Title: A Discourse on Trade - And Other Matters Relative to it
Author: Cary, John
Language: English
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A

DISCOURSE

ON

TRADE,

AND

Other Matters Relative to it.

VIZ.

Of Trade in general: Of the Trade of England: Of Husbandry, Feeding,
Tillage, Corn, Fruit, Fish, Minerals, Trees, Manufactures, Sheep-Wool,
Cotton-Wool, Hemp and Flax: Glass, Earthen-Ware, Silk, Distilling: The
great Advantages of a universal National Bank demonstrated: Sugar-baking,
Tobacco, Tanning, Clock-Work, Paper-Mills, Powder-Mills: Method to
improve our Manufactures, by imploying the Poor: Of Courts of Merchants,
Silver Coin: An effectual Method to prevent the Running of Wool: Of our
Trade to the East and West-Indies, Africa, the Plantations, Iceland, the
Canaries, Spain, Portugal Turkey, Italy, Holland, Hamburgh, Poland,
Russia, Sweden, Denmark, and Norway, France, South-Sea, &c. What foreign
Trades are profitable, and what not. An Essay on National Credit, and the
Irish Linnen Manufacture, &c. &c. &c.


Wrote at the Request of several Members of Parliament And now Published
for universal Benefit.

By JOHN CARY, Esq; Merchant of Bristol.

LONDON:

Printed for T. OSBORNE in Gray’s-Inn,

MDCCXLV.



TO

The Right Honourable

Spencer Compton, Esq;

SPEAKER.

And to the Honourable the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, of this
Present Parliament of Great-Britain, Assembled.

May it Please your Honours,


THE First Edition of this little Tract, Relating to Trade, the Poor, &c.
was Humbly Dedicated to his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, when
Governor of the South-Sea Company, which I then thought, as I still do,
might be of Service to the Nation, by alluring the Heir to the Crown,
into an Early liking of Trade, and Setting before him the Advantages that
Accrue from it, with the Methods whereby it may be Improved; and
therefore I Contracted it into a narrow Compass to Encourage his Reading
it.

THIS second Edition, whereto I have added some sure and practicable
Methods, for Discharging the Public Debts of the Nation, with most Ease
to the People, I humbly Present to this Honourable House; If it may be
Usefull in your Debates, I shall think myself very Happy.

’TIS the Ballance of our Trade, that supplies us with Bullion; if That
be in our Favour, it brings it to us, if otherwise, it must be carried
away.

THIS Ballance is supported by our Manufactures, which keep our People at
Work, and enable them to Maintain themselves by their own Labour, who
must else stand still, and become a Charge on our Lands; and therefore I
humbly conceive it to be our Interest, First, to encourage their being
worn at Home, and then to give a Preference to such Things, as are
Purchased for them abroad, rather than to those, which are bought for
Bullion; and if our Trade was well regulated, we should soon become the
Richest, and consequently the Greatest, People in Europe.

I have made some Essay at such Methods, as I doubt not, being Improved by
your Wisdoms, and strengthened by your Authority, may Tend very much to
the Effecting this great Work; And I humbly Offer the six Propositions
following, as so many Fundamentals, necessary, for the better Ordering of
our Trade, the Discharging of our public Debts, and Supporting the Credit
of the Kingdom, whereby His Majesty will be rendred more Glorious, both
at Home and Abroad.

THE First is, a Committee of Trade, made up of such Men as are well verst
in the true Principles whereon it is Founded, and thereby enabled to make
right Representations of such things, as shall be referred to them by the
Parliament; who, Holding their Places, according as they are thought
capable of performing them, will be careful to execute those Trusts with
Judgment, Honour and Honesty.

THE second is, a due Inspection into the Affairs of the Poor, and putting
an End to that Pernicious Trade of Begging, which I can assure this
Honourable House, from the Experience we have had in their Regulation at
Bristol, may be done, and that the Poor may be trained up to an early
Delight in Labour; the Means and Methods whereby That was Accomplished,
though at first Thought Impracticable, I have set forth in the Appendix.
pag. 167.

THE Third is, the Keeping of our own Wool at home, and preventing the
Wool of Ireland from being Transported any where else except to this
Kingdom; which I am persuaded can never be done, by any other Method, but
by a Register, and that That will effectually do it; towards which I have
made an Essay in the following Treatise.

THE Fourth is, the Encouraging the Linnen-Manufacture of Ireland; ’Tis
not easy to comprehend the Advantages that will thence arise to both
Kingdoms, when each of them shall be fully employed, on a Distinct
Manufacture: the Hands that are now kept at Work there, on the Spinning
of Wool, might be then turned to Linnen, and a great Part of their Lands
would be taken up, in raising Flax and Hemp, for which they are very
proper; and then a Stop might be put to the Importation of those great
Quantities of Worsted and Woollen Yarn thence, so pernicious to the Poor
of this Kingdom, the Spinning whereof, if Imported in Wool, would amount
to many Thousand Pounds per Annum, to be divided among them; and it is
certain, that Spinning is the most profitable Part of the Woollen
Manufacture, because it is done by Women and Children, who can no
otherwise be employed.

IN the Year 1704, I was desired by the Ministry to give my Thoughts of
such an Undertaking, which I then did, and printed some Considerations
relating thereto, adapted for that Time, which I have added in the
Appendix, pag. 158.

NOR can this be any Prejudice to the Linnens of North-Britain, being of
quite different Sorts; which should also for many Reasons be Encouraged,
by such Means and Methods, as on due Consideration may be thought proper.

THE Fifth is, the carrying on the Fishery, which deserves all the
Encouragement the Legislature can give it; and I think the readiest way
to do it, is, by incorporating such Societies, as are witting to set upon
it with joint Stocks, but not exclusive to any others, which will promote
Industry, and shut out Stock-jobbing, the Bane of so many good
Undertakings.

THE sixth, and indeed the Foundation of all the rest, is, the
establishing a substantial Credit, large enough to answer all the
Occasions of the Nation, both public and private, which is the Wheel
whereon all the rest must turn, and whereby, not only the Trade of the
Kingdom, but also the Occasions of the Government may be supplied, and
the public Debts gradually sunk, by a good Management; and This, I humbly
Conceive, cannot be settled any other way, but on a parliamentary
Foundation, any Thing less will be too narrow.

IN the Year 1696, I made some Essay towards such a Credit, which I then
presented to both Houses of Parliament, and have now incerted it in the
Appendix, pag. 174. But the Bank of England having about that time
furnished his Majesty with a considerable Sum of Money, then very much
wanted, for the present payment of the Army, which the Ministry could not
otherwise have raised, tho’ they approved of the Projection, were
unwilling to disoblige at that Juncture, by setting up any thing like
theirs, and so that Matter slept then, as it had ever done, if I had not
observed that the famous Mr. Laws had drawn a Scheme from it, for the
Service of France, as near as the Constitution of that Kingdom will
admit; not that I think it can be lasting, the Foundation being laid on
Sand; Yet it hath served the present Occasion, to pay off the Debts of
that Nation, by an incredible Stock-job, which must in all probability,
end in Confusion and Discontent.

NOTHING can support a National Credit, but a steady Government, where the
arbitrary Will of a Prince cannot withdraw, or lessen the Security at his
Pleasure; and had such a one been then establish’d here, in all
probability, we bad been several Millions less in Debt, and not felt that
heavy load of Taxes, which hath opprest our Lands, and injur’d our
Trade; nor do I think those Debts can be discharged by any other way,
private Men now carrying off those Profits, which should sink them by
degrees.

THE Advantages of a National Bank, and the good Effects it will have, in
this Free Government, towards the Lessening our national Incumbrances,
will plainly appear, when it is considered, that one hundred Pounds
borrowed, will circulate two, besides it self, and thereby reduce the
Interest, to one third Part of what is paid to the Lender; but if it
circulates three, then to a Quarter, and it may be, to much less,
according as a Bank hath Credit, and is found Useful.

BY this Rule, if the Public pays Four per Cent. for Interest, it may by
Circulation be reduced to one, and there is no doubt, but that a
Well-constituted Bank, will be soon fill’d with Money at that Rate; the
great Ground of Buying and Selling Stock being, the vast Sums of Money
which lie dead on Mens Hands, who hope thereby to make some Profit, but
would be glad to dispose of it, on a substantial Security, at a moderate
Interest; besides the Advantage it will be to Widows and Orphans, whose
Money would be safely lodged, and bring them in a certain Income, for
their Maintenance; and here will be no room left for Stock-jobbing, which
hath now got such a Footing, even into our public Affairs, that the
Parliament doth not give a Land-Tax or a Lottery, where the Subscriptions
to it are not Ingrost, by those who have not Money, in order to make an
Advantage, by selling them to such as have, besides the vast Charge in
the management of Lotteries.

AND as to Trade, the Bank of England hath been very serviceable to this
great Metropolis, by making a little Money serve the Uses of a great
deal, but the Benefit thereof hath extended no farther; and why other
Cities, and indeed the whole Kingdom, should not have the same Advantage,
(which it will, if a National Bank be established, and Chambers settled
where desired) I cannot conceive.

AND here I must refer to the Appendix, for the better Illustrating the
Benefit thereof, and the manner of its Institution, as then intended,
which must now admit of several Alterations.

IF such a Bank were settled, the Charge of managing it would be very
little, and the Kingdom might grow richer some Millions every Year, and
the Government have an Addition to its Security, by drawing the Cash of
other Nations hither, whose Interest would thereby become interwoven with
ours; and our Manufactures would be encouraged by a Flux of Money, which
is the Life of Trade; and this, with the easiness of our Government,
would bring the monied Men of Europe to settle here, which would be an
Addition to our Wealth; the Trader might hence be supplied, with such
Sums of Money as he shall want, and for so long time only, as he shall
have Occasion to use it; whereby the Fishery, and other good
Undertakings, may be encouraged, and our Wool be certainly kept at Home;
and the Gentlemen of England may be hence furnished with Money at the
common Interest, and be permitted to make their Payments by such Parts,
as they can best spare it; the want of which is now such a Clog upon
their Estates, that it destroys many good Families; who, when they are
once got into the Usurers Books, can find no way to get out, till they
have paid the whole Debt at once, so that their Estates are devoured, by
Procuration and Continuation.

NOR is it hereby intended to put a Force upon any Man; ’twill be the
Interest of the Lender to put his Money into this Bank, where he hath so
certain a Security, and of the Bank to take it in; and on the other Side,
it will be the Interest of the Bank to furnish Money on the Terms here
mentioned, and of the Borrower to receive it; and this single thing, will
in time bring so great a Profit to the Public as will very much sink the
Debts of the Nation, whilst a Common Advantage is Interwoven with it.

NEITHER will this break in on the Priviledges granted to the Bank of
England, by Act of Parliament; for though they are allowed to lend Money
to the Government, on the Terms therein mentioned, yet the Government
hath not bound up it self, from borrowing of any Others, and making their
Payments in such a manner, as shall be thought most Advantagious to the
Nation.

IF any Objections (not grounded on private Interest) shall be made to
what I have here offered, I believe a satisfactory Answer may be given to
them, if this Honourable House shall think what I have Written, worthy
their Consideration.

ALL I shall further add, is, that it can scarce be Matter of Doubt, but
that most Men will part with their Securities on private Funds, and rely
on the General Credit of the Nation, though at a lower Interest, whereby
those Funds will by degrees, become a part of the general Security, which
with what new Taxes shall be given, will be so useful in Circulation,
that it will be next to Impossible, for the most malicious Projectors, to
lessen the Credit of such a Bank, or to make a Run upon it; and those
Taxes that are heaviest on the Poor, and most Injurious to our
Manufactures, may be taken off: And there will be this farther Advantage,
that the several Offices, who are entrusted to buy for the Use of the
Public, according to such Sums of Money, as shall from time to time be
Appropriated by the Parliament, will be enabled to Purchase all things on
the lowest Terms, when their Bills on this Bank, shall be as punctually
discharged, at the time when they become due, as if they were Bills of
Exchange, and in the mean time pass from Man to Man in Payment, which
will be an Addition to the Cash of the Nation, whereby a great deal will
be saved in what they lay out; and Men of Industry, but of small Stocks,
will be enabled to deal with the Government, which now they cannot do;
and will Endeavour who shall supply it on the best Terms, when by such
Payments, they shall be Furnished, to go to Market again; and the Debts
of the Nation will be so Incorporated therewith, that it will be every
Man’s Interest to support its Credit; and the Eye of a Parliament,
which hath Power to make Examples of Offenders, who through Fraud or
Malice, shall offer Violence thereto, will be sufficient to deter any
from such Evil Practices.

    I am,

    With all dutiful Respect,

    Your Honours,

    Most Obedient

    Servant.

    John Cary.



ADVERTISEMENT.


THE following Sheets are the Work of a Gentleman, a very considerable
Merchant at _Bristol_, whose extensive Knowledge of, and Judgment in
Trade, induced some Gentlemen who were well acquainted with his Capacity,
to desire him to give them his Opinion on Trade in general, and ours in
particular; he did, without any Design of being an Author, or the least
Intention of printing it; but having shewn his Papers to those Gentlemen,
they desired he would publish them, which he at last consented to, and
had a small Number printed in Bristol, at his own Expence.

