviour. Tell Him your whole heart. Go to
  Him as a little child. He will hear your lisping, and set your
  soul at liberty.”

The Rev. James Hervey had told Whitefield, that his “Journals and
Sermons, especially the sweet sermon upon ‘What think ye of Christ?’”
had been “a means of bringing him to a knowledge of the truth.”[35]
In reply, Whitefield wrote to him as follows:――

                                  “LONDON, _December 23, 1742_.

  “MY DEAR BROTHER HERVEY,――I thank you for your kind and very
  agreeable letter. It was refreshing to my soul, and stirred me
  to give thanks on your behalf. O my dear brother, I hope nothing
  will deter you from preaching the glad tidings of salvation
  to a world lying in the wicked one. I would not but be a poor
  despised minister of Jesus Christ for ten thousand worlds. Go
  on, thou man of God; and may the Lord cause thy bow to abide in
  strength! I should be glad to come, and shoot some gospel arrows
  in Devonshire;[36] but the cloud seems now to point towards
  America. Blessed be God! for making any of my poor writings of
  use to you. If I did not proclaim free grace, the stones would
  cry out against me. Whilst I am writing, the fire kindles.
  This fire has been, of late, kindled in many hearts. Our large
  Society goes on well. We have many who walk in the comforts of
  the Holy Ghost. I hear of glorious things from various parts. I
  hope, ere long, we shall hear of persons going from post to post,
  and crying, ‘Babylon is fallen! Babylon is fallen!’ I trust you,
  my dear sir, will be made a happy instrument, in the Mediator’s
  kingdom, of pulling down Satan’s strongholds. Pray write me word,
  how the war is going on between Michael and the Dragon. For the
  present, adieu!”

Methodism was prospering in Wales; but it needed organization. In a
letter, sent to Whitefield shortly before his departure from Scotland,
Howell Harris wrote: “The people are wounded by scores, and flock
under the word by thousands.” Though the movement was pre-eminently,
if not exclusively, a Church of England one, yet, Dissenters in Wales
were already somewhat numerous. In Carnarvonshire, there was one
congregation; in Denbighshire, there were three; in Flintshire, one; in
Merionethshire, one; in Montgomeryshire, five; in Radnorshire, eight;
in Cardiganshire, ten; in Pembrokeshire, nine; in Carmarthenshire,
about twenty; in Brecknockshire, ten; in Glamorganshire, twenty-three;
and in Monmouthshire, thirteen. Some of the ministers of these
congregations were men of mark. John Thomas, in Carnarvonshire, was
“an humble, meek, and serious man,” and a good preacher. Lewis Rees,
in Merionethshire, was “a very godly man, exceedingly well gifted in
prayer, and also frequent in it.” Philip Pugh, in Cardiganshire, was
“noted for his uncommon piety, diligence, and success.” Henry Palmer,
in Carmarthenshire, was “an Apollos in the Scriptures, and very pious.”
James Davies, in Glamorganshire, was remarkable “for his industry, and
for his gifts in preaching and prayer, especially the latter;” Lewis
Jones, “for his seriousness, popularity, and excellent utterance;” and
Henry Davies, “for devoutness and affectionate piety.”[37]

There were, at least, ten Methodist clergymen in Wales, including
Daniel Rowlands, Rector of Llangeitho; Howell Davies,[38] Rector of
Prengast; Thomas Lewis, a curate near Brecon; William Williams, curate
of Lanwithid; John Hodges, Rector of Wenvoe; and his curate, Thomas
Sweetly.[39] There were also a large number of lay-preachers, including
Howell Harris, Herbert Jenkins, J. Beaumont, J. Lewis, J. Jones,
R. Tibbut, John Richards, to say nothing of John Cennick and Joseph
Humphreys, who were occasional visitors.

For want of rules and order, there had been occasional collisions among
these godly and earnest men. To prevent this, in the future, the first
Calvinistic Methodist Conference was held at Waterford, in South Wales,
on January 5, 1743. The conference consisted of four clergymen――George
Whitefield, Daniel Rowlands, J. Powell, and William Williams; and of
three lay-preachers――Howell Harris, Joseph Humphreys, and John Cennick.
Whitefield was elected moderator. The decisions were: 1. That the
lay-preachers should be divided into two classes――Superintendents and
Exhorters; and that Howell Harris should be their general overseer.
2. That each superintendent should have a certain district in which to
labour. 3. That the ordained clergymen should visit the “districts,”
or circuits, as far as they were able. 4. That the Exhorters should be
arranged in two divisions,――public and private. 5. That Messrs. Jenkins,
Beaumont, James, J. Lewis, B. Thomas, and J. Jones should be the Public
Exhorters; and that certain brethren, whose names were mentioned,
should be the Private Exhorters. 6. That the Private Exhorters should
“inspect only one or two Societies each, and should follow their
ordinary calling.” 7. That none should be received into the Association,
as Exhorters, but such as were “tried and approved of.” And, 8. That
no one should “go beyond his present limits without previous advice and
consultation.”

At a monthly meeting, held soon afterwards, the boundaries of each
circuit were fixed; and it was further agreed: 1. That all _public_
exhorters should have about twelve or fourteen Societies to overlook,
with the _assistance_ of the _private_ exhorters, twice a month.
2. That T. Williams should be the superintendent of the Societies in
the vale of Glamorgan and in part of Monmouthshire. 3. That J. Lewis
should be the superintendent of part of Monmouthshire and part of
Breconshire. 4. T. Jones, of “parts of Monmouthshire and the other side
of the Passage.” 5. T. James, of parts of Breconshire and Radnorshire.
6. And J. Jones, of Herefordshire and a part of Radnorshire. 7. That
J. Beaumont and H. Jenkins should assist Howell Harris in visiting all
the Societies in Wales and England. And, 8. That the associations or
conferences of “ministers and exhorters in England and Wales should be
held every half-year.”[40]

Thus was founded Calvinistic Methodism. For a brief period, Whitefield
was its chief; and the Tabernacle, London, was its principal seat of
government.

It is a notable fact, that the first Calvinistic Methodist Association
was held eighteen months before Wesley held his first Methodist
Conference in London. How far the one gave birth to the other, it is
impossible to determine; but, at the beginning, the two organizations
strongly resembled each other. Howell Harris was the general overseer
in Wales, as Wesley was in England. The Welsh “superintendents”
corresponded to Wesley’s “assistants;” the “public exhorters” occupied
the same position as Wesley’s itinerants; and the “private exhorters”
exactly answered to Wesley’s local preachers.

This is not the place for a history of the Calvinistic Methodist
Connexion; but, it may be added, that, in 1870, the Welsh Calvinistic
Methodists had 1,126 chapels and preaching places; 1,031 societies;
92,735 communicants; 419 ministers; 354 local preachers; 3,321 deacons;
18,579 Sunday-schoolteachers; and 143,946 Sunday-school scholars. The
cost of their chapel property was estimated, at the census of 1851, at
nearly a million sterling.

After finishing the business of the first conference of the Calvinistic
Methodists in Wales, Whitefield returned to London, and, for some
unstated reason, abandoned his intention of immediately setting sail
for Georgia. Perhaps this change of purpose was occasioned by the
duties imposed upon him as moderator of the newly organised body, or
perhaps, the cause was a domestic one; for Whitefield, a few months
later, became a father.

Meanwhile, his fellow-labourers in Wales kept him well informed of
their proceedings. Hence the following:――

                                            “_February 2, 1743._

  “MY DEAREST, DEAREST BROTHER WHITEFIELD,――We met to-day,
  according to appointment, and had a most heavenly Association. I
  trust the work goes on sweetly everywhere. In most places, there
  is a general, fresh, and uncommon stirring. Many come anew under
  convictions, and old worldly professors and backsliders return.
  Never before did I feel such power given me in preaching, and in
  administering the Lord’s supper. The Lord comes down among us in
  such a manner as words cannot describe. To prevent nature mixing
  with the work, I have openly discountenanced all crying out;
  but God gives such light and power in the ordinance, that many
  cannot help praising and adoring Jesus. Thus I was obliged to
  leave my whole congregation, consisting of many hundreds, in a
  flame――the one catching it from the other. This is our condition
  generally every Sabbath. I trust the exhorters move, for the
  most part, very properly, and that every one is owned in his
  place.

                                    “I am, etc.,

                                          “DANIEL ROWLANDS.”[41]

Ten days later, Howell Harris wrote to Whitefield, as follows:――

                                          “_February 12, 1743._

  “With us, the work everywhere goes on more and more sweetly.
  I trust we shall have good order. The exhorters shew a very
  tractable spirit; each observes his place; and we have sweet
  harmony and love. Great power attends the ministers and
  exhorters in their several places. The Lord greatly blesses
  brother Herbert Jenkins. He is universally liked, and called
  for; and, unless his call be exceeding clear to Wiltshire, I do
  not think he ought to go, except it were occasionally. Perhaps,
  my brethren Beaumont, T. James, Jenkins, and myself, may
  alternately visit our English brethren, if we are called for,
  and see that our Saviour blesses us there.

  “Since I left you, I have been able to visit the Societies in
  every place where I have been. My dear Lord favours me with
  continual employment every day, and gives me strength of body.
  In some places, He blesses us with His presence in a wonderful
  manner. He sometimes gives great freedom to pray for the bishops
  and clergy. Brother T. Lewis, the young clergyman near Brecon,
  comes on gloriously and powerfully, and has sweet union with
  us. He will be a shining light. The work in Cardiganshire
  is uncommon. I hope to be there in about a fortnight. I am
  now going towards Montgomery and Radnorshire. On the 1st
  of March, we are to have another Association at Llandovery,
  Carmarthenshire; from whence I hope to go to Pembrokeshire,
  and so to settle all the Societies against our next meeting at
  Waterford, where I trust our Lord will send you.

  “February 14. Since I wrote the above, I have seen brother W.
  Williams, on his return from brother Rowlands. He informed me of
  the enemy being let loose on them, while they were discoursing
  near the sea-side in Cardiganshire. A company of ruffians
  came upon them, armed with guns and staves, and beat them
  unmercifully; but they escaped without much hurt. The ruffians
  were set on by a gentleman of the neighbourhood. No wonder the
  enemy rages, when he sees his kingdom so attacked.

                                    “I am, etc.,

                                            “HOWELL HARRIS.”[42]

A fortnight afterwards, Harris wrote again to Whitefield:

                                              “_March 1, 1743._

  “MY DEAREST BROTHER WHITEFIELD,――Last Sunday, I was with
  brother Rowlands at the ordinance, where I saw, heard, and felt
  such things as I cannot communicate on paper. I never before
  witnessed such crying, heart-breaking groans, silent weeping,
  holy mourning, and shouts of joy and rejoicing. Their ‘Amens,’
  and crying of ‘Glory to God in the highest!’ would have inflamed
  your soul, had you been there. It is very common, when Mr.
  Rowlands preaches, for scores to fall down by the power of the
  word. Some lie there for hours; some praising and admiring Jesus
  Christ and free grace; others wanting words to express their
  feelings. Some fall down on their knees, praying and interceding
  for a long time together; others lie wounded under a sense of
  their having pierced Jesus, so that they can hardly bear it;
  others triumph over all their enemies; and others rejoice in
  hope of a clearer manifestation of God’s glory.

  “Mr. Rowlands’ congregations consist of above two thousand
  people, the greater part of whom are brought into glorious
  liberty. Many of them are scattered up and down the country, and,
  being exceedingly poor, they cannot come to that exact order and
  plan which you have in London. I see daily that what is right
  and much to edification in one place and among some people, is
  impracticable among others. We have left it to brother Rowlands
  to settle and unite the people in private bands, and we find
  the good effect of doing so. He provides some glorious souls to
  exhort and watch over them.

  “O my brother, my heart is full. I am sure God is about to do
  a great work in Wales. There is a revival everywhere. I believe
  you will be detained here by Jesus Christ a longer time than you
  think. There are eight counties open for you, and thirsting to
  hear you. Opposition ceases, and, I believe, you will have many
  churches opened to you, besides chapels. Some new houses for
  worship are being built. Beaumont is much owned in Radnorshire
  and Herefordshire.

                                    “I am, etc.,

                                            “HOWELL HARRIS.”[43]

No wonder that Whitefield went to Wales as soon as possible. On his
way, he spent a fortnight in Gloucester and the immediate neighbourhood.
The following letters, apparently to his friend Syms, are full of
interest:――

                                  “GLOUCESTER, _March 24, 1743_.

  “MY DEAR MAN,――An effectual door is opened in these parts. On
  Saturday night (March 19th), I preached here. The Lord was with
  me. On Sunday morning, I preached again in the barn. It was a
  sweet time to me and to the people. At noon, I preached at Mr.
  F――――r’s, on the hill, to a glorious auditory. Here Jesus Christ
  displayed His power. At four, I preached in a field near Stroud,
  to a congregation consisting of many, many thousands. Afterwards,
  I went to the new house at Hampton, and the glory of the Lord
  filled it. It is reported to be haunted; but the landlord spoke
  truly, when he said, we should pray the devil out of it. It is
  exceedingly commodious for our purpose.

  “On Monday, at noon, I preached in the courtyard to a large
  auditory. I also settled, in the name of Jesus of Nazareth, an
  orphan house. Particulars of that you shall have hereafter. It
  will be but of little expense. In the evening, the Lord gave me
  a sweet time at Pitchcomb.

  “On Tuesday, a man was hanged in chains on Hampton Common. A
  more miserable spectacle I have not seen. I preached, in the
  morning, to a great auditory, about a mile from the place of
  execution. I intended doing the same after the criminal was
  turned off, but the weather was very violent. Thousands and
  thousands came to hear me, but, through misinformation, stayed
  at the top of the hill, while I preached at the bottom. In the
  evening, I preached at Gloucester, in the barn.

  “On Wednesday, I preached at Gloucester-Ham, near the gallows,
  after another malefactor was turned off. God gave me to speak
  with power; but, the weather being violent, I was shorter than
  usual. In the evening, I preached again in the barn. It was a
  night much to be remembered.

  “This morning, I preached again, and am just now going to my
  evening lecture. To-morrow, I leave Gloucester for a few days.
  The Association is put off for a week, so I shall have more
  time in Gloucestershire. Never did I see people more hungry and
  simple. Many come telling me what the Lord did when I was here
  last. Let Him have all the glory! I am sure God called me here.

                                        “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”[44]

                                  “GLOUCESTER, _March 29, 1743_.

  “MY DEAR MAN,――Last Thursday evening, I preached at Gloucester,
  with as sweet, convincing, soul-edifying power as ever I felt
  in my life. The barn, though made more commodious, was quite
  crowded.

  “On Friday morning, I preached again; and, afterwards, went to
  Hampton, the snow falling and freezing on us all the way. In the
  evening, I preached at Chalford, upon walking with God.

  “On Saturday, I preached at Ruscom in the morning, and at
  King-Stanley in the afternoon. In the evening, I visited brother
  C――――’s sweet Society; and, afterwards, rode to Hampton. The
  congregations, on account of the weather, were not so great; but
  our Saviour most richly fed us. At Stanley, I thought I was on
  the very suburbs of heaven.

  “On Sunday morning, I preached at Dursley, where our dear
  brother Adams[45] had been taken down the Sunday before. No one
  was permitted to touch or affront me. The congregation consisted
  of some thousands, and the word came with a most gloriously
  convincing power. In the afternoon, I preached to about
  twelve thousand on Hampton Common, at what the people now call
  ‘Whitefield’s Tump,’ because I preached there first. They hung
  on me to hear the word. It ran and was glorified. In the evening,
  we had a most precious meeting with the two united Societies in
  the new house at Hampton.

  “On Monday, I preached at Painswick. It was a precious
  opportunity. From a little after one until near seven in the
  evening, I met the different classes of the Society here, and
  was much pleased with many of them. They grow, and will, I
  believe, be brought into good order.

  “Last night and this morning, I preached again with sweet power.
  Preaching here is now like preaching at the Tabernacle. This
  evening I am to preach again; and, after that, to hold our first
  lovefeast.

  “And now, my dear man, help me to be thankful, and to bless the
  Lord for all His mercies conferred on

                                        “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”[46]

For four days longer, Whitefield continued to preach twice a day;
and then, on the evening of Saturday, April 2, set out for Wales. The
following letter, also addressed to Mr. Syms, describes his journey:――

                      “WATERFORD (SOUTH WALES), _April 7, 1743_.

  “MY DEAR MAN,――I preached and took my leave of the Gloucester
  people on Saturday evening last. It was past one in the morning
  before I could lay down my weary body. I rose again at five;
  got on horseback, and rode to Mr. F――――’s; where, at seven, I
  preached to a sweet congregation, come [on Easter Sunday] to
  meet their risen Saviour. At ten, I read prayers, and preached
  from these words. ‘I am the resurrection and the life.’ I
  afterwards helped to administer the sacrament in Stonehouse
  church. Then I rode to Stroud, where I preached to about twelve
  thousand, in Mrs. G――――’s field. Much of the Divine presence was
  there. About six in the evening, I preached to a like number on
  Hampton Common; and, after this, I went to Hampton, and held a
  general lovefeast with the united Societies there. I went to bed
  about midnight, very cheerful and very happy.

  “On Monday morning, I preached near Dursley, to some thousands,
  with great convictions accompanying the word. About seven in the
  evening, I reached Bristol, and preached, with wonderful power,
  to a full congregation, at Smith’s Hall; and afterwards spent
  the evening very agreeably with dear Mr. Chapman, of Bath, and
  some other friends.

  “On Tuesday morning, I preached again to a full congregation;
  and then set out for this place, where we arrived at about eight
  in the evening.

  “On Wednesday, at noon, I opened the Association, with a close
  and solemn discourse upon walking with God. The brethren and
  people felt much of the Divine presence. Afterwards, we betook
  ourselves to business. Several matters of great importance were
  dispatched. We broke up about seven, and met again at ten, and
  continued settling the affairs of the Societies till two in the
  morning.

  “On Thursday, we sat again till four in the afternoon. Then,
  after taking refreshment, I preached upon ‘The Believer’s Rest,’
  after which we went on with our business, and finished our
  Association about midnight.

  “I am chosen, if in England, to be always moderator. I trust
  our Saviour gives me a spirit for it. I find, more and more, the
  Lord will lead me in a way by Himself, and will perform in me
  and by me all the good pleasure of His will. Dear Brother Harris,
  in my absence, is to be moderator.

  “The Brethren have put the Societies in Wales upon my heart. O
  pray that I may put them, and all my other concerns, upon the
  Mediator’s shoulders: those alone can bear them. Perhaps, in a
  month, I may come to London. It seems the will of the Lord, that
  I should stay in Wales about a fortnight, and take a tour into
  Pembrokeshire. Great doors are open there. Our Saviour keeps
  me very happy; and is, I believe, preparing me for greater
  blessings.

                          “I am, etc.,

                                        “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”[47]

Such is Whitefield’s own account of the second conference of the
Calvinistic Methodists,――a godly council, sitting till midnight one
day, and till two o’clock in the morning on another, and refreshing
themselves, in the midst of their business, with two warm-hearted
sermons, by the young man whom they had elected to be their moderator
as long as he lived. Whitefield’s sermon, preached at the opening of
the conference, has been published; but lack of space prevents the
insertion of even a mere outline of it. It is one of his best, and,
of course, has a slight Calvinistic tinge.

  “The in-being of sin,” said the preacher, “will never be totally
  removed, till we bow down our heads and give up the ghost. The
  apostle Paul, no doubt, speaks of himself, and that, too, not
  when he was a Pharisee, but a real Christian, when he complains,
  that, when he would do good, evil was present with him, not
  having dominion over him, but opposing and resisting his good
  intentions and actions, so that he could not do the things which
  he would, in that perfection which the new man desired. This
  is what he calls sin dwelling in him. But as for its prevailing
  power, it is destroyed in every soul that is truly born of God,
  and is gradually weakened as the believer grows in grace, and
  the Spirit of God gains a greater ascendancy in the heart.”

  “O prayer,” cried the impassioned preacher, in another part of
  his Conference sermon, “O prayer, prayer! it brings and keeps
  God and man together; it raises man up to God, and brings God
  down to man. If you would keep up your walk with God, pray, pray
  without ceasing. Be much in secret, set prayer. When you are
  about the common business of life, be much in ejaculatory prayer.
  Send, from time to time, short letters post to heaven, upon the
  wings of faith. They will reach the very heart of God, and will
  return to you loaded with blessings.”

With respect to that with which he was often charged, he justly
observed:――

  “Though it is the quintessence of enthusiasm, to pretend to be
  guided by the Spirit without the written Word, yet it is every
  Christian’s duty to be guided by the Spirit in conjunction with
  the written Word. Watch, therefore, I pray you, O believers,
  the motions of God’s blessed Spirit in your souls; and always
  try your suggestions or impressions by the unerring rule of
  God’s most holy Word. By observing this caution, you will
  steer a middle course between two dangerous extremes; I mean,
  _enthusiasm_ on the one hand, and _Deism_ and _downright
  infidelity_ on the other.”

On the subject of Christian fellowship, two sentences fell from his
lips, which Methodists of the present day will do well to ponder.

  “If we look into Church history, or make a just observation
  of our own times, I believe, we shall find, that, as the power
  of God prevails, Christian Societies and fellowship meetings
  prevail proportionately. And as one decays, the other insensibly
  decays and dwindles away at the same time.”

  “One word,” cried the preacher, “one word to my brethren in the
  ministry, and I have done. You see, my brethren, my heart is
  full; I could almost say it is too big to speak, and yet too big
  to be silent, without dropping a word to you. I observed at the
  beginning of this discourse, that, in all probability, Enoch was
  a public person, and a flaming preacher. Though he be dead, does
  he not speak to us, to quicken our zeal, and to make us more
  active in the service of our glorious and ever-blessed Master?
  How did Enoch preach? How did he walk with God? Let us follow
  him, as he followed Christ. The judge is before the door. He
  that cometh will come, and will not tarry. His reward is with
  Him; and, if we are zealous for the Lord of hosts, ere long, we
  shall shine as stars in the firmament, in the kingdom of our
  Father, for ever and ever.”

Whitefield himself has left no information respecting the business of
the Conference, except that he was chosen to be perpetual moderator,
and that, in his absence, Howell Harris was to be his substitute.
Fortunately, a manuscript book, containing the minutes of the
proceedings, has been preserved, and, from it, the following facts
are gleaned.

The clergymen present were Whitefield, W. Williams, T. Lewis, and
Howell Davies. The lay-preachers were Howell Harris, Herbert Jenkins,
T. James, J. Beaumont, T. Williams, J. Lewis, T. Adams, and Mr. Hughes.
Besides these, there was also present a Dissenting minister, whose name
is not recorded.

After going through the list of superintendents, exhorters, and
stewards, and making appointments for the several circuits, it was
further agreed, 1. That the superintendents should have liberty to
preach, not only in their own circuits, but, when journeying, elsewhere.
2. That “Howell Harris should be superintendent over Wales, and go
to England when called.” 3. That all persons, who thought they had a
call to be exhorters, should make application to one of “the monthly
Associations,” by whom “their gifts, graces, and call” should be
“closely examined.” If approved of, they were to be appointed, by the
“Association” examining them, to a suitable circuit; with the proviso,
that the “General Association” should be informed of the action that
had been taken. 4. That the superintendents should send an account of
what God had done, in their respective circuits, to London every month,
directed to Mr. J. Syms, Charles Square, Hoxton, for the minister of
the Tabernacle. 5. That each superintendent should keep a book, in
which he should write the names of his private exhorters, and also
the names of the members of his Societies; and that he should report
the state of each Society to the General Association. 6. That the
next Quarterly Association should be held at Trevecca, on the first
Wednesday after Midsummer-day. 7. That there should be a Monthly
Association in each of the counties of South Wales. 8. That the Monthly
Associations should consist of an ordained minister as a moderator, the
superintendent of the circuit, his assistants and private exhorters.
9. That a secretary should be chosen, for each monthly meeting, to
enter in a book minutes of the proceedings. 10. That each meeting
should begin and end with prayer and exhortation. 11. That private
exhorters should not send notices of preaching to any place; but
should speak in any private house, to the family and neighbours, if
desired.[48]

Such was the primitive platform of the Calvinistic Methodists, laid
down, at Waterford, in Wales, on April 6th and 7th, 1743. As soon
as the Conference was ended, their moderator again set out on his
gospel-ramblings. The following jottings are taken from the letters
which he wrote to his friend and secretary Syms:――

  Saturday, April 9. Preached at Cardiff, and at Fonmon.[49] At
  Cardiff, the congregation large; and the greatest scoffers quiet.

  Sunday, April 10. Preached twice at Lantrissaint, where Howell
  Harris also preached in Welsh.[50]

  Monday, April 11. Preached from a balcony, in the street, at
  Neath, to about three thousand people.[51]

  Tuesday, April 12. Preached once at Harbrook, and twice at
  Swansea, the congregations at the latter place consisting of
  four thousand persons. In all these visits, he was accompanied
  by Howell Harris, who generally preached in Welsh, after
  Whitefield’s sermon was concluded.

  Wednesday, April 13. Preached twice at Llanelly, and once at
  Abergwilly.

  Thursday, April 14. Preached twice at Carmarthen, “one of the
  greatest and most polite places in Wales; in the morning, from
  the top of the cross; in the evening, from a table near it. It
  was the great sessions. The justices desired I would stay till
  they rose, and they would come. Accordingly they did, and many
  thousands more, and several people of quality.”[52]

  Friday, April 15. Preached at “Narberth, to some thousands, with
  great power.”

  Saturday, April 16. Preached at Newton, and at Jeffreston, to
  “several thousands, very like the Kingswood colliers.”

  Sunday, April 17. “Preached at Llys-y-fran, and had, as it were,
  a Moorfields congregation;”[53] also “to about the same number
  near Haverfordwest.”

  Wednesday, April 20. “Preached, at eight in the morning,
  to about eight thousand people, at Carmarthen; and, in the
  afternoon, to several thousands, at Narberth.”

  Thursday, April 21. “Preached this morning at Larn;[54] and,
  coming over the ferry, had the unexpected compliment paid me,
  of one ship firing several guns, and of some others hoisting
  their flags. This afternoon, I preached at Kidwelly, to a large
  congregation. One of the ministers preached against me last
  Sunday, and mentioned me by name; but, like my other opposers,
  and like the viper biting the file, he only hurt himself.”

  Friday, April 22. “Preached twice at Carmarthen, to about ten
  thousand people. We had another blessed Association, and have
  now settled all the counties in Wales.”

  Saturday, April 23. “Preached at Llangathan, in the church, to a
  great congregation; and at Llandovery in the evening.”

  Sunday, April 24. “Preached at Llandovery in the morning; and,
  in the evening, to a large and polite auditory at Brecon.”

  Monday, April 25. Preached at Trevecca, and at Guenfithen. “My
  body is weak, but I am at the Redeemer’s feet, and He reigns
  King in my heart, and causes me to rejoice and triumph over all.”

  Tuesday, April 26. Preached at Builth, and Gore. “Between eight
  and nine at night, we set out from Gore for Leominster, and
  reached there between two and three in the morning.”

  Wednesday, April 27. Preached twice at Leominster. “The Lord
  broke up the fallow ground, and gave me a blessed entrance into
  Herefordshire.”

  Thursday, April 28. “Found some of our Lord’s disciples at
  Hereford, and also at Ross, and might have preached at both
  places, if time would have permitted; but I was hastening to
  Gloucester, where we arrived at eight in the evening; after
  having, in about three weeks, travelled four hundred English
  miles, spent three days in attending two Associations, preached
  about forty times, visited about thirteen towns, and passed
  through seven counties. Here, then, will I set up my Ebenezer;
  thank the adorable Jesus for all His mercies; and, from the
  bottom of my heart, give Him all the glory.”

After preaching three or four times in “the barn” at Gloucester,
(which, during his absence, had been turned into a commodious
chapel,) Whitefield returned direct to London. Arriving there, he
wrote the following letter to one of the servants of the Earl of
Huntingdon――David Taylor――who had been converted under the ministry of
Benjamin Ingham, and was now preaching in Yorkshire. Notwithstanding
the enormous toil indicated by the above jottings, Whitefield was
willing and wishful to undertake fresh labours quite as arduous.

                                        “LONDON, _May 6, 1743_.

  “MY DEAR BROTHER,――A day or two ago, I had the pleasure of
  receiving a letter from you. Accept my thanks for it.

  “I am glad that our Saviour is getting Himself the victory in
  your parts, and that fresh doors are opened for our dear brother
  Ingham to preach the everlasting gospel.

  “Blessed be our glorious Emmanuel! I also can tell you of new
  and glorious conquests made of late. I am but just returned from
  a circuit of four hundred miles in Gloucestershire and Wales.
  Dagon has everywhere fallen before the ark. The fields are white
  unto the harvest. The congregations were very large; and I was
  never enabled to preach with greater power.

  “I purpose staying here about a month, and intend once more to
  attack the prince of darkness in Moorfields, when the holidays
  come. Many precious souls have been captivated with Christ’s
  love in that wicked place. Jerusalem sinners bring most glory to
  the Redeemer.

  “Where I shall go next, I cannot yet tell. If my Master should
  point out the way, a visit to Yorkshire would be very agreeable.
  Perhaps Exeter and Cornwall may be the next places. I love to
  range in such places.

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

The Whitsuntide holidays occurred in the fourth week of May; but
no record exists of Whitefield’s intended “attack on the prince of
darkness,” except that he preached in the morning of Whit-Sunday in
Moorfields, and made a collection for his Orphan House, amounting to
£23. The following are extracts from letters addressed, at this time,
to his two superintendents――the first to Mr. Habersham, the second to
Mr. Barber.

                                        “LONDON, _May 21, 1743_.

  “MY VERY DEAR FAITHFUL FRIEND AND BROTHER,――After watching and
  praying and striving some days for direction, I now sit down to
  write you a letter, though I know not well what to say or do.
  The concern I have felt for you and my dear family has had an
  effect on my body, and has increased the weakness, which the
  season of the year, my constant labours, and continual cares
  have brought upon me. I fear I have been sinfully impatient
  to come to you. I think I could be sold as a slave to serve at
  the galleys, rather than you and my dear orphan family should
  want. You may well expect me; but I must not mention it, lest my
  impatient heart should say, ‘Lord, why wilt Thou not let me go?’

  “After I have fought the Lord’s battles in Moorfields, these
  holidays, I think to take a tour into Cornwall and Wales, and,
  perhaps, to Ireland.”

Whitefield here laments that he has not, before now, returned to
Georgia; and yet, strangely enough, he assigns no _definite_ reason why
his intentions and promises to return were not fulfilled. There is the
same obscurity in the letter addressed to his Orphan-house chaplain:――

                                        “LONDON, _May 21, 1743_.

  “MY VERY DEAR BROTHER BARBER,――Little did I think, when I parted
  from you at Bethesda, that I should be writing to you at this
  time in London. But God’s ways are in the great waters, and His
  footsteps are not known. I have essayed to come to you more than
  once, or twice; but, I believe I can say, ‘The Spirit suffered
  me not.’ In thought, I am with you daily; when I shall come, in
  person, our Saviour only knows. I long to be with you, to open
  our hearts freely, and to tell one another what God has done for
  our souls.”

All this sounds well enough; but it does not assign the reason or
reasons why he was not in Georgia. Was he kept in England by his new
relationship to the Calvinistic Methodists? Or did his wife, for a
sufficient cause, object to his return to America? Because Whitefield
himself is silent on the subject, these are questions which it is
impossible to answer. All the debts due in England, on account of his
Orphan House, were now defrayed; and, with the foregoing letters, he
sent £25 towards the expenses in America; but the debts there required
a considerably larger sum than this.[55]

Whitefield remained in London until June 13, when he again set out on
another of his evangelistic tours. Preaching all the way, he arrived
at Gloucester, “shouting, Grace! Grace!” He preached at Gloucester,
Fairford, Burford, Bengeworth, Stroud, Hampton, Bristol, and Kingswood.
On Saturday, June 25, he rode to John Cennick’s circuit, Wiltshire. He
writes:――

  “Sunday, June 26, I preached at Brinkworth, on these words, ‘Thy
  Maker is thy husband.’[56] It was a day of espousals, I believe,
  to many. God was with us of a truth. After sermon, I rode to
  Langley, in company with many dear children of God, who attended
  me both on horseback and on foot. We sung, and looked like
  persons who had been at a spiritual wedding. The Lord helped
  me in preaching there also. All was quiet. In the evening, I
  preached at Tytherton, and a blessed time it was. Afterwards, we
  set out for Hampton, and reached there about midnight. We rode,
  as the children of Israel, passing through the enemies’ country.”

On Wednesday, June 29, Whitefield reached Trevecca, “where,” says he,
“I met a whole troop of Jesus’ witnesses. At five in the evening, I
preached. After I had done, Howell Davies preached and prayed. About
eight, we opened the Association with great solemnity. Our Saviour was
much with me, teaching and helping me to fill my place in a particular
manner. About midnight, we adjourned; but several of the Brethren sat
up all night, and ushered in the morning with prayer and praise. About
eight, we met again, and were greatly delighted at the simple accounts
the superintendents brought in of their respective Societies. We
continued doing business till two in the afternoon, and broke up with
much solemnity and holy joy. We had great union with one another.[57]
Indeed, Jesus has done great things for Wales. The work is much upon
the advance. I was surprised to find so much order. Brother Howell
Davies has been blessed to the conversion of a young clergyman, rector
of St. Bartholomew’s, London.”

The “young clergyman,” just mentioned, was the Rev. Richard Thomas
Bateman, “a man of high birth and great natural endowments.”[58]
About the year 1740, he left his rectory in London, and retired to
a small living in Pembrokeshire. He was wholly unconverted, and was
the clergyman who preached against Whitefield only two months before
Whitefield’s present visit to Trevecca. His text was 1 John iv. 1, and
his sermon was full of railing against the Methodists, charging them
with hypocrisy, enthusiasm, and kindred crimes. He continued in Wales
about four years after his conversion, preaching with great power and
success; and, then, in 1747, returned to his rectory in London;[59]
opened his church to the Wesleys and Whitefield; and was present
at Wesley’s yearly Conference in 1748.[60] Among others with whom
he formed a friendship was the celebrated Joseph Williams, of
Kidderminster, who wrote to him as follows:――

                                “KIDDERMINSTER, _June 10, 1747_.

  “It did me good to hear you pour out your soul in prayer before
  your sermon, and to feel you bearing mine along with you to the
  mercy-seat. I have great expectations from your coming to London,
  and am solicitous about the good fruits thereof. Many a fervent
  prayer have I put up for you on that account. I want to know
  whether God has touched any hearts by your ministry. God has
  not wrought this great change in you, at so ripe an age, merely
  for your own sake, but for the sake of many. He has much people
  in the great city yet to be called; and, having called many by
  Mr. Whitefield, and the Messrs. Wesley, and their fellow-helpers,
  He has now appointed to call many more by Mr. Bateman,――many
  who perhaps would not come within hearing of any of the others.
  I want to know if you have gathered the firstfruits, as a
  pledge of a glorious harvest. I want, also, to know how your
  parishioners and others, particularly clergymen, behave towards
  you. Will you not favour me with a letter? I trust you will.
  Let it be a long one. I love long letters from my fathers and
  brethren in Christ.”[61]

Like the other Methodist clergymen, Mr. Bateman had to encounter
considerable opposition; but this is not the place to pursue his
history.

To return to Whitefield. When preaching his _first_ sermon on Hampton
Common, Gloucestershire, a young man, Thomas Adams, prompted by
curiosity, came to hear him. Adams was converted, and, being converted
himself, he endeavoured to convert his brethren. For some time past,
he had been one of Whitefield’s preachers, and had been eminently
successful “in Hampton,[62] and the adjacent country, in calling
sinners to the knowledge of Jesus Christ.” Having formed a society
at Hampton, Adams, on Saturday, July 9th, was quietly singing and
praying with its members, when, all at once, the house was surrounded
with a mob, which, for weeks past, had “breathed out threatenings
and slaughter against” Adams and his friends. Adams, in a letter to
Whitefield, shall tell his own story.

  “The mob, which consisted of near a hundred persons, were
  now about the house, making a terrible noise, and swearing
  prodigiously. I went down to them, and opened the door, and
  asked them what they wanted. I told them, if they wanted my life,
  I was willing to deliver it up for Jesus’ sake; but withal I
  desired to know why they either disturbed me or sought my life;
  for I was not aware that I had given them any just cause for
  either. Some of them said I had, by bringing in false doctrine,
  and impoverishing the poor. I told them, that they could prove
  neither, and that their accusation was really false. They seemed
  somewhat at a stand; when about five of them began to be more
  exasperated, and took me, in order to throw me into a lime pit.
  I told them, they need not force me, for I was willing to suffer
  for Jesus’ sake. But while they were pushing me along, some
  neighbours took me in their arms, and carried me into one of
  their houses.

  “On Sunday morning, about twenty of the Society met again. We
  spent the morning in prayer. In the evening I preached; when
  in came the mob, demanding me to come down. I asked, by what
  authority they did so? They swore they would have me. Then said
  I, So you shall. So they took me to the lime pit, and threw me
  in. I told them, I should meet them at the judgment. They let
  me out, and I came home, and kneeled down with the people there,
  and prayed to God, and praised Him. After that, I exhorted them
  from 1 John iii. 1–3. When I was concluding, in came the mob
  again, and took me to a brook to throw me in there. I told them
  the law was against them, but I was willing to suffer anything
  for Christ. They said, if I would forbear preaching for a month,
  they would let me go. I told them, I would make no such promise.
  So forward I went. One of them threw me in, and I went to the
  bottom; but I came up again, with my hands clasped together. One
  or two of them jumped in, and took me out. Then another pushed
  me in again, and much bruised and cut one of my legs against a
  stone. I came home talking to them. Many advise us to prosecute
  them; but, if they are quiet, I am content, and can say from my
  heart, ‘Father, forgive them.’ I should be glad if you would be
  here on Sunday next.”

It so happened, that Whitefield could not be there “on Sunday next,”
for he had to preach four times at Bristol fair; but he set out on
Wednesday, July 20th, and five days afterwards wrote as follows:――

                                      “HAMPTON, _July 25, 1743_.

  “On Thursday last, I came here, and expected to be attacked,
  because the mob had threatened, that, if I ever came again, they
  would have my black gown to make aprons with. No sooner had I
  entered the town, than I heard the signals, such as blowing of
  horns and ringing of bells, for gathering the mob. My soul was
  kept quite easy. I preached on a large grass plot, from these
  words, ‘And seeing the grace of God, he exhorted them with full
  purpose of heart to cleave unto the Lord.’ As it happened, I
  finished my sermon and pronounced the blessing, just as the
  ringleader of the mob broke in upon us. One of them, as I was
  coming down from the table, called me a coward; but I told him
  they should hear from me in another way. I then went into the
  house, and preached upon the staircase to a large number of
  serious souls; but the troublers of Israel soon came in to mock
  and mob us. As you know, I have very little natural courage;
  but I leaped downstairs, and all ran before me. However, they
  continued making a noise about the house till midnight, abusing
  the poor people as they went home, and broke one young lady’s
  arm in two places. They threw brother Adams a second time into
  the pool, by which operation he received a deep wound in his
  leg. They wheeled young W―――― H―――― in a barrow to the pool’s
  side, lamed his brother, and grievously hurt several others.
  Hearing that two or three clergymen were in the town, one of
  whom was a justice of the peace, I went to them; but, instead of
  redressing, they laid the cause of all the grievances at my door.
  By the help of God, I shall persist in preaching myself, and in
  encouraging those who, I believe, are truly moved by the Holy
  Ghost. I know of no law of God or man against it. As I came out
  from the clergymen, two of the unhappy mobbers were particularly
  insolent, and huzzaed us out of the town.”

To avoid a recurrence to these disgraceful proceedings, it may be
added, that Whitefield and his friends commenced an action against five
of the ringleaders of the mob; that they were tried at the Gloucester
Assizes on March 3, 1744; and that they were found guilty. Whitefield,
immediately, wrote a full account[63] of the whole affair, and, from
that account, the following extracts are taken:――

  “Several of our brethren, both in England and Wales, have
  received much damage, and have been frequently in great hazard
  of their lives. Wiltshire has been remarkable for mobbing and
  abusing the Methodists; and, for about ten months past, it
  has also prevailed very much in Gloucestershire, especially at
  Hampton. About the beginning of July, 1743, for several days,
  the mob at Hampton assembled in great bodies, broke the windows
  of Mr. Adams’s house, and assaulted the people to such a degree
  that many expected to be murdered, and hid themselves in holes
  and corners, to avoid the rage of their adversaries. Once,
  when I was there, they continued from four in the afternoon
  till midnight, rioting, giving loud huzzas, casting dirt upon
  the hearers, and making proclamations, ‘that no Anabaptists,
  Presbyterians, etc., should preach there, upon pain of being
  first put into a skin-pit, and afterwards into a brook.’ At
  another time, they pulled one or two women down the stairs
  by the hair of their heads. On the 10th of July, they took
  Mr. Adams out of his house, and threw him into a skin-pit full
  of noisome things and stagnated water. They also put one of our
  friends, named Williams, into the same pit twice, and afterwards
  beat him, and dragged him along the kennel. They likewise led
  Mr. Adams a mile and a half to Bourn brook, and threw him in, and
  so injured his leg, that he went lame for near a fortnight.

  “Both the constables and justices were applied to, but refused
  to act; and seemed rather to countenance the mobbing, hoping,
  thereby, that Methodism would be put a stop to, at least, at
  Hampton. For a season, they gained their end. There was no
  preaching for some time, the people fearing to assemble on
  account of the violence of the mob.

  “Upon my return to town, I advised with my friends what to do.
  For several reasons, we thought it our duty to move for an
  information in the King’s Bench against five of the ringleaders,
  and fixed upon the riot which they made on Sunday, July 10,
  when they put Messrs. Adams and Williams into the skin-pit and
  brook. But, before this was done, I wrote a letter to one whom
  they called captain, desiring him to inform his associates,
  that, if they would acknowledge their fault, and would pay for
  curing a boy’s arm, which was broken the night I was there, and
  would mend the windows of Mr. Adams’s house, we would readily
  pass all by. The rioters sent me an insolent answer, and said,
  ‘There should be no more preaching in Hampton.’ Finding them
  irreclaimable, we moved for a rule of court in the King’s Bench
  to lodge an information against five of the ringleaders. The
  rioters were apprised of this, appeared by their counsel, and
  prayed the rule might be enlarged till the next term. This was
  granted.

  “Meanwhile, they continued mobbing. One Saturday night, at
  eleven o’clock, they broke into Mr. Adams’s house, when there
  was no preaching, made those who were in bed get up, and
  searched the oven, cellar, and every corner of the house, to
  see whether they could find any Methodists. Some time after, they
  threw another young man into a mud-pit three times successively,
  and abused the people in a dreadful manner.

  “The next term came on. We proved our accusation by twenty-six
  affidavits; the rule was made absolute, and an information was
  filed against them. To this they pleaded ‘Not guilty;’ and the
  cause was referred to the assize held at Gloucester, March 3,
  1744. Being aware of the great consequence of the trial, we kept
  a day of fasting and prayer through all the Societies both in
  England and Wales. Our Scotch friends also joined us. We had
  about thirty witnesses to prove the riot and facts laid down in
  the information.

  “Our counsel opened the cause with much solidity and sound
  reason. They shewed, ‘That rioters were not to be reformers, and
  that His Majesty had nowhere put the reins of government into
  the hands of mobbers, or made them judge or jury.’ Our witnesses
  were then called.

  “The counsel for the defendants then rose, and, I think, said
  all that could be said, to make the best of a bad matter. One
  urged that we were enthusiasts, and that our principles and
  practices had such a tendency to infect and hurt the people,
  that it was right for any private person to put a stop to
  us, and whoever did so was a friend to his country. The other
  counsel was pleased to mention me by name, and acquainted the
  court, that, ‘Mr. Whitefield had been travelling from common to
  common, making the people cry, and then picking their pockets,
  under pretence of collecting money for the colony of Georgia;
  that he had now several curates, of which Mr. Adams was one, who,
  in his preaching, had found fault with the proceedings of the
  clergy, and said, if the people went to hear them, they would be
  damned.’”

Whitefield then proceeds to give an outline of the evidence in favour
of the defendants, and the substance of the judge’s charge; and
continues:――

  “Upon this, the jury were desired to consider their verdict.
  There seemed to be some little demur amongst them. His lordship
  perceiving it, informed them, ‘they had nothing to do with the
  damages; that was to be referred to the King’s Bench; they were
  only to consider whether the defendants were guilty or not.’
  Whereupon, in a few minutes, they brought in all the defendants
  ‘guilty of the whole information lodged against them.’

  “I then retired to my lodgings, kneeled down, and gave thanks,
  with some friends. Afterwards, I went to the inn, prayed and
  returned thanks, with the witnesses; exhorted them to behave
  with meekness and humility to their adversaries; and sent them
  home rejoicing. In the evening, I preached on these words, ‘By
  this I know that Thou favourest me, since Thou hast not suffered
  mine enemy to triumph over me.’ Next morning, I set out for
  London.”

We must return to Whitefield’s travels. When he left the rioters at
Minchin-Hampton, on Saturday, July 23, 1743, he returned direct to
Bristol; and, on the following day, “preached four times in the fields,
to congregations as large as those at the beginning” of his career.

On Saturday next ensuing, he came to Exeter, where he spent three days.
He writes:――

                                      “EXETER, _August 2, 1743_.

  “I preached, last Saturday night, to a great body of people.
  Several of the clergy attended, with whom Exeter abounds. Some
  went off; others stayed till I had done. All was quiet; and our
  Lord soon made way for Himself into the people’s hearts.

  “Yesterday evening, I preached, on Southernay Green, to upwards
  of ten thousand. It was just like a Moorfields congregation. God
  was with us of a truth.

  “The people were very desirous of my longer continuance here;
  but so many things concur to call me to London, that I leave
  Exeter to-morrow morning, and preach in my way to town. I am in
  my element when evangelizing.”

One of the things which brought Whitefield, in such haste, to London,
was the necessity of consulting his friends concerning the steps which
ought to be taken in reference to the Hampton rioters; but there were
also other matters scarcely of less importance.

In the beginning of this year, 1743, Count Zinzendorf had declared war
against Whitefield. He had heard him preach, and, in the plenitude of
his power, had said to the young evangelist,――“You must first formally
recant the _abominable doctrine_ of reprobation, so contrary to sound
reason; and then preach openly _free grace_ in the blood of the Lamb,
and an _election of grace_ as taught in the Scriptures, which is quite
different from the doctrine of predestination which you teach; and if
not, our Church must necessarily be opposed to you.”[64]

Probably, Whitefield cared but little for Zinzendorf’s imperious
censure; but, in the month of August, another incident occurred, which
touched him more deeply.

John Syms, for years past, had been Whitefield’s travelling companion.
He seems also to have acted as Whitefield’s secretary. He was his
confidential friend. During the last two months, Whitefield had written
Syms, at least, eight letters, giving an account of his every-day
proceedings, and all of which are published in Whitefield’s collected
works. Strangely enough, all at once, the faithful Syms wished to
leave Whitefield and to join the Moravians. Whitefield was extremely
reluctant to part with him; and told James Hutton, that, “he could
not discharge John Syms, his agent, believing it to be the Saviour’s
will that he should stay with him, and do the work with which he had
entrusted him. Whitefield wished Hutton to advise Syms to continue
with him; but this could not be done, inasmuch as Syms had said he
was called by the Holy Ghost to leave him; and the Brethren could not
advise him against his own convictions.”[65]

The result was, Whitefield lost his secretary, travelling companion,
and major-domo. John Syms was received into the Moravian fellowship;
and continued one of the Unitas Fratrum until his death, in 1756. He
was buried in Camberwell churchyard, where there used to be a memorial
of him and of his sister, Mrs. Sarah Osborn.[66]

Another matter demanded Whitefield’s attention, even more important
than the retention or otherwise of Secretary Syms.

John Wesley was now in the north of England; Charles Wesley was in
Cornwall; Whitefield was in Devonshire; Spangenberg was in London;
John Nelson was in Yorkshire. The Moravians were an organized body of
Christians. The Calvinistic Methodists were formed into a connexion.
And Wesley had large and flourishing societies in London; Bristol,
Newcastle-on-Tyne, and other places. Somehow, Wesley formed a project
for bringing the three communities into closer union with each other;
and, for that purpose, proposed that a conference should be held in
London.[67] He himself travelled from Newcastle; his brother Charles
hurried from Cornwall; Whitefield came from Exeter; John Nelson trudged
from Birstal. What was the result? Charles Wesley writes:――

  “Gwennap, Sunday, August 7. My brother summoned me to London, to
  confer with the heads of the Moravians and Predestinarians. We
  had near three hundred miles to ride in five days. I was willing
  to undertake this labour for peace, though the journey was too
  great for us and our weary beasts, which we have used almost
  every day for these three months.

  “Friday, August 12. By nine at night, I reached the Foundery.
  Here I heard the Moravians would not be present at the
  conference. Spangenberg, indeed, _said_ he would, but
  immediately left England. My brother was come from Newcastle,
  John Nelson from Yorkshire, and I from the Land’s End to good
  purpose!”[68]

What did John Wesley say? To a Moravian, who, in 1746, taunted him with
having opposed reconciliation and union, he wrote:――

  “Alas, my brother! what an assertion is this! Did not I come,
  three years ago, in all haste, from Newcastle-upon-Tyne; and
  my brother, in five days, from the Land’s End, to a supposed
  conference in London? Was this standing out? But with what
  effect? Why, Mr. Spangenberg had just left London. None besides
  had any power to confer with us. And, to cut us off from any
  such expectation, James Hutton said they had orders not to
  confer at all, unless the Archbishop of Canterbury, or the
  Bishop of London, were present. There cannot be under heaven a
  greater mistake than this, that I ever did stand out, or that
  I do so now. There has not been one day, for these seven years
  last past, wherein my soul has not longed for union.”[69]

It is impossible to determine, with certainty, whether Wesley’s wish
was for the Moravians, the Calvinistic Methodists, and the Arminian
Methodists to be amalgamated into one connexion; or whether he merely
wished that, by mutual explanations and concessions, they might
cultivate a better understanding with each other, and so avoid all
unnecessary collision, and unite, as far as practicable, in advancing
the work of God; but one thing is certain, through no fault of his, the
attempt was a failure. Ten months later, Wesley instituted a conference
of his own.

No authentic information exists as to the part which Whitefield took
in these proceedings; but, a few days after the proposed conference
should have met, Wesley, “to cut off all needless dispute,” wrote
down his sentiments, as plainly as he could, on the “three points in
debate” between him and Whitefield, namely, “Unconditional Election,
Irresistible Grace, and Final Perseverance.” The paper[70] doubtless
was put into Whitefield’s hands, and must have satisfied him of the
sincerity of Wesley’s friendship; though Arminian Methodists, as
Mr. Jackson says, will think “it leans too much towards Calvinism.”

In one thing, Whitefield and Wesley were agreed; namely, that their
Societies should not separate themselves from the Established Church.
Hence the following letter, written, by Whitefield, soon after the date
of the intended conference:――

                                    “LONDON, _August 20, 1743_.

  “How wonderfully does our all-wise Redeemer order things for
  the trial of His children! Alas! alas! how apt are they to judge,
  censure, and be needlessly prejudiced against each other!

  “In our last Association, we agreed not to separate from the
  Established Church, but to go on in our usual way. The motion
  to separate was made only by a very few, of more contracted
  principles. By far the greater part most strenuously opposed
  it, and with good reason; for, as we enjoy such great liberty
  under the mild and gentle government of his present majesty,
  King George, we think we can do him, our country, and the cause
  of God, more service in ranging up and down, preaching repentance
  towards God, and faith in our Lord Jesus, to the multitudes
  who will neither come into church or meeting, but who are led,
  by curiosity, to follow us into the fields. However disorderly
  this may seem to bigots of every denomination, yet, it is a
  way to which God has affixed His seal for many years past; and,
  therefore, we have no reason to turn to the right hand or to
  the left, but to press forwards, and to do our utmost towards
  enlarging the kingdom of our Lord Jesus.”

Whitefield’s wife was near her confinement; and, at the beginning
of September, had a narrow escape from an untimely death. Whitefield
himself shall tell the story.

                                  “LONDON, _September 2, 1743_.

  “My wife has been in trying circumstances, partly through the
  unskilfulness of a chaise-driver――I mean myself. Being advised
  to take her out into the air, I drove her, as well as myself,
  through inadvertence, into a ditch. The ditch might be about
  fourteen feet deep. All, who saw us, cried out, ‘They are
  killed!’ but, through infinite mercy, we received no great hurt.
  The place was very narrow near the bottom, and yet the horse
  went down, as though lowered by a pulley. A bystander ran, and
  caught hold of its head, to prevent its going forwards. I got
  upon its back, and was drawn out; whilst my wife, still hanging
  between the chaise and the bank, was pulled up by two or three
  kind assistants. The chaise and horse being taken up, and our
  bruises being washed with vinegar in a neighbouring house, we
  went on our intended way, and came home rejoicing in God our
  Saviour.

  “Not expecting my wife’s delivery for some time, I intend making
  a short excursion, and then you may expect further news from
  yours, etc.,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

Northampton, among other places, was visited by Whitefield, in the
“short excursion” just mentioned. His friend Hervey had recently become
curate at Weston-Favel; and, perhaps, it was this circumstance which
brought Whitefield into this particular locality. Be that as it may,
the visit became a memorable one, from the angry feelings it excited
among some of the leading Dissenters of the day.

Others, besides clergymen and Presbyterian ministers, were unpleasantly
perplexed by Whitefield and the Methodists. Dr. Doddridge, though
one of the most liberal-minded of the Dissenters, found it difficult
to look with favour upon the proceedings of _some_ of the Methodist
evangelists. Hence the following extract from a letter, addressed to
the Rev. Mr. Witton, son-in-law of the celebrated Philip Henry:――

                                  “NORTHAMPTON, _June 8, 1743_.

  “I am much concerned at the anxiety and disturbance which
  Mr. Wesley’s coming into your neighbourhood has occasioned. You
  are pleased to ask my advice, and therefore I give it.

  “I think the gentlest methods will be the most effectual.
  Opposition will but give strength to the faction, if it be
  attended with violence and heat. Should Mr. Wesley come hither,
  as perhaps he may, and excite such a flame among the weaker part
  of my hearers, I would appoint some stated season for meeting
  once a week, with a few steady and experienced brethren of
  the church, that an hour or two might be spent in prayer and
  consultation, as new incidents might arise within the sphere
  of our personal observation. I would endeavour to renew my zeal
  in preaching the great truths of the gospel, and in visiting
  and exhorting my hearers. I would, with great meekness and
  compassion, and yet with great solemnity, admonish the persons
  attacked with the contagion, and lay open before them the absurd
  nature and tendency of the views they had rashly entertained;
  and I would, as God enabled me, pray earnestly for them.”[71]

Among others, who wrote to Doddridge, respecting Whitefield, was the
Rev. Robert Blair, D.D., author of the well-known poem, “The Grave.”
In a letter, dated July 28, 1743, he says:――

  “I wish you would give me your opinion of Mr. Whitefield, a
  man who has made abundance of noise in the world. I never in my
  life knew any person so much idolized by some, and railed at by
  others.”[72]

Soon after this, during a visit to London, Doddridge seems to have
attended Whitefield’s Tabernacle, and to have taken part in one or more
of its services. Perhaps the influence of Colonel Gardiner, one of his
correspondents, had induced him to do this. Whatever the inducement,
however, the act itself created alarm among the London Dissenters.
Hence the following, addressed to Doddridge, from Dr. Isaac Watts:――

                        “STOKE NEWINGTON, _September 20, 1743_.

  “I am sorry that, since your departure, I have had many
  questions asked me about your preaching or praying at the
  Tabernacle, and of sinking the character of a minister, and
  especially of a tutor, among the Dissenters, so low thereby. I
  find many of your friends entertain this idea; but I can give no
  answer, not knowing how much you have been engaged there. I pray
  God to guard us from every temptation.”[73]

This is mightily amusing. Dr. Doddridge, the theological tutor of
the Dissenters’ College, daring to preach or pray in Whitefield’s
Tabernacle! What a sin against all ecclesiastical and ministerial
propriety! The poor Doctor, however, went further than even this. He
allowed Whitefield to preach in his own pulpit at Northampton! This
seemed to perfect the enormity. Among others who took the Northampton
professor to task for his eccentric conduct, was the Rev. John Barker,
an influential minister,[74] in London, who wrote as follows:――

                                            “_November 4, 1743._

  “It is an honour to our interest that you stand so well with
  the sober and moderate clergy. For this reason, I was troubled
  to hear of the late intercourse between you and Mr. Whitefield,
  the consequence of which, with respect to the Church, it is
  easy to foresee. I was willing to think well of the Methodists;
  but, after a candid attention to them, their proceedings appear
  not to me to be wise and good. Their devotion is unseasonable,
  irregular, and injudicious. Their sermons are low and loose.
  Their spirit appears to me turbulent, unruly, and censorious.
  They practise upon weak people and poor people. They call them
  to pray and sing when they should be in their business or their
  beds. They disturb the peace and order of families, and give
  great uneasiness in them. What they pretend to above their
  neighbours appears to be mere enthusiasm. Their people are
  slothful, or mopish, or dejected, or pragmatical, rather than
  sober, discreet, judicious, exemplary, regular Christians;
  and I have no expectation but that Methodism, like any other
  enthusiasm, will promote infidelity, and turn out to the hurt
  and damage of religion, and the souls of men. Though I judge
  not their hearts, views, and motives, but admit those are secret
  things which belong to God, yet I thought it needful, very
  lately, to warn my hearers of these people’s errors, and advise
  them to avoid them.”[75]

Doddridge’s chief castigator, however, was Nathaniel Neal, Esq., son
of the Rev. Daniel Neal, the historian of the Puritans. Nathaniel was
an eminent attorney, secretary to the Million Bank, and author of “A
Free and Serious Remonstrance to Protestant Dissenting Ministers, on
occasion of the Decay of Religion.”[76] He wrote not fewer than three
long letters to Doddridge, filling nine printed octavo pages, and dated
respectively, Million Bank, October 11, October 15, and December 10,
1743. He addresses Doddridge with great deference and respect; but,
evidently, in great alarm, lest Doddridge should irretrievably injure
his position and character, as the chief of the Dissenters’ tutors, by
countenancing the proceedings of the eccentric Methodist.

In the first of his letters, he writes:――

  “It was with the utmost concern that I received the information
  of Mr. Whitefield’s having preached last week in your pulpit. I
  attended the meeting of the trustees of Mr. Coward’s benefaction
  this day, when the matter was canvassed, and I now find myself
  obliged to apprize you of the very great uneasiness which your
  conduct herein has occasioned them.”

Mr. Neal proceeds to tell the Doctor that his “regard to the
Methodists” was injuring him in the opinion of his friends, and was
giving an advantage against him to his “secret and avowed enemies.”
He adds:――

  “In the case of such a public character, and so extensive a
  province for the service of religion as yours, it seems to me
  a point well worth considering, whether it is a right thing to
  risk such a prospect as Providence has opened before you, of
  eminent and distinguished usefulness, for the sake of any good
  you are likely to do amongst these people. Your countenancing
  the Methodists has been the subject of conversation much oftener
  than I could have wished. The trustees are particularly in
  pain for it, with regard to your academy; as they know it is an
  objection made to it, by some persons seriously, and by others
  craftily.”[77]

In his third letter, Mr. Neal expresses a holy dread lest Doddridge
should be “engaged amongst men of weak heads, and narrow, gloomy
sentiments, who may and ought to be pitied and prayed for, but whom
no rules of piety or prudence will oblige us to make our confidants
and friends.” He continues:――

  “There are letters shewn about town, from several ministers
  in the west, which make heavy complaints of the disorders
  occasioned by Whitefield and Wesley in those parts. One of
  them, speaking of Mr. Whitefield, calls him ‘_honest, crazy,
  confident_ Whitefield.’ These letters, likewise, mention that
  some ministers there, who were your pupils, have given them
  countenance; and you can hardly conceive the disrespect this has
  occasioned several ministers and other persons in town to speak
  of you with.”[78]

Poor Doddridge, with the best intentions, had stirred up a nest of
ecclesiastical hornets. He had to make the best of the affair; and part
of his answer to Mr. Neal was as follows:――

                                          “_December 12, 1743._

  “I am truly sorry that the manner in which I spoke of Mr.
  Whitefield, in my last, should have given you uneasiness. What
  I said proceeded from a principle which I am sure you will not
  despise: I mean a certain frankness of heart, which would not
  allow me to seem to think more meanly of a man to whom I had
  once professed some friendship than I really did.

  “I must, indeed, look upon it as an unhappy circumstance that
  he came to Northampton just when he did, as I perceive that,
  in concurrence with other circumstances, it has filled town and
  country with astonishment and indignation.

  “I had great expectations from the Methodists and Moravians; and
  I am grieved that so many things have occurred among them which
  have been quite unjustifiable. I suppose they have also produced
  the same sentiments in the Archbishop of Canterbury, who, to my
  certain knowledge, received Count Zinzendorf with open arms, and
  wrote of his being chosen the Moravian Bishop, as what was done
  ‘_plaudente toto cœlesti choro_.’ I shall always be ready to
  weigh whatever can be said against Mr. Whitefield; and, though
  I must have actual demonstration before I can admit him to be
  a dishonest man, and though I shall never be able to think all
  he has written, and all I have heard from him to be nonsense;
  yet, I am not so zealously attached to him as to be disposed
  to celebrate him as one of the greatest men of the age, or to
  think that he is the pillar which bears up the whole interest of
  religion among us.

  “I had heard before of the offence which had been taken at
  two of my pupils in the west, for the respect they shewed to
  Mr. Whitefield: and yet they are both persons of eminent piety.
  He whose name is chiefly in question, I mean Mr. Darracott, is
  one of the most devout and extraordinary men I ever sent out,
  and a person who has, within these few years, been highly useful
  to numbers of his hearers. Mr. Fawcett labours at Taunton; and
  his zeal, so far as I can judge, is inspired both with love and
  prudence. Yet, I hear those men are reproached because they have
  treated Mr. Whitefield respectfully; and that one of them, after
  having had a correspondence with him for many years, admitted
  him into his pulpit.

  “I own, I am very thoughtful where these things will end. In
  the meantime, I am as silent as I can be. I commit the matter to
  God in prayer. I am sure I see no danger that any of my pupils
  will prove Methodists. I wish many of them may not run into the
  contrary extreme.”[79]

These are long, almost tedious, extracts; but they are of great
importance as plainly shewing that, at the beginning of his career,
the Independents looked upon Whitefield with as much suspicion as many
of the clergy of the Church of England and many of the Presbyterian
ministers of Scotland did. It was a heinous sin against all the
proprieties of their Church, that Doddridge and two of his ordained
pupils had countenanced the preaching of this young, popular, powerful,
and successful evangelist.

We again return to Whitefield’s wanderings. In the _Scots’ Magazine_,
for 1743, under the heading of “Marriages and Births,” the following
announcement was made: “October, 1743. At his house in Hoxton, the
wife of Mr. George Whitefield, of a son.” This event seems to have
occurred during Whitefield’s “short excursion” to Northampton and
its neighbourhood. Hence, under date of October 5th, he writes: “The
last evening of my short excursion, I preached from a balcony, to many
thousands, who stood in the street as comfortable as at noonday. Upon
retiring to my lodgings, news was brought me, that God had given me
a son. This hastened me up to London, where I now am, and from whence,
after I have baptized my little one, I purpose to set out again on my
Master’s public business.” Ten days after writing this, the untiring
Whitefield was at Avon, in Wiltshire, and did not return to his wife
and infant son until seven weeks afterwards. Perhaps, this was not
an example of either connubial or paternal behaviour to be commended;
but let it pass. The following extracts from his letters will furnish
an idea of his labours, in the west of England, during the next _two_
months:――

                                “COLLUMPTON, _October 25, 1743_.

  “I wrote to you on the 15th instant at Avon. In the morning, I
  walked to Tytherton, and preached. After sermon, I baptized four
  boys, each about three months old. The ordinance was so solemn
  and awful, that Mrs. Gotley[80] (who is a Quaker) had a mind
  immediately to partake of it. When I go to Wiltshire, I believe
  I shall baptize her and her children, with some adult persons
  who have tasted of redeeming love. About one o’clock I preached
  at Clack, in the street. I then rode to Brinkworth and preached
  there, and, afterwards, administered the holy sacrament to about
  two hundred and fifty communicants. Some strangers, from Bath,
  went home filled with our Redeemer’s presence. I have also
  preached at Chippenham. We had a wonderful time in Wiltshire.

  “I hope I managed all things right about the affair of the
  Hampton rioters. They have compelled us to appeal unto Cæsar.
  Evidences shall be examined in the country, in time enough to
  send the examinations to town.

  “On Saturday last (October 22nd), when I came to Wellington, the
  Rev. Mr. Darracott[81] persuaded me to stay there, because the
  country people had come from all quarters several times to hear
  me, and had been disappointed. I consented, and preached in his
  meeting-house, in the evening, to a large auditory. The Rev. Mr.
  Fawcett,[82] formerly pupil to Dr. Doddridge, came there, and
  stayed all night. The blessed Jesus gave us much freedom in
  conversation. I hope both will be instruments, under God, in
  promoting a good work in these parts.

  “Sunday morning, I preached again in the meeting-house; and, in
  the evening, to seven thousand in the field.[83]

  “On Monday, at ten in the morning, and at two in the afternoon,
  I preached, at Collumpton, with much freedom and power; was
  kindly received, met some reputable Dissenters, and am now
  setting out for Exeter.”

Whitefield seems to have made Exeter his head-quarters for nearly a
fortnight. Hence the following letters:――

                                    “EXETER, _October 28, 1743_.

  “I have a strong conviction that our Lord intends doing
  something in the west. Since my arrival here, letters of
  invitation have come from many parts. The common people begin
  to feel. I preached this afternoon on Southernay Green. Even
  some of the polite were much affected. I believe I shall think
  it my duty to stay in these parts for some time.”

                                    “EXETER, _November 6, 1743_.

  “On Monday last” (October 31st), “I went to Axminster, and
  preached to about two thousand without; and afterwards exhorted
  within the house where I lay. The next day, I preached to a
  greater number of people; and, at night, gave an exhortation,
  and met the Society. Our Lord vouchsafed us a gracious blessing.

  “On Wednesday, I went to Ottery; but, just as I named my text,
  the bells rang. Upon this, I adjourned to a field, whither the
  people ran in droves. As I stepped into the inn, before I went
  to the field, a clergyman came, who asked me by what authority
  I preached, and said it was a riot, and that the meeting
  was illegal. I answered him, as I thought pertinently, and
  afterwards went and shewed him my authority, by preaching on
  these words, ‘Go ye into all the world, and preach the gospel
  to every creature.’ In the evening, I returned to Exeter, where
  some hundreds were waiting to hear me expound. The Lord makes
  this place very comfortable to me. Prejudices fall off daily,
  and people begin not only to discern, but to feel, the doctrines
  of the gospel.

  “Postscript.――Ten at night. It would have pleased you to be here
  this evening. I question whether near a third part of Exeter
  were not attending on the word preached. All was solemn and
  awful, and the Lord gave me much assistance from His Holy Spirit.
  Help me to praise Him.”

From Exeter, Whitefield proceeded to Bideford, where he wrote as
follows:――

                                “BIDEFORD, _November 11, 1743_.

  “The Rev. Mr. Thompson, Rector of St. Gennys, Cornwall, is here.
  God willing, I will go with him to-morrow. There is also another
  clergyman about eighty years of age, but not above one year
  old in the school of Christ.[84] He lately preached three times
  and rode forty miles the same day. The Dissenting minister and
  his wife were very hearty; and, perhaps, here is one of the
  most settled female Christian Societies in the kingdom. I cannot
  well describe with what power the word was attended. Yesterday,
  in the afternoon and evening, it was just like as at Edinburgh.
  The old clergyman was much broken. A young Oxonian, who came
  with him, and many others, were most deeply affected. I suppose,
  there were upwards of two thousand, in the evening, in the
  meeting-house. Dear Mr. Hervey,[85] one of our first Methodists
  at Oxford, and who was lately a curate here, had laid the
  blessed foundation.

  “So far from thinking of nestling at London, I am more and more
  convinced that I should go from place to place; and I therefore
  question if I shall see London for some time.

  “Postscript.――Seven at night. To-day has been as yesterday, and
  much more abundant. I am here, as in Scotland and New England.
  Here is work enough for three months. The weather is very
  favourable; range, therefore, I must and will.”

On Saturday, November 12, Whitefield accompanied Mr. Thompson to his
rectory at St. Gennys, Cornwall, where he seems to have remained a
fortnight. Hence the following:――

                              “ST. GENNYS, _November 25, 1743_.

  “I am glad that the Lord inclined my heart to come hither. He
  has been with us of a truth. How did His stately steps appear
  in the sanctuary last Lord’s-day! Many, many prayers were put
  up, by the worthy rector and others, for an outpouring of God’s
  blessed Spirit. They were answered. Arrows of conviction fled so
  thick and so fast, and such a universal weeping prevailed from
  one end of the congregation to the other, that good Mr. Thompson
  could not help going from seat to seat, to encourage and comfort
  the wounded souls. The Oxonian’s father was almost struck dumb;
  and the young Oxonian’s crest was so lowered, that I believe he
  will never venture to preach an unknown Christ, or to deal in
  the false commerce of unfelt truths.

  “I could enlarge, but I must away to Bideford, just to give
  Satan another stroke, and bid my Christian friends farewell; and
  then return the way I came, namely, through Exeter, Wellington,
  and Bristol, to the great metropolis.”

Whitefield arrived in London at the beginning of December, and wrote
the following hitherto unpublished letter to “Mr. Howell Harris, at
Trevecca, near the Hay, South Wales, Breconshire.”

                                    “LONDON, _December 6, 1743_.

  “MY VERY DEAR BROTHER,――I thank you for your kind letters and
  kind present. Our Saviour will plentifully reward you for all
  favours conferred on me and mine.

  “I rejoice exceedingly that the word runs and is glorified
  in Wales. I hope to rejoice together with you at the next
  Association. Great things have been doing in the west. I believe
  Mr. Thompson, of Cornwall, will come with me into Wales. I have
  thoughts of removing my little family to Abergavenny in a short
  time; and to leave that house for you and yours to live in, till
  I come from abroad again, if you will be pleased to accept of it.

  “I can easily forgive our dear brother Beaumont;[86] but,
  I think, he and his wife have dealt very unsimply in respect
  to their marriage. I pray our Lord Jesus Christ to bless them
  exceedingly, and to prevent all ill consequences that may arise,
  to the people of God, from such a procedure.

  “I intend being here but a few days; and I have many things to
  say to you when we see each other face to face. Oh, my brother,
  my dear, very dear brother Harris, Jesus is better and better to
  me every day. I have had close attacks, but strong consolations.
  I would write much, would time and business permit; but I must
  bid you adieu. My tender, tender love to all. My dear wife and
  Mr. Grace send their most cordial respects. The Lord Jesus be
  with your dear soul, and give you to pray for, my dear, dear,
  dear brother,

          “Yours most affectionately in Christ Jesus,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

  “P.S.――Mr. Mason, the bookseller, is dead; also Mr. Dubert’s
  wife. About seven of our friends have lately died in the Lord.
  Courage, my dear man,――courage; we shall go ere long. Yet a
  little while, and He that cometh will come, and will not tarry.”

In less than a fortnight, Whitefield was again on the wing. On Friday,
December 16, he rode to a place “five miles beyond Reading.” The
next day, he got to Clack. “It rained and snowed much for about seven
miles,” says he, “and the way was dangerous; but the blessed Jesus kept
us in safety.” On Sunday morning, he preached, and administered the
sacrament to the Wiltshire Societies, at Tytherton;[87] and, in the
evening, he preached at Brinkworth. He writes: “They were good times.
I have a cold, but our Lord warms my heart. To-morrow (December 19)
I must away to Gloucester. Oh, follow, follow with your prayers.”

Whitefield was now on his way to a new sphere of labour. All readers of
Methodist history are well acquainted with the disgraceful and terrible
riots which took place at Walsal, Wednesbury, Darlaston, and West
Bromwich, in 1743. In the former part of the year, both the Wesleys had
preached here, at the peril of their lives. As recently as October 20,
John Wesley had been all but murdered by the godless ruffians of the
neighbourhood; and now, at the end of December, Whitefield came.[88]
The following extract is taken from a pamphlet, entitled, “Some Papers,
giving an Account of the Rise and Progress of Methodism at Wednesbury,
in Staffordshire, and in other Parishes adjacent; as likewise of
the late Riot in those parts.” Printed by J. Roberts, London. 1744.
(8vo. 30 pp.)

  “Mr. Whitefield was at Birmingham, where there is a Society,
  about Christmas last; and you may suppose great numbers would,
  out of curiosity, flock to hear a man who had been so much
  talked of. He was also invited to Wednesbury, where he preached
  in the streets for several days. He was invited to Birmingham
  by a Dissenter. His stay was not above a week or ten days,
  and, towards the last, his auditors were not so numerous, and
  the behaviour of some of them not over civil. I do not find
  the number of the Methodist converts to be near so numerous
  as was at first apprehended; and those few of them, who were
  of the communion of the Church of England, are, in general,
  very regular in their behaviour, and in their attendance at
  church. The Dissenters constitute the greater number, and are
  their greatest admirers, particularly of Mr. Whitefield. About
  Wednesbury, some of their converts have been raised into strange
  and unaccountable ecstasies; but I cannot find there have been
  any of the like instances at Birmingham.”

Such was the testimony of an unfriendly writer. Whitefield’s own
account is as follows:――

                                          “_December 31, 1743._

  “What do you think? Since my last, I have stolen a whole day
  to dispatch some private business; however, in the evening, I
  expounded, at Birmingham, to a great room full of people, who
  would rush into my lodgings, whether I would or not.

  “On Sunday morning (Christmas Day), at eight, I preached, in
  the street, to about a thousand, with much freedom. I then went
  to church and received the sacrament, and afterwards preached
  to several thousands in the street. As no minister would preach
  in a house at Wednesbury,[89] where a weekly lecture used to
  be kept up, I was earnestly entreated to go; and, after my
  afternoon’s preaching at Birmingham, I went and preached there,
  at six in the evening, to many hundreds in the street. The word
  came with power, and only one or two made a noise. We afterwards
  had a precious meeting in private.

  “On Monday morning, about eight, I preached to a large company
  in a field. By eleven, I returned to Birmingham, and preached
  to many thousands, on a common near the town. The soldiers were
  exercising; but the officers, hearing that I was come to preach,
  dismissed them, and promised that no disturbance should be made.
  All was quiet, and a blessed time we had. In the afternoon,
  at three, I preached again to about the same company, with the
  same success. Then I rode to Wednesbury, and preached there, and
  afterwards exhorted. About one, I went to bed exceeding happy.

  “In the morning, I broke up some fallow-ground at a place called
  Mare Green, about two miles from Wednesbury. Much mobbing had
  been there against Mr. Wesley’s friends. A few began to insult
  me. Several clods were thrown, one of which fell on my head,
  and another struck my fingers, while I was in prayer. A sweet
  gospel spirit was given to me. I preached again at Birmingham,
  to larger auditories than before, about eleven in the morning and
  three in the afternoon. In the evening, I expounded twice in a
  large room; once to the rich, and once to the poor; and went to
  rest happier than the night before.[90]

  “In the morning (Wednesday, Dec. 28), I took my leave of the
  Birmingham people, who wept much, and shewed great concern at
  my departure. I then went to Kidderminster, where I was kindly
  received by Mr. Williams, with whom I have corresponded for
  near two years. Many friends were at his house. I was greatly
  refreshed to find what a sweet savour of good remained to
  this day, from Mr. Baxter’s doctrine, works, and discipline.
  I preached, about three in the afternoon, to a large auditory,
  near the church. Some unkind men, though they promised not to
  do so, rang the bells; but our Saviour enabled me to preach
  with power. In the evening and next morning, I preached in the
  meeting-house.

  “I then (Thursday) went with Mr. Williams to Bromsgrove, and
  was kindly received by one Mr. K――――y, a good man, and several
  others, among whom were two or three Baptist ministers, and
  one Independent. In the afternoon, I preached in a field. Some
  rude people kicked a football, and sounded a horn; but the Lord
  enabled me to preach with boldness. About six, I preached in the
  Baptist meeting-house; left Kidderminster at eight, and reached
  Worcester at ten. Mr. Williams and another friend accompanied us.

  “The next day, I reached Gloucester, very thankful, and
  rejoicing greatly in Christ for giving me such a delightful and
  happy Christmas.”

This is a notable letter. Whitefield was now on the ground where Wesley
and his friends had been nearly murdered; but all the inconvenience
suffered by Whitefield was a little noise at Wednesbury, the throwing
of a few clods at Mare Green, the ringing of the church bells at
Kidderminster, and a game at football and the sounding of a horn at
Bromsgrove. Compared with Wesley, the lines fell to Whitefield in
pleasant places.

The observant reader will also notice Whitefield’s enormous labours.
In four days, in mid-winter, he held nineteen services, twelve of his
sermons being preached in the open air, and three in Dissenting chapels.
The opportunity of thus serving his great Master was Whitefield’s idea
of spending “a delightful and happy Christmas!” No wonder that his
Master blessed him, and filled him so full of joy at midnight hours.

But little more remains to be said respecting Whitefield’s career in
1743. In common with his friend Wesley, he was again and again fiercely
assailed by the public press. He was pilloried in the famous Dunciad of
Alexander Pope, as follows:――

     “So swells each windpipe; ass intones to ass,
      Harmonic twang! of leather, horn, and brass;
      Such as from lab’ring lungs th’ Enthusiast blows,
      High Sound, attemper’d to the vocal nose!
      Or such as bellow from the deep Divine;
      There, Webster! peal’d thy voice, and, Whitefield! thine.”

Pope was a poet; another assailant, the author of “The Progress of
Methodism in Bristol, or, the Methodists Unmasked, 1743” (18mo. 72 pp.),
was a _poetaster_, and unworthy of being further noticed; but, possibly,
his ribald verses, in which he malignantly attacked Whitefield, as well
as Wesley, were quite as goading as Pope’s more polished lines.

Whitefield began the year 1744 in his native city, Gloucester. He
then went to Watford in Wales, and, as moderator of the Calvinistic
Methodists, presided, on January 3rd, at one of their associations, or
conferences. Among the subjects considered at this meeting, the Hampton
riot seems to have been the principal. Whitefield writes:――

  “After mature deliberation, we determined to prosecute the
  affair to the utmost, and to set apart January 24 (the first
  day of the term) for a day of fasting and prayer, and to make
  collections for that purpose. The cause is the Lord’s, and much
  depends on our getting the victory. I believe we shall.”

The work in Wales was in great prosperity. In a letter, written soon
after the assembling of this conference, Howell Harris says:――

  “The labours of all our associates are more or less blessed.
  The Lord countenances the lay-preachers much; but He is more
  abundantly with the ordained ministers. The believers are
  generally strong and full of spiritual warmth and life. They
  do, indeed, adorn the gospel. The congregations are exceedingly
  large wherever we preach. Some of the greatest opposers are not
  only silenced, but constrained to own that the Lord is among us
  of a truth. In many places, the people meet at five o’clock in
  the morning to adore and worship the Lord together; and, in some
  places, meetings are resumed in the evenings, and kept up all
  night in prayer and praise.”[91]

It is a strange fact, that, notwithstanding the falsely reputed wealth
of Whitefield’s wife, and his own enormous popularity, his income was
insufficient for the maintenance of his family in London. Hence, during
his visit to Wales, he made arrangements for the removal of his wife
and child to Abergavenny;[92] and, on his return to London, wrote, as
follows, to a friend at Gloucester:――

                                    “LONDON, _January 18, 1744_.

  “This afternoon, I received your kind letter; and I thank you
  a thousand times for your great generosity in lending me some
  furniture, having little of my own. I know who will repay you.
  Next week, God willing, my dear wife and little one will come
  to Gloucester, for I find it beyond my circumstances to maintain
  them here. I leave London this day sennight. My brother will
  receive a letter about my wife’s coming. She and the little
  one are brave and well. But why talk I of wife and little one?
  Let all be absorbed in the thoughts of the love, sufferings,
  free and full salvation, of the infinitely great and glorious
  Emmanuel.”

Three weeks after this, Whitefield’s “little one” was dead. The letter
containing an account of his bereavement is so characteristic, and so
unfolds Whitefield’s weaknesses as well as virtues, that it must be
inserted without abridgment.

                                “GLOUCESTER, _February 9, 1744_.

  “Who knows what a day may bring forth? Last night, I was called
  to sacrifice my Isaac; I mean, to bury my only child and son,
  about four months old.

  “Many things had occurred to make me believe he was, not only
  to be continued to me, but, to be a preacher of the everlasting
  gospel. Pleased with the thought, and being ambitious of having
  a son of my own so divinely employed, Satan was permitted
  to give me some wrong impressions, whereby, as I now find, I
  misapplied several texts of Scripture. Upon these grounds, I
  made no scruple of declaring ‘that I should have a son, and that
  his name was to be John.’ I mentioned the very time of his birth,
  and fondly hoped that he was to be great in the sight of the
  Lord.

  “Everything happened according to the predictions, and my wife
  having had several narrow escapes while pregnant, especially
  by her falling from a high horse, and my driving her into a
  deep ditch in a one-horse chaise a little before the time of
  her lying-in, and from which we received little or no hurt,
  confirmed me in my expectation, that God would grant me my
  heart’s desire.

  “I would observe to you, that the child was even born in a room
  which the master of the house had prepared as a prison for his
  wife, on account of her coming to hear me. With joy would she
  often look upon the bars and staples and chains, which were
  fixed in order to keep her in. About a week after his birth,
  I publicly baptized him in the Tabernacle, and, in the company
  of thousands, solemnly gave him up to that God, who gave him to
  me. A hymn, too fondly composed by an aged widow, as suitable
  to the occasion, was sung, and all went away big with hopes of
  the child’s being hereafter to be employed in the work of God;
  but how soon have all their fond, and, as the event has proved,
  their ill-grounded expectations been blasted, as well as mine!

  “House-keeping being expensive in London, I thought it best to
  send both parent and child to Abergavenny, where my wife had
  a little house, the furniture of which, as I thought of soon
  embarking for Georgia, I had partly sold, and partly given away.
  In their journey thither, they stopped at Gloucester, at the
  Bell Inn, which my brother now keeps, and in which I was born.
  There, my beloved was cut off with a stroke. Upon my coming here,
  without knowing what had happened, I enquired concerning the
  welfare of parent and child; and, by the answer, found that the
  flower was cut down.

  “I immediately called all to join in prayer, in which I blessed
  the Father of mercies for giving me a son, continuing it to me
  so long, and taking it from me so soon. All joined in desiring
  that I would decline preaching till the child was buried; but
  I remembered a saying of good Mr. Henry, ‘that weeping must not
  hinder sowing;’ and, therefore, I preached twice the next day,
  and also the day following; on the evening of which, just as I
  was closing my sermon, the bell struck out for the funeral. At
  first, I must acknowledge, it gave nature a little shake; but,
  looking up, I recovered strength, and then concluded with saying,
  that this text, on which I had been preaching, namely, ‘All
  things work together for good to them that love God,’ made me as
  willing to go out to my son’s funeral, as to hear of his birth.
  Our parting from him was solemn. We kneeled down, prayed, and
  shed many tears, but, I hope, tears of resignation; and then,
  as he died in the house wherein I was born, he was taken and
  laid in the church where I was baptized, first communicated, and
  first preached.

  “All this, you may easily guess, threw me into very solemn
  and deep reflection, and, I hope, deep humiliation; but I was
  comforted from that passage in the book of Kings, where is
  recorded the death of the Shunammite’s child, which the prophet
  said, ‘the Lord had hid from him,’ and the woman’s answer to the
  prophet when he asked, ‘Is it well with thee? Is it well with
  thy husband? Is it well with thy child?’ And she answered, ‘It
  is well.’ This gave me no small satisfaction. I preached upon
  the text, the day following, at Gloucester; and then hastened
  up to London, and preached upon the same there.

  “Though disappointed of a living preacher, by the death of my
  son, yet, I hope, what happened before his birth, and since at
  his death, has taught me such lessons, as, if duly improved,
  may render his mistaken parent more cautious, more sober-minded,
  more experienced in Satan’s devices, and, consequently, more
  useful in his future labours to the Church of God. Thus, ‘out
  of the eater comes forth meat, and out of the strong comes
  forth sweetness.’ Not doubting but our future life will be one
  continued explanation of this blessed riddle, I commend myself
  and you to the unerring guidance of God’s word and Spirit, and
  am,

                            “Yours, etc.,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

Whilst Whitefield was burying his child at Gloucester, his friend,
Charles Wesley, was preaching, at the peril of his life, in
Staffordshire. At Wednesbury, the mob “assaulted, one after another,
all the houses of those who were called Methodists.” All the windows
were broken, and furniture of every kind was dashed in pieces. At
Aldridge and several other villages, many of the houses were plundered,
and the rioters “loaded themselves with clothes and goods of all sorts,
as much as they could carry.”[93] Whitefield heard of this execrable
rioting, and wrote:――

  “There has been dreadful work near Birmingham; but Satan will
  be overthrown. We had a glorious fast on Monday (February 20th),
  and collected above £60 for our poor suffering brethren.”

A week after this, Whitefield set out on a visit to his wife at
Abergavenny, and took her “a second-hand suit of curtains,” which he
had bought for her humble dwelling.

At the beginning of the month of March, he returned to Gloucester,
to be present at the assizes, at which the Hampton rioters, already
mentioned, were tried, and found guilty, the amount of damages to be
paid being referred to the King’s Bench, London. Whitefield writes:――

  “I hear the rioters are hugely alarmed; but they know not that
  we intend to let them see what we could do, and then to forgive
  them. This troublesome affair being over, I must now prepare for
  my intended voyage to America.”

Nearly seven months, however, elapsed before Whitefield’s voyage was
begun,――an interval which was partly occupied with what, to Whitefield,
was extremely uncongenial, a literary war.

To understand the controversy, it is needful to remark, that, of late,
several publications had been issued, and industriously circulated,
attacking the loyalty of Whitefield and his friends. Among others,
there was a quarto-sized sheet, of four pages, entitled, “The Case
of the Methodists briefly stated, more particularly in the point of
Field-Preaching.” The writer tries to prove that field-preaching is
contrary to the Act of Toleration; and then he proceeds to shew, that,
because of the largeness of his congregations, Whitefield’s preaching
in the open air was eminently calculated to promote sedition, and to be
a serious danger to the state.

The principal publication, however, was “Observations upon the Conduct
and Behaviour of a certain Sect, usually distinguished by the name of
Methodists. London: printed by E. Owen, in Amen Corner. 1744.” (4to.
24 pp.) Rightly or wrongly, Dr. Gibson, Bishop of London, was supposed
to be the author. The pamphlet consisted of three parts. In the first,
it was alleged, 1. That the Methodists generally set the government
at defiance, by appointing public places of religious worship, and
by preaching in the fields, without taking the prescribed oaths, and
subscribing the declaration against popery. 2. That they broke the
rules of the Church, of which they professed themselves members, by
going to other than their own parish churches to receive the sacrament.
3. It was also stated that really there was no need for Methodist
meetings, because, for many years past, many of the Religious Societies,
in London and Westminster, had spent their Sunday evenings (after
attending church) in serious conversation and reading good books; and
the bishops and clergy had encouraged these Societies, though some of
them had been misled into Methodist extravagances.

In the second part, which is principally levelled against
Whitefield, thirteen questions are asked, of which the following are
specimens:――Question 4. Whether a due and regular attendance in the
public offices of religion does not better answer the true ends of
devotion, and is not better evidence of the co-operation of the Holy
Spirit, than those sudden agonies, roarings, and screamings, tremblings,
droppings-down, ravings, and madness into which the hearers of the
Methodists had been cast? Question 9. Whether it does not savour of
self-sufficiency and presumption, when a few young heads, without any
colour of a Divine commission, set up their own schemes as the great
standard of Christianity?

The third part is a severe critique on the _Christian History_, of
which Whitefield was the chief promoter. Here, again, sundry questions
were asked, as, for instance, “Whether the zealous endeavours to form
Band-Societies, according to the Moravian way, and putting them under
the instruction and ordering of particular _superintendents_, and
_exhorters_; and the holding of _associations_ and _meetings_, at set
times and places, with select moderators; together with the fixing
of _visitations_ and their boundaries and limits,――whether these
proceedings, not warranted by any law, are not a presumptuous attempt
to erect a new church constitution, upon a foreign plan, in contempt
of those wise rules of government, discipline, and worship, which were
judged by our pious ancestors to be the best means for preserving and
maintaining religion, together with public peace and order in Church
and State?” Again, “Whether these itinerant preachers, and the setting
up of separate places of public worship _at pleasure_, and those
pretences to more immediate communications with God, and the visible
endeavours to bring the parochial pastors and the public worship under
a disesteem among the people,――whether these and the like practices
are not of the same kind with those of the last century, that had so
great a share in bringing on those religious confusions, which brought
a reproach upon Christianity in general, and which, by degrees, worked
the body of the people into a national madness and frenzy in matters of
religion?”

To see the full force of these accusations, it must be borne in mind,
that, they were published at a time when, (1) The nation was in a
state of great excitement from an expected invasion by Prince Charles,
the young Pretender; (2) The Methodists in Wiltshire, Gloucestershire,
and Staffordshire, were being subjected to the most brutal treatment
by clerically encouraged mobs; and (3) The general belief was that
these “Observations upon the Conduct and Behaviour of the Methodists”
were not of ignoble origin, but were written by the bishop of the
metropolitan diocese, and with the approval of a considerable number
of his prelatic brethren.

On January 26, 1744, Whitefield published the following
advertisement:――

  “Whereas some anonymous papers, against the people called
  Methodists in general, and myself and friends in particular,
  have been, for some weeks, printed in a large edition, and
  handed about and read in the Religious Societies of the cities
  of London and Westminster, and given into the hands of many
  private persons, with strict injunctions to lend them to no one,
  nor let them go out of their hands to any; and whereas, after
  having accidentally had the hasty perusal of them, I find many
  queries, of great importance, concerning me and my conduct,
  contained therein; and as it appears, that, one paper has
  little or no connection with another, and a copy, when applied
  for, was refused me, and I know not how soon I may embark for
  Georgia――I am, therefore, obliged hereby to desire a speedy
  open publication of the aforesaid papers, in order that a candid
  impartial answer may be made thereto by me,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

Six days after the date of this advertisement, Whitefield wrote as
follows to the Bishop of London:――

                                    “LONDON, _February 1, 1744_.

  “MY LORD,――Simplicity becomes the followers of Jesus Christ;
  and, therefore, I think it my duty to trouble your lordship with
  these few lines.

  “I suppose your lordship has seen the advertisement published
  by me, about four days ago, concerning certain anonymous papers,
  which have been handed about the Societies for some considerable
  time. As I think it my duty to answer them, I should be glad
  to be informed whether the report be true, that your lordship
  composed them, that I may the better know to whom I may direct
  my answer. A sight also of one of the copies, if in your
  lordship’s keeping, would oblige, my lord, your lordship’s most
  obliged, dutiful son and servant,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

  “P.S. The bearer will bring your lordship’s answer; or, if your
  lordship favour me with a line, be pleased to direct for me, to
  be left with Mr. J. Syms, in Pitfield Street, near Hoxton.”

Instead of writing, the Bishop sent, by the bearer of Whitefield’s
letter, a verbal message, to the effect that Whitefield should hear
from him; but the only further communication which came to hand was
the following, written, two days after the date of Whitefield’s letter
to the Bishop, by the printer of the “anonymous papers.”

                                            “_February 3, 1744._

  “SIR,――My name is Owen. I am a printer in Amen Corner, and I
  waited upon you to let you know that I have had orders from
  several of the Bishops, to print, for their use, such numbers
  of the ‘Observations upon the Conduct and Behaviour of the
  Methodists,’ with some few additions, as they have respectively
  bespoken; and I will not fail to wait upon you with one copy, as
  soon as the impression is finished.

                “I am, sir, your most obedient servant,

                                                      “E. OWEN.”

There can hardly be a doubt that the “Observations” were the
productions of Bishop Gibson’s pen. Others, besides Whitefield and
his friends, fully believed this. Zinzendorf, on receiving a copy of
the anonymous pamphlet, wrote a long letter, in Latin, to the Bishop,
expressing his surprise that any one belonging to the Church of England
should have evinced such ignorance by the remarks made respecting
the Moravians. A Moravian deputation also waited upon Gibson, on
the same subject; and a further correspondence ensued between the
Bishop, Zinzendorf, and James Hutton;[94] in which Zinzendorf almost
indignantly repudiated any present connection with the Methodists,
telling his lordship, that, it was “very difficult to decide whether
the Moravians have a greater dislike to the Methodists’ plan of
salvation, or the Methodists to that of the Moravians.”