The Book having met with its deserved success, he re-printed it, with
some considerable Additions; but that Edition having been sold of, and
himself dying soon after, it was with much Difficulty I obtained that
Copy from which this is printed, nor should I as yet have thought of
getting it re-printed, but,

The many Prizes taken by our Ships of War, as well as Privateers, since
the Commencement of the War with _France_, being a sufficient Proof of
the Increase of her Trade, and the Decay of ours, I imagined any Work
that might tend to the promoting our Trade, would meet with due
Encouragement; and I am apt to believe no Book on the Subject deserves it
more than this.

There is annexed to it, the Act of Parliament made in the 7th and 8th of
King _William_, in favour of the City of _Bristol_, for regulating their
Poor; and by way of Appendix, the Proceedings of the Magistrates in
consequence of that Act, worthy of Imitation.

Our Streets being daily infested by swarms of Beggars, perhaps the
Publishing these Proceedings may furnish some Hints to those Gentlemen,
who are daily seeking after a Method of preventing the many Robberies,
Cruelties, and Outrages committed in our Streets every Night of late, and
no doubt but many of those who are Beggars in the Day-time, are the very
People who do so much Mischief at Night; could they therefore be brought
under proper Regulations, it would undoubtedly in some Measure be a
Remedy to that Evil, and at the same time encrease the Riches of these
Kingdoms, by keeping so many idle Persons of both Sexes employed.

I shall not trouble the Reader any further concerning this Work, whose
Merit will I hope speak for itself.



A

DISCOURSE

ON

TRADE, &c.

[Sidenote: Of Trade in general.]

IN Order to discover, whether a Nation gets or loses by its Trade, ’tis
necessary first to enquire into the Principles whereon it is built; for
Trade hath its Principles, as other Sciences have, and as difficult to be
understood; but when they are, ’tis easy to discover whether a Nation
gets or loses by its Management, and without this, we are not capable of
making any true Judgment, it being possible for the Public to grow Poor,
whilst private Persons encrease their Fortunes.

The Design of this little Treatise, is to dissect and lay open the Trade
of this Kingdom, as it is now driven, that so those Branches that shall
appear to be Profitable may be Encouraged, and those that are Otherwise
may be Amended.

The Profits of this Kingdom arise from its Product and Manufactures at
Home, and from the Growths of those several Plantations it hath settled
Abroad, and from the Fish taken on the Coasts, all which being raised by
the Industry of the People, are both its true Riches, and the Tools
whereby it Trades to other Nations, the Products coming from the Earth,
and the Manufacturing of them being an Addition to their Value by the
Labour of the People; now where we barter these Things abroad for such as
are only fit to be eat and drank, or are wasted among ourselves, though
one Man may get by the Luxury of another, yet the Wealth of the Kingdom
doth not encrease; but it is otherwise where we change them for Bullion,
or for Commodities fit to be manufactured again.

[Sidenote: Its Original.]

The first Original of Trade both Domestic and Foreign was Barter, when
one private Person, having an Overplus of such Things as his Neighbour
wanted, furnished him therewith for their Value in such whereof the other
had plenty, but he stood in need of the same, when one Nation abounding
in those Products which another wanted, supply’d it therewith, and
received for them Things equally necessary in their stead; and by how
much the Products of any Nation exceeds its Wants, by so much it grew
richer, the Remainder being sold for Bullion, or some Staple Commodity,
allowed by all to have an intrinsic Value.

And as People encreased, so did Commerce, which caused many to go off
from Husbandry to Manufactures, and other Ways of Living, for Convenience
whereof they began Communities: This was the Original of Towns, which
being found necessary for Trade, their Inhabitants encreased by
Expectation of Profit; this introduced Foreign Trade or Trafic with
neighbouring Nations; and this a Desire to settle rather on some
navigable Rivers, than in remote Inland Places, whereby they might be
more easily supply’d from the Country with Commodities fit to export,
and disperse thither those they had imported from abroad.

[Sidenote: The Trade of this Kingdom.]

I shall now take the Trade of this Kingdom, as it is divided into
Domestic and Foreign, and consider each, and how they are advantagious to
the Nation, and may be made more so.

[Sidenote: Inland Trade.]
[Sidenote: Buying and Selling.]

The Domestic or Inland Trade consists either in Husbandry, Manufactures,
or Buying and Selling; the last of which, whereby one Man lives by the
Profit he makes by another, brings no Advantage to the Public; Peoples
Occasions requiring Commodities to be retail’d to them in such small
Quantities as would fit their Necessities, they were willing to allow a
Profit to him who bought them in greater; and as this Sort of Traffic
came more in use, so the first Buyers not only sold their Commodities to
the Consumers in the Places where they dwelt, but also to others, who
being seated in the Country at a distance, made an Advantage by supplying
the Inhabitants there: This begat the Ingrossing Commodities, and thence
arose Skill and Cunning to foresee their Rise and Falls, according to
their Consumption and prospect of Supply. Hence came the Viciating our
Manufactures, every one endeavouring to underbuy, that he might undersell
his Neighbour; which Way of Living being found in Time to have less
Labour and more Profit than Husbandry and Manufactures, was the Reason so
many fell into it.

From these Bargains Differencies arising, encouraged another Sort of
People, whose Business it was, either by their Wisdoms to persuade, or by
their Knowledge in the Laws to compel, the unjust Persons to do Right to
their Fellow-Traders (an Honourable Employment at the first, and is still
so in those who keep to the strict Rules of its Institution.) Hence arose
Attorneys, Sollicitors, and other Officers, which were found necessary to
attend on those Suits, and other Services of the Law.

Trade brought Riches, and Riches Luxury; Luxury brought Sickness, and
Sickness wanted Physic; which required some to separate themselves to
study the Nature of Plants and Simples, as also of those several Diseases
which bring Men to their Ends, who for their Advice received Gratuities
from their Patients: These brought in Apothecaries and Surgeons, as
necessary Attendants to their Employments; all which were maintained by
keeping People in their Healths. Many also of ripe Parts were fitted for
the Service of the Church, others of the State; great Numbers were
employed in providing Necessaries of Meat, Drink, and Apparel, others in
fitting Things for Delights and Pleasure, and by this Means leaving
Husbandry and Manufactures, flock’d off daily to Livelihoods, which
though useful and convenient in their respective Stations, yet cannot be
said to encrease the Riches of this Nation, but to live by getting from
one another; Husbandry and Manufactures being the profitable Employments,
out of which it gathers its Wealth.

[Sidenote: Husbandry.]

The next Part of the Inland Trade of this Kingdom is Husbandry, which
anteceded Buying and Selling in point of Time, though the other is
treated of first in this Discourse; and this consists either in Feeding
or Tillage, by both which we raise great Store of Cattle, Corn, and
Fruits, fit for the Food, Service, and Trade of the Inhabitants.

[Sidenote: Feeding.]

To begin with Feeding: And here I might enumerate the various Sorts of
Cattle raised and bred by the Care of the Husbandman; but those of most
Note with respect to our Trade, are,

1. The Beef; which besides the Excellency of its Flesh for Food, affords
many Necessaries for our Trade, and is very serviceable in Tillage; with
this we both nourish our Inhabitants at home, victual our Ships for
Foreign Voyages, and load them with the several Manufactures wherewith it
doth supply us; from the Milk we make Butter and Cheese, from the Flesh,
Beef, from the Skin, Leather, from the Fat, Tallow, and of the Horns
several useful Necessaries; the Overplus whereof, above our own
Consumption, we export, and sell in Foreign Markets.

2. The Sheep; whose Golden Fleece being the _Primum_ of our
Woollen-Manufactures, does thereby employ Multitudes of our People; which
being of different Lengths and Fineness, makes them of various Sorts;
whereof they afford us a yearly Crop whilst living, and at their Deaths
we have their Flesh and Skins; the first serves for our Food, and of the
last we make Things, fit to be used at Home, and traded with Abroad.

3. Horses; whose Labour is so necessary, that we can neither carry on our
Husbandry or Trade without them; besides their Fitness for War, being
accounted the boldest in the World; and for all these Uses are
transported abroad; for the first, to our Plantations in _America_; and
for the last, to some of our Neighbouring Nations: But their Flesh is of
no Use, their Skins of little, the Leather made of them being very
ordinary, only the longest of their Hair is used in Weaving.

There are sundry other Sorts of Beasts, some whereof require no Care in
Raising, others little, such as the Stag, the Deer, the Rabbet, the Hare,
the Badger, the Goat, and many others, whose Skins are necessary for our
Trade, and useful in our Manufactures.

[Sidenote: Tillage.]

Tillage is that whereby we raise our Corn by turning up the Earth; the
several Sorts whereof are Wheat, Rye, Barley, Pease, Beans, Vetches,
Oats, &c. which not only afford Nourishment to ourselves, and the Beasts
we use in Labour, but serve also for Trade; as they give Employment to
our People at home, and are transported abroad, more or less, according
to the Overplus of our Expence, and the Want of our Neighbours, besides
the great Quantities us’d in our Navigation.

These Products are all clear Profit to the Nation, being raised from
Earth and Labour; but their chief Advantages arise from their being
exported, either in their own Kinds, or when wrought up, the Remainder,
which is spent at home, tending rather to supply our Wants, than to
advance our Wealth: Which Exports being more or less, according to the
Price they bear in other Countries, and those arising from the Proportion
their Lands holds with ours in their Yearly Rents, are not so great in
Specie, as when wrought up. Butter is the chiefest, wherewith we supply
several Foreign Markets, and did formerly more, till by making it bad,
and using Tricks to encrease its Weight, we lost much of that Trade, and
are now almost beaten out of it by _Ireland_, which every Year makes
theirs better; besides, they undersell us in the Price, as they do also
in Beef, occasioned by the low Rents of their Lands.

’Twas the Act of Prohibition made formerly in _England_, that first
ushered them into a Foreign Trade, their sole Dependance before that Time
being on our Markets, and from hence they were supplied with what they
wanted; but being thereby prohibited from bringing hither their Cattle
and other Provisions, they endeavoured to find a Vent for them in other
Markets, which they did with good Success, and to more Advantage; the
Sweetness whereof gave a Spring to their Industry, and put them on the
Woollen-Manufactures, which they also vended where they exported their
Provisions, till in time it became so great and flourishing, as to give
us Apprehensions it would endanger ours.

[Sidenote: Corn.]

As for Corn; foreign Markets are supplied therewith, both from thence,
and from the Islands of the _Azores_, cheaper than the Rents of our Lands
will admit; but our Plantations have still some Dependance on us for our
Product, and as the Lands of _Ireland_ rise in their yearly Value, they
will have more. We also raise considerable Quantities of Hemp and Flax,
both which are useful in our Trade.

[Sidenote: Fruits.]

The other Fruits of the Earth, such as Apples, Pears, Cherries, Plumbs,
together with the Herbs and Plants, serve rather for Food and Delight
than for Trade: Some Cider we do export; also Spirits raised by the
Distillers, both from some of these, and from Barly.

[Sidenote: Fish.]

On the Sea-Coast both of this Kingdom, and also of _Newfoundland_, and
_New-England_, are caught great Store of Cod-Fish, Herrings, and
Pilchards, which are saved, and sold in foreign Markets.

[Sidenote: Minerals.]

Nor is this all the Product of our Earth, whose Womb being big with
Treasure, brings forth Lead, Tin, Copper, Calamy, Coal, Culm, Iron,
Allom, Copperas, and sundry other Minerals, which are sold in foreign
Markets, whither we send them: Besides a great Expectation we have from a
much richer and more valuable Discovery, lately made in that Part of
_Great-Britain_ called _Scotland_.

[Sidenote: Trees.]

Among the several Trees that adorn our Fields, the Oak, the Elm, and the
Ash, are the chiefest; these not only serve in Building our Ships and
Houses, but also furnish us with materials, wherewith our Artificers make
many things fit for Commerce: And it were much to be wish’d, that
better Care was taken to preserve our Timber, for the Benefit of
Posterity.

[Sidenote: Manufactures.]

The third Part of our Inland Trade is our Manufactures, whereby our
Products are improv’d in their Values and made useful in sundry
Manners, both for our selves and others, by the labour of our People; and
fitted for such Services, as of their own Natures, without the help of
Art, they could not have been proper; and those to suit the Necessities
and Fancies, both of our own, and also of foreign Countries to which we
export them; where they yield a Price, not only according to the true
value of the Materials and Labour, but an Overplus according to the
Necessity and Humour of the Buyers: And this adds to the Profit, and
encreases the Wealth of the Kingdom.

These Manufactures, as they employ Multitudes of our People in their
Making, so also in Exporting them, and importing foreign Materials to be
used with our own, such as Oyl, Dye-stuff, Silk, Wooll, Cotton, Barillia
and many others, which are either manufactured here by themselves, or
workt up with our own Product.