But leaving this, all candid readers will acknowledge that the
“conduct and behaviour” of the Bishop of London and his brethren were
disingenuous. To be the circulators of anonymous “fly-sheets,” full of
the most serious accusations, was an act dishonourable to a bishop’s
dignity, and savoured more of the assassin than of a pastor of the
flock of Christ.

Whitefield lost no time in replying to the Bishops’ pamphlet. On the
10th of March, he finished, and committed to the press, “An Answer to
the first part of an anonymous Pamphlet, entitled, ‘Observations upon
the Conduct and Behaviour of a certain Sect usually distinguished by
the name of Methodists.’ In a Letter to the Right Reverend the Bishop
of London, and the other the Right Reverend the Bishops concerned in
the publication thereof.” (8vo. 26 pp.) Before the year was ended,
Whitefield’s “Letter” passed, at least, through three editions in
England, besides being printed and published at Boston in America.
The motto on his title-page was Psalm xxxv. 11, “False witnesses did
rise up; they laid to my charge things that I knew not.”

It is difficult to furnish an outline of Whitefield’s pamphlet; but
the following extracts will give the reader an idea of its style and
spirit:――

  “Young as I am, I know too much of the devices of Satan, and
  the desperate wickedness and deceitfulness of my own heart, not
  to be sensible, that I am a man of like passions with others;
  and that I, consequently, may have sometimes mistaken nature
  for grace, imagination for revelation, and the fire of my own
  temper for the pure and sacred flame of holy zeal. If, therefore,
  upon perusing the pamphlet, I find that I have been blameable
  in any respect, I will not only confess it, but return hearty
  thanks both to the compiler and your lordships, _though unknown_.
  Indeed, it is but of little consequence to the merits of the
  cause to know who the author is. Only this much may be said,
  your lordships yourselves being judges, it is not quite fair to
  _give stabs in the dark_.”

Whitefield proceeds to say, that the title of the Bishops’ pamphlet
ought to have run thus: “Misrepresentations of the Conduct and
_Principles_ of many Orthodox, well-meaning Ministers and Members of
the Church of England, and loyal Subjects to his Majesty, King George,
_falsely termed a Sect_, and usually distinguished, _out of contempt_,
by the name of Methodists.” He adds:――

  “The _principles_, as well as conduct, of the Methodists are
  greatly misrepresented in this pamphlet. Its design is to
  exhibit their proceedings as dangerous to the Church and State,
  in order to procure an Act of Parliament against them, or to
  oblige them to secure themselves by turning Dissenters. But is
  not such a motion, at such a season as this, both uncharitable
  and unseasonable? Is not the Administration engaged enough
  already in other affairs, without troubling themselves with
  the Methodists? Or, who would now advise them to bring further
  guilt upon the nation, by persecuting some of the present
  government’s _most hearty_ friends? I say, my lords, _the present
  government’s most hearty friends_; for, though the Methodists
  (as the world calls them) disagree in some particulars, yet
  I venture to affirm that, to _a man_, they all agree in this:
  namely, to love and honour the king. For my own part, I profess
  myself a zealous friend to his present majesty King George, and
  the present Administration. Wherever I go, I think it my duty
  to pray for him and to preach up obedience to him, and all that
  are set in authority under him. I have now been a preacher above
  seven years, and for six years past have been called to act in
  a very public way. Your lordships must have heard of the great
  numbers who have attended: sometimes several of the nobility,
  and, now and then, even some of the clergy have been present.
  Did they ever hear me speak a disloyal word? Are there not
  thousands, who can testify how fervently and frequently I
  pray for his majesty King George, his royal offspring, and
  the present government? Yes, my lords, they can; and, I trust,
  I should be enabled to do so, though surrounded with popish
  enemies, and in danger of dying for it as soon as my prayer was
  ended.”

So much for Whitefield’s loyalty. What about his ecclesiastical
misbehaviour? He writes:――

  “If your lordships apprehend that we are liable to
  ecclesiastical censures, we are ready to make a proper defence,
  whenever called to it by our ecclesiastical superiors. As for
  myself, your lordships very well know that I am a Bachelor of
  Arts, have taken the oaths, have subscribed to the Articles,
  and have been twice regularly ordained. In this character, I
  have acted, both at home and abroad; and I know of no law of
  our government which prohibits my preaching in any field, barn,
  street, or outhouse whatever.”

Whitefield proceeds to say, he has perused “all the Acts of King
Charles II., wherein the word _field_ is mentioned,” and that he finds
“they are intended to suppress _seditious conventicles_,” and then
continues:――

  “These are the only _field-meetings_ that are prohibited; and
  how, my lords, can such Acts be applied to the Methodists? Are
  they ‘seditious sectaries, disloyal persons, who, under pretence
  of tender consciences, contrive insurrections?’ No, my lords.
  How then can your lordships, with a safe conscience, encourage
  such a pamphlet, or bespeak any number of Mr. Owen, in order,
  as may be supposed, that they may be dispersed among your
  lordships’ clergy? Well might the author conceal his name. A
  more notorious libel has not been published. The pamphlet comes
  into public like a child dropped, that nobody cares to own. And,
  indeed, who can be blamed for disowning such a libel?”

This, addressed to bishops, by a young clergyman, was bold language;
but their lordships deserved it; for, whatever faults belonged to
Whitefield and the first Methodists, they certainly were as free from
sedition as the Episcopal Bench itself.

Whitefield’s “Second Letter,” to the bishops, was written during his
voyage to America, and was first “printed and sold by Rogers and Fowle,
in Queen Street, near the Prison, Boston, 1744.” (4to. 24 pp.) It is
dated August 25, 1744; but, to prevent a recurrence to the subject,
it is noticed here. First of all, Whitefield replies to the censures
pronounced upon “itinerant preaching,” and concludes thus:――

  “May I not take the freedom of acquainting your lordships,
  that, if all the Right Reverend the Bishops did their duty,
  (especially my Lord of London, whose diocese is of such vast
  extent,) they would all of them long since have become itinerant
  preachers.”

He next defended the doctrines, preached by himself and the
Methodists,――justification by faith, sudden and instantaneous
conversion, and other cognate truths. He attacked Archbishop Tillotson,
because, “contrary to the laws of Church and State, he makes good works
a _condition_ of our acceptance with God;” and he declared concerning
the author of “The Whole Duty of Man,” that, because he entirely omits
to teach the doctrine of justification by faith, his famous book might
“more properly be termed, _Half the Duty of Man_.” He belaboured the
clergy for playing at _dice_, and _cards_, and other _unlawful games_,
contrary to the seventy-fifth canon of the Church; and complained,
that, by “frequenting taverns and alehouses,” they injured the laity
by a vile “example.” He rebutted the charge against himself of being an
enthusiast; and, as for the “sudden agonies, roarings, and screamings”
of some of his converts, he said, “The itinerant preachers look
upon these as extraordinary things, proceeding _generally_ from
soul-distress, and _sometimes_, it may be, from the agency of the
evil spirit, who labours to drive poor souls into despair.”

What was the result of all this plain-speaking? First of all, another
anonymous author, merely using the initials, “J. B.,” published a
furious pamphlet of fifty-four pages, entitled, “A Letter to the
Reverend Mr. Whitefield, occasioned by his _pretended_ Answer to the
first part of the Observations on the Conduct and Behaviour of the
Methodists. By a Gentleman of Pembroke College, Oxon. London, 1744.”
(8vo.)

How far the author of this letter was a _gentleman_ will appear from
the following extracts from his rancorous production:――

  “Do you think my Lord of London would choose to let you know
  whether he was the author of the papers, or would be fond
  of entering into a _personal_ dispute with you? with you, I
  say, sir, or your followers; who, I may venture to affirm, can
  curse, rail, and berogue your antagonists, (though in Scripture
  language all the while,) so as hardly to be exceeded by any Pope,
  or _spiritual bully_, that ever yet appeared in Christendom.”

  “You are one who has been travelling over all countries,
  to establish _new-fangled societies_; _heads and spiritual
  directors_, _hot-brained cobblers_, and the meanest class of men;
  _fellows that have nothing to lose_, all big with venom against
  the clergy of the _present Establishment_, and _despising the
  laws_ of the State, and the _peaceful constitution_ of the realm.
  You are perpetually sowing divisions, and urging on the bigotry
  of your disciples, and their implacable malice, by your belying,
  railing, and scandalising the ministers of the Church, as well
  as by treating as heathens and reprobates of the infinitely good
  Being, all others, who dare despise your hellish doctrines and
  practices. You exactly copy after Cromwell, the _Whitefield
  of the last century_, in _artfully compounding_ Churchmen and
  Dissenters, people of all sorts and denominations, to bring
  about your design of ruining the present constitution. When I
  see a man, of your _vast importance_, _railing_, _hectoring_,
  and _bullying_ your superiors, I cannot help thinking of a
  _pert_ liquor amongst us, which foams, and bounces, and sputters,
  and makes a mighty ado; and yet all the while is but _bottled
  small-beer_.

  “Your _favourite method_ of wounding characters in a scrip of
  prayer, to shew the world how kindly you can forgive, after you
  have been publicly railing at them for _nothing_, puts me in
  mind of Jack in the _Tale of a Tub_; who was mighty fond of
  falling down on his knees, and turning up his eyes in the midst
  of a kennel, as if at his devotions; but who, when curiosity
  attracted men to laugh or to listen, would, of a sudden,
  bespatter them with mud.”

Much more of the same kind of scurrility, and of even worse, might
be given; but the last paragraph in the “Gentleman’s” ill-mannered
pamphlet must suffice.

  “Thus ends your railing; and, like a woman that has _fought
  herself out of breath_, when you can _spit no more of your
  malice_, you tell us, you would ‘not bring a railing accusation
  against any.’ What a monstrous fib is that! ‘Neither would
  I,’ you add, ‘when giving a reason of the hope that is in me,
  do it any otherwise than with meekness and fear.’ There you
  fib again most desperately! Why, _my dear meek soul, of a
  sudden_, you have certainly forgot yourself; and your darling
  _spirit of bitterness, that has possessed you through the whole
  Letter_, at length, seems to be _jaded_. However, it cannot help
  _fibbing still_; and there is not a more remarkable instance
  of this, than in your _last Judas’ kiss_, where you would have
  their lordships believe, you are ‘_their most dutiful son and
  servant_.’”

These are fair specimens of the scolding of this zealous defender
of the Bishop of London and his brethren, and of Church and State.
Whitefield never noticed the defence, though written by a _Gentleman
of Pembroke College, Oxford_. Another pamphlet, however, written by
a Church dignitary of some importance, received more attention. This
was “A Serious and Expostulatory Letter to the Reverend Mr. George
Whitefield, on occasion of his late Letter to the Bishop of London and
other Bishops; and in Vindication of the ‘Observations upon the Conduct
and Behaviour of a certain Sect usually distinguished by the Name of
Methodists,’ not long since published. By Thomas Church, A.M., Vicar
of Battersea, and Prebendary of St. Paul’s, London.[95] 1744.” (8vo.
60 pp.) Want of space prevents the insertion of lengthy extracts from
Mr. Church’s letter, but its scope may be guessed by the following
sentences:――

  “Field-preaching is forbidden by the statute, as having a
  tendency to sedition and tumults.” “Your extravagances have been
  the scorn of the profane, and have strengthened the prejudices
  of some against our religion itself.” “I never knew nor heard of
  any one instance of a parish in England so carelessly attended
  as the charge committed to you in Georgia, the only place, I
  think, to which you have had any regular appointment. How unfit
  are you, of all men, to upbraid the clergy with non-residence,
  with being shepherds who leave their flocks, and let them perish
  for lack of knowledge.”

Whitefield immediately replied to this, in an 8vo. pamphlet of 20
pages, bearing the following title:――“A Letter to the Rev. Mr. Thomas
Church, M.A., Vicar of Battersea, and Prebendary of St. Paul’s; in
Answer to his Serious and Expostulatory Letter to the Rev. Mr. George
Whitefield, on occasion of his late Letter to the Bishop of London, and
other Bishops. By George Whitefield, A.B., late of Pembroke College,
Oxford. London: printed by W. Strahan, for J. Robinson, at the Golden
Lion, in Ludgate Street, and sold at the Tabernacle, near Moor-Fields,
1744.” The letter is dated, “London, May 22, 1744,” and its
biographical sections must be briefly noticed.

Whitefield had often been taunted and even threatened for not using
the Liturgy in many of his public services. In reference to this, he
writes:――

  “As for my irregularities in curtailing the Liturgy, or not
  using the Common Prayer in the fields, I think it needless to
  make any apology till I am called thereto in a judicial way by
  my ecclesiastical superiors. They have laws and courts. In and
  by those, ecclesiastics are to be judged; and I am ready to make
  a proper defence, whenever it shall be required at my hands.”

Mr. Church and many others had retorted Whitefield’s attacks on
non-resident clergy, by telling him he had been guilty of non-residence
himself. To this Whitefield replied as follows:――

  “I wish every non-resident minister in England could give as
  good an account of his non-residence as I can give of my absence
  from Savannah. To satisfy you, reverend sir, I will acquaint you
  with the whole affair. When I first went abroad, I was appointed
  to be minister of Frederica; but, upon my arrival in Georgia,
  finding there was no minister at Savannah, and no place of
  worship at Frederica, by the advice of the magistrates and
  people, I continued at Savannah, teaching publicly, and from
  house to house, and catechizing the children day by day, during
  the whole time of my first continuance in Georgia; except about
  a fortnight, in which I went to Frederica, to visit the people,
  and to see about building a church, for which I had given £50
  out of some money I had collected, and of which I have given a
  public account. In about four months, I came back to England to
  receive priest’s orders, and to collect money for building an
  Orphan House. At the request of many, the honourable trustees
  presented me to the living of Savannah. I accepted it, but
  refused the stipend of £50 per annum, which they generously
  offered me. Neither did I put them to any expense during my
  stay in England, where I thought it my duty to abide till I had
  collected a sufficient sum wherewith I might begin the Orphan
  House, though I should have left England sooner, had I not been
  prevented by the embargo. However, I was more easy, because I
  knew the honourable trustees had sent over another minister, who
  arrived soon after I left the colony.

  “Upon my second arrival at Georgia, finding the care of the
  Orphan House and the care of the parish too great a task for
  me, I immediately wrote to the honourable trustees to provide
  another minister. In the meanwhile, as most of my parishioners
  were in debt, or ready to leave the colony for want of being
  employed, and, as I believed erecting an Orphan House would
  be the best thing I could do for them and their posterity, I
  thought it my duty, from time to time, to answer the invitations
  that were sent me to preach Christ Jesus in several parts of
  America, and to raise further collections towards carrying
  on the Orphan House. The Lord stirred up many to be ready to
  distribute and willing to communicate on these occasions. I
  always came home furnished with provisions and money, most of
  which was expended among the people; and, by this means, the
  northern part of the colony almost entirely subsisted for a
  considerable time. This was asserted, not very long ago, before
  the House of Commons.

  “And now, sir, judge you whether my non-residence was anything
  like the non-residence of most of the English clergy. When I
  was absent from my parishioners, I was not loitering or living
  at ease, but preaching Christ Jesus, and begging for them and
  theirs; and when I returned, it was not to fleece my flock, and
  then go and spend it upon my lusts, or lay it up for a fortune
  for myself and my relations. No: freely as I had received,
  freely I gave. I choose a voluntary poverty. The love of God
  and the good of souls is my only aim.”

All candid readers will admit that Whitefield’s simple statement is a
sufficient refutation of the plausible charge, so often brought against
him, concerning his non-residence in the only parish he ever had.

Before proceeding with Whitefield’s itinerary, it may be well to
complete the list of his publications during the year 1744. This shall
be done as briefly as possible.

1. “A Short Account of God’s Dealings with the Reverend Mr. George
Whitefield, A.B., from his Infancy to the Time of his entering into
Holy Orders. The Second Edition.” (12mo. 46 pp.) This was an exact
reprint of the edition published in 1740.

2. “A Brief Account of the Occasion, Process, and Issue of a late Trial
at the Assize held at Gloucester, March 3, 1744.” (8vo. 15 pp.) This
has been already noticed.

3. “The Experience of Mr. R. Cruttenden, as delivered to a Congregation
of Christ in Lime Street, under the pastoral care of the Rev. Mr.
Richardson. Prefaced and recommended by George Whitefield, A.B.” (8vo.
32 pp.) Cruttenden, after losing his fortune, by the bursting of the
South Sea bubble, had recently been converted, at the Tabernacle, under
the preaching of John Cennick.[96] Nothing in the pamphlet requires
notice, except, perhaps, the following well-deserved rap, which
Whitefield, in his preface, gives to Dissenting ministers, some of whom
were as bitterly opposed to the great preacher as were his clerical
brethren of the Church of England.

  “Those serious, godly ministers among the Dissenters, who,
  through prejudice or misinformation, oppose, or are shy of us,
  as though some dangerous sect was sprung up, may, from this and
  such-like instances, begin to reason with themselves, whether
  we are not sent of God? and whether it is not high time to
  acknowledge and adore God in His late sovereign way of working?
  Here is an account of a learned and rational man, brought
  to Jesus, and built up in Him, by what the world would call
  illiterate preachers. This is not the first instance by hundreds.
  No set of men could do such things, or meet with such success,
  unless God was with them. It is not the first time that our
  Saviour has perfected praise out of the mouths of babes, and
  chosen the weak things of this world to confound the strong.”

4. There is only another publication to be noticed. Three years before,
Dr. Smalbroke, Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, had delivered a charge,
to his clergy, against the Methodists; and now, in the year 1744, and
when a part of his diocese was disgraced by the riots at Wednesbury and
other places, he published it. Smalbroke was a somewhat distinguished
man; but withal whimsical, as, for instance, when, in his “Vindication
of the Miracles of Christ,” he made elaborate calculations concerning
the number of devils in the herd of swine at Gadarene. He was also
fond of strife, more than twenty of his publications being of a
controversial character. The pith of his anti-Methodistic charge was,
that, “the indwelling and inward witnessing of the Spirit in believers’
hearts, (if there were ever such things at all,) as also praying
and preaching by the Spirit, are all the _extraordinary_ gifts and
operations of the Holy Ghost, belonging only to the apostolical
and primitive times; and, that, consequently, all pretensions to
such favours, in these last days, are vain and _enthusiastical_.”
Whitefield’s reply was written on shipboard, during his voyage
to America, and was first printed at Boston, in New England. Its
long title was as follows: “Some Remarks upon a late Charge against
Enthusiasm, delivered by the Right Reverend Father in God, Richard,
Lord Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, to the Rev. the Clergy in the
several parts of the Diocese of Lichfield and Coventry, in a Triennial
Visitation of the same in 1741; and published, at their request, in
the present year 1744. In a Letter to the Rev. the Clergy of that
Diocese. By George Whitefield, A.B., late of Pembroke College, Oxon.”
(8vo. 35 pp.) Passing over the theological part of Whitefield’s
pamphlet, one extract from his concluding observations must suffice.
In a foot-note he states, “The Methodists in Staffordshire were mobbed
last Shrove-Tuesday, and plundered of their substance to the amount
of £700.” To these persecuted inhabitants of the diocese of Lichfield,
Whitefield says:――

  “You have lately been enabled joyfully to bear the spoiling of
  your goods. Think it not strange, if you should hereafter be
  called to resist unto blood. Fear not the faces of men, neither
  be afraid of their revilings. The more you are afflicted, the
  more you shall multiply and grow. Persecution is your privilege;
  it is a badge of your discipleship; it is every Christian’s lot,
  in some degree or other. Only be careful to give no just cause
  of offence. Be studious to bring forth the fruits of the Spirit
  in your lives. Call no man master, but Christ. Follow others
  only as they are followers of Him. Be fond of no name but that
  of _Christian_. Beware of making parties, and of calling down
  fire from heaven to consume your adversaries. Labour to shine
  in common life, by a conscientious discharge of all relative
  duties; and study to adorn the gospel of our Lord in all things.
  If you are good Christians, you will fear God, and, for His sake,
  honour the king. Be thankful for the many blessings you enjoy
  under the government of his present majesty, King George; and
  continue to pray to Him, by whom kings reign, and princes decree
  justice, to keep a popish pretender from ever sitting on the
  English throne.”

We now return to Whitefield’s itinerancy. There is but little evidence
to shew how he spent the interval between March 15th and June 26th.
John Cennick, in his diary, says: “On the 3rd of April, at my special
desire, the first association of our ministers and preachers, which
had been kept in Wilts, took place in my house at Tytherton. There
were present the following preachers: Mr. Whitefield, Howell Harris,
John Cennick, Joseph Humphreys, and Thomas Adams; and the following
exhorters: William Humphreys, Isaac Cottle, Thomas Lewis, and Thomas
Beswick.”[97]

Part of the fifteen weeks was spent in London, part in Bristol, and
part in Wilts. He was also awaiting an opportunity to embark for
Georgia; and, with Mr. Smith, a merchant, actually took a passage
in a ship about to sail from Portsmouth. At the last moment, however,
the captain refused to take him; upon which he set out for Plymouth,
preaching at Wellington, Exeter, Bideford, and Kingsbridge on the
way.[98] At Plymouth, he was made the subject of a brutal attack, which
might have ended seriously. Hence the following letters:――

                                    “PLYMOUTH, _June 26, 1744_.

  “MY DEAR FRIEND,――You see by this where I am. Doubtless, you
  will wonder at the quick transition from Portsmouth to Plymouth.
  When I wrote last, I intended going to the former; but, just
  before I took leave of the dear Tabernacle people, a message was
  sent to me, that the captain, in whose ship I was to sail from
  thence, would not take me, for fear of my spoiling his sailors.
  Upon this, hearing of a ship that was going under convoy from
  Plymouth, I hastened hither, and have taken a passage in the
  _Wilmington_, Captain Dalby, bound to Piscataway, in New England.

  “My first reception here was a little unpromising. A report
  being spread that I was come, a great number of people assembled
  upon the _Hoe_ (a large green for walks and diversions), and
  somebody brought out a bear and a drum; but I did not come till
  the following evening, when, under pretence of a hue-and-cry,
  several broke into the room where I lodged at the inn, and
  disturbed me very much.

  “I then betook myself to private lodgings, and being gone to
  rest, after preaching to a large congregation, and visiting
  the French prisoners, the good woman of the house came and
  told me, that a well-dressed gentleman desired to speak with
  me. Imagining that he was some Nicodemite, I desired he might
  be brought up. He came and sat down by my bedside, told me he
  was a lieutenant of a man of war, congratulated me on the success
  of my ministry, and expressed himself much concerned for being
  detained from hearing me. He then asked me if I knew him? I
  answered, No. He replied, his name was Cadogan. I rejoined,
  that I had seen one Mr. Cadogan, who was formerly an officer
  in Georgia, about a fortnight ago, at Bristol. Upon this,
  he immediately rose up, uttering the most abusive language,
  calling me _dog_, _rogue_, _villain_, etc., and beat me most
  unmercifully with his gold-headed cane. As you know, I have not
  much natural courage; and, being apprehensive that he intended
  to shoot or stab me, I underwent all the fears of a sudden
  violent death. My hostess and her daughter, hearing me cry
  ‘Murder,’ rushed into the room, and seized him by the collar;
  but he immediately disengaged himself from them, and repeated
  his blows upon me. The cry of murder was repeated, and he made
  towards the chamber door, from whence the good woman pushed
  him downstairs. A second man now cried out, ‘Take courage, I
  am ready to help you;’ and, accordingly, whilst the other was
  escaping, he rushed upstairs, and finding one of the women
  coming down, took her by the heels, and threw her upon the
  floor, by which her back was almost broken. By this time the
  neighbourhood was alarmed; but, being unwilling to add to the
  commotion, I desired the doors might be shut, and so betook
  myself to rest.”

This strange adventure is explained in another letter, written to the
same friend, a few days afterwards.

                                      “PLYMOUTH, _July 4, 1744_.

  “Since my last, I have had some information about the late odd
  adventure. It seems that four gentlemen came to the house of one
  of my particular friends, and desired to know where I lodged,
  that they might pay their respects to me. My friend directed
  them; and, soon afterwards, I received a letter, informing me
  that the writer of it was a nephew of Mr. S――――, an eminent
  attorney at New York; that he had had the pleasure of supping
  with me at his uncle’s house; and that he desired my company
  to sup with him and a few more friends at a tavern. I sent him
  word that it was not customary for me to sup out at taverns,
  but I should be glad of his company, out of respect to his uncle,
  to eat a morsel with him at my lodgings. He came; we supped. I
  observed that he frequently looked around him, and seemed very
  absent; but, having no suspicion, I continued in conversation
  with him and my other friends till we parted. I now find
  that this man was to have been the assassin; and that, being
  interrogated by his companions as to what he had done, he
  answered, that being used so civilly, he had not the heart to
  touch me.

  “Upon this, as I am informed, the person who assaulted me, laid
  a wager of ten guineas that he would do my business for me. Some
  say, that they took his sword from him, which I suppose they did,
  for I only saw and felt the weight of his cane.

  “The next morning, I was to expound at a private house, and then
  to set out for Bideford. Some urged me to stay and prosecute;
  but, being better employed, I went on my intended journey; was
  greatly blessed in preaching the everlasting gospel; and, upon
  my return, was well paid for what I had suffered; for curiosity
  led perhaps two thousand more than ordinary to see and hear
  a man who had like to have been murdered in his bed. Thus all
  things tend to the furtherance of the gospel.

              “‘Thus Satan thwarts, and men object,
                And yet the thing they thwart effect.’

  “Leaving you to add a hallelujah, I subscribe myself,

                                    “Ever, ever yours,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

Whitefield seriously believed that this atrocious outrage was a
deliberate attempt to murder him; the probability is, that it was
a cruel freak, similar to many others for which naval stations have
frequently been infamous.

Whitefield spent more than six weeks at Plymouth, and in the immediate
neighbourhood. His detention, occasioned by waiting for the convoy,
was not without good results. Hence the following extracts from
letters written during this interval. To John Syms, Whitefield wrote
as follows:――

                                    “PLYMOUTH, _July 21, 1744_.

  “MY DEAR MAN,――I expected a line from you to-day; but, I suppose,
  you think we are gone. This day came in a privateer, who saw the
  Brest squadron, which has pursued two of our men of war; so that,
  had we sailed, we should in all probability have been carried
  into France. We are now to go under the convoy of the grand
  fleet.

  “I have been greatly refreshed this evening in preaching the
  blood of Jesus. The congregations grow every day. Last night,
  many from the dock guarded me home, being apprehensive there was
  a design against me. Without my knowledge, they insulted a man
  who intended to hurt me. I am sorry for it. My health is better.
  Whether we sail or not, expect to hear again from, dear, dear
  Johnny, ever, ever yours whilst

                                        “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”[99]

                                    “PLYMOUTH, _July 26, 1744_.

  “Could you think it? I have been preaching a confirmation sermon.
  Do you ask me where? In a Quaker’s field. As I saw thousands
  flocked to the church to have the bishop’s hands imposed upon
  them, I thought it not improper to let them have a word of
  exhortation suitable to the occasion. I have also made an
  elopement to Kingsbridge, where, a few days ago, I preached to
  many thousands. It was a most solemn occasion. The hearts of the
  auditory seemed to be bowed as the heart of one man.”

In other letters to his “dear man,” John Syms, he writes:――

                                    “PLYMOUTH, _July 27, 1744_.

  “Matters go on better and better here. I begin to think myself
  in London. We have our regular morning meetings. We are looking
  out for a place proper for a Society, and to expound in. People
  come daily to me, especially from the dock, under convictions.
  Some, I believe, have really closed with Christ; and here are
  several aged persons perfectly made young again. We are just now
  entered upon our singing hours.

  “Fresh news from Kingsbridge of souls being awakened; but I am
  kept close prisoner on account of the convoy. Brother Cennick
  must come into these parts soon.”

                                    “PLYMOUTH, _July 29, 1744_.

  “Our Lord has been giving us blessings in drops; but now He is
  sending them in showers. We have had a most precious meeting
  this morning. Perhaps more good has been done by this one sermon,
  than by all I have preached before. The wind is yet against us.
  Our Lord detains me here for wise reasons. Some persons,
  formerly prejudiced against me, have offered to give me a piece
  of ground for a Society room. I believe one will be built soon.
  Brother Cennick must stay in the west some time.”

                                    “PLYMOUTH, _August 3, 1744_.

  “Our convoy is come, and perhaps we may sail to-morrow. It is
  delightful to be here. We come from the dock, in the evenings,
  singing and praising God. Our parting there has been more awful
  than words can express.

  “I must tell you one thing more. There is a ferry over to
  Plymouth; and the ferrymen are now so much my friends, that they
  will take nothing of the multitude that come to hear me preach,
  saying, ‘God forbid that we should sell the word of God!’”

Thus, at Plymouth, as in other places, did Whitefield triumph in Christ
Jesus. One of the conversions, which took place under his marvellous
ministry, is too notable to pass unnoticed. Henry Tanner, born at
Exeter, was now in the twenty-sixth year of his age, and was working,
at Plymouth, as a shipwright. One day, while at work, he heard, from
a considerable distance, the voice of Whitefield, who was preaching
in the open air; and, concluding that the man was mad, he and half a
dozen of his companions filled their pockets with stones, and set off
to knock the preacher down. Whitefield’s text was Acts xvii. 19, 20.
Tanner listened with astonishment; and, without using his stones, went
home, determined to hear him again next evening. The text, on this
occasion, was Luke xxiv. 47; and Tanner was in such an agony of soul,
that he was forced to cry, “God be merciful to me a sinner!” The next
night, while Whitefield was preaching on “Jacob’s Ladder,” Tanner found
peace with God. He, at once, joined the Society at Plymouth, which had
been formed by Whitefield, and suffered violent persecution from his
unconverted wife. To secure time for prayer and Christian usefulness,
he seldom allowed himself more than six hours in bed, and frequently
but four. Ten years after his conversion, he removed to Exeter, and
began to preach with great success. In 1769, the Tabernacle at Exeter
was built, mainly through his exertions, and he became its minister.
His labours, however, were not confined to Exeter. At the request of
Toplady, he used to preach at Broad Hembury; whilst Moreton, Hampstead,
Crediton, Topsham, and various other places, were favoured with his
services. On Sunday morning, March 24, 1805, when he had completed
the eighty-sixth year of his age, he was carried, in a chair, to his
pulpit, and tried to preach, but was so ill that he was obliged to
relinquish the attempt. A week afterwards he peacefully expired.[100]

While, however, God was raising up new labourers, by means of
Whitefield’s ministry, He was taking others to Himself. One of these
was the Rev. David Crossly, of Manchester, who, within a week of the
time when Whitefield embarked at Plymouth for America, wrote as follows
to Whitefield’s friend, Mr. Syms:――

                                  “MANCHESTER, _August 3, 1744_.

  “How glad I am to hear of Mr. Whitefield’s success in the
  service of his God. O happy Mr. Whitefield! His unparalleled
  labours, with answerable success, make his life a continued
  miracle. For a month past, I have been nigh unto death. My life
  is generally despaired of; and the Lord seems to be preparing
  the way for it, _first_, by a flow of converts, above twenty
  having been added to us during the last two months; and,
  _secondly_, by raising up several with very useful gifts; so
  that I am ready to say, ‘Lord, now let Thy servant depart in
  peace! Let me, O Lord, come above to the palm-bearing company!
  Fifty-five years have I been in the work, a poor weakling, yet
  crowned, by Thy blessing, with success.’

  “As to Mr. Whitefield’s Preface to my Sermon,[101] I give a
  thousand thanks to him. It is his goodness, not my deserts,
  that has placed his valuable name before any performance of
  mine.”[102]

A month after the date of this letter, good old David Crossly was gone.
“I am ready for the Bridegroom,” he cried; “I know my Redeemer liveth;”
with the utterance of which he triumphantly expired.[103]

Another brave-hearted man must be mentioned. Thomas Beard was one of
Wesley’s preachers, but he was also warmly attached to Whitefield, and
wrote to him the following sweet and simple letter:――

                      “BERWICK-UPON-TWEED, _September 17, 1744_.

  “SIR,――It has been often upon my mind to write to you since I
  have been in this state of life, which is not agreeable at all
  to my inclinations. I have but little acquaintance with you,
  but I hope you will not be offended at my writing to you. The
  children of God, while on this side of the grave, always stand
  in need of one another’s prayers, especially such of them as are
  under persecutions, or temptations, for the truth’s sake. I find
  I stand in need of the prayers of all the children of God.

  “I was pressed, in Yorkshire, for preaching, and so sent for a
  soldier. I earnestly pray for them who were the occasion of it.
  All my trust is reposed in Jesus, my sweet Saviour. I know He
  will not leave nor forsake me. His blood has atoned for my sin,
  and appeased His Father’s wrath, and procured His favour for
  such a sinful worm as myself. Herein is my comfort, though men
  raged at me, my dear Saviour did not leave nor forsake me.

  “I have lately been on a command in Scotland, and met with many
  who enquired concerning you. I preached at Cowdingham. Some of
  your friends came to see me from Coppersmith. Many thought it
  strange to see a man in a red coat preach.

  “I beg you would write to me in General Blakeney’s regiment of
  foot, in Captain Dunlop’s company.

                          “I am your unworthy brother,

                                            “THOMAS BEARD.”[104]

Before Whitefield had an opportunity to answer, poor Beard, as one of
the first of Methodism’s martyrs, had been called to inherit a martyr’s
crown. Wesley, in 1744, wrote thus concerning him:――

  “Thomas Beard, a quiet and peaceable man, who had lately been
  torn from his trade, and wife and children, and sent away as a
  soldier; that is, banished from all that was near and dear to
  him, and constrained to dwell among lions, for no other crime,
  either committed or pretended, than that of calling sinners
  to repentance. But his soul was in nothing terrified by his
  adversaries. Yet the body, after a while, sunk under its burden.
  He was then lodged in the hospital at Newcastle, where he still
  praised God continually. His arm festered, mortified, and was
  cut off: two or three days after which, God signed his discharge,
  and called him up to his eternal home.”

The case of Thomas Beard was far from being a solitary one. Magistrates,
as well as mobs, hated the Methodists, and were always ready to approve
of the violent proceedings of the press-gangs of the period. Not a few
of both Wesley’s and Whitefield’s preachers and people were driven from
their homes, and dragged into the army. Two purposes were thought to be
served by these high-handed acts; first, the army obtained the recruits
it greatly needed; and, secondly, as both mobs and magistrates imagined,
the voices of Methodists and Methodist preachers were likely to be
silenced. The last was a huge mistake. It may fairly be questioned
whether the Methodists, who were forced into the army and navy, did not,
in such positions, render greater service to the cause of Christ and
of Methodism, than they could have rendered had they remained at home
unmolested. Passing men like John Nelson, Thomas Beard, and many others,
pressed into regiments at home, there were a considerable number with
the English army in Flanders, whose heroism and Christianity will
always shed a lustre on Methodism’s early annals. Wesley mentions some
of these with the highest approbation, as, for instance, John Haime,
John Greenwood, William Clements, John Evans, and others. Whitefield
also, in his periodical, the _Christian History_,[105] published a
number of letters, written by soldiers belonging to his own community,
as well as by some who were Wesley’s followers. One man, at Ghent,
under the date of December 24, 1744, tells of being recently converted
under the preaching of a “dragoon,” belonging to “the first regiment
of guards,” in which regiment there were now “about a hundred members
of that branch of the Society, that is, the _United Society_.”
He continues: “The Lord adds to our number daily, and works very
powerfully amongst us.” Another, at the same place, blesses God that
he ever heard John Cennick preach. Anthony Conjuet, “a drummer in the
English camp in Flanders,” relates that he and the regiment of English
Guards had lately been “seven hours under the firing of the French
cannons,” and then adds:――

  “There are many of the members of the Societies killed and
  wounded. Most of them were taken notice of for their valour.
  Ebenezer Wells and Thomas Burford, and our brothers Cook and
  Forrest, are all wounded, and prisoners with the French. William
  Clements, teacher of a Society, is wounded in both arms, but is
  in a fair way to do well. John Evans, teacher of another Society,
  (who is a gunner of the train,) and Brother Hymms (Haime?) the
  dragoon, are well. Brother Hymms is also teacher of another
  Society. There are three other teachers alive and well.

  “There is a great awakening in our camp, and the work of grace
  goes on with great success. Many blaspheming tongues are now
  singing praises to God, and to the Lamb.”

William Clements, mentioned in the foregoing letter, gives an account
of “an engagement with the French, which lasted from five o’clock
in the morning until three in the afternoon;” and of his being “now
under the surgeon’s hands in Brussels.” He adds, that he has “received
letters from the Brethren at the Camp,” telling him, that, since the
battle, “the work of the Lord had gone on with great power.” And then,
after sending his salutations to his “friend in Suffolk,” he concludes
thus:――

  “Grant, I beseech Thee, O Lord Jesus Christ, that we may be
  of that happy number who have washed their robes and made them
  white in the blood of the Lamb; and that we may stand upon Mount
  Zion, amongst the multitude which no man can number, to sing
  praises and hallelujahs for ever and ever. Amen.

  “Which is all at present from your poor unworthy brother,

                                                  “W. CLEMENTS.”

These were bravely loyal, though deeply injured, Methodists; and
displayed equal valour in fighting for their country, and for the
kingdom of their God and Saviour.

Before following Whitefield to America, a few facts respecting the
Societies over which he and his assistants presided may be useful.
For want of materials, a full account of these is impossible; but the
following scraps of information, taken from the _Christian History_,
will, perhaps, be interesting:――

_Wales._――_Herbert Jenkins_, in a letter dated “October 3, 1744,”
tells of attending an “Association,” in Wales, at which “above twenty
brethren” were present.

  “The Lord,” says he, “made us of one heart and mind. We
  consulted about the best measures to carry on the cause of our
  Redeemer. We sung and prayed heartily together. When we parted,
  we went east, west, north, and south. The waters were out, and
  I was to the middle of my leg on horseback. One of the brethren
  had his horse carried away by the floods, and he himself
  narrowly escaped being drowned.”

In another letter, dated “February 23, 1745,” _Jenkins_ writes:――

  “I went to the Association in Wales, where about sixty of us
  met together, four of whom were clergymen. The Lord was amongst
  us. Many of the hearers were greatly comforted. We were two days
  together, and had sweet harmony. We had good accounts of the
  progress of the work of our Lord in six or seven counties.”

_Bristol_, _Bath_, etc.――In October, 1744, _E. Godwin_ writes:――

  “I have changed the tickets of about a hundred and twenty at
  Bristol, and have received fourteen new members. After I changed
  the tickets, I held a lovefeast, when, with a hymn, we publicly
  admitted our new members. On the first Monday in this month, we
  had a letter-day. We were about three hours together, and had
  a collection for defraying the charge of the place, which was
  the largest that had been made since Mr. Whitefield solemnized
  a feast-day here.”

Under the date of November 16, 1744, _Herbert Jenkins_ says:――

  “The hall in Bristol is commonly full. I generally preach,
  morning and evening, with freedom and delight. The people are
  devout and serious. Last Sunday, I preached four times; but,
  though I had walked to Connam and Kingswood, I was stronger in
  body, and happier in my soul at last than I was at first. The
  Society at Bath goes on sweetly, and grows in grace, and in
  number, daily. We had a choice lovefeast there last Thursday
  night. It was the first in that place, and was very solemn and
  orderly.”

_Ludlow_, _Leominster_, etc.――In a letter, dated December 12, 1744,
_James Ingram_ says:――

  “I went to Ludlow, it being fair-day there; and soon had a
  pressing invitation to preach at an honest Dissenter’s house. I
  complied, though a young man told my sister I should be put into
  the stocks if I offered to _cant_ there. I preached to a serious
  auditory, and the poor loving people would not willingly part
  with me. Only one of them had ever heard such things before. I
  promised to visit them again. The Society at Leominster seems
  pretty sweet. We met at four in the morning. I have now almost
  finished my round, and a happy one it has been. The people in
  Monmouthshire are more lively than usual. I was accompanied by
  eight or nine horse-people, and some on foot, from Caldicot to
  Redwick.”

A letter from _James Beaumont_ must be quoted at greater length. It is
dated June 10, 1745. He writes:――

  “On Thursday, the 7th inst., I was at Leominster. During the
  time of my preaching, the people behaved tolerably well; but,
  soon after I had done, a man came to press me. He took me to the
  justice’s house, and there left me. The justice being absent,
  I knew not what to do; but, seeing myself surrounded by a large
  and turbulent mob, I got upon the justice’s steps, and spake
  of their illegal proceedings, and then returned, without any
  hurt, to Brother K――――’s, and sang a hymn of praise to our
  great Deliverer. Soon after this, I was pressed again, by
  another constable, who took me before the commissioners in
  a public-house. By this time the town was in an uproar. The
  commissioners ordered the constable to take me to a private
  room. I was confined about four hours; and was then called
  before the commissioners, who asked me if I was exempted from the
  present Act. I told them I was. Justice H―――― said, ‘By what?’
  I answered, ‘I have £3 a year freehold in the parish of Old
  Radnor.’ ‘Where are your writings?’ said they. I said, ‘At home.’
  They then asked me if I had any friend, in Leominster, who would
  satisfy them of the account I had given of myself. ‘I have,’
  said I; and, soon after, the man came in, and confirmed what I
  had said. Then the gentlemen were pleased to condescend to do
  me justice, and I was discharged immediately. They ordered an
  officer to guard me to my friends, to whom I was safely brought;
  and we joined in praises to God for His mercies to me His sinful
  child.”

_Wiltshire._――On November 15, 1744, _E. Godwin_ writes:――

  “Wiltshire is surely a garden of the Lord. Last week I was
  chiefly about Longley and Brinkworth. Last Monday I went to
  Blunsdon. It was their revel; so I preached out of doors, and
  a great power seemed to attend the word, some crying, who had
  hardly ever wept since they were children.”

The preacher, at this time appointed to the Wiltshire circuit, was
_George Cook_, of whom E. Godwin had said, only a few weeks before,
“Brother Cook’s preaching is much blessed in Wiltshire, though his
gifts are not enlarged enough for a city.” On December 8, _Cook_ wrote
to Cennick:――

  “On the 22nd day of last month I went to Wickwar. As soon as
  I began preaching, the mob came with sheep-bells tied to a
  stick, and so they did ring them. They had also frying-pans,
  horse-rugles, a salt-box, and a post-horn. Some of the mob did
  put their mouths to the window, and made a noise like that of
  dogs; and they called me false prophet, and all manner of names
  they could think of; but Satan can go no farther than his chain.
  The Lord gave me an uncommon power to speak of His blood; and
  many of the people were greatly refreshed in their souls. Pray
  for me, dear sir.

  “I am your little, weak, sinful, simple brother, in the wounds
  of the Lamb,

                                                  “GEORGE COOK.”

Within a month afterwards, this “weak and simple brother” was dead.
_John Cennick_ writes:――

  “January 7, 1745. I rode round by Avebury, where brother Cook
  sickened of the small-pox. The minister of Avebury behaved very
  ill while he was sick, and threatened he would remove him, bad
  as he was, out of the place, and would treat him as a vagabond.
  He was not willing that brother Cook should be buried at Avebury;
  and, therefore, in the dead of the night, the friends brought
  him to Tytherton upon a horse; and, about two o’clock on Sunday
  morning last, they laid him by the side of three other bodies of
  the saints.”

Eight months after this strange interment, _John Edwards_ came to
Avebury, where George Cook had died. Edwards shall tell his own story.

  “I went to Avebury, where we had a blessed season; but, in the
  midst of my discourse, came the minister’s servant-maid, from
  her master, with a partridge for my supper; and to tell me, that
  he would have me come to drink a bottle with him. I met him the
  next day, and thanked him for his present and invitation. He
  called me _ignorant_, _unlearned_, _fool_, etc. I told him I
  was wise unto salvation; but as for being a fool, I acknowledged
  that, and was determined to be more and more a fool for Christ’s
  sake. He hooted and hallooed me, like a schoolboy, till I
  left him. The same night, when in the midst of my discourse,
  a company came, and began to throw stones at me, and struck me
  once on the breast. The people shut the door, and then those
  outside began their music with bells and horns. They broke the
  windows with clubs, and some of the people’s faces were cut with
  glass. They threw in dirt and mud; and, at length, I broke off
  preaching, and went to prayer for our enemies.”

_Gloucestershire._――_Isaac Cottell_, in a letter dated October 10,
1744, gives an account of his labours in the Gloucestershire circuit.
The following is an extract:――

  “On October 7, I came to Wickwar about five o’clock in the
  evening. The house, where I was to preach, was surrounded with a
  mob, making a great noise. When I had been there about a quarter
  of an hour, in came the curate of the town, three gentlemen, and
  the constable with his long black staff. One of the gentlemen
  ordered the people to make way for the parson to come up to me.
  I was then singing a hymn; and the gentleman snatched the book
  out of my hand, tore it, and threw it up into the window. I then
  gave out a verse _extempore_; and he put his elbow up to stop
  my mouth. Then the curate came up to me, and began to read the
  Act of Parliament, and commanded us to depart in half an hour.
  At the same time, the gentleman asked me why I ran about the
  country, to pick people’s pockets? I told him I came to preach
  the Lord Jesus Christ, the King of kings. He said I came to make
  a riot. I told him, if he did not take care, he would make a
  riot himself. With that the gentlemen began to withdraw; and
  I got upon a stool, sang a hymn, and went to prayer. Dear sir,
  though the devil roars, the Lord Jesus Christ will have the
  victory.”

This kind of persecution, in Whitefield’s native country, was continued.
Ten months afterwards, _George Cross_ wrote to John Cennick:――

  “I met with much opposition in Gloucestershire; for T. B. had
  declared to the congregations at Thornbury and Rangeworthy,
  that, I preach damnable doctrine; and that you, brother Godwin,
  brother Thorne, brother Pugh, and I worship the body of Jesus,
  which, he said, is idolatry.”

_Essex._――In a letter dated July 30, 1744, _F. Pugh_ gives an
interesting narrative of his preaching at Braintree, Bocking, and in
“a Quaker’s mill-yard, about a mile from Chelmsford.” In another letter,
written at Braintree, twelve months afterwards, he says:――

  “I have met with a deal of persecution since I came here. There
  were many stones, and much dust thrown at me last Wednesday
  night. There is a mountebank in town, who is the cause of all
  the persecution. There was a drummer, who drew his hanger at me,
  and damned me, saying it was fit for me to die; but a soldier
  ran to him, and took it from him. Last Sunday, I preached at
  Tiptree-heath, to some thousands. There were two chariots; and
  gentlemen in gold lace came to hear. One of the gentlemen, in a
  chariot, sent for me, and desired me to preach in the town where
  he lived; but I could not, for my rounds were already settled
  and published.”

_Northamptonshire_, etc.――_Thomas Lewis_, in a long letter, written
at Olney, October 13, 1744, tells of his preaching “in the Tabernacle”
there, for an entire week, and of the conversions which took place
during the services. At Northampton, “the people seemed to be all in
a flame, and stretched after God.” Other places in the counties of
Buckingham and Northampton were also visited.

_Staffordshire_, etc.――_W. Allt_ writes:――

  “February 6, 1745. Several at Whittington are under convictions.
  One, who had spent all his youth in indefatigable industry to
  gather together this world’s wealth, was for selling what he had,
  and said he could travel the world over with me; but I advised
  him to keep at home, telling him that Jesus would be found there.
  Many at Wolverhampton seem very desirous to meet, but dare not,
  the mob is so desperate. They arose, after I was gone on Sunday
  last, and broke brother D――――’s windows, and beat a young man
  shamefully, and tore his coat all to pieces. At Brewood, the
  friends are very zealous, in going from house to house, to tell
  what the Lord has done for them; and people come several miles
  to converse, and sing, and pray with them. I am persuaded, if
  a minister was there, several hundreds would come to hear him
  every Sunday. The people are very simple and free from prejudice.
  They say the parishioners are half papists; and the Church and
  Dissenting ministers are exceeding bitter. I have exhorted twice
  at Birmingham with much freedom.”

_Herbert Jenkins_, in a letter, dated February 23, 1745, says:――

  “The first night I was at Birmingham, the people received the
  word with great affection, and with many tears. The place where
  we met on Sunday night was so thronged that the candles went
  out; but the Lord made the place a Bethel to our souls. I stayed
  there four days, declaring to all who came the glad tidings
  of salvation. From thence, I went to Wednesbury, where, for a
  week, morning and evening, I shunned not to declare the whole
  counsel of God. Many heard with tears, longing and panting for
  a discovery of the Lord Jesus; while others rejoiced in the Lord,
  their portion and everlasting friend. There is much Christian
  simplicity among them. I preached once at Wolverhampton (a large
  populous place), to a little company of sincere seeking souls.
  The next day I went to Brewood, where there was scarcely a
  dry eye among all the people. From thence, I went to Bewdley,
  where I was invited by a minister of the Established Church,
  who received me very courteously, and procured the Presbyterian
  meeting-house for me to preach in. The minister came to hear me,
  and behaved very civilly. The people flocked to hear the word.
  There is a little Society formed.”

_Devonshire._――After attending “The Association” of Calvinistic
Methodists in Bristol, _John Cennick_, on September 5, 1744, set out
for Devonshire. He preached in Mr. Darracott’s chapel at Wellington,
to a “congregation made up of Church people, and several sorts of
Dissenters.” He had, what he calls, “blessed times,” at Exeter. At
Kingsbridge, he preached in the Baptist and Presbyterian chapels. At
Plymouth, “the room” was always crowded; and, on Tuesday, September 11,
he “laid the first stone of the New Tabernacle with prayer and
singing.” On his return to London (to officiate as Whitefield’s
successor at the Tabernacle), he spent ten days at Exeter, where the
Dissenting ministers circulated “fly-sheets,” asserting that Whitefield
and his assistants were “false prophets, unlearned, and Antinomians.”
Cennick was a puzzle to the people. Some said he was “a patten-maker;”
others said he had been “a footman.” Numerous other trades were
mentioned, when, at last, a man declared he “was certainly a coachman.”
“Yes,” replied another, who happened to be one of Cennick’s hearers.
“Yes, he is a coachman, and drives the chariot of the Lord, and wishes
you all to be his passengers.”

On his arrival in London, Cennick seems to have received a large number
of letters from the Plymouth converts. One correspondent told him, that,
the Presbyterian minister had warned his people against Whitefield and
his preachers, whom he called “Bold Intruders, Usurpers, and Novices.”
The same writer said:――

  “I have removed our singing meeting to the Baptist Chapel.
  There are about fifty who meet to learn the tunes. My house is,
  every night, like a little church; and, last Sunday evening,
  I began to read Mr. Whitefield’s sermons to the people. Several
  gentlemen have desired to draw off our masons, so that the
  building of the Tabernacle has been neglected. I have had much
  trouble to keep the work going forward.”

Cennick was succeeded in Devonshire by _Thomas Adams_. At Exeter, Adams
preached in “the Society room,” at five in the mornings; and in the
house of Mr. Kennedy, his host, at seven in the evenings. He writes:
“It would have delighted you to have seen the multitudes who flocked
to hear. Mr. Kennedy’s three rooms and large passage would not near
contain the people: many, very many stood in the court.” At Kingsbridge,
Adams met a lawyer who had been converted by Whitefield’s preaching. At
Plymouth, he found “the partition-wall of bigotry tumbling down daily.”
This was in the month of November, 1744. Shortly afterwards, so far as
Exeter was concerned, the scene had changed.

In 1745, a pamphlet of forty-two pages was published at Exeter,
entitled, “A brief Account of the late Persecution and Barbarous Usage
of the Methodists at Exeter.[106] By an Impartial Hand.” The author
assures his readers, that he is not a Methodist himself; and that “it
would never have entered his head to have taken up his pen in defence
of the Methodists, had they not been daily, and openly, treated in
Exeter with such rudeness, violence, and abuse, as would have made even
_Indians_, or Pagans, to have blushed.” He relates that,――

  “The rioters violently entered the Methodist meeting-house,
  interrupted the minister with opprobrious and obscene language,
  and fell upon him in a most furious manner with blows and kicks.
  They treated every man they could lay their hands upon with
  such abuse and indignity as is not to be expressed. But what is
  more than all, was their abominable rudeness to the poor women.
  Some were stripped quite naked. Others notwithstanding their
  most piercing cries for mercy and deliverance, were forcibly
  held by some of the wicked ruffians, while others turned their
  petticoats over their heads, and forced them to remain, in that
  condition, as a spectacle to their infamous banter and ridicule;
  the poor creatures being afterwards dragged through the kennel,
  which had been filled with mud and dirt. Others of the women
  had their clothes, yea, their very shifts, torn from their
  backs. Towards the close of the evening, one of the mob forced
  a woman up into the gallery, and attempted other outrages, three
  different times. After many struggles, she freed herself, leaped
  over the gallery, and so made her escape. Many, to avoid falling
  into the hands of this wicked crew, leaped out of the windows,
  and got over the garden walls, to the endangering of their lives.
  This outrage was committed in the centre of the city, and in the
  presence of many thousands. The riot continued for several hours.
  The mob had their full swing. No magistrates came to the relief
  or assistance of the poor people, notwithstanding they were
  applied to, and greatly importuned to read the Riot Act. It is
  true, no one was actually murdered; but the whole Society were
  put into great danger and fear of their lives, and expected
  nothing but death. Many of the women are now in very critical
  circumstances, under the care of surgeons and apothecaries; and
  their lives are even yet (two days after the riot) in danger.

  “Before I dismiss this Exeter riot, I must remark, that the
  Methodists, not only on the day of the grand riot, but, many
  times since, have been treated by this lawless rabble with the
  utmost fury and violence. They have been mobbed and insulted,
  at noonday, in the open streets, and furiously pelted with dirt,
  stones, sticks, and cabbage-stumps.

  “After the strictest enquiry, I cannot find that any one
  _Dissenter_, of _any denomination_, was at all concerned in
  this riot. They were all of the _old stamp_, that have ever
  been known by the name of _church rabble_; though I cannot
  omit to notice, that the Methodists complain much against
  the Presbyterian clergy, who (they say), in their sermons
  and conversations, frequently represent them in a _false_ and
  _injurious_ light; and, thereby, lessen the affection, and raise
  the antipathy, of the people towards them.”

The author concludes by saying, that his pamphlet was written “for his
_own private amusement_, and without any design to _publish_ it;” and
that its _publication_ was the result of what he saw and heard after
the pamphlet was finished.

  “On a certain evening, he saw, with his own eyes, the wicked
  rioters collected and assembled together, by beat of drum, in
  the open streets, with sticks and bats, in order to disturb
  and abuse the poor Methodists, who were at their meeting-house,
  worshipping and serving God, in a manner perfectly innocent
  and inoffensive, without the least disturbance to the public
  peace. He saw the Methodists flee with great fear and trembling,
  and the rabble persecuting with rage and violence. And he
  heard, that, the very night before, this same riotous crew,
  to the number of many hundreds, attacked Mr. Adams, one of the
  Methodist ministers, with sticks, dirt, and mud; and that, in
  all probability, they would have murdered him in the open street,
  had not a good Samaritan, in Southgate Street, taken him into
  his house, and there rescued him from their violent and wicked
  hands.”

At the risk of being prolix, Mr. Adams’s own account must be added to
these statements of the “impartial” observer at Exeter. The _Christian
History_ No. 3, vol. vii., 1745, contains two letters on the subject,
one by “a gentleman in Exeter,”[107] dated June 16, 1745, and the
other by Thomas Adams himself, dated Hampton, June 20, 1745. The latter
writes:――

  “On my way to the west, I heard of a cruel persecution at Exeter;
  but I had no freedom to omit going thither, though I expected
  much opposition. Our Saviour brought me there on Saturday
  evening, and I was kindly received by Mr. Kennedy and his
  wife. Many told me, we should be mobbed, if I preached in the
  play-house; but we thought it was right to try. Accordingly, I
  preached there, at six o’clock on Sunday morning, and we were
  not much disturbed. I preached again in the afternoon, and,
  though many of the mob came in, they did not disturb us.

  “The next morning, (Monday) we were much interrupted, by the
  mob beating a drum and a pan, at a window of the play-house;
  and they hallooed us, and beat the drum quite to Mr. Kennedy’s
  house. We did not, however, receive much personal abuse until
  eight days after, when I came back from Plymouth.” [Adams here
  interjects an account of his preaching at Plymouth, Kingsbridge,
  Wonhil, and Tavistock, at which last-mentioned place, the mob
  brought out the water-engine, and endeavoured to play it upon
  him and his congregation. He then proceeds with his narrative
  of the persecution at Exeter.]

  “The evening I returned to Exeter, I preached in Mr. Kennedy’s
  house. The next morning, (Thursday) I preached at the play-house;
  and so continued morning and evening till Saturday; but not
  without interruption of a drum, besides being hallooed after,
  and pushed about, as we went along the street.

  “On Saturday morning, as soon as I had done preaching, some of
  the brethren told me there were several constables waiting at
  the _Dove_ to impress me. Accordingly, when I came to the _Dove_,
  one of the constables laid hold on me, and said, I was a fit
  person to serve the king. I told him, if he had sufficient
  authority for his proceedings, I would go with him. They then
  took hold of Brother S――――, who had come with me from Plymouth,
  and told him he must go with me. We knew not whither we were
  going, till we got to Southgate prison. When we came to the
  prison door, they stopped us, and said, we must go in there.
  Having entered, one of the constables asked me what countryman
  I was. I modestly answered, ‘My country is Canaan, and thither
  I am journeying.’ They said we must stay in prison till Monday,
  and then be brought before the justices at their quarter
  sessions.

  “We had not, however, been there above five or six hours,
  when two of the constables came again, and desired to know our
  circumstances and manner of living; and particularly if I had
  taken the oaths, and qualified myself for preaching. I said,
  ‘You ought to have enquired into this before you brought us
  hither. Do we look like vagrants? Mr. S. is a tradesman, and
  keeps an open shop in Plymouth, and came hither about business.
  He is also a constable, so that you have impressed one of the
  king’s officers. As to myself, I am of the Church of England,
  and have no need to take the oaths to qualify myself for a
  preacher; and, besides, I am a freeholder.’ When they heard this,
  they said, ‘Gentlemen, we have no more to say. You are welcome
  to go as soon as you please.’ So they called the keeper of the
  prison, and desired him to release us. At first, he refused, and
  said he durst not without an order from the magistrates. They
  said, as they brought us thither without being committed by the
  justices, they had power to release us. The keeper said, they
  must give security to bear him blameless. Whether they did or
  not, I cannot tell; but they let us go; and I believe the poor
  constables were as glad to bring us out as they were to put us
  in. I gave the turnkey sixpence, because he used us kindly, and
  asked us to go on the leads of the house to air ourselves.

  “In the evening, I again preached in the play-house, but was
  much disturbed. Some beat a drum; some hallooed; some stamped
  up and down the galleries; and some spat on the people, and
  slapped them on their faces. Mr. S. and another[108] went to
  a justice of the peace, and desired the Proclamation might be
  read, to disperse the mob. The justice said he would come; and
  bid them go directly to the town clerk’s, and he would meet them
  there. Thither they went, and from thence to the mayor’s, who
  made many objections against going. After great delay, he went
  with reluctance; but, before they came, we were gone, being
  apprehensive that the mob would abuse the women as they had done
  before, which was cruel and inhuman.

  “The passage, from the play-house to the street, was filled with
  fellows of the baser sort. One poor wretch gnashed his teeth,
  and swore he would be revenged on me. We were pushed about most
  grievously. The women were thrown into the dirt, and one had
  her eye much hurt. Two of the brethren were cuffed prodigiously.
  I received only some scratches on my hand, but was besmeared
  all over with mud and dirt, the mob pelting us with all the
  nastiness the kennels afforded, till we got to the house of
  Mr. Kennedy.

  “The next day being Sunday, and the last of my being there,
  many of our friends thought it would be best to preach in
  Mr. Kennedy’s house, which I did both morning and evening. It
  was well we did not go to the play-house, for the mob were there,
  and seemed more desperate than ever. One of our friends found
  a paper stuck up against the play-house door, with these words:
  ‘_For the benefit of the mob. This evening will be acted at the
  theatre, Hell in an Uproar; or, the Furies let loose. The part
  of Beelzebub, by Mr. P――――ns: Queen of Hell, by Mrs. L――――w,
  etc._’

  “After I had done preaching on Sunday evening, and was going
  to Rocks Lane, to take my leave of the Society, I was stopped
  by the same two constables who imprisoned and released us.
  They told me, the mayor had sent them to acquaint me, that I
  must meet him and the justices at their quarter sessions on
  the morrow, at eleven o’clock. I answered, ‘I cannot, for I am
  obliged to go out of town early in the morning.’ They said, if I
  would not promise them to be there, they must keep me in custody.
  I said, I would wait upon the mayor in half an hour, if they
  would appoint a place where I should meet them; which they did.
  So I gave a short exhortation to the Society; and then Brother
  S―――― and I went with one of the constables to the mayor.

  “His worship asked me if my name was Adams. I said, ‘Yes.’ He
  asked if I was the preacher. I said, ‘Yes.’ ‘Have you qualified
  yourself?’ I answered, ‘My qualification and sufficiency are
  of the Lord.’ He bid me not tell him of the _Lord_, but to
  say whether I had qualified myself according to the Act of
  Toleration. I answered, ‘I am not a Dissenter, and therefore
  have nothing to do with that Act, being a son of the Church
  of England.’ He furiously cried, ‘You are not of the Church,’
  and called me several ridiculous names. I said, ‘Sir, you may
  call me what you please, but I say I am of the Church; and,
  considering myself so, do not know that my proceedings are
  illegal.’ He called me several names again, and said I made
  collections among the poor people, and got their money from
  them. ‘Sir,’ said I, ‘I never made a collection amongst them
  in my life.’ He persisted in saying that I did; and asked, ‘How
  else do you live?’ ‘Sir,’ I said, ‘I have nothing from you;
  and I know not why I came here to receive such ill-treatment;’
  to which I added, that, ‘I did not apprehend I was under any
  obligation at all to come there; for,’ said I, ‘by the same rule
  that you stop me on my journey, you may stop any gentleman who
  comes on business.’ He answered, ‘Sure you have not the d――――d
  impudence to call yourself a gentleman!’ I said, ‘Sir, whether I
  be gentle or simple, I am sure you do not use me well; therefore,
  I don’t think to stay any longer with you.’ ‘But,’ said he, ‘I
  desire you will be at the quarter sessions to-morrow.’ ‘I cannot,’
  said I, ‘for I am obliged to go out of town very early in the
  morning.’ The constable standing by said, ‘Sir, if you please,
  I will keep him in custody till the time.’ ‘Will you?’ said I;
  ‘you had best know by what authority you touch me. If you act
  contrary to law, I shall let you hear of it. Besides,’ I added,
  ‘you know I have not reckoned with you yet for yesterday’s five
  hours’ false imprisonment.’ And so, without offering to stop us
  any longer, they let us go.

  “When we came out of the mayor’s house into the street, we
  found a mob of some hundreds gathered together, who pelted us
  with cabbage-stumps, and whatever they could find, until we came
  almost to Southgate, which was near a furlong; when one opened
  a door, and desired us to come in, which we did. By this time,
  I was ready to fall down, by reason of the violent blows I
  received on my head, and other parts of my body. O good God,
  forgive these cruel men!

  “I am to return to the west in a few days. I am filled with
  comfort, and not in the least troubled or terrified, though I
  expect much opposition, and am persuaded afflictions await me.
  O pray for me, my dear, dear friends, that I may be kept near
  the Saviour, and may be made bold as a lion, wise as a serpent,
  meek as a lamb, and harmless as a dove.”

This is a long account; but it is useful as illustrating the state of
some of the first towns in the kingdom a hundred and thirty years ago;
and as shewing the cruel persecutions to which Whitefield’s preachers,
and the Societies they had gathered, were at that time subjected.

It would be easy to furnish other extracts from the _Christian
History_――a book now nearly non-existent; but enough has been written
to afford the reader a glimpse――though an imperfect one――of the extent
and quality of Whitefield’s brotherhood, when, for the third time, he
set sail for America.



                       _THIRD VISIT TO AMERICA._

                       AUGUST 1744 TO JUNE 1748.


WHITEFIELD and his wife embarked at Plymouth about August 10, and
landed at York, in New England, on October 26. The voyage was long,
rough, and dangerous. Six days before his arrival, he wrote:――

  “In a week or two after we sailed, we began to have a church
  in our ship. Two serious New England friends, finding how I
  was served at Portsmouth, came from thence to Plymouth, to bear
  me company. We had regular public prayer morning and evening,
  frequent communion, and days of humiliation and fasting. Being
  time of war, and sailing out with near a hundred and fifty ships,
  we had several convoys. Their taking leave of each other, at
  their several appointed places, was striking. We have often been
  alarmed; once with the sight of a Dutch fleet, which we took for
  an enemy; and again at the sight of Admiral Balchen, who rode by
  us, receiving the obeisance of the surrounding ships as though
  he were lord of the whole ocean. On another occasion, one of
  the ships struck her mainsail into our bowsprit. A little after
  we came up with the convoy, and our captain informed them of
  what had happened. The answer was, ‘This is your praying, and
  be damned to you!’ This shocked me more than the striking of the
  ships. At another time, we were alarmed with the sight of two
  ships, which our captain took to be enemies. The preparations
  for an engagement were formidable: guns were mounted, chains put
  round the masts, everything taken out of the great cabin, and
  hammocks placed about the sides of the ships. All, except myself,
  seemed ready for fire and smoke. My wife, after having dressed
  herself to prepare for all events, set about making cartridges,
  whilst I wanted to go into the holes of the ship, hearing
  that was the chaplain’s usual place. I went; but not liking my
  situation, I crept upon deck, and, for the first time in my life,
  beat up to arms, by a warm exhortation. The apprehended enemy
  approached; but, upon a nearer view, we found them to be two
  ships going under the same convoy as ourselves.”

Perhaps it will be thought that Whitefield and his fellow-voyagers were
more alarmed than hurt. But the narrative is not ended. When near the
port of York, a small fishing smack approached them. Being told that
the smack would be in port several hours before the ship, Whitefield
and others went on board. It soon grew dark. The pilots missed the
inlet, and the smack was tossed about all night. Whitefield’s hunger
was such, that, to use his own expression, he “could have gnawed the
very boards.” The fishermen had nothing eatable, except a few potatoes.
Whitefield eagerly devoured them. About half an hour after his arrival
at York, he “was put to bed, racked with a nervous colic, and convulsed
from his waist down to his toes.” For four days, his life was in danger.
Word was sent to Boston, that he was dying. A friend and a physician
came, says he, “either to take care of me, or to attend my funeral; but,
to their great surprise, they found me in the pulpit.” The truth is,
as soon as Whitefield’s pain abated, the minister at York asked him to
preach, and, of course, the temptation was too powerful to be resisted.

Not content with this imprudence, he crossed the ferry to Portsmouth,
caught cold, had a return of illness, and was taken to the house
of Mr. Sherburne.[109] Three physicians attended him, and Colonel
Pepperell,[110] with many others, came to condole with him. It so
happened, however, that he was announced to preach at Portsmouth the
day after his arrival. A substitute was provided: but, when the time
for holding the service came, Whitefield suddenly exclaimed, “Doctor,
my pains are suspended; by the help of God, I will go and preach, and
then come home and die.” He wrote:――

  “With some difficulty, I reached the pulpit. All looked quite
  surprised. I was as pale as death, and told them they must
  look upon me as a dying man; and that I came to bear my dying
  testimony to the truths I had formerly preached amongst them,
  and to the invisible realities of another world. I continued
  an hour in my discourse, and nature was almost exhausted; but,
  O what life, what power, spread all around! All seemed to be
  melted, and were in tears. Upon my coming home, I was laid on a
  bed, upon the ground, near the fire; and I heard them say, ‘He
  is gone!’ but God was pleased to order it otherwise. I gradually
  recovered; and, soon after, a poor negro woman came, sat down
  upon the ground, looked earnestly in my face, and said, ‘Master,
  you just go to heaven’s gate; but Jesus Christ said, Get you
  down, get you down; you must not come here yet. Go first, and
  call more poor negroes.’[111] You will find by this, I am still
  alive; and, if spared to be made instrumental in making any
  poor dead soul alive to God, I shall rejoice that the all-wise
  Redeemer has kept me out of heaven a little longer.”

Whitefield was now thoroughly disabled. Hence the following letter from
his wife to a friend in England:――

                  “PORTSMOUTH, NEW ENGLAND, _November 14, 1744_.

  “My dear and honoured master has ordered me to send you an
  account of our sorrowful, yet joyful, voyage.

  “Our captain and others say, they never saw such a voyage; for
  all nature seemed to be turned upside down. We had nothing but
  storms, calms, and contrary winds. We frequently expected to go
  into eternity. Our own provision was spent; and Mr. Whitefield
  was so ill, that he could not take the ship’s provision. The
  winds were such that we expected to be driven off the coast,
  after we had seen land a week. We prayed to the Lord to send a
  boat to take us on shore; and, accordingly, a fishing schooner
  came, that had not been out for a long time before. Into it we
  went, hoping to get on shore in three or four hours: but the
  wind arose, and we were out all night.

  “On the morrow, being the 26th of October, we landed, about nine
  in the morning, at York; where the Lord was pleased to visit my
  dear and honoured master with a nervous colic, which almost took
  his life. As soon as he was able to go about, he went out and
  preached twice a day, which was too much for him. We came from
  York here; and, in the way, he preached in the rain. On reaching
  Portsmouth, he preached at candle-light. This laid him up again,
  and the next day he was judged to be dangerously ill; but, when
  the time he had proposed to preach arrived, finding himself free
  from pain, he went out and preached. This had like to have cost
  him his life, for he became as cold as a clod. But the Lord was
  pleased to hear prayer from him, and he is now in a fair way.

  “The Lord is doing great things here. The fields are indeed
  ready to the harvest, though there is some opposition. Mr.
  Whitefield has written several things, which will be sent as
  soon as printed here. We received your letter by Captain Adams,
  but Mr. Whitefield has not strength to answer it. He desires
  you will send the contents of this to all friends, and tell them
  they may expect letters the first opportunity.

  “The Lord is with my dear Mr. Whitefield, and has been through
  his illness. He says, he was frequently in hopes of entering
  his eternal rest; but, since he is longer detained, he is fully
  persuaded it will be for the Mediator’s glory. I would enlarge,
  but my dear master’s illness, and many other things, oblige me
  to subscribe myself your sincere friend and affectionate servant,

                                    “ELIZABETH WHITEFIELD.”[112]

Mrs. Whitefield speaks of “_some opposition_.” What was it?
Considerable space will have to be occupied in answering this question.
The reader will already have observed that some of the Presbyterian
and Congregational ministers of America were as bitterly opposed
to Whitefield as were any of the clergy of the Church of England.
This will become increasingly manifest by the following details.
First of all, however, must be given a rampant letter by a quondam
Congregationalist, who was now an Episcopalian of the most fervid type.

Timothy Cutler, after graduating at Harvard College, was ordained in
1709, minister of Stratford, Connecticut, and soon became the most
celebrated preacher in the colony. In 1719, he was chosen president
of Yale College. Three years afterwards, he renounced his connection
with the Congregational churches; and, in consequence, was dismissed
from his presidential chair. Embarking for England, he was, in 1723,
ordained, first a deacon and then a priest of the Established Church;
and, at the same time, was created a doctor of divinity, by the
Oxford University. Soon after, he became rector of Christ Church,
Boston, where he continued till his death in 1765. Though haughty and
overbearing in his manners, he was a man of great ability, and, in
addition to his general learning, was one of the best oriental scholars
of the age. In the following letter to the Rev. Dr. Zachary Grey, of
Houghton Conquest, Bedfordshire, Dr. Cutler, doubtless, represented
the Episcopalian animosity too generally cherished by the clergy of
New England.

                    “BOSTON, NEW ENGLAND, _September 24, 1743_.

  “Whitefield has plagued us with a witness. It would be
  an endless attempt to describe the scene of confusion and
  disturbance occasioned by him: the divisions of families,
  neighbourhoods, and towns; the contrariety of husbands and wives;
  the undutifulness of children and servants; the quarrels among
  the teachers; the disorders of the night; the intermission of
  labour and business; the neglect of husbandry and the gathering
  of the harvest.

  “Our presses are for ever teeming with books, and our women with
  bastards. Many of the teachers have left their particular cures,
  and are strolling about the country. Some have been ordained by
  them _evangelizers_. They all have their _armour-bearers_ and
  _exhorters_. In many conventicles and places of rendezvous,
  there has been chequered work――several preaching, and several
  exhorting, or praying, at the same time,――the rest crying, or
  laughing, yelping, sprawling, or fainting. This revel, in some
  places, has been maintained many days and nights together, with
  intermission, and then there were the ‘blessed outpourings of
  the Spirit!’

  “Some of the _New Lights_[113] have overdone themselves by
  ranting and blaspheming, and are quite demolished; others have
  extremely weakened their interest, and others are terrified
  from going the lengths they are inclined to. On the other hand,
  many of the _Old Lights_ (thus are they distinguished) have been
  forced to trim, and some have lost their congregations; but they
  will soon raise up a new congregation in any new town where they
  are opposed. I do not know, but we have fifty, in one place or
  other, and some of them large and much frequented.

  “When Mr. Whitefield first arrived here, the whole town was
  alarmed. He made his first visit to church on a Friday, and
  conversed with many of our clergy together, and belied them,
  me especially, when he had gone. Being not invited into our
  pulpits, the Dissenters were highly pleased, and engrossed him;
  and immediately the bells rang, and all hands went to lecture.
  This show kept on all the while he was here. The town was ever
  alarmed; the streets were filled with people, with coaches, and
  chaises――all for the benefit of that holy man. The conventicles
  were crowded; but he rather chose the common, where multitudes
  might see him in all his awful postures: besides, in one crowded
  conventicle, six were killed in a fight before he came in. The
  fellow treated the most venerable with an air of superiority;
  but he for ever lashed and anathematized the Church of England,
  and that was enough.

  “After him came one Tennent――a monster! impudent and noisy――and
  told them they were all _damned! damned! damned!_ This charmed
  them; and, in the most dreadful winter I ever saw, people
  wallowed in snow, night and day, for the benefit of his beastly
  brayings; and many ended their days under these fatigues. Both
  of them carried more money out of these parts than the poor
  could be thankful for.”[114]

Another notable opponent must be introduced. The Rev. Charles Chauncy,
D.D., was born in Boston, in the year 1705. He entered Harvard College
at the age of twelve, and four years afterwards received his first
degree. In 1727, he was ordained pastor of the first church in Boston,
as colleague of the Rev. Thomas Foxcroft. He died in 1787, in the
eighty-third year of his age, and the sixtieth of his ministry. Chauncy
was eminent for his learning, was ardently attached to the civil and
religious liberties of his country, and strongly objected to State
Church establishments. His publications were too numerous to be
specified in a work like this. His last days were almost entirely
occupied in devotional exercises.

One of his publications, issued in 1742, was entitled, “Enthusiasm
described and cautioned against. A Sermon preached at the Old Brick
Meeting-house in Boston, in 1742. With a Letter to the Rev. Mr. James
Davenport.” (8vo. 35 pp.) Mr.Davenport was the minister of Southhold,
Long Island; and, during Whitefield’s previous visit to America, became
extremely popular in the great revival. Among other places, he visited
New Haven, and encouraged the agitations and outcries, which at that
time attracted so much attention. In 1742, the Assembly of Connecticut,
deeming him under the influence of enthusiastic impulses, directed
the governor to transport him out of the colony to the place whence he
came. Two years afterwards, he published a confession and retractation.
Whitefield is not mentioned in Dr. Chauncy’s sermon; but there can be
little doubt, that it was levelled against him as well as against James
Davenport.

Twelve months after this, Whitefield was made one of the most prominent
figures in another of Chauncy’s works: “Seasonable Thoughts on the
State of Religion in New England. By Charles Chauncy, D.D. Boston,
1743.” (8vo. 454 pp.) It is impossible to give here any general outline
of Chauncy’s book, but a few facts and extracts may be useful.

Dr. Chauncy declares that he “could never see upon what warrant, either
from _Scripture_ or _reason_, Mr. Whitefield went about preaching
from one province and parish to another, where the gospel was already
preached, and by persons as well qualified for the work as he could
pretend to be.” He inclines to think, however, that Whitefield was
moved by conceit and a love of popular applause. “The inconveniences,
which had arisen from this method of acting, had been so great,
that the Assembly of Connecticut had passed an Act, restraining both
_ordained ministers_, and _licensed candidates_, from preaching in
_other men’s parishes_, without _their_ and their _church’s_ consent;
and wholly prohibiting the _exhortations of illiterate laymen_.” “Most,
if not all, of the present _itinerants_ are swollen and ready to burst
with _spiritual pride_. As to their _mission_, they have none, except
from their own fond imagination.” “Mr. Whitefield seldom preached,
but he had something or other in his sermon, against _unconverted
ministers_; and what he delivered had an evident tendency to fill the
minds of the people with evil surmisings against the ministers, as
though they were, for the most part, _carnal_, _unregenerate_ wretches.
He often spake of them, in the lump, as _Pharisees_, _enemies of Christ
Jesus_, and the _worst enemies_ he had.” “There never was a time, since
the settlement of New England, wherein there was so much _bitter and
rash judging_――parents condemning their children, and children their
parents; husbands their wives, and wives their husbands; masters their
servants, and servants their masters; ministers their people, and
people their ministers. _Censoriousness_, to a _high degree_, is
the _constant appendage_ of this _religious commotion_.” “I have
all along encouraged a hope of Mr. Whitefield as a _real Christian_.
And he has certainly been _zealous_ and _active_ beyond most of his
_brethren_. But has he not, through the _inexperience of youth_, and
an _intemperature of zeal_, been betrayed into such things as cannot
but be condemned? In particular, I was always afraid, lest people, from
him, should learn to give heed to _impulses_ and _impressions_, and,
by degrees, come to _revelations_, and other _extraordinaries_ of this
kind.”

“Another _bad_ thing is the _confusion_ that has been so common,
of late, in some of our houses of worship. Says a friend, in giving
an account of things, he was himself a witness to, ‘The meeting was
carried on with great confusion; some _screaming_ out in distress and
anguish; some _praying_; others _singing_; some _jumping up and down_
the house, while others were _exhorting_; some _lying along_ on the
floor, and others _walking_ and _talking_: the whole with a very great
noise, to be heard at a mile’s distance, and continued almost the whole
night.’”[115]

Dr. Chauncy proceeds to mention the _dangerous errors_ now prevalent
among the people; namely: 1. “That which supposes ministers, if not
_converted_, incapable of being _instruments of spiritual good_ to
men’s souls. Mr. Whitefield very freely vented this error!”[116]
2. “A _presumptuous dependence on the blessed Spirit_; appearing in
the following particulars: so depending on the help of the Spirit
as to _despise learning_;” also, so as to “oppose a diligent use
of _appointed means_;” and so as to “reflect _dishonour upon the
written revelations of God_.” 3. “The making _assurance essential
to conversion_.” 4. “The connecting a knowledge of the _time of
conversion_ with the _thing itself_ as though there could not be
the one without the other.” 5. “The _vilifying of good works_.”
6. “Decrying _sanctification_ as an _evidence of justification_.”

Dr. Chauncy inserts a “proclamation for a day of public fasting and
prayer,” issued, on the 9th of February, 1743, by the Honourable
Jonathan Law, Esq., Governor of Connecticut, in which the ministers
and people of the colony are exhorted to “confess and bewail” all their
sins; “particularly, the great neglect and contempt of the gospel and
the ministry thereof, and the prevailing of a spirit of error, disorder,
unpeaceableness, pride, bitterness, uncharitableness, censoriousness,
disobedience, calumniating and reviling of authority; also divisions,
contentions, separations, and confusions in churches; and injustice,
idleness, evil-speaking, lasciviousness, and all other vices and
impieties which abound among us.”

The fifth and last part of Dr. Chauncy’s book contains “the best
expedients to promote the interest of religion at this day.” He quotes,
with approval, some of Jonathan Edwards’s recommendations, such as
“confessing of faults on both sides;” “the exercise of extraordinary
meekness and forbearance;” “prayer with fasting;” “care taken that
the colleges be so regulated as to be nurseries of piety;” and “taking
heed that, while fulfilling the external duties of devotion――as
praying, hearing, singing, and attending religious meetings――there
must be proportionable care to abound in _moral duties_, as acts of
righteousness, truth, meekness, forgiveness, and love towards our
neighbour.” To these recommendations, Dr. Chauncy adds some of his
own, namely: 1. “The putting a stop to _itinerant preaching_.” 2. “So
to guard church pulpits, that no raw, unqualified persons might be
suffered, upon any terms, to go into them.” 3. To guard “against a
wrong use of the passions.” 4. The exercise of a “_strict discipline_
in our churches.” 5. “A due care to prove all things, that we may hold
fast that which is good.”

These are lengthy, though imperfect, extracts; but, if an apology be
needed, it may be found in the facts that Dr. Chauncy was one of the
most influential men in New England, and that the effects produced
by his book were greater than can be well imagined. He prefixes to
his work a list of nearly eight hundred subscribers, including four
governors of colonies, twenty-seven “honourables,” and a hundred and
forty-seven “reverends.”

Whitefield published a reply to Chauncy’s book; but, strangely enough,
the reply is not in his collected works, and seems to have been unknown
to all his biographers. The following was its title: “A Letter to the
Rev. Dr. Chauncy, on account of some passages relating to the Rev. Mr.
Whitefield, in his book entitled, ‘Seasonable Thoughts on the State of
Religion in New England.’ By George Whitefield, A.B., late of Pembroke
College, Oxon. Boston, 1745.” (4to. 14 pp.) The letter is dated,
“Portsmouth, Piscataqua, November 19, 1744;” and the preface to it,
“Boston, January 18, 1745.”

The spirit breathing in Whitefield’s pamphlet is beautifully Christian;
and, wherever he defends himself, he does it most successfully. He
confesses, however, that he was wrong, when he said, “_Many_, nay,
_most_ of the New England preachers did not experimentally know
Christ;” and, in reference to Tillotson, he says, “I acknowledge that
I spake of his _person_ in too strong terms, and too rashly condemned
his _state_, when I ought only to have censured his _doctrine_.” The
following is Whitefield’s concluding paragraph:――

  “I write this under the immediate views of a happy eternity;
  and rejoice in the prospect of that day, wherein I shall appear
  before a compassionate Judge, who will cover all my infirmities
  with the mantle of His everlasting righteousness, and graciously
  accept my poor and weak efforts to promote His kingdom. I beg,
  reverend sir, an interest in your prayers, that I may glorify
  God, whether by life or death; and, praying that you may be
  taught of God to preach the truth as it is in Jesus, turn many
  to righteousness, and shine in the kingdom of heaven, as the
  stars in the firmament, for ever and ever, I subscribe myself,
  reverend and dear sir, your most affectionate, humble servant,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

Other hostile publications must be mentioned. The Congregational
ministers of Massachusetts were accustomed to meet at Boston on the day
of the opening of the colonial legislature, to converse on matters of
general interest, and to hear a sermon from one of their number
previously appointed. The convention of 1743 had for its moderator the
Rev. Nathaniel Eells, and by its authority the following was published:
“The Testimony of the Pastors of the Churches in the Province of
Massachusetts Bay, in New England, at their Annual Convention in
Boston, May 25, 1743, against several Errors in Doctrine and Disorders
in Practice, which have of late obtained in various parts of the Land.”
The doctrinal errors were attaching importance to secret impulses
of the mind, without due regard to the written word; that none are
converted, but such as know they are converted, and the time when; that
assurance is of the essence of saving faith; and that sanctification is
no evidence of justification. The disorders in practice were: Ordained
ministers and young candidates going from place to place, and preaching
without the knowledge, or contrary to the leave, of the stated pastors
in such places; private persons of no education and but low attainments,
without any regular call, taking upon themselves to be preachers of the
word; ordaining or separating persons to the work of the evangelical
ministry at large, without any relation to a particular charge;
separation from the particular flocks to which persons belong, to join
themselves with, and support lay exhorters and itinerants; and assuming
the prerogatives of God, to look into the hearts of their neighbours,
and to censure their brethren, especially their ministers, as Pharisees
and Arminians.

As an antidote to the decisions of this convention, another publication
was issued. On the 7th of July, 1743, ninety ministers met at Boston,
chose Dr. Sewall as their moderator, and Thomas Prince as their
secretary, and published “The Testimony and Advice of an Assembly of
Pastors of Churches in New England, at a meeting in Boston, July 7,
1743, occasioned by the late happy Revival of Religion in many parts of
the Land.” The “Testimony” was signed by sixty-eight of the ministers
present, and was agreed to by forty-five who were absent.

After this there was a convention of laymen, who issued the following:
“The Testimony and Advice of a Number of Laymen, respecting Religion
and the Teachers of it. Addressed to the Pastors of New England.”
The “Testimony” is dated “Boston, September 12, 1743.” Speaking of
Whitefield, it says:――

  “He came here in September, 1740, and, with indefatigable
  industry, travelled through this province, preaching, begging,
  and collecting from town to town. Though he was a man of a
  weak mind, little learning, and no argument, yet, by means of
  a somewhat crafty improvement of the advantageous circumstances
  and character under which he arrived, and by his being somewhat
  of an orator, and assuming an over-sanctified behaviour, by
  great diligence, and by preaching frequently _memoriter_ and
  with a vehemence unusual to the people of this province, he
  gained upon their passions, and thereby wheedled himself into
  their affections.”

After sneering at Whitefield as “the grand itinerant,” “the reverend
bachelor of arts,” “the reverend youth,” and “the reverend stripling,”
the “Testimony” finishes by exhorting the “pastors of New England,” to
study the Scriptures, to acquire knowledge, to preach the gospel in its
simplicity, to throw aside the use of technical terms, which neither
they nor their hearers understand, and not to be “apish imitators of
foreigners.”

All these were issued previous to Whitefield’s arrival in 1744; the
following were published soon after:――

1. “A Letter from two neighbouring Associations of Ministers in
the Country, to the Associated Ministers of Boston and Charlestown,
relating to the admission of Mr. Whitefield into their pulpits.”
The “letter” was dated December 26, 1744, and had the approbation of
nineteen ministers. The following is an extract. Having assumed, as an
undisputed truth, that great and grievous disorders had prevailed among
the churches, through the influence of itinerants, they ask:――

  “Brethren, are you satisfied that Mr. Whitefield approves not
  of these disorders? Is he against separations? Is he an enemy to
  enthusiasm? Do you find in him a disposition to the most plain
  Christian duty, of humbly confessing and publicly retracting
  his wicked and slanderous suggestions concerning the ministry,
  and concerning our colleges, so much our glory? Do you find
  him inclined to heal the unhappy divisions occasioned by his
  former visit? Have you not, by opening your pulpit doors to this
  gentleman, encouraged the weaker sort of people to expect the
  like of their ministers?” etc., etc.

2. The next publication must be prefaced. The Rev. Edward Wigglesworth,
D.D., was a man of distinguished talents, and, for the last two and
twenty years, had been professor of divinity in Harvard College.
The Rev. Edward Holyoke was president of the same college, and, as
a scholar and a preacher, had gained a high reputation. During his
former visit to America, Whitefield had preached before the professors
and students of Harvard College with great power and acceptance;
but, in his journal, subsequently published, there was the following
paragraph:――

  “The ministers and people of Connecticut seem to be more simple
  and serious than those who live near Boston, especially in
  those parts where I went. But I think the ministers preaching
  almost universally by notes, is a certain mark they have in
  a great measure lost the old spirit of preaching. For, though
  all are not to be condemned who use notes, yet it is a sad
  symptom of the decay of vital religion, when reading sermons
  becomes fashionable where extempore preaching did once almost
  universally prevail. When the spirit of prayer began to be
  lost, then forms of prayer were invented; and I believe the
  same observation will hold good as to preaching. As for the
  universities, I believe it may be said their light is now become
  darkness――darkness that may be felt――and is complained of by the
  most godly ministers. I pray God these fountains may be purified,
  and send forth pure streams to water the city of our God. The
  Church of England is at a very low ebb; and, as far as I can
  find, had people kept their primitive purity, it would scarce
  have got a footing in New England. I have many evidences to
  prove that most of the churches have been first set up by
  immoral men, and such as would not submit to the discipline of
  their congregations, or were corrupt in the faith. But I will
  say no more about the poor Church of England. Most of her sons,
  whether ministers or people, I fear, hate to be reformed.”

This evoked “A Testimony from the President and Professors,
Tutors, and Hebrew Instructor of Harvard College, against the Rev.
Mr. George Whitefield and his Conduct.” The “Testimony” is dated
“December 28, 1744.” The faculty of Harvard College say, “We look
upon Mr. Whitefield’s going about in an itinerant way, especially as
he has so much of an enthusiastical turn of mind, as being utterly
inconsistent with the peace and order, if not the very being, of the
Churches of Christ.” Whitefield was charged with “enthusiasm,” and
with being “an uncharitable, censorious, and slanderous man.” The
faculty refer to his “reproachful reflections” on their college, and
denounce his “rashness and his arrogance; his rashness,” say they,
“in publishing such a disadvantageous character of us, because somebody
had so informed him; and his arrogance, that such a young man as he
should take upon him to tell what books we should allow our pupils
to read.” They pronounce Whitefield’s assertion that “the light of
the universities had become darkness,” a “most wicked and libellous
falsehood;” and, in reference to his statement that many of the
ministers of the country were unconverted, they say he is “guilty of
gross breaches of the ninth commandment of the moral law.” They bear
“testimony” against him as “a deluder of the people,” in the affair
of contributions for the Orphan House; for he had led the people to
believe that the orphans would be under his own immediate instruction,
and yet “he had scarce been at the Orphan House for these four years.”
And, in conclusion, they condemn his extempore preaching, and his
itinerating, as “by no means proper.”

Whitefield replied to the “Testimony,” in a letter, dated “Boston,
January 23, 1745.” He answers the accusation of the college faculty,
that “he _conducted himself by dreams_;” and “usually governed himself
by _sudden impulses and impressions_ on his mind.” As to his having
slandered Harvard College, he says, he meant no more than President
Holyoke did, when, speaking of the degeneracy of the times, in his
sermon at the annual convention of ministers, May 28, 1741, he remarked:
“Alas! how is the gold become dim, and the most fine gold changed! We
have lost our first love; and, though religion is still in fashion with
us, it is evident that the power of it is greatly decayed.” He further
replies to the charges that he was “a deluder of the people,” and had
“extorted money” from them for his Orphan House. He explains in what
sense he was an “extempore preacher;” denies the charge that he was an
“Antinomian;” and justifies his itinerancy. He concludes thus:――

  “I am come to New England with no intention to meddle with, much
  less to destroy, the order of the New England churches; or to
  turn out the generality of their ministers, and re-settle them
  with ministers from England, Scotland, and Ireland, as hath been
  hinted in a late letter written by the Rev. Mr. Clap, rector of
  Yale College. Such a thought never entered my heart. I have no
  intention of setting up a party for myself, or to stir up people
  against their pastors. Had not illness prevented, I had some
  weeks ago departed from these coasts. But, as it is not a season
  of the year for me to undertake a very long journey, and as I
  have reason to think the great God daily blesses my poor labours,
  I think it my duty to comply with the invitations that are sent
  to me, and, as I am enabled, to preach the unsearchable riches
  of Christ. This indeed, I delight in. It is my meat and my drink.
  I esteem it more than my necessary food. This, I think, I may
  do, as a minister of the King of kings, and a subject of his
  present majesty King George, upon whose royal head I pray God
  the crown may long flourish. And, as I have a right to preach,
  so, I humbly apprehend, the people have a right to hear. If the
  pulpits should be shut, blessed be God! the fields are open. I
  can go without the camp, bearing the Redeemer’s sacred reproach.
  I am used to this, and glory in it. At the same time, I ask
  public pardon for any rash word I have dropped, or anything
  I have written or done amiss. This leads me also to ask
  forgiveness, gentlemen, if I have done you or your society, in
  my Journal, any wrong. Be pleased to accept unfeigned thanks for
  all tokens of respect you shewed me when here last. And, if you
  have injured me in the “Testimony” you have published against
  me and my conduct (as I think you have), it is already forgiven,
  without asking, by, gentlemen, your affectionate, humble servant,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

The whole of Whitefield’s letter is in his best style of writing. For
_him_, it is terse and pointed; and, of course, it is respectful and
Christian. Certainly it contains one retort, which, though perfectly
fair, must have been especially stinging. The faculty of Harvard
College published their “Testimony” to prove that Whitefield was “an
enthusiast, a censorious, uncharitable person, and a deluder of the
people;” and here Whitefield quietly reminds them that, on May 28, 1741,
Mr. Holyoke, their president, preached a sermon, which was afterwards
published, in which the following paragraph occurs, respecting himself
and his friend Gilbert Tennent:――

  “Those _two pious and valuable men of God_, who have been
  lately laboring more abundantly among us, have been greatly
  instrumental in the hands of God, in reviving His blessed work;
  and many, no doubt, have been savingly converted from the error
  of their ways, many more have been convicted, and all have been
  in some measure roused from their lethargy.”

Whitefield’s reply to the “Testimony” of Harvard College was complete;
but Harvard College, unfortunately, was not silenced. Hence the
publication of the following unworthy production:――

3. “A Letter to the Rev. Mr. George Whitefield, by way of Reply to his
Answer to the College Testimony against him and his Conduct. By Edward
Wigglesworth, D.D., Professor of Divinity in said College. To which is
added the Reverend President’s Answer to the things charged upon him,
by the said Mr. Whitefield, as Inconsistencies. Boston, New England,
1745.” (4to. 68 pp.) The president’s Answer is dated “February 20,
1745,” and Dr. Wigglesworth’s Letter, “April 22, 1745.” The former
contains nothing that need be noticed; but the letter, written “in the
name, and at the desire of the Reverend President and others of Harvard
College,” must not be passed in silence.

Dr. Wigglesworth reiterates the charge of enthusiasm; he censures
Whitefield for censuring Tillotson; and is angry because Whitefield
had said, Harvard College, “in piety and true godliness,” was not much
superior to the English Universities. He accuses Whitefield of uttering
and writing “pernicious reflections upon the Ministers of the Churches
of New England,” and says, “What you have done, and others who have
followed your example, has had an effect more extensive and pernicious
than any man could have imagined six years ago. Who could have
believed, that, in such a country as this, such a spirit of jealousy
and evil-surmising could have been raised, by the influence and example
of a _young stranger_? Perhaps there is not now a single town in this
province, and, probably, not in Connecticut, in which there are not
numbers of people whose minds are under strong prejudices against
their ministers; such prejudices as almost cut off all hope of their
profiting by their sacred ministrations.”

Wigglesworth next attacks Whitefield respecting his Orphan House
management and accounts; censures him for leaving the children;
and tells him that his superintendents, Habersham and Barber, are
“gentlemen of no name or character in these parts of New England,
nor so much as known by name among multitudes of his contributors.”
Itinerant preaching and its results are condemned; and then the
divinity professor says: “You have in all parts of England and Wales,
as far as your interest reached, formed your followers into bands
and associations, after the _Moravian_ manner; and have set over them
exhorters, superintendents, and visitors; and are yourself _Grand
Moderator_ over all, when in England, and your dear brother Harris in
your absence. So we may very reasonably conclude, that, whenever you
think the good people of this country enough under your influence to
bear it, you will throw off the mask here too, and endeavour to reduce
us to the same model.”

Dr. Wigglesworth benignly concludes, by saying, “As you have been
permitted to fall into repeated, deliberate, most public, comprehensive,
and pernicious violations of the holy laws of God, I cannot persuade
myself that any good could come of _private conferences_, but think you
ought to give _satisfaction_ in as _public_ a manner as you have given
_offence_.”

Whitefield lived long enough to requite this offensive imperiousness.
Twenty-nine years afterwards, when the library of Harvard College was
destroyed by fire, and while Wigglesworth was still divinity professor,
Whitefield, forgetful of the past, did his utmost in begging books for
the new library; and, four years later still, while Holyoke was yet
president, had the noble revenge of being thanked, in the following
minute, entered in the college records:――

  “At a meeting of the President and Fellows of Harvard College,
  August 22, 1768, the Rev. G. Whitefield having, in addition to
  his former kindness to Harvard College, lately presented to the
  library a new edition of his Journals, and having also procured
  large benefactions from several benevolent and respectable
  gentlemen, it was voted that the thanks of this corporation be
  given to the Rev. Mr. Whitefield, for these instances of candour
  and generosity.”[117]

Unfortunately the list of controversial pamphlets is not exhausted. To
those already noticed, the following must be added:――

4. “A Letter from the Rev. Nathaniel Henchman, Pastor of the First
Church in Lynn, to the Rev. Stephen Chase, of Lynn End, giving his
reasons for declining to admit the Rev. George Whitefield into his
pulpit.” Mr. Henchman’s letter is dated “January 3, 1745.” The reverend
writer was too angry to be polite. He speaks of “strolling itinerants,
and swarms of mean animals called exhorters.” He resents Whitefield’s
“slanderous treatment of our colleges,” and “the insufferable pride and
vanity of the man.” “Who,” he asks, “ever equalled him in vain-glorious
boasting?” and adds: “In one country, he is a true son of the Church
of England; in a second, a staunch Presbyterian; and in a third,
a strong Congregationalist.” He suspects Whitefield of coming to
America “to make a purse for himself, by begging, with great solemnity,
for his poor little ones at the Orphan House in Georgia,――the most
ill-projected scheme since darkness was on the face of the deep, to
found an Orphan House in an infant and expiring colony, and in the
heart of the enemy’s country, though it answered well his mendicant
intention.” Henchman also accuses Whitefield of a design “to raze the
foundation of our churches, and change the religion of New England.”

5. “The Sentiments and Resolution of an Association of Ministers,
convened at Weymouth, January 15, 1745, concerning the Rev. Mr.
George Whitefield.” In addition to accusations already mentioned,
the “Association” find fault with Whitefield, because, though he had
condemned persons who “cried out in the public assemblies,” yet, when
preaching in country towns, if such an incident occurred, he would at
once raise his voice as if he were trying to vie with the people in
screaming; the result of which was, the cries waxed louder and louder,
till the whole assembly was thrown into confusion. The Association were
“surprised and grieved,” that he, a priest of the Church of England,
should administer the Lord’s supper in Congregational churches. They
condemned his practice of singing hymns in the public roads, when
riding from town to town, and lamented, that, in almost every town
where he had preached, there had been more or less alienation between
the minister and people. They came to the “resolution,” that, they
would not “directly or indirectly encourage Mr. Whitefield to preach,
either publicly or privately, in their respective parishes.” This was
signed by fifteen ministers.

6. Another pamphlet contained “The Testimony of an Association of
Ministers, convened at Marlborough, January 22nd, 1745;” and also
the Testimony of another “Association of Ministers in the county
of Bristol.” The two Testimonies unitedly were signed by nineteen
ministers, who came to the general conclusion, that “the devil himself,
with all his cunning, could not take a more direct step to overthrow
the churches of New England, hurt religion, and destroy the souls of
men, than Whitefield had taken.”

7. “The Declaration of the Faculty of Yale College,” dated “February
25, 1745.” The “Faculty” endorse “The Testimony” of their brethren
of Harvard College. They also especially insist upon two things:
1. “That Whitefield and other itinerants had laid a scheme to turn
the generality of ministers out of their places, and to introduce
a new set, attached to Whitefield; because Whitefield had stated,
that, the generality of ministers were unconverted, and that all
unconverted ministers were half beasts and half devils, and could no
more be the means of any man’s conversion than a dead man could beget
living children.” 2. That Whitefield had “publicly told the people
in New England, that they might expect, in a little time, a supply
of ministers from his Orphan House; and that he had told Edwards, of
Northampton, that he intended to bring over a number of young men from
England to be ordained by the Tennents.”

8. This publication was followed by “A Letter from the Rev. Mr. Clap,
Rector of Yale College, in New-Haven, to the Rev. Mr. Edwards, of
Northampton, expostulating with him for his injurious reflections in a
late Letter to a Friend, and shewing that Mr. Edwards, in contradicting
the Rector, plainly contradicts himself.”

Mr. Clap was a strong-minded man, and, in the higher branches of
mathematics, had no equal in America, except Professor Winthorpe. He
constructed the first orrery made in that country. The pith of his
present pamphlet was a dispute between him and Edwards, as to what
Whitefield had said respecting his design “to turn the generality
of the ministers of New England out of their pulpits, and to bring
ministers from England, Scotland, and Ireland,” to supply their places.
Besides displaying considerable bitterness between the two disputants,
the publication of Rector Clap exhibited Whitefield in an obnoxious
light.

9. “Mr. Pickering’s Letter to Mr. Whitefield, touching his Relation to
the Church of England, his Impulses, or Impressions, and the present
unhappy state of things.” The letter of the Rev. Theophilus Pickering,
minister at Ipswich, is dated “February 12, 1745,” and the writer
objects to Whitefield, 1. Because he is a clergyman of the Church
of England; 2. Because of his “dreams and impressions;” 3. Because
Whitefield’s “travelling services will be more _hurtful_ than
_beneficial_.”

10. “A Letter to the Second Church and Congregation in Scituate;
written by their Reverend Pastor, shewing some Reasons why he doth not
invite the Rev. Mr. George Whitefield into his Pulpit.” The Letter is
signed “N. Eells,” and is dated “April 15, 1745.” Mr. Eells had been
the pastor of the Church at Scituate forty years and ten months; and
his “Reasons” were――1. Whitefield “did not stand right in the gospel
of Christ; for, by his episcopal ordination, he received no authority
to itinerate, as he had done for years past; and the authority he had
received from the bishop who ordained him, he had forfeited, and was
now suspended from the ministry of the Church of England, and from
communion at the Lord’s table.” 2. “The manner of his itinerancy was
not according to Scripture, but was rather a blemish, reproach, and
scandal to the ministry; for he had no authority from Christ, either
_mediately or immediately_; and he spent his time in places where the
people did not want him.” 3. “He had made it manifest that he was no
real friend to the ministers and churches of this land; for he had
represented the pastors of these churches to be men of no grace,
without the knowledge of Christ, and so unqualified for the ministry;
he had preached in places at the invitation of factious persons,
contrary to the mind of their pious and orthodox pastors; he had
favoured disorders in the public worship of God, such as screaming,
etc.; and he had encouraged separation and separatists from our
churches.”

Such are specimens of the publications against Whitefield. We have met
with three only in his favour.

1. “An Apology on behalf of the Rev. Mr. Whitefield, offering a fair
Solution of certain Difficulties, objected against some parts of his
Public Conduct, in point of Moral Honesty and Uniformity with his
own Subscriptions and Ordination Vows: as the said exceptions are
set forth in a late Pamphlet entitled, ‘A Letter to the Rev. Mr. George
Whitefield, publicly calling upon him to vindicate his Conduct, or
confess his Faith,’ signed L. K. By Thomas Foxcroft, A.M., one of the
Pastors of the first Church in Boston. Being several Letters, written
for the satisfaction of a Friend, and published by Desire. Boston,
1745.” (4to. 38 pp.)

For twenty-eight years, Mr. Foxcroft had been the minister of the
Church just mentioned, and, strangely enough, Dr. Chauncy was his
colleague. Mr. Foxcroft’s first letter is dated “December 31, 1744,”
and his second and third were written during the fortnight next ensuing.
He shews, that, “Bishops of the Church of England have power to grant
licenses of wider extent than the narrow district of a single parish,
to any ordained minister they think proper, who, in virtue of such
license, may travel from place to place as they think fit.” “The
sending forth of itinerant preachers was a practice of the Church of
England at the beginning of the Reformation; and has been remarkably
revived of late years, particularly with relation to foreign parts.”
“Mr. Whitefield is not the only episcopal itinerant in America. In the
Abstract of the Proceedings of the Society for Propagating the Gospel,
for 1743, Mr. Morris is expressly named ‘_Itinerant Missionary_,’ in
Connecticut; Mr. Punderson, ‘_Itinerant Missionary_,’ in New England;
and Mr. Lindsay, ‘_Itinerant Missionary_,’ in Pennsylvania and New
Jersey. It is no violation, therefore, of the original commission
from the Bishop, to act beyond the limits of a particular cure or
charge, or even in the character of an itinerant. And, with regard
to special license,” continues Mr. Foxcroft, “I question whether the
itinerant missionaries above-mentioned have had this any more than
Mr. Whitefield.”

2. “An Inquiry into the Itinerancy and the Conduct of the Rev. Mr.
George Whitefield, an Itinerant Preacher: vindicating the former
against the charge of _unlawfulness_ and _inexpediency_, and the latter
against some aspersions, which have been frequently cast upon him. By
William Hobby, A.M., Pastor of the first Church in Reading. Boston,
1745.” (8vo. 28 pp.)

Mr. Hobby was a graduate of Harvard College, and was a fluent and
fervid preacher. He died in 1765, aged fifty-seven. Passing over that
part of his pamphlet which refers to the _lawfulness_ of itinerancy,
it may be stated, that he successfully replies to the attacks
on Whitefield respecting his Orphan House accounts, his being an
enthusiast and ecclesiastical chameleon,[118] and his aspersion of
ministers. With regard to the accusation that he was a _perjurer_,
because he had sworn to prosecute his appeal against Commissary
Garden’s censure, and had not done so, Mr. Hobby says, “Whitefield
exerted himself to the utmost to get a hearing in the court at home
(which he now proves by an affidavit, taken before the Lord Mayor of
London by himself and his solicitor), but all in vain.”

Mr. Hobby comes to the following conclusion respecting Whitefield:
“In most things he is highly commendable; in more justifiable; and in
almost all very excusable. I say in _almost all_, for I am willing to
allow Mr. Whitefield has his foibles and imperfections. He is a man of
like passions with others. What then――shall I condemn him because he
is not perfect? Alas! what shall I then do with myself and others? The
sun itself has its spots: shall we therefore try to _put out_ the sun?
Vain attempt! Or shall I _shut my eyes_ against its light? Ridiculous
and absurd! Neither would I shut my eyes against Mr. Whitefield’s
excellences, and only open them to behold his weaknesses.”

3. “Invitations to the Rev. Mr. Whitefield from the Eastern
Consociation of the County of Fairfield. With a Letter from the Rev.
Mr. Samuel Cooke,[119] of Stratfield, in Connecticut, to a Minister
in Boston, concerning the former success of Mr. Whitefield’s Ministry
there. Boston, 1745.” (8vo. 8 pp.) There is nothing in this publication
that deserves special notice, except that Mr. Cooke, on behalf of
himself and nine other ministers, whose names and residences are given,
earnestly entreats Whitefield to visit the churches of the “Eastern
Consociation;” and forwards to Whitefield a minute passed at a meeting
held in 1740, inviting him to visit the same churches, but stipulating
that he should not make “personal reflections to wound the characters
of others, who have been generally well accepted among Christians for
piety;” and that he should “not expect them to make collections for his
Orphan House in Georgia.”

Such was the literary storm through which Whitefield had to pass
when he visited America in 1744. There is much in the publications,
so briefly noticed, which invites remark; but want of space precludes
comment. It is certainly amusing that liberty-loving Connecticut should
pass and enforce the despotic Act it did. Puritanism was becoming as
intolerant as prelacy. As to Whitefield’s aspersions of New England
ministers, the accusation was scarcely true. He rarely, if ever,
mentioned names; but rather denounced, in general terms, the employment
of an _unconverted_ ministry. No doubt, in many instances, the pulpits
of America were occupied by sincere, earnest, able, godly men; but
it is equally certain, that, in many other instances, the ministers
were culpably defective. Even President Holyoke seems to admit this;
and Dr. Chauncy becomes its apologist. It is also true, that, during
Whitefield’s residence in England, the American revival had been
disgraced by many scenes of fanatical confusion, and by a bitterness of
spirit indulged by some of its converts; but it is difficult to see how
absent Whitefield deserved blame for this. It is absolutely false, that
Whitefield had been suspended from the ministry, and excluded from the
communion of the Church of England. The taunts, likewise, in reference
to his Orphan House accounts, were unmerited, inasmuch as he had
printed and published a balance-sheet, which his enemies in New England
might have read if they had wished. The power and the practice of
bishops to license ordained ministers to become itinerant preachers is
a point which must be left to Church lawyers. There is, however, one
other subject too important to pass unnoticed. In England and in Wales,
he and others associated with him had formed a considerable number
of Societies, and had employed an earnest band of itinerant preachers
and exhorters, and had instituted quarterly and other associations,
or conferences. In short, almost without intending it, he had
formed a _party_, he himself being its “moderator,” the Tabernacle,
Moorfields, its head-quarters, and the _Christian History_ its literary
magazine.[120] Whitefield, however, refrained from the formation of
a sect across the Atlantic. He honestly told the faculty of Harvard
College, that he had “no intention of setting up a party for” himself;
and he faithfully adhered to this declaration. In America, at least,
he was not the founder of a sect. It is true, that, in New England
and elsewhere, separate congregations were formed in several places,
by illiterate, but pious, preachers; but this was not done by the
authority and immediate help of Whitefield. These “Separatists” and
“New Lights,” as they were called, might have been converted, or
benefited by Whitefield’s preaching; but their organizations were their
own. In many instances, their former pastors failed to feed them with
the bread of life, and, naturally enough, they sought it somewhere else.
Many of these “separate” churches existed long after Whitefield’s death;
and some of them warmly welcomed Wesley’s preachers. A member of the
Irish conference was induced to become the pastor of one of them, over
which he presided for nearly half a century. It is now known as “The
Benevolent Congregationalist Church,” and is one of the largest and
most wealthy churches in New England.[121]

We must now return to Whitefield’s itinerancy. He was left at
Portsmouth, New England, ill and disabled. As soon as possible, he
removed to Boston. The following is from Prince’s _Christian History_,
No. xciv.:――

  “Saturday, November 24, 1744. The Rev. Mr. Whitefield was so
  far revived, as to be able to set out from Portsmouth to Boston,
  whither he came, in a very feeble state, the Monday evening
  after. Since then, he has been able to preach in several of
  our largest houses of public worship, particularly the Rev.
  Dr. Colman’s, Dr. Sewall’s, Mr. Webb’s, and Mr. Gee’s. At
  Dr. Colman’s request, and the consent of the Church, on the
  Lord’s-day after his arrival, he administered to them the holy
  communion. And, last Lord’s-day, he preached for Mr. Cheever,
  of Chelsea, and administered the holy supper there. The next
  day, he preached for the Rev. Mr. Emerson, of Maiden. Yesterday,
  he set out to preach at some towns to the northward. On his
  return, he proposes to comply with the earnest invitation of
  several ministers, to go and preach to their congregations
  in the southern parts of the province. He comes with the same
  extraordinary spirit of meekness, sweetness, and universal
  benevolence, as before. In opposition to the spirit of _bigotry_,
  he is still for holding communion with all Protestant churches.
  In opposition to _enthusiasm_, he preaches a close adherence to
  the Scriptures, the necessity of trying all impressions by them,
  and of rejecting whatever is not agreeable to them, as delusions.
  In opposition to _antinomianism_, he preaches up all kinds of
  relative, and religious duties; and, in short, the doctrines of
  the Church of England, and of the first fathers of this country.
  As before, he first applies himself to the understandings of his
  hearers, and then to the affections; and the more he preaches,
  the more he convinces people of their mistakes about him, and
  increases their satisfaction.”

To this testimony must now be added extracts from Whitefield’s letters.

                                    “BOSTON, _January 18, 1745_.

  “You see I am now at Boston, whither I was brought from
  Piscataqua[122] in a coach and four. The joy with which I was
  received by the common people, cannot be described; but many
  of the ministers,――how shy! how different from what they once
  were! When last in Boston, Governor Belcher was in the chair. He
  honoured me with great honour, and the clergy paid the nod, and
  obeyed. In many, I then perceived, it was quite forced; and, I
  think, when at his table, I whispered to some one, and said, ‘If
  ever I come again, many of those, who now seem extremely civil,
  will turn out my open enemies.’ The event has proved, that, in
  this respect, I have been no false prophet. You know where it
  is written, ‘There arose a king, who knew not Joseph.’ Freed,
  therefore, from their former restraint, many have appeared _in
  puris naturalibus_. Some occasions of offence had undoubtedly
  been given whilst I was here, and preached up and down the
  country. Nothing, however, appeared but a pure, divine power,
  converting, and transforming people’s hearts, of all ranks,
  without any extraordinary phenomena attending it. Good Mr.
  Tennent succeeded me; numbers succeeded him. Lectures were set
  up in various places. One minister called to another, to help to
  drag the gospel net; and one would have imagined the millennium
  was coming. At last, wild-fire broke out and spread itself; and,
  it must be confessed, that, many good souls, both among clergy
  and laity, for a while, mistook fancy for faith, and imagination
  for revelation; and were guilty of great imprudences. What these
  were, I have not time now to particularize; I can only inform
  you, that all is laid to me as being the _primum mobile_, though
  there was not so much as the appearance of anything of this
  nature when I left New England last. But, maugre all, my poor
  labours are yet attended with the usual blessings.”

Whitefield seems to have spent about three months in Boston and its
neighbourhood, partly in preaching, and partly in writing pamphlets and
sermons for the press.

Hence the following:――

                                    “BOSTON, _February 6, 1745_.

  “I remember you once told me, one of the good old Puritans wrote,
  that he went from _Old England_ to avoid the lord bishops, and
  came to _New England_ to get under the Lord Brethren. Well is it
  at present that there are ‘Lord Brethren;’ for, finding some of
  their pastors, without cause, shy of me, they have passed votes
  of invitation for me to preach in the pulpits; and some time
  ago prevailed upon me to set up a lecture at six o’clock in
  the morning. Not expecting a very great auditory, I opened a
  lecture in one of the smallest meeting-houses, upon these words,
  ‘And they came early in the morning to hear him.’ How was I
  disappointed! Such great numbers flocked to hear, that I was
  obliged to make use of two of their largest places of worship,
  where, I believe, seldom less than two or three thousand hearers
  assembled. I began with the first of Genesis, and have lectured,
  in order, till I am almost come to the story of Abraham sending
  his servant to fetch a wife for Isaac. It is impossible to
  describe the eagerness and punctuality of these early visitants.
  To see so many hundreds, of both sexes, neatly dressed, walking
  or riding so early along the streets to get food for their souls,
  has feasted my own heart. The Pharaohs, who used to say, ‘Ye are
  idle, ye are idle,’ now are struck dumb; for lecture, and family
  prayer, and breakfast, are over in many houses before the sun
  is suffered to come into the windows of others; and it is become
  almost a common proverb, ‘Between tar-water and early rising,
  the physicians will have no business.’ One morning, the crowd
  was so great, that I was obliged to go in at the window. The
  high-sheriff, who was most forward in persecuting good Mr.
  Davenport, accompanied me; and when he put his head into the
  window after me, the people were ready to cry out, ‘Is Saul also
  among the prophets?’”

These were remarkable scenes, on cold, dark, wintry mornings, in the
city of Boston, where ministers had joined in denouncing Whitefield,
and where the “_Lord Brethren_,” by their voting powers, had defeated
the ministers, and had opened to Whitefield their pulpit-doors. Under
the circumstances, his success was marvellous. The following extract
describes one of his converts:――

                                  “BOSTON, _February 17, 1745_.

  “Good Mr. P――――[123] told me I should be very shortly favoured
  with the company of a very pensive and uncommon person;――a man
  of good parts, ready wit, and lively imagination, who, in order
  to furnish matter for preaching over a bottle, had made it his
  business to come and hear, and then carry away scraps of my
  sermons to serve as texts for his tavern harangues. A few nights
  ago, he came, for this purpose, to Dr. Sewall’s meeting. Upon my
  coming in, he crowded after me amongst the people, and, having
  got sufficient matter to work upon, attempted to go out; but,
  being pent in on every side, his endeavours were fruitless.
  Obliged thus to stay, waiting for fresh matter for ridicule, he
  was pricked to the heart. He came to Mr. P――――, full of horror,
  confessed his crimes, and longed to ask my pardon, but was
  afraid to see me. Mr. P―――― encouraged him to venture. This
  morning, hearing some one knock at my parlour door, I arose, and,
  upon opening the door, by the paleness, pensiveness, and horror
  of his countenance, guessed who he was. He cried, ‘Sir, can you
  forgive me?’ I smiled, and said, ‘Yes, sir, very readily.’ He
  replied, ‘Indeed, sir, you cannot when I tell you all.’ I then
  asked him to sit down; and, judging that he had sufficiently
  felt the lashes of the law, I preached to him the gospel.”

The following refers to the paper warfare at that time raging, and
which has been already noticed:――

                                  “BOSTON, _February 19, 1745_.

  “_Tempora mutantur._ A confederacy, a confederacy! The clergy,
  amongst whom are a few mistaken, misinformed good old men, are
  publishing halfpenny testimonials against me. Even the president,
  professors, and tutors, of Harvard College, where, some few
  years ago, I was received with such uncommon respect, have
  joined the confederacy. The testimonials have done me real
  service. I certainly did drop some unguarded expressions in
  the heat of less experienced youth; and was too precipitate in
  hearkening to, and publishing private information. Some good
  friends are publishing testimonials in my favour. Thus you see
  what a militant state we are in at present. Amidst all, the word
  runs, and is glorified. Many are so enraged at the treatment I
  meet with, that they came to me lately, assuring me that, if I
  will consent, they will erect, in a few weeks’ time, the outside
  of the largest place of worship in America; but, you know,
  ceiled houses were never my aim. I, therefore, thanked them for
  their kind offer; but begged leave to refuse accepting it. How
  or when the present storm will subside is uncertain. I can only,
  at present, beg the continuance of your prayers, that, I may be
  kept in good temper towards those, who, I believe, really think
  they do God’s service by opposing me.”

Whitefield was busy writing for the press; and, as soon as he
had finished three of his pamphlets, he seems to have returned
to Piscataqua. Why he deferred going to his Orphan House, it is
impossible to determine; but he was happy, and hard at work. Hence
the following:――

                                  “PISCATAQUA, _March 6, 1745_.

  “I have sent a letter to Dr. C――――, with my Answer to Harvard
  College, and my Answer to the Second Part of the Observations,
  and also my Remarks upon the Charge of the Bishop of Lichfield.
  May Jesus give them His blessing! I would have them printed so
  as to be sold cheap. You may collect, or print them severally,
  as you will. I cannot yet get time to prepare my sermons, or the
  other part of my life, for the press. I am writing another New
  England journal, which I will send, when I leave the country.
  When that will be, I know not.

  “America, I am afraid, begins to be too dear to me. The Lord
  smiles upon me and mine, and makes us very happy in Himself, and
  happy in one another. Here is a very large field of action. My
  bodily strength is recovered; and my soul is more than ever in
  love with a crucified Jesus.”

On the same day, Whitefield wrote to John Cennick, as follows:――

  “Our Saviour wonderfully smiles on us here. The Lord helps me
  to preach with the demonstration of the Spirit and with power.
  My wife and I go on like two happy pilgrims, leaning upon our
  Beloved. O help us to adore and praise free grace! We salute all
  the conference and trustees, and every particular choir, and the
  Societies in every place.”

For a season, Cennick succeeded Whitefield in the Tabernacle,
Moorfields; and he and others introduced into some of the Societies
“choirs,” or classes for singing “psalms and hymns and spiritual
songs,” after the manner of the Moravians. Indeed, Cennick already was
more of a Moravian than a Whitefieldian; and, in December 1745, openly
avowed his predilection. Thomas Adams, his colleague at the Tabernacle,
as openly opposed the sentiments which Cennick had advanced. The result
was, Cennick seceded, and joined the Unitas Fratrum. A large number
of the people, both in London and the provinces, followed his example;
and even those who remained behind wept at his departure, for he was
greatly beloved by all. Cennick’s secession was a severe shock to the
Connexion; but Whitefield and Cennick retained their friendship for
each other, and kept up an affectionate correspondence until Cennick’s
death, in 1755.[124][125]

Whitefield had been nearly five months in America, but had not visited
his Orphanage in Georgia. He had arranged, however, for Mr. Habersham,
the orphans’ chaplain, to visit him. Hence the following to a friend,
in London:――

                  “PISCATAQUA (sixty miles from Boston),

                                              “_March 12, 1745_.

  “This comes by a young gentleman, who expects to return to
  South Carolina in August next. By him, I send you one of each of
  the pamphlets I have published here. I would have them sent to
  Scotland as soon as may be. America is pleasanter and pleasanter
  every day. The door for preaching opens wider and wider. I am
  preparing my sermons for the press,[126] and am also writing
  another journal. You shall have them the first opportunity. I
  wrote to you last week, and sent about fifty letters, by Captain
  Darling. I expect Mr. Habersham hourly.”

The editor of the _Christian History_ adds: “Mr. Habersham arrived soon
after the writing of the above letter; and wrote, from the same place,
on March 18, and stated, that Mr. Whitefield had been as far eastward
as was settled by the English (which is about a hundred and fifty
miles), and had preached with much success. Mr. Whitefield was to go
with him to Boston the next day, to consult friends there about the
affairs of the Orphan House in Georgia, which was what Mr. Habersham
came there about.”

Soon after this, Whitefield was in a new position. Up to the present,
Cape Breton had been in the possession of the French. Besides being the
key to Canada, the island was of great importance in a mercantile point
of view. The soil was poor, but, in 1743, fish was exported to the
amount of a million sterling. In return for this, the people received
sugar and coffee, rum and molasses; part of which they used themselves,
and the remainder of which they conveyed to Canada and New England,
where they obtained, in exchange, fruits, vegetables, bricks, wood,
and cattle. Cape Breton, also, was a formidable seminary of seamen,
the French employing, in their enormous fishery, twenty thousand men,
and at least a thousand sail of from two to four hundred tons each.
English ships were terribly exposed to privateers and men of war
issuing from the island. Possession of the place would not only cut
off all communication between France and Quebec, but the harbour would
likewise be a safer retreat for British vessels, than any other harbour
in North America. In 1745, a plan for the invasion of Cape Breton
was laid at Boston, and New England bore the expense of it. Colonel
Pepperell, who has been already introduced to the reader’s notice, was
entrusted with the command of an army of six thousand men, levied for
the expedition; and these forces, convoyed by a squadron from Jamaica,
brought the first news to Cape Breton of the danger that threatened
it. The invaders had to encounter but six hundred regular troops, and
eight hundred inhabitants armed in haste. Still, the success of the
undertaking would have been precarious, if the soldiers on the island
had fought with their accustomed spirit. It so happened, however, that,
for the last six months, they had in fact, been in open rebellion. The
construction and repairs of the fortifications of Louisbourg, sometimes
called “the Gibraltar of America,” had always been left to the care
of the garrison; but the troops had been so defrauded of the profit
of their labours, that they had determined to assert their rights; and
their indignation had risen to such a pitch, that they now despised all
authority. The soldiers, indeed, made advances against the invaders;
but, after a siege of seven weeks, the Governor of Cape Breton was
obliged, on the 16th of June, to sign a capitulation, whereby the
island, and its harbour of Louisbourg, became the possession of his
Britannic Majesty. On the news reaching London, the conquest was
celebrated by the firing of cannons, the illumination of the public
offices, the ringing of bells, the lighting of bonfires, and all the
other usual demonstrations of national thankfulness and joy.[127]

These remarks will help to explain the following letter:――

                                    “BOSTON, _July 29, 1745_.

  “You will be surprised that a messenger of the Prince of peace
  should beat up to arms. No doubt, you have judged me, as well
  you may; but Providence seemed to force me into it.

  “The Cape Breton expedition was begun and finished before
  it could be scarcely known to you at home. Worthy Colonel
  Pepperell was fixed upon to command. The day before he
  accepted the commission, he purposed to dine with me, to ask
  my advice. I told him, I hoped, if he did undertake it, he
  would beg of the Lord God of armies to give him a single
  eye; that the means proposed to take Louisbourg, in the
  eye of human reason, were no more adequate to the end, than
  the sounding of rams’ horns to blow down Jericho; but that,
  if Providence really called him, he would return more than
  conqueror. He thanked me; and, his lady having given her free
  consent, he commenced general.

  “The sound now was, ‘To arms! to arms!’ New recruits were
  eagerly sought after, and my worthy friend Mr. Sherburne was
  appointed one of the commissaries. Being at his house one
  evening, he told me that he was preparing the flag, and that
  I must give him a motto, and that the people must know I had
  given it. I absolutely refused, urging that it would be out of
  character. He replied, he believed the expedition was of God,
  and that if I did not encourage it, many of the serious people
  would not enlist. I still refused. He desired me to consider,
  and to sleep upon it, and to give him my answer in the morning.
  I retired, I prayed, I slept; and, upon his renewing his request
  in the morning, I told him he might take this motto, ‘_Nil
  desperandum Christo duce_.’

  “Upon this, great numbers enlisted; and, before their
  embarkation, their officers desired me to preach them a sermon.
  I preached from these words: ‘As many as were distressed, as
  many as were discontented, as many as were in debt, came to
  David, and he became a captain over them.’ Officers, soldiers,
  and others attended. I spiritualized the subject, and told them
  how distressed sinners came to Jesus Christ, the Son of David;
  and, in my application, exhorted the soldiers to behave like the
  soldiers of David, and the officers to act like David’s worthies;
  then, I made no manner of doubt but we should receive good
  news from Cape Breton. After this, I preached to the general
  himself, who asked me if I would not be one of his chaplains.
  I told him, I should think it an honour; but believed, as I
  generally preached three times a day, in various places, to
  large congregations, I could do my king, my country, and my God
  more service, by stirring up the people to pray, and, thereby,
  strengthening his and his soldiers’ hands.

  “Through Divine grace, I was enabled to persist in this practice
  for some weeks; but, at last, news arrived that the case was
  desperate. Letter upon letter came from the officers to those
  who planned the expedition, and did not know the strength of
  the fortress. I smiled, and told my friends, that I believed
  now we should have Louisbourg; for all having confessed their
  helplessness, God would now reveal His arm, and make our
  extremity His opportunity. I was not disappointed of my hope;
  for one day, having taken a weeping leave of dear Boston, and
  being about to preach a few miles out of town, news was brought
  that Louisbourg was taken. Numbers flocked with great joy from
  all quarters, and I immediately preached to them a thanksgiving
  sermon from these words, ‘By this I know that Thou favourest me,
  since Thou hast not permitted mine enemies to triumph over me.’

  “Here ends, dear madam, my beating to arms. It is left to you to
  judge as you please of yours, etc.,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

To say the least, this is a curious episode in English
history,――Whitefield, the despised Methodist preacher, associated
with one of England’s conquests,――a conquest so important, that King
George II. raised Colonel Pepperell to the dignity of a baronet of
Great Britain; and London and other places went mad with joy.[128]

It is impossible, through want of materials, to trace the course of
Whitefield during the next twelve months. Dr. Gillies says, “As his
bodily strength increased, he began to move farther southward; and,
after preaching eastward as far as Casco Bay and North Yarmouth, he
went through Connecticut, Plymouth, and Rhode Island, preaching to
thousands, generally twice a day.” Whitefield himself writes:――

  “Though there was much smoke, yet every day I had convincing
  proof that a blessed gospel fire had been kindled in the hearts
  both of ministers and people. At New York, I found that the
  seed sown had sprung up abundantly; and also at the east end of
  Long Island. In my way to Philadelphia, I had the pleasure of
  preaching, by an interpreter, to some converted Indians, and of
  seeing near fifty young ones in a school near Freehold, learning
  the Assembly’s catechism. A blessed awakening had been begun
  among the Delaware Indians, by the instrumentality of Mr. David
  Brainerd.[129] Mr. William Tennent seemed to encourage his
  endeavours with all his heart. I found Mr. Gilbert Tennent, in
  Philadelphia, settled in the place” (building) “erected at the
  beginning of the awakening. The gentlemen offered me £800 per
  annum, only to preach among them six months in the year, leaving
  me at liberty to travel the other six months where I would.”

The offer here mentioned was made in the month of September, 1745.[130]
Where and how he spent the remainder of the year cannot be ascertained.

On the 1st of January, 1746, he was at Bethesda, in Georgia, where he
remained during the next three months.[131] It is a strange fact, that
the most adverse rumours had been circulated respecting the Orphan
House, and that, in New England, affidavits had been made that the
institution did not exist.[132] To silence such calumnies, Whitefield
and Habersham appeared before Henry Parker and William Spencer,
bailiffs of Savannah, to whom they submitted the Orphan House ledger,
and swore that the book contained “a just and true account of all
the moneys collected by or given to them, or any other, for the use
and benefit of the said House; and that the disbursements had been
faithfully applied to and for the use of the same.” Whitefield further
swore that “he had not converted or applied any part thereof to his own
private use and property, neither had he charged the said House with
any of his travelling, or any other private expenses whatever.”

Besides this, William Woodroofe, William Ewen, and William Russel, of
Savannah, appeared before the same bailiffs, and swore that they had
“carefully and strictly examined all and singular the accounts relating
to the Orphan House, contained in forty-one pages, in a book entitled
‘Receipts and Disbursements for the Orphan House in Georgia;’ and had
also carefully and strictly examined the original bills, receipts, and
other vouchers, from the 15th of December, 1738, to the 1st of January,
1746;” and found “that the moneys received on account of the said
Orphan House amounted to the sum of £4,982 12s. 8d. sterling, and that
it did not appear that the Reverend Mr. Whitefield had converted any
part thereof to his own private use and property, or charged the said
House with any of his travelling or other private expenses; but, on the
contrary, had contributed to the said House many valuable benefactions.”
The three auditors further swore, “that the moneys disbursed on
account of the said House amounted to the sum of £5,511 17s. 9¼d.
sterling, all of which appeared to have been faithfully and justly
applied to and for the use and benefit of the said House only.”

To the two affidavits, the substance of which is here given, the
bailiffs appended the following:――

  “Sworn this 16th day of April, 1746, before us bailiffs of
  Savannah; in justification whereof we have hereunto fixed our
  hands, and the common seal.

                                              “HENRY PARKER.
                                              “WILLIAM SPENCER.”

Whitefield acted wisely in thus submitting his accounts to official
auditors. It was the only way to silence the falsehoods of his enemies.
His friends, also, were entitled to such an audit, and to such a
magisterial declaration.

After all his efforts, Whitefield was still in debt to the amount of
£529 5s. 1¼d.; and he now, with a confessedly honest front, appealed
to his friends, in America and England, to defray the debt, and told
them that any one wishing to contribute might send their gifts “to
Mr. Branson, iron merchant, in Philadelphia; the Rev. Mr. Smith, in
Charleston; Mr. John Smith, merchant, in Boston; the Rev. Mr. Shutlift,
in Portsmouth, New Hampshire; the Rev. Mr. Pemberton, in New York;
Mr. James Habersham,[133] merchant, in Savannah; Gabriel Harris, Esq.,
in Gloucester; Mr. James Smith, at St. Philip’s Plain, in Bristol;
Mr. John Kennedy, at Exon; Mr. Jonathan Houlliere, in Queen Street,
Upper Moorfields; and Mr. William Strahan, printer, in Wine Office
Court, Fleet Street.”

After all this, no one could reasonably dispute the existence of the
Orphan House, or Whitefield’s honesty; but it might be asked, had the
£5,511 17s. 9¼d. been well expended? An answer to this question will
be found in the following testimony, given by one of Whitefield’s
enemies,――a gentleman who had made a tour through most of America, and,
in his travels, visited the Orphan House, in 1743. After describing a
magnificent vista, of nearly three miles’ length, cut through the pine
groves between Wormsloe and Bethesda, the gentleman observes:――

  “It gave me much satisfaction to have an opportunity to see
  Mr. Whitefield’s Orphan House, as the design had made such a
  noise in Europe, and the very being of it was so much doubted
  everywhere, that, even no farther from it than New England,
  affidavits were made to the contrary.

  “It is a square building of very large dimensions, the
  foundations of which are brick, with chimneys of the same; the
  rest of the superstructure is of wood. The whole is laid out
  in a neat and elegant manner. A kind of piazza surrounds it,
  which is a very pleasing retreat in the summer. The hall and all
  the apartments are very commodious, and prettily furnished. The
  garden, which is very extensive, and well kept, is one of the
  best I ever saw in America; and you may discover in it plants
  and fruits of almost every climate and kind. The outhouses are
  convenient; and the plantation will soon surpass almost anything
  in the country.

  “We were received by Mr. Barber, a Dissenting minister, in a
  genteel and friendly manner. They were at dinner when we arrived,
  the whole family at one table; and never was there a more
  orderly, pretty sight. If I recollect aright, besides Mr. Barber,
  the schoolmaster, and some women, there were near forty young
  persons of both sexes, dressed very neatly and decently. After
  dinner, they retired, the boys to school, the girls to their
  spinning and knitting. I was told, their vacant hours were
  employed in the garden, and in plantation work.

  “Prepossessed with a bad opinion of the institution, I made all
  the enquiries I could, and, in short, became a convert to the
  design, which seems very conducive to the good of the infant
  colony. Whatever opinion I may have of the absurdity of some
  of their religious notions, tenets, and practices, yet, so far
  as they conduce to inculcate sobriety, industry, and frugality,
  they deserve encouragement from all well-wishers of the
  country, I could not here perceive anything of that spirit
  of uncharitableness and enthusiastic bigotry, for which their
  leader is so famed, and of which I heard shocking instances all
  over America.”

The writer then proceeds to speak of the road which Whitefield made
from the Orphan House to Savannah,――a “road cut through the woods, and
which had a hundred curiosities to delight the attentive traveller.”
He describes Savannah; speaks of the air as “pure and serene;” and
concludes by deploring the ingratitude, ignorance, opposition to
government, and the “cursed spirit of dissension amongst” the people,
which had nearly ruined the colony.[134]

So much from an unfriendly visitor. What says the founder? In the
“Further Account of God’s Dealings” with him, published in 1747,
there is a long letter, written only five days after the date of the
affidavits just mentioned. The following is an extract from it:――

                      “BETHESDA, IN GEORGIA, _March 21st, 1746_.

  “MY VERY DEAR FRIEND,――It is now some months since I arrived
  here. Blessed be God! Bethesda has proved to be a house of mercy
  to many. Several of our labourers, as well as visitors, have
  been born of God here, and have given proofs of it, by bringing
  forth the fruits of the Spirit. Many boys have been put out
  to trades; and many girls put out to service. One boy, whom
  I brought from New England, is handsomely settled in Carolina;
  and another, from Philadelphia, is married, and lives very
  comfortably at Savannah. How so large a family has been
  supported, in such a colony, without any visible fund, is
  wonderful. I am surprised, when I look back, and see how,
  for these six years last past, God has spread a table in the
  wilderness for so many persons.

  “I cannot yet say, that I have surmounted the first year’s
  expense, which indeed was very great; but, by the blessing of
  God, I doubt not, in a short time, to pay off my arrears; and
  then the family will be maintained at a small expense.

  “My standing annual charges are now but trifling to what they
  have been; and my friends have raised an annual subscription
  sufficient for discharging them, till the family may be able to
  provide for itself. This, I hope, will be, in a good measure,
  speedily effected. We have lately begun to use the plough; and
  next year I hope to have many acres of good oats and barley.
  We have near twenty sheep and lambs, fifty head of cattle, and
  seven horses. We hope to kill a thousandweight of pork this
  season. Our garden, which is very beautiful, furnishes us with
  all sorts of greens. We have plenty of milk, eggs, and poultry;
  and make a good deal of butter weekly. A good quantity of wool
  and cotton has been given me, and we hope to have sufficient
  spun and woven for the next winter’s clothing. If the vines hit,
  we may expect two or three hogsheads of wine out of the vineyard.

  “The family now consists of twenty-six persons. Two of the
  orphan boys are blind; one is little better than an idiot. But,
  notwithstanding, they are useful in the family; the one in the
  field, and the other in the kitchen. I have two women to take
  care of the household work, and three men and two boys employed
  about the plantation and cattle. A set of Dutch servants has
  lately been sent to Georgia; the magistrates were pleased to
  give me two of them. I took in a poor old widow, aged nearly
  seventy, whom nobody else cared to have. A valuable young
  man, from New England, is my schoolmaster; and, in my absence,
  performs duty in the family. On Sabbaths, the grown people
  attend on public worship at Savannah, or at Whitebluff, a
  village near Bethesda, where a Dutch minister officiates.
  My dear friends, who have hitherto been my assistants, being
  married and having each one or two children, thought it best to
  remove, and are now comfortably settled――some at Savannah, and
  some elsewhere.

  “Many have applied to me to erect a public school, and to take
  their children as boarders; but I have not yet determined. If
  there should be peace, it is certain that such a school would
  be exceedingly useful, not only for these northern parts of
  the colony, but also for the more southern parts of Carolina,
  and for Parisburgh and Frederica, where are many fine youths.
  I have been prevailed on to take one from Frederica, and another
  from Purisburg, and it may be shall admit more. For the present,
  considering the situation of affairs,[135] I think it most
  prudent to go on in making what improvements I can on the
  plantation, and to bring a tutor with me, from the north, in
  the fall, to teach a few youths the languages, and enlarge the
  family when affairs are more settled. The house is a noble,
  commodious building, and everything is sweetly adapted for
  bringing up youth. Here is land to employ them and exercise
  their bodies, and keep them from idleness out of school hours.
  Here are none of the temptations, to debauch their tender minds,
  which are common to more populous countries, or in places where
  children must necessarily be brought up with negroes.

  “What God intends to do with the colony is not for me to enquire;
  but it has hitherto been wonderfully preserved; and the Orphan
  House, like the burning bush, has flourished unconsumed. No
  doubt the government has its welfare much at heart; and I intend
  to carry on my design till I see the colony sink or swim. The
  money that has been expended on the Orphan House, and Orphan
  House family, has been of vast service to this part of the
  country.

  “I have had a very comfortable winter. The people of Savannah,
  having no minister till lately, gladly accepted my labours; and,
  at Frederica, the gentlemen and soldiers of General Oglethorpe’s
  regiment, as well as the inhabitants of the town, received me
  very gladly. Major Horton[136] seems to behave well. He has a
  fine growing plantation. I saw barley in the ear on the 1st of
  March. Georgia is very healthy. Only a little child has died out
  of our family since it removed to Bethesda. If the inhabitants
  were sufficiently numerous, I think the colony is capable of as
  much improvement as any on the continent.”

Such then were the bold and benevolent schemes of the indigent young
clergyman, who, for the last eight years, had been abused and lampooned
by thousands of professing Christians, of all descriptions. While they
reviled, Whitefield worked.

In England, Howell Harris faithfully did his utmost, as Whitefield’s
_locum tenens_. He writes:――

                                  “LONDON, _February 18, 1746_.

  “Since I came here, the Lord has been very kind to us. He is
  returning apace to the despised Tabernacle. All disputing has
  quite ceased, and we go on harmoniously together. We are now
  settling the Society in classes; and re-settling all the
  scattered bands. I have been through every class. Many propose
  to join the bands and Society. We have had a letter from Mrs.
  Whitefield, giving an account of the progress of the gospel in
  America. The Indians and negroes are baptized, twelve or
  fourteen in a day; and many of them are filled with the grace of
  the Holy Spirit.”[137]

Harris was full of hope; but his hope was not realized. Whitefield’s
presence among the Calvinistic Methodists was sorely needed. Cennick’s
secession had been a peril and a disaster. Both people and preachers
suffered loss. James Hutton, with more sourness than sanctity, observed:
“Of all the crowds of the Tabernacle people that offered to come
amongst us” (the Moravians), “we have found scarce two or three that
are good for anything.”[138]

When Cennick seceded in 1745, the Association at the Tabernacle “gave
up” to him and the Moravians the Societies in Wiltshire; but some
of the Societies objected to this arrangement, and, since then, had
requested Whitefield’s preachers to revisit them. At the Association
held in Bristol, March 7, 1746, the matter was discussed; and Howell
Harris wrote a letter “to the Brethren at Fetter Lane,” endeavouring
to promote a common understanding with respect to the fields of labour
to be occupied by the two Societies, and with respect to transferring
members from one Society to the other. James Hutton’s answer to the
Association, written on behalf of “the Brethren in Fetter Lane,” was
as arrogant and scolding as Harris’s letter was meek and loving. The
imperious printer and publisher wrote:――

  “We cannot at all consent to any one going into Wiltshire that
  belongs to your Association. Your business would chiefly be to
  confound poor souls, by preaching strange doctrine, and
  spreading scandalous lies. Should any of you go thither, after
  receiving this, you will act contrary to all honesty. It is for
  the sake of Mr. Howell Harris that we answer you at all. For
  him we have regard; but with the rest of you we cannot have any
  kind of fellowship at all. You are vainly puffed up,――the enemies
  of Christ, and of His blood and atonement, which some of you
  blaspheme. To say that we believed _you_ to be _fellow-labourers_
  in the vineyard of Christ, would be dissimulation in us. We look
  upon you as the destroyers of that vineyard; and we are much
  grieved to see Mr. Whitefield’s labours and blessings so spoiled
  and ruined by such evil-labourers. We are, however, sincerely,
  your well-wishers,

                            “THE BRETHREN IN FETTER LANE.”[139]

Was there _any_ reason for the use of this strong and offensive
language? It is to be feared there was. Howell Harris, in his
autobiography, written in 1749, remarks:――

  “About the year 1746, I saw a spirit creeping into the work
  different from that which had been before; namely, the spirit
  of levity, pride, foolish jesting, unwatchfulness, and carnal
  rejoicing. This took place immediately after extensive frames
  and transports, which many seemed to enjoy at the hearing of the
  word, and singing, etc.; but the real and serious spirit that
  began the work was at length almost extinguished. The spirit of
  awakening sinners in the ministry was also, in a great measure,
  lost; together with its real and solid fruits in the hearts of
  men. I beheld a tendency in the ministry to please men, and to
  appear wise and popular in the world; and the spirits of many of
  my nearest friends grew great and proud, and would not take the
  word of reproof or exhortation.”[140]

The work, however, was still prosecuted. At an Association, held
in London, June 18, 1746, it was determined to retain the “room”
at Lambeth; and an offer of “the playhouse, in the Haymarket,
Westminster,” was prayerfully considered. It was also resolved that,
“henceforth, the tickets should be delivered to every band and class
by their visitors; who, after consulting the minister, should take care
of the money” collected. The preachers, likewise, were stationed; some
to Deptford and Lambeth; some to Essex, Wiltshire, and Gloucestershire;
one to Portsmouth, and another to Bristol; and others to Chinnor,
Tewkesbury, Hereford, Ludlow, Shrewsbury, and Wales.

At another Association, held in Bristol, January 22, 1747, Wesley and
four of his assistants were present. It was enquired: “1. How we may
remove any hindrances of brotherly love which have occurred? 2. How
we may prevent any arising hereafter?” It was agreed that Wesley’s and
Whitefield’s preachers should “endeavour to strengthen each other’s
hands, and prevent separations in the several Societies.” Harris,
also, was requested to go to Plymouth and the west, “to heal the breach
there made, and to insist on a spirit of love and its fruits among the
people.”

On July 1, 1747, at the Association, held in London, the Rev. Mr.
Bateman, rector of St. Bartholomew, was present. Preaching arrangements
were made for London, Portsmouth, Olney, Chatham, Bristol, Birmingham,
Gloucestershire, Wiltshire, Staffordshire, Salop, Essex, and Wales. It
was also determined that Syms, Whitefield’s agent, at Hoxton, should
give up “his office of keeping the books and accounts into the hands of
Harris.”[141]

In public labours, Harris was indefatigable, and generally joyous. On
October 13, 1746, he writes:――

  “Since I came home, I have discoursed in three counties; and the
  spirit of praise and thanksgiving has been so poured down upon
  us, in several places, that we could not cease praising,
  rejoicing, and crying, ‘Hallelujah!’”[142]

Again, on October 16, 1747:――

  “Things in Wales have a lovely aspect. Fresh doors are opening;
  many are awakened and added to us; and a spirit of love,
  discipline, and subordination runs through the whole. We have
  settled Friday, November 6, as a day of prayer and humiliation,
  for our own, the churches’, and the nation’s sins; and if the
  Society in London joins us, we shall be glad. In two days, I
  begin a round through North Wales, where, if my work be done, I
  expect to be sent home, or, at least, imprisoned. For ten days,
  my life will be in continual danger.”[143]

Again, February 4, 1748:――

  “This day, our Welsh Association broke up. Scores have been
  added since our last Association. Fresh doors have been opened,
  and several new Societies settled. At Builth, last Sunday, the
  new house we have built there was crowded, and a great number
  stood without. I am now going on my rounds to Pembrokeshire,
  Carmarthenshire, Glamorganshire, and Monmouthshire; and have
  to-night begun collecting for the Orphan House; but, as we
  have built a house in Builth, and are building two houses in
  Carmarthenshire, and as last year we raised £40 towards the law
  suit, I cannot expect such encouragement as I should otherwise
  have had.”

Whitefield’s other assistants were labouring with equal bravery
and success. Thomas Adams tells of preaching in a barn at Gosport;
and of a soldier gathering a society at a place seven miles from
Portsmouth.[144] Another preacher writes: “We cannot get a peaceable
meeting at Gosport. The rude men of the King’s Dock, Portsmouth, come
into the barn, and make great disturbances, sometimes pelting us with
eggs, and, at other times, with dirt and stones.”[145]

James Relly writes: “June, 1747. I examine the whole Society in
Bristol once a week, the brethren on Sunday evening, and the sisters
on Wednesday evening; and our Saviour has blessed it to the quickening
of many. There seems also to be a good prospect at Bath.”[146]
Again, “December 21, 1747. I formed twenty or more into a Society at
Birmingham; and, on examining them, was quite satisfied of the spirit
of grace working in all their hearts. Yesterday, many assembled to hear
the word at Tewkesbury, but we were assaulted by such a furious mob,
that all was turned into confusion. They flapped the tables, stamped on
the floor, pushed the people, swore, cursed, laughed, pricked with pins,
threw handfuls of snuff, and brickbats, and dirt. I discoursed about an
hour; but the noise still increasing, I left off.”[147]

Herbert Jenkins relates, “August 9, 1747,” that he had been, “almost
a month at Edinburgh, continually exercised in preaching, and visiting
Societies with vast pleasure and delight.”[148]

John Edwards says: “July 21, 1747. Yesterday, I met the young children
at Shrewsbury; and discoursed, sung, and prayed with them about two
hours. The Saviour of little children was there: the Lamb smiling upon
His lambs.”[149]

These extracts might easily be multiplied; but one more must suffice.
It refers to a disgraceful scene at the Tabernacle in Plymouth, on
Sunday, November 29, 1747.

  “At five o’clock in the evening, when we were met together to
  worship the Lord God of our fathers, being in number about a
  thousand, after I had sung and prayed, and gone over the first
  head of my discourse, a strong party of sailors, belonging to
  the _Windsor_ man of war, came in amongst us. They entered, and
  continued, with their hats on. Four of them came up and stood
  just under the pulpit, and betrayed, by their looks and sneers,
  that they had a mind to put me out of countenance; but I went
  on preaching the word of truth with boldness. In about fifteen
  minutes, those near the door began to stamp, and to swear
  most bitterly. Some of our friends very mildly entreated them,
  either to be still, or else to go out peaceably; but, so far
  from taking their advice, they laid the weight of their heavy
  bludgeons, with unspeakable fury, upon the poor people’s heads.
  The cries and groans of the poor women and children were fearful.
  There was but one door, and that was guarded by a company of
  resolute persons, who swore that the first who attempted to
  escape should have his brains blown out by a pistol. The sailors
  then beat down the candlesticks, and blew out the candles, to
  darken the place; but one of our friends had presence of mind
  to push up one of the chandeliers, suspended by a pully, so that
  we had a little light preserved. The fury of our foes increased.
  Many of the people were knocked down, and had their heads broken.
  The windows were dashed to pieces; and the benches taken up as
  weapons of warfare. I entreated our friends to march from every
  corner of the place, and arrest some of the rioters. This was
  done, and three of them being secured, the rest fled as fast as
  they could. We concluded the Sabbath with prayers and
  thanksgivings.”[150]

In these jottings, the reader has glimpses of the sunshine and shadows
of the Calvinistic Methodists in England and Wales, during Whitefield’s
absence in America. It is now time to turn again to their youthful
moderator across the Atlantic.

For five months, from March to August in 1746, hardly anything is known
of Whitefield’s wanderings. He seems, however, to have visited New York,
and to have found favour among the people. The following is an extract
from the _New York Post-Boy_, of April, 1746:――

  “Mr. Whitefield’s excellent parts, fine elocution, and masterly
  address; his admirable talent of opening the Scriptures, and
  enforcing the most weighty subjects upon the conscience; his
  polite and serious behaviour; his unaffected and superior
  piety; his prudence, humility, and catholic spirit, are things
  which must silence and disarm prejudice itself. By these
  qualifications of the orator, the divine, and the Christian,
  he has not only fixed himself deeper in the affections of his
  former friends, but greatly increased the number wherever he has
  preached; and has made his way into the hearts of several, who,
  till this visit, had said all the severe things against him that
  enmity itself seemed capable of.”[151]

Soon after this, on his way to Philadelphia, Whitefield wrote to Howell
Harris, as follows:――

                                                “_May 2, 1746._

  “MY VERY DEAR, DEAR BROTHER HARRIS,――I am glad to hear the Welsh
  Brethren continue steady; and that, amongst our English friends,
  Antinomianism seems only to be speculative. This is a great evil,
  but not so great as when it affects the practice, and leads the
  people of God unwarily into licentiousness. The late outward
  troubles, I hope, will do good, and put a stop to the many
  disputes, and various sects, which always spring up when the
  Lord suffers false principles to abound. I expect to hear that
  Jesus has made thee immoveable like a wall of brass, as bold as
  a lion, but as meek as a lamb. Blessed be His name! He continues
  to be very kind to us. The Orphan House is in a promising way.
  My temporal affairs begin to be settled; and I am blessed to
  many souls. Jesus causes many of my professed and embittered
  enemies to be at peace with me. I know you will help me to
  praise Him, and beg Him to continue to stand by a poor unworthy
  creature, who simply desires to spend and be spent for the good
  of precious and immortal souls. You will remember me to your
  dear wife, and all our Welsh brethren, in the most endearing
  manner. We frequently pray for them, and do not despair of
  seeing them once more. My dear wife loves them exceedingly, and
  often warms her heart by reflecting on past times.

                          “Ever, ever thine in Jesus,

                                      “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”[152]

After this, nothing more is known of Whitefield until the month of
August next ensuing. On the 16th of April, at the battle of Culloden,
the Jacobites were utterly defeated, and the cause of the Pretender
entirely ruined. When the news reached Pennsylvania, Whitefield’s
loyalty gushed forth in a sermon, which was immediately printed, with
the title, “Britain’s Mercies, and Britain’s Duty. Represented in
a Sermon preached at Philadelphia, on Sunday, August 24, 1746; and
occasioned by the Suppression of the late unnatural Rebellion. By
George Whitefield, A.B., late of Pembroke College, Oxon. Printed at
Philadelphia, 1746.”[153] The sermon was almost altogether political,
and need not be further noticed. It was a sufficient answer, however,
to those who doubted Whitefield’s loyalty.

Two days after preaching his thanksgiving sermon, Whitefield wrote to
his mother, as follows:――

  “God is exceeding good to me and mine. We have all things
  pertaining to life and godliness. Many offers are made me; but
  the Lord Jesus keeps me from catching at the golden bait. Favour
  is given to me in the sight of the rich and great, and the door
  for my usefulness opens wider and wider. I love to range in
  the American woods, and sometimes think I shall never return to
  England. I was never better in health. My dear wife would send
  you a few lines, but she is weak by reason of a miscarriage four
  days ago.”

Immediately after this, Whitefield went to Maryland, where he spent, at
least, a month in preaching to large congregations, in seven different
counties. Excepting its slavery, Maryland had great attractions. Its
soil was rich, and its hospitality unique. The young traveller, who
visited Whitefield’s Orphan House in 1743, writes concerning the
province:――

  “Mush,[154] milk, and molasses, homine,[155] wild fowl, and fish,
  are the principal diet of the meaner inhabitants, whilst the
  water presented to you, by one of the barefooted family, in a
  copious calabash,[156] with an innocent strain of good breeding
  and heartiness,――the cake baking upon the hearth, and the
  cleanliness of everything around you,――put you in mind of the
  golden age, the times of ancient frugality and purity. All over
  the colony, there are full tables and open doors; and the kind
  salute, and generous detention remind one of the roast-beef ages
  of our forefathers. Their breakfast-tables have generally the
  cold remains of the former day, hashed or fricasseed, together
  with coffee, tea, chocolate, venison, pastry, punch, rum, and
  cider. The dinner consists of good beef, veal, mutton, venison,
  turkeys and geese, wild and tame, fowls boiled and roasted,
  pies, and puddings. Suppers are the same as dinners, with small
  additions, and a good hearty cup to precede a bed of down. This
  is the constant life the planters lead, and to this fare every
  comer is welcome.”

More than one half of the population of Maryland were slaves, and to
these oppressed and cruelly treated fellow-creatures the planters owed
their riches and their luxuries. Details of Whitefield’s labours in
the colony do not exist. He simply states: “Everywhere almost, the door
is opened for preaching; great numbers flock to hear; and the power
of an ascended Saviour attends the word. I have preached with abundant
success.”[157]

And, again, in a letter to Wesley, dated, “Queen Ann’s County, Maryland,
October 14, 1746,” full of buoyancy, he writes:――

  “If you ask, how it is with me? I answer, ‘Happy in Jesus, the
  Lord my righteousness.’ If you ask, what I am doing? I answer,
  ‘Ranging and hunting in the American woods after poor sinners.’
  If you ask, with what success? I would answer, ‘My labours were
  never more acceptable; and the door, for fifteen hundred miles
  together, is quite open for preaching the everlasting gospel.’
  Congregations are large, and the work is going on, just as it
  began and went on in England.

  “Notwithstanding the declining state of Georgia, the Orphan
  House is in a better situation than ever; and, in a year or
  two, I trust, it will support itself. I am going there to
  spend some part of the winter, and to begin a foundation for
  literature.”[158]

Soon after this, Whitefield sent off his wife and a young lady through
“the woods,” to Georgia; and, on November 8, he himself started for
Virginia.

The first settlers in Virginia were almost all members of the Church
of England. Episcopacy was established by law.[159] A small number of
Presbyterians from Scotland, and a smaller number of Dissenters from
England, were scattered through the colony; but until about the time
of Whitefield’s first visit, in 1740, there was no ecclesiastical
organization different from the Established Church of the
mother-country. The state of religion in the province was deplorable.
The Rev. Samuel Davies,[160] so justly famed for his sermons and pulpit
oratory, wrote, in 1751:――

  “Religion, in most parts of the colony of Virginia, has been,
  and still is, in a very low state: a surprising negligence
  in attending public worship, and an equally surprising
  unconcernedness in those that attend; vices of various kinds
  triumphant, and even a form of godliness not common.”

Such a state of things was the natural result of an unfaithful
ministry. Shortly before the year 1740, Samuel Morris began to read,
to his neighbours, Luther on the Galatians, and several pieces of
honest Bunyan, but the effects produced were not great. In 1743, a
young Scotchman brought to Virginia a volume of Whitefield’s sermons,
which Morris read to his cottage congregations on week-days, as well
as Sundays. He writes:――

  “The concern of some of the people now was so passionate and
  violent, that they could not avoid crying out and weeping
  bitterly. My dwelling-house became too small to contain the
  congregation, and we determined to build a meeting-house, merely
  for reading; for having never been used to extempore prayer,
  none of us durst attempt it. When the report was spread abroad,
  I was invited to read the sermons at several distant places;
  and, by this means, the concern was propagated. About this time,
  our absenting ourselves from the Established Church, contrary
  to the laws of the province, was taken notice of, and the
  court called upon us to assign our reasons, and to declare to
  what denomination we belonged. As we knew but little of any
  denomination of Dissenters, except Quakers, we were at a loss
  what name to assume. At length, recollecting that Luther was a
  noted Reformer, and that his books had been of special service
  to us, we called ourselves Lutherans.”[161]

The result of this movement was the introduction of Presbyterianism.
Morris and his converts were visited in succession by the Rev. Messrs.
Robinson, Blair, Roan, Tennent, Finley,[162] and other ministers,
until, in the year 1747, Mr. Davies became their settled pastor. These
were the people Whitefield visited in November, 1746; but, unlike
himself, he has left no record of what he saw and did. All that is
known is contained in the following sentence, written by Morris, the
lay-revivalist: “Mr. Whitefield came and preached four or five days,
which was the happy means of giving us further encouragement, and of
engaging others to the Lord, especially among the Church people, who
received the gospel more readily from him than from ministers of the
Presbyterian denomination.”[163]

From Virginia, Whitefield wended his way to Georgia, where, having
received an account of the backsliding and disturbances in London and
elsewhere, which have been already mentioned, he wrote as follows, to
Howell Harris:――

                        “HANOVER, VIRGINIA, _November 16, 1746_.

  “About a week ago, I had the pleasure of receiving a long letter
  from you. I was glad to find, that, the Tabernacle was given up
  to your care. Whether its breaches are yet repaired, or whether
  it be entirely fallen down, I know not. I suppose, when I come
  to England, I shall have all to begin again.”[164]

In another letter, written at Bethesda, December 14th, he says:――

  “The account you gave me made me mourn. You and all who
  attended on my preaching, and had opportunities to converse with
  me privately, know how many hints I gave of what has happened.
  It might be foreseen; and, consequently, it did not so much
  surprise me when I found it had come to pass. But I trust the
  storm is now blown over, and that the little flock will enjoy
  a calm. Oh that your eyes may be looking towards the blessed
  Jesus! From Him alone can come your salvation. He will be better
  to you than a thousand Whitefields. I am afraid you are too
  desirous of having me with you. Indeed, I long to see you all;
  but, for some time, America seems to be my place of action.
  The harvest is great in many places, and the labourers are very
  few.”[165]

In another letter to Howell Harris, dated “Bethesda, December, 1746,”
he writes:――

  “Blessed be God for the good effected by your ministry at
  the Tabernacle; of which I have been informed by letters
  from Herbert Jenkins and Thomas Adams. The good Countess of
  Huntingdon has been there frequently, and has been much pleased,
  I am told. She shines brighter and brighter every day; and will
  yet, I trust, be spared for a nursing mother to our Israel.[166]
  This revives me after the miserable divisions that have taken
  place among my English friends. I trust the storm is now blown
  over. Her ladyship’s example and conduct, in this trying affair,
  will be productive of much good. My poor prayers will be daily
  offered up to the God of all grace to keep her steadfast in
  the faith, and to make her a burning and shining light in our
  British Israel.”[167]

It is a curious fact that, though the Countess of Huntingdon became
acquainted with Whitefield as early as the year 1739, and took a deep
interest in his ordination,[168] there is no evidence of her becoming
a frequent attendant at his Tabernacle, except in the winter of
1742, until nearly eight years afterwards. Just at the time when
the Society there, and, indeed, when the Societies in general, with
which Whitefield was connected, were in danger of being broken up,
her ladyship allied herself with him, and, to the end of life, became
his chief assistant. There is no proof of her being invited to this
position. It would be uncharitable to suppose she was prompted by
ambition. The incident was one of those providential interpositions,
which so strikingly marked Methodism’s early history.

Whitefield remained at Bethesda till towards the end of January, 1747;
and then, leaving his wife with the orphans, he again set out on a
preaching tour. He wrote to Herbert Jenkins as follows:――

                                “CHARLESTON, _January 23, 1747_.

  “I lately came from Bethesda, where I found my family
  well――happy in Jesus, and happy in one another. Our Lord bowed
  the heavens several times, and came down among us, in the
  power of His eternal Spirit. In the beginning of March, I
  purpose to set out northward. I am sorry to hear the leaven
  of Antinomianism is not yet purged, and that animosities are
  not yet ceased among you. I can say nothing at this distance;
  but I pray that the God of peace may direct and rule all your
  hearts.”[169]

The Orphan House was still a cause of great anxiety. Whitefield had
there a family of twenty-six children. He had also opened a sort of
boarding school, or, to use his own language, had begun “a foundation
for literature.” He was, likewise, more than £500 in debt. To provide
for such necessities, he now took one of the strangest steps in his
chequered life. The people at Charleston gave him £300, which he
expended in buying land and _negroes_! and thus the great preacher
became a slave-owner and a planter! He shall tell his own story.

                                  “CHARLESTON, _March 15, 1747_.

  “Blessed be God! I hope I can say, that, Bethesda was never in
  better order than it is now. On my arrival there, this winter,
  I opened a _Latin_ school, and have now several children of
  promising abilities who have begun to learn. One little orphan,
  who a year ago could not read his letters, has made considerable
  proficiency in his accidence. The blessed Spirit has been
  striving with several of the children, and I hope, ere long, to
  see some ministers sent forth from Georgia.

  “The constitution of that colony is very bad, and it is
  impossible for the inhabitants to subsist without the use of
  slaves. But God has put it into the hearts of my South Carolina
  friends, to contribute liberally towards purchasing, in this
  province, a plantation and slaves, which I purpose to devote to
  the support of Bethesda. Blessed be God! the purchase is made.
  Last week, I bought, at a very cheap rate, a plantation of six
  hundred and forty acres of excellent land, with a good house,
  barn, and out-houses, and sixty acres of ground ready cleared,
  fenced, and fit for rice, corn, and everything that will be
  necessary for provisions. One negro has been given me. Some more
  I purpose to purchase this week. An overseer is put upon the
  plantation, and, I trust, a sufficient quantity of provisions
  will be raised this year. The family at Bethesda consists of
  twenty-six. When my arrears are discharged, I intend to increase
  the number. I hope that God will still stir up the friends of
  Zion to help me, not only to discharge the arrears, but also to
  bring the plantation, lately purchased, to such perfection, that,
  if I should die shortly, Bethesda may yet be provided for.

  “As you have been such a benefactor, I thought it proper to give
  you this particular account.

                                      “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”[170]

In all respects, this is a hateful letter. No doubt, it is injurious to
Whitefield’s character and fame; but it could not be honestly withheld.
Some people, perhaps, may be able to invent excuses for Whitefield’s
odious act; but I am not disposed to help them. His motives might be
good, but the transaction itself was bad. Let it pass, as one of the
blots of a distinguished life.

A week after the letter was written, Whitefield and his wife set out
for Maryland, and occupied about five weeks in reaching Bohemia. Here
he spent a month, and wrote:――

  “Glad would I be to come and offer myself once more to do New
  England service; but I am afraid many of the ministers and the
  heads of the people would not bear it. However, were this my
  only reason, it would soon be answered; but here are thousands
  in these southern parts who scarce ever heard of redeeming grace.
  Is it not my duty, as an itinerant, to go where the gospel has
  not been named? Those who think I want to make a party, or to
  disturb churches, do not know me. I am willing to hunt in the
  woods after sinners; and could be content that the name of
  George Whitefield shall die, if thereby the name of my dear
  Redeemer could be exalted.”

Here, as elsewhere, his labours were incessant. Under the date of
“May 21, 1747,” he writes:――

  “I have now been upon the stretch, preaching constantly, for
  almost three weeks. My body is often extremely weak, but the joy
  of the Lord is my strength; and, by the help of God, I intend
  going on till I drop. These southern colonies lie in darkness,
  and yet, as far as I find, are as willing to receive the gospel
  as others. I have been a three hundred mile circuit in Maryland;
  and everywhere the people have a hearing ear, and, I trust, some
  have an obedient heart.”

From Maryland, Whitefield proceeded to Pennsylvania. “We travelled,”
says he, “very pleasantly through the woods; and purpose returning to
South Carolina and Georgia in the fall. We lead a moving life; but I
trust we move heavenward.”

On arriving at Philadelphia, Whitefield was in a fever; and no wonder,
considering his outdoor preachings amid the burning sunshine of South
America. The following is from a letter to Howell Harris:――

                                  “PHILADELPHIA, _May 30, 1747_.

  “MY DEAREST BROTHER,――Had I strength equal to my will, you
  should now receive from me a very long letter; but, at present,
  I have such a fever upon me that I can scarce send you a few
  lines.

  “You are very dear to me,――all of you are very dear to me.
  I thank you ten thousand times for all expressions of your
  tender love, and your steadiness in the truths and cause of
  Christ. Sometimes I hope your prayers will draw me to England
  more speedily than I imagine. But what shall I say? Here are
  thousands and thousands, in these parts of America, who, as to
  spiritual things, know not their right hand from their left;
  and yet are ready to hear the gospel from my mouth. Within these
  four weeks, I have been a circuit of four hundred miles, and
  everywhere found the fields white already unto harvest. No one
  goes out scarcely but myself.

  “I trust the power of religion will be kept up in England and
  Wales. Though my coming may be delayed, I hope, when I am sent,
  it will be with a greater blessing. I am daily finishing my
  outward affairs, and shall think my call to England clearer,
  when I have provided for the support of the Orphan House.

  “My dear man, I could write all night, but I am so giddy by hard
  riding, and preaching daily in the heat, that I must defer being
  more particular till another opportunity. I hope my dear wife
  will supply my deficiencies. Remember me in the tenderest manner
  to all. Bid them pray me to England. Have you seen my last
  volume of five sermons? I hope the gates of hell will never
  prevail against the Tabernacle. Amen and amen!”[171]

The next is an extract from Mrs. Whitefield’s letter, also addressed to
Harris, and written at the same date:――

                                  “PHILADELPHIA, _May 30, 1747_.

  “MY VERY DEAR FATHER AND FRIEND,――What shall I say to him I
  so much love and honour? My dear friends, in England, at the
  Tabernacle, and in Wales, can never be forgotten by me.

  “The Lord has done great things for and by my dear master. Since
  last October, great numbers of precious souls have been brought
  from darkness to light, in the six provinces. Last night, my
  dear came here from a four hundred miles journey, during which
  he preached about thirty times. We left Charleston on March 21st,
  and came to Bohemia, in Maryland, on April 27th. He preached
  all the way, which has very much fatigued him, and now he has
  a great fever upon him.

                    “Yours in the best of bonds,

                                          “ELIZABETH WHITEFIELD.

  “P.S.――Since writing the above, the Lord has enabled my very
  dear master to preach, in the _new building_,[172] a most moving
  discourse upon growing in grace. I thought it would have been
  impossible for his strength to have held out.”[173]

A few days afterwards, Whitefield wrote as follows:――

                                  “PHILADELPHIA, _June 4, 1747_.

  “At present, my whole frame of nature seems to be shocked. I
  have had several returns of my convulsions, and have almost a
  continual burning fever. To oblige my friends, and with great
  regret, I have omitted preaching one night, and purpose to do
  so once more, that they may not charge me with murdering myself;
  but I hope yet to die in the pulpit, or soon after I come out
  of it. Dying is exceeding pleasant to me; for though my body is
  so weak, the Lord causes my soul to rejoice exceedingly. Letters
  from England have refreshed me. All of them call me home loudly.
  Congregations here are as large as ever. Next Monday-week, I
  purpose to set out for New York.”

Whitefield’s journey to New York had to be postponed. Hence the
following:――

                                “PHILADELPHIA, _June 23, 1747_.

  “I have been several times on the verge of eternity. To-morrow,
  God willing, I set out for New York, to see if I can gain
  strength. At present, I am so weak, that I cannot preach. It is
  hard work to be silent; but I must be tried every way. Friends
  are exceeding kind; but the best of all is, the Friend of
  sinners looks in upon me, and comforts my heart.”

On reaching New York, Whitefield wrote to Howell Harris:――

                                    “NEW YORK, _June 27, 1747_.

  “MY VERY DEAR, DEAR BROTHER,――It is with much pleasure I now sit
  down to answer your kind and welcome letters. They have had such
  an effect upon me, that, God willing, I am determined to embark
  for England, or Scotland, early next spring. Till Christmas, I
  am already under indissoluble engagements. I am making a strong
  effort to get free from my outward embarrassments; and hope,
  before the year is ended, to stock my new plantation in South
  Carolina, as a _visible_ fund for the Orphan House.

  “For some weeks past, I have been exceedingly indisposed. God
  has been pleased to bring me to the very brink of the grave, by
  convulsions, gravel, nervous colic, and a violent fever; but as
  afflictions abounded, consolations much more abounded, and my
  soul longed to take its flight to Jesus. I have not preached for
  a week past; but since my leaving Philadelphia, three days ago,
  I seem to have gathered strength, and hope once more, to-morrow,
  to proclaim amongst poor sinners the unsearchable riches of
  Christ. From hence, I purpose to go to Boston, and return by
  land, so as to reach Charleston in November.

  “You will return my most humble and dutiful respects to good
  Lady Huntingdon, the Marquis, and Mrs. Edwin.[174] If possible,
  I will write to them. I leave my affairs to you, and depend
  on you, under God, to transact them all. The trouble is great,
  but Jesus will reward thee. Near £40 yearly were subscribed in
  England to the Orphan House; but I have received, I think, not
  above £5.”[175]

With the slightest improvement in his health, Whitefield resumed
preaching. The following was addressed to Thomas Adams, one of his
preachers in England:――

                                      “NEW YORK, _July 4, 1747_.

  “MY VERY DEAR BROTHER ADAMS,――Your kind letter has affected me
  much. It and the other letters have constrained me to set my
  face towards England. I hope to discharge what is due in America,
  for the Orphan House, this year. I am of your mind respecting
  the work in England; and, therefore, am willing so to settle
  my affairs, that, when I come, I may stay with you for a long
  season.

  “At present, I am very weakly, and scarce able to preach above
  once or twice a week; but if our Saviour has further work
  for me to do, He can make me young and lusty as the eagle. If
  not, I shall go to Him whom my soul loveth, and whom I long to
  see.”[176]

In another letter, of the same date, Whitefield wrote:――

  “I have recovered a little strength, and find my appetite
  restored. I have been here eight days; and, to-morrow, intend
  posting away to Boston; and then I shall take a long, if not
  a final, farewell of all my northward friends. I have preached
  twice with great freedom. People flock rather more than ever,
  and the Lord vouchsafes us solemn meetings. I have left my dear
  yoke-fellow at Philadelphia, and expect to meet her again, in
  New York, in six weeks. In these three northward provinces, I
  trust something considerable will be done towards paying off the
  Orphan-house arrears. When that is effected, I care not how soon
  I sing my _Nunc dimittis_.”

Another letter, written at New York, must be added. It was addressed to
John Cennick, who had seceded from Whitefield’s connexion, and joined
the Moravians:――

                                      “NEW YORK, _July 5, 1747_.

  “MY DEAR JOHN,――Though sick and weak in body, the love I owe
  thee, for Jesus’ sake, constrains me to answer thy last kind
  letter, dated February 5. The other, mentioned therein, never
  came to hand.

  “I am sorry to hear there are yet disputings amongst us
  about brick walls. After our contests of that kind about seven
  years ago,[177] I hoped such a scene would never appear again;
  but I find fresh offences must come, to discover to us fresh
  corruptions, to try our faith, to teach us to cease from man,
  and to lean more upon God.

  “It has been thy meat and drink to preach the unsearchable
  riches of Christ. Mayest thou continue in this plan! I wish
  thee much success, and shall always pray that the work of the
  Lord may prosper in thy hands. Whether thou hast changed thy
  principles with thy situation, I know not. I would only caution
  thee against taking anything for gospel upon the mere authority
  of man. Go where thou wilt, though thou shouldest be in the
  purest society under heaven, thou wilt find that the best of men
  are but men at best, and wilt meet with stumbling-blocks enough,
  to teach thee the necessity of a continual dependence on the
  Lord Jesus, who alone is infallible, and will not give that
  glory to another.

  “My dear man, thou wilt excuse me, as my heart, at present, is
  affected with the divisions that subsist between the servants
  and churches of Jesus Christ. May Jesus heal them, and hasten
  the blessed time, when we shall all see eye to eye, and there
  shall be no disputings about houses, doctrine, or discipline,
  in all God’s holy mountain!”

On July 20, Whitefield arrived at Boston, and next day wrote to Herbert
Jenkins:――[178]

  “I hear the glorious Emmanuel has prospered the work of your
  hands at Plymouth, and elsewhere. May He bless and prosper you,
  and the rest of my dear brethren, yet more and more! I hope you
  will live in unity, and let Satan get no advantage over you.
  ‘_Divide and destroy_,’ is the devil’s motto. ‘Force united,’
  is the Christian’s. Oh that when I come to see you, I may see
  you walking in love!”[179]

On August 9th, he wrote as follows to Howell Harris:――

  “I have been in New England nearly three weeks. The Lord is with
  me. Congregations are as great as ever. I could gladly stay in
  New England, but I must return to the southern provinces. Though
  faint, I am still pursuing, and, in the strength of Jesus, hope
  to die fighting.”[180]

Whitefield’s labours in the north were not confined to Boston. The
following is taken from the _New England Gazette_:――

  “Mr. Whitefield came, on Tuesday evening, July 21, to the seat
  of his friend, Isaac Royal, Esq., at Charlestown; where, on
  the next day, several gentlemen of note from Boston paid him a
  friendly visit. On Thursday, the 23rd, he set out for Portsmouth,
  where he arrived on Friday, and, that evening, preached there,
  to a crowded audience, with as great acceptance as ever. Thence,
  he was invited to dine with Sir William Pepperell and his
  lady at Kittery, who entertained him with their usual great
  politeness and generosity. Thence, he went and preached at York;
  the Rev. Mr. Moody and his people received him with the most
  hearty welcome. Thence, he returned to Portsmouth, where he
  preached again, all the people treating him with gentleman-like
  civility. On July 29, he preached at Newbury, and would have
  come on to Boston, but was so earnestly solicited to go back
  and preach at Exeter and Durham, that he could not resist the
  importunity.”

Returning southwards, Whitefield reached New York on August 27, where
he wrote half a dozen letters, from which the following sentences are
culled:――

  “We were detained three or four days upon the water; but it
  was over-ruled for good. I recovered my appetite, and eat like
  a sailor. My health is considerably recruited. My obligations
  to my glorious Jesus are increased by my late excursion to
  Charlestown, Portsmouth, Boston, and other places in New England.
  I am of the same mind as when at Boston,――resolved to preach and
  work for Jesus, till I can preach and work no more. He is a good
  Master, and is worthy of all our time, and of everything that
  we possess. Is not one heart too little for Him? And, yet, He
  requires no more. Amazing love! I am lost when I think of it. I
  can only say, ‘Lord, I adore and worship!’”

On August 31, Whitefield set out for Philadelphia. At the risk of being
tedious, further extracts from his letters must be given. To Howell
Harris, he addressed the following:――

                            “PHILADELPHIA, _September 11, 1747_.

  “MY VERY DEAR, DEAR BROTHER,――I have good news from Georgia,
  and from my new plantation in South Carolina. Many negroes are
  brought under conviction. We saw great things in New England.
  The flocking, and the power that attended the word, were like
  what we witnessed seven years ago. Weak as I was, I travelled
  eleven hundred miles, and preached daily. I am now going to
  Georgia, to settle all my affairs, and get ready to embark
  for England. My dear yoke-fellow is gone forwards. I find no
  inclination to settle. I am determined to die fighting. I am
  here travelling through a wilderness, but, I trust, leaning on
  my Beloved. Jesus is my rock, my stay, my God, my all. Various
  are the scenes I pass through; and various are the comforts and
  supports with which I meet. Sometimes, the Lord feeds me as it
  were by the ravens; and He daily teaches me that man’s extremity
  is His opportunity, to help and succour.”[181]

On the same day, Whitefield wrote letters to John and Charles Wesley.
To the former, he says:――

  “DEAR AND REVEREND SIR,――Not long ago, I received your kind
  letter, dated in February last. Your others, I believe, came to
  hand, and I hope ere now you have received my answer. My heart
  is really for an outward, as well as inward union. Nothing shall
  be wanting on my part to bring it about; but I cannot see how
  it can be effected, till we all think and speak the same things.
  I rejoice to hear, that you and your brother are more moderate
  with respect to _sinless perfection_. As for _universal
  redemption_, if we omit on each side the talking for or against
  _reprobation_, which we may do fairly, and agree, as we already
  do, in giving a universal offer to all poor sinners that will
  come and taste the water of life, I think we may manage very
  well. But it is difficult to manage such matters at a distance.
  Some time next year, I hope to see you face to face.”

So much concerning the amalgamation of their respective Societies.
In reference to the battle of Culloden, and Whitefield’s Thanksgiving
Sermon, on “Britain’s Mercies and Britain’s Duty,” he proceeds to
say:――

  “I rejoice to find that the Rebellion has been over-ruled
  for the awakening of many souls. Our Lord generally builds
  His temple in troublesome times. I cannot, upon the maturest
  deliberation, charge myself with a design to flatter in my
  sermon upon that occasion.[182] You know my attachment to the
  present Establishment. Out of the fulness of my heart, my pen
  wrote.”

Passing to his Orphan-house affairs, Whitefield continues:――

  “I have news of the awakening of several negroes at my new
  plantation, lately purchased in South Carolina. I hope ere
  long to be delivered from my outward embarrassments. I long to
  owe no man anything but love. This is a debt, reverend sir, I
  shall never be able to discharge to you, or your brother. Jesus
  will pay you all. I love and honour you very much, and rejoice
  in your success as much as in my own. O for heaven! where we
  shall mistake, judge, and grieve one another no more. Lately, I
  thought myself sailing into the blessed harbour; but it seems I
  must put out to sea again. Forgive, reverend sir, the prolixity
  of this. Love indites. I salute you for my dear fellow-pilgrim,
  who is gone forwards. Continue to pray for us, and assure
  yourself that you are always remembered by,

              “Reverend and very dear sir, yours, etc.,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

Whitefield’s letter to Charles Wesley was equally affectionate. He
writes:――

                            “PHILADELPHIA, _September 11, 1747_.

  “VERY DEAR SIR,――Both your letters and your prayers, I trust,
  have reached me. May mine reach you also, and then it will not
  be long ere we shall be one fold under one Shepherd. However, if
  this be not on earth, it will certainly be in heaven. Thither,
  I trust, we are hastening apace. Blessed be God! that your
  spiritual children are increasing. May they increase more and
  more! Jesus can maintain them all. He wills that His house
  should be full. Some have written me things to your disadvantage.
  I do not believe them. Love thinks no evil of a friend. Such
  are you to me. I love you most dearly. You will see my letter to
  your dear brother. That you may be guided into all truth, turn
  thousands and tens of thousands more unto righteousness, and
  shine as stars for ever and ever, is the hearty prayer of,

            “Very dear sir, yours most affectionately,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

In the foregoing extract from the _New England Gazette_, the Rev. Mr.
Moody is mentioned. Samuel Moody was a memorable man. Having graduated
in Harvard College, he was ordained in 1700, and, for forty-seven years,
had been minister of York. He was eccentric, but eminent for piety and
usefulness. In his younger years, he himself had been an itinerant,
and had often preached beyond the limits of his own parish. Wherever
he went, he was welcomed. Even the irreligious were impressed with
the sanctity of his character, and were inspired with awe. He refused
to have a fixed salary, as was usual, and elected to depend entirely
on the free contributions of the people. He was frequently in straits,
and almost dinnerless; but always felt confident that, in his extremity,
a meal would be furnished by the providence of God. One day, he had
no provisions and no money, but insisted upon having the cloth laid,
saying to his wife, “The Lord will provide.” No sooner were the words
uttered, than there was a rap at the door, and a person presented him
with a dinner. He was now in the seventy-first year of his age; and,
within four months after the date of Whitefield’s visit, peacefully
expired. The following touching letter was addressed to this venerable
man only eight weeks before his death:――

                      “BOHEMIA, MARYLAND, _September 17, 1747_.

  “HONOURED SIR,――Will you permit a young soldier of Jesus Christ
  to write to an experienced veteran, before he goes hence and is
  no more seen? I am sorry that my visit to York was short, yet
  glad that our Lord gave me to see you once more ready to sing
  your ‘Nunc dimittis,’ with steadiness and composure, if not with
  joy unspeakable. Happy, thrice happy, reverend sir! You have
  gone through that wilderness, which, if hoary hairs should be my
  lot, awaits me, your younger son and servant. Well! this is my
  comfort: I have the same Beloved to lean upon, as you have had.
  The way, though narrow, is not long; the gate, though strait,
  opens into life eternal. O that I might pass through it when
  young! But, Father, not my will, but Thine be done!

  “Honoured sir, be pleased to pray for me. I remember you and
  your dear flock. May He, who kissed away the soul of His beloved
  Moses, appoint a Joshua to succeed you, when He bids you come
  up to the mount and die! I hope my cordial respects will find
  acceptance with your dear yoke-fellow; and I beg leave to
  subscribe myself, honoured sir, your most affectionate, though
  unworthy, younger son and willing servant in Him who liveth for
  ever,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

Little more remains to be recorded respecting the year 1747. After
spending a few days in Maryland, Whitefield passed into Virginia, where
he “preached once, and would have preached oftener, but the small-pox
was spreading.” He then “posted” to Bath-Town, North Carolina. Writing
to a friend, he says:――

  “I am hunting after poor lost sinners in these ungospelized
  wilds. People are willing to hear, and I am willing to preach.
  My body is weak, and a little riding fatigues me. I long to be
  dissolved, and to be with Jesus, but cannot die. I would have
  you still pray for me as a _dying_ man; but O pray that I may
  not go off as a snuff. I would fain die blazing, not with human
  glory, but, with the love of Jesus.”

After riding “on horseback through the woods a hundred and sixty
miles,” and preaching as he went, Whitefield, on October 18, arrived
at Wilmington, Cape Fear. He then proceeded to Charleston; and, on
October 26, set out for Georgia.[183] He closed the year, however, at
Charleston. Hence the following, addressed to John Edwards, one of his
preachers:――

                              “CHARLESTON, _December 28, 1747_.

  “MY VERY DEAR BROTHER EDWARDS,――I have but just time to inform
  you that I wait for answers, to my last letters, from dear
  brother Harris and you, in order to be determined about my
  coming to England. My affairs here are brought under foot.
  If friends at home exert themselves, I may be freed from all
  outward embarrassments. The Lord is yet with me. All is well at
  Bethesda, and at my new plantation. My dear yoke-fellow is at
  the Orphan House. We are always praying for you _all_. The Lord
  be with you! That we may keep an eternal new year in the New
  Jerusalem, is the hearty prayer of, my very dear man,

                        “Ever yours, whilst

                                      “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”[184]

Early in the year 1748, Whitefield, instead of embarking for England,
set sail for Bermudas. The following letters, to Howell Harris, will
explain the reason:――

                              “CHARLESTON, _February 28, 1748_.

  “By this time, I hoped to have been on my way to England; but,
  having received no answers to the letters I sent you from New
  York and elsewhere, and in consequence of other concurring
  providences, I have been induced to believe it my duty to go to
  Bermudas. My dear yoke-fellow will stay behind, in these parts;
  and I purpose to return to her early in the fall. Meanwhile, I
  expect to hear from you; and, if my way seems clear, I do not
  despair of seeing you before Christmas next. Think not hard of
  me, my dear man, for thus deferring to come to you.

  “I hope I have now got very near a sufficiency for the future
  support of Bethesda. If my friends in England will help me, I
  hope my arrears will be paid, and my heart be freed from a load
  which has lain on me for years. If not, the Friend of all will
  help me. On Him, my eyes wait; and, in obedience to Him, I go
  once more upon the mighty waters. My dear wife will have a trial
  in my being absent so long.

    “Yours most affectionately and eternally in Christ Jesus,

                                      “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”[185]

        “ON BOARD THE ‘ANN,’ (Captain Tucker,) _bound from
                        Charleston to Bermudas, March 6, 1748_.

  “MY VERY DEAR, DEAR BROTHER,――Just as I was coming on board,
  yours, dated October 16, was put into my hands. I have read it,
  and now believe I shall see you sooner than I expected. I have
  a great mind to come to you from New England. But what will
  _Sarah_ say? I have left her behind me in the tent; and, should
  I bring her to England, my two families, in America, must be
  left without a head. Should I go without her, I fear, the trial
  will be too hard for her; but, if the Lord calls, I can put both
  her and myself into His all-bountiful hands.

  “I am now going, on a fresh embassage, to Bermudas, after having
  had a profitable winter in these southern parts. Congregations
  in Charleston have been greater than ever; and Jesus has helped
  me to deliver my soul. Had I ten thousand lives, He should have
  them all. Excuse this scribble; I am just come on board.

                                      “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”[186]

As every one knows, the Bermudas are a cluster of small islands, in
the Atlantic Ocean, nearly four hundred in number, but, for the greater
part, diminutive and barren. They were discovered by Juan Bermudas, a
Spaniard, about the year 1522; but were not inhabited till 1609, when
Sir George Somers was cast away upon them, and established a small
settlement. The length of the colony is less than thirty miles, and the
population, even at the present day, is not more than ten thousand, one
half of whom are black and coloured persons. The soil of the inhabited
islands (about five in number) is exceedingly fertile; vegetation is
rapid; spring may be said to be perpetual; and fields and forests are
clad with unfading verdure. In these clustered islets Whitefield landed
on March 15; and here he spent eleven weeks, generally preaching once,
and often twice, a day. In England, it was reported that he was dead.
The _Gentleman’s Magazine_, for the month of May, in its “List of
Deaths,” had the following:――

  “April.――Rev. Mr. Whitefield, the famous itinerant preacher, and
  founder of the Methodists in Georgia.”

Fortunately, the rumour had afterwards to be corrected.