[Sidenote: Sheep's-Wool.]

And first to begin with Sheep’s-Wooll, whereof either by it self, or
mixt with Silk or Linnen, we make Variety of pretty Things, fit for all
Climates, and proper for the Wearing of both Sexes; wherein the Invention
and Imitation of our Workmen have been so great, that they have out-done
all that went before them. From a strong Cloth, fit to keep out Cold in
Winter, they have turn’d their hands to a fine thin sort, which will
scarce keep warm in Summer; from hence they fell on Perpets, Serges,
Crapes, Stuffs, Sayes, Ratoons, Antherines, and many other Things, fit
both for outward Garments, and inward Linings; of various Colours,
Stripes, and Flowers, some of them so fine and pleasant, as scarce to be
known from Silk: Besides those Multitudes of coarser Cloth for the Poor;
also Rugs, Blankets, and all sorts of Furniture for Houses. And such a
Progress have they made in these Manufactures, that a Man may have his
Picture wrought at the Loom, with the same Exactness as if drawn with a
Pencil; one Work-man vying to excell another, they make Things to answer
all Occasions. And as for Arras and Tapestry, I believe it will be
allowed, that they do not fall short of those from whom they first had
the Art: Add to these, Hats, Stockings, and many other things, which are
both worn at home, and exported abroad.

[Sidenote: Cotton-Wool.]

The next material for the Manufactures is Cotton Wool, which is now
become a great Imployment for the poor, and so adds to the Wealth of the
Kingdom; This being curiously pickt and spun, makes Dimities, Tapes,
Stockings, Gloves, besides several things Wove fit for use, as Wastcoats,
Pettycoats, and Drawers, of different Stripes and Finenss; and I doubt
not the Workmen would equal the _East Indies_ for Callicoes, had they
Encouragement; with all which we supply our Plantations and other foreign
Markets, besides what serves for our Consumption at Home.

[Sidenote: Hemp and Flax.]

Hemp and Flax are the Grounds for another Manufacture; for tho’ Weaving
of Linnen is not so much used in _South Britain_, as of Woollen, yet in
_North Britain_ it is, and may be farther improved, not so much by Laws
to direct the Workmen in their making it, as by apt Methods to encourage
them; and even in _South Britain_ several Counties are imployed thereon,
who not only supply themselves, but furnish those bordering on them, with
such Cloth as answers the ends of _French_ Linnens: Besides which great
Quantities of Ticking, of all Finesses, Incle, Tapes, Sacking, Girtwhip,
and many other Things are made thereof; also Cordage, Twine, Netts, with
Multitudes of other Manufactures, which imploy the Poor, and bring by
their Exports Profit to the Nation; and I can not here omit Sail-cloth,
wherein we have made a wonderful Progress in a little time, at the Charge
and Expence of private Stocks, who deserve to be encouraged.

[Sidenote: Glass.]

Glass is a Manufacture brought to so great a Perfection, that it keeps
many of our People at Work; and the Materials whereof it is made being
generally our own, and in themselves of small Value, costs the Nation
little, in comparison of what it formerly did, when we fetch’d it from
_Venice_; the Noble Plate Glasses which we now make of all sorts, both
for Houses and Coaches, do greatly set forth the Genius of our Workmen;
besides the various Sorts of Utensils made for common use, fit for all
the Occasions of a Family, which look almost as well as Silver, and it
would be better for the Nation that they were more used in its stead;
also the Glass for Windows, of different Beauties; and Glass Bottles; all
which find a greater Vent both at Home and Abroad by their Cheapness.

[Sidenote: Earthen-Ware.]

And as for earthen Ware, the Progress we have made therein is such, as
may give us Hopes, that Time will bring it to such a Perfection, as to
equal if not exceed the _Dutch_.

[Sidenote: Silk.]

Silk is another Material for a great Manufacture; which being brought
from abroad Raw, we here Twist, Dye, and Weave into different Goodnesses,
both Plain, Striped, and Flowered, either by itself, or mixt with Gold
and Silver; so Richly Brocaded, that we exceed those from whom we first
had the Art; besides great Quantities of Ribbons, Silk Stockings, and
other Things, not only to serve ourselves, but also to Export.

[Sidenote: Distilling.]

Distilling is an Art so exceedingly improved, that had it not met with
discouraging Laws, ’twould by this Time have attained to a very great
Heigth, and brings great Profit to the Nation; for next to making
something out of nothing, is the making something that is Valuable out of
what would otherwise be worth nothing; therefore this Art ought to have
been handled charily, to have been trained up with a great deal of
Gentleness, and not loaded with Taxes in its Infancy, by which Means we
were like to discourage it in the beginning; however it hath still bore
up under all the Weight laid upon it; ’twas a great mistake to appoint
Measures by Act of Parliament to the Distillers in their Workings; Mens
Knowledge encreases by Observation, and this is the Reason why one Age
exceeds another in any Sort of Mistery, because they improve the Notions
of those who went before them; Therefore confining the Distillers to Corn
only, was an Error, (’Tis true, other Things were allowed to be used,
but on such Terms and Restrictions, as were next to a Prohibition) who by
degrees would have made Experiments on that themselves, using it with
other Mixtures, and thereby drawing from it a cleaner Spirit than it doth
of itself afford, which they might in Time have rectified to such a
Fineness, as to have encreased very much its Use; no Kingdom can give
more Encouragement to Distilling than this, whose Plantations being many,
and well Peopled, where those Spirits are so necessary, and useful for
the Inhabitants, and these depending wholly on us for all things, would
have caused a Consumption of very great Quantities, besides what is used
in our Navigation; we have many Materials of our own to work on, such as
are Molosses, Cyder, Perry, Barley, and others, all which in Time they
would have used; for as they found their Sales increased, they would have
made new Essays; it was a very wrong Step, to discourage Distilling from
Molosses, Scum, Tilts and Wash; an Error the _Dutch_, nor no Trading
Nation, would have been guilty of, and proceeded from ill Advice given
the Parliament, by those, who under Pretence of advancing Corn,
design’d to discourage Distilling, only offered it by that handle they
thought it would be best received in the House; Trade and Lands go hand
in hand as to their Interest, if one Flourishes so will the other;
Incourage Distilling, and it will spend Hundreds of Things now thrown
away.

[Sidenote: Sugar-Baking.]

Refining of Sugars have given Imployment to our People, and added to
their Value in foreign Markets, where we found great and profitable
Sales, till the _Dutch_ and _French_ beat us out, occasioned by the Duty
of 2 s. 4 d. _per Cent._ laid on Muscovado Sugars, 1 Jac. 2d. to be drawn
back at Exportation, whereby they were wrought up abroad cheaper then
they could be at home; but that Law being now expired, and the Parliament
have since granted a draw back on refined Sugars when shipt out, hath
very much helpt that Manufacture.

[Sidenote: Tobacco.]

Tobacco also hath imployed our Poor by cutting and Rowling it, both for a
home Consumption, and also for Exportation; but the latter is lessen’d,
as the Places, to which we used to export it, work it up themselves.

[Sidenote: Tanning.]

Tanning of Leather is an Employment which deserves to be encouraged,
because it furnishes us with a Commodity, fit to be farther Manufactured
at home, and also to be transported abroad; I know the Exportation of
Leather hath been much opposed by the Shoemakers, and others who cut it
at home, and represented as attended with ill Consequences, one whereof
is the making it dear; but, would it not be of much worse to confine and
limit that Employment to an Inland Expence? On the other side, would it
not naturally follow, that when Leather rises to a great Price, the
Exportation must cease, because _Ireland_ will undersell us? And would it
not seem an unreasonable discouragement to Trade, if Tobacco, Sugar, and
the Woollen Manufactures, were debarred from being exported, only because
they should be sold cheaper at home? For suppose the Occasions of the
Nation could not consume all the Leather that is made, to what a low
Price must Hides be reduced, for no other Reason, but that the Shoemakers
may get more by their Shoes; ’Tis true, if they could make out, that
those Countries must then have their Shoes from us, where we now sell our
Leather, I should be of their Minds; but it must needs be otherwise,
seeing _Ireland_ is able to supply them; this proceeds from a very narrow
Spirit, and such as ought not to be encouraged in a trading Nation; a
good export for Leather, will cause a great Import of Raw-Hides, which
will be more Advantage to the Nation, then if they were tann’d in
_Ireland_, and sent abroad thence.

[Sidenote: Minerals.]

Nor can I omit the several Manufactures made of the sundry Mineral we
dig, and render malleable, which would be endless to enumerate, _viz._ of
Tin, Lead, Iron and Copper, wherewith we not only furnish enough for our
own use, but supply our Plantations, and other Places Abroad, the
Workmanship whereof adds much to their Value; and from the last of these
we have of late made Brass and Battery; an undertaking begun by private
Stocks, and carryed on without the help of a Patent for fourteen Years,
and I am of Opinion, it would be much better for the Nation, if good
Projections were rewarded some other way, and left open, to be improved
by all who were willing to make Experiments at their own Charge; this in
all Probability would be a more likely way to bring them to perfection,
and in less Time, then to tye Men down like the Motions of a Clock, to be
directed only by one leaden Weight; of this we have a late Instance in
the Project of _Beech Oyl_, for if but one half of the Profit can be made
thereby, that is set forth by the ingenious Patentee, in his Book written
on that Subject, against which I see no Objection, if the Computations
are rightly stated, I make no manner of doubt, but that private Stocks
would before this Time have made a greater Progress therein, than hath
been done by the present Undertakers, on the joint Stock; and therefore I
think it would be very proper, where such Patents are granted, after some
reasonable Time, to enquire into the Proceedings of the Patentees, least
the Nation be deprived of the Advantages it expected to receive, by the
granting those Patents.

[Sidenote: Clock-work.]

There are many other Things which may be, and daily are improved amongst
us; as Clock-work, wherein we sell little but Art and Labour, the
Materials whereof they are made being but of small Value; Watches and
Clocks of great Prices being sold for the Courts of foreign Princes.

[Sidenote: Paper-Mills.]
[Sidenote: Powder-Mills.]
[Sidenote: Artificers.]
[Sidenote: Methods to improve our Manufactures.]

Paper Mills are a Benefit to the Nation, as they make that Commodity from
things of themselves worth little; so are Powder-Mills; also Handicrafts,
who supply us with things for our own use, which must otherwise be had
from abroad, and also with others, which when exported, are more or less
profitable, as the Labour of our People adds to their Value, Things being
cheaper to us when we pay only for the first Materials whereof they are
made, the rest being Work done at Home, is divided amongst our selves; so
that on the whole it appears to be the great Interest of this Kingdom to
advance its Manufactures; and this I humbly conceive may be done these
several Ways.

[Sidenote: By imploying the Poor.]

1. By providing Work-Houses for the Poor, and making good Laws, both to
force and incourage them to work; But designing to speak larger to this
in the Close of this Tract, I shall refer the Reader thereto.

[Sidenote: By freeing our Manufactures from Customs.]

2. By discharging all Customs payable on our Manufactures at their
Exportation, and also in the Materials used in making them at their
Importation; for as one would encourage the Merchants to send more
abroad, so the other would enable the Manufacturers to afford them
cheaper at home; and ’tis strange that a Nation, whose Wealth depends
so much on its Manufactures, and whose Interest it is to out do all
others, by underselling them in foreign Markets, should load either with
Taxes; but there having been something done in this since my offering it
to the Consideration of the Parliament in a former Discourse, both as to
the woollen manufacture exported, and also to dye Stuffs imported, which
hath evidently appeared to be an Advantage to our Trade, it may be
reasonably hoped, that great Council of the Nation will make a farther
Progress therein, when it shall come regularly before them; because the
Exportation of all our Manufacturers ought to be encouraged, and not
receive a check by any _Modus_ of raising Money, that so they may be
rendred abroad on such Terms, as no other Nation may undersell us; this
whole Kingdom being as one great Work-house, wherein if we keep our Poor
imployed, they will advance the Value of our Lands, but if we do not,
they will become a Load upon them.

[Sidenote: Logwood.]

And here I cannot but mention that of Logwood, a Commodity much used in
Dying, which pays five Pounds _per_ Tun Custom when imported, and draws
back three Pounds fifteen Shillings when shipt out again, by which means
the dyers in _Holland_ use it so much cheaper then ours do here; now if
it was imported Custom Free, and paid twenty five Shillings _per_ Tun at
its Exportation, the Dyers there would use it so much dearer than ours;
and I think it would be well worth Inquiry, whether a Prohibition, either
total or in Part, of Shipping out our Manufacturers thither, and to the
northern Kingdom, undy’d and undrest, might not be made, I am sure it
would be a great Advantage to this Kingdom if it could be done, without
running into greater Inconveniences; the _Dutch_ discourage their being
brought in dyed or drest, that they may thereby give imployment to their
own People, and encrease their Navigation by the Consumption of
Dye-Stuff; the same Reason should prevail with us to dye and dress them
at home; but this requires the due Consideration of a Committee of Trade,
to hear what may be said both for and against it, before it be offered to
the Parliament.