Whitefield met with the greatest courtesy and kindness in Bermudas.
The Rev. Mr. Holiday, clergyman of Spanish-Point, received him in
the most affectionate manner, and begged him to become his guest.
The governor and the council invited him to dine with them. The Rev.
Mr. Paul, an aged Presbyterian minister, offered him his pulpit.
Colonels Butterfield, Corbusiers, and Gilbert, Captain Dorrel, and
Judge Bascombe, gave him hospitable entertainments. He preached in the
churches, in the Presbyterian meeting-house, in mansions, in cottages,
and in the open air. Colonel Gilbert lent him his horse during his stay;
and the gentlemen of the islands subscribed more than £100 sterling for
his Orphan House. Some of the negroes were offended at him, because he
reproved “their cursing, thieving, and lying,” and said, “their hearts
were as black as their faces;” but, as a rule, they flocked to hear him,
and were powerfully affected by his discourses.

Gillies gives extracts from the Journal which Whitefield wrote in
Bermudas,――extracts filling fifteen printed pages; but the substance of
the whole is contained in the following letter, addressed to a minister
at Boston:――

                                      “BERMUDAS, _May 17, 1748_.

  “REV. AND DEAR SIR,――Nine weeks ago, I arrived here from
  Charleston. We had a safe and pleasant passage. We were nine
  days on board; and I do not remember hearing one single oath,
  from land to land.

  “Mr. Holiday, a clergyman of the Church of England, received me
  with open heart and arms. The first Lord’s-day, after my arrival,
  I read prayers and preached in two of his parish churches; and
  the longer I stayed, the more kindly he behaved to me. The two
  other Church clergy chose to keep at a distance; but Mr. Paul,
  an aged Presbyterian minister, was very free to let me have
  the use of his meeting-house, and, as it was pretty large and
  in a central part of the island, I preached in it for eight
  Lord’s-days successively.

  “His excellency, the governor, was pleased to come and hear
  me, when I preached in town, with most of the council and the
  principal gentlemen in the island. He treated me with great
  respect, and invited me more than once to dine with him. I
  have preached nearly seventy times; on the week-days chiefly
  in private houses, but sometimes in the open air, to larger
  assemblies, they tell me, than were ever seen upon the island
  before. The word has frequently been attended with Divine power,
  and many have been brought under convictions. I have spent nine
  happy weeks among them, and was never so little opposed, during
  so long a stay in any place. In a few days, I hope to embark, in
  the brig _Betsy_, (Captain Eastern,) for England.”[187]

Respecting his farewell sermon, Whitefield wrote:――

  “After the service, many came weeping bitterly around me.
  Abundance of prayers were put up for my safe passage to England,
  and speedy return to Bermudas. Thanks be to the Lord for
  sending me hither! I have been received in a manner I dared not
  expect, and have met with little, very little, opposition. The
  inhabitants seem to be plain and open-hearted. They have also
  been open-handed; for they have loaded me with provisions for my
  voyage, and, by a private voluntary contribution, have raised me
  upwards of £100 sterling. This will pay a little of Bethesda’s
  debt, and enable me to make such a remittance to my dear
  yoke-fellow, as may keep her from being embarrassed in my
  absence.”[188]

This was Whitefield’s only visit to Bermudas. He wrote: “An entrance is
now made into the islands. The Lord, who has begun, can and will carry
on His own work.” It was long before Whitefield’s hope was realized.
Fifty-one years afterwards, Wesley’s Methodist Conference sent to
the islands the Rev. John Stephenson. The white population hated the
missionary, because he was the friend of the enslaved blacks; and,
before long, he was apprehended, tried, condemned, and sentenced to six
months’ imprisonment, besides having to pay a fine of £50, and all the
expenses of his trial. At the end of his imprisonment, Mr. Stephenson
was expelled the colony, and the Methodist mission was abandoned. Eight
years afterwards, it was resumed by the Rev. Joshua Marsden; in due
time, it had the honour of giving to Methodism the well-known Rev.
Edward Frazer; and, in this year, 1876, it has three missionaries, and
between four and five hundred church members.

On the 2nd of June, Whitefield embarked for England, the wife of
the governor of Bermudas being one of his fellow passengers. When
approaching the end of his voyage, he wrote, as follows, to a friend:――

                        “ON BOARD THE ‘BETSY,’ _June 24, 1748_.

  “REV. AND VERY DEAR SIR,――Though we are about two hundred
  leagues from land, yet, lest hurry of business should prevent
  me when we get ashore, I think proper to write you a few lines
  whilst I am on board.

  “We sailed from Bermudas twenty-one days ago, and have lived,
  as to the conveniences of eating and drinking, like people from
  the continent, rather than from one of the islands; so bountiful
  were our friends, whom we left behind us. Hitherto, we have met
  with no storms or contrary winds. The first day we came out, we
  were chased; and, yesterday, a large French vessel shot thrice
  at us, and bore down upon us. We gave up all for lost; and I
  was dressing to receive our expected visitors; when our captain
  cried, ‘The danger is over;’ and the Frenchman turned about and
  left us. He was quite near, and we were almost defenceless. Now
  we are so near the Channel, we expect such alarms daily.

  “The captain is exceedingly civil, and I have my passage free;
  but all I have been able to do, in respect to religious duties,
  is to read the Church prayers once every evening, and twice on
  Sundays. I have not preached yet. This may spare my lungs, but
  it grieves my heart. I long to be ashore, if it were for no
  other reason.

  “Besides, I can do little in respect to writing. You may guess
  how it is, when I tell you we have four gentlewomen in the cabin.
  However, they have been very civil, and I believe my being on
  board has been serviceable. I have finished my abridgment of Mr.
  Law’s ‘Serious Call,’ which I have endeavoured to _gospelize_.
  Yesterday, I made an end of revising all my Journals. I purpose
  to have a new edition before I see America.

  “Alas, alas! In how many things have I judged and acted wrong!
  I have been too rash and hasty in giving characters, both of
  places and persons. Being fond of Scripture language, I have
  often used a style too apostolical; and, at the same time, I
  have been too bitter in my zeal. Wild-fire has been mixed with
  it: and I frequently wrote and spoke in my own spirit, when
  I thought I was writing and speaking by the assistance of the
  Spirit of God. I have, likewise, too much made impressions my
  rule of acting; and have published too soon, and too explicitly,
  what had been better told after my death. By these things, I
  have hurt the blessed cause I would defend, and have stirred
  up needless opposition. This has much humbled me, since I have
  been on board, and has made me think of a saying of Mr. Henry’s,
  ‘Joseph had more _honesty_ than he had _policy_, or he would
  never have told his dreams.’

  “At the same time, I cannot but bless and praise that good and
  gracious God, who filled me with so much of His holy fire, and
  carried me, a poor weak youth, through such a torrent both of
  popularity and contempt, and set so many seals to my unworthy
  ministrations. I bless Him for ripening my judgment a little
  more, and for giving me to see and confess, and, I hope, in some
  degree, to correct and amend, some of my mistakes. If I have
  time before we land, I think to write a short account of what
  has happened for these seven years last past; and, when I get
  on shore, I purpose to revise and correct the first part of my
  Life.”

All must admire this ingenuous confession. Never was the Latin proverb
better illustrated than in the case of Whitefield: “Fas est ab hoste
doceri.” In both mild and savage language, Whitefield had often been
accused of such faults and errors; and now, when he has time to think,
he honestly confesses them.

Whitefield landed at Deal on June 30th, and six days afterwards arrived
in London.[189] One of his first acts, when he stepped ashore, was to
write the following hearty and loving letter “to the Rev. Mr. John or
Charles Wesley.”

                                            “DEAL, _July, 1748_.

  “Will you not be glad to hear that the God of the seas and of
  the dry land has brought me to my native country once more? I
  came last from the Bermudas, where the Friend of sinners was
  pleased to own my poor labours abundantly. I hope, I come in the
  spirit of love, desiring to study and pursue those things which
  make for peace. This is the language of my heart:――

               ‘O let us find the ancient way,
                  Our wondering foes to move;
                And force the heathen world to say,
                  See how these Christians love.’

  “I purpose to be in London in a few days. Meanwhile, I salute
  you and all the followers of the blessed Lamb of God most
  heartily. Be pleased to pray for, and give thanks in behalf of,
  reverend and dear brother, yours most affectionately in Christ,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

Apart from his first visit to America, Whitefield had now spent about
four years and a half in itinerant preaching throughout England’s
transatlantic colonies. Except the religious movement, which began
at Northampton in 1734, and declined in 1736, the time spent in
Whitefield’s second and third visits to America covered the entire
period of what has been termed “the great awakening.” What were the
results of that remarkable work of God? In reference to the churches
of New England only, it has been carefully estimated that from thirty
to forty thousand persons were permanently added to their membership.
With these also must be joined a large number who, after a time, “fell
away;” and likewise the multitudes who were “melted” and made to weep
by Whitefield’s eloquence, but were not converted. Further, it must be
kept in mind, that, up to this period, the practice of admitting to the
communion all persons, though unconverted, who were neither heretical
nor scandalous, was general in the Presbyterian Church, and prevailed
extensively among the Congregational churches; the result being, that a
large proportion of the members of these churches, though orthodox and
moral, were unregenerated. Multitudes of these were now, for the first
time, made the subjects of a saving change. Indeed, in some cases, the
revival seems to have been almost wholly within the Church, and to have
resulted in the conversion of nearly all the members. These, at the
best, had been dead weights to their respective communities; but now
they became active and valuable workers.

Again: it is useless to deny that there were a large number of
unconverted ministers, especially in New England. Young men, without
even the appearance of piety, were received into the colleges to
prepare for the ministry. Graduates, if found to possess competent
knowledge, were ordained as a matter of course, quite irrespective of
their being born again. The result was, that in New England and in all
the colonies, an unconverted ministry, to a lamentable extent, was the
bane of the churches. “The great awakening,” however, reached not only
the pews, but the pulpits and the colleges of the Christian community.
In the vicinity of Boston only, there were not fewer than twenty
ministers who acknowledged Whitefield as the means of their conversion;
and in other parts of the country, there were proportionate numbers.
This was an incalculable gain. The great curse of the Church was turned
into an equally great blessing. Yea, more than this, the revival fully
and finally killed the doctrine that an unconverted ministry might be
tolerated; and, henceforth, parents felt that they were not doing a
worthy deed by consecrating their unregenerated sons to the office of
the Christian ministry, and sending them to colleges to be prepared
for it.[190]

Other immediate results of “the great awakening” might be mentioned,
but these are sufficient to evoke the grateful exclamation, “_What hath
God wrought!_”



              _THREE YEARS IN GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND._

                   JULY 1, 1748, TO AUGUST 29, 1751.


TWO days after his arrival in London, Whitefield wrote to his
much-loved friend, the gentle James Hervey, who was now completing his
“Meditations”:――

  “I am very pleased that you appear in print, and that such
  encouragement is given to you to print again. My bodily health
  is much impaired; but, through Divine assistance, I will go on
  working for Jesus, till I can work no more.”

And again, eight days later:――

  “Blessed be God, for causing you to write so as to suit the
  taste of the polite world! O that they may be won over to admire
  Him who is altogether lovely! But what shall I say to your
  kind intended present? It is like my dear old friend. My health
  somewhat improves. Oh, when shall we get within the veil? Thanks
  be to God! it cannot be long. We are both sickly. Lord, give us
  patience to wait till our blessed change comes! Our Lord makes
  it exceedingly pleasant to me to preach His unsearchable riches.
  Multitudes flock to hear; and many seem to be quickened.”

The welcome given to Whitefield in the metropolis was marvellous. It is
true that the only church in which he was allowed to preach was that of
the Rev. Richard Thomas Bateman, who, only five years before, had been
one of Whitefield’s enemies; but there was the wooden tabernacle, and,
above all, his grand old open-air cathedral adjoining it. On Tuesday,
July 12, he wrote:――

  “I have preached twice in St. Bartholomew’s Church, and helped
  to administer the sacrament once. I believe, on Sunday last,
  we had a thousand communicants. Moorfields are as white as ever
  unto harvest, and multitudes flock to hear the word. The old
  spirit of love and power seems to be revived amongst us.”

In another letter, written eight days later, he says:――

  “It is too much for one man to be received as I have been by
  thousands. The thoughts of it lay me low, but I cannot get low
  enough. I would willingly sink into nothing before the blessed
  Jesus, my All in all.”

Whitefield, however, was not exempt from anxieties. His Bethesda debt
was still a burden. Besides this, he wrote:――

  “Satan has been sifting all our poor Societies. This is no more
  than I expected. Antinomianism has made havoc here; but, I trust,
  the worst is over. Our scattered troops begin to unite again,
  and the shout of a king is amongst us.”

There can be no question, that Whitefield’s presence was greatly
needed by the Societies, of which he was moderator. Howell Harris was
one of the most devoted and laborious preachers that ever lived; but
his influence was not equal to that of Whitefield. In a letter, dated
March 3, 1748, he speaks of having travelled about a thousand miles,
in the depth of winter, since he left London on December 20th, and of
having preached two, three, or four times every day.[191] Still the
people were clamorous to have Whitefield back.

The Countess of Huntingdon, also, had lately been associated with the
Societies with which Whitefield was connected; and, within the last two
months, had been present at a series of memorable services in Wales.
In the month of May, her ladyship and her daughters, accompanied by
Lady Anne and Lady Frances Hastings, were met, in Bristol, by Howell
Harris, and the Revs. Griffith Jones, Daniel Rowlands, and Howell
Davies, three Methodist clergymen of the Church of England; and, as a
sort of evangelistic cavalcade, the whole set out for the neighbouring
principality. For fifteen days successively, two of the ministers, who
accompanied the Countess, preached in the Welsh towns and villages,
through which they passed. On their arrival at Trevecca, they were
joined by five other clergymen, also by several pious and laborious
Dissenting ministers, and a number of Whitefield’s preachers. Here they
had preaching four or five times every day, immense crowds flocking
together from all the adjacent country. The scenes witnessed by the
Countess and the ladies attending her, were, to them, new and startling.
Numbers of the people, convinced of their guilt and misery, gave
utterance to loud and bitter cries; whilst others, filled with “joy
unspeakable,” magnified the Lord, and rejoiced in God their Saviour. No
wonder, that, after this, the Countess of Huntingdon deeply sympathised
with these earnest clergymen and powerful preachers.

  “On a review,” she writes, “of all I have seen and heard, during
  the last few weeks, I am constrained to exclaim, ‘Bless the
  Lord, O my soul; and all that is within me, bless His holy name!’
  The sermons were, in general, lively and awakening, containing
  the most solemn and awful truths, such as the utter ruin of
  man by the fall, and his redemption and recovery by the Lord
  Jesus Christ, the energetic declaration of which produced great
  and visible effects in many. I enquired the meaning of the
  outcry which sometimes spread through the congregation; and,
  when informed that it arose from a deep conviction of sin,
  working powerfully on the awakened conscience, I could not but
  acknowledge, ‘This is the Lord’s doing, and it is marvellous
  in our eyes.’ Many, on these solemn occasions, there is reason
  to believe, were brought out of nature’s deepest darkness into
  the marvellous light of the all-glorious gospel of Christ. My
  earnest prayer to God for them is, that they may continue in His
  grace and love.”[192]

Accompanied by Howell Harris and Howell Davies, the Countess of
Huntingdon arrived in London on the 15th of June,[193] exactly three
weeks before Whitefield’s arrival there. Her ladyship, through Howell
Harris, invited Whitefield to her house at Chelsea, where he, at once,
began to preach to crowded and fashionable congregations.[194] This,
to Whitefield, was the beginning of a new career. Henceforth, Hervey
by his writings, and Whitefield by his preaching, began to mould the
character of not a few of the highest nobility in the land.

Howell Harris was a glorious evangelist; but, somehow, he hardly
succeeded in keeping Whitefield’s preachers in proper order. The
Countess of Huntingdon was a remarkable woman; but she could scarcely
preside, as a female prelate, in the “Associations,” or conferences of
the Calvinistic Methodists. Five years ago, the preachers had elected
Whitefield to be their moderator at all times when he was resident in
England, and had decided that, in his absence, Howell Harris should
be his substitute. For nearly four years past, Whitefield had been
in America, and Harris had done his best, in governing as well as
preaching. Affairs, however, had got into confusion; and, hence, a
fortnight after Whitefield’s arrival in London, he resumed his place
as moderator. The following is taken from the “Life and Times of Howell
Harris,” and is an abridgment of the minutes entered in the “Conference
Book,” already mentioned:――

  “Association held in London, July 20, 1748. Present, Whitefield,
  (moderator), Bateman, Harris, and others. Whitefield, after
  prayer and singing, opened his mind on several points.” He
  told the exhorters and preachers present, that, “he had seen so
  much confusion occasioned by young men going out rashly beyond
  their line, that, he was resolved not to labour with any who
  did not shew a teachable mind and a willingness to submit.” He
  admonished them “to use all means for improving their talents
  and abilities.” And added, that, “though he hated to affect
  headship, yet he must see every one acquainted with his own
  place, and that they must consider themselves as candidates
  on approbation.” The result of this faithful dealing was, “the
  Brethren viewed him as a father; and declared their willingness
  to use all possible means for their personal improvement.”

Thus began Whitefield’s ecclesiastical administration on his return
from America. Like a wise man, he, first of all, tried to put the
preachers right. Without this, it would have been useless to attempt
to amend the people.

The effort was a temporary one. Having spent nearly a month in London,
Whitefield set out to attend a quarterly “Association,” at Waterford,
in Wales. A month later, he wrote a surprising letter to his friend
Wesley.

                                  “LONDON, _September 1, 1748_.

  “REV. AND DEAR SIR,――My not meeting you in London has been a
  disappointment to me. What have you thought about a union? I am
  afraid an external one is impracticable. I find, by your sermons,
  that we differ in principles more than I thought; and I believe
  we are upon two different plans. My attachment to America will
  not permit me to abide very long in England; consequently, I
  should weave but a Penelope’s web, if I formed Societies; and,
  if I should form them, I have not proper assistants to take care
  of them. I intend, therefore, to go about preaching the gospel
  to every creature. You, I suppose, are for settling Societies
  everywhere; but more of this when we meet.”

This, on the part of Whitefield, was not an inconsiderate utterance.
The present was really a turning-point in his eventful life. Strictly
speaking, with perhaps a few exceptions, he had not “_formed_”
Societies, as Wesley had; but, for five years past, he had been the
“moderator” of all the Societies founded by Howell Harris, and by
the preachers, who, in the title-page of the _Christian History_, were
constantly designated Whitefield’s “fellow-labourers and assistants.”
Many of Wesley’s Societies were “_formed_” not by Wesley himself, but
by his “assistants;” and the same must be said respecting Whitefield
and the Societies of which he was president. If Whitefield had not
_actually_ “settled” Societies, he had consented to this being done by
his “fellow-labourers and assistants;” and, by accepting the office of
moderator, he had encouraged the proceeding. Now, however, he declared
his intention to take a new position; and, by degrees, his intention
was carried out. At an Association, held in London, April 27, 1749,
at which Whitefield, Harris, and others were present, it was agreed,
that “Harris should take the oversight of the Tabernacle in London,
and of the other _English_ Societies and preachers; and that Whitefield
should do all he could to strengthen the hands of Harris and others,
consistent with his going out to preach the gospel at home and
abroad.”[195] By this resolution, the office of moderator was
practically transferred from Whitefield to Harris. Whitefield was no
longer the head of the Calvinistic Methodists, but his friend Harris,
who first founded them.

For the present, Whitefield did not abandon them. He simply ceased
to be their chief officer. During the first week of September, 1749,
he spent not fewer than five days in conference with them, at the
Tabernacle, London; when, besides settling the “rounds” of the
preachers, it was determined, not only “to preach the Lord Jesus in a
catholic spirit to all the churches,” but “to continue in communion”
with the Church of England.[196]

Harris, however, in his new office, was far from being happy. “In
Wales,” he writes, “great jars and disputes arose amongst us.”[197] He
became dissatisfied with some of the preachers and with many of the
people; and, at an Association held at ♦Llanidloes in 1751, there was
a rupture, and Harris seceded from them. In the year following, Harris
founded his remarkable and well-known settlement at Trevecca; and
here, in comparative seclusion, he continued to reside until his death,
in 1773. For twenty years, he had a small community of his own; but,
though separated from the Calvinistic Methodists, whom he had founded,
he was not an opponent and an enemy. His heart was too warm and large
to be vindictive. To the last, he was a sincere friend of Whitefield,
and of his old companions in toil, tribulation, and success.

The incidents just enumerated deserve attention. It is impossible to
conceive what would have been the result, if Whitefield and Harris had
continued active chiefs of the Calvinistic Methodists; as it is equally
impossible to conceive the probable consequences of Whitefield entering
into an open union with Wesley; and of the Societies, “assistants,
and fellow-labourers” of the two being amalgamated into one common
body. Speculations on such matters would be fruitless. The plain facts
are these: within two months after his return from America, in 1748,
Whitefield determined to put an end to his official relationship to
the Calvinistic Methodists; this determination was gradually carried
out; and, during the last twenty years of his life, he occupied a new
position, which must now be noticed.

The question naturally occurs, Why this change of situation? Was it
because of the wild-fire of some of the preachers, and the consequent
confusion of some of the Societies, with which Whitefield was
officially connected? This is improbable; for, whatever might be
Whitefield’s failings, shirking difficulties was not one of them.
The only way to solve the propounded problem is to remember the close
relationship which was now, unexpectedly, created between the Countess
of Huntingdon and the great preacher. The Countess had recently been
an eye-witness of some of the Societies in Wales, and had been filled
with gratitude and praise for what she had seen and heard; but, now she
seems to have entertained the idea, that both she and Whitefield might
be more usefully employed, than by directly associating themselves
with the Calvinistic Methodists, and by using their time, talents, and
influence in the multiplication of such Societies. Instead of creating
new sects out of the Church of England, was it not possible to reform
and amend the Church of England itself? And was not the raising up of
evangelical and converted ministers the most likely way to bring about
such a reformation? Put the pulpits right, and the pews would certainly
improve.

Though direct evidence may be wanting, there can be little doubt, that,
this was the grand scheme now revolving in the mind of the illustrious
Countess; and that this scheme, in less or greater detail, was
revealed to Whitefield, and led to his separation from the Calvinistic
Methodists. At all events, as will be seen hereafter, this was one of
the chief objects to which Whitefield and her ladyship devoted their
time and energies. Whitefield tried to raise up converted clergymen;
and the Countess procured them ordination, and built them chapels.
The idea was grand,――perhaps inspired,――and the working it out was
unquestionably the principal means of effecting the marvellous change
which has taken place, since then, in the Established Church. Wesley
created a great Church outside the Church of England. Whitefield and
the Countess of Huntingdon were pre-eminently employed in improving
the Church of England itself. Where was evangelistic effort previous
to the days of Wesley? And where were the converted clergymen of the
Established Church previous to the year 1748? A few――a very few――might
be mentioned; but even these were nicknamed Methodists. No one can
estimate the service rendered to the cause of Christ, outside the
Church, by Wesley and his “assistants;” and it is also equally
impossible to estimate the service rendered _to_ the Church by the
despised Whitefield and his female prelate, the grand, stately,
strong-minded, godly, and self-sacrificing Countess of Huntingdon. All
this will be amply illustrated by the further details of Whitefield’s
history.

To return. The following fragments, taken from letters written to
Lady Huntingdon, during the month of August, 1748, will serve to shew
the friendship that now existed between her ladyship and the great
preacher:――

  “August 21. I received your ladyship’s letter late last night.
  I am quite willing to comply with your invitation. As I am to
  preach at St. Bartholomew’s on Wednesday evening, I will wait
  upon your ladyship the next morning, and spend the whole day at
  Chelsea. Blessed be God, that the rich and great begin to have
  a hearing ear. Surely your ladyship and Madam Edwin are only
  the firstfruits. A word in the lesson, when I was last at your
  ladyship’s, struck me,――‘Paul preached privately to those who
  were of reputation.’ This must be the way, I presume, of dealing
  with the nobility who yet know not the Lord. O that I may be
  enabled so to preach as to win their souls to the blessed Jesus!

  “August 22. As there seems to be a door opening for the nobility
  to hear the gospel, I will preach at your ladyship’s on Tuesday.
  Meanwhile, I will wait upon or send to the Count, the Danish
  Ambassador’s brother, who favours me with his company to dine on
  Monday. As I am to preach four times to-morrow, I thought it my
  duty to send these few lines to your ladyship to-night.”

The Countess made him her domestic chaplain,――the only ecclesiastical
preferment, except the living at Savannah, he ever had; and, in
acknowledgment of the honour, he wrote to her as follows:――

                                  “LONDON, _September 1, 1748_.

  “HONOURED MADAM,――Although it is time for me to be setting
  out” (for Scotland), “I dare not leave town without dropping
  a few lines, gratefully to acknowledge the many favours I have
  received from your ladyship, especially the honour you have done
  me in making me one of your ladyship’s chaplains. A sense of it
  humbles me, and makes me pray more intensely for grace to walk
  worthy of that God who has called me to His kingdom and glory.
  As your ladyship has been pleased to confer this honour upon me,
  I shall think it my duty to send you weekly accounts of what the
  Lord Jesus is pleased to do for me and by me.

  “Glory be to His great name, the prospect is promising. My
  Lord Bath[198] received me yesterday morning very cordially,
  and would give me five guineas for the orphans. God’s peculiar
  providence has placed your ladyship at Chelsea. Upon the road, I
  propose writing you my thoughts of what scheme seems to be most
  practicable, in order to carry on the work of God, both here and
  in America.”

To a friend, on the same day, Whitefield wrote:――

                                  “LONDON, _September 1, 1748_.

  “I have been a mile or two upon the road to Scotland, but turned
  back because my chaise was not registered.

  “My hands have been full of work, and I have been among great
  company. A privy counsellor of the King of Denmark, and others,
  with one of the Prince of Wales’s favourites, dined and drank
  tea with me on Monday. On Tuesday, I preached twice at Lady
  Huntingdon’s, to several of the nobility. In the morning, the
  Earl of Chesterfield[199] was present. In the evening, Lord
  Bolingbroke.[200] All behaved quite well, and were in some
  degree affected. Lord Chesterfield thanked me, and said, ‘Sir,
  I will not tell you what I shall tell others, how I approve
  of you,’ or words to this purpose. He conversed with me freely
  afterwards. Lord Bolingbroke was much moved, and desired I would
  come and see him next morning. I did; and his lordship behaved
  with great candour and frankness. All accepted of my sermons.
  Thus, my dear brother, the world turns round. ‘In all time of my
  wealth, good Lord, deliver me!’”

Before following Whitefield to Scotland, further extracts from his
letters must be given.

The friendship between Whitefield and the celebrated Dr. Doddridge
has been already noticed. He now commenced an important correspondence
with one of the doctor’s converts. James Stonehouse was a year or
two younger than Whitefield, and was practising as a physician at
Northampton. For seven years, he had been an infidel; and had written
a pamphlet against revealed religion, which reached three editions. The
death of his young wife, at the age of twenty-five, caused reflection.
He read Doddridge’s “Rise and Progress of Religion,” and was converted.
He was now a sincere and ardent Christian; and Whitefield began to urge
him to become a minister. After much hesitancy, he entered into holy
orders, and obtained the lectureship of All Saints’, Bristol. In 1791,
he succeeded to the title of baronet. He was a man of great ability,
was no mean poet, published several religious pamphlets, and died, in
1795, full of years and honour. He was now living in terms of great
intimacy with Doddridge and Hervey, and had written to Whitefield,
giving him advice about his health. At present, Whitefield had no
leisure to place himself in the hands of a physician. He was soon to
start for Scotland; and he wished to publish a new and revised edition
of his journals, and of some of his sermons. Hence the following,
addressed to Dr. Stonehouse:――

                                    “LONDON, _August 22, 1748_.

  “VERY DEAR SIR,――I thank you for your concern about my health.
  If it should please God to bring me back from Scotland, to
  winter in town, I have thoughts of submitting to some regimen
  or other. At present, I think it impracticable.

  “I heartily wish that you and Dr. Doddridge[201] and Mr. Hervey
  would be pleased to revise my journals and last five sermons. I
  intend publishing a new edition soon. I always do as you desire
  in respect to Mr. Wesley’s sermons. My prayer for him, for
  myself, and for my friends, is this,――‘Lord, give us clear heads
  and clean hearts!’

  “I would recommend Bishop Beveridge’s sermons more, but they are
  too voluminous for the common people, and I have not read them
  all. I expect you will do this yourself, by-and-by, from the
  pulpit, and recommend his and your Master to the choice of poor
  sinners. By your excellent letter, you have publicly confessed
  Him. The eyes of all will be now upon you, to see whether the
  truths you have delivered to others are transcribed in your own
  heart, and copied in your life. Now indeed may you cry――

               ‘O for a strong, a lasting faith,
                To credit what the Almighty saith!’

  “Dear sir, let me entreat you to keep from trimming, or so much
  as attempting to reconcile two irreconcilable differences,――God
  and the world, Christ and Belial. You know me too well to
  suppose I want you to turn cynic. No, live a social life; but
  beg of the Lord Jesus to free you from love of the world. Thence
  arises that fear of man, which now shackles and disturbs your
  soul. Dare, dear sir, to be singularly good. If Christ be your
  Saviour, make Him a present of your pretty character. Honour Him,
  and He will honour you. Never rest till you can give up children,
  name, life, and all into His hands, who gave His precious blood
  for you. I make you no apology for this: you say you are my
  friend.”

Whitefield left London on September 3, and, halting at Olney, wrote, as
follows, to a friend in New England:――

                                    “OLNEY, _September 4, 1748_.

  “It is always darkest before daybreak. It has been so in England.
  Matters, as to religion, were come almost to an extremity. The
  enemy had broken in upon us like a flood. The Spirit of the
  Lord is now lifting up a standard. The prospect of the success
  of the gospel, I think, was never more promising. In the church,
  tabernacle, and fields, congregations have been great; and,
  perhaps, as great power as ever hath accompanied the word. A
  door is also opening for the mighty and noble. I have preached
  four times to several of the nobility at good Lady Huntingdon’s.
  All behaved exceeding well; and, I suppose, in the winter,
  opportunities of preaching to them will be frequent.

  “As for returning to America, if I live, I believe there is no
  doubt of it. I intend keeping myself free from Societies, and
  hope to see you again next year.”

Whitefield arrived in Edinburgh on Wednesday, September 14, and
continued in Scotland until October 27.[202] During his stay in London,
he had preached regularly, at least once a week, in the Church of
St. Bartholomew, of which his quondam enemy, but now ardent friend,
the Rev. Richard T. Bateman, was rector. Though now patronized by
the Countess of Huntingdon and several of the nobles of the land,
Whitefield was not permitted to preach in any metropolitan church
except this; and even for granting this permission, Mr. Bateman was
likely to be involved in trouble. Dr. Gibson, Bishop of London, died
three days after Whitefield set out for Scotland; and it was hoped
that Bateman’s troubles would be buried in the bishop’s grave. Two days
subsequent to his arrival at Edinburgh, Whitefield wrote to Mr. Bateman
as follows:――

                              “EDINBURGH, _September 16, 1748_.

  “REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,――I have met with a hearty welcome. Last
  night, I preached to a Moorfields congregation, for numbers;
  and the Lord, I believe, was pleased to give His blessing. I
  hope all is well in London. The bishop’s death, I suppose, will
  prevent any further stir about Bartholomew’s. I shall be glad to
  hear how you go on. Pray, dear sir, how are your circumstances?
  You will not be offended, if I say that more than one have
  informed me of your being in debt. I thought it my duty to
  apprize you of this, because I know what a burden it is to be
  in debt; not indeed for myself, but for others.”

Except about a dozen days spent at Glasgow and Cambuslang, Whitefield’s
labours in Scotland seem to have been confined to Edinburgh. In various
letters to the Countess of Huntingdon, he relates, that, at his first
coming, he was rather discouraged; for “some of the ministers were
shy,” many of his friends were dead, others were backsliders, the
weather was boisterous, and he himself was hoarse. “I have met,” said
he, on September 29, “with some unexpected rubs, but not one more than
was necessary to humble my proud heart.” A fortnight later, he tells
her ladyship that, in the Synod of Glasgow, there had been a long
debate about him; and that the Presbytery of Perth had “made an act
against employing” him. He adds:――

  “Ill-nature shews itself in Edinburgh, but I feel the benefit
  of it. Congregations are large, and I am enabled to preach with
  greater power. My hoarseness is quite gone, and my bodily health
  much improved. If my enemies shew themselves, I am persuaded the
  blessed Jesus will bless me to His people more and more. Some
  give out that I am employed by the Government to preach against
  the Pretender; and the seceders are angry with me for not
  preaching up the Scotch Covenant. Blessed be God! I preach up
  the covenant of grace, and I trust many souls are taught to
  profit.”

When at Topcliff, on his way back to London, he wrote to the
Countess:――

  “Thanks be to the Lord of all lords for directing my way to
  Scotland! I have reason to believe some have been awakened, and
  many, many quickened and comforted. My old friends are more
  solidly so than ever; and, I trust, a foundation has been laid
  for doing much good, if the Lord should call me thither again.
  Two Synods and one Presbytery brought me upon the carpet; but
  all has worked for good. The more I was blackened, the more the
  Redeemer comforted me.”

This was the first time that Whitefield had been discussed in the
Ecclesiastical Courts of Scotland. Though many of the clergy had been
dissatisfied with the countenance given to Whitefield’s preaching,
several circumstances had hitherto prevented them from uniting
in any public measure to restrain it. The proceedings of “The
Associate Presbytery” had been so intemperate, that the clergy of
the Establishment naturally felt a reluctance to countenance their
calumnies. The great body of the people, also, were so extremely
attached to him, that a direct attack upon his ministry could scarcely
have been made, without incurring public odium. Further, some of the
most distinguished families in Scotland were his constant hearers,
and were in the habit of admitting him to their private society.
Among these, in particular, was his Majesty’s representative, as Lord
High Commissioner, in the General Assembly, who not only attended
his ministrations, and invited him to his house, but introduced him
to his public table, during the session of the assembly. When these
circumstances are added to the long-established practice of the
Presbyterian Church, with regard to occasional communion with other
churches, it is not surprising that the ministers of the Establishment
were not forward to agitate a question on which unanimity was not to be
expected, and in which principle and prudence were both involved.

It is difficult to conceive why the subject of Whitefield’s character
and preaching were debated now. Perhaps the members of the Glasgow
Synod were afraid of a repetition of the marvellous scenes which
had been witnessed at Cambuslang and other places, in 1742. Or,
perhaps, they were deeply offended, because, during his present visit,
Whitefield had been employed to preach for Dr. Gillies in the College
Church of Glasgow, and for Dr. Erskine in the Church of Kirkintilloch.
Be that as it may, the Synod of Glasgow deemed it right to discuss
the matter. The topics introduced were numerous, but stale. He was
a priest of the Church of England; he had not subscribed the formula;
he had been imprudent; his Orphan-house scheme was chimerical; there
was want of evidence that the money he collected was rightly applied;
he asserted that assurance was essential to faith; he encouraged
a dependence on impulses and immediate revelations; he declared,
on slender evidence, some people converted, and others carnal and
unregenerated; he often pretended to repent of his blunders, but as
often relapsed into them; and, finally, he was under a sentence of
suspension by Commissary Garden.[203] These were the accusations.
Keen debates occurred; and, at length, the following, almost neutral,
proposition was submitted: “That no minister within the bounds of the
Synod should employ ministers or preachers, not licensed or ordained in
Scotland, till he had had sufficient evidence of their license and good
character, and should be in readiness to give an account of his conduct
to his own presbytery, when required.” Thirteen voted against the
proposition, and twenty-seven for it.[204]

Similar resolutions were adopted by the Synod of Lothian and
♦Tweeddale, the Synod of Perth and Stirling, and by the Presbytery of
Edinburgh; and, to complete the whole, six hundred of the followers of
the Erskines, by whom Whitefield was first invited to visit Scotland,
assembled in Edinburgh on November 16, and swore to observe the League
and Covenant; and “solemnly engaged to strengthen one another’s hands,
in the use of lawful means, to extirpate Popery, Prelacy, Arminianism,
Arianism, Tritheism, Sabellianism, and _George Whitefieldism_.” The
service “was conducted by the Rev. Adam Gibb and his helpers, with
great solemnity, and the generality of the people evidenced an uncommon
seriousness and concern.”[205]

Of course, all this created great commotion; but limited space will
only permit the insertion of the following letter, which was printed
in the _Edinburgh Courant_:――

  “SIR,――On the 27th of October, the Rev. Mr. George Whitefield
  set out from this place” (Edinburgh) “to London. During the time
  of his stay here, he preached about twenty times in the Orphan
  Hospital Park, three times in the Tolbooth Church, and twice
  in that of the Cannongate, to very large congregations; and
  was much approven of, by the generality of serious Christians,
  as a well-accomplished gospel preacher. As his conversation in
  private, as well as public, gave entire satisfaction to those
  who were most intimate with him, it is not a little surprising
  to them to find him represented and asserted to be a person of
  suspicious character. He declared, upon his arrival here, that
  he was to make no public collections; and he did not. Neither
  did he ask money or anything else from any person.[206] As it is
  reported he will pay us a visit next summer, it is not doubted
  but it will be very acceptable to all who rejoice that Christ is
  preached, and sinners are saved through Him.”

Dr. Stonehouse, of Northampton, has been mentioned. Whitefield wished
him to become a minister; but Stonehouse was timorous, and afraid of
being called a Methodist. Whitefield desired to have an interview with
him, on his return from Scotland, and hence the following letter:――

                                “GLASGOW, _September 28, 1748_.

  “MY VERY DEAR SIR,――I purpose to preach at Oundle, in my way
  to London. Glad shall I be to see two such friends, as you
  and Mr. Hervey, though _incog_. I will endeavour to send you
  timely notice. I would have neither of you expose yourselves
  to needless contempt on my account. I think I can say that I am
  willing to be forgotten, even by my friends, if Jesus Christ may
  thereby be exalted. But then, I would not have my friends act
  an inconsistent part towards that Friend of all――that Friend of
  sinners, the glorious Emmanuel. Whilst you are afraid of men,
  you will expose yourself to a thousand inconveniences. Your
  polite company (unless you converse with them more as their
  physician than as their companion) will prevail on you to such
  compliances as will make you smart, when you retire into your
  closet and reflect on the part you have acted. Before I shook
  off the world, I often came out of company shorn of all my
  strength, like poor Samson when he had lost his locks. But this
  is a tender point.

  “Go on, dear sir, and prove the strength of Jesus to be
  yours. Continue instant in prayer, and you shall see and feel
  infinitely greater things than you have yet seen or felt. I am
  of your opinion, that there is seed sown in England, which will
  grow up into a great tree. God’s giving some of the mighty and
  noble a hearing ear forebodes future good. I do not despair of
  seeing you a proclaimer of the unsearchable riches of Christ.
  God be praised! that Mr. Hervey is so bold an advocate for his
  blessed Lord.”

Whitefield was always in trouble, from one quarter or another. While
the ecclesiastical courts of Scotland were interdicting his preaching,
without mentioning his name, Lavington, the Bishop of Exeter, was
lashed into an unchristian rage against him. His Lordship of Exeter had
recently delivered a charge to the clergy of his diocese. Some unknown
wag circulated what pretended to be a manuscript copy of the charge,
but containing declarations of doctrine and Christian experience worthy
of Whitefield and Wesley themselves. Without authority, the _pretended_
charge was printed, and occasioned the publication of several pamphlets
in reply and congratulation. Meanwhile, however, Lavington, the
inveterate hater of Methodists and Moravians, was dubbed a Methodist.
This, to his lordship, was intolerable, and drew forth from him an
angry “declaration,” in which he charged the Methodist chiefs with
being the authors of the fraud. The charge was utterly unfounded; the
Countess of Huntingdon interfered; with great difficulty she obtained
a recantation from the infuriated prelate; and this was published in
the leading journals of the day. The following letter refers to this
disreputable _fracas_.

                                    “GLASGOW, _October 5, 1748_.

  “VERY DEAR SIR,――I received yours this morning, and think it my
  duty to send you an immediate answer.

  “You might well inform my Lord of Exeter that I knew nothing
  of the printing of his lordship’s pretended charge, or of the
  pamphlets occasioned by it. When the former was sent to me in
  manuscript, from London to Bristol, as his lordship’s production,
  I immediately said, it could not be his. When I found it printed,
  I spoke to the officious printer, who did it out of his own head,
  and blamed him very much. When I saw the pamphlet, I was still
  more offended. Repeatedly, in several companies, I urged the
  injustice as well as imprudence thereof, and said it would
  produce what it did,――I mean a ♦declaration from his lordship,
  that he was no Methodist. I am sorry his lordship had such an
  occasion given him to declare his aversion to what is called
  Methodism; and, though I think his lordship, in his declaration,
  has been somewhat severe concerning some of the Methodist
  leaders, I cannot blame him for saying, that he thought ‘some of
  them were worse than ignorant and misguided,’ supposing that his
  lordship had sufficient proof that they caused to be printed a
  charge which he had never owned nor published.

  “If you think proper, you may let his lordship see the contents
  of this. I will only add, that, I wish a way could be found,
  whereby his lordship and other of the right reverend the bishops
  might converse with some of us. Many mistakes might thereby be
  rectified, and perhaps his lordship’s sentiments, in some degree,
  might be altered. If this cannot be effected, (I speak only
  for myself,) I am content to wait till we all appear before the
  great Shepherd and Bishop of souls. Meanwhile, I heartily pray,
  that their lordships may be blessed with all spiritual blessings,
  and wishing you the like mercies, I subscribe myself, very dear
  sir, your affectionate, obliged, humble servant,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

Whitefield reached London at the beginning of November, and immediately
resumed preaching, twice a week, in the house of the Countess of
Huntingdon, “to the great and noble.”[207] Here he had to encounter
another trouble. In a letter, dated October 20th, 1748, Howell Harris
gives an account of his labours, in South and North Wales, during the
last nine weeks. He had visited thirteen counties, had travelled a
hundred and fifty miles every week, and had preached two sermons every
day, and sometimes three or four. During the last week of his tour, he
had never taken off his clothes; and, in one instance, had travelled
above a hundred miles, from morning to the evening of the ensuing day,
without any rest, preaching on the mountains at midnight, in order
to avoid the persecution of Sir Watkin William Wynn. Such was the
malevolence of the Welsh baronet towards the poor Methodists, that,
only a few days before, for simply meeting together to worship God,
a number of them had had to pay fines, varying from five shillings to
twenty pounds. Encouraged by those who ought to have known better, the
mobs, in many places, were almost murderously violent; and, near to
Bala, Harris received a blow on the head nearly sufficient to “split
his skull in two.”[208] Whitefield was informed of these outrageous
proceedings; he reported them to the Countess of Huntingdon; her
ladyship laid the particulars before the Government; and, to the no
small mortification of Sir Watkin Wynn, the fines he had exacted from
the Methodists were ordered to be returned.[209]

Five years ago, Whitefield had formed an acquaintance with Dr.
Doddridge, the great Dissenting tutor; he now visited the equally
celebrated Dr. Watts, whom the Dissenters of the day might properly
have regarded as their _patriarch_. Watts had looked upon Whitefield
with disfavour, and had chidden Doddridge for lowering the dignity of
the Dissenting minister and tutor, by preaching in Whitefield’s wooden
meeting-house. For more than thirty years, Watts had been a beloved and
honoured guest in the mansion of Sir Thomas Abney, Stoke Newington. He
was now dying, and, on November 25th, away Whitefield went to see him.
Being introduced, Whitefield tenderly enquired, “how he found himself?”
“I am one of Christ’s waiting servants,” replied the dying Doctor.
Whitefield assisted in raising him up in bed, that he might with more
convenience take his medicine. Watts apologised for the trouble he
occasioned. Whitefield answered, “Surely, I am not too good to wait on
a waiting servant of Christ.” Whitefield took his leave; and half an
hour afterwards Dr. Watts was dead.[210] Thus met and parted the great
hymnist and the great preacher, until they met again in “the palace of
angels and God.”[211]

A week after Watts’s death, Whitefield set out for Gloucester and
Bristol. In the latter city, his preaching was the means of converting
a Welsh shoemaker, who subsequently became one of Wesley’s best
itinerant preachers, and who, in his wide wanderings, composed a few
of the finest hymns ever sung in the Christian Church,――hymns not
surpassed by the best of Dr. Watts’s, and which, after a century’s use,
are as much in favour among the Methodists as ever.

Thomas Olivers was now twenty-three years of age. His life had been
rambling and wicked. Getting into debt had been a regular practice,
and profane swearing had become his habitual sin. The first night that
he spent in Bristol he was literally penniless. Having obtained work,
he went to lodge in the house of a man who had been a Methodist, but
was now “a slave to drunkenness.” In the same house, there was “a
lukewarm Moravian.” Olivers and the Moravian disputed “about election,”
till they quarrelled. The Moravian, a tall, lusty fellow, struck the
Welshman. Olivers says, “I knew I should have no chance in fighting
him, and therefore, for a whole hour, I cursed and swore, with all the
rage of a fiend, in such a manner as is seldom equalled on earth, or
exceeded even in hell itself.” Soon after this, Olivers met a multitude
of people in the streets of Bristol, and asked where they had been.
One answered, “To hear Mr. Whitefield.” Olivers thought, “I have often
heard of Mr. Whitefield, and have sung songs about him: I’ll go and
hear him myself.” Accordingly, he went. Whitefield’s text was, “Is
not this a brand plucked out of the fire?” Olivers was there and then
convinced of sin, and resolved to give his heart to God. The next
Sunday, he went to the cathedral at six in the morning; and, as the
Te Deum was read, “felt as if he had done with earth, and was praising
God before His throne.” At eight, he went to hear Whitefield preach;
at ten, he went to Christchurch; at two in the afternoon, he again
attended church; at five, he heard Whitefield, and concluded the day
at a Baptist meeting. He writes: “The love I had for Mr. Whitefield was
inexpressible. I used to follow him as he walked the streets, and could
scarce refrain from kissing the very prints of his feet.”

Five years after this, Thomas Olivers had paid all his debts, and was
one of Wesley’s itinerant preachers. His subsequent history was too
remarkable to be condensed in a work like this.

Whitefield’s Orphan House was again causing him anxiety. He wrote to a
friend in America: “I want to make it a seminary of learning. If some
such thing be not done, I cannot see how the _southern_ parts will be
provided with ministers. All here are afraid to come over.”[212] He had
also heard that his wife had lessened the Orphan-house family, and was
about to return to England.[213] And, further, he had been informed
that the trustees were about to allow the employment of slaves in
Georgia.[214] These circumstances led him to write a long and
remarkable letter to the trustees. The following is an extract:――

                                “GLOUCESTER, _December 6, 1748_.

  “HONOURED GENTLEMEN,――Not want of respect, but a suspicion that
  my letters would not be acceptable, has been the occasion of my
  not writing to you these four years last past. I am sensible,
  that in some of my former letters, I expressed myself in too
  strong and sometimes in unbecoming terms. For this I desire to
  be humbled before God and man. I can assure you, however, that,
  to the best of my knowledge, I have acted a disinterested part.
  I have simply aimed at God’s glory, and the good of mankind.
  This principle drew me first to Georgia; this, and this alone,
  induced me to begin and carry on the Orphan House; and this,
  honoured gentlemen, excites me to trouble you with the present
  lines.

  “I need not inform you, how the colony of Georgia has been
  declining, and at what great disadvantages I have maintained
  a large family in that wilderness. Upwards of £5000 have been
  expended in that undertaking; and yet, very little proficiency
  has been made in the cultivation of my tract of land; and that
  entirely owing to the necessity I lay under of making use of
  white hands. Had negroes been allowed, I should now have had a
  sufficiency to support a great many orphans, without expending
  above half the sum that has been laid out. An unwillingness to
  let so good a design drop induced me, two years ago, to purchase
  a plantation in South Carolina, where negroes are allowed. This
  plantation has succeeded; and, though I have only eight working
  hands, in all probability, there will be more raised in one
  year, and with a quarter of the expense, than has been produced
  at Bethesda for several years past. This confirms me in the
  opinion, I have long entertained, that, Georgia never can be
  a flourishing province, unless negroes are employed.

  “But, notwithstanding my private judgment, I am determined,
  that, not one of mine shall ever be allowed to work at the
  Orphan House till it can be done in a legal manner, and with the
  approbation of the Honourable Trustees. My chief end in writing
  this, is to inform you, that, I am as willing as ever to do all
  I can for Georgia and the Orphan House, if either a limited use
  of negroes is approved of, or some more indentured servants be
  sent from England. If not, I cannot promise to keep any large
  family, or cultivate the plantation in any considerable manner.

  “I would also further recommend to your consideration, whether,
  as the Orphan House is intended for a charitable purpose, it
  ought not to be exempted from all quit-rents and public taxes?
  And, as most of the land on which the Orphan House is built is
  good for little, I would humbly enquire, whether I may not have
  a grant of five hundred more acres, not taken up, somewhere near
  the Orphan House?

  “If you, Honourable Gentlemen, are pleased to put the colony
  upon another footing,――I mean in respect to the permission of
  a limited use of negroes,――my intention is to make the Orphan
  House, not only a receptacle for fatherless children, but also
  a place of literature and academical studies. Such a place is
  much wanted in the southern parts of America, and, if conducted
  in a proper manner, must necessarily be of great service to any
  colony. I can easily procure proper persons to embark in such a
  cause.”

From such a pen, this is a strange production. Whitefield, with his
large heart, urging the introduction of slavery into the province of
Georgia, and almost threatening to abandon his Orphan House unless his
proposal be granted! Whitefield’s honour is best cared for by saying as
little about the incident as possible.

Having spent five days at Gloucester, during which he preached
five times, and received the sacrament at the cathedral; and having
similarly employed himself for a week at Bristol, Whitefield, at the
request of the Countess of Huntingdon, returned to London on December
17th, and resumed his ministry in the Tabernacle, and in the mansion
of her ladyship.

“I am now,” he wrote, “thirty-four years of age; and alas! how little
have I done and suffered for Him, who has done and suffered so much for
me! Thanks be to His great name for countenancing my poor ministrations
so much.”[215]

A letter to Dr. Doddridge, to whom Whitefield had submitted his
Journals for revision,[216] may properly close the year 1748,――a year,
which, like all previous ones of his career, had been thronged with
adventures and striking incidents.

                                  “LONDON, _December 21, 1748_.

  “REVEREND AND VERY DEAR SIR,――I was glad, very glad, to receive
  your letter, dated November 7th, though it did not reach me till
  last night. I thank you for it a thousand times. It has led me
  to the throne of grace, where I have been crying, ‘Lord, counsel
  my counsellors, and shew them what Thou wouldest have me to
  do!’ Alas! alas! how can I be too severe against myself, who,
  Peter-like, have cut off so many ears, and, by imprudences, mixed
  with my zeal, have dishonoured the cause of Jesus! I can only
  look up to Him, who healed the high-priest’s servant’s ear, and
  say, ‘Lord, heal all the wounds my misguided zeal has given!’
  Assure yourself, dear sir, everything I print shall be revised.
  I always have submitted my poor performances to my friends’
  corrections. Time and experience ripen men’s judgments, and make
  them more solid, rational, and consistent. O that this may be my
  case!

  “I thank you, dear sir, for your solemn charge in respect to my
  health. Blessed be God! it is much improved since my return from
  Scotland, and I trust, by observing the rules you prescribe, I
  shall be enabled to declare the works of the Lord.

  “But what shall I say concerning your present trial?[217] I most
  earnestly sympathise with you, having had the same trial from
  the same quarter long ago. The Moravians first divided my family;
  then my parish, in Georgia; and, after that, the Societies which
  I was an instrument of gathering. I suppose not less than four
  hundred, through their practices, have left the Tabernacle.
  But I have been forsaken in other ways. I have not had above a
  hundred to hear me, where I had twenty thousand; and hundreds
  now assemble within a quarter of a mile of me, who never come
  to see or speak to me, though they must own, at the great day,
  that I was their spiritual father. All this I find but little
  enough to teach me to cease from man, and to wean me from that
  too great fondness, which spiritual fathers are apt to have for
  their spiritual children. But I have generally observed, that,
  when one door of usefulness is shut, another opens. Our Lord
  blesses you, dear sir, in your writings;[218] nay, your people’s
  treating you as they are now permitted to do, perhaps, is one of
  the greatest blessings you ever received from heaven. I know no
  other way of dealing with the Moravians, than to go on preaching
  the truth as it is in Jesus, and resting upon the promise,
  ‘Every plant which my heavenly Father hath not planted shall be
  plucked up.’ Seven years will make a great alteration. I believe
  their grand design is to extend their economy as far as possible.
  This is now kept up by dint of money, and, I am apt to think,
  the very thing, by which they think to establish, will destroy
  their scheme. God is a gracious Father, and will not always let
  His children proceed in a wrong way. Doubtless, there are many
  of His dear little ones in the Moravian flock; but many of their
  principles and practices are exceeding wrong, for which, I doubt
  not, our Lord will rebuke them in His own time.

  “But I fear that I weary you. Love makes my pen to move too
  fast, and too long. Last Sunday evening, I preached at the other
  end of the town, to a most brilliant assembly. They expressed
  great approbation; and some, I think, begin to feel. Good Lady
  Huntingdon is a mother in Israel. She is all in a flame for
  Jesus.”

Whitefield’s remarks concerning the Moravians may, perhaps, seem
somewhat harsh; but they were not untrue, and will prepare the reader
for other critiques hereafter.

Whitefield mentions his “brilliant assembly” in the mansion of the
Countess of Huntingdon. In a letter to the Countess of Bath, he wrote,
“It would please you to see the assemblies at her ladyship’s house.
They are brilliant ones indeed. The prospect of catching some of
the rich, in the gospel net, is very promising. I know you will wish
prosperity in the name of the Lord.”[219]

No wonder that, after one of his first services at Lady Huntingdon’s,
Whitefield said, “I went home, never more surprised at any incident in
my life.”[220] Such congregations were unique. Nothing like them had
heretofore been witnessed. There were gatherings of England’s proud
nobility, assembled to listen to a young preacher, whose boyhood had
been spent in a public-house; whose youth, at the university, had
been employed partly in study, and partly in attending to the wants
of fellow-students, who declined to treat him as an equal; and whose
manhood life, for the last thirteen years, had been a commingling of
marvellous popularity and violent contempt,――a scene of infirmities
and errors, and yet of unreserved and unceasing devotion to the cause
of Christ and the welfare of his fellow-men. Such was the youthful
preacher,――a man of slender learning, of mean origin, without Church
preferment, hated by the clergy, and maligned by the public press. Who
were his aristocratic hearers? The following list is supplied by the
well-informed author of “The Life and Times of the Countess of
Huntingdon”:――

Lady Fanny Shirley, who had long been one of the reigning beauties
of the court of George the First; the Duchess of Argyll; Lady Betty
Campbell; Lady Ferrers; Lady Sophia Thomas; the Duchess of Montagu,
daughter of the great Duke of Marlborough; Lady Cardigan; Lady Lincoln;
Mrs. Boscawen; Mrs. Pitt; Miss Rich; Lady Fitzwalter; Lady Caroline
Petersham; the Duchess of Queensbury, daughter of the Earl of Clarendon,
and celebrated for extraordinary beauty, wit, and sprightliness,
by Pope, Swift, and Prior; the Duchess of Manchester; Lady Thanet,
daughter of the Marquis of Halifax, and wife of Sackville, Earl of
Thanet; Lady St. John, niece of Lady Huntingdon; Lady Luxborough,
the friend and correspondent of Shenstone, the poet; Lady Monson,
whose husband, in 1760, was created Baron Sondes; Lady Rockingham,
the wife of the great statesman, a woman of immense wit and pleasant
temper, often at court, and possessed of considerable influence in the
higher circles of society; Lady Betty Germain, daughter of the Earl of
Berkeley, and through her husband, Sir John Germain, the possessor of
enormous wealth; Lady Eleanor Bertie, a member of the noble family of
Abingdon; the Dowager-Duchess of Ancaster; the Dowager-Lady Hyndford;
the Duchess of Somerset; the Countess Delitz, one of the daughters
of the Duchess of Kendal, and the sister of Lady Chesterfield; Lady
Hinchinbroke, granddaughter of the Duke of Montagu; and Lady Schaubs.

Besides these “honourable women not a few,” there were also the Earl
of Burlington, so famed for his admiration of the works of Inigo
Jones, and for his architectural expenditure; George Bubb Dodington,
afterwards Lord Melcombe, a friend and favourite of the Prince of Wales,
and whose costly mansion was often crowded with literary men; George
Augustus Selwyn, an eccentric wit, to whom nearly all the current
_bon-mots_ of the day were attributed; the Earl of Holderness; Lord
(afterwards Marquess) Townshend, named George, after his godfather,
George the First, a distinguished general in the army, member of
Parliament for Norfolk, and ultimately a field-marshal. Charles
Townshend, now a young man of twenty-three, whom Burke described as
“the delight and ornament of the House of Commons, and the charm of
every private society he honoured with his presence;” Lord St. John,
half-brother to Lord Bolingbroke; the Earl of Aberdeen; the Earl of
Lauderdale; the Earl of Hyndford, Envoy Extraordinary to the King of
Prussia; the Marquis of Tweeddale, Secretary of State for Scotland;
George, afterwards, Lord Lyttelton, at one time member for Okehampton,
and secretary of Frederick, Prince of Wales, and who had recently
published his well-known book, “Observations on the Conversion of
St. Paul;” William Pitt, the distinguished first Earl of Chatham; Lord
North, in his twenty-first year, afterwards First Lord of the Treasury,
and ultimately Earl of Guildford; Evelyn, Duke of Kingston; Viscount
Trentham (a title borne by the Duke of Sutherland); the Earl of March
(one of the titles of the Duke of Richmond); the Earl of Haddington;
Edward Hussey, who married a daughter of the Duke of Montagu, and was
created Earl of Beaulieu; Hume Campbell, afterwards created Baron Hume;
the Earl of Sandwich, subsequently ambassador to the court of Spain,
First Lord of the Admiralty, and Secretary of State for the Home
Department; and Lord Bolingbroke, the friend of the Pretender, a man
of great ability,――a statesman, a philosopher, and an infidel.

Gillies adds to this long list the name of David Hume, who had recently
returned from Italy in great chagrin, because the people of England
“entirely overlooked and neglected” his “Inquiry concerning Human
Understanding.” It is said that Hume considered Whitefield the most
ingenious preacher he ever listened to, and that twenty miles were not
too far to go to hear him. “Once,” said the great infidel, “Whitefield
addressed his audience thus: ‘The attendant angel is about to leave us,
and ascend to heaven. Shall he ascend and not bear with him the news
of one sinner reclaimed from the error of his way?’ And, then, stamping
with his foot, and lifting up his hands and eyes to heaven, he cried
aloud, ‘Stop, Gabriel, stop, ere you enter the sacred portals, and yet
carry with you the tidings of one sinner being saved.’ This address
surpassed anything I ever saw or heard in any other preacher.”

The Earl of Chesterfield and the Earl of Bath have been previously
noticed as being among Whitefield’s hearers. One more name must be
mentioned. Lady Townshend was one of Whitefield’s earliest admirers.
Her wit and eccentricities were notorious. Of course she was a member
of the Church of England; but Horace Walpole tells a story of George
Selwyn detecting her crossing herself and praying before the altar of
a popish chapel. Alternately, she liked and disliked Whitefield. “She
certainly means,” said Walpole, “to go armed with every viaticum――the
Church of England in one hand, Methodism in the other, and the Host
in her mouth.”[221] Whitefield had the moral courage to tackle even
this eccentric lady; and, towards the close of 1748, wrote to her as
follows:――

  “Yesterday, good Lady Huntingdon informed me that your ladyship
  was ill. Had I judged it proper, I would have waited upon your
  ladyship this morning; but I was cautious of intrusion. My
  heart’s desire and prayer to God is, that this sickness be not
  unto death, but to His glory, and the present and eternal good
  of your precious and immortal soul. O that from a spiritual
  abiding sense of the vanity of all created good, you may cry
  out,――

               ‘Begone, vain world, my heart resign,
                For I must be no longer thine:
                A nobler, a diviner guest
                Now claims possession of my breast.’

  Then, and not till then, will your ladyship with cheerfulness
  wait for the approach of death. It is a true and living faith
  in the Son of God that can alone bring present peace, and lay
  a solid foundation for future and eternal comfort. I cannot
  wish your ladyship anything greater, anything more noble, than
  a large share of this precious faith. When, like Noah’s dove, we
  have been wandering about in a fruitless search after happiness,
  and have found no rest for the sole of our feet, the glorious
  Redeemer is ready to reach out His hand and receive us into
  His ark. This hand, honoured madam, He is reaching out to you.
  May you be constrained to give your heart entirely to Him, and
  thereby enter into that rest which remains for the happy, though
  despised, people of God.”

The foregoing were _some_, not all, of Whitefield’s aristocratic
hearers. Others will be mentioned hereafter. The gatherings, in Chelsea
and in North Audley Street, were profoundly interesting spectacles;
and never, till the day of judgment, when all secrets will be unfolded,
will it be ascertained to what extent the preaching of the youthful
Whitefield affected the policy of some of England’s greatest statesmen,
and moulded the character of some of its highest aristocratic families.
Who will venture to deny that, in some of these families, the effects
of Whitefield’s ministry is felt to the present day? Let us pursue his
history.

Whitefield continued his correspondence with Hervey and Stonehouse. On
January 13, 1749, he wrote to the former as follows:――

  “The prospect of doing good to the rich, who attend the house of
  good Lady Huntingdon, is very encouraging. I preach there twice
  a week, and yesterday Lord Bolingbroke was one of my auditors.
  His lordship was pleased to express very great satisfaction. Who
  knows what God may do? He can never work by a meaner instrument.
  I want humility, I want thankfulness, I want a heart continually
  flaming with the love of God.

  “I thank you for your kind invitation to your house and pulpit.
  I would not bring you or any of my friends into difficulties,
  for owning poor, unworthy, hell-deserving me; but, if Providence
  should give me a clear call, I shall be glad to come your way.
  I rejoice in the prospect of having some ministers in our church
  pulpits who dare own a crucified Redeemer. I hope the time will
  come when many of the priests will be obedient to the word.”

It is a humiliating fact, that Whitefield, an ordained clergyman, and
under no official censure, was not able to avail himself of Hervey’s
invitation without the probability of involving his gentle friend in
trouble; and it is a beautiful trait in Whitefield’s character, that,
however great the gratification of preaching in a church might be, he
was unwilling to indulge himself in such a pleasure at the expense of
any of his friends.

Dr. Stonehouse occasioned Whitefield sorrow and anxiety. The Doctor
was a sincere, earnest, and devout Christian, but he was afraid of
being branded as a Methodist; and, for the same reason, he was afraid
of being known as one of Whitefield’s friends. Hence the following,
written four days after the date of the letter just quoted:――

  “The way of duty is the way of safety. Our Lord requires of us
  to confess Him in His gospel members and ministers. To be afraid
  of publicly owning, associating with, and strengthening the
  hearts and hands of the latter, especially when they are set
  for the defence of the gospel, is, in my opinion, very offensive
  in His sight, and can only proceed from a want of more love
  to Him and His people. You say, ‘We are most of us too warm;’
  but I hope you do not think that being ashamed of any of your
  Lord’s ministers is an instance of it. Thanks be to God! that
  Mr. Hervey seems, as you express it, ‘to court the enmity of
  mankind.’ It is an error on the right side. Better so than to
  be afraid of it. The Lord never threatened to spew any church
  out of His mouth for being too hot; but, for being neither hot
  nor cold, He has. It is too true, my dear sir, ‘we have but
  few faithful ministers;’ but is keeping at a distance from one
  another the way to strengthen their interest? By no means. To
  tell you my whole mind, I do not believe God will bless either
  you or your friends, to any considerable degree, till you are
  more delivered from the fear of man. Alas! how were you bowed
  down with it, when I saw you last! And your letter bespeaks you
  yet a slave to it. O my brother, deal faithfully with yourself,
  and you will find a love of the world, and a fear of not
  providing for your children, have gotten too much hold of your
  heart. Do not mistake me. I would not have you throw yourself
  into flames. I would only have you act a consistent part, and
  not, for fear of a little contempt, be ashamed of owning the
  ministers of Christ. After all, think not, my dear sir, that I
  am pleading my own cause. You are not in danger of seeing me at
  Northampton. I only take this occasion of saying a word or two
  to your heart. You will not be offended, as it proceeds from
  love. I salute Mr. Hervey, and dear Doctor Doddridge, most
  cordially.”

Towards the end of January, Whitefield set out, from London, to the
west of England, where he spent the next five weeks. By appointment,
he and Howell Harris held an “Association” at Gloucester,[222] where,
he says, “affairs turned out better than expectation.” From Gloucester,
he proceeded to Bristol, where he employed the next ten days.

Whitefield was singularly devoid of envy. On leaving London, his
place at Lady Huntingdon’s was occupied by his friend Wesley,[223]
whose preaching secured her ladyship’s approval. Robert Cruttenden
also introduced the Rev. Thomas Gibbons, D.D.,[224] a young man of
twenty-eight, who, at this time, was the officiating minister of the
Independent Church at Haberdashers’ Hall. Cruttenden, in a letter to
Whitefield, told him that their two hours’ interview with the Countess
had been exceedingly pleasant.[225] With his large heart, Whitefield
was delighted by such intelligence as this, and wrote to her ladyship
as follows:――

                                  “BRISTOL, _February 1, 1749_.

  “I am glad your ladyship approves of Mr. Wesley’s conduct,
  and that he has preached at your ladyship’s. The language of
  my heart is, ‘Lord, send by whom Thou wilt send, only convert
  some of the mighty and noble, for Thy mercy’s sake!’ Then I care
  not if I am heard of no more. I am, also, glad your ladyship
  approves of Mr. Gibbons. He is, I think, a worthy man. By taking
  this method, you will have an opportunity of conversing with the
  best of all parties, without being a bigot, and too strenuously
  attached to any. Surely, in this, your ladyship is directed
  from above. The blessed Jesus cares for His people of all
  denominations. He is gathering His elect out of all. Happy
  they who, with a disinterested view, take in the whole church
  militant, and, in spite of narrow-hearted bigots, breathe an
  undissembled catholic spirit towards all.”

In the same month, Lady Huntingdon wrote to Whitefield a cheering
account of the death of one of his noble converts:――

  “My last,” says she, “mentioned the sudden illness of my Lord
  St. John. A few days after, her ladyship wrote to me in great
  alarm, and begged me to send some pious clergyman to her lord.
  Mr. Bateman went. His lordship enquired for you, to whom he said
  he was deeply indebted. His last words to Mr. Bateman were: ‘To
  God I commit myself. I feel how unworthy I am; but Jesus Christ
  died to save sinners; and the prayer of my heart now is, God be
  merciful to me a sinner!’ His lordship breathed his last about
  an hour after Mr. Bateman left. This, my good friend, is the
  firstfruits of that plenteous harvest, which, I trust, the great
  Husbandman will yet reap amongst the nobility of our land. Thus
  the great Lord of the harvest has put honour on your ministry.
  My Lord Bolingbroke was much struck with his brother’s language
  in his last moments. O that the obdurate heart of this desperate
  infidel may yet be shaken to its very centre! May his eyes be
  opened by the illuminating influence of Divine truth! May the
  Lord Jesus be revealed to his heart as the hope of glory and
  immortal bliss hereafter! I tremble for his destiny. He is a
  singularly awful character.”[226]

Whitefield’s preaching in Bristol was again successful.

  “The power of the Lord,” he writes, “attended the word, as in
  days of old, and several persons, who never heard me before,
  were brought under great awakenings.”[227]

On February 8th, he proceeded to Exeter, where he found the Society
affairs in great confusion; but, winter though it was, and though his
health was far from being vigorous, he began to preach in the open
air. Large crowds assembled; and, he says, “I trust real good was
done.”[228] He also preached at Bovey-Tracey, where he “found several
poor simple souls;” and at Marychurch, where there were about a score
of converted people who had been greatly persecuted. At Kingsbridge,
at eight o’clock at night, he found a thousand people assembled in the
street, and at once commenced preaching, from the words, “I must work
the works of Him that sent me while it is day; the night cometh, when
no man can work.” He writes:――

  “I preached in the street. The moon shone. All were quiet; and,
  I hope, some began to think of working out their salvation with
  fear and trembling. The next morning, I preached again. Four
  ministers attended. Our Lord was pleased to make it a fine
  season. I had the pleasure of hearing, that, by two or three
  discourses preached at this place about five years ago, many
  souls were awakened. One young man, then called, has become a
  preacher. He was in a tree, partly to ridicule me. I spoke to
  him to imitate Zaccheus, and come down and receive the Lord
  Jesus. The word was backed with power. He heard, came down,
  believed, and now adorns the gospel.”[229]

On February 15, Whitefield arrived at Plymouth,[230] being escorted,
the last ten miles of his journey, by a cavalcade of his “spiritual
children,” who had gone out to meet him. He found “many hundreds, in
the tabernacle, waiting to hear the word;” and, though the hour was
late, he immediately commenced preaching. Here he remained a week. The
following was addressed to Lady Huntingdon:――

  “About two thousand attend every night. Last Sunday evening, in
  the field, there were above five thousand hearers. Affairs bear
  a promising aspect. I hear much good has been done at Bristol.
  Everywhere, fresh doors are opening, and people flock from all
  quarters. Prejudices subside, and strong impressions are made on
  many souls. I have not been so well, for so long a season, for
  many years, as I have been since I left London: a proof, I think,
  that the Lord calls me into the fields.”

Whilst at Plymouth, Whitefield wrote several letters, full of interest,
but too long for insertion here. To Lady Betty Germain, he said:――

  “Of the honourable women, ere long, I trust there will be not
  a few who will dare to be singularly good, and will confess the
  blessed Jesus before men. O with what a holy contempt may the
  poor despised believer look down on those who are yet immersed
  in the pleasures of sense, and, amidst all the refinements of
  their unassisted, unenlightened reason, continue slaves to their
  own lusts and passions! Happy, thrice happy, they who begin
  to experience what it is to be redeemed from this present evil
  world! You, honoured madam, I trust, are one of this happy
  number.”

To the Countess of Delitz, he wrote:――

  “Your ladyship’s answering my poor scrawl was an honour I did
  not expect. Welcome, thrice welcome, honoured madam, into the
  world of new creatures! O what a scene of happiness lies before
  you! Your frames, my lady, like the moon, will wax and wane;
  but the Lord Jesus will remain your faithful friend. You seem
  to have the right point in view, to get the constant witness and
  indwelling of the Spirit of God in your heart. This the Redeemer
  has purchased for you. Of this, He has given your ladyship a
  taste. O that your honoured sister may go hand in hand with you!
  Wherefore doth she doubt?”

It has been previously stated that, on Whitefield’s arrival at Bermudas,
he was warmly welcomed by the Church clergyman, the Rev. Mr. Holiday.
Unfortunately, Mr. Holiday’s friendship was shortlived. Hence the
following:――

                                “PLYMOUTH, _February 20, 1749_.

  “I did not think Mr. Holiday’s friendship would hold long. It
  will be time enough for me to speak to him, when I see Bermudas
  again, which I propose doing as soon as possible. Meanwhile,
  I would observe that, if I am a Roman Catholic, the pope must
  have given me a very large dispensation. Surely, Mr. Holiday
  has acted like one, to pretend so much friendship, and yet
  have nothing of it in his heart. But thus it must be. We must
  be tried in every way. As for any secrets that I told him, he
  is very welcome to reveal them. You know me too well to judge
  I have many secrets. May the secret of the Lord be with me!
  and then I care not if there was a window in my heart for all
  mankind to see the uprightness of my intentions.

  “I am now in the west, and have begun to take the field. Great
  multitudes flock to hear. I find it is a trial, to be thus
  divided between the work on this and the other side of the water.
  I am convinced I have done right in coming over now; but I keep
  myself quite disengaged, that I may be free to leave England the
  latter end of the summer, if the Lord is pleased to make my way
  clear. I long to have Bethesda a foundation for the Lord Jesus.
  If I can procure a proper person, of good literature, who will
  be content to stay two or three years, something may be done.”

Before his departure from Plymouth, Whitefield preached at Tavistock;
where, he says, “I was rudely treated; for, whilst I was praying, some
of the baser sort brought a bull and dogs, and disturbed us much; but
I hope good was done.”

On reaching Exeter, he wrote to his friend Robert Cruttenden, once a
minister of Christ, then an infidel, and now re-converted:――

                                  “EXETER, _February 25, 1749_.

  “I suppose you will be pleased that I am thus far in my return
  to London. O my friend, my friend, I come with fear and
  trembling. To speak to the rich and great, so as to win them to
  the blessed Jesus, is indeed a task. But, wherefore do we fear?
  We can do all things through Christ strengthening us. But why
  does Mr. Cruttenden think it strange that no one can be found to
  help me in the country? Is it not more strange that you should
  lie supine, burying your talents in a napkin, complaining you
  have nothing to do, and yet souls everywhere are perishing about
  you for lack of knowledge? Why do you not preach or print? At
  least, why do you not help me, or somebody or another, in a more
  public way? You are in the decline of life, and if you do not
  soon reassume the place, you are now qualified for, you may lose
  the opportunity for ever. I write this in great seriousness. May
  the Lord give you no rest, till you lift up your voice like a
  trumpet! Up, and be doing; and the Lord will be with you.”

Whitefield arrived in London at the beginning of the month of March.
On his way, at Bristol, he and Charles Wesley met. Charles was to be
married to Miss Gwynne a month afterwards, and wrote: “March 3. I met
George Whitefield, and made him quite happy by acquainting him with
my design.”[231] Whitefield spent a month in London, and was fully
occupied, not only with preaching in the Tabernacle, and in the house
of Lady Huntingdon, but with work that was not at all congenial to him.

At the end of the year 1748, the Rev. George White, the notorious
clergyman of Colne, in Lancashire, had published his infamous “Sermon
against the Methodists.” In a footnote, the fuming author, speaking of
Whitefield and Wesley, said:――

  “These officious haranguers cozen a handsome subsistence out
  of their irregular expeditions. No satisfactory account has
  been given us of Mr. Whitefield’s disbursements in Georgia; and,
  I am afraid, by his late modest insinuations, in or about the
  Highlands of Scotland, of the want of £500 more, he thinks the
  nation is become more and more foolish, and within the reach of
  his further impositions. It appears, from many probable accounts,
  that Mr. Wesley has, in reality, a better income than most of
  our bishops, though, now and then, (no great wonder,) it costs
  him some little pains to escape certain rough compliments.”[232]

This was a false, libellous attack on Whitefield’s honesty; and
Grimshaw, of Haworth, and Benjamin Ingham wished him to answer it.
His reply to Grimshaw was as follows:――

                                      “LONDON, _March 17, 1749_.

  “MY DEAR BROTHER,――What a blessed thing it is that we can write
  to, when we cannot see one another! By this means we increase
  our joys, and lessen our sorrows, and, as it were, exchange
  hearts.

  “Thanks be to the Lord Jesus, that the work flourishes with you!
  I am glad your children grow so fast; they become fathers too
  soon; I wish some may not prove dwarfs at last. A word to the
  wise is sufficient. I have always found awakening times like
  spring times; many blossoms, but not always so much fruit. But
  go on, my dear man, and, in the strength of the Lord, you shall
  do valiantly. I long to be your way; but I suppose it will be
  two months first.

  “Pray tell my dear Mr. Ingham that I cannot now answer the
  Preston[233] letter, being engaged in answering a virulent
  pamphlet, entitled, ‘The Enthusiasm of the Methodists and
  Papists compared,’ supposed to be done by the Bishop of Exeter.
  Thus it must be. If we will be temple builders, we must have
  the temple builders’ lot; I mean, hold a sword in one hand,
  and a trowel in the other. The Lord make us faithful Nehemiahs,
  for we have many Sanballats to deal with! But, wherefore should
  we fear? If Christ be for us, who can be against us? ‘_Nil
  desperandum, Christo duce_,’ is the Christian’s motto. Remember
  me, in the kindest manner, to honest-hearted Mr. Ingham, and
  tell him that, in a post or two, I hope he will hear from me.”

What Whitefield, for want of time, could not undertake was accomplished
by the redoubtable Grimshaw, who, in an 8vo. pamphlet of 98 pages,
cudgelled White almost unmercifully.[234]

Whitefield was answering Lavington. Notwithstanding the recantation
extorted from him by the Countess of Huntingdon, only six months before,
the irritable prelate could neither forget nor forgive the publication
of the fictitious charge that has been already mentioned; and now
he vented his anger by issuing anonymously the first part of “The
Enthusiasm of Methodists and Papists compared.” (8vo. 82 pp.) No
good end would be served by lengthened quotations from this scolding
pamphlet. The Bishop of Exeter was too angry to be polite. Suffice it
to say, that, so far as Whitefield is concerned, Lavington’s attacks
are founded upon incautious and improper expressions in Whitefield’s
publications――expressions most of which Whitefield himself had
publicly lamented and withdrawn, or modified. The pith of the bishop’s
pamphlet is contained in his last paragraph but one. The _italics_ in
the following quotations are his lordship’s own:――

  “This _new dispensation_ is a _composition_ of _enthusiasm_,
  _superstition_, and _imposture_. When the blood and spirits
  run _high_, inflaming the brain and imagination, it is most
  properly _enthusiasm_, which is _religion run mad_; when _low
  and dejected_, causing groundless terrors, or the placing of the
  _great duty of man_ in little observances, it is _superstition_,
  which is _religion scared out of its senses_; when any
  fraudulent dealings are made use of, and any wrong projects
  carried on under the mask of piety, it is _imposture_, and may
  be termed religion turned _hypocrite_.”

The title of Whitefield’s answer was as follows: “Some Remarks on a
Pamphlet, entitled, ‘The Enthusiasm of Methodists and Papists compared;’
wherein several mistakes in some parts of his past writings and conduct
are acknowledged, and his present sentiments concerning the Methodists
explained. In a letter to the Author. By George Whitefield, late of
Pembroke College, Chaplain to the Right Honourable the Countess of
Huntingdon. ‘Out of the eater came forth meat’ (Judges xiv. 4). London:
printed by W. Strahan, 1749.” (8vo. 48 pp.)

The title-page indicates the contents of Whitefield’s pamphlet. He
honestly acknowledges his errors by inserting the letter already
given, under the date of “June 24, 1748,” and which, with very
little alteration, had been published in Scotland, before Lavington’s
malignant ridicule had been committed to the press. Three brief
extracts, from Whitefield’s “Remarks,” will be enough. In reply to
the accusation of claiming to be inspired and infallible, Whitefield
says:――

  “No, sir, my mistakes have been too many, and my blunders too
  frequent, to make me set up for _infallibility_. I came soon
  into the world; I have carried high sail, whilst running through
  a whole torrent of popularity and contempt; and, by this means,
  I have sometimes been in danger of oversetting; but many and
  frequent as my mistakes have been, or may be, as soon as I am
  _made sensible of them_, they shall be _publicly acknowledged
  and retracted_.”

Again, having stated what are the doctrines of the Methodists,
Whitefield writes:――

  “These are doctrines as diametrically opposite to the Church
  of Rome, as light to darkness. They are the very doctrines
  for which Ridley, Latimer, Cranmer, and so many of our first
  reformers burnt at the stake. And, I will venture to say, they
  are doctrines which, when attended with a divine energy, always
  have made, and, maugre all opposition, always will make, their
  way through the world, however weak the instruments, who deliver
  them, may be.”

Then, again, the object at which Whitefield and his friends were aiming
is thus described:――

  “To awaken a _drowsy_ world; to rouse them out of their
  _formality_, as well as profaneness, and put them upon seeking
  after a _present and great salvation_; to point out to them a
  _glorious rest_, which not only remains for the people of God
  _hereafter_, but which, by a _living faith_, the very chief of
  sinners may enter into even here, and without which the most
  blazing profession is nothing worth――is, as far as I know,
  the one thing――the grand and common point, in which all the
  _Methodists’_ endeavours centre. This is what some of all
  denominations want to be reminded of; and to stir them up to
  seek after the life and power of godliness, that they may be
  Christians, not only in _word and profession_, but in _spirit_
  and in _truth_, is, and, _through Jesus Christ strengthening me_,
  shall be the one _sole_ business of my life.”

Answers to Bishop Lavington were also written by Wesley, and by the
Rev. Vincent Perronet. On the bishop’s side there was published, “A
Letter to the Rev. Mr. George Whitefield, occasioned by his ‘Remarks
on a Pamphlet, entitled, The Enthusiasm of the Methodists and Papists
compared.’” (8vo. 59 pp.) Among other railing accusations, the author
charges the poor Methodists with making their followers mad; and
broadly asserts that some of them have committed murders in Wales, and
are now hanging in chains for their crimes. Whitefield was represented
as having “a windmill in his head,” and going “up and down the world
in search of somebody to beat out his brains.” It is a curious fact,
however, that the pamphleteer attacked the Rev. Griffith Jones, who
had recently published his Welsh Catechism, more virulently than he
attacked Whitefield. The same gentleman (he calls himself a “Layman”)
published a second pamphlet, with the title, “A Second Letter to the
Rev. Mr. George Whitefield, occasioned by his Remarks upon a Pamphlet,
entitled, The Enthusiasm of Methodists and Papists compared. In this,
Mr. Whitefield’s claim to the doctrine of the 9th, 10th, 11th, and
12th Articles of the Church of England is examined; as also that of
his great Mr. Griffith Jones, of Landowror, to the doctrine of the 17th
Article; together with some further account of the fire kindled by them
both in North and South Wales.” (8vo. 111 pp.) The writer was a man of
learning, and, though a layman, was well acquainted with theology. The
fault of his productions is their bitterness, and their publication
of false and even obscene stories. He charges the Welsh Methodists
with the practice of adultery, and with holding the doctrine that
fornication among themselves was not a sin. He asserts that “Most of
the Methodist teachers in Wales are become Father Confessors;” and that
one of them, Will Richard, a cobbler, “when he forgives the sins of
any person, delivers the party a paper, which, upon its being produced,
will procure him or her admittance into heaven.” There are other
stories too impure to be reproduced.

It may be added, that such was the public importance attached to the
production of Lavington and the reply of Whitefield, that the _Monthly
Review_, for 1749, devoted not fewer than twenty-eight of its pages to
an examination of them.

Whitefield’s “Remarks” being finished, he wrote to his friend Hervey,
as follows:――

                                      “LONDON, _April 5, 1749_.

  “REV. AND DEAR SIR,――I suppose you have seen my pamphlet
  advertised. I want to publicly confess my public mistakes. O
  how many, how great they have been! How much obliged I am to my
  enemies for telling me of them! I wish you could see my pamphlet
  before it comes out. O that it may be blessed to promote God’s
  glory and the good of souls!

  “You will be glad to hear that our Lord has given us a good
  passover” (Easter), “and that the prospect is still encouraging
  among the rich. I intend to leave town in about a week, and to
  begin ranging after precious souls.

  “You judge right when you say I do not want to make a sect,
  or set myself at the head of a party. No; let the name of
  Whitefield die, so that the cause of Jesus Christ may live. I
  have seen enough of popularity to be sick of it, and, did not
  the interest of my blessed Master require my appearing in public,
  the world should hear but little of me henceforward. But who
  can desert such a cause? Who, for fear of a little contempt and
  suffering, would decline the service of such a Master?”

Whitefield here mentions “the prospect among the rich,” but says
nothing of the poor. It must not be inferred, however, that his
labours and success among the latter were at all abated. The author of
“The Life and Times of the Countess of Huntingdon” gives an instance,
belonging to this period, which is worth relating. While the rich
assembled in her ladyship’s drawing-room, the poor filled her kitchen.
Certain ladies having called to pay a visit to the Countess, she asked
them if they had heard Mr. Whitefield preach; and, upon being answered
in the negative, she expressed a wish that they should attend his
preaching on the day following. The ladies did so; and the Countess,
when they next met, enquired how they liked him. “O my lady,” they
answered, “of all the preachers we ever heard, he is the most strange
and unaccountable. Among other preposterous things, he declared that
Jesus Christ is so willing to receive sinners, that He does not object
to receive even the devil’s _castaways_! My lady, did you ever hear of
such a thing since you were born?” Her ladyship acknowledged that the
language was a little singular, but, as Mr. Whitefield was in the house,
she would send for him, and he should answer for himself. Whitefield
came; the previous conversation was repeated; and he said: “My lady, I
must plead guilty to the charge; whether I did right or otherwise, your
ladyship shall judge from the following circumstance. Half an hour ago,
a poor, miserable-looking, aged female requested to speak with me. I
desired her to be shewn into your parlour. She said, ‘Oh, sir, I was
accidentally passing the door of the chapel where you were preaching
last night, and I went in, and one of the first things I heard you say
was, that Jesus Christ was so willing to receive sinners, that He did
not object to receiving the devil’s castaways. Now, sir, I have been on
the town many years, and _am so worn out in his service_, that, I think,
I may with truth be called one of the devil’s castaways. Do you think,
sir, that Jesus Christ would receive me?’ I,” said Whitefield, “assured
her there was not a doubt of it, if she was but willing to go to Him.”
The sequel of the story was, the poor creature was converted, and died
testifying that the blood of Christ can cleanse from all
unrighteousness.

On leaving London, Whitefield proceeded to Gloucester and Bristol.
Early in the month of May, he went to Portsmouth, where he spent near
a fortnight, preaching with a success which was marvellous even to
himself. Writing to Lady Huntingdon, on May 8th, he says:――

  “The night after I came here” (Portsmouth), “I preached to many
  thousands, a great part of whom were attentive, but some of the
  baser sort made a little disturbance. On the Friday evening”
  (May 5th), “I preached at Gosport, where the mob has generally
  been very turbulent; but all was hushed and quiet. Every time
  I have preached, the word has seemed to sink deeper and deeper
  into the people’s hearts.”[235]

On May 11th, he wrote to the Rev. Mr. M’Culloch, Presbyterian minister,
at Cambuslang:――

  “I have been preaching at Portsmouth every day, for a week past,
  to very large and attentive auditories. I hear of many who are
  brought under convictions; prejudices seem to be universally
  removed; and a people who, but a week ago, were speaking all
  manner of evil against me, are now very desirous of my staying
  longer among them. What cannot God do?

  “At London, real good has been done among the rich, and the poor
  receive the gospel with as much gladness as ever. Mr. Harris and
  some others have agreed to continue preaching at the Tabernacle,
  and elsewhere, as formerly. I should be glad to hear of a
  revival at Cambuslang; but you have already seen such things as
  are seldom seen above once in a century.”

On the day following, in a letter to the Countess Delitz, he says:――

  “A wilderness is the best name this world deserves. Ceiled
  houses, gaudy attire, and rich furniture, do not make it appear
  less so to a mind enlightened to see the beauties of Jesus of
  Nazareth. The preaching of the cross has been much blessed here.
  Multitudes daily attend, and many are much affected. It would
  please your ladyship to see the alteration that has been made in
  a week.”

On the same day, he wrote to Lady Fanny Shirley:――

  “What a glorious opportunity is now afforded you, to shew, even
  before kings, that we are made kings indeed, and priests unto
  God, and that it is our privilege, as Christians, to reign over
  sin, hell, the world, and ourselves. O the happiness of a life
  wholly devoted to the ever-blessed God, and spent in communion
  with Him! It is indeed heaven begun on earth. I trust, some in
  these parts, who a few days ago had never heard of this kingdom
  of God, now begin to look after it. I have not seen a more
  visible alteration made in a people for some time. Thousands
  have attended, in the greatest order; and numbers are affected.”

On Monday, May 15, Whitefield set out for Wales, taking Salisbury
and Bristol on his way. In ten days, he reached his wife’s house at
Abergavenny, where he spent forty-eight hours of “sweet, very sweet
retirement,――so sweet,” says he, “that I should be glad never to be
heard of again. But this must not be. A necessity is laid upon me; and
woe is me, if I preach not the gospel of Christ.”

Whitefield’s was a warm heart. Distress in others always moved him. His
sympathy was not restrained by bigotry. In the fullest sense, it made
him a good Samaritan. While at Abergavenny, he wrote to a friend in
London, who had charge of “the poor widows, and the other Tabernacle
petitioners,” and laid before him a case of need, which he wished to
be relieved out of the Tabernacle funds. “On Thursday,” says he, “I
saw Mr. E―――― I――――, the Dissenting minister, and found him very meanly
apparelled. He is a most worthy man. Some time ago, he sold £15 worth
of his books, to finish a small meeting-house, in which he preaches.
He has but £3 per annum from the fund, and about as much from his
people. He lives very low, but enjoys much of God; and has as great
understanding of the figurative parts of Scripture as any one I know.
He is a Zacharias, and his wife an Elizabeth. Four or five guineas
might be bestowed on them. What a scene will open at the great day!
How many _rich priests_ will stand confounded, whilst the poor despised
_faithful ministers_ of Christ shall enter, after all their tribulation,
into the joy of their Lord!”

Whitefield spent a glorious month among the Welsh mountains. In a
letter, dated “Carmarthen, June 5, 1749,” he writes: “I am still in
suspense about my wife;[236] but, what is best, (glory be to God!) the
gospel runs, and is glorified. I have preached fourteen times within
the past eight days, and the word has everywhere fallen with weight and
power. Yesterday was a great day here.”

From Carmarthen, Whitefield proceeded to Haverfordwest, where, on June
8th, he wrote to Lady Huntingdon:――

  “Congregations grow larger and larger. All the towns hereabout
  are quite open for the word of God. Yesterday, I preached near
  Pembroke; to-day and next Lord’s-day, I am to preach here;[237]
  and to-morrow, at St. David’s. Not a dog stirs a tongue.
  The mayor and gentlemen at Pembroke were very civil; and the
  young men bred up at Carmarthen Academy were much taken. The
  congregations consist of many thousands, and their behaviour is
  very affecting. Indeed, we have blessed seasons. O free grace!”

Whitefield got back to Bristol on June 23. Hence the following,
addressed to the Rev. James Hervey:――

                                      “BRISTOL, _June 24, 1749_.

  “Yesterday, God brought me here, after having carried me a
  circuit of about eight hundred miles, and enabled me to preach,
  I suppose, to upwards of a hundred thousand souls. I have been
  in eight Welsh counties; and, I think, we have not had one dry
  meeting. The work in Wales is much upon the advance, and is
  likely to increase daily. Had my dear Mr. Hervey been there to
  have seen the simplicity of the people, I am persuaded, he would
  have said, ‘_Sit anima mea cum Methodistis!_’ But every one to
  his post. On Monday or Tuesday next, I set out for London. Good
  Lady Huntingdon is here,[238] and goes on, in her usual way,
  doing good.”

The Honourable Jonathan Belcher has been mentioned as one of the
early friends of Whitefield. For eleven years, from 1730 to 1741,
this gentleman was the governor of Massachusetts and New Hampshire,
and performed his official duties with great ability. It so happened,
however, that, just about the time when he shewed Whitefield so much
honour, in 1740, an unprincipled cabal, by falsehood, forgery, and
injustice, succeeded in depriving him of his office. Upon this, he
repaired to the court of George II., where he vindicated his character
and conduct, and exposed the baseness of his enemies. He was restored
to the royal favour; and, in 1747, was appointed governor of New Jersey.
In 1748, he obtained, from King George II., a charter for the founding
of New Jersey College.[239] This was an institution in which Whitefield
was greatly interested. As early as November 21, 1748, he wrote to
the Rev. Ebenezer Pemberton: “I have been endeavouring, in Scotland,
to do all the service I could to the New Jersey College; but I
believe nothing will be done to purpose, unless you or some other
popular minister come over, and make an application in person. In all
probability, a collection might then be recommended by the General
Assembly, and large contributions be raised among private persons who
wish well to Zion.” And now again, in another letter to Mr. Pemberton,
dated “London, July 10, 1749,” Whitefield writes: “Is there no prospect
of your coming over? Your Mr. T―――― might do much for New Jersey
College; but I have told you my mind in a former letter. May God direct
for the best! I have a great mind to return to my beloved America this
autumn, but am not yet determined. My wife arrived about a fortnight
ago.”

It will be seen hereafter, in 1754, that Whitefield’s suggestion was
adopted, and a deputation came to England for the purpose he had
mentioned.

It is a curious coincidence, that, just at the time when Governor
Belcher was obtaining a charter for the New Jersey College, Benjamin
Franklin, then a member of the General Assembly of Pennsylvania,
was publishing his “Proposals relating to the Education of Youth in
Pennsylvania;” in other words, he was proposing to found an academy or
college in Philadelphia. Franklin begged about £5000; the subscribers
requested him and Mr. Francis, the Attorney-General, “to draw up
constitutions for the government of the academy;” twenty-four trustees
were chosen; a house was hired; masters engaged; and the schools opened.
The scholars increasing fast, a larger building was found to be
indispensable. The meeting-house, which had been built for Whitefield,
in 1740, was burdened with an inconvenient debt; Franklin negotiated
with the trustees to transfer it to the academy, on condition that the
debt was paid, that the large hall should be kept open for occasional
preachers, and that a free school should be maintained for the
instruction of poor children. In due time, the trustees of the
academy were incorporated by a royal charter; the funds were increased
by contributions in Great Britain; and thus was established, in
Whitefield’s meeting-house, by the celebrated Benjamin Franklin, the
College of Philadelphia.[240]

The following letter, addressed to Whitefield, refers to these
transactions; and, in other respects, is interesting:――

                                  “PHILADELPHIA, _July 6, 1749_.

  “DEAR SIR,――Since your being in England, I have received two of
  your favours, and a box of books to be disposed of. It gives me
  great pleasure to hear of your welfare, and that you purpose
  soon to return to America.

  “We have no kind of news here worth writing to you. The affair
  of the building remains in _statu quo_, there having been no
  new application to the Assembly about it, or anything done, in
  consequence of the former.

  “I have received no money on your account from Mr. Thanklin,
  or from Boston. Mrs. Read,[241] and your other friends here,
  in general, are well, and will rejoice to see you again.

  “I am glad to hear that you have frequent opportunities of
  preaching among the great. If you can gain them to a good and
  exemplary life, wonderful changes will follow in the manners of
  the lower ranks; for _ad exemplum regis_, etc. On this principle,
  Confucius, the famous eastern reformer, proceeded. When he saw
  his country sunk in vice, and wickedness of all kinds triumphant,
  he applied himself first to the grandees; and, having, by his
  doctrine, won them to the cause of virtue, the commons followed
  in multitudes. The mode has a wonderful influence on mankind;
  and there are numbers, who, perhaps, fear less the being in hell,
  than out of the fashion. Our more western reformations began
  with the ignorant mob; and, when numbers of them were gained,
  interest and party-views drew in the wise and great. Where both
  methods can be used, reformations are likely to be more speedy.
  O that some method could be found to make them lasting! He who
  discovers that, will, in my opinion, deserve more, ten thousand
  times, than the inventor of the longitude.

  “My wife and family join in the most cordial salutations to you
  and good Mrs. Whitefield.

  “I am, dear sir, your very affectionate friend, and most obliged
  humble servant,

                                      “BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.”[242]

Such was the moralizing of the famous Franklin concerning the
marvellous movement of his friend Whitefield.

It was about this time that Whitefield’s ministry was blessed to the
conversion of a youth, who, afterwards, rose to great eminence. Robert
Robinson had recently been apprenticed to a hair-dresser, in Crutched
Friars, London. The apprentice was attracted to hear Whitefield at
the Tabernacle, and, ever after, called him his spiritual father.[243]
In 1761, at the age of twenty-six, Robert Robinson became the pastor
of a small Dissenting congregation, at Cambridge, whose members
could scarcely afford him £20 a year. His ministry, however, was so
successful, that, in the course of a few years, his church included
above two hundred highly respectable families. Upon Robinson’s
subsequent popularity as a preacher; his ability as an author; and his
embracing, a few years before his death, the Unitarian creed, there is
no necessity to dwell. These are well-known facts.

Having spent a few days in London, Whitefield returned, towards the end
of July, to Lady Huntingdon, at Bristol,[244] where “many in high life”
attended his ministry.[245] Here he had another battle with a bishop.
Whitefield was told that the Bishop of W―――― had accused him of perjury;
and wrote to his lordship to be informed upon what fact or facts his
charge was founded. The bishop’s answer is not published, but its
nature and substance may be inferred from the reply of Whitefield.

                                    “BRISTOL, _August 7, 1749_.

  “MY LORD,――I suppose the mistake has lain here; your lordship
  might have insinuated, that, by my present way of acting, I have
  broken the solemn engagement I entered into at my ordination;
  and that might have been interpreted to imply a charge of
  _perjury_.

  “The relation in which I stand to the Countess of Huntingdon,
  made me desirous to clear myself from such an imputation, and to
  give your lordship an opportunity of vindicating yourself in the
  manner you have done.

  “Were I not afraid of intruding too much upon your lordship’s
  time, I would endeavour to answer the other part of your
  letter, and give you a satisfactory account of whatever may seem
  irregular and exceptionable in my present conduct. This I would
  gladly do, not only before your lordship, but, before all the
  right reverend the bishops; for I highly honour them on account
  of the sacred character they sustain; and wish to make it my
  daily endeavour to obey all their godly admonitions. This, I
  presume, my lord, is the utmost extent of the promise I made
  at my ordination. If I deviate from this, in any respect, it is
  through ignorance and want of better information, and not out of
  obstinacy, or contempt of lawful authority.”

In the second week of August, Whitefield set out for Plymouth; and,
on the way, preached twice at Wellington, once at Exeter, and twice at
Kingsbridge.[246] At Plymouth, he wrote, to a friend, as follows:――

                                  “PLYMOUTH, _August, 19, 1749_.

  “MY VERY DEAR BROTHER,――Last night, I heard that the bishop”
  (of Exeter) “has published a second pamphlet, with a preface
  addressed to me. Have you seen it? Or, do you think it worth
  answering? He told a clergyman, some time ago, that he might
  expect a second part. He said, my answer was honest, and that
  I recanted many things; but that I still went on in my usual
  way. God forbid I should do otherwise! I am informed, that, upon
  threatening to pull Mr. Thompson’s gown off, Mr. Thompson threw
  it off himself, and said, he could preach the gospel without a
  gown; and so withdrew. Upon which, the bishop sent for him, and
  soothed him. I hope to see Mr. Thompson, at Bideford, on Tuesday,
  and expect to hear particulars.”[247]

The second part of Bishop Lavington’s “Enthusiasm of Methodists and
Papists compared,” was an 8vo. volume of two hundred pages, and quite
as discreditable to his lordship’s character and position as that
already published. In about equal parts, it was levelled against
Whitefield and Wesley, with an occasional fling at the Moravians.
It is somewhat difficult to reconcile its levity and buffoonery with
Christian piety. At all events, its spirit, tone, and language, are not
in harmony with St. Paul’s injunction, “A bishop must not soon be angry,
but be sober, just, holy, temperate.” It is needless to give an outline
of this episcopal production; but, from the preface of forty-four
pages, wholly addressed to Whitefield, the following choice epithets
and phrases are taken. “You are a most deceitful worker, grievously
seducing your precious lambs.” “Your infallible instructions are so
many mistakes, blunders, or lies.” “You have climbed up, and stolen the
sacred fire from heaven; have even deified yourself, and put your own
spirit in the seat of the Holy Ghost.” “You have owned yourself a cheat
and impostor.” “You say, ‘_After-experience and riper judgment_ have
taught you to _correct_ and _amend_ all your _performances_; and for
the future you are to come out in a more _unexceptionable dress_.’ What
a desirable and delightful _spectacle_! I almost _long_ to have a peep
at you in your _unexceptionable dress_. I begin to be in an _ecstasy_.
_Now_ methinks I see you, like a _player_ after he hath _acted his
part_, stripping off the _dazzling tinsel_ in which he _strutted upon
the stage_. _Now_, like _Presbyter John_, tearing away _points, tags,
ribbands, fringe, lace, and embroidery_. _Now_, again, (_Paulo majora
canamus_,) methinks I see you divesting yourself of your celestial
garments and ornaments; plucking off your _appropriated blossoms_
of Aaron’s _rod_, slipping off the _child_ Samuel’s _linen ephod_,
throwing _Elijah’s mantle_ from your shoulders; and modestly standing
forth in the ordinary attire of a plain _gown and cassock_.”

It was as impossible as it was undesirable, for Whitefield to write an
answer in a scurrilous and bantering style like this; and, therefore,
he wisely determined not to write at all. Hence the following to Lady
Huntingdon:――

                                  “BIDEFORD, _August 24, 1749_.

  “I have seen the bishop’s second pamphlet, in which he has
  served the Methodists, as the Bishop of Constance served John
  Huss, when he ordered some painted devils to be put round his
  head before he burned him. His preface to me is most virulent.
  Everything I wrote, in my answer, is turned into the vilest
  ridicule, and nothing will satisfy but giving up the glorious
  work of the ever-blessed God, as entirely cheat and imposture.
  I cannot see that it calls for any further answer from me.
  Mr. Wesley, I think, had best attack him now, as he is largely
  concerned in this second part. I think of leaving this place
  to-morrow, and of preaching at Exeter next Lord’s-day.”

Whitefield would not reply to the bishop’s pamphlet, but he would
preach in his episcopal city. It was rather a bold step to take; and
the following is Whitefield’s own account of it. This, like the former
letter, was addressed to Lady Huntingdon:――

                                  “LONDON, _September 4, 1749_.

  “HONOURED MADAM,――I came to town on Thursday, the 31st ultimo,
  after having had a pleasant circuit in the west.

  “The day after I wrote to your ladyship, I preached twice at
  Exeter, and, in the evening, I believe I had near ten thousand
  hearers. The bishop and several of his clergy stood very near me,
  as I am informed. A good season it was. All was quiet, and there
  was a great solemnity in the congregation; but a drunken man
  threw at me three great stones. One of them cut my head deeply,
  and was likely to knock me off the table; but, blessed be God!
  I was not at all discomposed. One of the other stones struck a
  poor man quite down.

  “As I came from Exeter, I visited one John Haime, the soldier,
  who, under God, began the great awakening in Flanders. He is in
  Dorchester gaol for preaching at Shaftesbury, where there has
  been, and is now, a great awakening.[248]

  “Everywhere the work is spreading; and, since I have been here,
  we have had some of the most awful, solemn, powerful meetings,
  I ever saw at the Tabernacle. Congregations have been very large,
  and I have had several meetings with the preachers.”[249]

Whitefield’s stay in London was of short duration. In a few days,
he set out for Yorkshire and the North of England. On his way, in
Hertfordshire, he wrote as follows to his friend Hervey:――

                              “BENNINGTON, _September 17, 1749_.

  “REV. AND VERY DEAR SIR,――Perhaps I have heard from what corner
  your cross comes. It is a very near one indeed. A saying of Mr.
  B―――― has often comforted me: ‘I would often have nestled, but
  God always put a thorn in my nest.’ Is not this suffered, my
  dear brother, to prick you out, and to compel you to appear for
  the Lord Jesus Christ? Preaching is my grand _catholicon_, under
  all domestic, as well as other trials. I fear Dr. Stonehouse has
  done you hurt, and kept you in shackles too long. For Christ’s
  sake, my dear Mr. Hervey, exhort him, now that he has taken the
  gown, to play the man, and let the world see, that, not worldly
  motives, but God’s glory and a love for souls, have sent him
  into the ministry. I hope he will turn out a flamer at last.
  O when shall this once be! Who would lose a moment? Amazing!
  that the followers of a crucified Redeemer should be afraid of
  contempt! Rise, Hervey, rise, and see thy Jesus reaching out a
  crown with this motto, ‘_Vincenti dabo_.’ Excuse this freedom.
  I write out of the fulness of my heart, not to draw you over to
  me, or to a party, but to excite you to appear openly for God.

  “A letter may be directed (if you write immediately) to be left
  at the Rev. Mr. Ingham’s, Yorkshire. Thither I am bound now,
  and, if the season of the year should permit, I would stretch
  to Scotland. We have had most delightful seasons in London.
  The glory of the Redeemer filled the Tabernacle. If any doubt
  whether the cause we are embarked in be the cause of God, I say,
  ‘Come and see.’ Are you free that I should call upon you in my
  return to town? I think to come by way of Northampton. You shall
  hear what is done in Yorkshire. God has blessed my preaching at
  Oundle.”

It is evident that Whitefield wished Hervey to itinerate like himself;
but this was a work for which the gentle rector of Weston-Favell was
physically and mentally unfit. No good end would have been answered
by his attempting it. Besides, by his pen, he was doing a great
work, which Whitefield, had he tried, could not have done; and which
itinerancy would have set aside. The fact is, though Whitefield and
Hervey were both Oxford Methodists, Whitefield had not seen his old
acquaintance for many years, and seems to have had no idea of the
extreme delicacy of his health.

Whitefield’s progress to Ingham’s, at Aberford; to Grimshaw’s, at
Haworth; and to other places, will be seen in the following extracts
from his letters:――

                              “NEWCASTLE, _September 29, 1749_.

  “I have had many proofs that God’s providence directed my way
  into Yorkshire. I preached four times at Aberford, four times at
  Leeds, and thrice at Haworth, where lives one Mr. Grimshaw. At
  his church, I believe, we had above a thousand communicants, and,
  in the churchyard, about six thousand hearers. It was a great
  day of the Son of man. About Leeds are Mr. Wesley’s Societies.
  I was invited thither by them and one of their preachers; and
  Mr. Charles Wesley, coming thither, published me himself. I
  have preached here once, and am to preach again this evening. On
  Monday next, October 2nd, I propose to return to Yorkshire, and,
  from thence, to London. I have given over the immediate care of
  all my Societies to Mr. Harris; so that now I am a preacher at
  large. Everything is turning round strangely. O for simplicity
  and honesty to the end!”

To Lady Huntingdon, Whitefield wrote as follows:――

                                  “NEWCASTLE, _October 1, 1749_.

  “Never did I see more of the hand of God, in any of my journeys,
  than in this. At Mr. Grimshaw’s, I believe, there were above
  six thousand hearers. The sacramental occasion was most awful.
  At Leeds, the congregation consisted of above ten thousand.
  In the morning, at five, I was obliged to preach out of doors.
  In my way hither, I met Mr. Charles Wesley, who returned, and
  introduced me to the pulpit in Newcastle. As I am a debtor to
  all, and intend to be at the head of no party, I thought it my
  duty to comply. I have preached in their room four times, and,
  this morning, I preached to many thousands in a large close.
  This evening, I am to do the same. The power of God has attended
  His word, and there seems to be a quickening of souls. To-morrow,
  God willing, we set out for Leeds. As it is so late in the year,
  my Scotch friends advise me to defer my going thither. Had I
  known that, I should have embarked for America this autumn.”

In these and other letters, written while in the north of England,
Whitefield makes no mention of an event too important to be entirely
omitted. It was now that Charles Wesley succeeded in preventing his
brother marrying Grace Murray, by getting her married to John Bennet.
This unpleasant, almost romantic, incident occupies so large a space
in “The Life and Times of Wesley,” that I here purposely refrain from
entering into details. The account there introduced has been severely
criticised and censured by some of Wesley’s admirers, who seem to be
unwilling to admit that he shared any of the infirmities common to
human beings. I can only say, that while I could add to the details I
have already given, I know of nothing that I ought either to retract or
to modify. There can be no doubt that Whitefield was cognisant of the
intentions of Charles Wesley; for the marriage with Bennet took place
in Newcastle, the very day Whitefield left that town for Leeds; and,
further, on the night previous to the marriage, Wesley, at Whitehaven,
received a letter from Whitefield, requesting that he would meet him
and Charles Wesley, at Leeds, two days afterwards. Nothing more shall
be added, except to give Wesley’s own account of the distressing
interview. He writes:――

  “October 4, 1749. At Leeds, I found, not my brother, but Mr.
  Whitefield. I lay down by him on the bed. He told me my brother
  would not come till John Bennet and Grace Murray were married.
  I was troubled; he perceived it; he wept and prayed over me, but
  I could not shed a tear. He said all that was in his power to
  comfort me; but it was in vain. He told me it was his judgment
  that she was _my_ wife,[250] and that he had said so to John
  Bennet, that he would fain have persuaded them to wait, and
  not to marry till they had seen me; but that my brother’s
  impetuosity prevailed and bore down all before it. On Thursday,
  October 5, about eight, one came in from Newcastle, and told
  us ‘They were married on Tuesday.’ My brother came an hour
  after. I felt no anger, yet I did not desire to see him; but
  Mr. Whitefield constrained me. After a few words had passed, he
  accosted me with, ‘I renounce all intercourse with you, but what
  I would have with a heathen man or a publican.’ I felt little
  emotion; it was only adding a drop of water to a drowning man;
  yet I calmly accepted his renunciation, and acquiesced therein.
  Poor Mr. Whitefield and John Nelson burst into tears. They
  prayed, cried, and entreated, till the storm passed away. We
  could not speak, but only fell on each other’s neck.”

Thus did Whitefield help to prevent a breach of the lifelong and
ardent friendship of the Wesley brothers. Three days afterwards,
Charles Wesley wrote to Mr. Ebenezer Blackwell, the London banker, as
follows:――

                  “SHEFFIELD, _Sunday Morning, October 8, 1749_.

  “George Whitefield, and my brother, and I, are one,――a threefold
  cord which shall no more be broken. The week before last, I
  waited on our friend George to our house in Newcastle, and gave
  him full possession of our pulpit and people’s hearts, as full
  as was in my power to give. The Lord united all our hearts. I
  attended his successful ministry for some days. He was never
  more blessed or better satisfied. Whole troops of the Dissenters
  he mowed down. They also are so reconciled to us, as you cannot
  conceive. The world is confounded. The hearts of those who seek
  the Lord rejoice. At Leeds, we met my brother, who gave honest
  George the right hand of fellowship, and attended him everywhere
  to our Societies. Some in London will be alarmed at the news;
  but it is the Lord’s doing, as they, I doubt not, will by-and-by
  acknowledge.”[251]

It is a fact worth noting, that, on the memorable day, when Whitefield,
the two Wesleys, John Bennet and his newly wedded wife met at Leeds,
Whitefield preached in that town at five in the morning, and at Birstal,
at five in the evening.[252] On both occasions, stricken-hearted
Wesley was present, and says, “God gave Mr. Whitefield both strong and
persuasive words.”[253] Five days afterwards, Wesley was in Newcastle,
and, in soberer language than that used by his brother, pronounced the
following judgment on Whitefield’s visit there: “I was now satisfied
that God had sent Mr. Whitefield to Newcastle in an acceptable time;
many of those who had little thought of God before, still retain the
impressions they received from him.”[254]

On leaving Leeds, Whitefield, accompanied by Ingham, set out on another
evangelizing tour through Yorkshire, Lancashire, and Cheshire.[255] “Go
on,” wrote Howell Harris, in a letter to Whitefield, dated “October 15,
1749,”――“Go on, and blaze abroad the fame of Jesus, till you take your
flight, to bow, among the innumerable company, before His unalterable
glory!”[256] And “go on” Whitefield did. The following was written to
Lady Fanny Shirley, at Ewood, (or Estwood, as Whitefield calls it,)
a place whence Grimshaw had married his first wife, and where he
occasionally resided.

                    “ESTWOOD, IN LANCASHIRE, _October 25, 1749_.

  “HONOURED MADAM,――Since I wrote to your ladyship from Newcastle,
  I have preached about thirty times in Yorkshire, and above
  ten times in Cheshire and Lancashire. Congregations have been
  very large, and a convincing and comforting influence has
  everywhere attended the word. In one or two places, I have had
  a little rough treatment; but elsewhere all has been quiet. At
  the importunity of many, I am now returning from Manchester to
  Leeds; from thence I purpose going to Sheffield; next week I hope
  to see good Lady Huntingdon at Ashby; and the week following I
  hope to be in London. Thus do I lead a pilgrim life. God give
  me a pilgrim heart, and enable me to speak of redeeming love
  to a lost world, till I can speak no more. Mrs. Galatin, at
  Manchester, goes on well, and is not ashamed to confess Him, who,
  I trust, has called her out of darkness into marvellous light.”

Colonel and Mrs. Galatin were sincere and warm-hearted friends both of
Whitefield and the Wesleys. Whitefield met them in Manchester, where
the colonel[257] was then stationed, and made the best use of his
opportunity to benefit him and his subordinate officers. Hence the
following to the Countess of Huntingdon:――

                                    “LEEDS, _October 30, 1749_.

  “I forwarded your letter to Mrs. Galatin, at Manchester. She
  seems to be quite in earnest. I conversed for about two hours
  with the captain and some other officers, upon the nature and
  necessity of the new birth. He was affected; and, I hope, the
  conversation was blessed. Since I left them, I have preached to
  many thousands in Rosendale, Aywood” (Ewood?) “and Halifax; also
  at Birstal, Pudsey, and Armley; and I have had three precious
  seasons here. Congregations are exceeding large, and both the
  Established and Dissenting Clergy are very angry. I hear that
  yesterday they thundered heartily. But truth is great, and will
  prevail, though preached in the fields and streets.

  “I thought to have been at Ashby next Lord’s-day, but a door
  seems to be opened at Nottingham, and I have thoughts of
  trying what can be done there. This morning I shall set out for
  Sheffield. This day week, your ladyship may depend on seeing me
  at Ashby.”

On November 13th, Whitefield left the country residence of Lady
Huntingdon for London. On arriving there, he found letters, which
turned his attention to Ireland.

After John Cennick seceded from Whitefield, he, in June 1746, went to
Dublin, and commenced preaching in Skinner’s Alley. Soon after this,
Cennick had to attend a Moravian Synod in Germany; and, during his
absence, Thomas Williams, one of Wesley’s itinerants, visited Dublin,
began to preach, and formed a Society. In August, 1747, Wesley himself
went to Dublin, and became the guest of Mr. William Lunell, a banker,
a man of wealth and great respectability, who had been converted under
the preaching of Cennick and Williams. A year afterwards, Charles
Wesley found him mourning the loss of his wife and child, and did
all he could to comfort him. Mr. Lunell became one of Wesley’s most
liberal supporters. He gave £400 towards the erection of Dublin chapel;
and, more than twenty years subsequent to this, Wesley declared that
Mr. Lunell, of Dublin, and Mr. Thomas ♦James, of Cork, were the most
munificent benefactors that Methodism had ever had.[258]

From the first, Methodism in Ireland had to encounter persecution. In
Dublin, the pulpit and benches of Marlborough Street chapel had been
burnt in the open street, and several of the Methodists beaten with
shillalahs. At Athlone, Jonathan Healey, one of Wesley’s itinerants,
had been almost murdered. In the present year, 1749, the Methodists
at Cork, with the connivance of the mayor and magistrates, had
been subjected to the most cruel treatment. Both men and women were
attacked with clubs and swords, and many were stabbed, gashed, slashed,
stoned, and seriously wounded. Their houses were demolished, and their
furniture and goods destroyed. As in Dublin, the pews, benches, and
even flooring of the chapel, were dragged into the streets, and were
set on fire. These horrible outrages were continued during the whole
of the months of May and June.[259] Mr. Lunell wrote to Whitefield
on the subject, and wished him to visit Ireland. Whitefield was quite
willing to accede to this request; but, for the present, was unable
to comply with it. Meanwhile, however, he deeply sympathised with the
sufferers at Cork, and, as will be seen hereafter, took active steps,
in conjunction with the Countess of Huntingdon, to obtain for them the
protection of Government. The following letter, to Mr. Lunell, refers
to the matters just mentioned:――

                                  “LONDON, _November 22, 1749_.

  “VERY DEAR SIR,――I received your kind letter on Monday last, and
  take the first opportunity of answering it.

  “I believe my particular province is to go about and preach
  the gospel to all. My being obliged to keep up a large
  correspondence in America, and the necessity I am under of going
  thither myself, entirely prevent my taking care of any Societies.
  Whether it will ever be my lot to come to Ireland, I cannot say.
  I have some thought of being there next spring; but I would not
  intrude on any one’s labours. The world is large, and there is
  sufficient work for all. I profess to be of a catholic spirit:
  I am a debtor to all. I have no party to be the head of, and I
  will have none; but, as much as in me lies, will strengthen the
  hands of all, of every denomination, who preach Jesus Christ in
  sincerity.

  “Pray how are the poor people at Cork? Lady Huntingdon writes
  concerning them,――‘I hope the poor persecuted people in Cork
  will be helped. I should be glad, if you could write in my name
  to any of them, and inform them that I would have written myself,
  but I know not how to direct. You may give them my assurance
  of serving them upon any occasion, and a hint that I believe
  they will meet with no more of the like rough usage.’ Thus far
  my good lady. I am persuaded you will, in a prudent manner,
  communicate this to all concerned.”

Whitefield’s health was generally best when he was on his gospel
rambles. In London, it almost invariably suffered. Well or ill, however,
when he could, Whitefield must be allowed to work. Writing to Lady
Huntingdon, he says:――

                                  “LONDON, _November 30, 1749_.

  “London already begins to disagree with my outward man, but the
  Lord’s smiling upon my poor labours sweetens all. I have begun
  to preach at six in the morning. We have large congregations
  even then. I trust we shall have a warm winter. I have not been
  at the other end of the town this week; but I find all hold on.
  However, a leader is wanting. This honour has been put on your
  ladyship by the great Head of the Church an honour conferred on
  few. That you may every day add to the splendour of your future
  crown, by always abounding in the work of the Lord, is the
  fervent prayer of your unworthy servant,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

Nine days later, he wrote again to Mr. Lunell, of Dublin:――

                                    “LONDON, _December 9, 1749_.

  “MY DEAR MR. LUNELL,――I find by your last kind letter that
  the king’s business requires haste. I, therefore, immediately
  dispatched it to good Lady Huntingdon, who, I am persuaded,
  will think it her highest privilege to serve the dear people of
  Cork. Whether your account of their sufferings has reached her
  ladyship, I cannot tell, but you will soon know. However, this
  we know, they have reached the ears of the blessed Jesus, who
  sits in heaven, and laughs all His enemies to scorn. He will
  take care that the bush, though burning, shall not be consumed:
  nay, He will take care that it shall flourish, even in the midst
  of fire. It will be melancholy to have any preachers transported;
  but the thoughts of this do not affect me so much, because I
  know what a field of action there is for them abroad. It has
  been my settled opinion for a long time, that Christ’s labourers
  (at least, some of them) love home too much, and do not care
  enough for those thousands of precious souls, that are ready to
  perish for lack of knowledge, in yonder wilderness. We propose
  having an academy, or college, at the Orphan House in Georgia.
  Supposing the worst to happen, hundreds may find a sweet retreat
  there. The house is large; it will hold a hundred. I trust my
  heart is larger, and will hold ten thousand. Be they who they
  may, if they belong to Jesus, the language of my heart shall be,
  ‘Come in, ye blessed of the Lord.’ But, perhaps, this may not be
  the issue. The threatening storm may blow over. It is always
  darkest before break of day.”

Whitefield’s heart was large and warm. His life was a wandering one,
and he saw but little of his relatives; but his affection for them
never failed. In anticipation of his birthday, he wrote to his mother
the following:――

                                  “LONDON, _December 15, 1749_.

  “MY DEAR AND HONOURED MOTHER,――To-morrow it will be thirty-five
  years since you brought unworthy me into the world. Alas! how
  little have I done for you, and how much less for Him who formed
  me. This is my comfort; I hope you want for nothing. Thanks
  be to God for His goodness to you in your old age! I hope you
  comfort yourself in Him, who, I trust, will be your portion for
  ever. After Christmas, I hope to see you. My wife sends you her
  most dutiful respects. If you would have anything brought more
  than you have mentioned, pray write to, honoured mother, your
  ever dutiful, though unworthy son,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

Whitefield and his Tabernacle friends began the New Year, 1750, by
reading letters respecting the work of God, in different places; and
by singing devout and enthusiastic doggerel. To one of his distant
correspondents, he wrote thus:――

                                    “LONDON, _January 2, 1750_.

  “Yesterday was a blessed letter-day. These verses were sung for
  you, etc.:――

                   ‘Thy work in the north,
                      O Saviour, increase;
                    And kindly send forth
                      The preachers of peace:
                    Till throughout the nation
                      Thy gospel shall ring,
                    And peace and salvation
                      Each village shall sing.’

  Thousands said, ‘Amen, and amen!’ Let me know when you set out
  for Newcastle, and whether the books shall be sent by land or
  water. I get very little by them. I do not desire it should be
  otherwise. I believe, as many are given away as answer to the
  profits of what are sold. If souls are profited, I desire no
  more.”

The reading of letters, at stated times, respecting revivals of
the work of God, was an established practice, both in Whitefield’s
Tabernacle and Wesley’s Foundery. The chief difference between the two
places was――in the Tabernacle, each letter was followed by the singing
of hymns, of which the lines just given are too good a specimen; in the
Foundery, the hymns sung were some of the finest that Charles Wesley
ever wrote.

The poor Methodists at Cork were again in the furnace of affliction.
Butler, the ballad singer, was as violent as ever; and, until the Lent
assizes, pursued his murderous career with increasing zest. Accompanied
by his mob, he several times assaulted the house of William Jewell,
a clothier; and, at last, took forcible possession of it, swore he
would blow out the brains of the first who resisted him, beat Jewell’s
wife, and then smashed all the windows. He abused Mary Philips in the
grossest terms, and struck her on the head. Elizabeth Gardelet was
literally almost murdered by him and his ruffians; and others were
similarly abused. On January 3, 1750, Whitefield wrote:――

  “Mr. Lunell sends me dreadful news from Cork. Butler is there
  again, making havoc of the people. Mr. Haughton,[260] some time
  ago, expected to be murdered every minute. I have been with some
  who will go to the Speaker of the House of Commons and represent
  the case. I hope I have but one common interest to serve; I mean
  that of the blessed Jesus.”

On January 5, at the Tabernacle, Whitefield preached a sermon from
Ephes. iv. 24. The sermon was taken down in shorthand, and, after his
death, was published, with the title, “The putting on of the New Man a
certain mark of the real Christian.” (8vo. 30 pp.) The sermon is not in
Whitefield’s collected works, but furnishes a good idea of the popular
style he adopted. It is full of brief illustrations, and is intensely
earnest; the style plain, familiar, and pointed. Three sentences
may interest the reader. “Let me tell you, no matter whether you
are Presbyterian or Independent, Churchman or Dissenter, Methodist
or no Methodist, unless you are new creatures, you are in a state of
damnation” (p. 17). “I like orthodoxy very well; but what signifies an
orthodox head with a heterodox heart?” (p. 19.) “I tell thee, O man;
I tell thee, O woman, whoever thou art, thou art a dead man, thou art
a dead woman, nay, a damned man, a damned woman, without a new heart”
(p. 27).

Whitefield, about this time, became acquainted with another clergyman,
who was a man after his own heart. The Rev. William Baddiley had been
made one of Lady Huntingdon’s domestic chaplains. He soon became a sort
of second Grimshaw, formed a number of Societies, and employed laymen
to assist him.[262] To him, Whitefield wrote as follows:――

                                    “LONDON, _January 12, 1750_.

  “MY VERY DEAR SIR,――I now sit down to answer your kind letter.
  O that I may be helped to write something that may do you service
  in the cause in which you are embarked!

  “I see you are like to have hot work, for I find you have begun
  to batter Satan’s strongest hold――I mean the self-righteousness
  of man. Here, sir, you must expect the strongest opposition. It
  is the _Diana_ of every age. It is the golden image, which man
  continually sets up; and the not falling down to worship it,
  much more to speak, write, or preach against it, exposes one
  to the fury of its blind votaries, and we are thrown directly
  into a den of lions. But fear not, Mr. Baddiley; the God whom
  we serve is able to deliver us. If any one need give way, it
  must be the poor creature who is writing to you; for, I believe,
  there is not a person living more timorous by nature than I
  am. But, in a degree, Jesus has delivered me from worldly hopes
  and worldly fears, and often makes me as bold as a lion. But,
  my dear sir, at first, I did not care to part with this pretty
  character of mine. It was death to be despised, and worse than
  death to think of being laughed at. Blessed be God! now contempt
  and I are pretty intimate, and have been so for above twice
  seven years. The love of Jesus makes it an agreeable companion,
  and I no longer wonder that Moses made such a blessed choice.
  There is no doing good without enduring the scourge of the
  tongue; and take this for a certain rule――‘The more successful
  you are, the more you will be hated by Satan, and despised by
  those who know not God.’ What has the honoured lady suffered
  under whose roof you dwell! Above all, what did your blessed
  Master suffer! O let us follow Him, though it be through a sea
  of blood.”

On the same day that Whitefield wrote to her domestic chaplain,
he wrote to the Countess herself. Perhaps it ought to be premised
that, at this time, Wesley had, besides the “Old Foundery,” two other
London chapels――one in West Street, Seven Dials, built by the French
Protestants; the other in Snowfields, Bermondsey, built by a Unitarian.
The “Mr. Gifford,” whom Whitefield mentions, was a man of some
importance. Besides being the respected minister of the Baptist
Church, in Eagle Street, London, he was chaplain to Sir Richard Ellys,
the learned author of “Fortuita Sacra.” He had a private collection
of coins, said to have been one of the most curious in Great Britain,
and which George II. purchased as an addition to his own. Through Sir
Richard Ellys, he became a personal friend of Lord Chancellor Hardwicke,
Archbishop Herring, Sir Arthur Onslow, the Speaker of the House of
Commons, and other persons of high social rank. He was also ultimately
appointed librarian of the British Museum, and was made a doctor by the
University of Aberdeen.

                                    “LONDON, _January 12, 1750_.

  “HONOURED MADAM,――Every day we have new hearers, and persons are
  almost continually brought under convictions, or are edified, at
  the Tabernacle.

  “I have offered Mr. Wesley to assist occasionally at his chapel,
  and I don’t know but it may be accepted. O that I may learn to
  think it my highest privilege to be an assistant to all, but the
  head of none! I find a love of power sometimes intoxicates even
  God’s own dear children, and makes them to mistake passion for
  zeal, and an overbearing spirit for an authority given them from
  above. For my own part, I find it much easier to obey than to
  govern, and that it is much safer to be trodden under foot than
  to have the power to serve others so. This makes me flee from
  that which, at our first setting out, we are too apt to court.
  Thanks be to God for taking any pains with me! I cannot well buy
  humility at too dear a rate.

  “His Majesty seems to have been acquainted with some
  things about us, by what passed in his discourse with Lady
  Chesterfield.[263] The particulars are these. Her ladyship wore
  a suit of clothes, with a brown ground and silver flowers. His
  Majesty, coming round to her, first smiled, and then laughed
  quite out. Her ladyship could not imagine what was the cause of
  this. At length, His Majesty said, ‘I know who chose that gown
  for you――Mr. Whitefield. I hear that you have attended on him
  this year and a half.’ Her ladyship answered, ‘Yes, I have, and
  like him very well.’

  “I have been with the Speaker about the poor people in Ireland.
  Mr. Gifford introduced me, and opened the matter well. His
  honour expressed a great regard for your ladyship, and great
  resentment at the indignities of the poor sufferers; but said,
  Lord Harrington and the Secretary of State were the most proper
  persons to apply to; and he did not doubt that your ladyship’s
  application would get the people’s grievances redressed. I
  wished for a memorial to acquaint him with particulars. He
  treated me with great candour, and assured me no hurt was
  designed us by the State.”

Six days after this, Whitefield wrote to Mr. Lunell, as follows:――

                                    “LONDON, _January 18, 1750_.

  “VERY DEAR SIR,――Last Monday, I waited upon the Speaker of the
  House of Commons, with one Mr. Gifford, a Dissenting minister,
  who opened the case of our poor suffering brethren in a proper
  manner. The Speaker said that, though it did not properly belong
  to him, he would make a thorough search into the affair. He
  wondered that application had not been made to Lord Harrington,
  the king’s representative in Ireland; and wanted to be informed
  of more particulars. For want of a memorial, I could only shew
  him the contents of your letter. Two things, therefore, seem
  necessary. Be pleased to send a well-attested narrative of the
  whole affair; and wait upon Lord Harrington yourself. A friend
  of mine intends writing to Baron B――――. Is he in Dublin? As soon
  as I hear from you, more may be done. Meanwhile, the dear souls
  have my constant prayers, and shall have my utmost endeavours
  to serve them. I count their sufferings my own. Hearty _Amens_
  are given, when our friends are mentioned in prayer at the
  Tabernacle.

  “To-morrow, I am to preach at Mr. Wesley’s chapel. O that it may
  be for the Redeemer’s glory, and His people’s good!”

To avoid a recurrence to the rioting at Cork, the following letter, to
Mr. Lunell, is added:――

                                    “LONDON, _January 28, 1750_.

  “VERY DEAR SIR,――I am glad to find the storm is a little abated
  at Cork. I always thought it was too hot to last long. I see, by
  Mr. Haughton, that suffering grace is always given for suffering
  times. If they have honoured him so far as to give him some
  lashes, for preaching the everlasting gospel, I shall rejoice.
  I am persuaded, the persecution will stir up the resentment of
  persons in power on this side the water. I beg, for the dear
  people’s sake, you will continue your accounts. They direct me
  in my prayers, and also excite the prayers of others. On Monday,
  your letter shall be read, and we will besiege the throne of
  grace once more, on our dear brethren’s behalf. Surely, we shall
  prevail. I will use all endeavours to extricate our friends out
  of their troubles. Enclosed, you have a letter to the judge.
  You may send or deliver it, as you think proper. I hope you will
  wait on Lord Harrington, and let me hear what he says. The Duke”
  (of Newcastle) “was spoken to; and, last post, I wrote to Lady
  Huntingdon for the memorial, which, if sent, shall be put into
  the hands of some who are very near His Majesty. Some honourable
  women are much your friends. Jesus makes them so; and, when His
  people are distressed, if needful, a thousand _Esthers_ shall be
  raised up.

  “I have now preached three times in Mr. Wesley’s chapel; and,
  each time, the Lord was with us of a truth.”

The result of all this correspondence was: 1. A well-attested
narrative of the persecution of the Methodists at Cork was presented
to Lord Harrington, the king’s representative in Ireland. 2. A
memorial was presented to His Majesty King George II., by the Countess
of Chesterfield. 3. The Duke of Newcastle, then Secretary of State,
was spoken to on the subject, and expressed great resentment at the
proceedings of the magistrates and clergymen of Cork. 4. At the Lent
assizes, 1750, the depositions of the persecuted Methodists were laid
before the grand jury, but were all rejected; a true bill, however,
was found against Daniel Sullivan, one of Wesley’s hearers, for
discharging a pistol, without a ball, over the heads of Butler and his
mob, while they were pelting him with stones; and, finally, several of
the preachers, who, together with Charles Wesley, had been in August,
1749, presented, by the grand jury of the Cork assizes, as “persons of
ill-fame, vagabonds, and common disturbers of the public peace,” were
ordered into the dock as common criminals; but were all “acquitted,”
says John Wesley, “with honour to themselves, and shame to their
persecutors.” It is somewhat remarkable, that, though the Methodists
of Cork were all followers of Wesley, the applications to Government
officials on their behalf were all made by Whitefield and his friends.
This was not for want of sympathy on the part of Wesley, but because
Whitefield, by the aristocratic acquaintances he had formed, was in a
better position to render help.

Another incident must be noticed. In the foregoing letters, Whitefield
mentions, with seeming emphasis, his preaching in Wesley’s chapels.
This, in fact, was a notable occurrence. Except for a few months,
the friendship between Whitefield and Wesley had been unbroken; but,
up to the present, Whitefield had but rarely preached to Wesley’s
congregations. Indeed, of the ten or eleven years that had elapsed
since the first formation of Wesley’s Societies, Whitefield had spent
more than six in America and Scotland, where Wesley had no Societies
or congregations at all; and, during the remaining four or five,
his relationship to the Welsh Calvinistic Methodists was such as to
prevent his rendering fraternal services like those referred to in
his letters to Mr. Lunell. Now, however, he was in a new position.
After considerable correspondence between Wesley and himself, it had
been found that the amalgamation of their respective Societies was
impracticable. For this and for other reasons, Whitefield resigned his
office of moderator; and openly and repeatedly declared that he would
neither found a sect, nor be at the head of one founded by others. His
work for life was to be an evangelist at large,――the friend and helper
of all Christian denominations, and the enemy of none. Hence, during
his recent visit to the north of England, Charles Wesley introduced him
to the Methodists of Newcastle; and Wesley himself to the Methodists
of Leeds; and, for the next twenty years, as opportunity permitted,
Whitefield rendered to Wesley’s Societies and congregations, throughout
the kingdom, an amount of valuable service, the results of which
cannot now be rightly estimated. The fraternal co-operation, begun
at Newcastle and Leeds in 1749, was now continued in London in 1750,
greatly to the delight of Whitefield and Wesley, and of their friends.
Wesley’s memoranda of these memorable London services are as follows:――

  “1750. Friday, January 19. In the evening, I read prayers at
  the chapel in West Street, and Mr. Whitefield preached a plain,
  affectionate discourse. Sunday, 21st. He read prayers, and I
  preached: so, by the blessing of God, one more stumbling-block
  is removed. Sunday, 28th. I read prayers, and Mr. Whitefield
  preached. How wise is God in giving different talents to
  different preachers! Even the little improprieties both of his
  language and manner were a means of profiting many, who would
  not have been touched by a more correct discourse, or a more
  calm and regular manner of speaking.”[264]

This was a new fact in Methodist history. Partisans, on both sides, had
done their utmost to keep Whitefield and Wesley apart from each other;
but now their machinations were utterly and finally frustrated. The
Methodist chieftains were united, though it had been found impossible
to unite their Societies. The event afforded satisfaction to others,
as well as to themselves. Hence the following, addressed to Mrs. Jones,
widow of R. Jones, Esq., of Fonmon Castle, a personal friend of the
Wesleys, on the occasion of whose death, Charles Wesley composed a
well-known “Elegy.” The writer of the letter, William Holland, had been
a “painter, in a large way of business, in Basinghall Street.” He was a
member of the first Moravian “congregation” in London, and was one of
its “elders.” He became a preacher, and removed to Yorkshire, where he
succeeded Viney in the stewardship; but, in 1746, he returned to London,
resumed his trade, left the Brethren, and died in 1761.

                          “ROLLS BUILDINGS, FETTER LANE,
                                    “LONDON, _January 27, 1750_.

  “DEAR MRS. JONES,――I arrived safe and well last Saturday,
  and found my wife and family well. The evening before, Mr.
  Whitefield preached in Mr. Wesley’s chapel, and Mr. J. Wesley
  read prayers. On Sunday, Mr. Whitefield read prayers, and Mr.
  J. Wesley preached; and, afterwards, they and two more clergymen
  administered the sacrament to Mr. Howell Harris and several of
  Mr. Whitefield’s Society, and to many hundreds of Mr. Wesley’s.
  Monday morning, Mr. H. Harris preached in the Foundery; a
  duke and another nobleman were there to hear Mr. J. Wesley.
  On Wednesday, Thursday, and yesterday, Mr. Whitefield preached
  again at the chapel; as also he is to do to-morrow morning, and
  Mr. J. Wesley in the afternoon.

  “You will please to let the enclosed be delivered as directed.
  They and you will excuse brevity by reason of the frank.[266]

  “My wife joins me in respects to you and your children. I am,
  your friend and servant,

                                        “WILLIAM HOLLAND.”[267]

To return to Whitefield. In the midst of his benevolent endeavours to
assist the poor Methodists at Cork, Whitefield, with his characteristic
kindliness, was caring for the welfare of persons of another class.
The following was written to Mr. Habersham, formerly his manager at
Bethesda, and who still took a profound interest in his Orphan House.

To understand the letter, it must be added, that, though, from the
first settlement of Georgia, the province had been under a _military_
government, the trustees, about this period, established a kind of
_civil_ government, and committed the charge to a president and four
councillors. Mr. Stephens was now the president. In 1751, the province
was divided into eleven districts; a colonial assembly of sixteen
members was inaugurated at Savannah; Henry Parker was made president;
and James Habersham provincial secretary. As yet, slavery was not
formally introduced, but it practically existed. The term for which
European servants had been engaged being now generally expired, the
difficulty of procuring labour was met by permitting the colonists to
hire negroes from their owners in South Carolina.[268]

                                    “LONDON, _January 18, 1750_.

  “MY VERY DEAR MR. HABERSHAM,――Blessed be God, for dealing so
  favourably with my dear families, and for giving the prospect
  of such a plentiful crop! I take it as an earnest, that the Lord
  Jesus will be the Lord God of Bethesda, and will let the world
  see that designs founded on Him shall prosper.

  “I shall not wonder to hear, by-and-by, that you are president.
  O that you and I may be clothed with humility, and that the more
  we are exalted by others, the more we may be abased in our own
  eyes! O that something may now be done for the poor negroes! A
  good beginning is of vast consequence. Pray stir in it, and let
  us exert our utmost efforts in striving to bring some of them to
  the knowledge of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. This night,
  I have agreed to take little Joseph and his sister. All their
  relations are desirous that I should have them, as they will
  be but poorly provided for here. I think they have a kind of
  natural right to be maintained at Bethesda. I suppose, in your
  next, you will acquaint me with particulars concerning their
  father, and how he has left his affairs. I hear there is a
  little infant, besides the other two. I would willingly have
  that likewise, if it could be kept till it is about three years
  old. I hope to be rich in heaven, by taking care of orphans on
  earth. Any other riches, blessed be God! are out of my view. If
  the crop answers expectation, I would have the poor of Savannah
  reap the benefit. Pray let one barrel of rice be reserved for
  them.

  “We have had a blessed winter here. I am pretty well in health,
  but my wife is ill.”

On Friday, February 2nd, Whitefield arrived at Gloucester, where
he spent the next ten days. Daily, he preached either in the city or
in its vicinity. “Some young fellows,” says he, “behaved rudely; but
that is no wonder; the carnal mind is ♦enmity against God.” To Colonel
Gumley, who had been converted under his preaching at Lady Huntingdon’s,
and who was the father of the Countess of Bath, he wrote, on February
8th:――

  “Contrary to my intentions, I have been prevailed on to
  stay all this week in Gloucester; so that I do not expect to
  be at Bristol till the 12th instant. I am sorry to hear you
  are ill of an ague. Everything we meet with here, is only to
  fit us more and more for a blessed hereafter. Christ is the
  believer’s _hollow square_; and if we keep close in that, we
  are impregnable. Here only I find my refuge. Garrisoned in this,
  I can bid defiance to men and devils. O, my dear sir, what did
  I experience on the road this day! How did I rejoice at the
  prospect of a judgment to come, and in the settled conviction
  that I have no designs but to spend and be spent for the good of
  precious and immortal souls. The hand of the Lord Jesus, without
  adding our carnal policy to it, will support His own cause.
  When human cunning is made use of, what is it, but, like Uzzah,
  to give a wrong touch to the ark of God, and to provoke God to
  smite us? A bigoted, sectarian, party spirit cometh not from
  above, but is sensual, earthly, devilish. Many of God’s children
  are infected with it. They are sick of a bad distemper. May the
  Spirit of God convince and cure them!”

On arriving at Bristol, Whitefield wrote to the Countess of Huntingdon,
as follows:――

                                  “BRISTOL, _February 12, 1750_.

  “HONOURED MADAM,――Since I wrote last, we have been favoured both
  in Gloucester city, and in the country, with very pleasant and
  delightful seasons. I have preached about twenty times within
  these eight or nine days; and, though frequently exposed to rain
  and hail, am much better than when I left London. Everything
  I meet with seems to carry this voice with it,――‘Go thou and
  preach the gospel. Be a pilgrim on earth. Have no party, or
  certain dwelling-place; but be continually preparing for, and
  labouring to prepare others for, a house not made with hands,
  eternal, in the heavens.’ My heart echoes back,――‘Lord Jesus,
  help me to do or suffer Thy will! And, when Thou seest me in
  danger of nestling, in pity, put a thorn in my nest, to preserve
  me from it!’”

On his way to Plymouth, Whitefield held sweet intercourse with two
eminently pious Dissenting ministers,――the well-known Rev. Richard
Pearsall, of Taunton, and the Rev. Risdon Darracott, of Wellington.
Writing to Lady Huntingdon, he said:――

                                “PLYMOUTH, _February 25, 1750_.

  “The day after I wrote my last letter to your ladyship, I
  preached three times, once at Kingswood, and twice at Bristol.
  It was a blessed day. The next morning, I came on my way
  rejoicing. At Taunton, I met with Mr. Pearsall, a Dissenting
  minister, a preacher of righteousness before I was born.[269] At
  Wellington, I lay at the house of one Mr. Darracott, a flaming
  successful preacher of the gospel, and who may justly be styled,
  ‘the star in the West.’[270] He has suffered much reproach; and,
  in the space of three months, has lost three lovely children.
  Two of them died the Saturday evening before the sacrament
  was to be administered; but weeping did not hinder sowing. He
  preached next day, and administered as usual; and, for his three
  natural, the Lord has given him above thirty spiritual children.
  He has ventured his little all for Christ; and last week a saint
  died, who left him £200 in land. At his place, I began to take
  the field for this spring. At a very short warning, a multitude
  assembled. The following evening, I preached at Exeter; and last
  night and this morning I have preached here. This afternoon, God
  willing, I am to take the field again.”

Mention has been already made of Benjamin Franklin issuing his
“Proposals relating to the Education of Youth in Pennsylvania,” a step
which led to the founding of the present university of Philadelphia.
This was a subject in which Whitefield took a profound interest, not
only because the meeting-house which had been built for himself was
likely to be occupied for this purpose; but, also, because, knowing the
principles of his friend Franklin, he was afraid that, in the proposed
academy, religion might not occupy the position which it ought to
have. Franklin had written him on the subject; and the following is
the substance of his answer:――

                                “PLYMOUTH, _February 26, 1750_.

  “MY DEAR MR. FRANKLIN,――I am glad that the gentlemen of
  Philadelphia are exerting their efforts to erect an academy. I
  have often thought such an institution was exceedingly wanted;
  and I am persuaded, if well conducted, it will be of public
  service. I have read your plan, and do not wonder at its meeting
  with general approbation. It is certainly well calculated to
  promote polite literature; but, I think, there wants _aliquid
  Christi_ in it, to make it as useful as I would desire it might
  be.

  “It is true you say, ‘The youth are to be taught some public
  religion, and the excellency of the Christian religion in
  particular;’ but methinks this is mentioned too late, and too
  soon passed over. As we are all creatures of a day, as our
  whole life is but one small point between two eternities, it
  is reasonable to suppose that the grand end of every Christian
  institution for forming tender minds should be to convince them
  of their natural depravity, of the means of recovering out of
  it, and of the necessity of preparing for the enjoyment of the
  Supreme Being in a future state. These are the grand points in
  which Christianity centres. Arts and sciences may be built on
  this, and serve to embellish the superstructure, but without
  this there cannot be any good foundation.

  “I should be glad to contribute, though it were but the
  least mite, and to promote so laudable an undertaking; but
  the gentlemen concerned are so superior to me, in respect to
  knowledge of both books and men, that anything I could offer
  would be, I fear, of little service. The main thing will be
  to get proper masters, who are acquainted with the world, with
  themselves, and with God, and who will consequently care for
  the welfare of the youth that shall be committed to them. I
  think, also, that, in such an institution, there should be a
  well-approved Christian orator, who should not be content with
  giving a public lecture upon oratory in general, but who should
  visit and take pains with every class, and teach them early how
  to speak, and read, and pronounce well. An hour or two in a day,
  I think, ought to be set apart for this. It would serve as an
  agreeable amusement, and would be of great service, whether
  the youth be intended for the pulpit, the bar, or any other
  profession whatsoever. I should also like the youth to board in
  the academy, and, by that means, to be always under the master’s
  eye. If a fund could be raised, for the free education of those
  of the poorer sort who appear to have promising abilities, I
  think it would greatly answer the design proposed. It has often
  been found, that some of our brightest men, in Church and State,
  have arisen from an obscure condition.

  “When I heard of the academy, I told Mr. B―――― that I thought
  the new building[271] would admirably suit such a proposal; and
  I then determined to mention, in my next, some terms that might
  be offered to the consideration of the trustees; but I now find
  that you have done this already, and that matters are adjusted
  agreeable to the minds of the majority of them. I hope your
  agreement meets with the approbation of the inhabitants, and
  that it will be serviceable to the cause of vital piety and good
  education. If these ends are answered, a free school erected,
  the debts paid, and a place preserved for public preaching,
  I do not see what reason there is for anyone to complain. But
  all this depends on the integrity, disinterestedness, and piety
  of the gentlemen concerned. An institution, founded on such a
  basis, God will bless and succeed; but, without these, the most
  promising schemes will prove abortive, and the most flourishing
  structures turn out Babels. I wish you and the gentlemen
  concerned much prosperity; and pray the Lord of all lords to
  direct you to the best means to promote the best end; I mean
  the glory of God and the welfare of your fellow-creatures. Be
  pleased to remember me to them and to all friends as they come
  in your way, and believe me, dear sir,

                          “Yours, etc.,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

This long letter is interesting, as revealing Whitefield’s views of
youthful education, and his connection with the founding of one of
the oldest and most important colleges in America. It is difficult to
determine whether his interest in England or in America was greater.
He was a devoted lover of his native land; but he was also profoundly
attached to those transatlantic colonies, which, since his day, have
been developed into one of the greatest nations upon earth. On the same
day that he wrote his letter to Franklin, respecting the college at
Philadelphia, he also wrote to his old friend, the Honourable Jonathan
Belcher, Governor of the Province of New Jersey:――

  “I purpose ranging this summer, and then to embark for my
  beloved America. Whether I shall see your Excellency is
  uncertain. You are upon the decline of life; but, I trust, I
  shall meet you in heaven, where the wicked heart, the wicked
  world, and the wicked devil, will cease from troubling, and
  every soul enjoy an uninterrupted and eternal rest. This I am
  waiting for every day. O that death may find me either praying
  or preaching!”

Having preached twelve times, in six days, at Plymouth, Whitefield
set out for Cornwall, accompanied by two clergymen, the Rev. G.
Thompson, of St. Gennys, and the Rev. Mr. Grigg, who had come to
Plymouth purposely to be his escort. On Sunday, the 4th of March, the
church at St. Gennys presented a scene such as was not often witnessed.
Whitefield writes: “Four of Mr. Wesley’s preachers were present, and
also four clergymen in their gowns and cassocks――Mr. Bennet[272] (aged
fourscore), Mr. Thompson, Mr. Grigg, and myself. It was a glorious day
of the Son of man.”

Six days later, he wrote the following to the Countess of Huntingdon:――

                                    “REDRUTH, _March 10, 1750_.

  “Every day, since I left St. Gennys, I have been travelling
  and preaching. At Port Isaac, the Redeemer’s stately steps were
  seen indeed. At Camelford, I preached with great quietness in
  the street. At St. Andrew’s, we had a very powerful season.
  Yesterday, at Redruth, several thousands attended. Invitations
  are sent to me from Falmouth and several other places. I want
  more tongues, more bodies, more souls, for the Lord Jesus. Had
  I ten thousand, He should have them all. After preaching, about
  noon I am to go to St. Ives; and, in about nine days, I hope to
  be at Exeter. Mr. Thompson is mighty hearty, and is gone to his
  parish in a gospel flame.”

The account of Whitefield’s Cornish labours is continued in another
letter to her ladyship, dated “Exeter, March 21, 1750,” and in which
he says:――

  “Immediately after writing my last, I preached to many thousands
  at Gwennap. In the evening, I went to St. Ives. The next day,
  Sunday, March 11th, I went to church in the morning, and heard
  a virulent sermon from these words, ‘Beware of false prophets.’
  The preacher had said, on the day before, ‘Now Whitefield is
  coming, I must put on my old armour.’[273] I preached twice to
  large auditories, and then rode back to Gwennap rejoicing. On
  Monday, I preached again at Redruth, at ten in the morning, to
  near ten thousand. Arrows of conviction seemed to fly fast. In
  the evening, I preached to above five hundred, at a place twelve
  miles distant, and then rode about sixteen miles to one Mr.
  B――――’s, a wealthy man, convinced about two years ago. In riding,
  my horse threw me violently on the ground, but I got up without
  receiving much hurt. The next day,” (Tuesday, March 13,) “we had
  a most delightful season at St. Mewan; and the day following,
  a like time at Port Isaac. In the evening, I met my dear Mr.
  Thompson, at Mr. Bennet’s, a friendly minister aged fourscore;
  and, on Thursday, preached in both his churches. Blessed seasons
  both! On Friday, we went to Bideford, where there is perhaps
  one of the best little flocks in all England.[274] The power
  of God so came down, while I was expounding to them, that Mr.
  Thompson could scarce stand under it. I preached twice. On Monday
  evening” (March 19), “I came to Exeter, and, with great regret,
  shall stay till Friday; for I think every day lost that is not
  spent in field-preaching. An unexpectedly wide door is opened in
  Cornwall, so that I have sometimes almost determined to go back
  again.”

Thus did Whitefield requite his abusive foe, the Bishop of Exeter.
Lavington, in the most scurrilous language, blackguarded Whitefield
and the Methodists in the notorious pamphlets which he was now writing
and publishing, without having the manliness to acknowledge them as his
own; and Whitefield, in return, quietly invaded the bishop’s diocese,
and, from Land’s End to Exeter, tried to revive religion, where it was
almost, if not entirely, dead. No wonder that the bishop raved!

After spending about a month in London, Whitefield made, what he calls,
“a short elopement to Portsmouth.” His supreme work was preaching,
and saving souls; but he was always ready to throw his influence
and energies into any scheme that would be subsidiary to the great
object of his life. For this purpose, he had erected his Orphan House
in Georgia, and, as the reader has already seen, wished to have, in
connection with it, an academy or college for the training of ministers.
At this very time, he was taking an active interest in founding what
afterwards became the university of Philadelphia. Added to all this,
he now cheerily devoted himself to the establishment of a kindred
institution in New Jersey. Three years ago, his friend, Jonathan
Belcher, had been appointed the governor of that province. The governor
was an aged man, in his seventieth year; but, before he died, he wished
to found a Presbyterian college for the benefit of the people whom
he ruled. In 1748, he had obtained a royal charter from George II.,
but, to carry out his purpose, he needed money. To collect this,
Mr. Allen and Colonel Williams had come to England, bringing letters
of introduction from Governor Belcher and the Rev. Aaron Burr, who
had been elected president of the New College. Whitefield presented
these gentlemen to the Countess of Huntingdon. A statement of Belcher’s
scheme, with a recommendation of it, was printed, and signed by
her ladyship, Whitefield, Dr. Doddridge, and others. Whitefield
preached sermons for the college; and, in the course of a few months,
considerable sums were collected, and transmitted to America.[275] To
illustrate Whitefield’s interest in this important matter, two extracts
from his letters may be useful, while at Portsmouth, he wrote to
Governor Belcher, as follows:――

                                  “PORTSMOUTH, _April 27, 1750_.

  “I am glad your Excellency has been honoured, by Providence,
  to put New Jersey College on such a footing, that it may be a
  nursery for future labourers. I have had the pleasure of seeing
  Mr. Allen and Colonel Williams, and have introduced them to
  such of my friends as I believe may serve the interest in which
  they are engaged. By the Divine blessing, I hope that something
  considerable will be done in England and Scotland.”

A few days afterwards, he wrote to the Rev. Mr. McCulloch, Presbyterian
minister of Cambuslang:――

  “Mr. Allen, a friend of Governor Belcher, is come over with a
  commission to negotiate the matter concerning the Presbyterian
  College in New Jersey. He has brought with him a copy of the
  letter which Mr. Pemberton sent you some time ago. This letter
  has been shewn to Dr. Doddridge and several of the London
  ministers, who all approve of the thing, and promise their
  assistance. Last week, I conversed with Dr. Doddridge concerning
  it; and the scheme that was then judged most practicable was
  this――‘That Mr. Pemberton’s letter should be printed, and that
  a recommendation of the affair, subscribed by Dr. Doddridge and
  others, should be annexed; and, further, that a subscription
  and collections should be set on foot in England, and that
  afterwards Mr. Allen should go to Scotland.’ I think it is an
  affair that requires despatch. Governor Belcher is old, but
  a most hearty man for promoting God’s glory, and the good of
  mankind. He looks upon the College as his own daughter, and will
  do all he can to endow her with proper privileges. The present
  president, Mr. Burr,[276] and most of the trustees, I am well
  acquainted with. They are friends to vital piety; and, I trust,
  this work of the Lord will prosper in their hands. The spreading
  of the gospel in Maryland and Virginia, in a great measure,
  depends on it.”

Thus, in more respects than one, was America greatly indebted to the
English Whitefield. The effects of his services on behalf of that
country cannot be estimated.

After a few days spent at Portsmouth, Whitefield returned to London,
and then, early in the month of May, set out on his northern tour.
On Sunday, May 6th, he preached twice, to great multitudes, at Olney.
On the day following, he rode to Northampton, and “had a private
interview” with Dr. Stonehouse, Dr. Doddridge, the Rev. James Hervey,
and the Rev. Thomas Hartley.[277] On Tuesday, the 8th, he preached,
in the morning, “to Dr. Doddridge’s family;” and, in the afternoon, to
above two thousand in a field, his friends, with whom he had held “a
private interview,” to his great gratification, walking with him along
the street. After preaching twice, “to several thousands,” at Kettering,
he made his way to Ashby, the country residence of the Countess of
Huntingdon. Here he remained for above a week, preaching daily in the
house of her ladyship, and also in four neighbouring churches. Resuming
his journey, on May 20, he preached four times at Nottingham, where,
says he, “several came to me, enquiring what they should do to be saved.
One evening, Lord S―――― and several gentlemen were present, and behaved
with great decency. Many thousands attended.” He also preached at
Sutton; thrice at Mansfield; and, on May 25, arrived at Rotherham,
where he met with an adventure worth relating. In a letter to Lady
Huntingdon, dated “Leeds, May 30, 1750,” he writes:――

  “Satan rallied his forces at Rotherham;[278] but I preached
  twice, on the Friday evening and Saturday morning. The crier
  was employed to give notice of a bear-baiting. Your ladyship
  may guess who was the _bear_. About seven in the morning, the
  drum was heard, and several watermen attended it with great
  staves. The constable was struck, and two of the mobbers were
  apprehended, but were rescued afterwards. I preached on these
  words, ‘Fear not, little flock.’ They were both fed and feasted.
  After a short stay, I left Rotherham, when I knew it was become
  more pacific.[279]

  “In the evening, I preached at Sheffield, where the people
  received the word gladly. A great alteration was discernible
  in their looks, since I was there last.[280] On Sunday, great
  multitudes attended, and, in the evening, many went away, who
  could not get near enough to hear. On Monday, we had a parting
  blessing; and, in the evening, the Lord Jesus fed us plentifully,
  with the bread that cometh down from heaven, at Barley Hall.

  “Last night, I preached in Leeds, to many, many thousands; and
  this morning also, at five o’clock. Methinks, I am now got into
  another climate. It must be a warm one, where there are so many
  of God’s people. Our Pentecost is to be kept at Mr. Grimshaw’s.
  I have seen him and Mr. Ingham.”

Concerning the “Pentecost” kept at Haworth, on Sunday, June 3rd, no
record has been preserved, except a mere notice, which will be found
in a subsequent letter. The reader must imagine the great preacher,
standing on his temporary scaffold, by the side of Grimshaw’s church,
with thousands upon thousands listening to his impassioned eloquence,
and the surrounding hills and dales echoing with his unequalled voice.

Leaving Haworth, Whitefield proceeded to Manchester, where he wrote, as
follows, to Lady Gertrude Hotham, daughter of the Earl of Chesterfield,
and wife of Sir Charles Hotham, Bart:――

                                    “MANCHESTER, _June 8, 1750_.

  “HONOURED MADAM,――Thousands and thousands, for some time past,
  have flocked to hear the word twice every day, and the power
  of God has attended it in a glorious manner. I left good Lady
  Huntingdon, some time ago, weak in body, but strong in the grace
  which is in Christ Jesus. The good people of Ashby were so kind
  as to mob round her ladyship’s door, whilst the gospel was being
  preached. Alas! how great and irreconcilable is the enmity of
  the serpent! This is my comfort――the seed of the woman shall be
  more than conqueror over all. I hope your ladyship, every day,
  experiences more and more of this conquest in your heart. This
  is the Christian’s daily employ and daily triumph――to die to
  self and sin, and to rise more and more into the image of the
  blessed Jesus. As it is our duty, so it is our unspeakable
  privilege.”

From Manchester, Whitefield set out on a tour through what was called
“Ingham’s Circuit,” a large mountainous tract of country where Ingham
had preached with great success, and had founded Societies. The
following, addressed to the Countess of Huntingdon, will give the
reader an idea of Whitefield’s labours:――

                                  “NEWBY-COTE, _June 16, 1750_.

  “HONOURED MADAM,――Blessed be God! I have still good news to send
  your ladyship. All was quiet at Manchester; and, I humbly hope,
  the Redeemer will gather to Himself a people there.[281] Kind
  Captain Galatin and his lady will acquaint you with particulars.
  I hope he will prove a good soldier of Jesus Christ. We had
  sweet seasons at places adjacent to Manchester. Only, at Bolton,
  a drunkard stood up to preach behind me; and a woman attempted
  twice to stab the person who was putting up a stand, for me
  to preach on, in her husband’s field. Since that, we have had
  very large and powerful meetings, where formerly were the most
  violent outrages.[282] Perhaps, within these three weeks, sixty
  thousand souls have heard the gospel. I am now in Mr. Ingham’s
  circuit, and purpose being at Kendal next Thursday.”

To this Whitefield appends the following postscript:――

  “June 17th, seven in the morning. Last night Satan shewed his
  teeth. Some persons got into the barn and stable, and cut my
  chaise, and one of the horse’s tails. What would men do, if they
  could?”

Whitefield arrived at Kendal four days after this, where he wrote the
following to his friend Hervey:――

                                      “KENDAL, _June 21, 1750_.

  “REV. AND VERY DEAR SIR,――I arrived at Kendal this morning,
  where I shall preach this evening. An entrance is now made into
  Westmoreland. Pen cannot well describe the glorious scenes that
  have opened in Yorkshire, etc. Perhaps, since I saw you, seventy
  or eighty thousand have attended the word preached, in divers
  places. At Haworth, on Whit-Sunday, the church was almost thrice
  filled with communicants; and, at Kirby-Stephen, the people
  behaved exceedingly well.

  “In my way, I have read Mr. Law’s second part of ‘The Spirit of
  Prayer.’ His scheme about the fall is quite chimerical; but he
  says many noble things. The sun has its spots, and so have the
  best of men. I want to see my own faults more, and those of
  others less. It will be so, when I am more humble. If mercies
  would make a creature humble, I should be a mirror of humility.
  But I am far from the mind that was in Jesus. You must pray,
  while I go on fighting. Next week, I hope to reach Edinburgh.
  You shall have notice of my return. Glad shall I be to meet such
  a friend upon the road.”

On the same day, he wrote to the Rev. William Baddiley, domestic
chaplain to the Countess of Huntingdon. Mr. Baddiley was now in London,
and his place at Ashby was supplied by the Rev. Charles Caspar Graves
and the Rev. Mr. Simpson, the former a brave-hearted Oxford Methodist,
who, in 1742, had accompanied Charles Wesley to Newcastle-upon-Tyne,
and helped him in forming the Methodist Society in that important town,
and who, in the year following, preached, for months, among the almost
incarnate fiends in Wednesbury, and in other parishes adjacent, but who
now had a church not far from Lady Huntingdon’s country residence. Mr.
Simpson, also, was one of the Oxford Methodists, and had been ordained,
and presented to a living of considerable value in Leicestershire. This,
however, he resigned, and, having left the Church of England, was now a
Moravian minister at Ockbrook.

                                      “KENDAL, _June 21, 1750_.

  “REV. AND VERY DEAR SIR,――I am glad you have sounded the silver
  trumpet in London. ‘_Crescit eundo_’ must be your motto and mine.
  There is nothing like keeping the wheels oiled by action. The
  more we do, the more we may do; every act strengthens the habit;
  and the best preparation for preaching on Sundays, is to preach
  every day in the week.

  “I am glad there is peace at Ashby. What a fool is Satan always
  to overshoot his mark! I hope Mr. Graves, as well as Mr. Simpson,
  will hold on. They will be glorious monuments of free grace. I
  am like-minded with you in respect to Dr. Doddridge’s Commentary.
  He is a glorious writer. May the Lord Jesus strengthen him to
  finish the work!

  “My dear Mr. Baddiley, what blessed opportunities do you enjoy
  for meditation, study, and prayer! Now is your time to get
  rich in grace. Such an example, and such advantages, no one in
  England is favoured with but yourself. I do not envy you. I am
  called forth to battle. O remember a poor cowardly soldier, and
  pray that I may have the honour to die fighting. I would have
  all my scars in my breast. I would not be wounded running away,
  or skulking into a hiding-place. It is not for ministers of
  Christ to flee, or be afraid.”

Five days afterwards, Whitefield wrote to the Countess of Huntingdon:――

                                      “KENDAL, _June 26, 1750_.

  “HONOURED MADAM,――Still the Lord vouchsafes to prosper the
  gospel plough. Such an entrance has been made into Kendal,
  as could not have been expected. I preached twice, to several
  thousands, last week; and the people were so importunate, that
  I was prevailed on to return last night. The congregation was
  greatly increased, and the power of the Lord was displayed in
  the midst of them.

  “Last Saturday evening, and on the Lord’s-day, I preached at
  Ulverstone. There Satan made some resistance. A clergyman, who
  looked more like a butcher than a minister, came with two others,
  and charged a constable with me; but I never saw a poor creature
  sent off in such disgrace. I believe good was done in the town.
  How I am to succeed at Whitehaven, your ladyship shall know
  hereafter. I hear Mr. Wesley has been much abused in Ireland,
  but that the mayor of Cork has quite overshot himself. I have
  some thoughts of seeing Ireland before my return.”[284]

Whitefield reached Edinburgh on Friday, July 6th, having preached,
since he left London, two months before, above ninety times, and,
as he estimated, to a hundred and forty thousand people. He, at once,
commenced preaching in his open-air cathedral, the Orphan Hospital
Park;[285] and, on July 12th, wrote, as follows, to the Countess of
Huntingdon:――

  “Though I am burning with a fever, and have a violent cold,
  I must send your ladyship a few lines. They bring good news.
  People flock rather more than ever, and earnestly entreat me not
  to leave them soon. I preach generally twice a day,――early in
  the morning, and at six in the evening. Great multitudes attend.
  Praise the Lord, O my soul! Mr. Nimmo and his family are in the
  number of those who are left in Sardis, and have not defiled
  their garments. Your ladyship’s health is drunk every day.”

James Nimmo, Esq., Receiver-General of the Excise, was connected with
some of the first families in Scotland. His mother was a daughter of
Henry, Lord Cardross. His wife, Lady Jane Hume, was third daughter of
the Earl of Marchmont, and sister of Hugh, fourth Earl of Marchmont,
one of the executors of Pope the poet, and also of Sarah, Duchess of
Marlborough. Mr. Nimmo’s house was Whitefield’s Edinburgh home; and,
during his visit, Lady Jane Nimmo, in a letter to the Countess of
Huntingdon, remarked:――

  “Greater crowds than ever flock to hear Mr. Whitefield. Dear
  Lady Frances Gardiner is very active in bringing people to hear
  him, to some of whom, there is reason to believe, the word has
  been blessed. There is a great awakening among all classes.
  Truth is great, and will prevail, though all manner of evil is
  spoken against it. The fields are more than white, and ready
  unto harvest, in Scotland.”[286]

Having preached twenty times in Edinburgh, Whitefield, on the 19th of
July, set out for Glasgow,[287] where, on the 23rd, he wrote:――

  “Friends here received me most kindly, and the congregations,
  I think, are larger than ever. Yesterday” (Sunday), “besides
  preaching twice in the field, I preached in the College Kirk,
  being forced by Mr. Gillies. It was a blessed season. I have met
  and shaken hands with Mr. Ralph Erskine. Oh, when shall God’s
  people learn war no more?”

On July 27, he returned to Edinburgh;[288] and, two days later, wrote
to Lady Huntingdon:――

  “No one can well describe the order, attention, and earnestness
  of the Scotch congregations. They are unwearied in hearing
  the gospel. I left thousands sorrowful at Glasgow; and here I
  was again most gladly received last night. By preaching always
  twice, and once thrice, and once four times in a day, I am quite
  weakened; but I hope to recruit again, and get fresh strength to
  work for Jesus.”

On August 3rd, Whitefield set out for London,[289] and, at Berwick,
wrote again to the Countess:――

                                    “BERWICK, _August 4, 1750_.

  “I have taken a very sorrowful leave of Scotland. The longer
  I continued there, the more the congregations, and the power
  that attended the word, increased. I have reason to think that
  many are under convictions, and am assured that hundreds have
  received great benefit and consolation. I shall have reason to
  bless God to all eternity for this last visit to Scotland. Not a
  dog moved his tongue all the while I was there, and many enemies
  were glad to be at peace with me. Preaching so frequently, and
  paying so many religious visits, weakened me very much; but I am
  already better for my riding thus far. One of the ministers here
  has sent me an offer of his pulpit, and I hear of about ten more
  round the town who would do the same. I came here this evening”
  (Friday), “and purpose to set out for Newcastle on Monday
  morning.”

Such extracts as these are fragments; but, put together, they form
a sort of diary, and exhibit Whitefield’s enormous labours, and his
marvellous popularity and success.

When Whitefield arrived in London, Hervey had become an inmate of his
house, and wrote: “Great care is taken of me. The house is very open
and airy, and has no bugs, a sort of city gentry for which I have
no fondness.”[290] The two friends visited Lady Gertrude Hotham, one
of whose daughters was dying; and, by their joint instrumentality,
the sufferer was led to the Saviour. Hervey attended Whitefield’s
ministry at the Tabernacle, and speaks of him as being “in labours
more abundant,” “a pattern of zeal and ministerial fidelity.”[291]

Though Whitefield had been four months from home, the time had not come
for him to settle in his “_winter quarters_.” First of all, he ran off
to Portsmouth, and was there when Miss Hotham died. At his return to
London, he wrote:――

  “September 14. I was received with great joy, and our Lord has
  manifested His glory in the great congregation. I have preached
  in Mr. Wesley’s chapel several times. Mr. Wesley breakfasted and
  prayed with me this morning; and Mr. Hervey was so kind as to
  come up and be with me in my house. He is a dear man; and, I
  trust, will yet be spared to write much for the Redeemer’s glory.”

On the same day, Charles Wesley wrote, in his Journal: “I met James
Hervey at the Tabernacle, and in the fellowship of the spirit of love.”

Never since they had left Oxford had the four old friends met together
till now. Fifteen years had elapsed since then,――years full of strange
and unforeseen adventures.

Two other clergymen were now introduced into the circle of Whitefield’s
friends.

Martin Madan,――tall in stature, robust in constitution, his countenance
open and majestic, his voice musical and strong, his delivery graceful,
and his language plain and nervous,――was the eldest son of Colonel
Madan, and bred to the study of the law. While in a coffee-house, with
some of his gay companions, he was requested to go and hear Wesley
preach. He went, and, on his return to the coffee-room, was asked, “if
he had taken off the old Methodist?” “No,” said the young barrister,
“No, gentlemen, but he has taken me off.” From that time, he abandoned
his old companions, formed an acquaintance with the Countess of
Huntingdon, and embraced the truth as it is in Jesus. Possessed of a
private fortune of £1800 a year, he renounced his legal profession, and
was now an ordained clergyman of the Church of England. He soon became
immensely popular; but ultimately died, in 1790, beneath the dark cloud
of his chimerical and mischievous “Thelypthora.”

Moses Browne, afterwards well known as vicar of Olney, and chaplain
of Morden College, Blackheath, had never been at either of the
universities, had a large family, and a slender purse. For twenty years,
he had been a constant contributor to the _Gentleman’s Magazine_, and
had obtained some of the prizes offered by Mr. Cave for the best poems
sent to that periodical. He had enjoyed the friendship of Dr. Watts, by
whose kindness he was introduced to Lady Huntingdon; and, at her house,
met many of the poets and _literati_ of the day. Moses was passionately
fond of dancing and of theatrical amusements; but, under the preaching
of the Methodists, he had been converted, and now wanted to be a
clergyman. Testimonials were signed by Hervey, Hartley, and Baddiley.
Lady Huntingdon asked Hoadley, Bishop of Winchester, to ordain him; but
his lordship politely refused the application. She requested the same
favour of the Bishop of Worcester; and ultimately, through the interest
of the Hon. Welbore Ellis, then one of the Lords of the Admiralty,
ordination was obtained, and the poor poet became a successful parish
priest.[292]

Both of these gentlemen are mentioned in the following letter to the
Countess of Huntingdon:――

                                  “LONDON, _September 17, 1750_.

  “EVER-HONOURED MADAM,――Yesterday afternoon, I returned from
  Chatham, where, I think, there is as promising a work begun as
  almost in any part of England. Last night, the Redeemer’s glory
  was seen in the Tabernacle; and your ladyship’s letter revived
  my heart, and gave me fresh hopes for ungrateful Ashby.

  “I am glad Mr. Madan is ordained; and hope Mr. Browne will be
  soon. I find your ladyship has acted in the affair like yourself.
  Mr. Browne is much for embarking in the cause of Christ, and, if
  the D―――― would help him at this juncture, he might be a useful
  and happy man. Both he and Mr. Hervey have a grateful sense of
  your ladyship’s great kindness. The latter, I believe, intends
  to winter with me in London. If possible, I will prevail on Mr.
  Hartley to come and pay him a visit. To-morrow morning, I set
  out for Gloucester, and intend coming to Birmingham, and so to
  your ladyship’s.”

Whitefield reached the Countess’s residence on October 4th, and
remained there the next eleven days. His past and his present
proceedings may be learnt by the following extracts from his letters:――

  “Ashby, October 9, 1750. I am now at the house of her ladyship,
  with four other clergymen, who, I believe, love and preach
  Christ in sincerity; but Ashby people reject the kingdom of God
  against themselves. At Portsmouth, Chatham, Gloucestershire,
  Birmingham, Wednesbury, Evesham, Nottingham, etc., our infinite
  High Priest has given us pleasant seasons. I am now waiting
  every day for my wife’s being delivered of her present burden,
  and hope, ere long, to rejoice that a child is born into the
  world. O that it may be born again, and be made an heir of the
  Redeemer’s kingdom!”

  “Ashby, October 11.” (To the Countess Delitz.) “Good Lady
  Huntingdon goes on acting the part of a mother in Israel more
  and more. For a day or two, she has had five clergymen under her
  roof, which makes her ladyship look like a good archbishop with
  his chaplains around him. Her house is indeed a Bethel. To us
  in the ministry, it looks like a college. We have the sacrament
  every morning, heavenly consolation all day, and preaching at
  night. This is to _live at court_ indeed. Your ladyship, and the
  other elect ladies, are never forgotten by us.”

In reference to this memorable visit, the Countess of Huntingdon wrote
to Lady Fanny Shirley, as follows:――

  “It was a time of refreshing from the presence of our God.
  Several of our little circle have been wonderfully filled with
  the love of God, and have had joy unspeakable and full of glory.
  Lady Frances” (Hastings) “is rejoicing in hope of the glory of
  God. It is impossible to conceive a more real happiness than
  she enjoys. Dear Mr. Whitefield’s sermons and exhortations were
  close, searching, experimental, awful, and awakening. Surely
  God was with him. He appeared to speak of spiritual and divine
  things as awful realities. Many of us could witness to the truth
  of what he uttered. His discourses in the neighbouring churches
  were attended with power from on high, and the kingdom of
  darkness trembled before the gospel of Christ.”[293]

On Monday, October 15, Whitefield set out for what he called his
“winter quarters,” in London; but, a month afterwards, he was at
Canterbury, preaching with his characteristic zest and power. Despite
great opposition, one of Wesley’s Societies had been formed in this
venerable city, and here Wesley himself had spent three days at the
beginning of the year. Now Whitefield came, and wrote: “The work
increases at Canterbury. I find several souls are awakened.”

The visit of two of the Methodist chieftains to this archiepiscopal
city, in the same year, was too serious an effrontery to be allowed to
pass unnoticed. The Rev. John Kirkby was rector of Blackmanstone, but a
rector almost without a flock, Blackmanstone, in 1831, containing only
five parishioners! Mr. Kirkby’s parochial work was――what? He had ample
leisure to chastise the Methodists. Accordingly, he published an 8vo.
pamphlet of fifty-five pages, with the elaborate title, “The Impostor
Detected; or, the Counterfeit Saint turned inside out. Containing
a full discovery of the horrid blasphemies and impieties taught by
those diabolical seducers called Methodists, under colour of the only
_real Christianity_. Particularly intended for the use of the city of
Canterbury, where that ministry of iniquity has lately begun to work.
By John Kirkby, Rector of Blackmanstone, in Kent. ‘By their fruits ye
shall know them’ (Matt. vii. 20). London, 1750.”

Mr. Kirkby’s pamphlet was even more rancorous than its title. He could
hardly have been more vulgarly abusive if, instead of Blackmanstone, he
had been rector of Billingsgate.

While at Canterbury, Whitefield wrote a letter to Mr. S――――, in Ireland,
which is too characteristic to be omitted.[294]

                              “CANTERBURY, _November 20, 1750_.

  “MY DEAR MR. S――――, As far as I can judge of the circumstances
  you related to me, settling, as you propose, would not hinder,
  but rather further, you in your present work. Only beware of
  nestling. If you do, and God loves you, you shall have thorns
  enough put into your nest. O that I may be enabled, even to the
  end, to evidence that nothing but a pure disinterested love to
  Christ and souls caused me to begin, go on, and hold out, in
  pursuing the present work of God! I have seen so many who once
  bid exceedingly fair, and afterwards, Demas-like, preferred the
  world to Christ, that I cannot be too jealous over myself, or
  others whom I profess to love. This is my motive in writing to
  you. O let no one take away your crown. If you marry, let it be
  in the Lord, and for the Lord, and then the Lord will give it
  His blessing. Only remember this, marry when or whom you will,
  expect trouble in the flesh. But I spare you. Seven years hence,
  if we should live and meet, we can talk better of these things.
  Meanwhile, let us go on leaning on our Beloved. He, and He alone,
  can keep us unspotted from the world.”

Shortly after this, Whitefield had a serious illness, which he called
a “violent fever,” and which kept him confined to his room nearly a
fortnight. As soon as he was able, he resumed his preaching, and also
his correspondence. To one of his friends, he wrote: “December 17th.
Yesterday, I entered upon my seven-and-thirtieth year. I am ashamed
to think I have lived so long, and done so little.” To another:
“December 21. I have been near the gates of death, which has hindered
my answering your kind letter as soon as I proposed. I shall be glad
to know your friend’s answer about Georgia. If the Lord raises up a
solid, heavenly-minded, learned young man for a tutor, I shall be glad.
Nothing, I believe, but sickness or death, will prevent my going over
next year. Methinks the winter is long. I want to take the field again.”

Whitefield longed to be in America; and, notwithstanding past revivals,
America was in need of him. Hence the following extract from a hitherto
unpublished letter, kindly lent by Mr. Stampe, of Grimsby:――

                            “PHILADELPHIA, _December 15, 1750_.

  “REVEREND AND DEAR BROTHER,――Religion, at present, is very low
  in general in this country. A great deadness prevails, and few
  appear to be converted; but the Church of Christ, I trust, is,
  in some measure, edified by the word of God. We wish and hope
  for better times. I am glad that you are able to continue your
  itinerancy, and that with such encouragement and success. May
  your life and labours be long continued, and be blessed to the
  great increase of Christ’s kingdom on earth, and the brightening
  of your own crown in heaven!

  “I am much obliged to you, dear sir, for the hope you gave me,
  in a letter I received from you, of doing something among your
  friends to assist us in completing the new house of public
  worship, which we are erecting. Some time ago, I told you of
  the difficult and necessitous state of our case; and I may now
  add, that we are likely to lose many hundreds of pounds that
  were promised. This is very discouraging. However, we have got
  the house covered, and hope to have the pleasure of hearing
  you preach in it next fall. Dear sir, as I know your hearty
  good-will towards the interests of religion in general, and
  towards us in particular, I cannot but believe that you will
  compassionate us, and will use your best endeavours for us,
  I forbear incitements to a mind that needs them not. I salute
  yourself and your consort with cordial respect; and remain yours
  as formerly,

                                              “GILBERT TENNENT.”

Whitefield was always ready to assist his friends, both at home and
abroad. Just at this juncture, Moses Browne, with his large family,
was in pecuniary embarrassment. Lady Fanny Shirley took great interest
in his case, and applied to the Duchess of Somerset[295] and others to
afford him help.[296] Whitefield refers to this in the following letter
to Lady Fanny:――

                                  “LONDON, _December 25, 1750_.

  “HONOURED MADAM,――Poor Mr. Browne is much obliged to your
  ladyship for speaking in his behalf. He happened to be with me
  when your ladyship’s letter came. The reception your kind motion
  met with, convinces me more and more that, ‘Be ye warmed, and be
  ye filled,’ without giving anything to be warmed and filled with,
  is the farthest that most professors go. Words are cheap, and
  cost nothing. I often told the poor man that his dependence was
  too strong, and that I was afraid help would not come from the
  quarter where he most expected. He sends ten thousand thanks
  for what your ladyship has done already. Surely he is worthy.
  He is a lover of Christ, and his outward circumstances are very
  pitiable. Your ladyship will not be offended at the liberty
  I take. You love to help the distressed to the utmost of your
  power; and your ladyship shall find that good measure, pressed
  down and running over, shall be returned into your bosom.”

To Whitefield, the year 1751 opened sadly. It is true, he speaks
of having had “Life and Times of the Countess of Huntingdon,” in
London, and of many being awakened to a consciousness of their sins
and danger; but his own health was shaken, his wife was “expecting an
hour of travail,” and death was entering the mansion of the Countess
of Huntingdon. During the whole of December, the Countess had been
dangerously ill; and, at the beginning of 1751, her health declined so
rapidly, that Whitefield was requested to hasten to Ashby with all the
speed he could. He obeyed the summons; but, before his arrival, death
had claimed a victim,――not, however, Whitefield’s honoured patroness;
she was spared to the Church and the world forty years longer; but Lady
Frances Hastings, sister of her late husband, was taken to the rest of
the righteous; and Lady Selina, the Countess’s daughter, was extremely
ill, though slowly recovering from a fever. Extracts from two of
Whitefield’s letters will tell all that it is needful to relate:――

  “Ashby, January 29, 1751. I rode post to Ashby, not knowing
  whether I should see good Lady Huntingdon alive. Blessed be God!
  she is somewhat better. Entreat all our friends to pray for her.
  Her sister-in-law, Lady Frances Hastings, lies dead in the house.
  She was a retired Christian, lived silently, and died suddenly,
  without a groan. May my exit be like hers! Whether right or not,
  I cannot help wishing that I may go off in the same manner. To
  me it is worse than death, to live to be nursed, and see friends
  weeping about one. Sudden death is sudden glory. But all this
  must be left to our heavenly Father.”

Strangely enough, Whitefield’s wish, so often uttered, was literally
fulfilled. To Lady Mary Hamilton, Whitefield wrote:――

  “Ashby, January 30, 1751. I found good Lady Huntingdon very sick,
  though, I trust, not unto death. The death of Lady Frances was
  a translation. Almost all the family have been sick. Lady Selina
  has had a fever, but is better. Lady Betty is more affected than
  ever I saw her. Lady Ann bears up pretty well, but Miss Wheeler
  is inconsolable. It is a house of mourning; that is better than
  a house of feasting. The corpse is to be interred on Friday”
  (February 1) “evening. May all who follow it, look and learn!
  I mean learn to live, and learn to die.”

Whitefield remained some days after the funeral, and then returned to
London, where, to use his own expression, his wife was “exceeding bad.”
Three weeks afterwards, he wrote the following to Lady Huntingdon;
but makes no mention, in any of his letters, of the accouchement of
his wife. It is probable, that, like her last, the present child was
dead:――

                                  “LONDON, _February 26, 1751_.

  “EVER-HONOURED MADAM,――It would rejoice your ladyship to see
  what has been doing here. I have not known a more considerable
  awakening for a long time. The Lord comes down as in the days
  of old, and the shout of a king is amongst us. Praise the Lord,
  O my soul! To-morrow, I purpose to leave London; but whether
  the rain and wind will permit me is uncertain. At present, I am
  feverish, by my late hurry and fatigue.

  “Underneath your ladyship are the everlasting arms. You cannot
  sink with such a prop. He is faithful, who has promised, that we
  shall not be tempted above what we are able to bear. This is my
  daily support. To explain God’s providence by His promise, and
  not His promise by His providence, I find is the only way both
  to get and to keep our comforts.”

Whitefield was detained in London a few days longer; but, early in the
month of March, set out for Bristol, where the Countess of Huntingdon
was then staying for the benefit of her health.

Hervey’s health was such that he was unable to accompany his friend;
and, hence, Whitefield applied to the Rev. Thomas Hartley, and, as a
persuasion to come, told him that the Countess would be benefited by
his visit, he would have access to some of the Bristol pulpits, and,
perhaps, would “catch some great fish in the gospel net.”[297]

After about a fortnight’s stay in Bristol, he started for Plymouth,
preaching at Taunton and Wellington on his way. On his return, he wrote
to Hervey, dating his letter, “Exeter, April 11, 1751.” He tells the
amiable invalid that he would count it “a great honour and privilege”
to have him as his guest for the remainder of his life. During the
last month, he had had “some trying exercises;” but he had “preached
about forty times,” and, in several instances, had ridden forty miles
a day. He had been among Hervey’s old friends at Bideford; and had been
blessed with “sweet seasons at Plymouth.”

It is impossible to determine what were the “trying exercises,” which
Whitefield mentions. One was the affliction of his wife. Perhaps,
another was occasioned by the insertion of a letter in the _Gentleman’s
Magazine_, proposing that, because “Whitefield preached that man, the
chief work of God in this lower world, _by nature is half brute and
half devil_,” the following lines should be inscribed on the door
of Whitefield’s house, and should not be removed until he “recanted
his shocking account of human nature, and declared that man is the
_offspring of God_, and formed _by nature_ to approve and love what
is _just_ and _good_”:――

         “Here lives one by nature half brute and half devil.
          Avoid him, ye wise, though he speak kind and civil.
          The devil can seem like an _angel of light_,
          And _dogs_ look _demure_, the better to bite.”

It is rather surprising that a squib so paltry was admitted into Mr.
Cave’s respectable magazine; and yet it gave birth to a controversy, in
that periodical, which lasted until the month of October next ensuing,
not fewer than six different articles, for and against, being published
on the subject.

Probably, another cause of Whitefield’s “trying exercises” was the
publication, about this period, of the third part of Lavington’s
“Enthusiasm of Methodists and Papists compared,” an 8vo. volume of
four hundred and twenty pages. This was the bishop’s big gun, pointed
at Wesley almost altogether, but discharging a few stray shots at
Whitefield. It was not pleasant, for instance, to find the author
perverting Whitefield’s honest acknowledgment of the errors into which
he had unwittingly fallen, by declaring, “Whitefield has _confessed_
that he has _imposed_ upon the world by many _untruths_” (p. 263).
Whitefield never confessed anything of the sort; and Dr. Lavington,
Bishop of Exeter, knew, when he wrote these words, that he himself was
writing an _untruth_.

Lampoons, and episcopal mendacity like this, were, without doubt,
annoying. It was also a matter of profound grief, that, in the bulky
volume just mentioned, his friend Wesley should be made the butt of all
the sneering sarcasm which Lavington could bring to bear against him.
There were likewise other annoyances, as may be gathered from the title
of a pamphlet of sixteen pages, which was at this time published: “A
Vindication of the Methodists and Moravians from an Assertion in a
Sermon lately printed. Also some Thoughts on the Latter Times.” The
“Assertion” was, that, at least, some of the Methodists and Moravians
were endeavouring “to encourage and increase the Romish religion;”
that it was certain that Methodism and Moravianism would “at last issue
in Popery;” and that some of the present preachers would be employed
in spreading it “both here, and in all our colonies and plantations
abroad.” The author of the pamphlet did his best to vindicate
Whitefield and his friends; but he was so full of millenarianism, that
his defence was worthless, and, instead of serving the Methodists, was
likely to injure them.

In the midst of all this worry and vexation, Whitefield found comfort
and cause of exultation in a fact which ought to have augmented the
severity of his “trying exercises:” slavery was authorised in Georgia!
Read in the light of the last hundred years, the following letter,
addressed to a minister in America, is, to say the least, a curious
production:――

                                    “BRISTOL, _March 22, 1751_.

  “REVEREND AND VERY DEAR SIR,――My wife has been in pitiable
  circumstances for some time. The Lord only knows what will
  be the issue of them. This is my comfort, ‘All things work
  together for good to those that love God.’ He is the Father
  of mercies, and the God of all consolation. He can bring light
  out of darkness, and cause the barren wilderness to smile.

  “This will be verified in Georgia. Thanks be to God! that the
  time for favouring that colony seems to be come. Now is the
  season for us to exert ourselves to the utmost for the good of
  the poor Ethiopians. We are told, that, even they are soon to
  stretch out their hands unto God. And who knows but that their
  being settled in Georgia maybe over-ruled for this great end?

  “As to the lawfulness of keeping slaves, I have no doubt, since
  I hear of some that were bought with Abraham’s money, and some
  that were born in his house. I, also, cannot help thinking,
  that some of those servants mentioned by the apostles, in
  their epistles, were or had been slaves. It is plain that the
  Gibeonites were doomed to perpetual slavery; and, though liberty
  is a sweet thing to such as are born free, yet to those who
  never knew the sweets of it, slavery perhaps may not be so
  irksome.