[Sidenote: By not importing things manufactur'd.]

3. By discouraging the Importation of Commodities already manufactured
(unless purchased by our own, or by our Product) such as wrought Silks,
Callicoes, Brandy, Glass, &c. and encouraging the bringing in the
Materials whereof they are made, to be wrought up here; by which Means
more Ships will be freighted, and more Sailors imploy’d, besides the
great Advantage to the Nation in the Ballance of its Trade, which must be
returned in Bullion, as those cost less abroad than the other; and this
will enable us to afford a greater Consumption of foreign Commodities to
please our Palates, such as Wine, Fruit, and the like, all which fill our
Ships, and are fit Subjects for Trade, when they are purchased by our
Product and Manufactures, and that the Profit of our Trade will enable
the Nation to bear the Expence.

[Sidenote: By freeing our Manufactures from Excices.]

4. By freeing the Manufactures from burthensome Excises, which do much
discourage small Stocks, who are not able to carry on their Trades, and
make Provision for such great Payments, besides the Swarms of Officers,
to whom We lay open the Houses of those Men, who deserve all the
Encouragement we can give them, and ought to have things made as easy to
them as may be; had they been laid on our Woollen Manufactures, as was
once hastily proposed, we might have repented it at Leisure; Trade ought
to be handled gently, we may tax the Trader without medling with his
Trade; and he that considers the Expence of this Nation at Five Pounds
_per_ Head (accounting only Eight Millions of People) comes to Forty
Millions _per Annum_, and the Lands only to Twelve or Thirteen, which is
more than they can be computed at by the Act of Four Shillings in the
Pound, may see how much we are beholding to Trade.

[Sidenote: By rendring our foreign Trade safe and easy.]
[Sidenote: Customs.]
[Sidenote: Courts of Merchants.]

5. By securing the Merchants in their Trades, who export our Product and
Manufactures, and making their Business, in relation to the Payment of
their Customs, as easy to them as may be: To this End good Convoys should
be provided in Time of War, and good Cruizers maintained to preserve
their Ships, it being certain, that whatever is diminished out of the
Merchants Stocks, doth so far disable them in their Trades, and
consequently lessen their Exports; great Care should be taken, that the
_Modus_ of their Entries at the Custom-House made as easy to them as
might be, and a due Attendance given at the loading and discharging their
Goods when the Customs are paid, so that they may be dispatched without
Delay, and no unnecessary Remoras put in their Way, the Loss of one Tide
being many times the overthrow of a Voyage; Courts of Merchants should be
erected for the speedy deciding all Differences relating to Sea-Affairs,
which are better ended by those who understand them, than they are in
_Westminster-Hall_, where all things are tried by the nice Rules of Law,
and therefore after much Attendance and Expence, are often referred by
the Judges to such as are conversant in Trade; by this Means the
Merchants would see short Ends to their Differences; but no General Rules
can be given for these Courts, which must be settled, as they suit the
Conveniencies of Trading Cities.

[Sidenote: By making the Banks more useful.]

6. By rendering the Bank of _England_ more applicable to the
Encouragement of our Trade than now it is, which I cannot believe the
Members of that Corporation will oppose, when it shall manifestly appear,
not only to be the Interest of the Nation in General, but also their own.
And I humbly conceive that it may be so directed, that every Subject in
his particular Station, may receive a Benefit by it.

[Sidenote: Widows and Orphans.]

Ease, Profit, and Security, will keep a Bank always full of Money, the
first of which was formerly answered by the private Bankers, who received
and paid out Money in the same Manner that the Bank now does, and their
Notes generally were as current; but being founded on their own Credits,
great Losses often happened, which gave great Shocks to Trade; ’tis
true, this Mischief is now guarded against, by the Fund which the Bank of
_England_ hath in the Hands of the Government, yet Widows, Orphans, and
others out of Trade, are not provided for; which might be done, if the
Bank did take in what Money might be tendred to them, for such People who
are not able to manage it themselves, and to allow an Interest of ###
_per Cent. per Annum_, whilst it continued in their Hands; which tho’
it may be below the common Rate, yet by Reason of the Security and
Readiness of Payment, ’twould be preferrable to a greater, attended
with Hazard and Uncertainties; by this Means none of the Money would lie
dead and useless; and on the other Hand, the Bank might have Liberty to
lend any Sums at the legal Interest, on this Condition, that the Borrower
may repay it by such Parts as he can spare it, and be discharged of the
Interest of what he so pays in, from the Time of its Payment, and from
thenceforward be chargeable with no more, than doth arise from the Money
that remains unpaid.

[Sidenote: Remittances.]

Nor is there such a safe and settled Course of Remittances from Place to
Place as Trade, and the other Occasions of the Nation do require; Men
oftentimes paying their Money for Bills which are not punctually
discharged, and sometimes never, tho’ they give a _Præmio_ to the
Drawer, which obliges the travelling with so much Money, and gives
Encouragement to Robbers; but this also might be prevented, if the Bank
of _England_ (that is now settled in _London_) did appoint Chambers in
other Places of the Kingdom, at such Distances as might best suit the
Occasions of the Country, and that their Notes given out for Money,
either at _London_, or in any one of those Chambers, should be demandable
in any other; or by drawing Bills at one Chamber payable in another, the
Receiver allowing for such Returns after the Rate of ### _per Cent._ in
the Chamber where he receives his Money.

If the Bank was thus regulated, the Nation would soon see its good
Effects; Trustees might place out Orphan’s Money with good Security,
and Widows and others, whose Maintenance depends on their Interest, would
have it duly paid to answer their Occasions; the whole Cash of the
Kingdom would be in a continual Circulation, and not lie dead, as too
much of it now does; the Gentry and Traders, who are obliged on many
Occasions to take up great Sums at Interest, would have it made easy to
them, when they might pay in by such Parts, as they could conveniently
spare it; and on the other Hand, it would be no Inconvenience to the Bank
to receive it, which will by this Means never want Borrowers, and their
Notes passing in Payment, will circulate instead of Money.

These Methods will prevent many Cheats and Losses, which are often
occasioned by fraudulent and insufficient Drawers, and abate the
excessive _Præmio_’s which are demanded by Remitters, when they can
take Advantages of Men’s Necessities; and the Taxes received in the
Country might be quicker and safer paid into the Treasury. And if the
Bank was likewise extended to _Ireland_, it would be an Advantage to both
Kingdoms, which I shall speak farther to, when I come to discourse of the
Trade we drive to that Kingdom.

[Sidenote: By increasing the Silver Coin.]

7. By increasing the Silver Coin of this Kingdom, which are the Tools
wherewith the Trader works: It may at first seem strange, that our Silver
Coin should grow scarcer, at a Time when we are at Peace with all
Nations, our Trade open, and vast Quantities of Bullion yearly imported;
but he that considers how much thereof is carried away to the
_East-Indies_, and how little Encouragement the Importer hath to send it
to the Mint, when he can sell it for more to export, than it will come
too when coined, will cease to wonder; and except some Care be taken in
this Matter, we shall soon be reduc’d to such Straits, that the
Manufacturers must stand still: for tho’ Gold may serve for large
Payments, yet it can’t answer the Occasions of the Manufacturers, who
are to make their Payments among the Poor.

Now if these, or such like Methods, were made use of, they might very
much encrease our Silver Coin; as,

1. Let the _East-India_ Company be Limited in the Quantity of Bullion
they shall ship out yearly, whether the Number of Ships they send be few
or many; and let them be oblig’d to carry to the Mint such a suitable
Proportion according to what they send away, as to the Wisdom of the
Parliament shall seem meet.

2. Let Encouragement be given to all Persons, who shall voluntarily bring
Plate or Bullion to be coined.

3. Let the Plate of Orphans be brought into the Mint, which will tend to
their Advantage as well as to the Nations, whereas now great Quantities
lie dead, and grow out of Fashion before they come to use it, which will
by this Means be turned into ready Money, and being put into the Bank,
the Interest thereof may be employ’d for their better Maintenance, and
the Trade of the Nation will also receive a Benefit thereby: If it be
objected, that ’tis now sold to Goldsmiths, I think this make the
Argument for sending it to the Mint much stronger, because it is much
better that it were turn’d into the Coin of the Kingdom, then disposed
of in any other Way.

As for Gold, there is no need to give Encouragement to bring it to the
Mint, ’tis only a Commodity, and not the Standard, as Silver is;
besides, ’tis generally worth more here than in any other Country; and
’tis apparent from the great Quantity thereof which is coined yearly
more than of Silver, that it is every one’s Interest to send it thither.

[Sidenote: By discouraging Stock-jobbing.]

8. By discouraging Stock-jobbing: This hath been the Bane of many good
Designs, which began well, and might have been carryed on to Advantage,
if the Promoters had not fallen off by selling their Parts, and slighted
the first Design, winding themselves out with Advantage, and leaving the
Management to those they had decoyed in, who understood nothing of the
Business, whereby all fell to the Ground; which may be prevented (I mean,
so far as concerns incorporated Stocks) by Laws framed for that end, or
by Clauses in their Charters.

[Sidenote: By preventing the Exportation of Wool.]

9. By strengthening the Laws against the Exportation of Wool, by such
Practicable methods as may prevent its being done: For seeing the Nations
Interest so much depends thereon, no Care can be too great, nor Methods
laid too deep: Laws concerning Trade, whose sole Strength are Penalties,
rarely reach the thing aimed at; but practicable Methods, whereby one
thing may answer another, and all conspire to carry on the same Design,
hanging like so many Links in a Chain, that you cannot reach the one,
without stepping over the other, these are more likely to prevent
Mischiefs: ’Tis one thing to punish People when a Fact is committed,
and another to prevent their doing it, by putting them as it were under
an Inability; Now where the Welfare of the Kingdom lies so much at Stake,
certainly it cannot be thought grievous to compell submission to good
Methods, tho’ they may seem troublesome at first.

[Sidenote: The ill Consequences of shipping out our Wool.]

And that we may the better perceive the Mischiefs that attend the
carrying abroad of Wool unwrought to other Nations, let us consider the
Consequences thereof in what is shipt to _France_; whose Wool being very
coarse, and fit only for Rugs and Blankets, and such ordinary Cloth, is
by mixture with ours and _Irish_, used in the making of many Sorts of
Stuffs and Druggets, whereby the Sales of our Woollen Manufactures are
lessened, both there, and in other Places whither we export them; and by
this Means, every Pack of Wool sent thither, works up two besides itself,
being chiefly combed, and combing Wool, which makes Wool for the _French_
Wool, and the Pinions thereof serve with their Linnen to make coarse
Druggets, like our Linsey-Woolsey, but the Linnen being spun fine, and
coloured, is not easily discerned; also our finest short Wool, being mixt
with the lowest _Spanish_, makes a middling Sort of Broad-cloth, and
being woven on Worsted Chains, makes their best Druggets, neither of
which could be done with the _French_ Wool only, unless in Conjunction
with ours or _Irish_, _Spanish_ Wool being too fine and too short for
Worsted Stuffs, and unfit for combing, so that without one of those two
Sorts, there cannot be a Piece of Worsted Stuff, or middle Broad-Cloth
made; no other Wool but _English_ or _Irish_ will mix well with _Spanish_
for Cloth, being originally raised from a Stock of _English_ Sheep, the
Difference, arising from the Nature of the Land whereon they are fed; of
this we have Experience in our own Nation, where we find, that _Lemster_
Wool is the finest, next, Part of _Shropshire_ and _Staffordshire_, Part
of _Gloucestershire_, _Wilts_, _Dorset_ and _Hampshire_, Part of
_Sussex_, _Kent_, _Somerset_, _Devon_, and _Cornwall_, these are proper
chiefly for Cloth, some Part for Worsted; _Sussex_, _Surry_, _Middlesex_,
_Hertfordshire_, and some other Counties, produce Wool much coarser and
cheaper: But then _Berkshire_, _Buckingham_, _Warwick_, _Oxon_,
_Leicester_, _Nottingham_, _Northampton_, _Lincoln_, and Part of _Kent_
called _Rumney_ Marsh, the Wool in most of these Counties is so proper
for Worsted, that all the World (except _Ireland_) cannot compare with
it, therefore requires our greater Care to prevent its Exportation; and
more particularly from _Ireland_, whence it is exported to our
Neighbouring Nations, and sold cheap.

As for the Wool of _North-Britain_, I am not sufficiently verst therein,
to give a true Account of the Nature of it.

[Sidenote: Methods to prevent the Exportation of Wool.]

I know many Methods have been thought of to prevent this pernicious
Mischief, but all the Laws I have yet seen, seem to reach but half Way,
they depend too much on Force and Penalties, and too little on Method; we
must begin deeper, and secure the Wool from the Time of its growing, till
’tis wrought up into Manufactures, and I think nothing less Than a
Register, to be kept in every County, will do it.