  “However this be, it is plain to a demonstration, that
  hot countries cannot be cultivated without negroes. What a
  flourishing country might Georgia have been, had the use of
  them been permitted years ago! How many white people have been
  destroyed for want of them, and how many thousands of pounds
  spent to no purpose at all! Had Mr. Henry been in America,
  I believe he would have seen the lawfulness and necessity of
  having negroes there. And, though it is true that they are
  brought in a wrong way from their native country, and it is
  a trade not to be approved of, yet, as it will be carried on
  whether we will or not, I should think myself highly favoured
  if I could purchase a good number of them, to make their
  lives comfortable, and lay a foundation for breeding up their
  posterity in the nurture and admonition of the Lord.

  “You know, dear sir, that I had no hand in bringing them into
  Georgia. Though my judgment was for it, and so much money
  was yearly spent to no purpose, and I was strongly importuned
  thereto, yet I would have no negro upon my plantation, till
  the use of them was publicly allowed in the colony. Now this
  is done, let us reason no more about it, but diligently improve
  the present opportunity for their instruction. The Trustees
  favour it, and we may never have a like prospect. It rejoiced
  my soul, to hear that one of my poor negroes in Carolina was
  made a brother in Christ. How know we but we may have many
  such instances in Georgia before long? By mixing with your
  people, I trust many of them will be brought to Jesus; and this
  consideration, as to us, swallows up all temporal inconveniences
  whatsoever.”

Whitefield’s letter is a distracting compound of good and evil
principles. Probably it will lower his character in the estimation of
not a few who read it. Be it so. The letter exists, and it would not be
honest to withhold it.

From April 11th, to May 24th, when he arrived in Dublin, nothing
is known of Whitefield’s work, except that, on leaving Exeter, he
passed through Wales, and that, “in about three weeks,” he “rode
above five hundred miles, and generally preached twice a day, and that
his congregations were as large as usual.”[298] At Dublin, he became
the guest of Mr. Lunell, the banker. The following extracts from his
letters will furnish an idea of his work in Ireland:――

                                        “DUBLIN, _June 1, 1751_.

  “After being about five days on the water, I arrived here on the
  24th ult. I have now preached fourteen times. Congregations are
  large, and hear as for eternity. Last Lord’s-day, upwards of ten
  thousand attended. It much resembled a Moorfields auditory. I
  lodge at a banker’s, a follower of Christ.”

On Monday, June 4th, Whitefield set out for Athlone, and thence
proceeded to Limerick and Cork. To Lady Huntingdon he wrote as
follows:――

  “Athlone, June 10. As the weather grows warmer, my body grows
  weaker, and my vomitings follow me continually. For this week
  past, I have been preaching twice almost every day in country
  towns; and yesterday, I sounded the gospel-trumpet here.
  Everywhere there seems to be a stirring among the dry bones.
  Through the many offences that have been lately given, matters
  were brought to a low ebb; but the cry now is, ‘Methodism is
  revived again.’”[299]

A week later he says:――

  “Limerick, June 14. At Athlone, I preached four times, and last
  night was gladly received here at Limerick. Everywhere, our
  Lord has vouchsafed us His blessed presence. This supports me
  under the heat of the weather, the weakness of my body, and the
  various trials which exercise my mind.”

In other letters to Lady Huntingdon, he wrote:――

  “Cork, June 19. Since my last from Athlone, I have been at
  Limerick, where I preached seven times to large and affected
  auditories. Yesterday, I came to Cork, the seat of the late
  persecution. I have preached twice, to a great body of people,
  with all quietness. Both the mayor and sheriff have forbidden
  all mobbing. Now have the people of God rest. Next week, I shall
  return to Dublin.

  “Dublin, June 28. My last, from Cork, informed your ladyship of
  my having preached twice in that city. From thence, I went to
  Bandon and Kinsale, where a like blessing attended the word. At
  my return to Cork, I preached five or six times more, and, every
  time, the power of the word and the number of hearers increased.
  On Sunday evening, there might be more than three thousand
  people present. Hundreds prayed for me when I took my leave;
  and many of the papists said, if I would stay, they would leave
  their priests. After preaching twice in the way, I came here on
  Wednesday evening, where I have again published the everlasting
  gospel. Next Monday, I set out for Belfast.

  “Belfast, July 7, Sunday. On Wednesday evening, I came hither,
  and intended immediately to embark for Scotland, but the people
  prevailed on me to stay. In about an hour’s time, thousands
  were gathered to hear the word. I preached morning and evening;
  and, since then, have preached at Lisburn, Lurgan, the Maize,
  and Lambeg, towns and places adjacent. So many attend, and the
  prospect of doing good is so promising, that I am grieved I did
  not come to the north sooner. The country round about is like
  Yorkshire in England, and quite different from the most southern
  parts of Ireland. I am now waiting for a passage to Scotland.
  From thence your ladyship shall hear from me again.”

This was enormous labour for a man in feeble health; but Whitefield
loved his work, and that helped to make hard things easy.

It is only fair to add, that, except at Belfast and the adjacent towns,
Whitefield was treading in the steps of his old friend Wesley. At
Dublin, Wesley had had a Society since 1747. He had preached at Athlone
with great success as early as 1748. He had a Society in Limerick in
1749. Methodism in Cork has been already noticed. At Bandon, Wesley
speaks of having had “by far the largest congregations he had seen in
Ireland.” And, at Kinsale, he had preached in the Exchange, “to a few
gentry, many poor people, and abundance of soldiers.”[300]

The following hitherto unpublished letter,[301] by Whitefield’s wife,
belongs to this period. It was addressed to the Countess of Huntingdon.

                                      “LONDON, _July 13, 1751_.

  “HONOURED MADAM,――I am almost ashamed to write to your ladyship
  now; but have not been able to write sooner. I have been so ill
  since I came home, that Dr. Lobb and Dr. Nisbett have attended
  me, more or less, ever since. I was in bed when I received
  your ladyship’s letter, and was not able to read it. I had a
  pleuritic fever, and was so low that the doctor durst not bleed
  me. I am glad to hear, by Mr. Smith, that your ladyship is so
  well. God be praised! O may the good Lord give your ladyship
  a prosperous soul in a healthy body, to His own glory, and the
  good of very many poor souls!

  “Your ladyship has heard of God’s goodness to my dear honoured
  master in Ireland. A gentleman writes me thus: ‘Dear Mr.
  Whitefield has left Dublin very sorrowful. His going away is
  lamented by many of all denominations,’ etc., etc. My master
  left Dublin on the 2nd inst.; but I have not heard from him
  since the 22nd of June. Here are letters from Georgia, bringing
  good and bad news; the good, they are all well; the bad, they
  run him behind very much. But all is well. The Lord has been and
  is exceedingly good to us at the poor Tabernacle, and lets it
  often be filled with His glory. O, dear madam, what am I, and
  what my father’s house, that I am so highly favoured to be
  called a child of God! Oh, to be a _child!_ Dear, dear madam, I
  am almost lost in thought. What! to have the great Jehovah, the
  God of heaven and earth, to be my Father; to make my bed in my
  sickness; to be afflicted in all my affliction; to support me in
  and under all my trials and temptations, and to make His abode
  with me! Thinking of this has sometimes been too much for my
  weak nature to bear. Oh for the time when we shall be dissolved,
  and be for ever with the Lord!

  “I hope your ladyship will excuse the length of this; but I
  could not help it. I have not been able to write to or see the
  Countess Delitz, or any friend; but hope to get strength. I
  beg a share in your ladyship’s prayers; and hope this will find
  your ladyship, Lady Betty, and Lady Selina in health of body and
  soul, rejoicing in the Lord. This is and shall be the prayer of,
  honoured madam, your ladyship’s most obliged and dutiful servant,
  in our dear Lord Jesus,

                                                “E. WHITEFIELD.”

A beautiful letter, and worthy of the woman who had the honour to be
the wife of Whitefield. Her husband arrived at Glasgow on Wednesday,
July 10th;[302] and, two days afterwards, wrote as follows, to the
Countess of Huntingdon:――

                                      “GLASGOW, _July 12, 1751_.

  “EVER-HONOURED MADAM,――My last was from Belfast, where I
  preached twice on yesterday sevennight, and immediately after
  took shipping, and arrived the next evening at Irvine. At the
  desire of the magistrates, I preached to a great congregation.
  Since then, I have been preaching twice a day in this city.
  Thousands attend every morning and evening. Though I preached
  near eighty times in Ireland, and God was pleased to bless His
  word, yet Scotland seems to be a new world to me. To see the
  people bring so many Bibles, and turn to every passage, when
  I am expounding, is very encouraging. My body is kept pretty
  healthy, and my voice greatly strengthened.”

Having reached Edinburgh on Thursday, July 18th, he wrote again to Lady
Huntingdon:――

                                    “EDINBURGH, _July 30, 1751_.

  “EVER-HONOURED MADAM,――I think it a long time since I last wrote
  your ladyship. Continual preaching twice a day, and paying and
  receiving visits, quite prevented me putting pen to paper as
  I would have done. The parting at Glasgow was very sorrowful.
  Numbers set out from the country, to hear the word, by three
  or four o’clock in the morning. Congregations here increase
  greatly. I now preach twice daily to many thousands. Many of
  the best rank attend. My body is almost worn out. I have been
  to Musselburgh, to see Captain Galatin and his lady. They hold
  on. Mr. Wesley has been there, and intends setting up Societies,
  which I think imprudent.”

Whitefield left Edinburgh on August 6th, and at Kendal, on his way to
London, wrote to her ladyship again:――

                                    “KENDAL, _August 10, 1751_.

  “EVER-HONOURED MADAM,――The longer I stayed at Edinburgh, the
  more eagerly both rich and poor attended on the word preached.
  For near twenty-eight days, in Glasgow and Edinburgh, I preached
  to near ten thousand souls every day. Ninety-four pounds were
  collected for the Edinburgh orphans, and I heard of seven or
  eight students, awakened about ten years ago, who are likely to
  turn out excellent preachers. To the Lord of all lords be all
  the glory! I am now on my way to London, in order to embark for
  America. I threw up much blood in Edinburgh, but riding recruits
  me.”

For the present, Whitefield’s work in England was nearly ended. On
August 29, he went on board the _Antelope_, bound for Georgia with
Germans, and took several destitute children with him. “Parting
seasons,” said he, “have been to me dying seasons. They have broken
my very heart; but it is for Jesus, and, therefore, all is well.”

It was fortunate that he got away. Without this, he probably would have
died. The man was fast becoming a sort of religious suicide. Humanly
speaking, his voyage to America saved, or rather prolonged, his life.
On August 30th, his intimate friend, Robert Cruttenden, in a letter
to the wife of Dr. Doddridge, wrote: “Yesterday I took leave of
Mr. Whitefield, who is embarked for America, with little prospect
of my ever seeing him again. His constitution is quite worn out with
labour.”[303]



           _FOURTH VISIT TO AMERICA, AND RETURN TO ENGLAND._

                     SEPTEMBER 1751 TO MARCH 1754.


WHITEFIELD’S sojourn in America was of short duration. He landed in
October, 1751, and seven months afterwards was again in England. His
time on land seems to have been spent chiefly in Georgia and South
Carolina. Very little, however, is known of his proceedings. There
was urgent need to recruit his health. His business affairs, also,
required attention. Still, he preached, at least, occasionally. With
him, preaching was almost an element of life. His departure from
England was abrupt; and his return was unexpected. All that is known
of his brief visit is contained in half a dozen letters.

On October 6th, when within a few hundred miles of America, he wrote,
almost impatiently:――

  “O that I could do something to promote the glory of God! Alas!
  alas! how little have I done! My sluggish soul, stir up, and
  exert thyself for Jesus!”

In a letter, dated “Bethesda, in Georgia, November 20th, 1751,” he
says:――

  “Blessed be God! I found the children at the Orphan House much
  improved in learning; and I hope a foundation is now laid for a
  useful seminary.”

In another, dated “Charleston, December 26th,” he writes:――

  “What mercies, signal mercies, has the Lord Jesus conferred
  on you and me! What shall we render unto the Lord? Shall we
  not give Him our whole hearts? O let His love constrain us to
  a holy, universal, cheerful obedience to all His commands. I am
  now returning to the Orphan House, which I trust will be like the
  burning bush. My poor labours are accepted here. In the spring,
  I purpose going to the Bermudas. Jesus is very good to me. Help
  me to praise Him.”

To Mr. Lunell, of Dublin, he wrote:――

                                “BETHESDA, _January, 25, 1752_.

  “VERY DEAR SIR,――Man appoints, but God disappoints. Though we
  missed seeing each other on earth, yet, if Jesus Christ be our
  life, we shall meet in the kingdom of heaven. Your kind letter
  found me employed for the fatherless in this wilderness. I am
  now almost ready to enter upon my spring campaign. The news from
  Ireland does not at all surprise me. Weak minds soon grow giddy
  with power; and then they become pests, instead of helps, to the
  Church of God.”

To his friend Hervey, Whitefield addressed the following:――

                              “CHARLESTON, _February, 1, 1752_.

  “The Orphan House is in a flourishing way; and, I hope, will
  yet become a useful seminary. My poor labours, in this place,
  meet with acceptance. After one more trip to Georgia, I purpose
  setting out upon my spring campaign. I wish Lisbon may be
  blessed to Dr. Doddridge. O, how I wish that dear Dr. Stonehouse
  was fully employed in preaching the everlasting gospel! I hope
  you both see our good Lady Huntingdon frequently. I was rejoiced
  to hear, from my dear yoke-fellow, that her ladyship was bravely.”

Dr. Doddridge had embarked, for Lisbon, a month after Whitefield
embarked for America. For three months past, he had been in heaven.
Immediately after writing the foregoing letter, Whitefield became
acquainted with the fact. Hence the following:――

                                “CHARLESTON, _February 5, 1752_.

  “Part of your first letter――I mean that respecting the
  Tabernacle House――gave me uneasiness; but your last removed
  it, and made me thankful to our Redeemer, who, in spite of
  all opposition, will cause His word to run and be glorified.
  Poor Mr. Wesley is striving against the stream.[304] Strong
  assertions will not go for proofs, with those who are sealed by
  the Holy Spirit even to the day of redemption. They know that
  the covenant of grace is not built upon the faithfulness of a
  poor fallible, changeable creature, but upon the never-failing
  faithfulness of an unchangeable God. This is the foundation
  whereon I build. ‘Lord Jesus, I believe, help my unbelief!
  Having once loved me, Thou wilt love me to the end. Thou wilt
  keep that safe, which I have committed unto Thee. Establish
  Thy people more and more in this glorious truth; and grant that
  it may have this blessed effect upon us all, that we may love
  Thee more, and serve Thee better!’ All truths, unless productive
  of holiness and love, are of no avail. They may float upon the
  surface of the understanding; but this is to no purpose, unless
  they transform the heart. I trust, the dear Tabernacle preachers
  will always have this deeply impressed upon their minds. Let us
  not dispute, but love. Truth is great, and will prevail. I am
  quite willing that all our hearers shall hear for themselves.
  The spirit of Christ is a spirit of liberty. Let us look above
  names and parties. Let Jesus, the ever-loving, the ever-lovely
  Jesus, be our all in all. So that He be preached, and His Divine
  image stamped more and more upon people’s souls, I care not who
  is uppermost. I know my place, (Lord Jesus, enable me to keep
  it!) even to be the servant of all. I want not to have a people
  called after my name, and, therefore, I act as I do. The cause
  is Christ’s, and He will take care of it. I rejoice that you go
  on so well at the Tabernacle. May the shout of a king be always
  in the midst of you! I am apt to believe you will pray me
  over. But future things belong to Him, whose I am, and whom
  I endeavour to serve. After one more trip to the Orphan House,
  I purpose going northward.

  “Thanks be to God! all is well at Bethesda. A most excellent
  tract of land is granted to me, very near the house, which, in
  a few years, I hope, will make a sufficient provision for it.
  Dr. Doddridge, I find, is gone. Lord Jesus, prepare me to follow
  after!”

Whitefield did not go to “the Bermudas,” nor yet “northward,” as he
intended.[305] About two months after the date of the foregoing letter,
he suddenly set sail for England. Why was this? Nothing has yet been
published to explain it. The following letter, now for the first time
printed, solves the difficulty. It was addressed, “To Mr. Blackwell,
banker, in Lombard Street, London”:――

                                    “PORTSMOUTH, _May 21, 1752_.

  “MY DEAR MR. BLACKWELL,――I fully purposed to have written
  to you when I was at Charleston, in South Carolina; but my
  sudden resolution to embark for England prevented me. God has
  vouchsafed to bless me, in respect to the Orphan House, in a
  very unexpected manner. To put it upon a proper footing, and
  to apply for some privileges, before the time of the Trustees’
  Charter be expired, is what has called me home so speedily. Home,
  did I say? I trust heaven is my home; and it is my comfort that
  it is not far off. Surely this body will not hold out always.
  Yet a little while, and our Lord will come, and take us to
  Himself, that where He is, there we may be also.

              ‘There pain and sin and sorrow cease,
               And all is calm and joy and peace.’

  “I wish you and yours much of this heaven upon earth. Looking
  unto Jesus is the only way of drawing it down into our souls.
  Out of His fulness, we all receive grace for grace. We have an
  open-handed, an open-hearted Redeemer. He giveth liberally, and
  upbraideth not. O for power from on high to set forth the riches
  of redeeming love! In a few days I hope to attempt a little of
  this in London. I beg your prayers. I thank you heartily for
  all favours; and, with cordial salutations to your _whole self_,
  subscribe myself, dear sir, yours most affectionately in our
  common Lord,

                                                “G. WHITEFIELD.”

During his absence, Whitefield’s beloved mother had exchanged mortality
for life; but this was not the reason of his sudden return to England.
The affairs of his Orphan House brought him back――affairs which will
often be introduced to the reader’s notice in succeeding letters.

On reaching London, one of his first efforts was to procure a minister
for a Dissenting church at Charleston. On May 26th, he wrote:――

  “People have received me with great affection; and I never saw
  the work of God go on in a more promising way. Thousands and
  thousands hear the word gladly.

  “I wish I could send you good news about your minister; but,
  alas! I now almost despair of procuring one. I waited upon
  Dr. G―――― immediately after my arrival; but he gave me no hopes.
  Several of the large congregations in London, besides many more
  in the country, are without pastors; and are obliged to make use
  of our preachers. O that the Lord of the harvest may thrust out
  more labourers! Who can tell but some ministers may be raised up
  at Bethesda?

  “At midsummer, the king takes Georgia into his own hands.
  Blessed be God! for sending me over at such a juncture. I
  am come to a determination, if I can dispose of Providence
  plantation, (in South Carolina,) to carry all my strength to
  the Orphan House.”

Besides endeavouring to provide a minister for Charleston, Whitefield
was requested to render another service; for which he had no adaptation.
His friend Hervey, who was writing “Theron and Aspasio,” sent him some
of the manuscripts for his revision, at the same time promising him £30
for the purchase of a negro slave! Whitefield replied:――

                                                “_June 9, 1752._

  “I have read your manuscripts; but for me to play the critic on
  them, would be like holding up a candle to the sun. I think to
  call your intended purchase _Weston_, and shall take care to
  remind him by whose means he was brought under the everlasting
  gospel.”

Having employed about a month in London, Whitefield, in the third
week of June, set out for Portsmouth; and thence to Bath, where he
spent about three weeks with the Countess of Huntingdon, and preached
every evening to great numbers of the nobility. Here also he became
acquainted with Mrs. Grinfield, a lady of high position, who attended
on Queen Caroline. “The Court,” says Whitefield, “rings of her; and,
if she stands, I trust she will make a glorious martyr for her blessed
Lord.”[306]

Four days were employed at Bristol, where he preached nine times. He
writes:――

  “Very near as many as attended at Moorfields came out every
  evening to hear the word. I have reason to believe much good was
  done. Old times seemed to be revived again. The last evening, it
  rained a little, but few moved. I was wet, and contracted a cold
  and hoarseness; but I trust preaching will cure me. This is my
  grand catholicon.”

On July 17, Whitefield went to Wales, where he spent a fortnight,
preached twenty times, and travelled about three hundred miles.

Though Whitefield had resigned his office of moderator of the
Calvinistic Methodists, and though he had often declared his
determination not to form a sect, he still, occasionally, attended
“Associations.” Howell Harris had recently seceded from his old
friends, and, in the month of April of this selfsame year, had laid
the foundation of his unique establishment at Trevecca. The schism had
thrown affairs into great confusion; and, perhaps, this was the reason
why Whitefield attended conferences, of which, strictly speaking, he
was not a member. In a letter, dated “Bristol, August 1, 1752,” he
writes:――

  “In my way hither, we held an Association. There were present
  about nine clergy, and near forty other labourers. I trust all
  of them are born of God, and desirous to promote His glory, and
  His people’s good. All was harmony and love.”

On his way back to London, he held another Association, in
Gloucestershire.[307] After so many declarations that he would
not attach himself to any party, Methodist or Moravian, there is
considerable inconsistency in these proceedings, and the only way to
explain the difficulty is to suppose, that, in the largeness of his
heart, he was acting the part of a peacemaker among his old associates,
and endeavouring to put an end to their hurtful strifes.

Benjamin Franklin was now acquiring a European reputation. He had
satisfactorily explained the phenomena of the Leyden jar, and, in
this year of 1752, had established the identity between lightning
and the electric fluid. Up to the present, electricity was a science
which could hardly be said to consist of more than a collection of
unsystematized and ill-understood facts. Franklin’s discoveries led to
remarkable results, and his fame was established. The long-continued
friendship, existing between Whitefield and Franklin, was an odd
incident in the great preacher’s life. In addressing Franklin,
Whitefield never fawned; he was always faithful. Franklin disbelieved
the chief doctrines Whitefield preached; but he respected the good
intentions, the zeal, the benevolence, the honesty of the man. On
his return from Wales, to London, Whitefield wrote to Franklin the
following characteristic letter:――

                                    “LONDON, _August 17, 1752_.

  “DEAR MR. FRANKLIN,――I find that you grow more and more famous
  in the learned world. As you have made a pretty considerable
  progress in the mysteries of electricity, I would now humbly
  recommend to your diligent unprejudiced pursuit and study the
  mystery of the new birth. It is a most important, interesting
  study, and, when mastered, will richly repay you for all your
  pains. One, at whose bar we are shortly to appear, hath solemnly
  declared, that, without it ‘we cannot enter into the kingdom
  of heaven.’ You will excuse this freedom. I must have _aliquid
  Christi_ in all my letters.

  “I am yet a willing pilgrim for His great name’s sake, and I
  trust a blessing attends my poor feeble labours. To the giver
  of every good gift be all the glory! My respects await yourself
  and all enquiring friends; and hoping to see you once more in
  the land of the living, I subscribe myself, dear sir, your very
  affectionate friend, and obliged servant,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

Two or three days after writing this, Whitefield set out for Scotland.
On Sunday, August 23rd, he preached twice at Lutterworth, “the famous
John Wycliffe’s parish.” Next day, he “began, in the name of the
Almighty Husbandman, to break up fallow ground at Leicester.” Several
thousands attended. Turnips were thrown at Whitefield during the
first sermon; but at the second all was hushed. The next Sunday was
spent at Newcastle-on-Tyne, where he preached four times, “and a
shower of Divine blessing descended on the great congregations.” Early
in September, he arrived at Edinburgh, where, for a fortnight, he
“preached twice every day” to great multitudes of “polite as well as of
common people.” He wrote, “Many young ministers and students were close
attendants, and I trust good was done.” A week, also, was spent at
Glasgow, where his home, for many years, was at the house of “Mr. James
Niven, merchant, above the Cross.”[308] Five more days were employed in
Edinburgh; and then, on October 10th,[309] he began his journey back
to London. In a letter to the Countess of Huntingdon, he wrote: “For
about twenty-eight days, I suppose, I did not preach, in Scotland, to
less than ten thousand every day. This has weakened my body; but the
Redeemer knows how to renew my strength. I am as well as a pilgrim can
expect to be. About £70 were collected for the Edinburgh Orphans; and
I heard of near a dozen young men, who were awakened about ten years
ago, and have since entered the ministry, and are likely to prove very
useful. Praise the Lord, O my soul!”

The Rev. John Gillies, one of his constant hearers, remarks:――

  “Though, after the years 1741 and 1742, there were no such
  extensive awakenings, Mr. Whitefield’s coming to Scotland was
  always refreshing to serious persons, and seemed to put new life
  into them, and also to be a means of increasing their number. In
  various respects, his preaching was still eminently useful. It
  had an excellent tendency to destroy bigotry, and to turn men’s
  attention, from smaller matters, to the great and substantial
  things of religion. It drew several persons to hear the gospel,
  who seldom went to hear it from other ministers. Young people
  were much benefited by his ministry, and particularly young
  students, who became afterwards serious evangelical preachers.
  His morning discourses, which were mostly intended for sincere,
  but disconsolate, souls, were peculiarly fitted to direct
  and encourage all such in the Christian life. His addresses
  in the evening were of a very alarming character. There was
  something exceedingly striking in the solemnity of his evening
  congregations, in the Orphan Hospital Park at Edinburgh, and
  in the High-Churchyard at Glasgow, especially towards the
  conclusion of his sermons, (which were commonly very long,
  though they seemed short to the hearers,) when the whole
  multitude stood fixed, and hung upon his lips, many of them
  under deep impressions of the great objects of religion. These
  things will not soon be forgotten. His conversation was no less
  reviving than his sermons. Many in Edinburgh and Glasgow are
  witnesses of this, especially at Glasgow, where, in company with
  his good friends Mr. McLaurin, Mr. Robert Scott, and others, one
  might challenge the sons of pleasure, with all their wit, good
  humour, and gaiety, to furnish entertainment so agreeable. At
  the same time, every part of it was not more agreeable than it
  was useful and edifying.”

Such a testimony, from a minister living at the time, and one of
Whitefield’s faithful friends, is possessed of more than ordinary value.

On leaving Edinburgh, Whitefield preached at Berwick, ♦Alnwick, and
Morpeth. The people of Newcastle were again favoured with his ministry;
and also those of Sunderland. At length, on reaching Sheffield, he
wrote as follows:――

                                “SHEFFIELD, _November 1, 1752_.

  “MY VERY DEAR FRIEND,――Since I left Newcastle, I have sometimes
  scarce known whether I was in heaven or on earth. At Leeds,
  Birstal, Haworth, Halifax, etc., thousands and thousands have
  flocked twice and thrice a day to hear the word of life. A gale
  of Divine influence has everywhere attended it. I am now come
  from Bolton, Manchester, Stockport, and Chinley. Yesterday, I
  preached in a church, where I believe execution was done. Four
  ordained ministers, friends to the work of God, have been with
  me. The word has run so swiftly at Leeds, that friends are come
  to fetch me back; and I am now going to Rotherham, Wakefield,
  Leeds, York, and Epworth, and purpose returning to this place
  next Lord’s-day. God favours us with weather, and I would fain
  make hay while the sun shines. Fain would I spend and be spent
  for the good of souls. This is my meat and drink.”

In another letter, written two days afterwards, and dated “Wakefield,
November 3, 1752,” he wrote:――

  “I have been upwards of three weeks from Scotland, and scarce
  ever had more encouragement in preaching the everlasting gospel.
  At Newcastle, Sunderland, and several places in Yorkshire,
  Lancashire, and Cheshire, thousands and thousands have daily
  attended on the word preached. I hear that arrows have stuck
  fast in many hearts. I am returning to Leeds; and, from thence,
  I shall go to York, and to several places in Lincolnshire,
  and am to preach at Sheffield ♦next Lord’s-day. My return to
  London must be determined by the weather. It has been uncommonly
  favourable; and it is a pity to go into winter quarters, so long
  as work can be done in the fields. O that I had as many tongues
  as there are hairs upon my head! Jesus should have them all.”

On November 10th, Whitefield arrived in London, where he wrote:――

  “My Sunday’s work” (at Sheffield), “sickness, the change of
  weather, and parting from friends, so enfeebled me, that I was
  in hopes, on the road, my imprisoned soul would have been set at
  liberty, and fled to the blissful regions.

  “I found my poor wife an invalid. Our Lord can restore her, for
  He came to heal our sicknesses, and to bear our infirmities.”

Whitefield was resolved not to be the founder of a sect, and yet
he had some difficulty in fulfilling his resolve. His hearers in
Dublin had procured a meeting-house in Skinner Street, and had formed
themselves into a public Society. John Edwards, in former years one of
Whitefield’s assistants, had become their preacher; and his ministry
was highly acceptable. A sort of circuit had been formed, and many were
the perils which Edwards encountered. On one occasion, when returning
from a village, where he had been preaching, the _Ormond Boys_ seized
him, and threatened to throw him into the Liffey. The _Liberty Boys_,
residing on the other side of the river, being political opponents of
the _Ormond Boys_, rushed to his assistance, rescued him, and carried
him home in triumph. At another time, the _White Boys_ beset a house
into which he had entered, and threatened to burn it, if he were
permitted to continue in it. He escaped by a window, being let down,
like the apostle Paul, in a basket.[310] The Dublin Society informed
Whitefield of their position and prospects; and Whitefield wrote to
Edwards, their preacher, as follows:――

                                  “LONDON, _November 11, 1752_.

  “MY DEAR FRIEND,――Last night, the glorious Emmanuel brought me
  hither; and, this morning, I have been talking with Mr. Adams,
  and cannot help thinking, that you have run before the Lord, in
  forming yourselves into a public Society. Mr. Adams’s visit was
  designed to be transient, and I cannot promise you any settled
  help from hence. I am sincere, when I profess that I do not
  choose to set myself at the head of any party. When I came last
  to Ireland, my intention was to preach the gospel to all; and,
  if it should please the Lord to send me there again, I purpose
  to pursue the same plan. For I am a debtor to all, of all
  denominations, and have no design but to promote the common
  salvation of mankind. The love of Christ constrains me to this.
  Accept it as written from that principle.”

When “ranging for souls,” Whitefield had little time to attend to
business; when he got into his winter quarters, he was obliged to
recognise its claims. The following was addressed to one of the
residents in his Orphan House:――

                                  “LONDON, _November 21, 1752_.

  “MY DEAR NAT,――Your letters have all been brought safe to hand,
  and have given me satisfaction. I know not of a more profitable
  situation that you could be in, than that you occupy at present.
  Next year, God willing, you will have a fellow-student. I have
  agreed with him, as I wrote you from Edinburgh, for three years
  at least. I am of your mind in respect to boarders. As affairs
  stand, I think that, at present, the less the family is, the
  better. Nothing seems to be wanted but a good overseer, to
  instruct the negroes in sowing and planting. Let me know whether
  the lumber trade is begun. Pray make George and the children to
  write often. He should not have written to me, _Honoured Master_,
  but _Sir_. I am glad to hear that some of the children promise
  well. Surely some good will, in the end, come out of that
  institution. I am only afraid of its growing too great in a
  worldly way. O that I may be directed to such managers as will
  act with a single eye to God’s glory and His people’s good! I
  have great confidence in you. I shall be glad to live to see you
  a preacher. It is a delightful employment, when done out of love
  to Jesus: that sweetens all. O that Georgia’s wilderness may
  blossom like a rose! It will, when God’s set time is come. Never
  mind a few evil reports. No one need be ashamed of Bethesda
  children.”

Whitefield, in his “winter quarters,” was as jubilant as ever. In a
letter, dated December 9, he writes: “The shout of a king is amongst
us. Every day, we hear of persons brought under fresh awakenings, and
of God’s people being comforted. We have had two most awful sacramental
occasions.”

To Wesley, the year 1752 was one of trial. Several of his itinerants
began to give him trouble. At the beginning of the year, he, his
brother, and eleven of their principal assistants, signed a document,
which shewed that suspicion had taken the place of confidence.[311]
During the year, some of the preachers informed Wesley, that his
brother Charles did not enforce discipline so strictly as himself,
and that Charles agreed with Whitefield, “touching perseverance, at
least, if not predestination too.” The latter accusation was utterly
untrue; but, as Charles, at this period, was living on terms of the
most intimate friendship with the Countess of Huntingdon, and was
frequently preaching and administering the sacrament in her house, it
is not surprising that his brother deemed it his duty to write to him
concerning it. The result was the creation of a temporary distrust
and shyness between the two loving brothers. Charles took counsel with
Whitefield; and Whitefield’s answer must be given.

                                  “LONDON, _December 22, 1752_.

  “MY DEAR FRIEND,――I have read and pondered your kind letter,
  and now sit down to answer it. What shall I say? Really, I
  can scarce tell. The connection between you and your brother
  has been so close and continued, and your attachment to him so
  necessary to keep up his interest, that I would not willingly,
  for the world, do or say anything that may separate such
  friends. I cannot help thinking, that he is jealous of me and my
  proceedings; but, I thank God, I am quite easy about it. Having
  the testimony of a good conscience, that I have a disinterested
  view to promote the common salvation only, I can leave all to
  Him, who, I am assured, will, in the end, speak for me, and make
  my righteousness clear as the light, and my just dealing as the
  noonday. I more and more find, that he who believeth doth not
  make haste; and that, if we will have patience, we shall find
  that every plant which our heavenly Father hath not planted,
  shall be plucked up. As I wrote to good Lady Huntingdon, so I
  write to you. I bless God for my stripping seasons. I have seen
  an end of all perfection, and expect it only in Him, in whom I
  am sure to find it, the ever-loving, ever-lovely Jesus. He knows
  how I love and honour you and your brother, and how often I have
  preferred your interest to my own. This, by the grace of God, I
  shall continue to do. My reward is with the Lord. If He approves,
  it is enough. More might be said, were we face to face. When
  this will be, I cannot tell. Several things, especially our
  design of building a new Tabernacle, which I hope will succeed,
  detain me in town this winter. God only knows what course I am
  to steer in the spring. I would be a blank: let my heavenly
  Father fill it up as seemeth Him good.

  “I am glad you are with our elect lady. O how amiable is a truly
  catholic spirit! Lord, make us all partakers of it more and
  more! I beg the continuance of your prayers. I need them much.
  You shall have mine in return. That you and yours may increase
  with all the increase of God, is the earnest request of, my dear
  friend,

                                      “Yours, etc.,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

On the same day, Whitefield wrote as follows to the Countess of
Huntingdon, with whom Charles Wesley was staying:――

  “I shall observe your ladyship’s hints about Mr. Wesley. I
  believe our visits will not be very frequent.[312] But I am easy,
  having no scheme, no design of supplanting or resenting, but,
  I trust, a single eye to promote the common salvation, without
  so much as attempting to set up a party for myself. This is what
  my soul abhors. Being thus minded, I have peace; peace which
  the world knows nothing of, and which all must necessarily be
  strangers to, who are fond either of power or numbers. God be
  praised for the many strippings I have met with! It is good for
  me that I have been supplanted, despised, censured, maligned,
  and separated from my nearest, dearest friends. By this, I have
  found the faithfulness of Him, who is the Friend of friends.
  By this, I have been taught to wrap myself in the glorious
  Emmanuel’s everlasting righteousness, and to be content that
  He, to whom all hearts are open, now sees, and will let all see
  hereafter, the uprightness of my intentions towards all mankind.”

It is unpleasant to end the year with a note of discord; but it cannot
honestly be avoided.

For the present, Whitefield had one enjoyment, which was almost new
to him. He was no longer harassed with literary persecution. The only
exception was an 8vo. pamphlet of fifty-one pages, entitled “Candid
Remarks on some particular passages in the fifth edition of the Rev.
Mr. Whitefield’s Volume of Sermons, printed in the year 1750. In a
Letter to a Gentleman. Reading, 1752.” The author, in a gentlemanly
way, criticizes some of Whitefield’s doctrines, especially that of
“imputed righteousness;” and concludes by saying, though “a zeal for
God appears throughout the whole of Whitefield’s performance,” yet
“his method of treating his subject, and his manner of dictating to
his audience, have something in them that may probably work upon the
passions, but can never improve the understanding; that may occasion
them to affect a superficial appearance of piety, but can hardly incite
in them the power; and may induce them to acquiesce so much in the
_imputative righteousness of Christ_, as to forget that they themselves
are to be righteous, and _ready to every good work_, which is an
indispensable part of the covenant of grace.”

One of Whitefield’s first anxieties, in 1753, was to sell his
plantation in South Carolina. Writing to a friend there, on January 7,
he says: “By this conveyance, I send you a power of attorney to dispose
of Providence plantation. I leave it to your discretion to sell at what
price you please. I would only observe, that I had rather it should
be sold for less than its real value, than to keep it any longer in my
hands. I do not choose to keep two families longer than is necessary.
The money you receive from Providence will be immediately wanted to buy
more land, and to pay for opening Bethesda’s new plantation.”

Another was the erection of a new Tabernacle. The wooden meeting-house,
in Moorfields, had now stood the storms of a dozen winters. At the
best, it was but a huge, ugly shed; and, of course, signs of decay
were becoming visible. Still, the uncouth fabric was a sacred one.
Many were the mighty sermons preached by Whitefield beneath its roof;
and countless were the blessings which had fallen upon its crowds
of worshippers. A more durable edifice, however, was greatly needed;
and, in the summer of 1751, while at Lady Huntingdon’s residence at
Ashby-de-la-Zouch, the project had been discussed, in the presence
of her ladyship, Doddridge, Hervey, Hartley, and Stonehouse, all of
whom were “most cordial in their approval and promise of support.”
Towards the end of 1752, the subject was renewed at the house of Lady
Frances Shirley, in South Audley Street; and, in compliance with the
urgent entreaties of her ladyship and of the Countess of Huntingdon,
Whitefield now began to exert himself in collecting money. He resolved
not to begin building till he had £1000 in hand.[313] That amount he
soon obtained; the first brick was laid on the 1st of March, 1753; and,
within fifteen weeks afterwards, the structure was opened for public
worship; the congregations, during that interval, still continuing to
assemble in the wooden tabernacle, which was left standing within the
shell of the building in course of erection.[314] The new Tabernacle
needs no description; for, though a third has within the last few years
been built upon its site, there are thousands still living who have
often gazed with reverence at the low, unpretentious edifice where
Whitefield so often mounted his pulpit throne, and not a few who found
salvation within its walls. It will frequently be mentioned in ensuing
extracts from Whitefield’s letters.[315]

There was a third affair, in which Whitefield, at this period, took,
perhaps, a more active interest than was necessary. Within the last
four years, the Moravians had made themselves more prominent than was
consistent with Christian modesty. It was not until the year 1737, that
the first Moravian services were held in England. Since then, several
of their Societies had been torn by faction. In many instances, they
had been the subjects of bitter persecution. Many of their religious
rites were silly and objectionable. Their hymns and their literature
were, to a great extent, jargon, luscious and irreverent. But, despite
all, they had increased in numbers; and, above all, they had at their
head an ambitious German count, who had considerable influence in
the court of the German who then sat on the British throne. Count
Zinzendorf, in 1749, had succeeded in getting the English parliament
to pass a bill to the following effect: 1. That the Moravians were an
ancient Protestant Episcopal Church. 2. That those of them who scrupled
to take an oath, should be exempted doing so, on making a declaration
in the presence of Almighty God, as witness of the truth. 3. That they
should not be liable to serve upon juries. 4. That, in the colonies,
they should be exempted from military service, under reasonable
conditions. 5. That the _verbal declaration_ of the individual,
together with the certificate of a bishop or minister of the Brethren,
should be regarded as sufficient proof of membership in the Moravian
community. Besides this, the Count was no longer satisfied with “hired
lodgings,” in Bloomsbury Square, for “_the Congregation House_,”
but, in 1751, removed to James Hutton’s house and two adjoining ones,
in Westminster. The premises were large and pleasant, overlooking
the Abbey Gardens; but even they were not good enough to serve
as the offices ♦of a body, on whose behalf the whole machinery of
parliamentary legislation had been set in motion. Accordingly, the
Count bought, of Sir Hans Sloane, a large mansion, in Chelsea, formerly
the property of the ducal family of Ancaster, with beautiful grounds
bordering on the Thames. In connection with this imposing “Congregation
House,” a chapel was fitted up, and a burial ground laid out. These
were costly proceedings; and the result of parliamentary negotiations,
the purchase of Lindsey House, Chelsea, and other expenditures, was,
Count Zinzendorf and the Moravians in England were in debt to the
amount of nearly £140,000, and knew not how to pay it.

As will soon be seen, these facts, put in the briefest form possible,
and others, which might be mentioned, induced Whitefield, both
privately and publicly, to censure the proceedings of his old friends,
the Unitas Fratrum.

Whitefield’s plantation at Bethesda, in Georgia, and his
slave-cultivated plantation in Carolina, made him anxious. The latter
he wished to sell, because, despite all his expectations, it had failed
to afford him help in his benevolent designs. Hence the following:――

                                    “LONDON, _February 1, 1753_.

  “I am glad to hear that Ephratah plantation[316] is in some
  degree opened, and, thereby, a preparation made for future
  progress. Mr. Fox’s not coming, and going upon lumber, has been
  a great loss to my poor family; but I hope, ere now, all is
  settled, and the sowing carried on with vigour. That seems to
  be the thing which Providence points out at present. As so many
  negroes are ready, it will be a pity if Bethesda does not do
  something, as well as the neighbouring planters. If I were not
  erecting a large place for public worship, eighty feet square,
  I would come over immediately myself; but, perhaps, it will be
  best to stay till the new governor embarks, or to come a little
  before him.

  “With this, I send your brother a power to dispose of Providence
  plantation. I hope to hear shortly that you have purchased more
  negroes. My dear friend, do exert yourself a little for me in
  this time of my absence. I trust the Orphan-house affairs will
  soon be so ordered, that no one will be troubled respecting
  them, but my own domestics. As Nathaniel P―――― has behaved so
  faithfully, I have sent him a full power, in conjunction with
  Mrs. W――――, to act under you. The man and woman who bring this,
  are, with their son, indentured to me; and I have an excellent
  schoolmistress, and a young student, engaged to come over
  shortly. Before long, I suppose, we shall have a large family.
  Lord, grant it may be a religious one! I would have nothing done
  to the buildings, besides repairing the piazza, and what else
  is absolutely necessary, till I come. Perhaps I may bring a
  carpenter with me, who will stay some years.

  “I cannot tell what induces me to take care of a place, where
  the gospel is so little regarded, unless it be a principle of
  faith. What a difference is there between Georgia and several
  parts of England! Here, thousands and tens of thousands run, and
  ride miles upon miles, to hear the gospel. There――but I do not
  love to think of it. I see there is no happiness but in keeping
  near to Jesus Christ.”

The next, addressed to Lady Huntingdon, refers to the Moravians at
Lindsey House, Chelsea, and to the collections for Whitefield’s new
Tabernacle.

                                    “LONDON, _February 9, 1753_.

  “I am apt to believe that the Moravians’ scheme will soon be
  disconcerted. Strange! Why do God’s children build Babels? Why
  do they flatter themselves that God owns and approves of them,
  because He suffers them to build high? In mercy to them, such
  buildings, of whatever kind, must come down.

  “I hope our intended Tabernacle is not of this nature. It would
  have pleased your ladyship to have seen how willingly the people
  gave last Lord’s-day. At seven in the morning, we collected £50;
  in the evening, £126. We have now near £900 in hand. Our Lord
  still continues to work in our old despised place. I trust it
  has been a Bethel to many, many souls. This, your ladyship knows,
  may be anywhere. Clifton is a Bethel when God is there.”

The following seems to have been written to Grimshaw, of Haworth,
and refers to Gillies’ preparation of his “Historical Collections,”
respecting revivals. Grimshaw complied with Whitefield’s suggestion;
but his long letter, being too late to be inserted in Gillies’ bulky
volumes, was not published till 1761, when it found a place in the
“Appendix to the Historical Collections,” a 12mo. book of 250 pages,
and now extremely rare.

                                  “LONDON, _February 19, 1753_.

  “REVEREND AND VERY DEAR SIR,――At present, I have a cold and
  fever upon me; but I preach on, hoping one day or another to die
  in my work. We have had a blessed winter. Many have been added
  to our flock. Next week, I intend to lay the first brick of our
  new Tabernacle. I am looking up for direction about my removal.
  Which are the best seasons for the north? I should be glad to
  know speedily.

  “Have you the first account you wrote of your conversion? Or
  have you leisure to draw up a short narrative of the rise and
  progress of the work of God in your parts? A dear Christian
  minister, in Scotland, is about to publish two volumes, relative
  to the late awakenings in various places. Such things should be
  transmitted to posterity; in heaven, all will be known. Thanks
  be to God, that there is such a rest remaining for His people!
  I am too impatient to get at it; but who can help longing to see
  Jesus? I wish you much, yea, very much prosperity. I am glad you
  have received the books. I am now publishing two more sermons,
  and a small collection of hymns for public worship.”

Whitefield’s hymn-book was entitled “Hymns for Social Worship,
collected from various Authors, and more particularly designed for
the use of the Tabernacle congregation in London. By George Whitefield,
A.B., late of Pembroke College, Oxford, and Chaplain to the Right Hon.
the Countess of Huntingdon. London: printed by William Strahan, and to
be sold at the Tabernacle, near Moorfields. 1753.” (16mo. 144 pp.)

The hymns are a hundred and seventy in number, besides several short
doxologies. At least twenty-one of them are hymns by John and Charles
Wesley. The largest number are by Watts. Most of the others were
written by Cennick, Seagrave, Hammond, and Humphreys. Mr. Daniel
Sedgwick, a high authority on such a subject, says, between the years
1753 and 1796, Whitefield’s hymn-book passed through thirty-six
editions, a good number of them containing additions to the hymns
published in 1753. Want of space renders it impossible to give a minute
description of Whitefield’s collection; but the following preface is
too characteristic to be omitted:――

  “COURTEOUS READER,――If thou art acquainted with the divine life,
  I need not inform thee that, although all the acts and exercises
  of devotion are sweet and delightful, yet we never resemble the
  blessed worshippers above more than when we are joining together
  in public devotions, and, with hearts and lips unfeigned,
  singing praises to Him who sitteth upon the throne for ever.
  Consequently, hymns, composed for such a purpose, ought to
  abound much in thanksgiving, and to be of such a nature, that
  all who attend may join in them, without being obliged to sing
  lies, or not sing at all.

  “Upon this plan, the following collection of hymns is founded.
  They are intended purely for social worship, and so altered, in
  some particulars, that I think all may safely concur in using
  them. They are short, because I think three or four stanzas,
  with a doxology, are sufficient to be sung at one time. I am no
  great friend to long sermons, long prayers, or long hymns. They
  generally weary, instead of edifying, and, therefore, I think,
  should be avoided by those who preside in any public worshipping
  assembly. Besides, as the generality of those who receive
  the gospel are commonly the poor of the flock, I have studied
  cheapness, as well as conciseness. Much in a little is what God
  gives us in His word; and the more we imitate such a method, in
  our public performances and devotions, the nearer we come up to
  the pattern given us in the Mount.

  “I think myself justified in publishing some hymns, by way of
  dialogue, for the use of the Society, because something like
  it is practised in our cathedral churches, but much more so
  because the celestial choir is represented, in the Book of the
  Revelation, as answering one another in their heavenly anthems.

  “That we all may be inspired and warmed with a like divine fire,
  whilst singing below, and be translated, after death, to join
  with them in singing the song of Moses and the Lamb above, is
  the earnest prayer of, courteous reader,

                    “Thy ready servant, for Christ’s sake,

                                                        “G. W.”

The publication of Whitefield’s hymn-book was, doubtless, owing to
the erection of his new Tabernacle; but it is somewhat singular, that,
in the same year, Wesley published his “Hymns and Spiritual Songs,
intended for the use of real Christians of all Denominations;” and
that, in the year following, the Moravians published two volumes,
of 380 and 399 pages respectively, with the title, “A Collection of
Hymns for the Children of God of all Ages, from the beginning till
now. Designed chiefly for the use of the Congregations in union with
the Brethren’s Church.” The curious reader may speculate how far
Whitefield’s little book led to the publication of the other two.

The “sermons,” mentioned in Whitefield’s foregoing letter, were
entitled, “The true nature of beholding the Lamb of God, and Peter’s
Denial of his Lord, opened and explained, in two Sermons, by George
Whitefield, late of Pembroke College, Oxford, and Chaplain to the Right
Hon. the Countess of Huntingdon. London, 1753.” (12mo. 48 pp.) In the
former of these sermons, there seems to be an unworthy fling at his
friend Wesley. Whitefield ought to have known that Wesley never taught
the possibility of any one attaining to a sinlessness equal to that of
Christ; and yet he indulged in the following remarks:――

  “There was no corruption in the heart of this immaculate Lamb
  of God for Satan’s temptations to lay hold on; but this property
  belongeth only to Him. For any of His followers, though arrived
  at the highest pitch of Christian perfection, much less for
  young converts, mere novices in the things of God, to presume
  that they either have arrived, or ever shall, while on this
  side of eternity, arrive at such a sinless state, argues such
  an ignorance of the spiritual extent of the moral law, of the
  true interpretation of God’s word, of the universal experience
  of God’s people in all ages, as well as of the remaining
  unmortified corruptions of their own desperately wicked and
  deceitful hearts, that I venture to tell the preachers and
  abettors of any such doctrine, however knowing they may be in
  other respects, they know not the true nature of gospel holiness,
  nor the completeness of a believer’s standing in the unspotted
  imputed righteousness of Jesus Christ, as they ought to know, or
  as I trust they themselves, through Divine grace, will be made
  to know before they die. Surely, it is high time to awake out of
  this delusive dream! Pardon this short (would to God there was
  no occasion for adding), though too necessary, a digression.”

Whitefield, most assuredly, was in a “delusive dream,” if he thought
such remarks applicable to Wesley.

It was now seventeen years since Whitefield preached his first sermon,
and he lived to preach seventeen years after this. He was in the middle
of his marvellous ministry. Numerous specimens of his early discourses
have been already given; and it may be useful to furnish two extracts
from the sermons now in question, to assist the reader in forming an
idea of the great preacher’s style of address, at the present period of
his life. The first is from the sermon on “Beholding the Lamb of God.”

  “If you can bear to be spectators of such an awful tragedy,
  I must now entreat you to enter the garden of Gethsemane. But,
  stop! What is that we see? Behold the Lamb of God undergoing the
  most direful tortures of vindictive wrath! Of the people, even
  of His disciples, there is none with Him. Alas! was ever sorrow
  like unto that sorrow, wherewith His innocent soul was afflicted
  in this day of His Father’s fierce anger? Before He entered
  into this bitter passion, out of the fulness of His heart, He
  said, ‘_Now is my soul troubled_.’ But how is it troubled now?
  His agony bespeaks it to be ‘_exceeding sorrowful, even unto
  death_.’ It extorts sweat, yea, a bloody sweat. His face, His
  hands, His garments, are all stained with blood. It extorts
  strong cryings, and many tears. See how the incarnate Deity lies
  prostrate before His Father, who now laid on Him the iniquities
  of us all! See how He agonizes in prayer! Hark! Again and again
  He addresses His Father with an ‘_if it be possible, let this
  cup pass from me!_’ Tell me, ye blessed angels, tell me, Gabriel
  (or whatsoever thou art called), who wast sent from heaven in
  this important hour, to strengthen our agonizing Lord,――tell
  me, if ye can, what Christ endured in this dark and doleful
  night! And tell me, tell me what you yourselves felt, when you
  heard this same God-man, whilst expiring on the accursed tree,
  breaking forth into that dolorous, unheard-of expostulation, ‘My
  God, my God, why, or how hast Thou forsaken me?’ Were you not
  all struck dumb? And did not an awful silence fill heaven itself,
  when God the Father said unto His sword, ‘Sword, smite thy
  fellow!’ Well might nature put on its sable weeds. Well might
  the rocks rend, to shew their sympathy with a suffering Saviour.
  And well might the sun withdraw its light, as though shocked and
  confounded to see its Maker die.”

The next extract is from the sermon on “Peter’s Denial of his Lord,”
and describes Peter repenting.

  “Methinks I see him wringing his hands, rending his garments,
  stamping on the ground, and, with the self-condemned publican,
  smiting upon his breast. See how it heaves! O what piteous sighs
  and groans are those which come from the very bottom of his
  heart. Alas! it is too big to speak; but his tears, his briny,
  bitter, repenting tears, plainly bespeak this to be the language
  of his awakened soul. ‘Alas! where have I been? On the devil’s
  ground. With whom have I been conversing? The devil’s children.
  What is this that I have done? Denied the Lord of glory;――with
  oaths and curses, denied that I ever knew Him. And now whither
  shall I go? or where shall I hide my guilty head? I have sinned
  against light. I have sinned against repeated tokens of His
  dear, distinguishing, and heavenly love. I have sinned against
  repeated warnings, resolutions, promises, and vows. I have
  sinned openly in the face of the sun, and in the presence of
  my Master’s enemies; and, thereby, have caused His name to be
  blasphemed. How can I think of being suffered to behold the
  face of, much less to be employed by, the ever-blessed Jesus
  any more? O Peter! thou hast undone thyself. Justly mayest thou
  be thrown aside like a broken vessel. God be merciful to me a
  sinner!’”

Even if he had wished, John Wesley would have found it difficult to
preach in a style like this. Let the taste be good or bad, there cannot
be a doubt that, with Whitefield’s dramatic action and unequalled voice,
the effect of such eloquence would be next to overpowering. We return
to Whitefield’s correspondence.

One of the London ministers, who had been benefited by Whitefield’s
ministry, was the Rev. Mr. Steward. He had been invited to the house
of the Countess of Huntingdon to hear Whitefield preach, and had been
one of the first converts there. His own preaching had become popular
and successful, not only at her ladyship’s, but on Garlick Hill, where,
among others saved by his instrumentality, was Mrs. Kent, at the age of
a hundred and four. Mr. Steward’s career was suddenly ended,――an event
which greatly affected Whitefield.[317] In the following letter to
Charles Wesley, he refers to this and other matters:――

                                      “LONDON, _March 3, 1753_.

  “MY DEAR FRIEND,――I thank you and your brother most heartily for
  the loan of the chapel. Blessed be God! the work goes on well.
  On Thursday morning” (March 1st), “the first brick of our new
  Tabernacle was laid with awful solemnity. I preached from Exodus
  xx. 24: ‘In all places where I record my name, I will come unto
  thee and bless thee.’ Afterwards, we sung, and prayed for God’s
  blessing in all places, where His glorious name is recorded. The
  wall is now about a yard high. The building is to be eighty feet
  square. It is upon the old spot. We have purchased the house;
  and, if we finish what we have begun, we shall be rent-free for
  forty-six years. We have £1100 in hand. This, I think, is the
  best way to build.

  “Mr. Steward’s death so affected me, that, when I met the
  workmen that night to contract about the building, I could
  scarce bear to think of building tabernacles. Strange! that so
  many should be so soon discharged, and we continued. Eighteen
  years have I been waiting for the coming of the Son of God; but
  I find we are immortal till our work is done. Oh that we may
  never live to be ministered unto, but to minister. Mr. Steward
  spoke for his Lord as long as he could speak at all. He had no
  clouds nor darkness. I was with him, till a few minutes before
  he slept in Jesus.

  “I have good news from several parts. A door is opening at
  Winchester. Surely the little leaven will ferment till the whole
  kingdom be leavened. Even so, Lord Jesus, Amen!

  “My poor wife has had another plunge. We thought she was taken
  with palsy; but, blessed be God, she is now recovering.”[318]

The next deserves insertion for its Christian admonition.

                                      “LONDON, _March 10, 1753_.

  “MY DEAR MR. M――――, I have preached at Spitalfields chapel
  twice.[319] Both the Mr. Wesleys are agreed, as the younger
  brother writes me word, in answer to my letter. Let brotherly
  love continue. I do not like writing against anybody; but, I
  think, that wisdom which dwells with prudence should direct you
  not to fill Mr. Wesley’s people (who expect you will serve them)
  with needless jealousies. I hope to see the time when you will
  talk less of persons and things, and more of Jesus Christ. This,
  and this alone, can make and keep you steady in yourself, and
  extensively useful to others. I am glad you know when persons
  are justified. It is a lesson I have not yet learnt. There are
  so many stony-ground hearers, that I have determined to suspend
  my judgment, till I know the tree by its fruits.”

The following needs no explanation:――

                                      “LONDON, _March 21, 1753_.

  “What is happening to the Moravians is no more than I have
  long expected, and spoken of to many friends. Their scheme is
  so _antichristian_, in almost every respect, that I am amazed
  the eyes of the English Brethren have not long since been
  opened, and the Babel stopped. But the glorious God generally
  suffers such buildings to go high, that their fall may be more
  conspicuous. May the builders rise (I mean as to spirituals) by
  their falls, and gain by their losses! This is all the harm I
  wish them. What a blessed thing it is to live and walk in the
  simplicity of the gospel! How happy is that man, who, being
  neither fond of money, numbers, nor power, goes on day by day
  without any other scheme than a general intention to promote
  the common salvation among people of all denominations! Will
  you pray that I may be thus minded?”

The erection of the new Tabernacle detained Whitefield in London longer
than it was his custom to stay; but, in the month of April, he made a
hurried visit to the city of Norwich, where, two years before, there
had been the most disgraceful riots. James Wheatley, whom the Wesleys
had expelled from their connexion, for infamous behaviour, had come
to Norwich, begun to preach out of doors, and formed a mongrel society
of nearly two thousand persons. A temporary Tabernacle was erected for
him on Timber Hill, in imitation of the one erected for Whitefield in
Moorfields. Then followed the riots. Wheatley braved the storm; and,
in April, 1752, steps were taken to build for him one of the largest
chapels in the city.[320] The history of the entire movement is curious,
but not edifying. Why Whitefield went to Norwich, it is difficult
to tell. An account of his visit is contained in the following short
extracts from his letters:――

  “Norwich, April 17, 1753. Were it not sinful, I could wish for
  a thousand hands, a thousand tongues, and a thousand lives: all
  should be employed, night and day, without ceasing, in promoting
  the glory of Jesus. Thanks be to His great name, for reviving
  His work in the midst of the years. I trust that His people
  everywhere will be made to sing, ‘The winter is past, the rain
  is over and gone, the flowers appear on the earth, and the voice
  of the turtle is heard in the land.’ For these three days past,
  I have been preaching here twice a day. In the mornings, we have
  been quiet; but, in the evenings, the sons of Belial have been
  somewhat rude. The place built here for public worship is much
  larger than yours at Newcastle; and, I believe, hundreds of
  truly awakened souls attend. What cannot God do? What will the
  end of this be? The destruction of Jericho. The rams’ horns must
  go round, till its towering walls fall down. Who would not be
  one of these rams’ horns? My dear sir, let us not be ashamed of
  the cross of Christ: it is lined with love, and will ere long be
  exchanged for a crown. Jesus Himself will put it on our heads.”

  “Norwich, April 18, 1753. How does God delight to exceed
  the hopes, and to disappoint the fears, of His weak, though
  honest-hearted people! In spite of all opposition, He has caused
  us to triumph even in Norwich. Thousands attend twice every day,
  and hear with the greatest eagerness. I hope it will appear yet
  more and more that God has much people here.”

Whitefield returned to London on April 21st; and, for the next
three weeks, was employed, not only in preaching, but in writing.
The following letter deserves attention. It was addressed to David
Taylor――said to have been originally footman to Lady Ingham――a
good man, but unsettled, part Moravian, part Methodist, and part
Inghamite――who, by his preaching, had converted large numbers of the
people in Derbyshire, Leicestershire, Lancashire, and Yorkshire, and
had formed Societies in the several counties.

                                        “LONDON, _May 1, 1753_.

  “MY DEAR DAVID,――Do you enquire where I am? I answer, in
  London, longing to come to Leeds, and yet withheld by Him, whose
  providence ordereth all things well. Let us have a little more
  patience, and then, in a few weeks, I hope to have a blessed
  range in the north. The word ran and was glorified at Norwich.
  Preaching so frequently, and riding hard, almost killed me; but
  what is my body in comparison of precious and immortal souls?

  “At present, I am engaged in a very ungrateful work; I mean, in
  writing against the leading Moravian Brethren. When you see it,
  you will know whether there was not a cause.”

Whitefield’s pamphlet was published without delay, and was entitled,
“An Expostulatory Letter, addressed to Nicholas Lewis, Count Zinzendorf,
and Lord Advocate of the Unitas Fratrum. By George Whitefield, A.B.,
late of Pembroke College, Oxford, and Chaplain to the Right Honourable
the Countess of Huntingdon. London, 1753.” (8vo. 19 pp.) The letter is
dated, “London, April 24, 1753;” and bears on the title-page the text,
“O foolish Galatians, who hath bewitched you?”

Perhaps it ought to be premised that a great sensation had been already
created in the country, by the publication of an octavo pamphlet of
177 pages, dedicated to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and entitled, “A
candid Narrative of the Rise and Progress of the Hernhuthers, commonly
called Moravians, or Unitas Fratrum. By Henry Rimius, Aulic Counsellor
to his late Majesty the King of Prussia.” Rimius’s book was a terrible
attack on Zinzendorf; and now Whitefield, wisely or unwisely, rushed
into the affray. His letter begins thus:――

  “MY LORD,――Although I am persuaded that nothing has a greater
  tendency to strengthen the hands of infidels than the too
  frequent altercations between the professors of Christianity,
  yet there are certain occasions wherein the necessary defence
  of the principles of our holy religion, as well as the practice
  of it, renders public remonstrance of the greatest use and
  importance.

  “For many years past, I have been a silent and an impartial
  observer of the progress and effects of Moravianism, both in
  England and America; but such shocking things have been lately
  brought to our ears, and offences have swollen to such an
  enormous bulk, that a real regard for my king and my country,
  and a disinterested love for the ever-blessed Jesus, will
  not suffer me to be silent any longer. Pardon me, therefore,
  my lord, if I am constrained to inform your lordship that
  you, together with some of your _leading_ brethren, have been
  unhappily instrumental in misguiding many simple, honest-hearted
  Christians; of distressing, if not totally ruining, numerous
  families; and of introducing a whole _farrago_ of superstitious,
  not to say idolatrous, fopperies into the English nation.”

Having asserted that, whatever might be “the principles and usages
of the ancient Moravian Church,” he can find no trace of the present
practices of the Moravians in the primitive churches, Whitefield
continues:――

  “Will your lordship give me leave to descend to a few
  particulars? Pray, my lord, what instances have we of the first
  Christians walking round the graves of their deceased friends
  on Easter Day, attended with hautboys, trumpets, French horns,
  violins, and other kinds of musical instruments? Or where have
  we the least mention made of pictures of particular persons
  being brought into the first Christian assemblies, and of
  candles being placed behind them, in order to give a transparent
  view of the figures? Where was it ever known that the picture
  of the apostle Paul, representing him handing a gentleman and
  lady up to the side of Jesus Christ, was ever introduced into
  the primitive lovefeasts? Or do we ever hear of incense, or
  something like it, being burnt for him, in order to perfume the
  room before he made his entrance among the brethren? And yet
  your lordship knows this has been done for you, and suffered by
  you, without your having shewn, as far as I can hear, the least
  dislike of it at all.

  “Again, my lord, I beg leave to enquire whether we hear anything
  in Scripture of eldresses or deaconnesses seating themselves
  before a table covered with artificial flowers, and against
  that a little altar surrounded with wax tapers, on which stood
  a cross, composed either of mock or real diamonds, or other
  glittering stones? And yet your lordship must be sensible, this
  was done in Fetter Lane chapel, for Mrs. Hannah Nitschmann, the
  present general eldress of your congregation, with this addition,
  that all the sisters were seated in German caps, and clothed
  in white, and the organ also illuminated with three pyramids of
  wax tapers, each of which was tied with a red ribbon, and over
  the head of the general eldress was placed her own picture,
  and over that (_horresco referens_) the picture of the Son of
  God. A goodly sight this, my lord, for a company of English
  Protestants to behold! Alas! to what a long series of childish
  and superstitious devotions, and unscriptural impositions must
  they have been habituated, before they could sit as silent
  spectators of such an anti-Christian scene!”

Besides this general onslaught on Moravian _ritualism_, Whitefield,
in foot-notes, ridicules the absurdity of the “married women” of the
Moravian community “being ordered to wear blue knots; the single women,
pink; those who are just marriageable, pink and white; widows past
child-bearing, white; and those who were not so, blue and white.”
He also describes a ludicrous, or rather theatrical and repulsive
scene, in Hatton Garden, at the celebration of the birthday of Hannah
Nitschmann; and then proceeds to the subject of Moravian fraud and
bankruptcy. He writes:――

  “I have another question to propose to your lordship. Pray,
  my lord, did any of the apostles or _leaders_ of the primitive
  churches ever usurp an authority, not only over people’s
  consciences, but properties, or draw in the members of their
  respective congregations to dispose of whole patrimonies at
  once, or to be bound for thousands more than they knew they were
  worth? And yet your lordship knows this has been done again and
  again, in order to serve the purposes of the Brethren; and that,
  too, at or very near the time, when, in order to procure an
  Act in their favour, they boasted to an English Parliament how
  immensely rich they were.”

Whitefield then specifies some of the Moravian debts; and concludes by
speaking of the “horrid equivocations, untruths, and low artifices,”
made use of to obtain such enormous loans:――

  “At present,” says he, “I shall add no more, but earnestly say
  _Amen_ to that part of the Brethren’s litany, ‘From untimely
  projects, and from unhappily becoming great, keep us, our
  good Lord and God!’ And as heartily praying, that the glorious
  Jesus may prosper all that is right, and give grace to correct
  and amend all that is wrong, among all His people of all
  denominations, I subscribe myself, my lord, your lordship’s most
  obedient humble servant,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

This was plain speaking. Perhaps some will think that Whitefield’s
interference was offensively officious; but it must be borne in mind,
that, besides being bound to take a general interest in everything
pertaining to the religion of the land, Whitefield was closely
associated with the Moravians at the beginning of his ministry;
and that, in his extensive itinerancy, he still came into frequent
contact with them. And, further, though it may be still contended that
Whitefield might have been more usefully employed, there cannot be a
doubt that he now rendered a great and lasting service to the Moravian
community; for his letter to Zinzendorf helped to check and to correct
the extravagance and the absurdly ritualistic practices, into which the
Unitas Fratrum had fallen.

Whitefield’s “letter” created almost as great a sensation as Rimius’s
“Narrative”; and, in whole or in part, was reprinted in the magazines
and newspapers of the day. The Moravians were angry. Peter Bohler
declared publicly, in the pulpit, that Whitefield’s letter “was all a
lie.” James Hutton spoke of “many bulls of Bashan roaring madly against
the Count; and describing him as a Mahomet, a Cæsar, an impostor, a
Don Quixote, a devil, the beast, the man of sin, the Antichrist.”[321]
He also sent the following threatening letter “to the publisher of the
_Public Advertiser_”:――

                                      “SATURDAY, _June 2, 1752_.

  “You, sir, have published such an extract of Mr. Whitefield’s
  libel in your paper, as is punishable by law; which example
  of yours the country newspapers and the London magazines have
  followed.

  “I would have you immediately consider well, whether you are
  liable or no; and, if you find yourself so, to let me know what
  steps you think to take to avoid a prosecution.

  “A submission in the _Public Advertiser_, next Monday,
  expressing your sorrow for having published that extract
  (without at all entering into the merits of the cause, whether
  true or false), and asking pardon of the persons reflected on
  therein, seems to me the best and only way of preventing that
  prosecution, which else, in all probability, will very soon
  begin.

                                      “I am, sir, yours,

                                                “JAMES HUTTON.”

A similar letter was sent to the publisher of the _Daily Gazetteer_.
The Archbishop of Canterbury, likewise, received an anonymous epistle,
not written, but made up of words, taken out of printed books, of
different types, and pasted upon a sheet of paper:――

  “MY LORD,――Our Moravian Church having subsisted above 1700 years,
  and you being the chief of a Church, which is her puny sister,
  your Grace ought not to suffer that villain Rimius publicly to
  vilify our right reverend and valuable patron and us. The man
  is quite stupid, else he would have known that he, being but a
  single person, and deeply in debt, can do us no hurt. We are a
  multitude, a parliamentary constitution, a church that stands
  upon a rock, and have treasures inexhaustible, and can hold out
  against him, and all the rest of our enemies. But we shall soon
  make him flee his country; or he shall meet with a fate which he
  scarce expects.”[322]

Bohler and Zinzendorf both wrote to Whitefield; and, as their letters
are of historical importance, they are here given _in extenso_:――

                                                “_May 8, 1753._

  “SIR,――I pity you very much that you suffer yourself to
  be so much imposed on, and to print your impositions so
  inconsiderately.

  “You have now attempted a second time to ruin my character. You
  represent me as the inventor of an _artificial mount_,[323] etc.
  You build upon that, two assertions: 1. That I invented it as
  a means to encourage a certain gentleman in his undertakings.
  2. That I did it to make up a quarrel with him, by these means.
  Now I can attest, with a good conscience, before God, that I had
  no hand in inventing, or contriving, or executing, etc., such an
  _artificial mound and picture_, etc.; and both your conclusions,
  that you build on it, drop of course.

  “You also assert, that, I and others paid our devotions in a
  certain room, of which you please to give a description; but you
  really are in this point also grossly imposed upon. By whom? By
  an apostate!

  “The person against whom you chiefly level your letter, is so
  maliciously misrepresented therein, that really you yourself
  will be ashamed of it one day before God and man. It would have
  been ingenuous in you to have asked some of your old friends,
  whether the charges you lay against us be true. But that,
  you have not done. You will perhaps say to me, ‘You can clear
  yourself in print.’ But this sounds, in my ears, as if a drunken
  man would pelt one with dirt, and then say, ‘Now I will shew you
  water where you can wash yourself again.’ I, for my part, have
  always abhorred paper war; for I think the result of such a
  war, for a child of God, is no other than _vinco seu vincor,
  semper ego maculor_ (conquering or conquered, I am dishonoured).
  And, besides that, I think it incumbent upon an honest man,
  when he rashly and heedlessly has cast an aspersion upon his
  fellow-creatures――fathered actions upon an innocent person of
  whom he was altogether ignorant――and, with the most prejudicial
  assertions, charged a body of people with faults of which they,
  neither in whole nor in part, are guilty――to do all in his
  power to remove such aspersions of which he is the author or
  propagator.

  “Dear Mr. Whitefield, when the secret intentions of man,
  together with all his unjust deeds and actions, will be judged,
  how glad would you be then, not to have treated our Society, in
  general; and, in particular, that venerable person against whom
  your letter is chiefly levelled; and poor me, in so injurious,
  yea, I may say, impudent and wicked a manner.

  “But, perhaps, my dear and merciful Saviour may give you grace,
  that I may, a second time, be asked pardon by you; which I,
  for your sake, heartily desire; but, for my sake, am entirely
  unconcerned about; who, as an unworthy servant of my dear Lord
  Jesus Christ, who was slain for His enemies, shall continue to
  love and pray for you.

                                                “PETER BOHLER.”

To say the least, this is an odd, evasive letter, unworthy of the
man who had taught the Wesleys the way of salvation by faith in Jesus
Christ. Zinzendorf’s is no better:――

                                                “_May 8, 1753._

  “REV. SIR,――As I read no newspapers, I knew nothing of your
  ‘Expostulatory Letter,’ till a worthy clergyman of the Church of
  England communicated to me his copy but yesterday.

  “You are a preacher, I suppose, of Christ; therefore, though you
  are, it seems, an utter stranger to me, you may guess why you
  see no reply to your letter.

  “In private, I tell you so much, that you are mistaken in the
  chief point you urge with more zeal than knowledge.

  “As yet, I owe not a farthing of the £40,000 you are pleased
  to tell me of; and, if your precipitate officiousness should
  save me and those foreigners, you forewarn so compassionately,
  from that debt, your zeal would prove very fatal to the English
  friends you pity, it seems, no less than the German.

  “As for the distinction in the dress of our women, pray consider
  that St. Paul has thought it worth his while to make certain
  regulations about the head-dress; and you may remain more quiet,
  as you have no notion what our ordinances are.

  “If some brethren, in their Easter Liturgy, make use of
  French-horns, (which they are to answer for, not I, for my chapel
  has none,) let the synod consider of it.

  “I have not seen the pamphlet you tell us of. It is dedicated
  to the Archbishop, you say. If the author got the permission of
  his Grace fairly, then the thing is serious indeed; yet, I shall
  have nothing to say to Mr. Rimius.

  “I make but one observation for your good, sir. Are you sure
  that all the quotations out of the Bible are true? If so, is it
  possible that the interpretations, which some eighty different
  sects of Christians give to the passages in which they oppose
  each other, can be the true meaning of the author? Are all those
  which are made out of your own books to be depended upon? For
  my own part, I find that the single passage you borrow from Mr.
  Rimius is an imposition upon the public, as gross as if St. Paul,
  when he says, ‘We have but one God the Father,’ etc., should be
  charged with denying the divinity of Jesus. As thousands of our
  people are satisfied, that I oppose that meaning of the said
  quotation, with all my credit in the Church; and have supported
  my opposition, with all my substance and that of my family,
  above these thirty years; and will continue so long as I have a
  shirt left; what must they think when they see my book quoted in
  that manner?[324] I add no more.

  “As your heart is not prepared to love me, nor your
  understanding to listen to my reasons, I wish you well, sir,
  and am your loving friend,

                                                  “LOUIS.”[325]

These were unsatisfactory and discreditable letters, and not at all an
answer to Whitefield’s charges. The truth is, a satisfactory answer was
impossible. There can be no question, that the Moravians had begun to
practise a _ritualism_ the most silly; and that their expenditure had
brought them to the very verge of bankruptcy and disgraceful ruin.[326]

It would be wearisome and unprofitable to pursue the subject. Suffice
it to say, that, in the month of November, 1753, a pamphlet, of
forty-three pages, was published with the following uncouth title:
“He who is a Minister of the Gospel, and highly esteems the Sufferings
of the Lamb, his Introduction to the Method or Way of the Evangelical
Church of the Brethren in dealing with Souls. To which is prefixed,
A short Answer to Mr. Rimius’s long uncandid Narrative. And a Lesson
for Mr. Whitefield to read before his Congregation.” The bulk of the
pamphlet was a translation of Zinzendorf’s German treatise, entitled,
“Method with Souls,” etc., and requires no attention; but that section
of it which relates to Whitefield may be quoted:――

  “If Mr. Whitefield had been more acquainted with the customs
  of the primitive Christians, he need not have asked, ‘Did the
  primitive Christians visit the graves of the deceased?’

  “As to the illuminations, they are no part of the worship, and
  cannot concern him.

  “As to their debts, he has no business to trouble himself about
  them. He will never be asked to pay them; for he, among the
  Brethren, to whom the Lord has been most bountiful, has taken
  upon himself to discharge them.

  “As his intelligence has been from such as St. Paul
  distinguishes by the name of false brethren, any man, possessed
  of common sense, may know what regard it deserves.

  “One fault among the Brethren is, that they do not abound with
  charity sermons, and look sharp after the plate, as is done he
  knows where and by whom.

  “By this time, I doubt not, Mr. Whitefield is able to answer his
  own queries; and, I hope, wishes he had taken Paul’s advice to
  Timothy: ‘Foolish and unlearned _questions_ avoid, knowing that
  they do gender strifes.’”

On the other side, there was published a pamphlet, whose title will
convey an idea of its contents:――“A true and authentic Account of
Andrew Frey; containing the occasion of his coming among the Hernhuters,
or Moravians; his Observations on their Conferences, Casting Lots,
Marriages, Festivals, Merriments, Celebrations of Birth-days, Impious
Doctrines, and Fantastic Practices, Abuse of Charitable Contributions,
Linen Images, Ostentatious Profuseness, and Rancour against any who
in the least differ from them; and the Reasons for which he left them;
together with the Motives for publishing this Account. Faithfully
translated from the German.”[327]

All this disreputable contention prepared the way for Bishop Lavington
to publish, two years afterwards, his “Moravians Compared and Detected.”
(8vo. 180 pp.)

It is time to return to Whitefield’s gospel wanderings, and
correspondence.

About the middle of the month of May, he left London for a tour in
Wales, and made “a circuit of about seven hundred miles.”[328] He
preached above twenty times, at Narberth, Pembroke, Haverfordwest, and
other places; and was again in London on the 7th of June. The Moravian
controversy filled his mind and crushed his heart. To his old secretary,
John Syms, who had joined the Moravians, and who had basely threatened
a revelation of some of Whitefield’s secret affairs, he wrote:――

                                “HAVERFORDWEST, _May 27, 1753_.

  “MY DEAR MAN,――Though my wife has not forwarded the letter, she
  says you have sent me a threatening one. I thank you for it,
  though unseen, and say unto thee, if thou art thus minded, ‘What
  thou doest, do quickly.’ Blessed be God, I am ready to receive
  the most traitorous blow, and to confess, before God and man,
  all my weaknesses and failings, whether in public or private
  life. I laid my account of such treatment, before I published my
  ‘Expostulatory Letter.’ Your writing in such a manner convinces
  me more and more, that Moravianism leads men to break through
  the most sacred ties of nature, friendship, and disinterested
  love.

  “My wife says, you write, that, ‘_I am drunk with power_ and
  _approbation_.’ Wast thou with me so long, my dear man, and hast
  thou not known me better? What power didst thou know me ever to
  grasp at? or, what power am I now invested with? None, that I
  know of, except that of being a poor pilgrim. As for approbation,
  God knows, I have had little else besides the cross to glory in,
  since my first setting out. May that be my glory still!

  “My wife says, you write, that ‘I promised not to print.’ I
  remember no such thing. I know you advised me not to do so,
  but I know of no promise made. If I rightly remember, I had not
  then read Rimius; but, after that, I both heard and saw so many
  things, that I could not, with a safe conscience, be silent.

  “My wife says, you write, ‘the bulk of my letter is not truth.’
  So says Mr. Peter Bohler; nay, he says, ‘it is all a lie;’ and,
  I hear, he declares so in the pulpit; so that, whether I will
  or not, he obliges me to clear myself in print. If he goes on
  in this manner, he will not only constrain me to print a third
  edition, but also to publish a dreadful heap that remains behind.
  My answers to him, the Count, and my old friend Hutton, are
  almost ready. I cannot send them this post, but may have time
  before long.

  “O, my dear man, let me tell thee, that the God of truth and
  love hates lies. That cause can never be good, that needs
  equivocations and falsehoods to support it. You shall have none
  from me. I have naked truth. I write out of pure love. The Lord
  Jesus only knows what unspeakable grief I feel, when I think
  how many of my friends have so involved themselves. If anything
  stops my pen, it will be concern for them, not myself. I value
  neither name nor life itself, when the cause of God calls me to
  venture both. Thanks be to His great name, I can truly say, that,
  for many years past, no sin has had dominion over me; neither
  have I slept with the guilt of any known, unrepented sin lying
  upon my heart.

  “I wish thee well in body and soul, and subscribe myself, my
  dear John, your very affectionate, though injured, friend for
  Christ’s sake,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

To another friend, Whitefield wrote as follows:――

                                        “LONDON, _June 8, 1753_.

  “Mr. S―――― can tell you what concern the Brethren’s awful
  conduct has given me. Surely, if the Redeemer had not supported
  me, I should, within these two months, have died of grief. But I
  will say no more; Jesus knows all things. He will not long bear
  with guile. I and the Messrs. Wesley are very friendly. I like
  them, because they let the world see what they are at once. I
  suspect something wrong, when so much secresy is required.”

Two days after writing this, Whitefield opened his new Tabernacle,
on which occasion he preached, in the morning, from Solomon’s prayer
at the dedication of the temple; and, in the evening, from 1 Chron.
xxix. 9: “Then the people rejoiced, for that they offered willingly,
because with perfect heart they offered willingly to the Lord: and
David the king also rejoiced with great joy.” It is needless to
add, that the building “was crowded almost to suffocation in every
part.”[329]

The Tabernacle being built and opened, Whitefield felt himself at
liberty to “take the field.” Accordingly, on June 20, he started off to
Portsmouth, where he spent about a week. Having fulfilled his mission
there, he set out for the north of England. He had “two good meetings”
at Olney. At Northampton, “several thousands attended.” Leicester
was “a cold place; but the people stood very attentive, and some were
affected.” At Nottingham, “a great multitude came to hear, but a son
of Belial endeavoured to disturb them.” At Sheffield, he had “two good
meetings,” and a congregation “consisting of several thousands.” At
Rotherham, “after preaching, a young man was set at liberty, who had
been groaning under the spirit of bondage for four years.” At Leeds
thousands attended daily; and, on the Lord’s-day, it was computed that
near twenty thousand were present. At Birstal[330] and Bradford, “many
thousands flocked together.” “At York,” he says, “I preached four
times; twice we were disturbed, and twice we had sweet seasons.” Thus
did he preach all the way from London to Newcastle where he arrived on
Saturday, July 14. Three days afterwards, he wrote to the Countess of
Huntingdon:――

                                    “NEWCASTLE, _July 17, 1753_.

  “I wrote to your ladyship just before I set out for Portsmouth,
  and thought to have written again at my return, but was hindered
  by staying only one night in London. Ever since, I have been
  on the range for lost sinners; and, blessed be God! I have
  been much owned by Him who delights to work by the meanest
  instruments. Sometimes I have scarce known whether I have been
  in heaven or on earth. I came hither on Saturday, and have
  preached seven times, and once at Sunderland, where a great
  multitude attended, and were deeply impressed. At five in the
  morning, the great room[331] is filled; and, on the Lord’s-day,
  the congregation out of doors was great indeed. Surely the shout
  of a King has been amongst us. All is harmony and love. I am now
  going to a place called Sheep-hill, and shall return to preach
  here again in the evening. To-morrow I set forward to Scotland.
  This may be communicated to Mr. Charles Wesley, to whom I would
  write if I had time.”

The _Scots’ Magazine_ for 1753 (p. 361) says:――

  “Mr. George Whitefield arrived at Edinburgh July 20th; went
  thence to Glasgow on the 27th; returned to Edinburgh August 3rd;
  and set out for London on the 7th. He preached daily, morning
  and evening, when at Edinburgh, in the Orphan Hospital Park; and,
  when at Glasgow, in the Castle-yard, to numerous audiences. In
  his sermons at Glasgow, he declaimed warmly against a play-house,
  lately erected within the enclosure in which he preached.
  The consequence was, that, before his departure, workmen were
  employed to take it down, to prevent its being done by ruder
  hands.”

Whitefield went to Scotland, not with his usual buoyancy. Under date of
“Edinburgh, July 21,” he wrote:――

  “The inward discouragements I have felt against coming to
  Scotland have been many. I have left a people full of fire.
  Thousands and thousands flocked to hear the glorious gospel.
  I have heard of awakenings in every place. Saints have been
  revived, and heaven, as it were, has come down on earth. We have
  enjoyed perpetual Cambuslang seasons. My heart is quite broken
  to think poor Scotland is so dead.”

He, however, plunged into his work, and not without success. In another
letter, dated “Glasgow, July 25, 1753,” he says:――

  “Yesterday, I was enabled to preach five times, and, I suppose,
  the last time to near twenty thousand. At Edinburgh, I preached
  twice every day to many thousands, among whom were many of
  the noble and polite. Attention sits on the faces of all; and
  friends come round me, like so many bees, to importune me for
  one week’s longer stay in Scotland.”

As already stated, Whitefield started, from Edinburgh to London, on
Tuesday, August 7th. On Wednesday, he preached at Berwick, and again
on Thursday morning. On Thursday night, he arrived at Alnwick, and “it
being the time of the races,” he preached on the words, “So run that ye
may obtain.” He writes:――

  “Whilst I was discoursing, the gentlemen came down from the race,
  and surrounded the congregation, and heard very attentively.
  The next morning, at five, I preached again; and, about noon,
  at a place called Placey; and, in the evening, about nine, at
  Newcastle, where a great number expected me, and my text was,
  ‘At midnight, a cry was made, Behold, the Bridegroom cometh.’”

On the Sunday following, he wrote to Mr. Gillies, of Glasgow:――

  “I am to preach three times every day this week. This promise
  supports me――‘As thy day is, so shall thy strength be.’ By the
  enclosed, you will see the devil owes me a grudge for what was
  done at Glasgow. Would it not be proper to insert a paragraph to
  contradict it?”

Next day, August 13th, he wrote to another friend:――

  “My route is now fixed. After preaching here” (Newcastle) “and
  hereabouts three times each day, I am to leave this place on
  Thursday; to be at Stockton on Sunday; at Osmotherley on Monday
  noon; lie at Topcliff, and reach York, by way of Boroughbridge,
  on Tuesday next; and then come forwards to Leeds.

  “I could not finish this letter last night. It is now Tuesday
  morning. Surely heaven came down amongst us, under the last
  evening’s preaching. It was almost too much for my body. I must
  away to Horsley to preach, from whence I am to return here to
  preach again this evening. Thrice a day tries me, but in the
  Lord have I righteousness and strength. If you hear of a mob
  being raised, by my preaching, at Glasgow, assure your friends
  there was none; but Satan owes me a grudge for speaking against
  the play-house.”

It is important to bear in mind, that, at nearly all, if not actually
all, the places in the north of England, where Whitefield preached,
there were meeting-houses and Societies belonging to his friend Wesley.
In truth, whatever might be the case in London, Whitefield, in the
country, was Wesley’s fellow-labourer. There was no formal and avowed
union between the two, and, on some important doctrines, they differed;
but wherever Whitefield went, Wesley’s people were prepared to welcome
him; and he was equally prepared to do them all the good he could.[332]
Osmotherley[333] is mentioned in the foregoing extract. This was a
small moorland village, quite out of Whitefield’s way to London, and
difficult of access; but one of Wesley’s Societies had been formed
even here, and they were about to erect a chapel. On no other ground,
except that Whitefield, without professing it, was acting as Wesley’s
lieutenant, is it possible to account for Whitefield’s visits to places
like Osmotherley, Placey, Horsley, Sheephill, Stockton, and others
which might be mentioned.

The mob at Glasgow has been named. The explanation is, the proprietor
of a play-house was supposed to be so affected by Whitefield’s
preaching, that he, at once, began to take down the roof of his edifice.
Either through malice or misinformation, several of the newspapers of
the day represented this as being done by a mob, under the exciting
influence of Whitefield’s ministry.[334] Whitefield had been so often
mobbed himself, that he had no wish to be announced as allied to mobs.
Hence, before he left Newcastle, he wrote the following letter, which
was printed, by the publishers, in the _Newcastle Journal_:――

                                  “NEWCASTLE, _August 17, 1753_.

  “GENTLEMEN,――By your last Saturday’s paper, I find that some
  Edinburgh correspondent has informed you, that, when I was
  preaching at Glasgow on the 2nd inst., to a numerous audience,
  near the play-house lately built, I inflamed the mob so much
  against it, that they ran directly from before me, and pulled it
  down to the ground; and that several of the rioters, since then,
  have been taken up, and committed to jail. But, I assure you,
  this is mere slander and misinformation. It is true, indeed,
  that I was preaching at Glasgow, to a numerous auditory, at
  the beginning of this month; and that I thought it my duty
  to shew the evil of having a play-house erected in a trading
  city――almost, too, before the very door of the university. And
  this, by the help of God, if called to it, I should do again.
  But that I inflamed the mob, or that they ran directly from me,
  and pulled the play-house down, or that the rioters were taken
  up and put into prison, is entirely false.

  “I suppose all this took its rise from the builder taking down
  the roof of the house himself. You must know that the walls of
  this play-house were part of the old palace of the Bishop of
  Glasgow, and only had a board covering put upon them during
  the time of the players being there. They being gone, the owner
  (whether convinced by anything that was said, I cannot tell)
  began to take off the roof several days before I left that place;
  so that, if there had been any riot, doubtless I should have
  seen it.

  “No, gentlemen, your correspondent may assure himself that I
  am too much a friend to my God, my king, and my country, to
  encourage any such thing. I know of no such means of reformation,
  either in church or state. The weapons of a Christian’s warfare
  are not carnal. And therefore, if you please to inform the
  public and your Edinburgh correspondent of the mistake, in
  to-morrow’s paper, you will oblige, Gentlemen,

                                “Your very humble servant,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

On leaving Newcastle, Whitefield continued to visit towns and villages,
where Wesley had formed Societies, and everywhere his gigantic labours
were attended with marvellous success. The following extracts from two
letters to the Countess of Huntingdon will convey an idea of the scenes
he witnessed:――

                                    “YORK, _September 11, 1753_.

  “Last Saturday, I returned to Leeds, whence I had been absent
  a fortnight. What the glorious Emmanuel gave us to see and
  feel, is inexpressible. What a sacrament at Haworth! We used
  thirty-five bottles of wine on the occasion. I have been as far
  as Bolton, Manchester, and Stockport. At the last place, so much
  of the Divine presence came amongst us, that it was almost too
  much for our frail natures to bear. Everywhere the congregations
  looked like swarms of bees; and the more I preached, the more
  eager they seemed to be. At Birstal, last Lord’s-day, there were
  near twenty thousand; and, on Monday morning, the parting at
  Leeds was the most affecting I ever saw. Last night, I came
  hither, and preached with quietness. This morning, I am setting
  out for Lincolnshire. Besides travelling, I have been enabled
  to preach thrice a day frequently. I hear of scores of souls who
  have been awakened. They tell me that a hundred have been added
  to the Sunderland Society.[335] Never did I see the work more
  promising. God be merciful to me a sinner, and give me an humble,
  thankful heart!”

                                  “LONDON, _September 26, 1753_.

  “Yesterday, the good and never-failing Redeemer brought me and
  mine to London, where I expect to stay only a few days. During
  the last three months, I have been enabled to travel about
  twelve hundred miles, and to preach about one hundred and eighty
  sermons, to many, very many, thousands of souls. More glorious
  seasons I never saw. My last excursion has been to York,
  Lincolnshire, Rotherham, Sheffield, Nottingham, and Northampton,
  where, I believe, near ten thousand came to hear last Lord’s-day.”

Though Whitefield had built and opened his new Tabernacle, he was not
inclined to “_nestle_” in it. Within ten days after his arrival in
London, he resumed his itinerancy. On Saturday, October 6th, he had “a
blessed season at Olney;” and, next day, “two glorious opportunities”
at Northampton. On Monday, October 8th, he preached at Oxenden and
Bosworth; on Tuesday, at Kettering and Bedford; and on Wednesday, at
Bedford and Olney. He then set out for Staffordshire, and preached
“at Birmingham and several adjacent places.” Three weeks after his
departure from London, he wrote as follows:――

                            “WOLVERHAMPTON, _October 27, 1753_.

  “My last, I think, was from Nantwich. Since then, I have been
  breaking up new ground.[336] I have preached four times at
  Alpraham, in Cheshire, where the Lord was with us of a truth;
  and where He had prepared my way, by blessing several of my poor
  writings. At Chester, I preached four times; a great concourse
  attended; all was quiet;[337] several of the clergy were present;
  and the word came with power. I have since heard that the most
  noted rebel in the town was brought under deep conviction,
  and could not sleep night or day. At Liverpool, the way was
  equally prepared. A person, who had been wrought on by some
  of my printed sermons, met me at landing, and took me to his
  house.[338] A great number, at a short notice, were convened;
  all were quiet; and some came under immediate conviction. Wrexham
  has been a rude place; and, upon my coming there, the town was
  alarmed, and several thousands came to hear. Some of the baser
  sort made a great noise, and threw stones, but none touched me,
  and, I trust, our Lord got Himself the victory. The next day,
  near Alpraham, we had another heaven upon earth. The morning
  after, I intended to preach near Nantwich, where a Methodist
  meeting-house has lately been pulled down. Here Satan roared.
  The mob pelted Mr. D――――[339] and others much, but I got off
  pretty free, and had opportunity of preaching quietly a little
  out of town. Last night, I preached here, in the dark, to a
  great number of hearers. I am now bound for Wednesbury, Dudley,
  and Kidderminster.”

Eleven days after writing this, Whitefield had returned to London; but,
two days afterwards, he was off to Gloucester, and the west of England.
The following was addressed to the Rev. Mr. Gillies, of Glasgow, who
had requested him to point out those parts of his Journals which it
might be desirable to insert in the “Historical Collections,” then in
course of preparation for the press:――

                              “GLOUCESTER, _November 16, 1753_.

  “REVEREND AND VERY DEAR SIR,――I received your kind letter, and
  would have sent the Journals immediately, but knew not how. My
  wife promised to embrace the first opportunity that offered;
  and I hope, ere long, they will come safe to hand. As for my
  pointing out particular passages, it is impracticable. I have
  neither leisure nor inclination so to do. My doings and writings
  appear to me in so mean a light, that I think they deserve no
  other treatment than to be buried in eternal oblivion.

  “Great things were done in and about Newcastle; but far greater
  did we see afterwards in Yorkshire, Lancashire, etc. Since
  then, I have been another tour, and have preached at Liverpool,
  Chester, Coventry, Birmingham, Dudley, Wednesbury, Kidderminster,
  Northampton, Bedford, etc. At present, I am in my native county,
  where the Lord has given us several precious meetings. After a
  few days’ sojourning here, I am bound for Bristol and Plymouth;
  and, in about three weeks, I purpose to betake myself to my
  winter quarters.”

Whitefield arrived at Bristol on November 19th, and wrote, as follows,
to Thomas Adams:――

                                  “BRISTOL, _November 21, 1753_.

  “Never before had I such freedom in Gloucestershire. Showers of
  blessings descended from above. I came here on Monday evening,
  and to my great disappointment, found that the new Tabernacle
  is not finished, so that I know not well what to do. However,
  we had a good time last night at the Hall.

  “Your motion to go to Norwich, I much approve of. Whatever
  others design, that is nothing to us. Simplicity and godly
  sincerity will carry all before them in the end. O that the
  sons of Zeruiah could be persuaded to let us alone! But how
  then should we be able to approve ourselves sons of David? By
  thorns and briars, the old man must be scratched to death. O
  this crucifixion work! Lord Jesus, help us to go through with
  it! He will, He will. I commend thee and thine to His almighty
  protection and never-failing mercy: and remain, my very dear man,

                    “Yours most affectionately,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

A word of explanation. After the termination of James Wheatley’s
ministry at Norwich, it became a serious question who was to occupy his
Tabernacle there. The Society he had gathered was composed of persons
far from perfect. Considerable wrangling ensued; but, until 1758, the
Norwich Tabernacle was chiefly supplied by the preachers connected with
Whitefield’s Tabernacle in Moorfields. It then passed into the hands of
Wesley; who, in 1763, gave it up as a hopeless undertaking. For twelve
years after that, it was occupied by the Rev. John Hook, grandfather
of the Rev. Dr. Hook, Dean of Worcester, and of Theodore Hook, the
celebrated novelist. In 1775, James Wheatley let it to Lady Huntingdon,
at an annual rent of £40. It is not necessary to pursue its history
further.[340]

Then, in reference to the Bristol Tabernacle. Almost from the
commencement of their career, the followers of Whitefield and of Wesley
had held separate services at Bristol. Wesley had had a chapel there
ever since the year 1739. Up to the present, Whitefield had none.
Considering the peculiar position held by Whitefield, as belonging to
no party and yet the friend of all, it is difficult to imagine why he
now sanctioned the erection of a chapel for himself, except that he
and his special adherents were well aware, that many, belonging to
the upper classes of society, who were in the habit of visiting the
Hotwells, would not attend Wesley’s meeting-house, but would be likely
to sit under the more popular ministry of his friend Whitefield. Be
that as it may, the Countess of Huntingdon exerted her influence to
obtain the necessary funds for a new erection. Lord Chesterfield sent
her £20;[341] but added, “I must beg _my name_ not to appear _in any
way_. Lady Chesterfield is active among her friends, and, I doubt
not, you will reap the benefit of her solicitations.” The Earl of Bath
sent £50, and said, “It gives me unfeigned pleasure to hear of the
good effects of Mr. Whitefield’s preaching at Bristol, and amongst
the colliers.” The result of Lady Huntingdon’s efforts was, the
new Tabernacle was now nearly completed, and Whitefield had come to
open it.[342] The dedication services were held on Sunday, November
25th.[343] Hence the following letter to a friend:――

                                  “BRISTOL, _December 1, 1753_.

  “We have enjoyed much of God at Bristol. Twice I preached in
  my brother’s great house to the quality, amongst whom was one
  of Cæsar’s household.[344] On Sunday last, I opened the new
  Tabernacle. It is large, but not half large enough. Would the
  place contain them, I believe near as many would attend as do in
  London.”

This is all that Whitefield has recorded concerning the consecration
of the Bristol Tabernacle. The day after its opening, he set out on a
preaching tour in Somersetshire; but says:――

  “The weather was so violent, and my call to London likely to
  be so speedy, that I turned back. On Tuesday, at seven in the
  evening, I preached in the open air to a great multitude. All
  was hushed and exceeding solemn. The stars shone very bright,
  and my hands and body were pierced with cold; but what are
  outward things, when the soul within is warmed with the love
  of God?”

While Whitefield was opening the Bristol Tabernacle, Wesley was seized
with an illness, which all his friends expected to prove fatal. Just
at the same time, the wife of Charles Wesley caught the small-pox at
Bristol, and was in the greatest danger. Between this excellent lady
and the Countess of Huntingdon there existed a close intimacy and
friendship; and, whenever the Countess was in Bristol, Charles Wesley
and his wife always received a warm welcome to her house. Charles was
now in London, visiting his apparently dying brother; but was greatly
needed by his wife in Bristol. In this emergency, Lady Huntingdon
hurried Whitefield to the metropolis, to enable Charles Wesley to pay
a visit to his seemingly dying wife.[345] This brief statement will
help to explain the following beautifully pathetic letters, written by
Whitefield, at this afflictive period. The first was probably addressed
to the noted Methodist at Leeds, William Shent:――

                                  “BRISTOL, _December 3, 1753_.

  “I have been preaching the last week in Somersetshire. The fire
  there warmed and inflamed me, though I preached in the open air
  on Tuesday evening at seven o’clock, as well as on Wednesday and
  Thursday. I purposed to go as far as Plymouth, but Providence
  has brought me back, and I am now hastening to London, to pay
  my last respects to my dying friend. It may be, that shortly
  Mr. John Wesley will be no more. The physicians think his disease
  a galloping consumption. I pity the Church; I pity myself; but
  not him. We must stay behind in this cold climate, whilst he
  takes his flight to a radiant throne. Poor Mr. Charles will now
  have double work.”

On the same day, Whitefield wrote to both the Wesleys. The first of the
ensuing letters was addressed to Charles; the second to John.

                                  “BRISTOL, _December 3, 1753_.

  “Being unexpectedly brought back from Somersetshire, and hearing
  you are gone on such a mournful errand, I cannot help sending
  after you a few sympathising lines. The Lord help and support
  you! May a double spirit of the ascending Elijah descend and
  rest on the surviving Elisha! Now is the time to prove the
  strength of Jesus yours. A wife, a friend, and brother, ill
  together! Well, this is our comfort, all things shall work
  together for good to those that love God.

  “If you think proper, be pleased to deliver the enclosed. It
  is written out of the fulness of my heart. To-morrow, I leave
  Bristol, and purpose reaching London on Saturday. Glad shall
  I be to reach heaven first; but faith and patience hold out a
  little longer. Yet a little while, and we shall be all together
  with our common Lord. I commend you to His everlasting love, and
  am, my dear friend, with much sympathy, yours, etc.,

                                                “G. WHITEFIELD.”

                                  “BRISTOL, _December 3, 1753_.

  “REVEREND AND VERY DEAR SIR,――If seeing you so very weak, when
  leaving London, distressed me, the news and prospect of your
  approaching dissolution have quite weighed me down. I pity
  myself and the Church, but not you. A radiant throne awaits you,
  and, ere long, you will enter into your Master’s joy. Yonder He
  stands with a massy crown, ready to put it on your head, amidst
  an admiring throng of saints and angels; but I, poor I, who have
  been waiting for my dissolution these nineteen years, must be
  left behind, to grovel here below! Well, this is my comfort, it
  cannot be long ere the chariots will be sent even for worthless
  me. If prayers can detain them, even you, reverend and very dear
  sir, shall not leave us yet; but, if the decree is gone forth,
  that you must now fall asleep in Jesus, may He kiss your soul
  away, and give you to die in the embraces of triumphant love! If
  in the land of the dying, I hope to pay my last respects to you
  next week. If not, reverend and very dear sir, F-a-r-e-w-e-ll!
  _I prae sequar, etsi non passibus aequis._ My heart is too big:
  tears trickle down too fast; and you, I fear, are too weak for
  me to enlarge. Underneath you may there be Christ’s everlasting
  arms! I commend you to His never-failing mercy, and am, reverend
  and very dear sir, your most affectionate, sympathising, and
  afflicted younger brother, in the gospel of our common Lord,

                                      “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”[346]

Ten days later, Whitefield wrote again to Charles Wesley, as follows:――

                                  “LONDON, _December 13, 1753_.

  “MY DEAR FRIEND,――The Searcher of hearts alone knows the
  sympathy I have felt for you and yours; and in what suspense my
  mind has been concerning the event of your present circumstances.
  I pray and enquire, and enquire and pray again; always expecting
  to hear the worst. Ere this can reach you, I expect the lot will
  be cast, either for life or death. I long to hear, that I may
  partake, like a friend, either of your joy or sorrow. Blessed
  be God for the promise, whereby we are assured that all things
  work together for good to those who love Him! This may make us,
  at least, resigned, when called to part with our Isaacs. But
  who knows the pain of parting, when the wife and the friend
  are conjoined? To have the desire of one’s eyes cut off with a
  stroke, what but grace, omnipotent grace, can enable us to bear
  it? But who knows? perhaps the threatened stroke may be recalled;
  and my dear friend enjoy his dear yoke-fellow’s company a
  little longer. Surely the Lord of all lords is preparing you for
  further usefulness by these complex trials. We must be purged,
  if we would bring forth more fruit.

  “Your brother, I hear, is better. To-day I intended to have seen
  him; but Mr. Blackwell sent me word, he thought he would be out
  for the air. I hope Mr. Hutchinson[347] is better. But I can
  scarce mention anybody now, but dear Mrs. Wesley. Pray let me
  know how it goes with you. My wife truly joins in sympathy and
  love. Night and day indeed you are remembered by, my dear friend,
  yours, etc.,

                                          “G. WHITEFIELD.”[348]

A week afterwards, Whitefield wrote another letter to his beloved
friend, full of jubilant thankfulness that the health of the afflicted
ones was improving.

                                  “LONDON, _December 20, 1753_.

  “MY DEAR FRIEND,――I most sincerely rejoice, and have given
  private and public thanks, for the recovery of your dear
  yoke-fellow. My pleasure is increased by seeing your brother so
  well, as I found him on Tuesday at Lewisham. O that you may both
  spring afresh, and your latter end increase more and more! Talk
  not of having no more work to do in the vineyard! I hope all our
  work is but just beginning. I am sure it is high time for me to
  do something for Him who has done and suffered so much for me.
  Near forty years old, and such a dwarf! The winter come already,
  and so little done in the summer! I am ashamed, I blush, and am
  confounded. And yet, God blesseth us here. Truly, His outgoings
  are seen in the Tabernacle. The top-stone is brought forth: we
  will now cry, ‘Grace! grace!’ I must away. Our joint respects
  attend you all. I hope Mr. Hutchinson mends. I hear his brother
  is dead. My most dutiful respects await our elect lady.”[349]

These touching letters not only exhibit the warm friendship existing
between Whitefield and the two Wesleys, but also unfold the tenderness
of Whitefield’s feelings, and his profound sympathy with distress.
Many others might have been inserted, as illustrative of the same moral
excellencies; but, for want of space, they have been excluded.

Mrs. Grinfield, one of the ladies at the court of King George II., has
been mentioned, as having been greatly blessed by Whitefield’s ministry.
On his return to London, Whitefield visited her; and wrote as follows
to the Countess of Huntingdon:――

                                  “LONDON, _December 15, 1753_.

  “Yesterday morning, I obeyed your ladyship’s commands, and
  carried the enclosed to Mrs. Grinfield, at St. James’s Palace.
  I was much satisfied with my visit, and am much rejoiced to
  find that she seems resolved to shew out at once. The court, I
  believe, rings of her, and, if she stands, I trust she will make
  a glorious martyr for her blessed Lord. Oh that your ladyship
  could see your way clear to come up! Now seems to be the time
  for a fresh stir. Few have either courage or conduct to head a
  Christian party amongst persons of high life. That honour seems
  to be put upon your ladyship,――and a glorious honour it is.

  “On Tuesday, I am to dine with Mr. John Wesley, who was
  yesterday, for a few minutes, at the Foundery; but, I hear, his
  lungs are touched. I cannot wish him to survive his usefulness.
  It is poor living to be nursed; but our Lord knows what is best
  for His children. I wish I might have the use of West Street
  Chapel once or twice a week. Many want to hear at that end of
  the town. The Messrs. Wesley are quite welcome to all the help
  I can give them.”

At Christmas, Whitefield’s old friend, the Rev. Gilbert Tennent, and
the great Virginian preacher, the Rev. Samuel Davies, came to England,
as a deputation, to solicit subscriptions for the new college, founded
by Governor Belcher, at Princeton. Their mission was an important
one. The Presbyterian churches in the six colonies of New York, New
Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and Carolina were looking
to this college for their future supply of ministers.[350] Under such
circumstances, and quite apart from the respect which Whitefield felt
for Governor Belcher, the errand of the two American ministers was
sure to have his sympathy and help. He wrote a recommendatory letter
to the Marquis of Lothian, and, through him, introduced the strangers
to the Presbyterians of Scotland. The result of their visit was, they
obtained contributions from England and Scotland, which “amply enabled
the trustees to erect a convenient edifice for the accommodation of
the students, and to lay a foundation for a fund for the support of
necessary instructors.”[351]

Whitefield refers to this in the following letter to the Rev. Mr.
Gillies, of Glasgow:――

                                  “LONDON, _December 27, 1753_.

  “REVEREND AND VERY DEAR SIR,――I am surprised to find, by your
  last kind letter, that my poor Journals are not come to hand.
  My wife informs me that they were sent to one Mr. E――――, who was
  to send off goods the very next day.

  “Perhaps it will please you to hear that Messrs. Tennent and
  Davies supped with me last night. May the good Lord prosper
  the work of their hands! I hope they will be introduced soon
  to the Marquis of Lothian, and, by him, to Lord Leven. I shall
  help them all I can. At the great day, all things will be laid
  open.[352]

  “Would you think it, I am this day thirty-nine years of
  age.[353] Did not business require my attendance, I could
  lock myself up, and lie prostrate all the day long in deep
  humiliation before God. My dear sir, let none of my friends cry
  to such a sluggish, unprofitable worm, ‘Spare thyself.’ Rather,
  spur me on, I pray you, with an ‘Awake, sleeper, and begin to
  do something for thy God!’ The Lord being my helper, I will. Do
  Thou strengthen me, my Lord and my God! and I will go for Thee,
  at Thy command, to the uttermost parts of the earth. O break,
  break my heart; Look to Him, whom thou hast pierced! Look and
  love; look and mourn; look and praise! Thy God is yet thy God!

  “Every day, sir, we hear of fresh work. Scores of notes are put
  up by persons brought under conviction; and God’s people are
  abundantly refreshed. Last night, the glory of the Lord filled
  the Tabernacle. I cannot tell you half. I am lost in wonder. For
  the present, my dear sir, adieu!”

In such a spirit Whitefield ended the year 1753. On Tuesday, January 1,
1754, he preached, in the Tabernacle, to a densely crowded congregation,
from the parable of the barren fig-tree. His American friends, Tennent
and Davies, were present, and the latter wrote: “Though the discourse
was incoherent, it seemed to me better calculated to do good to mankind
than all the accurate, languid discourses I had ever heard. After the
sermon, I enjoyed his pleasing conversation at his house.”

Whitefield spent the first two months of 1754 in London, and was fully
occupied, partly in preaching, and partly in preparing for his intended
voyage to America. He wrote: “I meet with my share of trials. Every
sermon preached this winter has been fetched out of the furnace. But
what are we to expect, as Christians and ministers, but afflictions?
Our new Tabernacle is completed, and the workmen all paid. What is best
of all, the Redeemer manifests His glory in it. Every day, souls come
crying, ‘What shall we do to be saved?’ I expect, in a fortnight, once
more to launch into the great deep, with about ten or twelve destitute
orphans under my care.”[354] He embarked at Gravesend, on the 7th of
March; and, in another chapter, we must follow him.



                       _FIFTH VISIT TO AMERICA._

                        MARCH 1754 TO MAY 1755.


NINE days after leaving England, the ship, in which Whitefield sailed,
anchored in Lisbon harbour, where it remained about a month. This
was a long detention for Whitefield and his “destitute orphans;” but
he usefully employed the time in making himself acquainted with the
full-blown Popery of the metropolis of Portugal. His letters on this
subject fill twenty-four closely printed pages, in his collected works.
At his return to England, in 1755, four of these letters were printed,
with the title, “A brief Account of some Lent and other Extraordinary
Processions and Ecclesiastical Entertainments, seen last Year at Lisbon.
In four Letters to an English Friend. By George Whitefield.” (8vo. 29
pp.) Whitefield’s letters were extensively quoted by the newspapers and
magazines of the day; and even the _Monthly Review_――no great friend to
Whitefield――said, “Our celebrated itinerant preacher expresses a just
and manly resentment of the miserable bigotry of the Portuguese, and
the priestly delusion with which they are led into even more ridiculous
fopperies than ever disgraced the pagan theology.”[355]

What did Whitefield see? Extracts from the letters――as brief as
possible――shall supply an answer.

                              “LISBON HARBOUR, _March 17, 1754_.

  “Yesterday we anchored in this port. We are now lying before
  a large place, where we see hundreds going to worship in their
  way. We have just been at ours. Though sent without a friend,
  yet I am not left alone. ‘O my God, Thy presence on earth, Thy
  presence in heaven, will make amends for all!’ Indeed, Jesus
  Christ is a good master. He has given me the affections of all
  on board, and as kind a captain as we could desire.”

                              “LISBON HARBOUR, _March 19, 1754_.

  “As yet, I have not been on shore, but expect to go to-morrow.
  To an eye fixed on Jesus, how unspeakably little do all
  sublunary things appear! My dear sir, let us be laudably
  ambitious to get as rich as we can towards God. The bank of
  heaven is a sure bank. I have drawn thousands of bills upon it,
  and never had one sent back protested. God helping me, I purpose
  lodging my little earthly all there. I hope my present poor
  but valuable cargo will make some additions to my heavenly
  inheritance.”

                                      “LISBON, _March 21, 1754_.

  “This leaves me an old inhabitant of Lisbon. A very reputable
  merchant has received me into his house, and every day shews me
  the ecclesiastical curiosities of the country. All is well on
  board; and Lisbon air agrees with me extremely. I hope what I
  see will help to qualify me better for preaching the everlasting
  gospel. O pray for me; and add to my obligations by frequently
  visiting my poor wife. Kindnesses shewn to her, during my
  absence, will be double kindnesses.”

                                      “LISBON, _March 26, 1754_.

  “I have been here above a week. I have seen strange and
  incredible things,――not more strange than instructive. Never did
  civil and religious liberty appear to me in such a light as now.
  What a spirit must Martin Luther and the first Reformers have
  been endued with, who dared to appear as they did for God! Lord,
  hasten the happy time, when others, excited by the same spirit,
  shall perform like wonders! O happy England! O happy Methodists,
  who are Methodists indeed! And all I account such, who, being
  dead to sects and parties, aim at nothing else but a holy method
  of living to and dying in the blessed Jesus.”

                                      “LISBON, _March 29, 1754_.

  “O my dear Tabernacle friends, what a goodly heritage has the
  Lord vouchsafed you! Bless Him, O bless Him, from your inmost
  souls, that you have been taught the way to Him, without the
  help of fictitious saints! Thank Him, night and day, that to you
  are committed the lively oracles of God! Adore Him continually
  for giving you to hear the Word preached with power; and pity
  and pray for those who are led blindfold by crafty and designing
  men!”

                                      “LISBON, _April 1, 1754_.

  “On my arrival here, what engaged my attention most was the
  number of crucifixes and little images of the Virgin Mary, and
  of other real or reputed saints, which were placed in almost
  every street, or fixed against the walls of the houses almost
  at every turning. Lamps hung before them; the people bowed to
  them as they passed along; and near some of them stood little
  companies, singing with great earnestness.

  “Soon after my arrival, I saw a company of priests and friars
  bearing lighted wax tapers, and attended by various sorts of
  people, some of whom had bags and baskets of victuals in their
  hands. After these, followed a mixed multitude, singing, and
  addressing the Virgin Mary. In this manner, they proceeded to
  the prison, where all was deposited for the use of the poor
  persons confined therein.

  “At another time, I saw a procession of Carmelite friars,
  parish priests, and brothers of the order, walking two by two,
  in divers habits, holding a long lighted wax taper in their
  right hands. Among them, was carried, upon eight or ten men’s
  shoulders, a tall image of the Virgin Mary, in a kind of man’s
  attire, with a fine white wig on her head, and much adorned with
  jewels and glittering stones. At some distance from the Lady,
  under a large canopy supported by six or eight persons, came a
  priest, holding in his hand a noted relic. After him, followed
  thousands of people, singing all the way. These processions,
  from one convent to another, were made daily, for the purpose
  of obtaining rain.

  “In a large cathedral church, I saw a wooden image of our
  blessed Lord, clothed with purple robes, and crowned with
  thorns, and surrounded with wax tapers of prodigious size. He
  was attended by many noblemen, and thousands of spectators of
  all ranks and stations, who crowded from every quarter, and, in
  their turns, were admitted to perform their devotions. This they
  did by kneeling, and kissing the _Seigneur’s_ heel, by putting
  their left and right eye to it, and then touching it with their
  beads.”

                                      “LISBON, _April 3, 1754_.

  “On Friday, I saw a procession chiefly made up of waxen or
  wooden images, carried on men’s shoulders through the streets,
  and intended to represent the life and death of St. Francis,
  the founder of one of their religious orders. They were brought
  from the Franciscan convent, and were preceded by three persons
  in scarlet habits, with baskets in their hands, in which they
  received the alms of the spectators, for the benefit of the poor
  prisoners. After these, came two little boys, in party-coloured
  clothes, with wings fixed on their shoulders, in imitation of
  little angels. Then appeared the figure of St. Francis, very
  gay and beau-like, as he used to be before his conversion. In
  the next, he was introduced under conviction, and consequently
  stripped of his finery. Then was exhibited an image of our
  blessed Lord, in a purple gown, with long black hair, and St.
  Francis lying before Him, to receive His orders. Then came the
  Virgin Mother, with Christ her son on her left hand, and St.
  Francis making obeisance to them both. Here, if I remember
  aright, he made his first appearance in his friar’s habit, with
  his hair cut short, but not yet shaved in the crown of his head.
  After a little space, followed a mitred cardinal gaudily attired,
  and St. Francis almost prostrate before him, to be confirmed
  in his office. Soon after this, he was metamorphosed into a
  monk, his crown shorn, his habit black, and his loins girt with
  a knotted cord. Here he prayed to our Saviour, hanging on a
  cross, that the marks of the wounds in His hands, feet, and
  side, might be impressed on him; and the prayer was granted, by
  a representation of red waxen strings, reaching from those parts
  of the image to the corresponding parts of St. Francis’s body.
  In a little while, St. Francis was carried along, as holding
  up a house which was falling. Then he was brought forth lying
  in his grave, the briars and nettles under which he lay being
  turned into fine and fragrant flowers. After this, he was borne
  along upon a bier covered with a silver pall, and attended by
  four friars lamenting over him. He then appeared, for the last
  time, drawing tormented people out of purgatory with his knotted
  cord, which the poor souls caught and held most eagerly. Then
  came a gorgeous friar, under a splendid canopy, bearing in
  his hand a piece of the holy cross. After him, followed two
  more little winged boys; and then a long train of fat and
  well-favoured Franciscans, with their _calceis fenestratis_,
  as Erasmus calls them; and so the procession ended.

  “One night, about ten o’clock, I saw a train of near two hundred
  penitents, making a halt, and kneeling in the street, whilst
  a friar, from a high cross, with a crucifix in his hand, was
  preaching to them and the populace with great vehemence. Sermon
  being ended, the penitents went forwards, and several companies
  followed after, with their respective preaching friars at their
  head, bearing crucifixes. These they pointed to and brandished
  frequently, and the hearers as frequently beat their breasts
  and clapped their cheeks. At proper pauses, they stopped and
  prayed, and one of them, before the king’s palace, sounded the
  word _penitentia_ through a speaking trumpet. The penitents
  themselves were clothed and covered all over with white linen
  vestments, only holes were made for their eyes to peep out at.
  All were bare-footed, and all had long heavy chains fastened
  to their ancles, which, when dragged along the street, made
  a dismal rattling. Some carried great stones on their backs.
  Others had in their hands dead men’s bones and skulls. Some bore
  large crosses upon their shoulders; whilst others had their arms
  extended, or carried swords with their points downwards. Most of
  them whipped and lashed themselves, some with cords, and others
  with flat bits of iron. Had my dear friend been there, he would
  have joined me in saying, that the whole scene was horrible;
  so horrible it was, that, being informed it was to be continued
  till morning, I was glad to return whence I came about midnight.”

                                      “LISBON, _April 12, 1754_.

  “I have now seen the solemnities of a _Holy Thursday_, which
  is a very high day in Lisbon, and particularly remarkable for
  the grand illuminations of the churches, and the king’s washing
  twelve poor men’s feet. I got admittance into the gallery where
  the ceremony was performed. It was large, and hung with tapestry,
  one piece of which represented the humble Jesus washing the feet
  of His disciples. Before this, upon a small eminence, sat twelve
  men in black. At the upper end, and in several other parts of
  the gallery, were sideboards with large gold and silver basins
  and ewers most curiously wrought; and near these a large table
  covered with a variety of dishes, set off and garnished after
  the Portuguese fashion. Public high mass being over, his majesty
  came in attended with his nobles. The washing of feet being
  ended, several of the young noblemen served up dishes to the
  king’s brother and uncles. These again handed them to his
  majesty, who gave, I think, twelve of them to each poor man.
  The whole entertainment took up near two hours.

  “After dinner, we went to see the churches. Many of them were
  hung with purple damask trimmed with gold. In one of them was a
  solid silver altar of several yards’ circumference, and near
  twelve steps high; and in another a gold one, still more
  magnificent, of about the same dimensions. Its basis was studded
  with many precious stones, and near the top were placed silver
  images, in representation of angels. Each step was filled with
  large silver candlesticks, with lighted wax tapers in them. The
  great altars of other churches were illuminated most profusely.
  Go which way you would, nothing was to be seen but illuminations
  within, and hurry without; for all persons, princes and crowned
  heads themselves not excepted, are obliged on this day to visit
  seven churches or altars, in imitation of our Lord’s being
  hurried from one tribunal to another, before He was condemned to
  be hung upon the cross.”

                                      “LISBON, _April 13, 1754_.

  “On Good Friday, I witnessed, in a large church belonging to
  the convent of St. De Beato, the crucifixion of the Son of God.
  Upon a high scaffold, hung in the front with black bays, and
  behind with purple silk damask laced with gold, was exhibited
  an image of the Lord Jesus at full length, crowned with thorns,
  and nailed on a cross between two figures of like dimensions,
  representing the two thieves. At a little distance, on the right
  hand, was placed an image of the Virgin Mary, in plain long
  ruffles, and a kind of widow’s weeds, her veil of purple silk,
  and a wire glory round her head. At the foot of the cross, lay,
  in a mournful, pensive posture, a living man, dressed in woman’s
  clothes, who personated Mary Magdalen. Not far off, stood a
  young man, in imitation of the beloved disciple. He was dressed
  in a loose green silk vesture and bob-wig. Near the front of
  the stage, stood two sentinels in buffs, with formidable caps
  and long beards. Directly in the front, stood another, yet more
  formidable, with a large target in his hand. From behind the
  purple hangings, came out about twenty little purple-vested
  winged boys, each bearing a lighted wax taper, and wearing a
  crimson and gold cap. At their entrance upon the stage, they
  bowed to the spectators, and then kneeled, first to the image on
  the cross, and then to that of the Virgin Mary. At a few yards’
  distance, stood a black friar, in a pulpit hung with mourning.
  When he had preached about a quarter of an hour, a confused
  noise was heard near the great front door. Four long-bearded
  men entered, two carrying a ladder on their shoulders, and two
  bearing large gilt dishes, full of linen, spices, etc. Upon
  their attempting to mount the scaffold, the sentinels presented
  the points of their javelins to their breasts. Upon this, a
  letter from Pilate was produced; and the sentinels withdrew
  their javelins. The four men then ascended the stage, and
  retired to the back of it. All the while, the black friar
  continued declaiming; Magdalen wrung her hands; and John stood
  gazing on the crucified. The ladders were erected and ascended.
  The superscription and crown of thorns were taken off. White
  rollers were put round the arms of the image. The nails, which
  fastened the hands and feet, were knocked out. The orator lifted
  up his voice, and almost all the hearers beat their breasts
  and smote their cheeks. The body was gently let down; Magdalen
  received the feet into her wide-spread handkerchief; and John
  seized the upper part of it in his clasping arms, and, with
  his fellow-mourners, helped to bear it away. Great preparations
  were made for its interment. It was wrapped in linen and spices;
  and, being laid upon a bier richly hung, was carried round the
  churchyard in grand procession. The image of the Virgin Mary
  was chief mourner, and John and Magdalen, with a whole troop
  of friars bearing wax tapers, followed after. In about fifteen
  minutes, the corpse was brought back, and deposited in an open
  sepulchre. John and Magdalen attended the obsequies; but the
  image of the Virgin Mary was placed upon the front of the stage,
  in order to be kissed, adored, and worshipped by the people.
  Thus ended this Good Friday’s tragic-comical, superstitious,
  idolatrous farce. I cannot stay to see what they call their
  _Hallelujah_ and grand devotions on Easter-day. That scene is
  denied me. The wind is fair, and I must away.”

Thus terminated Whitefield’s visit to the city of Lisbon, a city
containing 36,000 houses, 350,000 inhabitants, a cathedral, forty
parish churches, as many monasteries, and a royal palace; and yet
a city which, a year and a half afterwards, by an earthquake, which
shook almost the whole of Europe, was reduced to a heap of ruins, and
in which, in six minutes, not fewer than 60,000 persons met with an
untimely death. The terrific judgment was not unmerited. No act of
the Supreme Ruler is capricious. Some of the sights which Whitefield
witnessed were hateful, hideous caricatures of the greatest and most
solemn truths and facts ever made known to human beings. They were
theatrical idolatries, which no system, except Paganism and Popery,
would dare to practise. Popery in Lisbon was unchecked, and,
therefore, undisguised. In England and America, it chiefly existed in
lurking-places. The thing, as it really is, Whitefield had never seen
till he went to the Portuguese metropolis. Favourable circumstances
are always needful for its full development. The system is essentially
_semper idem_; and if the sights seen by Whitefield are not _at
present_ seen in England, the reason is, not because the Popish
hierarchy deem them wrong, but, because such profanities are
impracticable.

Whitefield was about a month in Lisbon, without preaching a single
sermon. Why? To have attempted preaching would have ensured his
immediate expulsion or imprisonment. His heart yearned over the
deluded inhabitants, but he was powerless to afford them help. On
hearing of the just judgment of 1755, he wrote, “O that all who were
lately destroyed in Portugal had known the Divine Redeemer! Then the
earthquake would have been only a rumbling chariot to carry them to God.
Poor Lisbon! How soon are all thy riches and superstitious pageantry
swallowed up!”

Whitefield, for once in his life, was gagged and silent; but his time
was not unprofitably spent. He was learning lessons which could not
be learned in England or America, and which, he hoped, would make him
a better man and a better preacher, to the end of life. He became a
stauncher Protestant, and felt more than ever how invaluable were the
privileges enjoyed by the inhabitants of Great Britain. “Every day,”
said he, “I have seen or heard something that has a tendency to make me
thankful for the glorious Reformation. O that our people were equally
reformed in their lives, as they are in their doctrines and manner of
worship! But alas! alas! O for another Luther! O for that wished-for
season, when everything that is antichristian shall be totally
destroyed by the breath of the Redeemer’s mouth, and the brightness of
His appearing!” “O with what a power from on high must those glorious
reformers have been endued, who dared first openly to oppose and
to stem such a torrent of superstition and spiritual tyranny! And
what gratitude we owe to those who, under God, were instrumental
in saving England from a return of such spiritual slavery, and such
blind obedience to the papal power! To have had a papist for our king;
a papist, if not born, yet, from his infancy, nursed up at Rome; a
papist, one of whose sons is advanced to the ecclesiastical dignity
of a cardinal, and both of whom are under the strongest obligations to
support the interests of that Church, whose superstitions and political
principles they have imbibed from their earliest days! Blessed be God,
the snare is broken, and we are delivered. O for Protestant practices
to be added to Protestant principles! O for an acknowledgment to the
ever-blessed God for our repeated deliverances!” “The present is a
silent, but, I hope, an instructive period of my life. Surely England,
and English privileges, civil and religious, will be dearer to me than
ever. The preachers here have also taught me something; their action
is graceful. _Vividi oculi――vividae manus,――omnia vivida._ Surely our
English preachers would do well to be a little more fervent in their
address. They have truth on their side. Why should superstition and
falsehood run away with all that is pathetic and affecting?”

Whitefield set sail, for America, on Saturday, April 13th, and, after
a pleasant passage of six weeks’ duration, landed, in South Carolina,
on May 26th. With his “orphan-charge,” he, at once, proceeded to
Bethesda, in Georgia. After a short stay at his Orphanage, he returned
to Charleston, where, on July 12, he wrote, “The Bethesda family
now consists of above a hundred. He, who fed the multitude in the
wilderness, can and will feed the orphans in Georgia.” Eight days
afterwards, when “on board the _Deborah_” bound for New York, he
wrote:――

  “I found and left my orphan family comfortably settled in
  Georgia. The colony, as well as Bethesda, is now in a thriving
  state. I have now a hundred and six black and white persons to
  provide for. The God whom I desire to serve will enable me to
  do it. I stayed about six weeks in Carolina and Georgia. My poor
  labours have met with the usual acceptance; and I have reason to
  hope a clergyman has been brought under very serious impressions.
  My health has been wonderfully preserved. My wonted vomitings
  have left me; and though I ride whole nights, and have been
  frequently exposed to great thunders, violent lightnings, and
  heavy rains, yet I am rather better than usual.”

On July 26th, Whitefield landed at New York, where he continued about
a week. He wrote:――

                                    “NEW YORK, _July 28, 1754_.

  “Here our Lord brought me two days ago; and, last night, I had
  an opportunity of preaching on His dying, living, ascending, and
  interceding love, to a large and attentive auditory. Next week,
  I purpose going to Philadelphia, and then shall come here again,
  in my way to Boston. Whether I shall then return to Bethesda,
  or embark for England, is uncertain. I fear matters will not be
  settled at the Orphan House, unless I go once more. I have put
  some upon their trial, and shall want to see how they behave.
  I owe for three of the negroes, who were lately bought, but hope
  to be enabled to pay for them at my return from the north. My
  God can and will supply all wants. His presence keeps me company,
  I find it sweet to run about for Him. I find the door all along
  the continent as open as ever, and the way seems clearing up
  for the neighbouring islands. Had I a good private hand, I could
  send you the account of my family; but perhaps I may deliver it
  to you myself.”

Further brief extracts from his letters will enable the reader to track
Whitefield in his wanderings.

  “New York, July 30. To-morrow, God willing, I preach at Newark;
  on Wednesday, at New Brunswick; and hope to reach Trent Town
  that night. Could you not meet me there? You must bring a chair:
  I have no horse. O that the Lord Jesus may smile on my feeble
  labours! I trust He has given us a blessing here. Yesterday, I
  preached thrice: this morning I feel it. Welcome weariness for
  Jesus!”

  “Philadelphia, August 7th. Yesterday, I was taken with a
  violent cholera morbus, and hoped, ere now, to have been where
  the inhabitants shall no more say, ‘I am sick.’ But I am brought
  back again. May it be to bring more precious souls to the
  ever-blessed Jesus! This is all my desire. My poor labours
  seem to be crowned here, as well as at New York. I received
  the sacrament at church on Sunday; and have preached in the
  Academy; but I find Mr. Tennent’s meeting-house abundantly more
  commodious.”

  “Philadelphia, August 15. My late sickness, though violent, has
  not been unto death. With some difficulty, I can preach once a
  day. Congregations increase rather than decrease. The time of my
  departure is fixed for next Tuesday; and all the following days,
  till Sunday, are to be employed between this and New Brunswick.
  Whilst I live, Lord Jesus, grant I may not live in vain!”

  “Philadelphia, August 17. Were you on this side the water,
  you would find work enough. There is a glorious range in the
  American woods. It is pleasant hunting for sinners. Thousands
  flock daily to hear the word preached.”

  “New York, September 2. Blessed be God, we have had good seasons
  between Philadelphia and New York. In the New Jerusalem, yet
  more glorious seasons await us. Some time this week, I expect to
  sail for Rhode Island.”

It is impossible to determine where the next three weeks were spent;
but, after that, his journeys may be traced. The first of the following
extracts is taken from a letter addressed to the Countess of Huntingdon.
Whitefield appears to have visited New Jersey for the purpose of being
present at the opening of a new session of Governor Belcher’s New
Jersey College, the president and trustees of which, with almost
unseemly haste, began to exercise the powers conferred upon them by the
royal charter obtained from George the Second only six years before.
They created Whitefield an M.A.!――a dubious honour, which the B.A. of
Pembroke College, Oxford, for ten or twelve years afterwards, had good
taste enough not to use.[356]

  “Elizabeth Town (New Jersey), September 30. I am now at Governor
  Belcher’s, who sends your ladyship the most cordial respects.
  His outward man decays, but his inward man seems to be renewed
  day by day. I think he ripens for heaven apace. Last week was
  the New Jersey commencement, at which the president and trustees
  were pleased to present me with the degree of A.M. The synod
  succeeded. Such a number of simple-hearted, united ministers,
  I never saw before. I preached to them several times, and the
  great Master of assemblies was in the midst of us. To-morrow, I
  shall set out, with the worthy president,[357] for New England;
  and expect to return back to the Orphan House through Virginia.
  This will be about a two thousand mile circuit.”

In another letter, written on the same day, Whitefield says:――

  “Just two months ago, I arrived at New York, from South
  Carolina; and, ever since, have been endeavouring to labour for
  the ever-loving, ever-lovely Jesus. Sinners have been awakened,
  saints quickened, and enemies made to be at peace with me. In
  general, I have been enabled to travel and preach twice a day.
  Everywhere, the door has been opened wider than ever.”

It has been already stated, that, about the year 1750, Georgia was
placed under a kind of civil government, in lieu of the military one,
which had been exercised from the time when the colony was founded; and
that James Habersham, Whitefield’s first manager at Bethesda, and now a
merchant at Savannah, was appointed provincial secretary. A change had
become imperative. There was a general discontent among the inhabitants.
They quarrelled with one another and with their magistrates. They
complained; they remonstrated; and, finding no satisfaction, many
of them removed to other colonies. Of the two thousand emigrants
who had come from Europe, not above six or seven hundred were left.
The mischief grew worse and worse every day; until, at length, the
Government revoked the grant to the trustees, took the province into
their own hands, and placed it on the same footing as Carolina.[358]
On August 6, 1754, his Majesty King George II., in council, appointed
John Reynolds, Esq., “to be Captain General and Governor-in-Chief of
Georgia;” and James Habersham, “to be Secretary and Registrar.”[359]
The following letter, addressed to Habersham, refers to these events:――

                                    “BOSTON, _October 13, 1754_.

  “MY VERY DEAR FRIEND,――It has given me concern, that I have not
  been able to write one letter to Georgia, since my arrival at
  New York. Sickness, travelling, and preaching prevented me.

  “This letter leaves me at Boston, where, as well as in other
  places, the word has run and been glorified. People are rather
  more eager to hear than ever. After staying a short time here,
  I purpose to go through Connecticut to New York, and thence, by
  land, to Georgia.

  “Blessed be God, that a governor is at length nominated. I wish
  you joy of your new honour. May the King of kings enable you
  to discharge your trust, as becomes a good patriot, subject,
  and Christian! I wish I knew when the governor intends being in
  Georgia. I would willingly be there to pay my respects to him.

  “O my dear old friend, and first fellow-traveller, my heart is
  engaged for your temporal and eternal welfare. You have now,
  I think, a call to retire from business, and to give up your
  time to the public. I have much to say when we meet. God deals
  most bountifully with me. Enemies are made to be at peace, and
  friends everywhere are hearty.”

Glimpses will be obtained of Whitefield’s labours, at Boston and other
places, in the following extracts from his letters:――

  “Boston, October 14. Surely my coming here was of God. At Rhode
  Island, I preached five times. People convened immediately, and
  flocked to hear more eagerly than ever. The same scene opens
  at Boston. Thousands waited for, and thousands attended on,
  the word preached. At the Old North (church), at seven in the
  morning, we generally have three thousand hearers, and many
  cannot come in. Convictions fasten; and many souls are comforted.
  Dr. Sewall has engaged me once to preach his lecture. The polite
  are taken, and opposition falls. I preach at the _Old_ and the
  _New North_ (churches). Mr. Pemberton and Dr. Sewall continue to
  pray for me. A governor for Georgia being nominated, determines
  my way thither. The door opens wider and wider. Pray tell Mr.
  H――――, that I left his horse a little lame, at Long Island,
  with one who, in contempt, is called _Saint_ Dick. All hail such
  reproach!”

  “Portsmouth, New Hampshire, October 24. About a month ago,
  I wrote you a few lines from New Jersey. Since then, I have
  advanced about three hundred miles further northward. But what
  have I seen? Dagon falling everywhere before the ark; enemies
  silenced, or made to own the finger of God; and the friends of
  Jesus triumphing in His glorious conquest. At Boston, though
  the four meeting-houses, in which I preached, will hold about
  four thousand, yet, at seven o’clock in the morning, many were
  obliged to go away, and I was helped in through the window. In
  the country, a like scene opens. I am enabled to preach always
  twice, and sometimes thrice a day. Thousands flock to hear,
  and Jesus manifests His glory. I am now come to the end of my
  _northward_ line, and, in a day or two, purpose to turn back,
  and to preach all the way to Georgia. It is about a sixteen
  hundred miles journey. Jesus is able to carry me through. Into
  His almighty and all-gracious hands I commend my spirit. Gladly
  would I embark for England, but I should leave my American
  business but half done, if I were to come over now.”

  “Portsmouth, October 25. At Salem, we were favoured with a sweet
  Divine influence. Sunday (October 20) was a high day at Ipswich,
  where I preached thrice. Hundreds were without the doors. On
  Monday, at Newbury, the like scene opened twice. On Tuesday
  morning, also, we had a blessed season. Too many came to meet
  and bring me into Portsmouth, where I preached on Tuesday
  evening; also twice the next day. Yesterday, I preached at York
  and Kittery. In the evening, I waited on General Pepperell,[360]
  who, with his lady, was very glad to see me. I am now going to
  Greenland; and, to-morrow, shall preach at Exeter. The Sabbath
  (October 27) is to be kept at Newbury. Monday, I am to preach
  thrice,――at Rowley, Byfield, and Ipswich; Tuesday, at Cape Ann;
  and Wednesday night, or Thursday morning, at Boston.”

  “Rhode Island, November 22. With great difficulty, I am got to
  this place, where people are athirst to hear the word of God.
  I shall, therefore, stay, God willing, till Monday, and then
  set out to Connecticut, in my way to New York, which I hope to
  reach in about a fortnight. O that you may see me humbled under
  a sense of the amazing mercies which I have received during this
  expedition! It seems to me to be the most important one I was
  ever employed in. Very much have I to tell you when we meet.”

The next is an extract from a letter addressed to the Rev. John Gillies,
of Glasgow:――

                                  “RHODE ISLAND, _November 25_.

  “Is it true that your father-in-law and your dear yoke-fellow
  are dead? I sympathise with you from my inmost soul. Surely
  your time and mine will come ere long. Meanwhile, may I be
  doing something for my God! I am now going towards Georgia,
  from Boston, where my reception has been far superior to that
  of fourteen years ago. There, and at other places in New England,
  I have preached near a hundred times since the beginning of
  October; and, thanks be to God! we scarce had so much as one dry
  meeting. Not a hundredth part can be told you. In Philadelphia,
  New Jersey, and New York, the great Redeemer caused His word
  to run and be glorified. In Georgia, I expect to see our new
  governor. Blessed be God! Bethesda is in growing circumstances;
  and I trust it will more and more answer the end of its
  institution. I was exceedingly delighted at New Jersey
  commencement. Surely that college is of God. The worthy
  president, Mr. Burr, intends to correspond with you. O that I
  could do it oftener! but it is impracticable. Travelling, and
  preaching, always twice and frequently thrice a day, engross
  almost all my time. However, neither you nor any of my dear
  Glasgow friends are forgotten by me. No, no; you are all
  engraven upon my heart. O that God may give you hearts to
  remember poor sinful and hell-deserving me! Fain would I
  continue a pilgrim for life.

              ‘Christ’s presence doth my pains beguile,
               And makes each wilderness to smile.’

  “I have a fourteen hundred miles ride before me; but _nil
  desperandum, Christo duce, auspice Christo_.”

More than a month intervenes between the date of this letter to
Mr. Gillies, and the next preserved letter of Whitefield. The reader
must try to imagine the great preacher gradually pursuing his immense
horseback-ride, making the primeval forests ring with his songs of
praise, and preaching the gospel of his Master, twice or thrice every
day. His Christmas was spent in Maryland. Hence the following:――

                              “BOHEMIA, MARYLAND, _December 27_.

  “I have been travelling and preaching in the northern provinces
  for nearly five months. I suppose I have ridden near two
  thousand miles, and preached about two hundred and thirty times;
  but to how many thousands of people cannot well be told. O what
  days of the Son of man have I seen! God be merciful to me an
  ungrateful sinner!

  “I am now forty years of age, and would gladly spend the day
  in retirement and deep humiliation before that Jesus, for whom
  I have done so little, though He has done and suffered so much
  for me.

  “About February, I hope to reach Georgia; and, at spring, to
  embark for England. There, dear madam, I expect to see you once
  more in this land of the dying. If not, ere long, I shall meet
  you in the land of the living, and thank you, before men and
  angels, for all favours conferred on me. To-morrow, God willing,
  I move again. Before long, my last remove will come; a remove
  into endless bliss.”

Thus rejoicing in the hope of a blissful immortality did Whitefield
enter upon the year 1755. Early in the month of January, he made his
way to Virginia, a province which he had visited in 1746. For nearly
eight years, the Rev. Samuel Davies had been labouring here with
self-consuming earnestness. His eloquent, faithful, and powerful
preaching had been bitterly opposed; but it had been attended with
great success. His home was at Hanover, about twelve miles from
Richmond; and, as early as 1748, he had collected seven congregations,
which assembled in seven meeting-houses duly licensed, some of them,
however, being forty miles distant from each other. In three years, he
had obtained three hundred communicants, and had baptized forty slaves.
He had had a long controversy with the Episcopalians, who denied that
the English Act of Toleration extended to Virginia; and, with great
learning and eloquence, he had contended the point in the Virginian
court, with the famous Peyton Randolph, first President of the American
Congress. During his visit to England, in 1754, he had obtained, from
the English Attorney-General, a declaration that the Toleration Act
did extend to Virginia, which, of course, gave him greater confidence
in the legality of his proceedings. Besides this, in 1751, a new
governor of the province had been appointed, whom Whitefield and his
friends expected to be more favourable to evangelistic efforts than
his predecessor had been. Robert Dinwiddie was brother-in-law of
Whitefield’s old friend, the Rev. Mr. McCulloch, of Cambuslang. He
had been clerk to a collector of customs, in the West Indies, whose
enormous frauds he detected, and exposed to the Government; and, for
this disclosure, was rewarded by the appointment to Virginia. In a
letter to Mr. McCulloch, dated “July 19, 1751,” Whitefield wrote:――

  “Mr. Davies’s one congregation is multiplied to seven.
  He desires liberty to license more houses, and to preach
  occasionally to all, as there is no minister but himself. This,
  though allowed in England, is denied in Virginia, which grieves
  the people very much. The commissary is one of the council, and,
  with the rest of his brethren, no friend to the Dissenters. The
  late governor was like-minded. I, therefore, think Mr. Dinwiddie
  is raised up to succeed him, in order to befriend the Church of
  God, and the interest of Christ’s people. They desire no other
  privileges than what dissenting Protestants enjoy in our native
  country. This, I am persuaded, your brother-in-law will be glad
  to secure to them.”[361]

Under these altered circumstances, Whitefield met with a most
favourable reception. Hence the following extracts from his letters.
The first is taken from a letter to Charles Wesley:――

  “January 14, 1755. I suppose my circuit already has been two
  thousand miles; and, before I reach Bethesda, a journey of six
  hundred more lies before me. Scenes of wonder have opened all
  the way. A thousandth part cannot be told. In Virginia, the
  prospect is very promising. I have preached in two churches, and,
  this morning, am to preach in a third. Rich and poor seem quite
  ready to hear. Many have been truly awakened.”[362]

  “Virginia, January 13. I have not been here a week, and have
  had the comfort of seeing many impressed under the word every
  day. Two churches have been opened, and a third (Richmond) I am
  to preach in to-morrow. I find prejudices subside, and some of
  the rich and great begin to think favourably of the work of God.
  Several of the lower class have been with me, acknowledging what
  the Lord did for them when I was here before.”

  “Virginia, January 17. I am now on the borders of North Carolina,
  and, after preaching to-morrow in a neighbouring church, I
  purpose to take my leave of Virginia. Had I not been detained so
  long northward, what a wide and effectual door might have been
  opened. Here, as well as elsewhere, rich and poor flock to hear
  the everlasting gospel. Many have come forty or fifty miles; and
  a spirit of conviction and consolation seemed to go through all
  the assemblies. Colonel R――――, a person of distinction, opened
  one church for me, invited me to his house, and introduced
  me himself to the reading desk. Blessed be God, I see a vast
  alteration for the better. O for more time, and for more souls
  and bodies! Lord Jesus, twenty times ten thousand are too few
  for Thee!”

Of Whitefield’s ride from Virginia to Georgia, no record now exists;
neither is there any information respecting his work at Bethesda. As
usual, his sojourn at the Orphan House was brief; for, on February
26th, he had returned to Charleston, whence, towards the end of March,
he embarked for England. The following are extracts from two letters
addressed to his housekeeper at Bethesda:――

  “Charleston, March 3, 1755. Through Divine goodness, we arrived
  here last Wednesday afternoon. On Thursday, Mr. E―――― was
  solemnly ordained. The trials I have met with have brought
  my old vomitings upon me. My soul has been pierced with many
  sorrows. But, I believe, all is intended for my good. Amidst all,
  I am comforted at the present situation of Bethesda. I hope you
  will walk in love, and that the children will grow in years and
  grace. I pray for you all, night and day.”

  “Charleston, March 17, 1755. Had I wings like a dove, how
  often would I have fled to Bethesda, since my departure from
  it! I could almost say, that the last few hours I was there were
  superior in satisfaction to any hours I ever enjoyed. But I must
  go about my heavenly Father’s business. For this, I am a poor,
  but willing pilgrim, and give up all that is near and dear
  to me on this side of eternity. This week, I expect to embark
  in the _Friendship_, Captain Ball; but am glad of the letters
  from Bethesda before I start. They made ♦me weep, and caused
  me to throw myself prostrate before the prayer-hearing and
  promise-keeping God. He will give strength, He will give power.
  Fear not. You are now, I believe, where the Lord would have you
  be, and all will be well. I repose the utmost confidence in you,
  and believe I shall not be disappointed of my hope. I should
  have been glad if the apples had been sent in the boat; they
  would have been useful in the voyage. But Jesus can stay me
  with better apples. May you and all my dear family have plenty
  of these! I imagine it will not be long before I return from
  England.”

Whitefield set sail about March 27th; and, after a six weeks’ voyage,
landed at Newhaven, on the 8th of May. More than eight years elapsed
before his next visit to America.



                 _EIGHT YEARS IN THE UNITED KINGDOM._

                             1755 TO 1763.


WHITEFIELD and the Wesleys were now not the only evangelical clergymen
in London. Not to mention others, there was the Rev. Thomas Jones,
of St. Saviour’s, Southwark,――a young man of feeble health, but whose
preaching was characterised by great eloquence and power. There was
the Rev. Martin Madan, founder and first chaplain of the Lock Hospital,
near Hyde Park Corner. And there was the Rev. William Romaine, who
had been at Oxford at the same time Whitefield and the Wesleys were,
but without becoming an Oxford Methodist,――one of the most popular
preachers in the metropolis, and now curate of St. Olave’s, Southwark.
The ministry of such men occasioned Whitefield unmingled joy. One of
his first letters, after his arrival in England, was addressed to the
Countess of Huntingdon, in which, with a full heart, he wrote: “Glad
am I to hear that so many have lately been stirred up to preach the
crucified Saviour. Surely that Scripture must be fulfilled, ‘And many
of the priests also were obedient to the word.’ The work is of God, and
therefore must prosper.”

In a letter to Governor Belcher, on the same subject, he remarked:――

  “London, May 14, 1755. The word has still free course in this
  metropolis. The poor, despised Methodists are as lively as
  ever; and, in several churches, the gospel is now preached with
  power. Many in Oxford are awakened to a knowledge of the truth;
  and, almost every week, I have heard of some fresh minister,
  who seems determined to know nothing but Jesus Christ and Him
  crucified.”

This was a most important movement,――the commencement of that great
change which gradually came over the Church of England, until hundreds
of its pulpits were filled with converted men, weekly preaching the
doctrines which Whitefield and the Wesleys preached. For sixteen years,
the three Methodist itinerants had been scattering seed, which, in many
thousands of instances, had sprung up, and was bearing fruit; but now a
new fact occurred,――the seed-sowers were being multiplied. In a letter
to a lady, in 1752, stating the case of a poor divinity student, who
needed help, Whitefield wrote: “Every student’s name is Legion. Helping
one of these, is helping thousands.” No wonder that he now exulted in
the increase of gospel ministers.

During his recent visit to America, the Rev. Aaron Burr and the
trustees of New Jersey College conferred on Whitefield an M.A. degree.
Within a week after his return to England, Whitefield commenced an
endeavour to return the compliment. He had formed a high opinion of
Mr. Burr, and wished him to be honoured; but, apart from this, he
doubtless thought that the college would be helped if its president
were made a doctor of divinity. The Marquis of Lothian had been a
generous benefactor of the college, and, through him, Whitefield hoped
to procure the coveted distinction. In a letter to the Marquis, he
spoke of the college as “the purest seminary” he had known, and added,
“If the degree of doctor of divinity could be procured for Mr. Burr,
the present president, it would make an addition to its honours.” The
Marquis replied, “The University of Edinburgh desire me to obtain some
account of Mr. Burr’s literature, or performances. This I hope you
will send; and a diploma will be immediately transmitted.” Whitefield’s
answer, which deserves insertion, was as follows:――

  “Mr. Burr was educated at Yale College, in Connecticut, New
  England; and, for his pregnant abilities and well-approved piety,
  was unanimously chosen to succeed the Rev. Mr. Dickinson,[363]
  in the care of New Jersey College. It would have delighted
  your lordship to have seen how gloriously he filled the chair
  last year, at the New Jersey commencement. His Latin oration
  was beautifully elegant, and was delivered with unaffected,
  yet striking energy and pathos. As a preacher, disputant,
  and head of a college, he shines in North America; and the
  present prosperity of New Jersey College is greatly owing to
  his learning, piety, and conduct. The students revere and love
  him. Your lordship might have testimonials enough from good
  Governor Belcher, Mr. Jonathan Edwards,[364] _cum multis aliis_.
  I believe they would all concur in saying that, of his age, now
  upwards of forty, there is not a more accomplished deserving
  president in the world. As for anything of his in print, that
  can be referred to, I can say nothing, except a little pamphlet
  lately published,[365] in which he has animated the people
  against the common enemy, and discovered a close attachment
  to the interest of our rightful sovereign, King George.
  This piece of Mr. Burr’s I have in London, and hope it is in
  Scotland. I wish the diploma may be transmitted against the next
  commencement. It will endear your lordship more and more to the
  good people of America.”[366]

To say the least, there was a great amount of large-heartedness in this
attempt to distinguish the college of a church with which Whitefield
was not officially connected.

After his arrival in England, Whitefield spent about six weeks in
London, where his preaching was as popular as ever. Writing to the
Countess of Huntingdon, on May 27th, he said:――

  “What a blessed week have we had! Sinners have come like a cloud,
  and fled like doves to the windows. What a happiness is it to be
  absorbed and swallowed up in God! To have no schemes, no views,
  but to promote the common salvation! This be my happy lot!”

In another letter, dated “London, June 7th,” he wrote:――

  “It will rejoice you to hear that the glorious gospel of
  Jesus Christ gets ground apace. Several of the clergy, both in
  town and country, have been lately stirred up to preach Christ
  crucified, in the demonstration of the Spirit, and with power.
  This excites the enmity of the old Serpent. The greatest
  venom is spit against Mr. Romaine, who, having been reputed a
  great scholar, is now looked upon and treated as a great fool,
  because he himself is made wise unto salvation, and is earnestly
  desirous that others should be. Methinks I hear you say, ‘O
  happy folly!’ May this blessed leaven diffuse itself through the
  whole nation! The prospect is promising. Many students at Oxford
  are earnestly learning Christ. Dear Mr. Hervey has learnt and
  preached Him some years. As for myself, I can only say, ‘Less
  than the least of all,’ must be my motto still. I labour but
  feebly, and yet Jesus owns my labours. People still flock to the
  gospel, like doves to the windows. Will you be pleased to accept
  of my _Lisbon_ letters?[367] My little Communion book is not
  yet out. God be praised! there is a time coming when we shall
  need books and ordinances no more, but shall be admitted into
  uninterrupted communion and fellowship with the blessed Trinity
  for ever.”

The “little Communion book” here mentioned was a 12mo. volume, of 140
pages, with the following title: “A Communion Morning’s Companion. By
George Whitefield, A.B., late of Pembroke College, Oxford, and Chaplain
to the Right Honourable the Countess of Huntingdon. London, 1755.” The
book consists of: 1. Meditations on the five last Questions and Answers
of the Catechism of the Church of England. Extracted from Bishop Ken.
2. The Order for Administration of the Lord’s Supper. After the pattern
of Bishop Wilson. 3. Fifty-nine Sacramental Hymns, and seventeen
Doxologies, extracted from several authors. Except a few written by
the Wesleys, most of the hymns are pious doggerel. The extracts from
Ken and Wilson are intensely religious, and, to a devout mind, must be
useful. The book had an extensive sale. As early as 1758, it had passed
through a third edition; The following is taken from Whitefield’s
preface:――

  “There is but little in this ‘Communion Morning’s Companion’
  of my own; and, as it is intended purely for the assistance of
  the professed members of the Church of England, I thought it
  most advisable to extract the meditations and practical remarks
  on the public form of administration from our own bishops. I
  particularly fixed on Bishop Ken, not only because his sweet
  meditations on the Redeemer’s passion were some of the first
  things that made a religious impression on my own soul, but
  because he was one of those seven bishops who were sent to
  the Tower for making a noble stand against popish tyranny and
  arbitrary power in the latter end of the reign of King James
  the Second. Imagining that the words ‘_real presence_,’ though
  evidently meant by the good bishop only of the Redeemer’s
  _spiritual presence_ (which is all the presence I know of),
  might stumble some, I erased them, and also made a few
  alterations in some other passages, which, by some, might be
  judged objectionable.

  “As for those who are against any offices or set forms at
  all, I shall only say, ‘Let not him who useth a form judge
  him who useth it not; and let not him who useth it not despise
  him who doth use it.’ Though I profess myself a minister of
  the Established Church, and never yet renounced her articles,
  homilies, or liturgy, I can and, if God’s providence direct my
  course thither again, shall join in occasional communion with
  the churches of New England and Scotland, being persuaded there
  are as many faithful ministers among them as in any parts of the
  known world.”

About the middle of the month of June, Whitefield set out on a three
weeks’ tour to Gloucester, Bristol, and the west of England. “Thousands
and thousands,” says he, “flocked in Gloucestershire; and here, in
Bristol, the congregations fall little short of those in London.” At
Bath, he preached several times in the house of Lady Gertrude Hotham;
Lord Chesterfield, Mrs. Grinfield, Mrs. Bevan,[368] and other members
of the aristocracy being among his hearers.

On the 1st of July, Lady Anne Hastings, after a short illness, was
removed to her eternal rest, in the sixty-fifth year of her age.[369]
Whitefield heard of this event at Bristol, and, on his return to London,
wrote as follows to the Countess of Huntingdon:――

                                      “LONDON, _July 11, 1755_.

  “EVER-HONOURED MADAM,――Yesterday, about noon, after being worn
  down with travelling, and preaching twice and thrice a day in
  Gloucestershire, at Bath, and Bristol, a gracious Providence
  brought me to town. At Bristol, I heard of the death of good
  Lady Anne. Alas! how many has your ladyship lived to see go
  before you! An earnest this, I hope, that you are to live to a
  good old age, and be more and more a mother in Israel. A short,
  but sweet character. God knows how long I am to drag this crazy
  load, my body, along. Blessed be His holy name! I have not
  one attachment to earth. I am sick of myself, sick of the
  world, sick of the Church, and am panting daily after the full
  enjoyment of my God. John Cennick is now added to the happy
  number of those who are called to see Him as He is.[370] I do
  not envy, but I want to follow after him.

  “The fields at Bristol and Kingswood were whiter and more ready
  to harvest than for many years past. If the new Tabernacle at
  Bristol were as large as that in London, it would be filled.
  Thrice last Sunday, and twice the Sunday before, I preached in
  the fields to many, many thousands. At Bath, we had good seasons.
  Good Lady Gertrude, Mrs. Bevan, and Mrs. Grinfield, were very
  hearty. God was with us of a truth. O for an humble, thankful
  heart! I am now looking up for direction what course to steer
  next. I suppose it will be northward.”

Whitefield spent about another month in London. It was at this period
that Cornelius Winter, then a boy in the thirteenth year of his age,
was induced to hear Whitefield preach. Cornelius was an orphan, whose
father had been a shoemaker, and his mother a laundress. At the age of
eight, he was admitted into the Charity School of St. Andrew’s, Holborn.
He then became the inmate of a workhouse. When his “schooling closed,”
he “had merely learned to write, without being set to put three figures
together, or to learn one line in any of the tables.” The half-hungered
child next became errand boy, and a sort of general drudge in the
kitchen and the workshop of a distant relative, Mr. Winter, watergilder,
in Bunhill Row. His master was bad-tempered, and a drunkard, and often
beat young Cornelius so unmercifully that the lad sometimes wished
to die. The boy regularly attended the Church of St. Luke, in Old
Street, but says, he had “strong prejudices against the Methodists and
Dissenters.” “However,” he writes, “when my clothes were disgracefully
bad, which was sometimes the case, I absconded from my own church,
and occasionally wandered into a meeting-house. At last, I got to
hear Mr. Whitefield, and was particularly struck with the largeness
of the congregation, the solemnity that sat upon it, the melody of the
singing, and Mr. Whitefield’s striking appearance, and his earnestness
in preaching. From this time, I embraced all opportunities to hear
him.”[371]

Whitefield remained in London till the commencement of the month
of August, when, unexpectedly, he was requested, by Colonel and Mrs.
Galatin, and the Countess of Huntingdon, to go to Norwich, and re-open
the Tabernacle built for Wheatley, Wesley’s expelled itinerant preacher.
Wesley already had a mongrel Society in Norwich, and disapproved of
Whitefield’s preaching in an apparently opposition chapel.[372] He
complained to Whitefield, who replied as follows:――

                                    “NORWICH, _August 9, 1755_.

  “REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,――Till Tuesday evening” (August 5th)
  “I knew no more of coming to Norwich than a child unborn. Had
  I been well enough, and my private business permitted, I should
  have been some miles on my way towards Donington Park. This I
  told Mr. Hartley, and acquainted him with every step. He should
  have written himself, and not retailed our conversation. As
  I expect to be in town some time next week, I choose to defer
  writing more till we have a personal interview. My time is too
  precious to be employed in hearkening to, or vindicating myself
  against, the false and invidious insinuations of narrow and
  low-life informers. Never was I more satisfied of my call to
  any place than of my present call to Norwich. The Redeemer
  knows the way that I take. I came hither purely for His glory,
  without the least design to make a party for myself, or to
  please or displease any other party whatsoever. In this way, and
  in this spirit, through His divine assistance, I hope to go on.
  Blessed be His name! I trust my feeble labours have not been in
  vain. Sin, I hope, has been prevented, errors detected, sinners
  convicted, saints edified, and my own soul sweetly refreshed.
  But I must add no more. That Jesus may give us all a right
  judgment in all things, and keep all parties from giving a
  wrong touch to the ark, is and shall be the constant prayer of,
  reverend and dear sir, yours most affectionately in our common
  Lord,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

The Society at Norwich were the most refractory set of Methodists in
the United Kingdom. It would be a bootless task to write their history.
Suffice it to say, that Whitefield was satisfied with his visit.
“Here,” says he, “there has undoubtedly been a glorious work of God.
Twice a day, both gentle and simple flock to hear the word; and, I
think, it comes with power.”[373] “Notwithstanding offences have come,
I scarce ever preached a week together with greater freedom.”[374]
After he left, the Rev. William Cudworth took his place, and,
henceforth, became Wesley’s enemy, and the dangerous friend of the
gentle Hervey. Cudworth was assisted by Wheatley and Robert Robinson,
the latter a youth of twenty, but afterwards the famous Baptist
minister at Cambridge. They established preaching stations in the
surrounding villages; and, at Forncett, about twelve miles from Norwich,
a Tabernacle was erected. About five years after this, from 1758 to
1763, the Norwich Tabernacle seems to have been occupied by Wesley and
the preachers in connection with him. He then abandoned it, utterly
despairing to keep in order James Wheatley’s “lambs.” Indeed, he
designates them “_bullocks unaccustomed to the yoke_, who had never had
any rule or order among them, but every man did what was right in his
own eyes.” Lady Huntingdon next bought the Tabernacle for £900, and
vested it in seven trustees, who were to manage its secular concerns,
and appoint or dismiss its ministers at their pleasure.[375]

Notwithstanding the foregoing letter addressed to Wesley, there
continued to be misgiving. It also seems that, at first, Cudworth and
Wheatley found it difficult to co-operate. When Whitefield got back to
London, he wrote, as follows, to the turbulent Norwich Methodists:――

                                    “LONDON, _August 26, 1755_.

  “MY DEAR FRIENDS,――I received your kind letters, and likewise
  one from Mr. Wheatley; and, last night, a long one from Mr.
  Cudworth; but, alas! I have no time for controversy. To their
  own Master they must both either stand or fall. All I can say,
  in your present circumstances, is, that you had best make a
  trial, and let matters, for a while, stand as they are. I have
  sent letters, if possible, to prevent the spreading, at least
  the _publishing_, of any further tales. Meanwhile, do you
  strengthen yourselves in the Lord your God. The cause is His. I
  believe you honestly embarked in it, for His great name’s sake,
  and He will help you out of all. To-morrow, I must away to the
  north. Follow me with your prayers; and assure yourselves that
  you and yours, and the dear people of Norwich, will not be
  forgotten by me. If ever the Redeemer should bring me thither
  again, I can then converse with Mr. Wheatley and Mr. Cudworth
  face to face; but I beg to be excused from writing, when I think,
  by so doing, I can do no service. The Lord clothe us all with
  humility, and give us all true simplicity and godly sincerity!”

On August 27, Whitefield left London for the north of England. On his
way, he spent two or three days with his friend Hervey, at the rectory
of Weston-Favell. Hervey had just published, in three octavo volumes,
his “Theron and Aspasio,” part of which work had been submitted
to Wesley in manuscript, for his revision. Wesley and Hervey had
already become alienated, for Wesley had made more corrections in
the manuscript than Hervey liked. At all events, on January 9, 1755,
Hervey wrote to Lady Frances Shirley: “Mr. John Wesley takes me roundly
to task on the score of predestination; at which I am much surprised,
because this doctrine (be it true or false) makes no part of my scheme.
I cannot but fear he has some sinister design. I do not charge such
an artifice, but sometimes I cannot help forming a suspicion.”[376]
In the interval, Wesley had written to Hervey a long letter, freely
animadverting on “Theron and Aspasio,” and begging him to lay aside
the phrase, “the imputed righteousness of Christ,” adding, “It is not
scriptural, it is not necessary, it has done immense hurt.” Hervey, for
once in his lovely life, neglected to exercise his natural gentleness.
Wesley’s letter offended him, and he declined to acknowledge it; but,
whilst Whitefield was his guest, he wrote to his Baptist friend, the
Rev. John Ryland: “I find, by private intelligence, that Mr. Wesley has
shewn his letter in London, and has thought proper to animadvert upon
me, by name, from his pulpit.”

There can be little doubt that Whitefield was Hervey’s informant.
Affairs among these old Oxford Methodists were in a ticklish state. It
is a mournful fact, that, chiefly through the machinations of William
Cudworth, the friendship between Hervey and Wesley was not renewed;
but it was otherwise with the large-hearted Whitefield. In his Journal,
under the date, November 5th, 1755, Wesley wrote: “Mr. Whitefield
called upon me; disputings are now no more; we love one another,
and join hand in hand to promote the cause of our common Master.”
Charles Wesley, also, wrote to his old friend a poetical epistle,[377]
breathing with Christian love, from which the following lines are
taken:――

         “Come on, my Whitefield! (since the strife is past,
          And friends at first are friends again at last,)
          Our hands, and hearts, and counsels let us join
          In mutual league, t’ advance the work divine;
          Our one contention now, our single aim,
          To pluck poor souls as brands out of the flame;
          To spread the victory of that bloody cross,
       And gasp our latest breath in the Redeemer’s cause.

                   *       *       *       *       *

                           “In a strange land I stood,
          And beckon’d thee to cross th’ Atlantic flood:
          With true affection wing’d, thy ready mind
          Left country, fame, and ease, and friends behind,
          And, eager all heaven’s counsels to explore,
          Flew through the watery world and grasp’d the shore.
          Nor did I linger, at my friend’s desire,
          To tempt the furnace, and abide the fire:
          When suddenly sent forth, from the highways
          I call’d poor outcasts to the feast of grace;
          Urg’d to pursue the work, by thee begun,
          Through good and ill report, I still rush’d on,
          Nor felt the fire of popular applause,
       Nor fear’d the torturing flame in such a glorious cause.

                   *       *       *       *       *

         “One in His hand, O may we still remain,
          Fast bound with love’s indissoluble chain;
          (That adamant which time and death defies,
          That golden chain which draws us to the skies!)
          His love the tie that binds us to His throne,
          His love the bond that perfects us in one;
          His love, (let all the ground of friendship see,)
          His only love constrains our hearts t’ agree,
          And gives the rivet of eternity!”

Just at the time when Whitefield left America, the ministers of
George the Second announced to Parliament that a war with France was
inevitable. The Committee of Supply eagerly voted a million of money
for the defence of their American possessions; and Admiral Boscawen
was sent with a fleet towards the Gulf of St. Lawrence, to intercept
a French fleet which had been prepared in the forts of Rochefort and
Brest, and which was carrying reinforcements to the French Canadians.
America was now in martial confusion. Among others, Whitefield’s old
friend Sir William Pepperell had gone to the field of action; and
Whitefield, while a guest at Hervey’s, wrote to Lady Pepperell and
her daughter, to cheer them in the colonel’s absence, as follows:――

                              “WESTON-FAVELL, _August 30, 1755_.

  “DEAR MISS,――A few days past, as I was going into the Tabernacle
  to read letters, yours came to hand. Immediately, I read it
  among the rest, and you and my other New England friends had
  the prayers of thousands. How did I wish to be transported to
  America! How did I long to stir up all against the common enemy,
  and to be made instrumental of doing my dear country some little
  service! Dear New England,――dear Boston lies upon my heart!
  Surely the Lord will not give it over into the hands of the
  enemy. He has too many praying ministers and praying people
  there, for such a dreadful catastrophe.”

                              “WESTON-FAVELL, _August 30, 1755_.

  “DEAR MADAM,――I find you are once more called to give up your
  honoured husband for his country’s good. The God whom you serve
  will richly reward you for such a sacrifice, and be better to
  you than seven husbands. I long to hear that he is returned
  victorious. He is gone upon a good cause, and under the conduct
  of the best general, even the Captain of our salvation. To Him
  I am praying, night and day, for the temporal and spiritual
  welfare of dear, never-to-be-forgotten New England. Courage,
  dear madam, courage! A few more partings, a few more changes,
  a few more heart-breakings, heart-purifying trials, and we shall
  be safely landed.”

Such were Whitefield’s feelings at the commencement of the Seven Years’
War, which was ended by the Peace of Paris, February 10, 1763. The
terrific strife kept Whitefield from his beloved America for the space
of eight long years, and, during this lengthened period, many and great
were his anxieties concerning his Orphan House, and his transatlantic
friends; but more of this anon. An extract from another letter, written
at Hervey’s, and addressed to a rich, but miserly American, is too
characteristic to be omitted.

                              “WESTON-FAVELL, _August 30, 1755_.

  “Your friends everywhere take notice, that the sin which doth
  most easily beset you is a too great love of money; and this,
  in many cases, makes you act an unfriendly part. If God should
  suffer our enemies to prevail, you will wish you had laid up
  more treasure in heaven. Blessed be God, mine is out of the
  reach of men or devils. Strange that five per cent. from man
  should be preferred to a hundredfold from Christ! A word to the
  wise is sufficient. I am looking out for more news from dear
  America. May the late defeat be sanctified! Adieu, my dear Mr.
  V――――! _Non magna loquimur, non magna scribimus, sed vivimus_,
  is the Christian’s motto. Mr. D―――― can _English_ it.”

On Sunday, August 31st, Whitefield preached twice, not in his
friend Hervey’s church, but at Northampton. He then proceeded to
Lady Huntingdon’s, at Donington Park. At Liverpool, on September 12th,
“some fallow ground was broken up;” at Bolton, “the cup of many ran
over;” at Manchester, “people heard most gladly;” at Leeds and Bradford,
“what many felt was unutterable;” and at York, “a smart gentleman
was touched.” On reaching Newcastle-on-Tyne, Whitefield wrote to the
Countess of Huntingdon, as follows:――

                              “NEWCASTLE, _September 24, 1755_.

  “EVER-HONOURED MADAM,――I know not how long it is since I left
  your ladyship; but this I know, a sense of the satisfaction
  I felt when at Donington still lies upon my heart. Were I
  not called to public work, waiting upon, and administering to
  your ladyship in holy offices would be my choice and highest
  privilege.

  “The only new ground that has been broken up is Liverpool. There
  the prospect is promising. I preached in a great square on the
  Lord’s-day, and the alarm, I hear, went through the town. At
  Bolton, the cup of God’s people ran over; and at Manchester we
  had large auditories and blessed seasons. At Leeds, we felt what
  is unutterable; and at Bradford, last Sunday, the congregation
  consisted of at least ten thousand.[378] But, oh, how has my
  pleasure been alloyed at Leeds! I rejoiced there with trembling;
  for, unknown to me, they had almost finished a large house,
  in order to form a separate congregation.[379] If this scheme
  succeeds, an awful separation, I fear, will take place amongst
  the Societies.[380] I have written to Mr. Wesley, and have done
  all I could to prevent it. O this self-love, this self-will! It
  is the devil of devils!

  “I write this from Newcastle, where the people, twice a day,
  hear the gospel gladly. What to do now, I know not. Calls on all
  sides are very loud, and it is too late to go either to Ireland
  or Scotland. O my God! winter is at hand, and, in the summer,
  how little has been done for Thee! I cannot bear to live at this
  poor dying rate.”

Whitefield spent ten or a dozen days in the neighbourhood of Newcastle,
and then set out for London, where he arrived on October 30th. The
following are extracts from his letters:――

                                    “LONDON, _October 31, 1755_.

  “Last night, a never-failing God brought me from the north of
  England, where I have been enabled to preach twice and thrice
  a day to many, many thousands, for two months past. And yet
  I cannot die. Nay, they tell me I grow fat. Never did I see
  the word more blessed, or so many thousands run after it with
  greater greediness. Next to inviting them to Christ, I have
  always taken care to exhort them to pray for King George, and
  our dear friends in America.”

                                    “LONDON, _November 1, 1755_.

  “On Thursday evening, I came to town, after having preached
  about a hundred times, and travelled about eight hundred miles.
  For more than ten days together, I preached thrice a day. O that
  I could preach three hundred times! All would be infinitely too
  little to testify my love to Jesus. After about a week’s stay
  here, I hope to move westward. O winter! winter! Haste and fly,
  that I may again set out! Yesterday, I waited upon the Countess
  Delitz, and, on Thursday, I am to dine with her ladyship.”

                                    “LONDON, _November 8, 1755_.

  “I hear you have been sitting night and day in council.
  All we can do on this side the water is to pray. This, I
  trust, thousands are doing every day. I seldom preach without
  mentioning dear New England. Blessed be God! the prospect is
  promising here. In the north of England, the word runs and is
  glorified more than ever. In London, people flock like doves to
  the windows.”

To Lady Huntingdon, who had gone to Clifton Hotwells, Bristol,
Whitefield wrote:――

                                  “LONDON, _November 10, 1755_.

  “EVER-HONOURED MADAM,――Your ladyship’s kind and condescending
  letter found me just returned from Chatham. The court, in the
  best sense of the word, is now removed to Clifton. For there
  only is the real court kept, where Jesus reigns, and where He
  has erected a spiritual kingdom in the heart. All besides this
  is only tinsel and glitter. Here alone is real and abiding
  happiness to be found. O for further searches into the heights
  and depths of God! O for further leadings into the chambers of
  that selfish, sensual, and devilish imagery, that yet lie latent
  in my partly renewed heart! This self-love, what a _Proteus_!
  This self-will, what a _Hydra_! This remaining body of sin and
  death, what an _Antichrist_! what a scarlet whore! what a hell!
  what a red dragon! what a cursed monster is it! How hard, how
  slow, he dies! O what gratitude do I owe to the Bruiser of this
  serpent’s head! O for a heart gladly to embrace every cross,
  every trying dispensation, that may have a tendency to poison,
  or starve the old man, and cherish, promote, or cause to bloom
  and blossom the graces and tempers of the new! Ordinances,
  providences, doctrines are of no service to believers, except
  as they are attended with this mortifying and life-giving power.
  Happy family, who have this one thing in view! Happy retirement,
  that is improved to this blessed purpose! Happy, therefore, good
  Lady Huntingdon, and the other elect ladies, who are determined
  thus to go hand in hand to heaven! All hail, ye new-born,
  heaven-born souls! Ye know, by happy experience, that Jesus is
  an inward as well as outward Saviour. Were even annihilation
  to follow death, who would not but have this redemption whilst
  they live? But glory, glory be to God! it is only the dawning
  of an eternal day, the beginning of a life that is ere long
  to be absorbed in never-ceasing, uninterrupted fruition of the
  ever-blessed Triune Deity. O the depth, the height of this love
  of God! It passeth human and angelic knowledge. My paper only
  permits me to add, that I am, ever-honoured madam,

          “Your ladyship’s most dutiful and ready servant,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

Soon after this, Whitefield joined her ladyship at Bristol, where he
spent about a month, but, to a great extent, was prevented preaching.
Hence the following:――

                                        “BRISTOL, _November 30_.

  “For near ten days past, I have preached in pain, occasioned by
  a sore throat, which I find now is the beginning of a quinsy.
  The doctor tells me silence and warmth may cure me; but (if I
  had my will) heaven is my choice, especially if I can speak no
  longer for my God on earth. However, painful as the medicine of
  silence is, I have promised to be very obedient, and, therefore,
  I have not preached this morning.”

Whitefield returned to London towards the end of December, and closed
the year by writing to the Countess of Huntingdon:――

                                  “LONDON, _December 31, 1755_.

  “EVER-HONOURED MADAM,――Your ladyship’s kind and condescending
  letter should not have been so long unanswered, had not bodily
  weakness, and my Christmas labours, prevented my writing. It has
  been a joyful-mourning season. Saturday last being my birthday,
  my soul was deeply exercised, from morning till evening, in
  thinking how much, in one-and-forty years, I had sinned against
  God, and how little I have done for Him. This impression yet
  lies deep upon my heart, and, therefore, I purpose to end the
  old year by preaching on these words, ‘I abhor myself, and
  repent in dust and ashes.’ O that all things belonging to the
  old man may die in me, and all things belonging to the new man
  may live and grow in me! But, alas! this is a work of time.
  Every day and every hour must we be passing from death to life.
  Mortification and vivification make up the whole of the Divine
  work in the new-born soul.

  “But shall I conceal the goodness of my long-suffering Master?
  No, I dare not; for, in spite of my unworthiness, He still
  continues to smile upon my poor ministrations. A noble chapel is
  now opened in Long Acre, where I am to read prayers and preach
  twice a week. Hundreds went away last night, who could not come
  in; but those who could, I trust, met with Jesus.”

Long Acre has just been mentioned,――Long Acre, with the London theatres
on the left, and Wesley’s West Street chapel on the right,――then a
fashionable street; now, to a great extent, consisting of workshops
for making and exhibiting all kinds of carriages. In the theatres, John
Rich, the harlequin, with a kind of dumb eloquence, was electrifying
his audiences by the mere gesticulations of his body. Catherine
Clive was cleverly acting the characters of chambermaids, fashionable
ladies, country girls, romps, hoydens, dowdies, superannuated beauties,
viragoes, and humorists. David Garrick, who once said “I would give a
hundred guineas if I could only say ‘Oh!’ like Mr. Whitefield,” was the
celebrated manager of the theatre in Drury Lane. Margaret Woffington
was an admired favourite at Covent Garden. And Samuel Foote was at the
height of his popularity.

The chapel in Long Acre[381] was rented by the Rev. John Barnard, one
of Whitefield’s early converts, who was now an Independent minister,
but afterwards became a Sandemanian, and was ultimately expelled by
that Society for entertaining too exalted notions of his preaching
powers.[382]

The Dean of Westminster, who, in some capacity, claimed some sort of
clerical jurisdiction in Long Acre, was Zachary Pearce, D.D., the son
of a distiller in Holborn; from 1748 to 1756, was Bishop of Bangor;
and, afterwards, Bishop of Rochester;――an accomplished scholar, a
perspicuous writer, a feeble orator, an active prelate, and a hearty
hater of the Methodists.

Whitefield had long wished to have a West-end chapel, which might serve
as the meeting-house, not only of the rich in general, but especially
of the distinguished persons who were accustomed to assemble in the
mansions of the Countess of Huntingdon, Lady Frances Shirley, and Lady
Gertrude Hotham.

These brief memoranda will help to explain the allusions in the
following extracts from Whitefield’s letters.

The first is taken from a letter addressed to the Rev. John Gillies, of
Glasgow:――

  “London, January 22, 1756. Ever since I came from the north,
  I have had a violent cold and sore throat, which threatened
  an inflammatory quinsy. One physician prescribed a _perpetual
  blister_, but I have found _perpetual preaching_ to be a better
  remedy. When this grand catholicon fails, it is over with me.
  You will pray that, if I must put out to sea again, it may be
  to take fresh prizes for my God. Every day brings us fresh news
  of newly awakened souls. Both at this and the other end of the
  town (where I now preach in a chapel twice a week), there is a
  glorious stirring among the dry bones.”

The next is from a letter written to the Countess of Huntingdon:――

  “London, January 29, 1756. I know not how soon I may be called
  before my superiors. The sons of _Jubal_ and _Cain_ continue to
  serenade me at Long Acre chapel. They have been called before
  a justice; and, yesterday, the Bishop of Bangor sent for them,
  and enquired where I lived. My house is pretty public, and the
  ‘Bishop of souls’ shall answer for me. One, who subscribes to
  hire men to make the noise, has been pricked to the heart, and
  can have no rest till he speaks with me. Thus Jesus gets Himself
  the victory. One of the enclosed extracts comes from a person
  who, a few weeks ago, was a confirmed Deist; now, I trust, he is
  a little child. The Redeemer speaks, and it is done; He commands,
  and new creatures instantaneously arise before Him.”

Did these “sons of Jubal and Cain” belong to the adjoining theatres?
Perhaps they did. Still, it is curious that Wesley, in West Street
chapel, had never been disturbed by their unwelcome serenading; and
it is equally remarkable, that though Bishop Pearce did his utmost to
silence Whitefield in Long Acre, he seems not at all to have interfered
with Wesley in a neighbouring street. The annoyance, to Whitefield
and his _West-end_ congregation, was great; but he was more wishful
to convert the serenaders than to punish them. Hence the following,
addressed to the gentleman who had brought some of the disturbers
before a magistrate:――

  “January 30. Gratitude constrains me to send you a few lines of
  thanks for the care and zeal you have exercised in suppressing
  the late disorders at Long Acre chapel. I hear that some unhappy
  man has incurred the penalty inflicted by our salutary laws. As
  peace, not revenge, is the thing aimed at, I should rejoice if
  this could be procured without the delinquents suffering any
  further punishment. Perhaps what has been done already may be
  sufficient to deter others from any further illegal proceedings;
  and that will be satisfaction enough for me.”

But for the meddling of Bishop Pearce, it is possible, perhaps probable,
that these disreputable disturbances might have ceased; but, two days
after writing thus to the gentleman who had commenced a prosecution
of the noisy musicians, Whitefield received a letter from the Bishop,
in which he prohibited Whitefield’s further preaching in the Long Acre
chapel. This led to an important correspondence between the prelate
and the preacher. Whether his lordship had a legal right to issue
such a prohibition, ecclesiastical lawyers must determine; but, to
say the least, his action had the appearance of episcopal persecution.
The Bishop’s letters to Whitefield have not been published; for, with
contemptible cowardice, Pearce informed Whitefield that, if he dared
to publish them, he must be prepared to undergo the penalty due to
the infringement of “the privilege of a peer!” Still, the substance of
his letters may be gathered from Whitefield’s answers; and, as these
answers contain an explanation and a defence of the course of conduct
which Whitefield had pursued for nearly the last twenty years, they are
inserted here at greater length, than, under other circumstances, they
would have been.

                          “TABERNACLE HOUSE, _February 2, 1756_.

  “MY LORD,――A few weeks ago, several serious persons, chosen to
  be a committee for one Mr. Barnard, applied to me, in the name
  of Jesus Christ, and a multitude of souls desirous of hearing
  the gospel, to preach at a place commonly called Long Acre
  chapel. At the same time, they acquainted me, that the place
  was licensed; that Mr. Barnard either had taken or was to take
  it for a certain term of years; that he had preached in it for
  a considerable time, as a Protestant Dissenting minister; but
  that, notwithstanding this, I might use the Liturgy if I thought
  proper, so that I would but come and preach once or twice a week.

  “Looking upon this as a providential call from Him, who, in
  the days of His flesh, taught all who were willing to hear,
  _on a mount_, _in a ship_, or by _the sea-side_, I readily
  complied; and I humbly hope that my feeble labours have not
  been altogether in vain.

  “This being the case, I was somewhat surprised at the
  prohibition I received from your lordship this evening. For,
  I looked upon the place as a particular person’s property;
  and being, as I was informed, not only unconsecrated, but also
  licensed according to law, I thought I might innocently preach
  the love of the crucified Redeemer, and loyalty to the best
  of princes, our dread sovereign King George, without giving
  any just offence to Jew or Gentile, much less to any bishop
  or overseer of the Church of God. As I have, therefore, given
  notice of preaching to-morrow evening, and every Tuesday and
  Thursday whilst I am in town, I hope your lordship will not look
  upon it as _contumacy_, if I persist in prosecuting my design,
  till I am more particularly apprized wherein I have erred.

  “Controversy, my lord, is what I abhor; and, as raising
  popular clamours and ecclesiastical dissensions must be quite
  unseasonable, especially at this juncture, when _France_ and
  _Rome_, and _hell_ ought to be the common butt of our resentment,
  I hope your lordship will be so good as to inform yourself
  and me more particularly about this matter; and, upon due
  consideration, as I have no design but to do good to precious
  souls, I promise to submit. But, if your lordship should judge
  it best to decline this method, and I should be called to answer
  for my conduct, either before a spiritual court, or from the
  press, I trust the irregularity I am charged with will appear
  justifiable to every true lover of English liberty, and (what
  is _all_ to me) will be approved of at the awful and impartial
  tribunal of the great Shepherd and Bishop of souls, in obedience
  to whom I beg leave to subscribe myself, your lordship’s most
  dutiful son and servant,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

The Bishop of Bangor replied to this straightforward letter; but, of
course, his threat, as a peer of the realm, suppressed his
communication. Whitefield’s next letter was as follows:――

                        “TABERNACLE HOUSE, _February 16, 1756_.

  “MY LORD,――I this evening received your lordship’s kind letter;
  and, though it is late, and nature calls for rest, I now sit
  down to give your lordship an explicit answer.

  “God can witness, that I entered into holy orders, according
  to the form of ordination of the Church of England, with a
  disinterested view to promote His glory, and the welfare of
  precious and immortal souls. For near twenty years, as thousands
  can testify, I have conscientiously defended her Homilies
  and Articles, and, upon all occasions, have spoken well of
  her Liturgy. So far from renouncing these, together with her
  discipline, I earnestly pray for the due restoration of the one,
  and daily lament the departure of too many from the other. But,
  my lord, what can I do?

  “When I acted in the most regular manner, and when I was
  bringing multitudes, even of Dissenters, to crowd the churches,
  without any other reason being given than that too many followed
  after me, I was denied the use of the churches. Being thus
  excluded, and many thousands of ignorant souls, that perhaps
  would neither go to church nor meeting-houses, being very hungry
  after the gospel, I thought myself bound in duty to deal out to
  them the bread of life.

  “Being further ambitious to serve my God, my king, and my
  country, I sacrificed my affections, and left my native soil, in
  order to begin and carry on an Orphan House in the infant colony
  of Georgia, which is now put upon a good foundation. This served
  as an introduction, though without design, to my visiting the
  other parts of his Majesty’s dominions in North America; and I
  humbly hope that many in that foreign clime will be my joy and
  crown of rejoicing in the day of the Lord Jesus.

  “Nay, my lord, if I were not assured that the blessed Redeemer
  has owned me for the real conversion and turning of many
  from darkness to light, the weakness of my decaying body, the
  temptations that have beset my soul, and the violent opposition
  with which I have met, would long since have led me to accept
  some of those offers that have been made me to nestle, and by
  accepting which I might have screened myself from the obloquy
  and contempt which, in some degree or other, I meet with every
  day. But, hitherto, without eating a morsel of the Church of
  England’s bread, I still continue to use her Liturgy, wherever
  a church or chapel is allowed me, and preach up her Articles,
  and enforce her Homilies. Your lordship, therefore, judgeth me
  exceeding right, when you say, ‘I presume you do not mean to
  declare any dissent from the Church of England.’ Far be it from
  me. No, my lord, unless thrust out, I shall never leave her; and
  even then I shall still adhere to her doctrines, and pray for
  the restoration of her discipline, to my dying day.

  “Fond of displaying her truly protestant and orthodox principles,
  especially when Church and State are in danger from a cruel and
  popish enemy, I am glad of an opportunity of preaching, though
  it should be in a meeting-house; and I think it discovers a good
  and moderate spirit in the Dissenters, who quietly attend on the
  Church service, as many have done, and continue to do at Long
  Acre chapel, while many, who style themselves the faithful sons
  of the Church, have endeavoured to disturb and molest us.

  “If the lessor of this chapel has no power to let it, or if
  it be not legally licensed, I have been deceived; and if, upon
  enquiry, I find this to be the case, I shall soon declare, in
  the most public manner, how I have been imposed upon. But if
  it appears that the lessor has a right to dispose of his own
  property, and that the place is licensed, and as some good, I
  trust, has been done by this foolishness of preaching, surely
  your lordship’s candour will overlook a little irregularity,
  since, I fear, that, in these dregs of time wherein we live, we
  must be obliged to be irregular, or we must do no good at all.

  “My lord, I remember well (and O that I may more than ever
  obey your lordship’s admonition!) that awful day, wherein I was
  ordained priest, and when authority was given me, by my honoured
  friend and father, good Bishop Benson, to preach the word of
  God; but never did I so much as dream that this was only a
  local commission, or that the condition annexed, ‘Where you
  shall be lawfully appointed thereunto,’ was to confine me to any
  particular place, and that it would be unlawful for me to preach
  out of it. It is plain my Lord Bishop of Gloucester did not
  think so; for when his secretary brought a license for me, his
  lordship said, it would cost me thirty shillings, and therefore
  I should not have it. And when, after being presented to the
  late Bishop of London, I applied to him for a license, his
  lordship was pleased to say I was going to Georgia, and needed
  none. Accordingly, I preached in most of the London churches,
  under his lordship’s immediate inspection; and why any other
  license than my letters of orders should now be required, I
  believe no substantial, I am positive no scriptural, reason can
  be assigned.

  “It is true, as your lordship observes, there is one canon that
  says, ‘No curate or minister shall be permitted to serve in
  any place, without examination and admission of the Bishop of
  the Diocese.’ And there is another, as quoted by your lordship,
  which tells us, ‘Neither minister, churchwarden, nor any other
  officers of the Church shall suffer any man to preach within
  their chapels, but such as, by shewing their license to preach,
  shall appear unto them to be sufficiently authorised thereunto.’
  But, my lord, what curacy or parsonage have I desired, or do
  I desire to be admitted to serve in? or, into what church or
  chapel do I attempt to intrude myself, without leave from the
  churchwardens or other officers? Being, as I think, without
  cause, denied admission into the churches, I am content to take
  the field, and, when the weather will permit, with a table for
  my pulpit, and the heavens for my sounding-board, I desire to
  proclaim to all the unsearchable riches of Jesus Christ. Besides,
  my lord, if this canon should be always put into full execution,
  I humbly presume, no bishop or presbyter can legally preach at
  any time out of the diocese in which he is appointed to serve;
  and, consequently, no city incumbent can even occasionally be
  lawfully assisted by any country clergyman; or even can a bishop
  himself be lawfully permitted to preach a charity sermon out of
  his own diocese, without a special license for so doing.