Nor will this be attended with so much Trouble and Charge to the Nation
in general, or to private Persons in particular, as may at first be
thought: The Time of Sheering being once a Year, those who keep Sheep may
give Notice to the Officer appointed for that District, of the Number of
Sheep they have to sheer, and the Day whereon they intend to do it, that
so he may be present to see the Fleeces weighed, and to charge them
therewith; which Charge must remain upon them till they sell their Wool,
and give Notice thereof to the Office, when the next Buyer must be
charged, and so _toties quoties_, till it comes into the Hands of him
that works it up; and all this may be done by the Officers of the Excise,
in such a manner, as may cost the Nation little.

And to prevent Frauds, let no parcel of Wool above such a Weight as the
Parliament shall think fit, be carried from place to place, but in the
day time, nor without a Letpass, or Cocket, setting forth from whence it
came, and whither it is going; and the same Method must also be extended
to _Ireland_, till it is either used there, or shipt thither; and if the
Wool of both Kingdoms by these or any other Methods could be secured from
being carried abroad, our Manufactures would find a surer Vent in foreign
Markets, and yield better Prices: And the Wool of _France_ would lye on
their Hands, and become almost useless; the Credit of the Nation would be
raised, and our Factories abroad courted as much as formerly they have
been, because the Manufactures we ship out are such, as no Nation can be
without, nor can they then be well supplied elsewhere; they are not
things only for Pleasure, but for Use, and both the Rich and the Poor
stand in need of them; whilst the Profit of this pernicious Practice of
Shipping out the Wool, is sunk in the Pockets of private Men, who former
Laws accounted Felons, and cannot be thought to deserve any favour from
the Nation.

Besides ’tis well known, that the exporting our Wool hath by the ill
Consequences thereof abated its Price at Home: This hath been observed by
Calculations made by considerate Men; and the Reason is, because those
Countries whither it is shipt; being thereby enabled to work up much
larger Quantities of their own, the Sale of our Manufactures are grown
slack abroad, and we have been forced to sell them cheaper, which beat
down the Prices both of Wool and Labour; whereas if we had kept our Wool
at Home, this had been prevented; and it must be allowed, that it was not
our Interest to fall our Manufacturers, if we had been the only Sellers;
for according as they yield in Price, so is the Wealth of the Nation
advanced, which our Forefathers well knew, when they made Laws to
prohibit the Exportation of Wool, which cannot be too much strengthned,
or strongly put in Execution.

[Sidenote: By managing Treaties of Peace to the Advantage of Trade.]

10. By taking Care, that in all Treaties of Peace, and other Negotiations
with foreign Princes, due Regard be had to our Trade and Manufactures;
that our Merchants be well treated by the Governments where they reside;
that all things be made easy to them, and both their Liberties and
Properties secured; that our Manufactures be not prohibited, or burthened
with unreasonable Taxes, which is the same in Effect; that speedy Justice
be done in recovering Debts contracted amongst the Natives, and punishing
Abuses put on our Factories by them: These are Pressures our Trade hath
formerly groaned under, whereby the Merchants abroad, and Manufacturers
at home, have been much discouraged, and the _English_ Nation hath been
forced to truckle under the _French_ in some foreign Parts, only because
that King sooner resented Injuries done to his trading Subjects, and took
more Care to demand Reparation than some former Reigns have done; but
Thanks be to God, we have both Power and Opportunity to do the same; and
there is no Cause to doubt His Majesty’s Royal Inclinations, to make
use of both for the Good of his Merchants, when things are duly
represented to him.

[Sidenote: Navigation.]
[Sidenote: Manning our Ships of War.]

And thus I have run through the several Parts of our Inland Trade, and
shewed, that the Profit thereof arises chiefly from our Product and
Manufactures: Before I proceed to our Foreign Trade, I shall speak
something of Navigation, which is the Medium between both: This is
carried on by Ships and Sailors, the former are the Sea-Waggons, whereby
we transport and carry Commodities from one Market to another, and the
latter are the Waggoners who drive and manage them: These are a Sort of
jolly Fellows, who are generally bold in their Undertakings, and go
thro’ any Kind of Labour in their own way, with a great deal of
Chearfulness, are undaunted by Storms and Tempests, the Sea being as it
were their Element, and are allowed by all to be the best Navigators in
the World; they are our Wealth in Peace, and our Defence in War, and
ought to be more encouraged than they are in both, but especially in the
latter, which might be done, if better Methods were used to engage them
in the Service, and better Treatment when they are there: Now I should
think, if no Man was forced into the King’s Ships till he had been
three Years at Sea, nor to stay there above that Time without his free
Consent, and then to be permitted to take a Merchant’s Employment so
much longer, and so _toties quoties_, ’twould encourage them to come
willingly into the Service, which they look upon now to be a Slavery,
whereto they are bound for their Lives: This, and the Manner of pressing
them, hinders very much the making of Sailors, Landmen not caring to put
their Hands to the Oar, least the next Day they should be halled away to
the Fleet, tho’ they understand nothing of the Sea: By this Means our
Men of War would be mann’d with able Seamen, and not with such who only
stand in the Way, and are useless, when they are most wanted; nor do I
take Embargoes to be any Helps towards it, for many Sailors do then lie
hid, who would appear to serve in Merchant Ships, and might be easily met
with at the return of their Voyages: By these Means in a short Time three
would be a double Set of Mariners, enough both for the Service of the
Fleet and of Trade, the last of which would every Year breed more.

This would also prevent great Mischiefs, which arise from pressing
Sailors out of Merchant Ships whilst on their Voyages, many of them being
thereby lost at Sea, and others have been detained in the _West-Indies_,
to the Discouragement of Trade; and it would also prevent another
Mischief, too much practiced abroad, where Captains of Men of War press
Sailors from one Merchant Ship, only to make Advantage by selling them to
another.

[Sidenote: Foreign Trade.]

I come now to the Trade we drive with Foreign Countries.

[Sidenote: How this Kingdom may be said to be enriched by our Foreign Trade.]

Here ’tis necessary to enquire, how each encourages our Product and
Manufactures, how our Navigation, what Commodities we receive in Return,
and how the Ballance of our Trade stands with either, that so we may be
the better able to know, which of them we ought to encourage, and which
to discourage; I shall therefore lay down such general Rules, as I
presume will be allowed by all Unbiassed Persons; as,

1. That Trade is an Advantage to this Kingdom, which takes off our
Product and Manufactures.

2. Which supplies us with such Commodities as we use in making our
Manufactures, and encreases our Bullion.

3. Which incourages Navigation, and breeds up Sailors.

And consequently, any Trade which Exports little or none of our Product
or Manufactures, nor supplies us with things necessary for the latter,
nor incourages Navigation, cannot be supposed to be profitable to the
Kingdom in general, though perhaps it may be so to particular Persons;
especially if it carries away our Bullion.

[Sidenote: East-Indies.]

I shall begin with the _East-India_ Trade, which I take to be very
prejudical to us, as ’tis now driven; because it exports our Bullion,
spends little of our Product or Manufactures, and brings in Commodities
perfectly manufactured, which hinder the Consumption of our own, and
discourage the wearing such as are purchased with them; the chief Profit
thereof arising from Underselling the Labour of our Poor, because ’tis
bought there cheaper, than by reason of the Value of our Lands, and the
prices of Provisions, they are able to work here. But having spoken fully
of this in a former Discourse, and the Parliament having since been
pleased, by an Act made in the 10th and 11th Years of his late Majesty
King _William_, to prohibit the wearing of wrought Silks, Bengals, Stuffs
mixt with Silk or Herba, of the Manufacture of _Persia_, _China_, and
_India_, and all Callicoes painted, dy’d, printed or stained there. The
Reason of which, is in the said Act set forth to be, The great Detriment
the Nation received as the Trade was then managed, by exhausting the
Treasure thereof, and taking away the Labour of the People, whereby very
many of the Manufacturers were become excessively burthensome and
chargeable to their respective Parishes, and others compelled to seek for
Employment in foreign Parts, I shall not now repeat what I then wrote,
but will consider how far the Remedy they then provided hath answered the
End.

The making this Law, gave a new Life to our Manufactures, and would have
given more, if the true Intent of the Parliament had been answered: But
we have since found that it has not; for it neither keeps our Treasure at
home, nor prevents those Commodities from being worn here, which they
design’d it should; and I very much question, whether any thing less
than a total Prohibition of their Importation will do it; for though they
are directed to be exported again, yet there is great Reason to believe,
that they are privately brought back, both from _Ireland_, our
Plantations, and other Places to which they are sent, to the Loss of his
Majesty’s Customs, and the Prejudice of the Stainers and Painters her,
besides the Injury to our Manufactures: Otherwise, how come such great
Quantities to be worn and used here, when the Stock in hand hath been so
long since spent?

There are other Commodities, which the Company may trade in, and the
Tract of Land within their Charter is large enough to afford an
advantagious Commerce there, the Profits whereof might be returned
hither, in things no way injurious to our Manufactures, such as Raw-Silk,
Indigo, Pepper, Salt-Peter, Spices, Drugs, China-Wares, Coffee, Tea, and
many other Things, if they were industrious to make Discoveries, as
private Merchants would do, if the Trade lay open; and I believe it will
not be disputed, that great Quantities of Raw-Silk, have been brought
thence since the Making of that Law, than were used to be done before.

I know it hath been alleadg’d, That by the Exportation of those
Manufactures again, more Bullion in _specie_ is brought into this
Kingdom, than is carry’d out for the buying them in _India_; but this
was never yet made out, and it would be much to the Satisfaction of the
People, who daily see that Bullion carried away, and also for the Honour
of the Company, that it was done; which if it be really so, might be set
forth in this, or any other Method that the Parliament shall think fit.

1. Let them give an Account what Quantities of Bullion they export on
every Ship they send abroad, and on what Commodities ’tis laid out.

2. Let them set forth, how and in what manner, these prohibited
Manufactures do, on their being Exported again, bring in as much Bullion
in _specie_, as was carry’d out to pay for them in the _Indies_.

And I think it a proper Work for a Committee of Trade, to receive these
Accounts from time to time, and after a just Examination, to lay them
before the Parliament at every Meeting, with their Opinions thereon.

But if they only mean, that the Exportation of those Manufactures is a
help to us in the Ballance of our Trade, which must otherwise be paid in
Bullion, I answer, that our own Product and Manufactures always have, and
are still sufficent to support the Ballance of our Trade.

As for white Callicoes and Muslins, they have beat out the wearing of
Lawns, Cambricks, and other thin _German_ and _Silesia_ Linnens, which
has been the Occasion of turning many of those Looms to the Woollen
Manufactures there, that were formerly employed in the weaving them, and
hath abated the Exportation of great Quantities of Cloth; besides the
hinderance Callicoes give to the consumption of _Scots_-Linnens, which
being thin and soft, are as proper for dying, printing, and staining, as
they are, and may be made as white.

The _East-Indies_ is a bottomless Pit for our Bullion, which can never
circulate hither again; whereas, if it was sent to any Part of _Europe_,
there might be some hopes, by the Ballance of our Trade, to bring it back
again; and when our Bullion fails, that Trade must cease of course, which
it will soon do, if the Company continue to carry out yearly as much as
our other Trades brings us in.

I wish the Nobility and Gentry of this Kingdom would be in Love with our
own Manufactures, and those which are purchased with them, and that they
would by their Examples encourage the using them, which would be attended
with the Prayers of the Poor, besides the Advantage it would bring to
their Estates.

And as to Navigation, I think it will not be disputed, that long Voyages
rather use Sailors than make them, both the Employers, and the Employed,
chusing rather to make their first Experiments on short ones.

[Sidenote: West-India and Africa.]

I will next proceed to the _West-India_ and _African_ Trades, which I
esteem the most profitable we drive, and join them together, because of
their dependance on each other.

[Sidenote: Whether Settling of Plantations hath been an Advantage.]

But before I enter farther thereon, I will consider of one Objection, it
having been a great Question among many thoughtful Men, whether the
settling our Plantations Abroad has been an Advantage to the Nation; the
Reasons they give against them are, That they have drained us of
Multitudes of our People, who might have been serviceable at Home, and
advanced Improvement in Husbandry and Manufactures; that this Kingdom is
worse peopled, by so much as they are increased; and that Inhabitants
being the Wealth of a Nation, by how much they are lessened, by so much
we are poorer, than when we first began to settle those Colonies.

To all which I answer; that though I allow the last Proposition to be
true, that People are the Wealth of a Nation, yet it can only be so,
where we find Imployment for them, otherwise they must be a Burthen to
it: ’Tis my Opinion, that our Plantations are an Advantage to this
Kingdom, though not all alike, but every one more or less, as they take
off our Product and Manufactures, supply us with Commodities, which may
be either wrought up here, or exported again, or prevent fetching things
of the same Nature from other Places for our Home Consumption, employ our
Poor, and encourage our Navigation; for I take this Kingdom, and all its
Plantations, to be one great Body, those being as so many Limbs or
Counties belonging to it; therefore when we consume their Growth, we do
as it were spend the Fruits of our own Land; and what thereof we sell to
our Neighbours, brings a second Profit to the Nation.