  “As for the other canon which your lordship mentions, and which
  runs thus, ‘Neither shall any minister, not licensed as is
  aforesaid, presume to appoint or hold any meetings for sermons,
  commonly termed, by some, prophecies or exercises, in market
  towns or other places, under the said pains,’――I need not inform
  your lordship, that it was originally levelled against those who
  would not conform to the Church of England, and that, too, in
  such high-flying times as not one of the present moderate bench
  of bishops would wish to see restored. If this be so, how, my
  lord, does this canon belong to me, who am episcopally ordained,
  and have very lately published a small tract recommending the
  communion office of the Church of England?

  “But, my lord, to come nearer to the point in hand. And, for
  Christ’s sake, let not your lordship be offended with my using
  such plainness of speech. As in the presence of the living God,
  I would put it to your lordship’s conscience, whether there
  is one bishop or presbyter, in England, Wales, or Ireland, who
  looks upon our canons as his rule of action? If this opinion
  be true, we are all perjured with a witness, and, in a very
  bad sense of the word, _irregular indeed_. If the canons of
  our Church are to be implicitly obeyed, may I not say, ‘He,
  who is without the sin of acting illegally, let him cast the
  first stone at me, and welcome.’ Your lordship knows full well,
  that canons and other Church laws are good and obligatory,
  when conformable to the laws of Christ, and agreeable to the
  liberties of a free people; but, when invented and compiled
  by men of little hearts and bigotted principles, to hinder
  persons of more enlarged souls from doing good, or being more
  extensively useful, they become mere _bruta fulmina_; and,
  when made use of as cords to bind the hands of a zealous few,
  who honestly appear for their king, their country, and their
  God, they may, in my opinion, like the withes with which the
  Philistines bound Samson, very legally be broken. As I have
  not the canons at present before me, I cannot tell what pains
  and penalties are to be incurred for such offence; but, if
  any penalty is incurred, or any pain to be inflicted on me,
  for preaching against sin, the Pope, and the devil, and for
  recommending the strictest loyalty to the best of princes, his
  Majesty King George, in this metropolis, or in any other part
  of his Majesty’s dominions, I trust, through grace, I shall be
  enabled to say,――

              ‘All hail reproach, and welcome pain!’

  “There now remains but one more particular in your lordship’s
  letter to be answered,――your lordship’s truly apostolical canon,
  taken out of 2 Cor. x. 16,――upon reading of which, I could not
  help thinking of a passage in good Mr. Philip Henry’s life.
  It was this. Being ejected out of the Church, and yet thinking
  it his duty to preach, Mr. Henry used, now and then, to give
  the people of Broad-Oaks, where he lived, a gospel sermon; and
  one day, as he was coming from his exercise, he met with the
  incumbent, and thus addressed him: ‘Sir, I have been taking the
  liberty of throwing a handful of seed into your field.’ ‘Have
  you?’ said the good man. ‘May God give it His blessing! There
  is work enough for us both.’ This, my lord, I humbly conceive,
  is the case, not only of your lordship, but of every minister’s
  parish in London, and of every bishop’s diocese in England; and,
  therefore, as good is done, and souls are benefited, I hope your
  lordship will not regard a little irregularity, since, at the
  worst, it is only the irregularity of doing well. But, supposing
  this should not be admitted as an excuse at other seasons, I
  hope it will have its weight at this critical juncture, wherein,
  if there were ten thousand sound preachers, and each preacher
  had a thousand tongues, they could not be too frequently
  employed in calling upon the inhabitants of Great Britain to
  be upon their guard against the cruel and malicious designs of
  _France_, of _Rome_, and of _hell_.

  “After all, my lord, if your lordship will be pleased to apply
  to Mr. Barnard himself, who, I suppose, knows where the place
  is registered; or if, upon enquiry, I shall find that the lessor
  has no power to let it, as I abhor every dishonourable action,
  after my setting out for Bristol, which I expect to do in a
  few days, I shall decline preaching in the chapel any more.
  But, if the case should appear to be otherwise, I hope your
  lordship will not be angry, if I persist in this, I trust, not
  unpardonable irregularity; for, if I decline preaching in every
  place, merely because the incumbent may be unwilling I should
  come into his parish, I fear I should seldom or never preach at
  all. This, my lord, especially at the present juncture, when all
  our civil and religious liberties are at stake, would to me be
  worse than death itself.

  “I humbly ask pardon for detaining your lordship so long; but,
  being willing to give your lordship all the satisfaction I could,
  I have chosen rather to sit up and deny myself proper repose,
  than to let your lordship’s candid letter lie by me one moment
  longer than was absolutely necessary.

  “I return your lordship a thousand thanks for your favourable
  opinion of me, and for your good wishes; and, begging the
  continuance of your lordship’s blessing, and earnestly praying
  that, whenever your lordship shall be called hence, you may give
  up your account with joy, I beg leave to subscribe myself, my
  lord, your lordship’s most dutiful son and servant,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

Such was Whitefield’s midnight letter to Bishop Pearce. Its length is
gigantic, but, throughout, it is pointed, manly, and respectful; and,
because of its historical facts, and its statement of the principles
which regulated Whitefield’s life, it is of great importance. A summary
of it could not have done it justice.

A week later, Whitefield wrote a third letter to the bishop, informing
him he had ascertained that the chapel was duly licensed, and that Mr.
Barnard’s committee were resolved to retain possession of it. He added,
“As your lordship would undoubtedly choose that the Church liturgy
should be read in it sometimes, rather than it should be entirely
made use of in a Nonconformist way, I hope your lordship will not
be offended, if I go on as usual after my return from Bristol. I am
sorry to inform your lordship, that, notwithstanding the admonitions
which, I hear, your lordship has given them, some unhappy persons have
still endeavoured to disturb us, by making an odd kind of noise in a
neighbouring house. I hear that some of them belong to your lordship’s
vestry, and, therefore, wish you would so far interpose, as to order
them once more to stop their proceedings.”

Whitefield went to Bristol; and, on Sunday, March 14, opened his
“spring campaign, by preaching thrice in the fields, to many thousands,
in Gloucestershire.”[383] Immediately after this he returned to London,
and found it necessary to write again to Bishop Pearce.

                            “TABERNACLE HOUSE, _March 20, 1756_.

  “MY LORD,――Upon my coming up to town, I found, to my great
  surprise, that the disturbances near Long Acre chapel had been
  continued. On Thursday evening last, when I preached there
  myself, they were rather increased. Some of the windows were
  stopped up, to prevent, in some degree, the congregation being
  disturbed by the unhallowed noise; but large stones were thrown
  in at another window, and one young person was sadly wounded.

  “This constrains me to beg your lordship to desire the persons,
  belonging to your lordship’s vestry, to desist from such
  irregular proceedings. For my own irregularity in preaching,
  I am ready at any time to answer; and were I myself the only
  sufferer, I should be entirely unconcerned at any personal
  ill-treatment I might meet with in the way of duty. But to have
  the lives of his Majesty’s loyal subjects endangered, when they
  come peaceably to worship God, is an irregularity which, I am
  persuaded, your lordship will look upon as unjustifiable in the
  sight of God, and of every good man.

  “Your lordship will allow that, as a subject of King George, and
  a minister of Jesus Christ, I have a right to do myself justice;
  and, therefore, I hope, if the disturbances be continued, that
  your lordship will not be offended, if I lay a plain narration
  of the whole affair, together with what has passed between your
  lordship and myself, before the world. I beg you not to look
  upon this as a threatening. I scorn any such mean procedure.
  But, as Providence seems to point out such a method, I hope your
  lordship will have no just reason to censure me if I do it.”

The bishop replied, and Whitefield wrote to him again, as follows:――

                                      “LONDON, _March 25, 1756_.

  “Your lordship needed not to inform me of the privilege of
  a peer, to deter me from publishing your lordship’s letters,
  without first asking leave. Nothing shall be done in that
  way, which is the least inconsistent with the strictest honour,
  justice, and simplicity. But, if a public account of the
  repeated disturbances at Long Acre chapel be rendered necessary,
  I hope your lordship will not esteem it unreasonable in me, to
  inform the world what previous steps were taken to prevent and
  stop them.

  “Such a scene, at such a juncture, and under such a government,
  as has been transacted in your lordship’s parish, in the house
  or yard of Mr. Cope, who, I hear, is your lordship’s overseer,
  ever since last _Twelfth-day_, I believe is not to be met with
  in English history. It is more than noise. It is _premeditated
  rioting_. Drummers, soldiers, and many of the baser sort, have
  been hired by subscription. A copper furnace, bells, drums,
  clappers, marrow-bones, and cleavers, and such-like instruments
  of reformation, have been provided for them, and repeatedly have
  been used by them, from the moment I have begun preaching, to
  the end of my sermon. By these horrid noises, many women have
  been almost frightened to death; and mobbers have, thereby, been
  encouraged to come and riot at the chapel door during the time
  of divine service; and, after it has been over, have insulted
  and abused me and the congregation. Not content with this, the
  chapel windows, while I have been preaching, have repeatedly
  been broken by large stones of almost a pound weight, which,
  though levelled at me, missed me, but sadly wounded some of my
  hearers. If your lordship will only ride to Mr. Cope’s house,
  you will see the scaffold, and the costly preparations for such
  a noise upon it, as must make the ears of all who shall hear it
  to tingle.

  “I am informed that Mr. C―――― and Mr. M―――― are parties greatly
  concerned. I know them not, and I pray God never to lay this
  ill and unmerited treatment to their charge. If no more noise
  is made, I assure your lordship no further resentment shall be
  made. But if they persist, I have the authority of an apostle,
  on a like occasion, to appeal unto Cæsar. I have only one
  favour to beg of your lordship. As the above-named gentlemen are
  your lordship’s parishioners, I request that you desire them,
  henceforward, to desist from such unchristian, such riotous, and
  dangerous proceedings. Whether, as a chaplain to a most worthy
  peeress, a presbyter of the Church of England, and a steady
  disinterested friend to our present happy constitution, I have
  not a right to ask such a favour, I leave to your lordship’s
  mature deliberation. Henceforward, I hope to trouble your
  lordship no more.”

Certainly, it was high time to bring matters to a crisis. The Rev.
Zachary Pearce, D.D., though himself the son of a rich distiller in
Holborn, and though the husband of a wife, who, as the daughter of
another Holborn distiller, brought him a large fortune, was a pluralist.
Twenty-three years ago, by the exertions of the Earl of Macclesfield,
he had been presented with the fat living of St. Martin’s-in-the-Fields,
even after it had been promised to another man. For seventeen years,
he had been dean of Winchester; and, in 1748, had exchanged the deanery
for the bishopric of Bangor. And now, in this memorable year of 1756,
the Duke of Newcastle conferred upon him the see of Rochester and
the deanery of Westminster. No doubt, it was in his capacity of vicar
of St. Martin’s, that this wealthy pluralist prohibited Whitefield’s
preaching in Long Acre, and, if he did not actually employ, yet
connived at the noisy ruffians who disturbed Whitefield’s services.
Whitefield’s language to the Bishop of Bangor was too respectful. Such
a man deserved rebuke, quite as strong as the liquors, by which his own
father and the father of his wife had made their fortunes.

Notwithstanding all the efforts of Whitefield to obtain peace, the
disturbances at Long Acre were continued. Besides this, early in
the month of April, Whitefield received three anonymous letters,
threatening him with “a certain, sudden, and unavoidable stroke,”
unless he desisted from preaching, and refrained from prosecuting the
rioters of Long Acre. It is impossible to suspect Bishop Pearce of
being implicated in the sending of these disgraceful threats; but there
can be little doubt that the known animosity of himself and others gave
encouragement to the masked assassins. For years past, the bishops and
clergy of the Established Church, comparatively speaking, had ceased
from their open and violent persecution of the poor itinerant preacher;
but their rancorous feelings towards him, perhaps, were not at all
abated. Even free-thinking Dr. Herring, Archbishop of Canterbury, who
was now within twelve months of his decease, wrote, in the very midst
of the Long Acre riots, to William Duncombe, Esq., as follows:――

                            “CROYDON HOUSE, _January 25, 1756_.

  “Your judgment is right. Whitefield is Daniel Burgess[384]
  _redivivus_; and, to be sure, he finds his account in his
  joco-serious addresses. Wesley, with good parts and learning,
  is a most dark and saturnine creature. His pictures may frighten
  weak people, who, at the same time, are wicked; but, I fear,
  he will make few converts, except for a day. I have read his
  ‘Serious Thoughts’;[385] but, for my own part, I think the
  rising and setting of the sun is a more durable argument for
  religion than all the extraordinary convulsions of nature
  put together. Let a man be good on right principles, and
  then _impavidum ferient ruinae_. So far, Horace was as good a
  preacher as any of us. I have no constitution for these frights
  and fervours; and, if I can but keep up to the regular practice
  of a Christian life, upon Christian reasons, I shall be in
  no pain for futurity; nor do I think it an essential part of
  religion, to be pointed at for any foolish singularities. The
  subjects of the Methodist preaching, you mention, are excellent
  in the hands of wise men, not enthusiasts. As to their notion
  that men are by nature devils, I can call it by no other name
  than wicked and blasphemous, and the highest reproach that man
  can throw upon his wise and good Creator.

                           “I am, etc.,

                                          “THOMAS CANTUAR.”[386]

Under the circumstances of the time, Whitefield was almost driven to
seek redress. First of all, he consulted the Honourable Hume Campbell,
brother of Lady Jane Nimmo, and solicitor to the Princess of Wales,
Lord Clerk Registrar of Scotland, and one of Whitefield’s occasional
hearers. In a letter to the Countess of Huntingdon, dated “Canterbury,
April 10, 1756,” Whitefield wrote:――

  “The noise at Long Acre has been infernal. I have reason to
  think there was a secret design for my life. Some of my friends
  were sadly used; they applied for warrants; and that occasioned
  the sending of a threatening letter. I have written to Sir
  Hume Campbell for advice. Here all is peaceable. It is most
  delightful to see the soldiers flock to hear the word; officers
  likewise attend very orderly.”

On his return to London, Whitefield was introduced to the Earl of
Holdernesse, one of his Majesty’s principal Secretaries of State. Hence
the following to Lady Huntingdon:――

                                      “LONDON, _April 18, 1756_.

  “EVER-HONOURED MADAM,――Since my last, from Canterbury, I have
  received two more threatening letters. My greatest distress
  is, how to act so as to avoid rashness on the one hand, and
  timidity on the other. I have been introduced to the Earl of
  Holdernesse, who received me very courteously, and seemed to make
  no objection against issuing a reward for the discovery of the
  letter-writer. Whether I had best accept the plan, I know not.
  Sir Hume Campbell says the offence is not felony; and he advises
  me to put all concerned into the Court of King’s Bench. Lord
  Jesus, direct me, for Thy mercy’s sake! A man came up to me in
  the pulpit, at the Tabernacle; God knows what was his design. I
  see no way for me to act, than, either resolutely to persist in
  preaching and prosecuting, or entirely to desist from preaching,
  which would bring intolerable guilt upon my soul, and give the
  adversary cause to blaspheme. Blessed be God! I am quite clear
  as to the occasion of my suffering. It is for preaching Christ
  Jesus, and loyalty to King George. Alas! alas! what a condition
  would this land be in, were the Protestant interest not to
  prevail! If Popery is to get a footing here, I should be glad
  to die by the hands of an assassin. I should then be taken away
  from the evil to come.”

The result of all this battling with the vestry mobs of Bishop Pearce,
and of the apprehension created by these anonymous popish menaces, was
the publication of the following announcement in the _London Gazette_
of May 1, 1756, and in the two next succeeding numbers of that official
journal. The italics and spelling are as they appear in the original:――

                                  “WHITEHALL, _April 30, 1756_.

  “Wheras it has been humbly represented to the King that an
  anonimous letter, without date, directed, _To Doctor Whitefield,
  at his Tabernacle, by the Foundery in Moorfields_, was, on the
  6th of this instant April, received by the Reverend Mr. George
  Whitefield, by the penny post; and that two other letters,
  viz., one of them dated the 7th of the present month of April,
  subscribed, Your Friendly Adversary, and directed, _To Mr.
  Whitefield, at his Tabernacle, near Hogston, beyond the Upper
  Moorfields_; and the other, anonimous, without date, and
  directed, _To the Rev. Mr. Whitefield, at the Tabernacle, near
  Moorfields_, were also received by the said Reverend Mr. George
  Whitefield, by the penny post, on the 8th of this instant
  April; and that the said letters, written in very abusive terms,
  contained threats of injury and destruction to the said Reverend
  Mr. George Whitefield; His Majesty, for the better discovering,
  and bringing to justice the persons concerned in writing and
  sending the said three letters, as above-mentioned, or any one,
  or more, of them, is pleased to promise his most gracious pardon
  to any one of them, who shall discover his, or her, accomplice,
  or accomplices therein, so that he, she, or they, may be
  apprehended and convicted thereof.

                                                  “HOLDERNESSE.

  “And as a further encouragement, James Cox, jeweller, in Racquet
  Court, Fleet Street, does hereby promise a reward of twenty
  pounds, to be paid by him, to the person or persons making such
  discovery as aforesaid, upon the conviction of one or more of
  the offenders.

                                                    “JAMES COX.”

So ended one of the toughest battles that Whitefield ever fought,
but its issue was of great importance; for, before the appearance of
the third advertisement in the _London Gazette_, Whitefield had taken
successful steps for the erection of his own Tottenham Court Road
chapel, where, for awhile, at least, he and his people were permitted
to worship God in peace. But more of this anon.

Remembering that Wesley and his Society were permitted, throughout
the whole of these disgraceful proceedings, to conduct their services,
in their neighbouring West Street chapel, in perfect quietude, it is
difficult to account for the disturbances Whitefield had to encounter
in Long Acre. Were the “infernal” noises, in the first instance,
promoted by the adjoining theatres? Probably they were. Wesley’s
preaching in West Street was regarded, by dramatical actors, with less
alarm than Whitefield’s in Long Acre. They, probably, felt that, with
the great dramatical preacher so near to them, they might soon have
to utter a wailing cry, analogous to that of the old Ephesians, under
circumstances somewhat similar: “Not only is this our craft in danger
to be set at nought; but also that the temple of the great goddess
Diana should be despised, and her magnificence destroyed.” But,
even admitting that the theatres began the noises, there cannot be
a doubt that the vestries of the Church continued them. Bishop Pearce
undeniably prohibited Whitefield’s preaching; and, considering his
hatred of the Methodists, perhaps, it is not ungenerous to suppose that
he secretly did more than this. As it respects the three threatening
letters, it is probable that they emanated, neither from the theatre
nor Church, but from popish politicians, who, during the “seven years’
war,” which was now in terrific progress, were full of angry excitement,
and far more active than they often seemed to be. Whitefield had
bitterly offended them by the publication of a “Short Address,” a copy
of which he sent to Bishop Pearce on February 23;[387] and, as there
can be little doubt that this small publication had to do with the
riots and the threatening letters, a brief description of it may be
useful.

The title was, “A Short Address to Persons of all Denominations,
occasioned by the Alarm of an intended Invasion. By George Whitefield,
Chaplain to the Right Honourable the Countess of Huntingdon. London,
1756.” (8vo. pp. 20.) The pamphlet had a large sale, not only in
Great Britain, but in America. Even during this selfsame year of
1756, as many as six editions were issued at Boston in New England.
Its publication was opportune. A Royal Proclamation had recently
been published in the _London Gazette_, setting forth that the king
commanded all officers and ministers, civil and military, within their
respective counties, to cause the coasts of England to be carefully
watched, and, in case of any hostile attempt to land upon them, to
immediately order all horses, oxen, and cattle, which might be fit for
draught or burden, and not actually employed in his Majesty’s service,
and also, as far as practicable, all other cattle and provisions, to
be removed at least twenty miles from the place where such a hostile
attempt was made, so as to prevent them falling into the hands of
the enemy. Besides this, “on the 6th of February, a public fast was
observed, by all ranks of the people. The churches and meeting-houses
were thronged; and there was, in appearance, an entire cessation
from business throughout London and the suburbs, and all over the
kingdom.”[388] From such facts the reader may imagine the state of the
country, when Whitefield wrote his “Short Address.” The following are
extracts from it:――

  “An insulting, enraged, and perfidious enemy is now advancing
  nearer and nearer to the British borders. Not content with
  invading and ravaging our rightful sovereign King George’s
  dominions in America, our popish adversaries have now the
  ambition to attempt, at least to threaten, an invasion of
  England itself; hoping, no doubt, thereby, not only to throw
  us into confusion at home, but also to divert us from more
  effectually defeating their malicious designs abroad. That such
  a design is now actually on foot, the late Royal Proclamation
  renders indisputable.”

Having referred to the recent public fast, Whitefield proceeds to
say:――

  “Artful insinuations have been industriously published, in order
  to lay all the blame of this war upon us. But bold assertions
  and solid proofs are two different things; for it is plain,
  beyond all contradiction, that the French, fond of rivalling
  us both at home and abroad, have unjustly invaded his Majesty’s
  dominions in America; and have also, by the most vile artifices
  and lies, been endeavouring to draw the six nations of Indians
  from our interest. In short, almost all their proceedings, since
  the late treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, have been little else than a
  tacit declaration of war. But He that sitteth in heaven, we may
  humbly hope, laughs them to scorn; and, as He once came down to
  confound the language of those aspiring projectors, who would
  fain have built a tower, the top of which should reach to heaven,
  so, we trust, He will frustrate the devices of our adversary’s
  most subtle politicians, and speak confusion to all their
  projects; who, by aiming at universal monarchy, are attempting
  to erect a more than second Babel.”

Whitefield goes on to shew that good Christians may be soldiers, and
writes:――

  “The British arms were never more formidable, than when our
  soldiers went forth in the strength of the Lord; and, with a
  Bible in one hand, and a sword in the other, cheerfully fought
  under His banner, who has condescended to style Himself ‘a
  man of war.’ What Bishop Saunderson says of study may be said
  of fighting: ‘Fighting without prayer is atheism, and prayer
  without fighting is presumption.’ I would be the more particular
  on this point, because, through a _fatal scrupulosity_ against
  bearing arms, even in a defensive war, his Majesty has been in
  danger of losing the large province of Pennsylvania, the very
  centre and garden of all North America. Such very scrupulous
  persons, grasping at every degree of worldly power, and, by
  all the arts of worldly policy, labouring to monopolize and
  retain in their own hands all parts both of the legislative
  and executive branches of civil government, certainly act a
  most inconsistent part. Say what we will to the contrary, civil
  magistracy and defensive war must stand or fall together. Both
  are built upon the same basis; and there cannot be a single
  argument urged to establish the one, which does not corroborate
  and confirm the other.”

Whitefield then adverts to the recent earthquakes, at Lisbon and
elsewhere, and proceeds to say:――

  “Were even the like judgments to befal us, they would be
  but small, in comparison of our hearing that a French army,
  accompanied with a popish pretender, and thousands of Romish
  priests, was suffered to invade England, and to blind, deceive,
  and tyrannize over the souls and consciences of the people
  belonging to this happy isle. How can any serious and judicious
  person be so stupid to all principles of self-interest, and so
  dead to all maxims of common sense, as to prefer a French to an
  English government; or a popish pretender, born, and bred up in
  all the arbritary and destructive principles of the court and
  Church of Rome, to the present _Protestant succession_, settled
  in the illustrious line of Hanover?”

Whitefield next refers to popish persecutions of Protestants, and
remarks:――

  “After perusing this,” (a late declaration of ‘his Most
  Christian Majesty’ Louis XV.,) “read, also, I beseech you, the
  shocking accounts of the horrid butcheries and cruel murders
  committed on the bodies of many of our fellow-subjects in
  America, by the hands of _savage Indians_, instigated thereto
  by more than _savage popish priests_.[389] And if this be
  the beginning, what may we suppose the end will be, should a
  _French_ power, or popish pretender, be permitted to subdue
  either us or them? Speak, _Smithfield_, speak, and, by thy
  dumb but persuasive oratory, declare to all who pass by and
  over thee, how many _English_ Protestant martyrs thou hast seen
  burnt to death in the reign of the cruel popish queen, to whom
  the present pretender to the _British_ throne claims a distant
  kindred! Speak, _Ireland_, speak, and tell how many thousands
  and tens of thousands of innocent, unprovoking Protestants were
  massacred, in cold blood, by the hands of cruel Papists, within
  thy borders, about a century ago! Speak, _Paris_, speak, and
  say, how many thousands of Protestants were once slaughtered, to
  serve as a bloody dessert, to grace the solemnity of a marriage
  feast! Speak, _Languedoc_, speak, and tell how many Protestant
  ministers have been lately executed; how many more of their
  hearers have been dragooned and sent to the galleys; and how
  many hundreds are now lying in prisons, fast bound in misery
  and iron, for no other crime than that unpardonable one in the
  _Romish_ Church, hearing and preaching the pure gospel of the
  meek and lowly Jesus!

  “And think you, my countrymen, that _Rome_, glutted with
  Protestant blood, will now rest satisfied, and say, ‘I have
  enough’? No, on the contrary, having through the good hand
  of God upon us, been kept so long fasting, we may reasonably
  suppose, that, the popish priests are only grown more voracious,
  and, like so many hungry and ravenous wolves pursuing harmless
  and innocent flocks of sheep, will with double eagerness,
  pursue after, seize upon, and devour their wished-for Protestant
  prey; and, attended with their bloody red coats, these Gallic
  instruments of reformation, who know they must either fight or
  die, will necessarily breathe out nothing but threatening and
  slaughter, and carry along with them desolation and destruction,
  go where they will.”

This was strong language, but, under the circumstances, not too
strong.[390] No wonder, however, that infuriated Papists sent the
writer threatening letters. Whitefield expresses his confidence
in God’s interposition, and in England’s “glorious fleet,” and
“well-disciplined army;” and then finishes with the following
peroration:――

  “If we can but make God our friend, we need not fear what
  _France_ and _Rome_ and _hell_ can do against us. All the
  malicious efforts and designs of men and devils shall, so far
  from obstructing, be made to subserve the enlargement of His
  interests, who, in spite of all the strivings of the potsherds
  of the earth, will hold the balance of _universal monarchy_ in
  His own hands, and, at last, bring about the full establishment
  of that blessed kingdom, whose law is truth, whose King is love,
  and whose duration is eternity. _Fiat! fiat!_ Amen and amen!”

These are long quotations, but they help to shew the excited state
of public feeling in 1756; and, perhaps, they may help the reader
to understand the secrets of the disgraceful clangours, riots, and
threatening letters already mentioned.

In his pamphlet, Whitefield refers to the persecution of Protestants
in France. Much might be said respecting this; but suffice it to
remark, that, on the general fast day, February 6th, Whitefield made
a collection in his Tabernacle, eighty pounds of which he devoted to a
fund which was being raised for the assistance of these poor persecuted
people.[391] Remembering that, in 1756, money was probably of four
times greater worth than it is at present, this collection of the poor
Methodists was a noble one; but even this fell far short of the sum,
which Whitefield, three months afterwards, obtained, within a week,
towards the erection of his Tottenham Court Road chapel. Hence the
following, addressed to the Countess of Huntingdon:――

                                        “LONDON, _May 2, 1756_.

  “EVER-HONOURED MADAM,――Various have been my exercises since
  I wrote you last; but, I find, all things happen for the
  furtherance of the gospel. I suppose your ladyship has seen
  his Majesty’s promise of pardon to any who will discover the
  letter-writer; and this brings you the further news of my
  having taking a piece of ground, very commodious to build
  on, not far from the Foundling Hospital. On Sunday, I opened
  the subscription, and, through God’s blessing, it has already
  amounted to near £600. If He is pleased to continue to smile
  upon my poor endeavours, and to open the hearts of more of His
  dear children to contribute, I hope, in a few months, to have
  what has long been wanted,――a place for the gospel at the other
  end of the town. This evening, God willing, I venture once more
  to preach at Long Acre. The enemy boasts that I am frightened
  away; but the triumph of the wicked is short. On Tuesday next,
  I hope to set out for Wales.”

The site of Whitefield’s new chapel was surrounded by fields and
gardens. On the north side of it, there were but two houses. The next
after them, half a mile further, was the “Adam and Eve” public-house;
and thence, to Hampstead, there were only the inns of “Mother Red
Cap” and “Black Cap.”[392] The chapel, when first erected, was seventy
feet square within the walls. Two years after it was opened, twelve
almshouses and a minister’s house[393] were added. About a year after
that, the chapel was found to be too small, and it was enlarged to its
present dimensions of a hundred and twenty-seven feet long, and seventy
feet broad, with a dome a hundred and fourteen feet in height. Beneath
it were vaults for the burial of the dead; and in which Whitefield
intended that himself and his friends, John and Charles Wesley, should
be interred. “I have prepared a vault in this chapel,” Whitefield used
to say to his somewhat bigotted congregation, “where I intend to be
buried, and Messrs. John and Charles Wesley shall also be buried there.
We will all lie together. You will not let them enter your chapel
while they are alive. They can do you no harm when they are dead.”[394]
The lease of the ground was granted, to Whitefield, by General George
Fitzroy, and, on its expiration in 1828, the freehold was purchased for
£14,000. The foundation-stone of the chapel was laid in the beginning
of June, 1756, when Whitefield preached from the words, “They sang
together by course in praising and giving thanks unto the Lord; because
He is good, for His mercy endureth for ever toward Israel. And all the
people shouted with a great shout, when they praised the Lord, because
the foundation of the house of the Lord was laid.” (Ezra iii. 11.)[395]
Among others present on the occasion, were the Rev. Thomas Gibbons,
one of the Tutors of the Dissenting Academy at Mile End; Dr. Andrew
♦Gifford, Assistant Librarian of the British Museum; and the celebrated
Rev. Benjamin Grosvenor, D.D., for many years the pastor of the
Presbyterian congregation in Crosby Square, and who, after preaching
in London for half a century, had recently retired into private life.
The chapel was opened for divine worship on November 7, 1756, when
Whitefield selected, as his text, the words, “Other foundation can no
man lay than that is laid, which is Jesus Christ” (1 Cor. iii. 11).[396]

Tottenham Court Road chapel has a history well worthy of being
written. From this venerable sanctuary sprang separate congregations in
Shepherd’s Market, Kentish Town, Paddington, Tonbridge chapel, Robert
Street, Crown Street, and Craven chapel.[397] Much also might be said
of the distinguished preachers who, in olden days, occupied its pulpit:
Dr. Peckwell, De Courcy, Berridge, Walter Shirley, Piercy, chaplain
to General Washington, Rowland Hill, Torial Joss, West, Kinsman,
Beck, Medley, Edward Parsons, Matthew Wilks, Joel Knight, John Hyatt,
and many others; but want of space prevents the insertion of further
details. Whitefield’s Tabernacle in Moorfields has been demolished, and
a Gothic church erected on its site.[398] Whitefield’s Tottenham Court
Road chapel is now his only erection in the great metropolis; and long
may it stand as a grand old monument, in memory of the man who founded
it! Thousands have been converted within its walls, and never was it
more greatly needed than at the present day.

No sooner had Whitefield raised £600 towards the erection of his
intended chapel, than away he went to the west of England, where he
spent about a month. He preached at Bristol, Bath, Westbury, Gloucester,
Bradford, Frome, Warminster, Portsmouth, and other places. One letter,
written during this preaching tour, must be inserted.

The Rev. Thomas Haweis, D.D., was now a student at Christ Church
College, Oxford. He had been educated at the Grammar School, Truro,
and had been converted under the preaching of the Rev. Samuel Walker,
whose ministry, in that town, during the last few years, had been the
means of turning a large number of people “from darkness to light, and
from the power of Satan unto God.” Young Haweis had formed a Society
at Oxford,[399] analogous to the “Holy Club” of the Wesleys and their
friends, more than a quarter of a century previous to this. He and
a few of his fellow-collegians, all animated by the same views and
feelings, met together, in his room, at stated times, for the purpose
of reading the Greek Testament, and of conversing on religious subjects.
Mr. Walker, the Methodist clergyman of Truro, in a letter, dated “April,
1757,” wrote, “Tom Haweis is at Christ Church, and doing service among
a few of the young gentlemen there. He tells me, he is remarked as
a dangerous fellow; and adds, that Romaine has been again in the
university pulpit, where he preached imputed righteousness, but, it is
said, will be allowed to preach no more there.”[400] In another letter,
written a few months afterwards, Walker remarked, “Tom Haweis has good
speed at Oxford. There are pretty many already coming to him in private,
and he hopes very well of a few of them.”[401] Haweis, in fact, had
founded a second Society of “Oxford Methodists,” a Society which grew
into such importance, and became so obnoxious to the heads of houses,
as to lead, in 1768, to the expulsion of six students, belonging to
Edmund Hall, “for holding Methodistical tenets, and taking upon them to
pray, read, and expound the Scriptures in private houses.”[402]

As yet, Whitefield had never met with Haweis, but he had heard of him,
and, while at Bristol, he addressed to him the following letter:――

                                      “BRISTOL, _May 20, 1756_.

  “MY VERY DEAR SIR,――For so I must address you, having had you
  in a peculiar manner upon my heart, ever since I read a letter
  that came from you some months ago. It bespoke the language of
  a heart devoted to Jesus. Glory be to God! that there are some
  young champions coming forth. Methinks, I could now sing my
  _nunc dimittis_ with triumphant joy. Though I decrease, may you
  increase! O that you may be kept from conferring with flesh and
  blood! O that you may be owned and blessed of God! I believe
  you will, and never more so than when you are reviled and
  despised by man. It is a fatal mistake to think we must keep
  our characters in order to do good. This is called _prudence_;
  in most, I fear, it is _trimming_. Honesty I find always to be
  the best policy. Them who honour Jesus, He will honour. Even
  in this world, if we confess Him, His truth, and His people, we
  shall receive a hundredfold. But whither am I going? Excuse the
  overflowings of a heart that loves you dearly for the glorious
  Redeemer’s sake. I am here preaching His cross. Next week, I
  have thoughts of being at Bath and Westbury. I lead a pilgrim
  life. Ere long, I hope my heavenly Father will take me home. I
  am ambitious; I want to sit upon a throne. Jesus has purchased a
  throne and heaven for me. That you may have an exalted place at
  His right hand, is the prayer of, etc.,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

On his return to London, Whitefield took advice respecting the trust
deed to be drawn up for his new chapel, and wrote to the Countess of
Huntingdon as follows:――

                                        “LONDON, _June 4, 1756_.

  “EVER-HONOURED MADAM,――At Bristol, the Redeemer caused us to
  triumph, and likewise in Gloucestershire, and at Bradford, Frome,
  Warminster, and Portsmouth, where I have been the last three
  weeks. I am now come to London, for about ten days, to keep
  Pentecost. I trust it will be a Pentecost to many souls at Long
  Acre.

  “Blessed be God! a new building is now in progress at Tottenham
  Court Road. We have consulted the Commons about putting it under
  your ladyship’s protection. This is the answer: ‘No nobleman
  can license a chapel; a chapel cannot be built and used as such,
  without the consent of the parson of the parish; and, when it
  is done with his consent, no minister can preach therein without
  license of the Bishop of the diocese.’ There seems then to be
  but one way,――to license it as our other houses are: and thanks
  be to Jesus for that liberty, which we have.”

From this it is evident that Whitefield wished his new erection to be a
chapel in connection with the Established Church; and, that, because of
the difficulties mentioned, he was driven to avail himself of the Act
of Toleration, and license it as a Dissenting meeting-house.

Whitefield had another trouble of a different kind. William Law, one
of the oracles of the Oxford Methodists, had become a Behmenite; and
Wesley had recently published a large pamphlet, with the title, “A
Letter to the Rev. Mr. Law, occasioned by some of his late writings.”
(8vo. 102 pp.) This production has never been entirely reprinted, an
extract only being given in Wesley’s collected works. Its language
in some places was unusually, perhaps undeservedly, severe. At all
events, Law was deeply offended; and, what was more amusing, Whitefield
was implicated, by its being rumoured that he was a party to the
publication of Wesley’s letter. The following, to Lady Huntingdon,
refers to this:――

                                      “LONDON, _June 10, 1756_.

  “EVER-HONOURED MADAM,――I have just come from bed, where I have
  been sweating for a cold and colic. From your ladyship’s kind
  and condescending letter, I see your ladyship is touched in
  a very tender point. Generous minds are always thus affected,
  when a friend is abused. I find more and more, that our own
  mother’s children will be permitted to be angry with us. The
  contradiction of saints is more trying than that of sinners.
  I do not deny, that I might say, ‘Some of Mr. Law’s principles,
  in my opinion, are wrong;’ but that I ever put Mr. Wesley upon
  writing, or had any active hand in his pamphlet, is utterly
  false. I think it is a most ungentlemanlike, injudicious,
  unchristian piece. However, Mr. Law knows too much of the Divine
  life, not to see some call even in this cross; and I hope your
  ladyship will not suffer it to burden your mind any longer.

  “My present work in London seems to be over, and, on Monday
  or Tuesday next, I hope to set out for Bristol, and then come,
  through Leicestershire, on my way to Scotland. This, I hope,
  will be a three months’ circuit. The prospect in London is very
  promising. Every day we hear of fresh conquests.”

Whitefield did not set out to Bristol until June 22; and, instead of
proceeding thence to Scotland, he returned to London on July 9. The
following letters belong to this period.

Whitefield had a large family in America; but, because of the war, he
could not visit it. He wrote to his housekeeper there as follows:――

                                      “LONDON, _June 21, 1756_.

  “Nothing in your last letter concerns me, except your having the
  least suspicion that I was not pleased with your conduct, or was
  not satisfied with your being at Bethesda. I know of no person
  in the world that I would prefer to you. I think myself happy
  in having such a mother for the poor children, and am persuaded
  God will bless you more and more. I care not how much the family
  is lessened. As it is a time of war, this may be done with great
  propriety; and the plantation will have time to grow. Never
  fear; Jesus will stand by a disinterested cause. I have aimed
  at nothing, in founding Bethesda, but His glory and the good
  of my country. Let Lots choose the plain; God will be Abraham’s
  shield and exceeding great reward. All is well that ends well.
  To-morrow, I set out upon a long range.”

The next letter is curious and full of interest. Benjamin Franklin,
who, in later years, through unhappy embroilments, became an enemy
of England, and took an active part in bringing about the American
revolution, was, at present, one of the most loyal subjects of King
George the Second. Only a year before, when the expedition of General
Braddock, to dispossess the French of some of their encroachments, was
in preparation, a difficulty arose for want of waggons, and Franklin,
at the risk of ruining his own fortunes, supplied not fewer than a
hundred and fifty. After this, he was instrumental in passing a militia
bill, and was appointed colonel of the Philadelphia regiment of twelve
hundred men, which command he held until the troops were disbanded
by order of the English government. In the midst of these exciting
occurrences, Franklin wrote to Whitefield, as follows:――

                                      “NEW YORK, _July 2, 1756_.

  “DEAR SIR,――I received your favour of the 24th of February with
  great pleasure, as it informed me of your welfare, and expressed
  your continued regard for me. I thank you for the pamphlet
  you enclosed to me.[403] As we had just observed a provincial
  fast on the same occasion, I thought it very seasonable to
  be published in Pennsylvania; and accordingly reprinted it
  immediately.

  “You mention your frequent wish that you were a chaplain to
  the American army. I sometimes wish that you and I were jointly
  employed by the Crown to settle a colony on the Ohio. I imagine
  that we could do it effectually, and without putting the nation
  to much expense; but, I fear, we shall never be called upon
  for such a service. What a glorious thing it would be to settle
  in that fine country a large, strong body of religious and
  industrious people! What a security to the other colonies,
  and advantage to Britain, by increasing her people, territory,
  strength, and commerce! Might it not greatly facilitate the
  introduction of pure religion among the heathen, if we could,
  by such a colony, shew them a better sample of Christians than
  they commonly see in our Indian traders?――the most vicious and
  abandoned wretches of our nation! Life, like a dramatic piece,
  should not only be conducted with regularity, but, methinks, it
  should finish handsomely. Being now in the last act, I begin to
  cast about for something fit to end with. Or, if mine be more
  properly compared to an epigram, as some of its lines are but
  barely tolerable, I am very desirous of concluding with a bright
  point. In such an enterprise, I could spend the remainder of
  life with pleasure: and I firmly believe God would bless us with
  success, if we undertook it with a sincere regard to His honour,
  the service of our gracious king, and (which is the same thing)
  the public good.

  “I thank you cordially for your generous benefactions to the
  German schools. They go on pretty well; and will do better,
  when Mr. Smith, who has at present the principal charge of them,
  shall learn to mind party-writing and party-politics less, and
  his proper business more; which, I hope, time will bring about.

  “I thank you for your good wishes and prayers; and am, with
  the greatest esteem and affection, dear sir, your most obedient
  humble servant,

                                            “BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

  “My best respects to Mrs. Whitefield.”[404]

As is well known, this remarkable man wound up the drama of his
eventful life, not by founding a new English colony on the Ohio, but by
assisting to wrest the colonies which England already had, from English
government, and by becoming the plenipotentiary of the rebellious
provinces to the court of France!

After his return from Bristol, on July 9, Whitefield, with the
exception of a run to Kent, employed nearly the next three weeks in
London. Hence the following letters, the first to the Countess of
Huntingdon, the second to his housekeeper at Bethesda:――

                                      “LONDON, _July 17, 1756_.

  “EVER-HONOURED MADAM,――Your kind letter found me just returned
  from Bristol, and just setting out for Maidstone and Chatham,
  where I have been to preach the gospel, and to visit a poor
  murderer.[405] I hope my labours were not altogether vain in
  the Lord. I am now preparing for my northern expedition. My
  motions must be very quick, because I would hasten to Scotland
  as fast as possible, to have more time at my return. Eternity!
  Eternity! O how I do long for thee! But, alas, how often must
  we be like pelicans in the wilderness, before we arrive there!
  Solitariness prepares for the social life, and the social life
  for solitariness again. Jesus alone is the centre of peace and
  comfort in either situation. Springs fail; the Fountain never
  can, nor will.”

                                    “ISLINGTON, _July 27, 1756_.

  “Pray lessen the family as much as possible. I wish I had none
  in the house but proper _orphans_. The plantation would then
  suffice for its support, and debts be paid; but we must buy
  our experience. Troubles seem to beset us here; but we are
  all secure in God. His gospel flourishes in London. I am just
  returned from preaching it at Sheerness, Chatham, and in the
  camp. This afternoon or to-morrow I set off for Scotland.”

Whitefield arrived at Leeds on Sunday evening, August 1. The account
of his labours during the next fortnight is contained in the following
letter:――

                                “SUNDERLAND, _August 14, 1756_.

  “It is now a fortnight since I came to Leeds. On the Sunday
  evening, a few hours after my arrival, many thousands were
  gathered in the fields, to whom Jesus enabled me to speak with
  some degree of power. The following week, I preached, in and
  about Leeds, thrice almost every day, to thronged and affected
  auditories. On Sunday last, at seven in the morning, the
  congregation consisted of about ten thousand; at noon and in the
  evening, at Birstal, of near double the number. Though hoarse,
  the Redeemer helped me to speak, so that all heard. It was
  a high day. In the evening, several hundred of us rode about
  eight miles, singing and praising God. The next morning, I
  took a sorrowful leave of Leeds, preached at Tadcaster[406] at
  noon, and at York in the evening. God was with us. On Tuesday,
  I preached twice at York. Delightful seasons. On Wednesday, at
  Warstall, about fifty miles off; on Thursday, twice at Yarm; and
  last night and this morning here. After spending my Sabbath here,
  and visiting Shields,[407] Newcastle, and some adjacent places,
  I purpose to go on to Scotland.”

The Sunday spent at Bradford and Birstal was a day never to be
forgotten; and the singing cavalcade, at the end of it, has hardly
ever been equalled. Among the thousands then assembled, was a boy,
sixteen years of age, upon whom Whitefield’s sermons had a powerful
and permanent effect. They led to his conversion; and the youth, then
an apprentice, became the well-known Rev. John Fawcett, D.D., for
fifty-four years, one of the most faithful preachers among the West
Yorkshire mountains. After hearing Whitefield at Bradford, early in the
morning, young Fawcett trudged ten or a dozen miles to Birstal, where
Whitefield stood on a platform, at the foot of a hill near the town,
and, on the slopes of the hill, had twenty thousand people grouped
before him, “thousands of whom, during the delivery of his two sermons,
vented their emotions by tears and groans. Fools who came to mock,
began to pray.”[408]

One of the places “about Leeds,” at which Whitefield preached, was
Haworth, where a scaffold was erected in the churchyard, and he took
for his text, “Turn you to the stronghold, ye prisoners of hope” (Zech.
ix. 12). Here, again, there was a young Yorkshireman who never forgot
that memorable season. Samuel Whitaker wrote: “I got among the crowd
nearly under the scaffold, and it was the most affecting time I ever
experienced. Mr. Whitefield spoke as if he had been privy to all my
thoughts, words, and actions, from the tenth year of my age. The day
following, I heard him at Leeds; and the day after that, at Bradford.”
Twelve months subsequent to this, Samuel Whitaker became a member of
Wesley’s Society; for many years was a class-leader and local-preacher
at Keighley; and, exactly sixty years after first hearing Whitefield at
Haworth, tranquilly expired, in the eighty-second year of his age.[409]

Whitefield has left no account of his labours in Scotland; but the
following particulars, taken from the _Scots’ Magazine_ for 1756, will
partly fill up the gap.

He arrived at Edinburgh, on Friday, August 20, where he remained for
the next three weeks, and “preached every day, morning and evening, in
the Orphan Hospital Park, to very numerous audiences” (p. 414).

On Friday, September 10, he went to Glasgow, where he preached the same
evening, twice on Saturday, and four times on Sunday, September 12, to
large congregations.

Six days afterwards, he returned to Edinburgh; and, as the new governor
of Georgia desired to converse with him, before embarking for the
colony, Whitefield started for England, on Wednesday, September 22.[410]

The _Scots’ Magazine_ proceeds to say: “Before Mr. Whitefield set out
for Glasgow, the managers of the Orphan Hospital made him a present
of fifty guineas to defray his travelling charges; but he returned
ten guineas, saying that forty guineas were sufficient to defray the
charges, and likewise to pay upwards of £14, which he had laid out
here for coarse linen to be sent to his Orphan House in Georgia. For
accommodating the audience, when he preached, the managers had erected
seats in the park; and, though only a halfpenny each was asked from the
hearers for their seats, the money thence arising, and the collections
at the park gates, amounted to upwards of £188 sterling; so that the
hospital has about £120 clear gain, over and above the expense of the
seats, and the present made to Mr. Whitefield.”

The magazine relates further, that “scarcity at home” had induced
a greater number of Highlanders than usual to come to Edinburgh for
“harvest work.” The harvest, however, was not ready. They had nothing
to live upon. “Contributions were set on foot, to give them two meals
a day at the poorhouse; and, on the evening of September 21, after
a sermon suitable to the occasion by Mr. Whitefield, a collection
was made for them, in the Orphan Hospital Park, which amounted to £60
11s. 4d. sterling, of which half a guinea was given by Mr. Whitefield
himself” (p. 465).

To these items of intelligence may be added the following from the
_Edinburgh Courant_: “During his stay, Mr. Whitefield preached, morning
and evening, in the Orphan Hospital Park, not excepting the evening
of the day on which he arrived, or the morning of that on which he
departed. As he was frequently very explicit in opening the miseries
of popish tyranny and arbitrary power, and very warm in exhorting his
hearers to loyalty and courage at home, and in stirring them up to pray
for the success of his Majesty’s forces, we have reason to believe that
his visit, at this juncture, has been particularly useful.”

In 1756, a considerable number of Wesley’s preachers and Societies were
strongly inclined to declare themselves Dissenters. Charles Wesley was
excessively annoyed; and, as soon as his brother’s annual conference
was ended, he set out to entreat the Methodists “to continue steadfast
in the communion of the Church of England.” Throughout life, Whitefield
was a peace-maker, and, on his return from Scotland, he rendered
service for which Charles Wesley was profoundly thankful. Under the
date of Friday, October 8, Charles wrote:――

  “Returning to Leeds, I met my brother Whitefield, and was much
  refreshed by the account of his abundant labours. I waited on
  him in our Room, and gladly sat under his word.”

  Again: “Sunday, October 10. At Birstal, my congregation was less
  by a thousand or two, through George Whitefield preaching to-day
  at Haworth.”

  “Monday, October 11. Hearing Mr. Whitefield and Mr. Grimshaw
  were returning to our watch-night, I waited for them at their
  lodgings, with zealous, humble, loving Mr. Crook. It rained so
  hard, that Mr. Whitefield was agreeably surprised, at eight,
  to find our House as full as it could cram. They forced me to
  preach first; which I did from Zech. xiii.: ‘The third part I
  will bring through the fire.’ My brother George seconded me in
  the words of our Lord: ‘I say unto all, Watch.’ The prayers and
  hymns were all attended with a solemn power. Few, if any, went
  unawakened away.”

  “Manchester, Monday, October 25. Here I rejoiced to hear of the
  great good Mr. Whitefield has done in our Societies. He preached
  as universally as my brother. He warned them everywhere against
  apostacy; and strongly insisted on the necessity of holiness
  _after_ justification, illustrating it with this comparison:
  ‘What good will the king’s pardon do a poor malefactor dying
  of a fever? So, notwithstanding you have received forgiveness,
  unless the disease of your nature be healed by holiness, ye
  can never be saved.’ He beat down the separating spirit, highly
  commended the prayers and services of our Church, charged our
  people to meet their bands and classes constantly, and never to
  leave the Methodists, or God would leave them. In a word, he did
  his utmost to strengthen our hands, and deserves the thanks of
  all the churches, for his abundant labour of love.”[411]

The author of “The Life and Times of the Countess of Huntingdon” states,
that, in his itinerancy through Lancashire, Whitefield was accompanied
by the Revs. Messrs. Grimshaw, Ingham, and Milner, and that, among
other places, they visited Manchester, Stockport, and Chinley.[412]
From an old manuscript ‘History of Methodism in Leigh,’ it appears,
that Whitefield also visited Shackerley, where, at that time, a large
number of Unitarians were located, the disciples of Dr. Taylor, the
divinity tutor of the Unitarian Academy at Warrington. The writer
relates, that, Whitefield preached on Shackerley Common, and that a
man, a mile distant, leaning upon a gate, distinctly heard many of his
sentences, was convinced of sin, and soon converted.

Whitefield’s own account of his labours in Yorkshire, Lancashire, and
Cheshire, is extremely meagre. On his return to London, from what he
calls his “thousand miles’ northern circuit,”[413] he wrote to the
Countess of Huntingdon, as follows:――

                                    “LONDON, _October 27, 1756_.

  “I wrote you a few lines, not long ago, from Leeds. Since then,
  I have been in honest Mr. Grimshaw’s and Mr. Ingham’s rounds,
  preaching upon the mountains to many thousands. One, who was
  awakened three years ago, is gone to heaven, and desired to be
  buried in the spot where she was converted. The sacrament at
  Mr. Grimshaw’s was awful; and the watch-night at Leeds exceeding
  solemn. I would have continued my circuit, but I found that
  preaching so frequently in those cold districts was bringing on
  my last year’s disorder. Being, therefore, grown very prudent,
  I am come to open our new chapel in Tottenham Court Road. Lord,
  what am I, that Thou shouldest suffer me to put a pin in Thy
  tabernacle! Never did I know the fields more ready unto harvest,
  than I have seen them in the north.”

Builders, in former days, were more expeditious than at present.
Whitefield’s chapel was neither a small nor a flimsy structure, and yet,
only half a year after its commencement, it was ready for being opened!

Whitefield was now in his “winter quarters,” where he remained for the
next six months;――an unusually long period for him to spend in London.
The following extracts from his letters will, it is hoped, interest the
reader:――

  “London, November 17, 1756. At Tottenham Court chapel, we have
  had some glorious earnests of future blessings. My constant
  work now is preaching about fifteen times a week. This, with a
  weak appetite, want of rest, and much care lying upon my mind,
  enfeebles me. But the joy of the Lord is my strength; and my
  greatest grief is, that I can do no more for Him, who has done
  and suffered so much for me.”

The Rev. Henry Venn was now one of the most active clergymen of the
Church of England. Besides being curate of Clapham, he held three
lectureships in the city. His _regular_ duties consisted of a full
service at Clapham on the Sunday morning; a sermon, in the afternoon,
at St. Alban’s, Wood Street; and another, in the evening, at St.
Swithin’s, London-stone. On Tuesday morning, a sermon at St. Swithin’s;
on Wednesday morning, at seven o’clock, at St. Antholin’s; and, on
Thursday evening, at Clapham.[414] Whitefield had become acquainted
with him, and wrote to Hervey, at Weston-Favel, as follows:――

  “London, December 9, 1756. I hope that my dear friend prospers
  both in soul and body. Conviction and conversion work goes on
  here. Lord, keep us from tares! All is well at Clapham. I have
  expounded there twice. God has met with us in our new building.”

To the Rev. Aaron Burr, the President of New Jersey College, for
whom he had done his best to obtain a D.D. degree from the Edinburgh
University, Whitefield wrote:――

  “London, December 9, 1756. Night and day, our hands are lifted
  up for dear America; but, I fear, we are to be brought into
  far greater extremity, both at home and abroad, ere deliverance
  comes. I am sorry you have not your degree. It is ready, if
  testimonials were sent from those who know you. This not being
  done, it looks as though the character given you on this side
  the water was not justly founded. I wish you would write oftener.
  How glad would I be to see America, but my way is hedged up.
  The awakening both in town and country continues. More ministers
  are coming out to preach the gospel. I am strengthened to preach
  fourteen times a week, and I trust it is not in vain.”

  “London, December 15, 1756. Last Sunday, in the new chapel,
  there was a wonderful stirring among the dry bones. Some great
  people came, and begged they might have a constant seat: an
  earnest this, I believe, of more good things to come.”

  “London, December 30, 1756. God is doing wonders in the new
  chapel. Hundreds went away last Sunday morning, who could not
  come in. On Christmas Day, and last Tuesday night (the first
  time of burning candles), the power of the Lord was present,
  both to wound and to heal. A neighbouring doctor has baptized
  the place, calling it ‘Whitefield’s Soul-Trap.’ I pray that
  it may be a _soul-trap_ indeed, to many wandering sinners.
  Abundance of people round about, I hear, are much struck. O
  for humility! O for gratitude! O for faith! Wherefore should I
  doubt? Surely Jesus will carry me through, and help me to pay
  the workmen.”

In such a spirit, Whitefield ended another year of his eventful life.
He was now attracting to his meeting-house some of the “_great people_”
of the western parts of the metropolis; and, yet, his preaching was as
faithful as ever. Let the following serve as a specimen:――

  “Woe unto you, who are at ease in Zion, and, instead of staying
  to be tempted by the devil, by idleness, self-indulgence, and
  making continual provision for the flesh even tempt the devil
  to tempt you! Woe unto you, who, not content with sinning
  yourselves, turn factors for hell, and make a trade of tempting
  others to sin! Woe unto you, who either deny Divine revelation,
  or never use it, but to serve a bad turn! Woe unto you, who
  sell your consciences, and pawn your souls, for a little worldly
  wealth or honour! Woe unto you, who climb up to high places, in
  Church or State, by corruption, bribery, extortion, cringing,
  flattery, or bowing down to, and soothing the vices of those
  by whom you expect to rise! Woe unto you! for, whether you will
  own the relation or not, you are of your father the devil; for
  the works of your father you do. I tremble for you. How can you
  escape the damnation of hell?”[415]

Such preaching was needed in the days of Whitefield, and it is equally
needed now. For lack of it, thousands, even in churches and chapels,
are dreaming elysian dreams, while in the utmost danger of perishing.

In more respects than one, the year 1756 was a year of turmoil; but
the Methodists were not without their friends. One pamphlet, published
during the year, undesignedly in Whitefield’s favour, had the following
inordinately long title: “The Great Secret Disclosed; or an Infallible
Salve for Opening the Eyes of all such as the God of this World has
Blinded; by once applying which, the Person will be able to see the
true cause why Religion decays amongst us, and why Methodism started
up, and daily increases; and, with it, all that train of Vice and
Immorality so common to be met with in every corner of the Nation;
with an effectual method for bringing about a Reformation by destroying
Methodism.” (8vo. 52 pp.)

The title shews that the pamphlet was not _intended_ to promote the
interests of Methodism. Like Balaam, the writer purposed to curse his
enemies, and, yet, he blessed them. Two extracts must suffice.

  “It is generally reported that Mr. Whitefield has a hundred
  thousand followers, most of whom, before his preaching, were the
  vilest of mankind, but are now sober and religious persons, good
  members of society, and good subjects of the king. It is also
  said that Mr. Wesley’s preaching has had as good an effect on
  the like numbers; most of whom have been brought to be members
  of the Church of England; namely, to baptize their children,
  and to receive the sacrament there: for, as he and his brother
  preach only betimes in a morning and in the evening, and order
  their followers to go, the other parts of the day, to their
  respective places of worship; and, as most of them went to
  no place of worship before, and as such always looked upon
  themselves as Church people, they go, forenoon and afternoon,
  to its services. Thus, instead of weakening the Church, by
  taking members from it, the Methodists have strengthened it, by
  adding thousands of members to it; for the Methodists, properly
  speaking, are no Church, having no ordinances administered among
  them.[416]

  “Mr. Whitefield seems to have been the first whom the clergy of
  a whole nation agreed to prevent preaching, without ever proving
  that he had broken either the ecclesiastical, moral, or national
  law. His chief crime was that he appeared to be in earnest both
  in reading prayers and preaching.”

The author’s “effectual method” to destroy Methodism was: 1. That
the clergy should “treat the Methodists as Church members, and not
molest them in performing the duties of religion;” and, 2. They should
“out-pray and preach them.”

Another pamphlet, of the same Balaam-like character, was published in
1756, with the title, “Methodism Displayed, and Enthusiasm Detected;
intended as an Antidote against, and a Preservative from, the delusive
Principles and unscriptural Doctrines of a Modern _Sett_ of seducing
Preachers; and as a Defence of our Regular and Orthodox Clergy, from
their unjust Reflections.” (8vo. 36 pp.)

This was an enigmatical production. After giving to the “_Modern Sett
of seducing Preachers_” a number of hard names, the author writes as
follows:――

  “If for a steady adherence and firm attachment to the doctrines
  of the Church of England I am accounted a _Methodist_, I am
  content. May I live and die a Church of England _Methodist_!
  A _Methodist_! Why, really it is a simple and inoffensive name,
  and I do not see much reason to be ashamed of it. The world
  does not usually fix this apellation upon persons of an openly
  wicked and scandalously sinful life. A gaming, pleasure-taking,
  playhouse-frequenting person, who lives in debauchery and excess
  of drinking, is sure to escape the name of _Methodist_. Nor
  has a minister that name given him, who, notwithstanding his
  solemn declarations, subscriptions, and oaths to assent to and
  to abide by the Articles of our Church, preaches contrary to
  them,――denies the _fall of man_,――_original sin_,――contends for
  justification by works, instead of by faith,――is an enemy to
  the doctrine of imputed righteousness,――from whose sermons
  you seldom hear the name of Jesus, or the agency and influence
  of the Holy Spirit, unless utterly to deny, inveigh against,
  and explode all spiritual _inspiration_ and inward feelings:
  these and such-like preachers escape from the imputation of
  _Methodism_. So, again, that decent, regular person, who, freed
  from the _irksome care of souls_, comfortably lolls in his
  chariot, thinks it is time for him to have done with praying and
  preaching, and, therefore, has _left off trade_, and is content
  with a bare £1000 per annum Church preferment; he, who loves
  the Church, rails at your popular, mob-driving preachers, and
  is sure they would not take half the pains they do, if views of
  money-getting were not at the bottom,――this sort of gentleman
  stands very clear of being deemed a Methodist.”

Another extract must be given. The picture it draws was not a
caricature.

  “Take knowledge of that _thing_. He is parson of St――――’s church.
  Lest the people should be seduced and deceived by hearing the
  doctrines of the Church of England preached, he denies these
  true ministers[417] the pulpit, and says they are _Enthusiasts_;
  and the people, as ignorant as himself, join the cry. An
  enthusiast! What is that? Oh, ’tis the cant word of the day
  for the many-headed monster, the bugbear of the times. ‘Ah,’
  says a constant church-goer, ‘I heard one of those preachers
  at our church. He preached such a sermon! It was almost an hour
  long, and he said downright, that all unconverted people were
  in a state of damnation, and would go to hell, if they did not
  believe on the Lord Jesus! Truly, he set the parish in an uproar,
  for we are not used to such sort of preaching. Thank God for a
  good parson, say I; for the Sunday after our parson (God bless
  him!) preached a sermon against such doctrine; and, though he
  was no longer than a quarter of an hour, he made us all easy
  again. He told us we were in no danger of going to hell, and
  that there was no fear of our being damned, for we were all
  good _Christians_, if we paid every one their own, and did as
  we would be done by.’”

Whitefield began the year 1757 with mingled feelings. He rejoiced
because of the prosperity of the work of God; he was distressed by
political and Church contentions; and he was full of care respecting
his distant Orphan House. Hence the following selections from his
letters:――

                                    “LONDON, _January 12, 1757_.

  “A wide door seems to be opening at Tottenham Court chapel.
  The word flies like lightning in it. O that it may prove a
  Bethel――a house of God――a gate of heaven! I believe it will. As
  the awakening continues, I have some hopes that we are not to be
  given up. Alas! alas! we are _testing_ and _contesting_, while
  the nation is bleeding to death. We are condemning this and that;
  but sin, the great mischief-maker, lies unmolested, or rather
  encouraged by every party.”

To his housekeeper at Bethesda, Whitefield wrote:――

                                    “LONDON, _February 5, 1757_.

  “Tottenham Court chapel is made a Bethel, and the awakening
  increases every day. O that it were so in Georgia! Surely the
  great Shepherd and Bishop of souls will bless you, for taking
  care of the lambs in that distant wilderness. Mr. P.’s leaving
  Bethesda sadly distresses me. I desire that all, who are capable,
  may be put out, and the family reduced as low as possible, till
  the war is over, and the institution out of debt. Lord, remember
  me and all my various concerns! God bless and direct you in
  every step! He will, He will. What is to become of us here, God
  only knows. A year perhaps may determine. The best sign is, that
  the awakening continues.”

Four years ago, Whitefield had published his pamphlet against
Zinzendorf and the Moravians. Things since then had altered for the
better. Hence the following:――

                                  “LONDON, _February 17, 1757_.

  “O to be an Israelite indeed, in whom there is no guile!
  Simplicity and godly sincerity are all in all. A want of
  this, I fear, has led the Count into all his mistakes. With
  great regret, I speak or write of any people’s weaknesses;
  but I thought Divine Providence called me to publish what you
  mention. The Redeemer gave it His blessing. I do not find that
  their fopperies are continued, and I hear also that they have
  discharged many debts.”

At this period, one of the most popular of the metropolitan actors was
a young man of twenty-seven――Edward Shuter, born in a cellar adjoining
Covent Garden――“the offspring of a chairman on the one side, and of an
oyster-woman on the other.” He had been a marker at a billiard table,
and a tapster at a public-house. He had joined a company of strolling
players, among whom, by his drolleries and good nature, he soon
acquired the appellation of _Comical Ned_. At length, Garrick engaged
him at Drury Lane. “He was so thoroughly acquainted,” says a critical
authority, “with the _vis comica_, that he seldom called in those
common auxiliaries, grimace and buffoonery, but rested entirely on
genuine humour. He had strong features, and a peculiar turn of face,
which, without any natural deformity, he threw into the most ridiculous
shapes.” His facetiousness was irresistible. Being in disgrace, on
one occasion, for some irregularity in his performance, the audience
demanded an apology, and vehemently called for him, after he had made
his exit. At the time they were vociferating “Shuter! Shuter!” an
actress happened to be the only person on the stage, when Shuter,
poking out his comical face, from behind one of the scenes, called out,
“Don’t _shoot her_!” which restored the good temper of the spectators
for the rest of the evening.

It is a strange fact, that, this remarkable man――“the greatest comic
genius I ever saw,” said Garrick[418]――was now one of Whitefield’s
constant hearers. Hence the following to the Countess of Huntingdon:――

                                      “LONDON, _March 2, 1757_.

  “Not many mighty, not many noble, are called; but some come to
  hear at Tottenham Court. Shuter, the player, always makes one
  of the auditory, and, as I hear, is much impressed, and brings
  others with him.”

The good Countess, from this, was led to take an interest in Shuter’s
welfare. In a letter, to Lady Fanny Shirley, she says:――

  “I have had a visit from Shuter, the comedian, whom I saw
  in the street, and asked to call on me. He was wonderfully
  astonished when I announced my name. We had much conversation;
  but he cannot give up his profession for another more reputable.
  He spoke of Mr. Whitefield with great affection, and with
  admiration of his talents. He promised to come some other time,
  when he had more leisure for conversation. Poor fellow! I think
  he is not far from the kingdom.”[419]

It is related that on one occasion, when Shuter was in the height of
his reputation, as the representative of “Ramble,” and while he was
seated in a pew exactly in front of the pulpit of Tottenham Court
chapel, Whitefield was inviting sinners to the Saviour, with his
accustomed earnestness, and, at the moment, caught Shuter’s eye, and
exclaimed, “And thou, poor _Ramble_, who hast long _rambled_ from Him,
come thou also. Oh, end thy _ramblings_ by coming to Jesus!”[420] This,
certainly, was more personal than polite; but poor Shuter bore it. Long
after, when his friends used to rate him as a Methodist, he would say,
“A precious _method_ is mine! No, I wish I were; for if any be right,
the Methodists are.”[421]

On Monday, April 25, Whitefield set out for Scotland. Sixteen days
afterwards, he arrived in Edinburgh, where he at once commenced
preaching in his old open-air cathedral, the Orphan Hospital Park,
and, for nearly a month, preached twice a day, morning and evening,
“to very numerous audiences.”[422]

In all respects, this was a memorable visit. A week after Whitefield’s
arrival, the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland met at
Edinburgh, Charles, the ninth Baron of Cathcart, being his Majesty’s
commissioner,――“a nobleman no less distinguished for the virtues which
adorn private life, than he was eminent for all those which exalt
a public character. In the capacity of father, husband, and friend,
his lordship had few equals, and was exceeded by none in discharging,
with dignity and ability, the duties of the high stations in which
he had been placed by his sovereign.”[423] The Rev. William Leechman,
D.D., Professor of Divinity in the University of Glasgow, was chosen
moderator. Leechman was a celebrated preacher, a popular lecturer, “a
man,” says Sir Henry Moncreiff, “of primitive and apostolic manners,
equally distinguished by his love of literature and his liberal
opinions.”[424] The sessions of the Assembly were continued from the
19th to the 30th of May, and Whitefield attended every one of them.
“On Saturday, the 28th, he dined, by invitation, with the commissioner,
(though not at the same table,) and said grace after dinner.”[425]
Much important business was transacted. A committee was appointed “to
consider the laws relating to the _election_ and _qualifications of
members of Assembly_.” An act of the Synod of Argyle, “that the use
of sermons on the Saturday before, and Monday after, dispensing the
sacrament of the Lord’s supper, be discontinued in all time coming,”
occasioned a long debate, but was ultimately approved. A minister was
arraigned for attending a theatre. A second minister, accused of the
same offence, pleaded “that he had gone to the playhouse only once, and
_endeavoured to conceal himself in a corner_.” Lengthened discussions
followed, and a resolution was passed, “earnestly recommending the
several Presbyteries to take care that none of their ministers do,
upon any account, attend the theatre.” Another resolution was approved,
forbidding “_simoniacal practices_.” Several cases of “_double
presentation_” to livings had to be decided. A scandal respecting the
Rev. William Brown occupied considerable time; but the result was, the
Assembly “assoilzied Mr. Brown.” Appeals and petitions from ministers
were heard, and resolutions were passed respecting the fund for
ministers’ widows, and “anent ministers making _agreements with their
heritors_ concerning the extent of their stipends.”

Listening to learned and long debates on these and kindred subjects
was Whitefield’s daily recreation between his morning and evening
preachings.

On June 6, he set out for Glasgow, where he continued several
days.[426] An extract from the _Scots’ Magazine_ for 1757, page 322,
may be welcome:――

  “In a letter from Glasgow, of June 19, we have the following
  account: ‘On Monday last, the Rev. Mr. Whitefield, at the desire
  of several of our magistrates, preached a sermon for the benefit
  of the poor of this city, from Mark vi. 34. At the conclusion of
  his discourse, he pressed the charity with many solid arguments.
  A number of the magistrates and elders stood up to collect at
  the outside of the congregation; who went away with regularity,
  and gave their contributions very cheerfully. The whole amounted
  to £58 sterling, which is all to be applied to the relief of our
  poor. After the sermon, the magistrates waited on Mr. Whitefield,
  and thanked him for this good office, which has given great and
  general satisfaction.’”

At Whitefield’s farewell sermon in the Orphan Hospital Park, Edinburgh,
there was a young Scotchman present, who afterwards became one of
Wesley’s most faithful and sturdy itinerants. Thomas Rankin, born at
Dunbar, was now resident at Leith, and came to Edinburgh to hear the
great preacher. He writes:――

  “I had often before had thoughts of hearing Mr. Whitefield; but
  so many things had been said to me of him, that I was afraid
  I should be deceived. He preached in the field adjoining the
  Orphan House yard. His text was Isaiah xxxiii. 13–17. The sermon
  exceeded all the sermons I ever heard. About the middle of
  it, I ventured to look up, and saw all the crowds around Mr.
  Whitefield bathed in tears. I listened with wonder and surprise,
  and had such a discovery of the plan of salvation as I had never
  known before. I was astonished at myself that I had listened to
  the idle tales concerning him, and thereby have been kept from
  hearing a burning and shining light, who had been instrumental
  in the hand of God for the good of so many thousands of souls.
  When I understood he was about to leave Edinburgh, I was
  distressed. I remembered more of that sermon than of all the
  sermons I had ever heard. I had a discovery of the unsearchable
  riches of the grace of God in Christ Jesus; as also of how a
  lost sinner was to come to God, and obtain mercy through the
  Redeemer. From this time, I was truly convinced of the necessity
  of a change of heart.”[427]

As already stated, Thomas Rankin became one of ♦Wesley’s most valuable
preachers. His labours, both in England and in America, were of great
importance; and, if no other end had been accomplished by Whitefield’s
present visit to the Scotch metropolis, the conversion of Rankin was an
ample compensation for all his toil and travelling.

Whitefield’s account of his visit is brief and imperfect. He writes on
May 31st: “Attendance upon the Assembly, and preaching, have engrossed
all my time.” In another letter, dated Glasgow, June 9, 1757, he
remarks:――

  “At Edinburgh, I was so taken up all day, and kept up so late at
  night, that writing was almost impracticable. Surely, my going
  thither was of God. I came there on the 12th of May, and left
  the 6th of June, and preached just fifty times. To what purpose,
  the great day will discover. I have reason to believe to very
  good purpose. Being the time of the General Assembly, (at which
  I was much pleased,) many ministers attended, perhaps a hundred
  at a time. Thereby prejudices were removed, and many of their
  hearts were deeply impressed. About thirty of them, as a token
  of respect, invited me to a public entertainment. The Lord High
  Commissioner also invited me to his table; and many persons of
  credit and religion did the same in a public manner. Thousands
  and thousands, among whom were a great many of the best rank,
  daily attended on the word preached; and the longer I stayed,
  the more the congregations and Divine influence increased. Twice
  I preached in my way to Glasgow; and, last night, opened my
  campaign here. The cloud seems to move towards Ireland. How
  the Redeemer vouchsafes to deal with me there, you shall know
  hereafter.”

Whitefield’s previous visit to Ireland had been greatly blessed. The
people longed to give him another welcome. One section of his converts
had laid the foundation of a prosperous Moravian church. Another had
formed a Baptist congregation. A number of others were scattered, and
needed encouragement.[428] He went to help them, and his visit was
memorable. To the day of his death, a deep scar in his head was a
memento of it.[429] He shall tell his own story.

                                      “DUBLIN, _June 30, 1757_.

  “The door is open, and indeed the poor Methodists want help.
  Here, in Dublin, the congregations are very large, and very
  much impressed. The Redeemer vouchsafes to me great freedom in
  preaching, and arrows of conviction fly and fasten. One of the
  bishops told a nobleman, he was glad I was come to rouse the
  people. The nobleman himself told me this yesterday. Alas! that
  so few have the ambition of coming out to the help of the Lord
  against the mighty. Not one clergyman, in all Ireland, is as
  yet stirred up to come out _singularly_ for God. Pity, Lord, for
  Thy mercy’s sake! I think God will yet appear for the Protestant
  interest. My route now is to Athlone, Limerick, and Cork; and to
  return here about July 21st.”

                                        “DUBLIN, _July 3, 1757_.

  “The infinitely condescending Jesus still vouchsafes to follow
  the chief of sinners with His unmerited blessing. In Scotland,
  His almighty arm was most powerfully revealed; and here, in
  Dublin, many have begun to say, ‘What shall we do to be saved?’
  Congregations are large, and very much impressed. All sorts
  attend, and all sorts seem to be affected. I should be glad
  to come to London, but cannot in conscience as yet. Not one
  minister, either in the Church or among the Dissenters, in this
  kingdom, as far as I can hear, appears boldly for God. To-morrow,
  therefore, I purpose to set out for Athlone, Limerick, and
  Cork. God only knows where, after that, will be the next remove.
  Perhaps to London; perhaps to the north of Ireland, which,
  I hear, lies open for the gospel. Winter must be the London
  harvest. O for more labourers, who will account the work itself
  the best wages!

  “July 5. Since writing the above, I have been in the wars; but,
  blessed be God, am pretty well recovered, and going on my way
  rejoicing. Pray hard.”

                                                “_July 9, 1757._

  “You have heard of my being in Ireland, and of my preaching to
  large and affected auditories in Mr. Wesley’s spacious room.
  When here last, I preached in a more confined place on the
  week-days, and once or twice ventured out to Oxmanton Green,
  a large place like Moorfields, situated very near the barracks,
  where the _Ormond_[430] and _Liberty_ (that is, _high and low
  party_) _Boys_ generally assemble every Sunday, to fight with
  each other. The congregations then were very numerous, the word
  seemed to come with power, and no noise or disturbance ensued.
  This encouraged me to give notice, that I would preach there
  again last Sunday afternoon.

  “I went through the barracks, the door of which opens into the
  Green, and pitched my tent near the barrack walls, not doubting
  of the protection, or at least interposition, of the officers
  and soldiery, if there should be occasion. But how vain is the
  help of man! Vast was the multitude that attended. We sang,
  prayed, and preached, without much molestation; only, now and
  then, a few stones and clods of dirt were thrown at me. It being
  war time, I exhorted my hearers, as is my usual practice, not
  only to fear God, but to honour the best of kings; and, after
  the sermon, I prayed for success to the Prussian arms.[431]

  “All being over, I thought to return home the way I came; but,
  to my great surprise, access to the barracks was denied, so that
  I had to go near half a mile, from one end of the Green to the
  other, through hundreds and hundreds of papists, etc. Finding
  me unattended, (for a soldier and four Methodist preachers,[432]
  who came with me, had forsook me and fled,) I was left to their
  mercy. Their mercy, as you may easily guess, was perfect cruelty.
  Vollies of hard stones came from all quarters, and every step
  I took, a fresh stone struck, and made me reel backwards and
  forwards, till I was almost breathless, and was covered all over
  with blood. My strong beaver hat served me, as it were, for a
  skullcap for a while; but, at last, that was knocked off, and my
  head left quite defenceless. I received many blows and wounds;
  one was particularly large near my temples. Providentially,
  a minister’s house stood next door to the Green. With great
  difficulty I staggered to the door, which was kindly opened to,
  and shut upon me. Some of the mob, in the meantime, broke part
  of the boards of the pulpit into splinters, and beat and wounded
  my servant grievously in his head and arms, and then came and
  drove him from the door of the house where I had found a refuge.

  “For a while, I continued speechless, expecting every breath
  to be my last. Two or three of my friends, by some means, got
  admission, and kindly washed my wounds. I gradually revived, but
  soon found the lady of the house desired my absence, for fear
  the house should be pulled down. What to do, I knew not, being
  near two miles from Mr. Wesley’s place. Some advised one thing,
  and some another. At length, a carpenter, one of the friends
  who came in, offered me his wig and coat, that I might go off
  in disguise. I accepted of them, and put them on, but was soon
  ashamed of not trusting my Master to secure me in my proper
  habit, and threw them off in disdain. Immediately, deliverance
  came. A Methodist preacher, with two friends, brought a coach;
  I leaped into it, and rode, in gospel triumph, through the oaths,
  curses, and imprecations of whole streets of papists, unhurt.

  “None but those who were spectators of the scene can form an
  idea of the affection with which I was received by the weeping,
  mourning, but now joyful Methodists. A Christian surgeon was
  ready to dress my wounds, which being done, I went into the
  preaching place, and, after giving a word of exhortation, joined
  in a hymn of praise and thanksgiving to Him, who makes our
  extremity His opportunity, and who stills the noise of the waves,
  and the madness of the most malignant people.

  “The next morning, I set out for Port Arlington, and left my
  persecutors to His mercy, who out of persecutors has often made
  preachers.”[433]

The hard knocks Whitefield received from the Dublin papists did not
prevent the carrying out of his plan to visit the towns already
mentioned. Hence the following:――

                                        “CORK, _July 15, 1757_.

  “Everywhere the glorious Emmanuel so smiles upon my feeble
  labours, that it is hard to get away from Ireland. At
  Port-Arlington, Athlone, Limerick, and this place, the word has
  run and been glorified. Arrows of conviction seem to fly; and the
  cup of many has been made to run over. I have met with some hard
  blows from the Dublin rabble; but, blessed be God! they have not
  destroyed me.”

In another letter, addressed to the Rev. John Gillies, of Glasgow, and
dated, “Wednesbury, Staffordshire, August 7, 1757,” he wrote:――

  “Though Mr. Hopper promised to write you an historical letter,
  from Dublin, I cannot help dropping you a few lines from this
  place. At Athlone, Limerick, Cork, and especially at Dublin,
  where I preached near fifty times, we had Cambuslang seasons.
  With the utmost difficulty, I came away. The blows I received
  were like to send me where all partings would have been over.
  But, I find, we are immortal till our work is done.”

Whitefield found it difficult to get away; but it is a notable fact
that he never went again. This was his last visit to Ireland! He
went but twice, and both of his visits put together were not of three
months’ continuance. Wesley made twenty visits, most of them of long
duration. Ireland’s debt to Whitefield is but small; but to Wesley
great.

After an absence of about four months, Whitefield got back to London.
One of the first things that claimed his attention was the business of
his Orphan House, which had recently been visited by the governor of
Georgia. The following was addressed to his housekeeper:――

                                    “LONDON, _August 26, 1757_.

  “I think myself happy, in finding you are satisfied in your
  present situation. I would rather have you to preside over the
  orphan family than any woman I know. I do not love changes.
  Sometimes I wish for wings to fly over; but Providence detains
  me here.[434] I fear a dreadful storm is at hand. Lord Jesus,
  be Thou our refuge! At Dublin, I was like to be sent beyond the
  reach of storms. A most blessed influence attended the word in
  various parts of Ireland; and here, in London, the prospect is
  more and more promising. As to outward things, all is gloomy.
  I hope Bethesda will be kept in peace. I am glad the governor
  has been to visit the house. May God make him a blessing to the
  colony! I wish you would let me know how the English children
  are disposed of. I would fain have a list of black and white,
  from time to time. Blessed be God for the increase of the
  negroes! I entirely approve of reducing the number of orphans as
  low as possible; and I am determined to take in no more than the
  plantation will maintain, till I can buy more negroes. Never was
  I so well satisfied with my assistants as now.”

Whitefield’s stay in London was short. Accompanied by the Revs. Martin
Madan and Henry Venn, he soon set out, on a six weeks’ journey, to the
west of England. Extracts from two of his letters will furnish an idea
of his spirit and his work.

                                  “EXETER, _September 28, 1757_.

  “Blessed be God! I can send you good news concerning Plymouth.
  The scene was like that of Bristol, only more extraordinary.
  Officers, soldiers, sailors, and the dockmen attended, with the
  utmost solemnity, upon the word preached. Arrows of conviction
  flew and fastened; and I left all God’s people upon the wing for
  heaven. Blessed be the Lord Jesus for ordering me the lot of a
  _cast-out_! I am glad that Mr. Madan and Mr. Venn returned safe.
  May an effectual door be opened for both! If so, they will have
  many adversaries. If the weather should alter, I may be in town
  before long; if not, I may range farther. This spiritual hunting
  is delightful sport, when the heart is in the work.”

The next is taken from a letter to the Rev. John Gillies. The
“Counsellor” mentioned was Mr. Madan, who, before his ordination,
practised at the bar.

                                    “LONDON, _October 16, 1757_.

  “REVEREND AND VERY DEAR SIR,――I thank you for your sympathising
  letter sent to Ireland. The Friend of sinners stood by me, or
  I had been stoned to death. Stones were thrown at me, not for
  speaking against the papists in particular, but, for exciting
  all ranks to be faithful to King Jesus, and to our dear
  sovereign King George, for His great name’s sake.

  “Seven gospel ministers were together at Bristol, when the
  Counsellor preached. We have had blessed seasons, for these six
  weeks last past, at Plymouth, Exeter, Bristol, Gloucester, and
  Gloucestershire. This comes from my winter quarters.”

Whitefield was again in London, where he continued for seven months.

The “Counsellor,” the Rev. Martin Madan, was now a red-hot evangelist.
He had preached through Hertfordshire, Bedfordshire, Buckinghamshire,
Warwickshire, Worcestershire, and Gloucestershire.[435] The number of
Methodist clergymen was rather rapidly increasing. Besides Whitefield,
the Wesleys, Hervey, Grimshaw, Romaine, Madan, Venn, Walker, and others
already mentioned in this biography, there were now the Rev. James
Stillingfleet, ultimately rector of Hotham, in Yorkshire; the Rev.
Mr. Downing, chaplain to the Earl of Dartmouth; and the Rev. William
Talbot, LL.D., vicar of Kineton, in Warwickshire, a man of aristocratic
family.[436] In this year, 1757, not fewer than five of these earnest
clergymen, Messrs. Walker, Talbot, Downing, Stillingfleet, and Madan,
at the request of Lord Dartmouth,[437] had preached at Cheltenham.[438]
On three or four occasions, Mr. Downing obtained the pulpit of the
parish church; but the rector and the churchwardens interposed, and
the zealous Methodist was excluded. Lord Dartmouth then opened his
own house for preaching, twice a week; and, sometimes, the seminary of
Mr. Samuel Wells was used for the same purpose.[439] In a letter to the
Countess of Huntingdon, his lordship wrote:――

  “I wish your ladyship would use your influence with Mr.
  Whitfield and Mr. Romaine to pay us a visit. Mr. Stillingfleet
  has been obliged to return to Oxford, and I know not where to
  direct to Mr. Madan or Mr. Venn. Mr. Talbot has promised to come
  as soon as possible; and, next month, I expect good Mr. Walker,
  of Truro. The rector was so displeased with Mr. Downing
  preaching, and the great crowds who flocked to hear him, that
  he excluded him from the pulpit after three or four sermons, and
  refused to admit Mr. Stillingfleet, though I said everything I
  could to induce him to do so. Since then, I have opened my house,
  but find it too small for the numbers who solicit permission to
  attend. I have no hopes of again obtaining the use of the parish
  church.”

Just at this time, Madan came to Cheltenham, and was soon after
joined by Venn, and by Maddock, the latter the curate of Hervey, of
Weston-Favel. Contrary to the expectations of Lord Dartmouth, both
Madan and Venn were several times admitted to the parish pulpit. Then
came Whitefield, and an immense crowd collected, expecting that he
also would preach in the church. Attended by Lord and Lady Dartmouth,
and by Messrs. Madan, Venn, Talbot, and Downing, the renowned preacher
proceeded to the church door. They found it closed against them.
Whitefield, never at a loss for pulpits, mounted a neighbouring
tombstone, and preached. The Rev. Henry Venn shall tell the remainder
of the story. In a letter to Lady Huntingdon, he wrote:――

  “Under Mr. Whitefield’s sermon, many, among the immense crowd
  that filled every part of the burial ground, were overcome with
  fainting. Some sobbed deeply; others wept silently; and a solemn
  concern appeared on the countenance of almost the whole assembly.
  When he came to impress the injunction in the text (Isaiah
  li. 1) his words seemed to cut like a sword, and several in
  the congregation burst out into the most piercing bitter cries.
  Mr. Whitefield, at this juncture, made a pause, and then burst
  into a flood of tears. During this short interval, Mr. Madan and
  myself stood up, and requested the people to restrain themselves,
  as much as possible, from making any noise. Twice afterwards, we
  had to repeat the same counsel. O with what eloquence, energy,
  and melting tenderness, did Mr. Whitefield beseech sinners to be
  reconciled to God! When the sermon was ended, the people seemed
  chained to the ground. Mr. Madan, Mr. Talbot, Mr. Downing, and
  myself found ample employment in endeavouring to comfort those
  broken down under a sense of guilt. We separated in different
  directions among the crowd, and each was quickly surrounded by
  an attentive audience, still eager to hear all the words of this
  life.

  “The next day, a like scene was witnessed, when dear Mr.
  Whitefield preached to a prodigious congregation from Isaiah
  lv. 6. In the evening, Mr. Talbot preached at Lord Dartmouth’s,
  to as many as the rooms would hold. Hundreds crowded round his
  lordship’s residence, anxiously expecting Mr. Whitefield to
  preach. Exhausted as he was from his exertions in the morning,
  when he heard that there were multitudes without, he stood
  upon a table near the front of the house, and ♦proclaimed the
  efficacy of the Saviour’s blood to cleanse the vilest of the
  vile.

  “Intelligence of the extraordinary power attending the word
  soon spread, and the next day we had Mr. Charles Wesley and
  many friends from Bristol, Gloucester, Tewkesbury, Rodborough,
  and the villages in the neighbourhood; but all loud weeping and
  piercing cries had subsided, and the work of conversion went on
  in a more silent manner. For several days, we have had public
  preaching, which has been well attended, and much solid good has
  been done.

  “Mr. Whitefield and myself purpose leaving this for London the
  day after to-morrow; and Mr. Madan and Mr. Talbot go in a few
  days to Northamptonshire.”[440]

This was a glorious “mission week,” in Cheltenham churchyard, a hundred
and twenty-nine years ago. It is rather remarkable that Whitefield
himself has left no account of it; but, shortly after, he wrote, as
follows, to Mr. Madan, pursuing his “mission” work in Northamptonshire.

                                    “LONDON, _November 3, 1757_.

  “Your kind letter was very acceptable. Ere now, I trust, the
  Redeemer has given you the prospect of the barren wilderness
  being turned into a fruitful field. Never fear. Jesus will
  delight to honour you. Every clergyman’s name is Legion. Two
  more are lately ordained.[441] The kingdom of God suffereth
  violence, and, if we would take it by force, we must do violence
  to our softest passions, and be content to be esteemed unkind
  by those whose idols we once were. This is hard work; but, Abba,
  Father, all things are possible with Thee!

  “Blessed be God! for putting it into your heart to ask my pulpit
  for a week-day sermon. Are we not commanded to be instant in
  season and out of season? If dear Mrs. Madan will take my word
  for it, I will be answerable for your health. The joy resulting
  from doing good will be a continual feast. God knows how long
  our time of working may last. This order undoes us. As affairs
  now stand, we must be disorderly, or useless. O for more
  labourers!

  “I am told thousands went away last Sunday evening from
  Tottenham Court, for want of room. Every day produces fresh
  accounts of good being done. At this end of the town, the word
  runs, and is glorified more and more. Last Friday, we had a
  most solemn fast. I preached thrice. Thousands attended; and,
  I humbly hope, our prayers entered into the ears of the Lord of
  Sabaoth. More bad news from America about our fleet. God humble
  and reform us! Go on, my dear sir, and tell a sinful nation,
  that sin and unbelief are the accursed things which prevent
  success. Thus, at last, we shall deliver our souls, and be free
  from the blood of all men.

  “That you may return to London in all the fulness of the
  blessings of the gospel of Christ, is and shall be the prayer of,
  dear sir,

                                    “Yours, etc.,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.”

While Whitefield was acquiring new friends, he was losing old ones.
Jonathan Belcher, governor of the province of New Jersey, died on
August 31, 1757; and Aaron Burr, President of New Jersey College,
within a month afterwards. “The deaths of Governor Belcher, and
President Burr,” wrote Whitefield, “are dark providences; but Jesus
lives and reigns. Lord, raise up Elishas in the room of ascended
Elijahs!”[442]

Whitefield’s correspondence was enormous. As a rule, no letters have
been introduced in the present work, except such as contained facts
and statements illustrative of his work and history. Mere _friendly_
letters, though existing in great numbers, have been excluded. As a
specimen of hundreds of others, which might have been inserted, the
following, hitherto unpublished, may be welcome. They relate to the
marriage of the grandfather and grandmother of James Rooker, Esq.,
solicitor, at Bideford, by whom they have been courteously lent:――

                                  “LONDON, _November 15, 1757_.

  “DEAR MISS MOLLY,――Though weak in body, yet, as perhaps it may
  be the last time I may write to you in your present position, be
  pleased to accept a few valedictory lines.

  “I think you may cheerfully say, ‘I will go with the man.’
  Providence seems to have directed you to one who, I trust, will
  love you as Christ loves the Church. My poor prayers will always
  follow you. That you may be a mother in Israel, and, in every
  respect, be enabled to walk as becometh the wife of a true
  minister of Jesus Christ, is, and shall be, the ardent desire of,
  dear Miss Molly, your affectionate friend and ready servant for
  Christ’s sake,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.

  “To Miss Molly Shepherd.”

                                    “LONDON, _January 17, 1758_.
                                        “_Seven in the morning._

  “REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,――I wish you joy, from my inmost soul,
  of being married to one of the best-women, and of being admitted
  into one of the best families in England. I never had the least
  doubt of your affair being of God. You have called Jesus and His
  disciples to the marriage; and your letter sent me to my knees
  with tears of joy and strong cryings that the God and Father of
  our Lord Jesus may bless you both. You need not ask, my dear sir,
  the continuance of my friendship. I value you as a dear minister
  of Christ, and as the husband of one who was presented by her
  honoured father at the table of the Lord. I doubt not of her
  being a help-meet for you,――a mother in Israel. May you, like
  Zachary and Elizabeth, be enabled to walk in all the ordinances
  and commandments of the Lord blameless! I am glad the dear
  little female flock at Bideford will have such an agreeable
  addition to their society. That grace, mercy, and peace may be
  multiplied on them and you, is, and shall be, the hearty prayer
  of, reverend and dear sir, your affectionate friend and ready
  servant in our common Lord,

                                            “GEORGE WHITEFIELD.

  “My wife joins in cordial respects.
    “To the Rev. Mr. Lavington.”

Scores of such letters might be introduced,――the spontaneous effusions
of a warm-hearted Christian friendship.

Whitefield’s incessant and arduous labours began to affect his health.
Hence the following extracts from his correspondence:――

  “London, November 26, 1757. Last week, my poor feeble labours
  almost brought me to the grave; but preaching three times,
  yesterday, on account of the late success of the Prussians,
  has somewhat recovered me. It was a high day: thousands and
  thousands attended.”

  “London, December 14, 1757. By New Year’s Day, I hope, we shall
  be able to discharge our Tottenham Court chapel debts. Every day
  proves more and more that it was built for the glory of Christ,
  and the welfare of many precious and immortal souls. But my
  attendance on that, and the Tabernacle too, with a weak body,
  outward cares, and inward trials, has, of late, frequently
  brought me near to my wished-for port. I am brought to the short
  allowance of preaching but once a day, and thrice on a Sunday.

  “Round the Tottenham Court chapel there is a most beautiful
  piece of ground, and some good folks have purposed erecting
  almshouses on each side, for godly widows. I have a plan for
  twelve. The whole expense will be £400. We have got £100. The
  widows are to have half a crown a week. The sacrament money,
  which will be more than enough, is to be devoted to this purpose.
  Thus will many widows be provided for, and a standing monument
  be left, that the Methodists were not against good works.”

Thus did Whitefield end the year 1757 in caring for widows, as, for the
last twenty years, he had cared for orphans.

He began the new year, 1758, with a devout outburst of patriotic
gratitude. As already stated, Frederick, King of Prussia, had recently
won a most important battle; and Whitefield wished to recognize
the hand of God in the defeat of his country’s enemies. “Monday,
January 2,” says the _Gentleman’s Magazine_ for 1758, p. 41, “was
observed as a day of thanksgiving, at the chapel in Tottenham Court
Road, b