These Plantations are either the great Continent from _Hudson’s-Bay_
Northward to _Florida_ Southward, containing _Nova Scotia_,
_New-England_, _New-Jersy_, _New-York_, _Pensilvania_, _Virginia_,
_Mary-Land_, _Carolina_; and also our Islands, the Chief whereof are,
_Newfoundland_, _Barbadoes_, _Antegoa_, _Nevis_, _St. Christophers_,
_Montserat_, and _Jamaica_; the Commodities they afford us are more
especially Sugars, Cotton, Tobacco, Piamento and Fustick, of their own
Growth; also Logwood, which we bring from _Jamaica_ (but first brought
thither from the Bay of _Campechia_ on the Continent of _Mexico_,
belonging to the _Spaniards_, but cut by the Subjects of this Kingdom,
who have made small settlements there) besides great Quantities of Fish,
taken on the Coasts both of _Newfoundland_ and _New-England_: These being
the Product of Earth, Sea and Labour, are clear Profit to the Kingdom,
and give a double Employment to our People, first to those who raise them
there, next to those who prepare Manufactures here, wherewith they are
supplied, besides the Advantage they afford to our Navigation; for the
Commodities exported thither, and those imported thence hither, being
generally bulky, do thereby employ more Ships, and consequently more
Sailors, which leaves more Room for other labouring People to be kept at
work in our Husbandry and Manufactures, whilst they consume the Product
of the one, and the Effects of the other, in an Employment of a distinct
Nature from either.

This was the first Design of settling Plantations abroad, that we might
better maintain a Commerce and Trade among ourselves, the Profit whereof
might redound to the Center: And therefore Laws were made to prevent the
carrying their Product to other Places, and their being supply’d with
Necessaries save from hence only, and both to be done in our own Ships,
navigated by our own Sailors, except in some Cases permitted by the Act
of Navigation; and so much as the Reins of those Laws are let loose, so
much less profitable are the Plantations to us.

Among these Plantations, I look upon _New-England_ to bring the least
Advantage to this Kingdom; for the Inhabitants thereof employing
themselves rather by trading to the others, than raising a Product proper
to be transported hither, and supplying them (especially the Islands)
with Fish (which they catch on their Coart) Deal-Boards, Pipe-Staves,
Horses, and such like Things of their own Growth, which they cannot be so
well furnished with hence, also with Bread, Flower, Pease, and other
Grain; and from thence fetching the respective Products of those Islands,
and sometimes Tobacco from _Virginia_ and _Mary-Land_, have carried them
to foreign Markets, to the great Prejudice of this Kingdom: But to
prevent this, they have been by sundry Laws obliged to bring them all
hither, except what is consumed among themselves: By which Means this
Kingdom is become the Center of Trade, and standing like the Sun in the
midst of its Plantations, doth not only refresh them, but also draws
Profit from them: And indeed it is a Matter of exact Justice that it
should be so, for from hence it is that Fleets of Ships, and Regiments of
Soldiers are frequently sent for their Defence, at the Charge of the
Inhabitants, towards which they contribute but little.

Besides the forementioned Commodities, we have from _Carolina_ excellent
Rice, and there has been Cocheneel taken, which as yet is but a
Discovery, and perhaps may not meet with any considerable Improvement,
till that Colony is better peopled; what I have seen thereof in the Hands
of a Gentleman who brought it thence, seems by its Figure, to be much
like what we call a Lady-Cow, or Lady-Bird, but is very small, and I take
it to be the _Fœtus_ of an Insect, which laying its Eggs on a Shrub
called the Prickle-Pear, or something very like it, leaves them there,
till Time brings them to Maturity, in the same Manner as the Caterpillar
does with us in the Cabbage or Collard Leaves, wise Nature thus
directing, that the _Fœtus_ may find its Food, so soon as it wants its
Sustenance. It gives a very curious Colour when bruised, but being
extraordinary small, does require long Time to gather in any Quantity,
and Labour being very dear there, ’twill not yet answer the Charge; but
by cultivating and improving the Plant, which now grows wild, and by
being better acquainted with the proper Seasons to collect them, when
they are at a more mature Growth, greater Quantities may probably
hereafter be procured, and at less Charge; and I think it would be a good
Step towards it, if an Encouragement was given on its Importation hither,
in such a Manner, as to the Wisdom of the Parliament shall seem fit and
proper.

[Sidenote: Africa.]

Now, that which makes these Plantations more profitable to this Kingdom,
is the Trade to _Africa_, whereby the Planters are supplied with Negroes
for their Use and Service; a Trade of the most Advantage of any we drive,
and as it were all Profit, the first cost being some Things of our own
Manufactures, and others generally purchased with them, for which we have
in return, Gold, Teeth, Wax, and Negroes, the last whereof is indeed the
best Traffic the Kingdom hath, as it occasionally gives so vast an
Employment to our People both by Sea and Land. These are the Hands
whereby our Plantations are improved, and it is by their Labours such
great Quantities of Sugar, Tobacco, Cotton, Ginger, Fustick and Indigo,
are raised, which employ great Numbers of Ships for transporting them
hither; and the greater Number of Ships, employs the greater Number of
Handicraft Trades at home, spends more of our Product and Manufactures,
and makes more Sailors, who are maintained by a separate Employment; for
if every one raised the Provisions he eat, or made the Manufactures he
wore, Traffic would cease, which is a Variety of Employments Men have set
themselves on, whereby one is serviceable to another, adapted to their
particular Genius’s, without invading each other’s Provinces: Thus
the Husbandman raises Corn, the Miller grinds it, the Baker makes it into
Bread, and the Citizens eats it: Thus the Grasier fats Cattle, and the
Butcher kills them for the Market: Thus the Shepherd sheers his Sheep,
the Spinster turns the Wool into Yarn, the Weaver makes it into Cloth,
and the Merchant exports it, and every one lives by each other: Thus the
Country supplies the City with Provisions, and that the Country with
Necessaries; now the advising a former Reign to monopolize this Trade,
and confine it to an exclusive Company, was the same, as to advise the
People of _Ægypt_, to raise high Banks to keep the River _Nilus_ from
overflowing, least it should fertilize their Lands; or the King of
_Spain_ to shut up his Mines, least he should fill his Kingdom too full
of Silver: This Trade indeed is our Silver Mine, for by the Overplus of
Negroes above what will serve our Plantations, we draw great Quantities
thereof from the _Spaniards_, who are settled on the Continent of
_America_, both for the Negroes we furnish from _Jamaica_, and also by
the Assiento, lately settled by a Compact of both Nations: ’Twas these
which first introduced our Commerce with that People, and gave us
Opportunities of selling our Manufactures to them.

But tho’ this Trade be now laid open, yet it will not be amiss to
enquire what Reasons should persuade that Government to monopolize it,
and what has been the Consequences thereof, in order to obviate any
future Attempts that may be made to get it done again.

As for the First; The Necessity of having Forts, Castles, and Soldiers to
defend the Trade which could not be carried on without them, had then
Force enough to prevail.

But let us consider what these Forts, Castles, and Soldiers were, their
Use, and whither the Trade is not as well secured now it lies open.

The greatest Number of Soldiers, offered as I remember at a Committee
formerly appointed by the honourable House of Commons to enquire into
that Affair, did not exceed One Hundred and Twenty on the whole Coast,
nor did their Forts and Castles appear to be any thing else than
Settlements for their Factors, nor was it ever made out, or indeed
pretended, that they were fitted to wage a National War, or to secure
against a National Invasion, nor were there any Magazines laid up to
expect a Siege from the Natives; nor could they hinder Interlopers from
trading on the Coast of what Nation soever; but the Company having
obtained Frigates from the Government, destroyed our own Merchant Ships
(unless permitted on the Payment of great Mulcts at home) whilst they let
others alone: This, together with the Powers given them in their Charter,
to seize in the Plantations, such as had the good Fortune to escape them
on the Coast, and also their Cargoes, discouraged private Traders, who
else found no Difficulties, the Natives receiving them as Friends, and
chusing rather to deal with them than the Company, whose Factories also
being at remote Distances from each other, great Part of that Coast was
untraded to.

Nor do I see what Need there was to fight our Way into a Trade,
altogether as advantageous to the Natives as to us; for whilst we
supplied them with Things they wanted, and were of Value amongst them, we
took in exchange Slaves, which were else of little Worth to the
Proprietors; and there was no Reason to think, that the People of this
Kingdom, who had settled such large Colonies on the Continent of
_America_, (besides it several Islands) where there was at first such
small Hopes of Advantage, without the Help of a Company, should fall
short in securing this Trade, which carried with it the Prospect of so
great a Profit.

I will next consider the Inconveniencies that have attended this
Monopoly, and the Advantage the Nation reaps by the Trades being laid
open; we now send more Ships, and supply the Plantations with more
Negroes, and vend more of our Commodities for their Purchase: Besides,
every Negro in the Plantations gives a second Employ to the Manufacturers
of this Kingdom; and had we many more to spare, the _Spaniards_ would buy
them, and pay us in Bullion, so there could be no Ground for putting this
Trade into few Hands, unless ’twas designed those few should grow rich,
whilst for their Sakes, the Nation suffered in its Trade and Navigation,
the Company having made this detrimental Use of their Charter, that they
bought up our Manufactures cheaper at home, and made the Planters pay
dearer for Negroes abroad, than could have been done, if there had been
more Buyers for the One, and Sellers of the Other.

It is not to be doubted, whether the vending our Manufactures, and
encouraging our Navigation, on advantagious Terms, are the true Interest
of this Kingdom, and that all Foreign Commerce, as it advances either, is
more or less profitable to us; but the confining this Trade to an
exclusive Company could promote neither; and I believe ’tis one great
Reason, why we know so little of that great Continent, because the
Company, finding Ways enough to employ their Stock amongst those few
Settlements they had made on the Sea-Coast, never endeavoured a farther
Inland Discovery; whereas, now the Trade is laid open, the busy Merchant,
that industrious Bee of the Nation, will not leave any Creek or River
untraded to, from whence he may hope to make Advantage.

’Tis to Trade and Commerce we are beholding for what knowledge we have
of foreign Parts, and it is observable, that the more remote People dwell
from the Sea, the less they are acquainted with Affairs abroad. _Africa_
is a large Country, and doubtless the Trade to it, may be much enlarged
to our Advantage: Use and Experience, make us by degrees, Masters of
every thing, and tho’ the first Undertakers of a Design may fall short
of answering their private Ends, yet they often lay open beaten Paths,
wherein Posterity do tread with Success, though they miscarried: Now that
all Places are permitted freely to send Ships, and to have the Management
of their own Affairs, Industry is encouraged, and Peoples Heads are set
at work how they may out-do each other, by getting first into a new Place
of Trade. Besides, the more Traders, the more Buyers at home, and Sellers
abroad, and by this means, our Plantations on the large Continent of
_America_, are better furnished with Negroes, for want of which the
Inhabitants there could never arrive to those Improvements they have done
on the Islands, the Company having given them little or no Supply, but
chose rather to send their Negroes to the latter, because they were able
to make them better Payments; but the Free-traders have since done it, to
the great Advantage of those Plantations, and of the Nation in general.

As for the other Commodities brought in returns from _Africa_, _viz._ Wax
and Teeth, one serves for a foreign Export, without any Disadvantage to
our own Product; and the other is manufactured at home, and afterwards
carried to Markets abroad: And as for the Gold brought thence, I need not
mention how much it doth advance our Wealth, all allow it to be a good
Barter.

On the whole, I take the _African_ Trade, both for its Exports and
Imports, and also, as it supplies our Plantations, and advances
Navigation, to be very beneficial to this Kingdom, and will every Year
grow more so, if it remains open.

[Sidenote: Ireland.]

I come now to discourse of _Ireland_, and of the Trade we interchangeably
drive with that Kingdom, with whom it is necessary to maintain a good
Correspondence, which must be done on such Terms, as may be profitable to
us both; and I think nothing is more likely to answer this End, than the
encouraging the Linnen Manufacture there, which it is highly our Interest
to promote, and theirs to set upon, being for the most Part of another
Nature, than what is made either in the _North_ or _South-Britain_; for,
besides the Employment it will give to the Poor, large Tracts of Land
will be taken up for raising Hemp and Flax, both which thrive well in
many Parts of that Kingdom; on the other Hand, the low Labour of
_Ireland_ being employed on that Manufacture, will no way prejudice ours,
but make them better able to trade with us, for such things wherewith
they are supplied hence, it being undoubtedly the Interest of this
Kingdom, that all those Nations we trade with should grow rich, by any
Methods that do not make us Poor; and more-especially _Ireland_, whose
Profits are generally spent here.

But then, how shall this Manufacture be carried on? Truly, the first Step
must be, by furnishing Money on reasonable Interest, and receiving it
again by such Payments as the Borrowers can make, and buying up the
Linnens when made, and then the landed Men will encourage it, on their
own Estates, and thereby enable their Tenants to pay their Rents better;
which last Effect it hath already had in the North of _Ireland_, where by
spinning the Yarn in the Winter Nights, and getting their Cloth ready,
and fit for Sale, early in the Year, they provide for their _May_ Rents,
without being constrained to sell their Cattle whilst they are lean, and
their _November_ Payments do not become due, till they are fat, and their
Harvest is over.

Now these Loans must be made, either by a Joint-Stock raised for that
Purpose, of by the Bank of _England_, which will be attended with good
Security; for by reason of the Register settled there by Act of
Parliament, I take the Securities of _Ireland_, to be rather better than
those in _England_: and this way of lending Money, must likewise be very
acceptable to all those whose Estates are under different Incumbrances,
which may by this means be reduced into one, and paid off, as they can
spare the Money by degrees.

Nor can I see how any ill Consequences will attend the bringing the Money
to _Par_ in both Kingdoms, I know it had none when the Crown-piece was
some Years since reduced from six Shillings to pass at five Shillings and
five Pence, and all other Money in Proportion; it neither caused an
Alteration in the Rents to the Landlords, nor in the Price of the Product
to the Tenants; and I cannot see why the falling it to five Shillings (as
it passes here) should carry with it any ill Effect; the Lands of
_Ireland_ would thereby be more worth to the Proprietors, who would then
be more willing, and better able, to spend their Money here, when they
were freed from such high Exchanges; besides the Advantage to the King in
his Revenue.

The Commodities we have thence are, Wool, Hides, Tallow, and Skins, all
useful in our Manufactures; as also some Herrings, which we export again;
and we ship from thence for other Markets, Beef, Pork, Salmon and Butter;
we likewise supply them with Tobacco, Sugar, and other Plantation Goods;
also with fine Broad-Cloth, Silk Manufactures, and several other things
made here; and with sundry of our Products, as Lead, Tin, Coal, &c. of
which last, so great Quantities are carried thither yearly, that it will
scarce be credited, how much they say there it amounts unto; besides
Muslins, Callicoes, China-Ware, Tea, Coffee, and other _East-India_
Goods: They have indeed, discouraged the Importation of Callicoes, by
loading them with a great Duty, but I wonder they do not totally prohibit
them, for that single Commodity doth more Injury to their Manufactures,
both of Linnen and Wollen, than all the Things they import besides.

I should be very glad to see the Linnen Manufacture there brought to a
good Perfection; and I am sure if the Government were at some Charge in
doing it, ’twould not be ill laid out.

[Sidenote: Canaries.]

I shall proceed next to the Trade we drive to the _Canary-Islands_, which
brings us nothing but what we consume, and I believe takes from us little
of our Product or Manufactures; but since we must drink Wines, ’tis
better to have them from the _Spaniard_ than the _French_; the first
takes off much of our Manufactures, the other little; and I am apt to
think, those Wines are paid for out of what we ship to _Spain_.

[Sidenote: Spain.]

This brings me to the _Spanish_ Trade, which I take to be very profitable
to this Kingdom, as it vends much of our Product and Manufactures, and
supplies us with many Things necessary to be used in making the Latter,
and furnishes us with great Quantities of Bullion; I shall divide it into
three Parts, _Spain_, _Biscay_, and _Flanders_.

To begin with _Spain_, by which I mean, that Part from the Bay of _Cadiz_
inclusive, Eastward into the Straits of _Gibraltar_, as far as
_Catalonia_; whither we send all Sorts of Woollen Manufactures, Lead,
Fish, Tin, Silk and Worsted Stockings, Butter, Tobacco, Ginger, Leather,
Bees-Wax, and sundry other Things. And in Return we have thence, some
Things fit only for Consumption, such as Fruit and Wines; others for our
Manufactures, such as Oil, Cochineal, Indigo, Anata, Barillia, and some
Salt, with a great Part in Gold and Silver, wherewith they are supplied
from their large Empires on the main Land of _America_, whither they
export much of the Goods we carry to them.

The _Spaniards_ are a stately People, not much given to Trade or
Manufactures themselves; therefore the first they carry on by such
chargeable and dilatory Methods, both for their Ships and ways of
Navigation, that other trading Nations, such as the _English_, _French_,
_Dutch_, and _Genoese_, take Advantage of them; only their Trade to their
_West-Indies_, hath, on strict Penalties, been reserved to themselves;
but having no Manufactures of their own, the Profit thereof comes very
much to be reaped by those who furnish them: Nor is it so well guarded
and secured, but that the Inhabitants thereof have been plentifully
supplied by us with Manufactures, and many other Things from _Jamaica_,
and may be more, by the Liberty lately granted to the _South-Sea_
Company, whereby we get greater Prizes for them, than when they were
first shipp’d to _Cadiz_, and exported thence thither, which adds to
the Wealth of the Nation: This I take to be the true Reason why our Vent
for them at _Cadiz_ is lessened, because we supply _New-Spain_ direct
with those Things they used to have thence before.

By _Biscay_, I mean all that Part under the _Spanish_ Government, which
lies in the Bay of that Name, or adjoining to it: The Commodities we send
thither are generally the same as we do to _Spain_, and in Return we have
Wool, Iron, and some Bullion, whereof the first is the best and most
profitable Commodity, which could we secure wholly to our selves,
’twould be of great Advantage to the Nation; but both the _Dutch_ and
_French_ come in for their Shares; tho’ I am apt to think the former
might be induced to bring it hither by way of Merchandize, if we did so
far relax the Act of Navigation, as to give them Liberty to do it.

The third Part of our _Spanish_ Trade is that to _Flanders_, whereby I
mean all those Provinces that were formerly under its Government, but are
now under the Emperors, whether we send Commodities much of the same
Nature as those we send to the other Parts, tho’ not in so great
Quantities, and among our Woollen Manufactures more coarse Medleys; also
Muscovado Sugars and Coals, but not so much Leather as we have formerly
done, being supplied with raw Hides from _Ireland_, which are tann’d
there: We have thence Linnens, Thread, and other Things, which are used
both at Home, and also shipp’d to our Plantations.

[Sidenote: Portugal.]

The next is the Trade we drive to the Kingdom of _Portugal_, and its
Islands, where we vend much of our Product and Manufactures, little
different in their kinds from what are sent to _Spain_; and from thence
we have in Return, Salt, Oil, Woad, Fruit, and Wines, besides Gold and
Silver: We have, since the Wat with _France_, increased our Importation
of their Wines, which is more our Interest to do, than to have them from
_France_, whence our Imports have been always more than our Exports would
pay for, and to this Kingdom our Exports are greater than their Products
can make us Returns, especially since we have desisted from bringing
hither their Sugars and Tobacco, Commodities wherewith we are more
advantageously supplied from our Plantations in _America_, and are now
able to furnish foreign Markets cheaper than they can.

These People were formerly the great Navigators of the World, as appears
by their many Discoveries, both in the _East_ and _West-Indies_, besides
the several Islands os the _Azores_, _Cape de Verd_, and also _Maderas_,
where they have settled Colonies; to these they admit us a free Trade,
but reserve their remoter Settlements on the Continent of _Brazil_ more
strictly to themselves, whither they export many of the Commodities we
send them, and in Return have Sugars and Tobacco, which are again
exported to the _European_ Markets, though little of them hither: Besides
which, they have of late brought from thence great Quantities of Gold;
their Islands we supply directly with our Manufactures, and from the
_Azores_ load Corn, Woad, and some Wines, which we receive in Barter for
them, and are the Product of those Islands; the first we carry to
_Maderas_, where ’tis again bartered for the Wines of the Growth of
that Island, which are shipt thence to our Plantations in _America_: In
these Settlements the Inhabitants live well, and are plentifully
supplied, because they have wherewith to pay for what is brought them;
but those residing on the _Cape de Verd_ Islands, being generally made up
of Negroes, Molattoes, and such like People, and having little Product to
give in Returns, are but meanly furnished, and have scarce enough to
serve their Necessities, much less to please their Luxuries, Asses,
Beeves, and Salt, being all we have from them, which we generally carry
to our Plantations in _America_: some Salt we bring home; Beef might be
made there very cheap, could it be saved, being purchased for little, and
Salt for less, but the Climate will not allow it; only the Island of St.
_Jago_ is rich, well governed, and a Bishop’s See, where they are well
supplied with Necessaries, because they have Money to pay for what they
buy.

The _Portugueze_, as they are now become bad Navigators, so they are not
great Manufacturers; some Sorts of coarse Cloth they do make, which is
often shipp’d to the Islands of _Maderas_ and the _Azores_, where
’tis worn with great Delight, and preferred before any other of the
like Goodness, because its made in _Portugal_; and they did once attempt
the making Bays, for which they drew over some of our Workmen, but it
soon came to an End, and they returned Home again by Encouragement given
them here, so prudent a Thing it is to stop an Evil in the Beginning.

[Sidenote: Turkey.]

The Trade driven to _Turkey_ is very profitable, as it affords us Markets
for great Quantities of our Woollen Manufactures, together with Lead, and
other Product, shipp’d hence to _Constantinople_, _Scandaroon_, and
_Smyrna_, and from thence disperst all over the _Turkish_ Dominions, as
also into _Persia_. The Commodities we have thence in Return are, Raw
Silk, Cotton-Wool and Yarn, Goat’s-Wool, Grogram-Yarn, Cordivants,
Gauls, Pot-Ashes, and other Things, which are the Foundations of several
Manufactures different from our own, by the Variety whereof we better
suit Cargoes to export again; and tho’ this Trade may require some
Bullion to be carried thither, yet there is a great Difference between
buying for Bullion, Commodities already manufactur’d, which hinder the
Use and Consumption of our own, such as those brought from the
_East-Indies_, or Things to be spent on Luxury, such as Wines and Fruit,
buying therewith Commodities to keep our Poor at Work; these must be had,
tho’ purchased with nothing else.

[Sidenote: Italy.]

To the several Parts of _Italy_ we send great Quantities of Lead and
other our Product, and many Sorts of Woollen Manufactures, but chiefly
those made of Worsted; also Fish, and Sugars, both white and brown, the
last principally to _Venice_; We bring thence raw and thrown Silk, and
Red-Wooll; also Oyl and Soap, (of the latter we now make a great deal in
_England_,) both used in Working up our Wool, some Paper, Currants, and
other things.

Both _Venice_ and _Genoa_ have made some Attempts on a Woollen
Manufacture, being furnished with Wool from _Alicant_, and those
_Eastern_ Parts of _Spain_; wrought Silks and Glass are not so much
imported thence as the formerly were, since we have fallen on making them
here.

[Sidenote: Holland.]

The _Dutch_ likewise Buy many of our Manufactures, and much of our
Product, as Coals, Butter, Lead, Tin, besides things of smaller Value,
such as Clay, Redding, &c. which are exported to _Holland_, not only for
their own use, but being a Mart of Trade for _Germany_, they disperse
them for the Expence of those Countries; among whom they also Vend our
_West-India_ Commodities, such as Sugar, Tobacco, Indigo, Logwood,
Fustick, Ginger, Cotton-Wool, besides what they use themselves; they are
an industrious People, but having little Land, want Product of their own
to Trade on, except what they raise by their Fisheries, or bring from the
_East-Indies_, whereof Spices and Salt-Petre are many times admitted to
be brought hither, tho’ contrary to the Act of Navigation; indeed the
Trade of the _Dutch_ consists rather in Buying and Selling than
Manufactures, most of their Profits arising from that, and the Freights
they make of their Ships; which being Built for Burthen, are imployed
generally in a Home-Trade, for bulky Commodities, such as Salt from St.
_Ubes_ to the _Baltick_, Timber, Hemp, Corn, Pitch, and such sorts of
Goods thence to their own Country, which Ships they Sail with few Hands;
and this, together with Lowness of Interest, enables them to afford those
Commodities at such Rates, that they are often fetcht from them by other
Nations, cheaper then they could do it from the Places of their Growth,
all charges considered: ’Tis strange to see how these People Buz up and
down among themselves, the Greatness of whose Numbers causes a vast
Expence, and that Expence must be supplied from Abroad, so one Man gets
by another, and they find by Experience, that as a Multitude of People
brings Profit to the Government, so it creates Imployment to each other;
besides they Invent new ways of Trade, by selling, not only Things they
have, but those they have not, great Quantities of Brandy and other
Commodities being disposed of every Year, which are never intended to be
delivered, only the Buyer and Seller get or loose, according to the Rates
it bears at the time agreed on to make good the Bargain; such a Commerce
to this Kingdom would be of little Advantage, and would not advance its
Wealth more than Stock-jobbing, our Profits depending on the improving
our Product and Manufactures; but that Government raising its Income by
the Multitude of its Inhabitants, who pay on all they eat, drink and
wear, and almost on every thing they do, cares not so much by what
Methods each Person gets, as that they have People to pay; which are
never wanting from all Nations, for as one goes away, another comes, and
every temporary Resident advances their Revenue; therefore to increase
their Numbers, they make the Terms of Trade easy; contrary to the Customs
of Cities and private Corporations with us, the Narrowness of whose
Charters discourages Industry, and hinders Improvements both in
Handicrafts and Manufactures, because they exclude better Artists from
their Societies, unless they purchase their Freedoms at unreasonable
Rates.

[Sidenote: Hamburgh.]

_HAMBURGH_ is another Market for our Manufactures; this City vends great
Quantities of our Cloth, as also Tobacco, Sugars, and other Plantation
Commodities, together with several of our Products, which are also thence
sent into _Germany_; from whence we have in Return Linnens, Linnen-yarn,
and other Commodities, very necessary both for the Use of our selves and
of our Plantations, and little interferring with our own Manufactures.

[Sidenote: Poland.]

_POLAND_ also takes off many of our Manufacturers, wherewith it is
supplied chiefly from _Dantzick_, whither they are first carried, and
thence disperst into all Parts of that Kingdom, which hath but little
Wool of its own, and that chiefly in _Ukrania_; but the Expence of our
Cloth hath been lessened there, since _Silesia_, and the adjoining Parts
of _Germany_, have turn’d their Looms to that Commodity, occasioned by
our disusing their Linnens, and wearing Callicoes in their Room; we have
thence some Linnens, also Potashes.

[Sidenote: Russia.]

_RUSSIA_ is likewise supplied by way of St. _Angelo_, with our Woollen
Manufactures, and other Things, also with some Tobacco; but the Sale of
the latter is decreased, occasioned (as I am informed) by the
Indiscretion of our Merchants that imported it; who putting an excessive
Price thereon, caused the Czar to encourage the Planting it in his
Dominions, which being very large, and reaching from the _Mare Album_
Northward, to the _Caspian_ Sea Southward, besides its vast Extent from
East to West, affords Climates enough proper for it; by which means, we
are in danger of losing the Sale of that Commodity, so profitable to the
Nation, which we might have continued, if they had not been too covetous
at first: We have in Return from thence, Hemp, Potashes, _Russia_ Hides,
with some Linnen, and other Commodities, both useful at Home, and fit to
be carried abroad.

[Sidenote: Sweden.]

_SWEDEN_ and its Territories, takes off great Quantities of our
Manufactures, both fine and coarse, and some of our Product, besides
Tobacco and Sugars, and other Plantation Goods; but the Sale of our Cloth
hath been lessen’d there, occasion’d by their loading it with great
Duties, on purpose to encourage a Manufacture of their own; their Wool is
coarse, so consequently the Cloth made thereof must be ordinary; however,
the late King encouraged the Wearing it, by his own Example, and thought
it the Interest of his Kingdom so to do: Yet all sorts of Serges, Stuffs,
and Perpets are carried thither, and I think as freely as before; from
thence we have Copper, Iron, and some other Things.

[Sidenote: Denmark and Norway.]

_DENMARK_ is supplied from us with Woollen Manufactures, yet takes no
great Quantities, and _Norway_ less, the People of the latter being
generally poor; some Tobacco and Sugar is also shipp’d hence and spent
amongst them.

From these three last Northern Kingdoms we are furnished with Pitch, Tar,
Hemp, Masts, Baulks, and Deal boards, all very useful to us, and without
which, we can’t carry on our Navigation, and therefore we must have
them, though purchas’d with Money; but the Parliament having encouraged
the Importation of some of them from our Plantations on the Continent of
_America_, our Dependence on them for those Things, will in all
probability be lessened every Year: I look on any thing that saves our
Timber, to be an Advantage to the Nation, which Baulks and Boards do.

[Sidenote: France.]

The _French_ Trade hath every Age grown less profitable to our Woollen
Manufacturers, as the Inhabitants make wherewith to supply, both
themselves and other Nations, which they could not do, were they not
furnished with Wool from hence and _Ireland_, their own being unfit to
work by it self: Nor doth _France_ spend much of the Growth and Product,
either of this Kingdom, or of our Plantations, and furnishes us with
nothing to be manufactured here, so that the Trade we drive thither,
turns only to their Advantage; which being generally for Things consumed
among ourselves, and our Imports exceeding our Exports, must needs be
Loss to the Kingdom; but if the Linnen Manufacture can be settled in
_Scotland_ and _Ireland_, Paper, Distilling, and Silk Manufactures,
encouraged here, the Ballance will soon be altered, especially since the
_Portuguese_ have made such Improvements in their Wines; only their Salt
we shall still want for our Fisheries.

[Sidenote: South Sea.]

As to the _South-Sea_ Trade, I cannot undertake to say much to it, being
but lately entered upon, and limited by Act of Parliament to an exclusive
Company, according to whose Management it may prove more or less
Advantagious to the Nation; only in this I believe we may be certain,
that they will never carry away our Bullion, as the _East-India_ Company
does, but in all Probability, will bring us more.

[Sidenote: What Foreign Trades are profitable to our Manufactures, and what
are not.]

And thus I have run through the Foreign Trades driven from this Kingdom,
and shew’d how they advance its Interest, by taking off our Product and
Manufactures, and supplying us with Materials to be manufactured again;
wherein ’tis a certain Rule, that so far as any Nation furnishes us
with things already manufactured, or only to be spent amongst our selves,
so much less is our Advantage by the Trade we drive with them; especially
if those Manufactures interfere with our own, and are purchased with
Bullion. Therefore I think the _East-India_ Trade to be unprofitable to
us, hindering by its Silks, Muslins, and Callicoes, the Consumption of
more of our Manufactures in _Europe_, than it takes from us. The
_Spanish_, _Turkey_, and _Portugal_ Trades, are very advantagious, as
they vend great Quantities of our Manufactures, and furnish us with
Materials to be wrought up here, and disperse our Commodities to other
Places, where we could not so well send them ourselves; this _Spain_ doth
to its Settlements in _America_; _Turkey_ to all its Territories, both in
_Europe_ and _Asia_, and also to _Persia_; _Portugal_ doth the same to
_Brazil_. The _Dutch_, _Hamburgh_, and _Dantzick_ Trades are very useful,
as they supply _Germany_, _Poland_, and some Parts of _Russia_, with our
Manufactures, and little interfere with us in theirs. _Sweden_ and
_Denmark_ are profitable, both in what they take from us, and in what we
have from them again. _Italy_ takes off much of our Worsted Manufactures,
and sends us little of its own, save wrought Silks, whereof we shall
every Year import less, as we increase that Manufacture at home; but
above all, I esteem the _African_ and _West-India_ Trades to be most
profitable to the Nation, as they imploy more of our People at Home, and
give greater Incouragement to our Navigation by their Product; but the
_French_ Trade is certainly our Loss, _France_ being like a Tavern, with
whom we spend what we get by other Nations; and ’tis strange, we should
be so bewitcht to that People, as to take off their Growth, which
consists chiefly of things for Luxury, and receive a Value only for the
Esteem we put on them, whilst at the same Time, they prohibit our
Manufactures, in order to set up the like among themselves, which we
encourage, by furnishing them with Wool.

[Sidenote: The Ballance of each Trade.]

The Ballance of that and the _East-India_ Trade, is always against us,
from whom we have in Goods more than we ship them, and therefore must
lessen our Bullion; the Ballance of _Spain_ and _Portugal_ is always in
our Favour, and therefore must encrease it; as for the _Dutch_,
_Germany_, and _Hamburgh_, their Ballances are not yet agreed on; some
think we ship them most, others, that we receive most from them; I
incline to the former: The Northern Crowns supply us with more than they
take from us, but they are Commodities we can’t be without, at least,
till we can be better furnish’d with them from our Plantations in
_America_; _Turkey_ may require some Bullion, yet the Trade we drive
thither is very beneficial to us; _Italy_ will grow more and more in its
Ballance on our Side, as the Importation of wrought Silks is lessen’d,
and turn’d into raw and thrown. Now considering, that almost the whole
World is supplied by our Labour, and that our Plantations do daily bring
us such Incomes, ’tis strange, if this Nation should not grow rich,
which doubtless it would do above all our Neighbours, were our Trade
rightly looked after.

[Sidenote: What Nations chiefly cope with us in our Manufactures.]

Those who cope with us in our Manufactures, are chiefly the _French_; but
let due Care be taken to prevent their being supplied with Wool from
hence, and from _Ireland_, and we shall soon see an Alteration therein:
’Tis true, they have Wool of their own, but they cannot work it without
ours or _Irish_: The Commodities they make, are generally slight Stuffs,
wherein they use a great deal of Combing Wool; and these they not only
wear themselves, but send them to _Portugal_, and other Parts, with good
Success; to countermine which, We have fallen on making them, by
Assistance of the _French_ Refugees; I wonder at the Fancies of those
Men, who are always finding Fault, that we do not make our Manufactures
as strong as formerly we did, wherein I think they are to be blamed, for
we must fit them to the Humours of the Buyers, and slight Cloth brings as
much Profit to the Nation as strong, and the same Employment to the Poor;
yet where Seals and other Marks are set, let them be certain Evidences to
the Truth of what they certify, either as to the Length of the Piece, or
that the Inside is suitable to the Outside, or that ’tis truly wove,
and without Flaws; the same with respect to the Colour, that ’tis
woaded, or madder’d, or the like: But there is a great deal of
Difference between this, and obliging the Manufacturer to make his Cloth
or Stuff to a certain Weight and Thickness, without respect to the Buyer,
or the Climate to which it is sent. As for the _Dutch_, as I take them to
be no good Planters, so likewise no good Manufacturers, their Heads are
not turned that Way, but rather to Traffic and Navigation. The
_Flanderkins_ were once famous in the Art of Cloth-making, which they
carried on by the Wool they fetch’d hence: But King _Edward_ the Third,
by keeping our Wool at home, put a stop to that Manufacture. If therefore
the prohibiting our Wool to be carried out, had at that Time so good an
Effect and Consequence against those People, why should not our Care to
prevent its being carried out now, have the same against the _French_? We
cannot indeed hinder them from _Spanish_, but we may from our own and
_Irish_. As for _Sweden_, I am apt to think their Manufactures will come
to little. And as for _Germany_, the Woollen Manufacture is not so
natural to them as the Linnen, which they would keep close to, if we gave
them Encouragement, by wearing it here, and sending it to our
Plantations, which would be more advantagious to us, than by the use of
Muslins and Callicoes, to put them on fencing with us at our own Weapons,
which they very unwillingly undertake. The Woollen Manufactures in
_Italy_ are but small, and those chiefly among the _Venetians_, something
among the _Genoese_; these we cannot hinder, being supplied with Wool
from those Parts of _Spain_ which are near them, except we could promote
a Contract with the _Spaniard_ for all he hath; and if it should be
objected that we should then have too much, ’tis better to burn the
Overplus at the Charge of the Public (as the _Dutch_ do their Spices)
than to have it wrought up abroad, which we can’t otherwise prevent,
seeing all the Wool of _Europe_ is Manufactured somewhere; and if the Act
for burying in Woollen did extend to our Plantations in _America_,
’twould be of great use towards the Consumption of our Wooll; thus,
when the Nation comes to see, that the Labour of its People is its
Wealth, ’twill put us on finding out Methods to make every one Work
that is able; which must be done, by hindring such swarms from going off
to idle and useless Employments, and by preventing such Multitudes of
lazy People from being maintained by begging.

[Sidenote: Difference in Employing our own Ships and those of other Nations.]

And this is farther to be noted in our Trade with Foreign Nations, that
where they fetch from us our Product and Manufactures, and make their
Imports to us, in their own Ships, we get less by the Trade we drive with
them, than if we did it in ours, because that doth also encourage our
Navigation; and Freights are a great and profitable Article in Trade;
therefore we get more by the _Spanish_ Trade, because we generally drive
it in our own Bottoms; and we lose more by the _French_ Trade, when they
bring us their Wines and Brandy, than when we fetch them ourselves; and
accordingly we may take our Measures in judging of all other Trades.

[Sidenote: Whether a true Judgment may be made of the Ballance of Foreign
Trade.]

It hath been a great Debate how the Ballance of our Foreign Trade shall
be Computed, and what Methods we should take whereby to know it, and it
has been thought, that the most proper way to make a true Judgment
therein is, by taking an Account from the Custom-house Books of our
Exports and Imports; but if this Method would do, yet I do not think
there can be any Certainty, either of the one or the other, drawn from
thence; for, as for our Imports, the Bullion, and such Things of Value,
are not entered there, and seldom presented; and as to the Exports,
seeing our Woollen Manufactures go out Custom-Free, the Entries there
made of them cannot be depended on; but suppose a more exact Account of
our Exports and Imports could be had, yet, since so great a part of the
Trade of this Kingdom is driven by Exchange, and such vast Quantities of
Commodities are Imported from our Plantations for Account of the
Inhabitants there, the Produce whereof they leave here as a stock at
Home, and that they are supply’d hence with so many Things for their
own Consumption, I cannot see how any moderate Computation can be this
way made of our general Trade, much less of that we drive with any
particular Nation, the Commodities which we receive at one place, being
often carried to another; thus we transport to _Italy_ the Sugars we
receive for our Manufactures in _Portugal_, and bring thence Silk and
other Things to be manufactured here, and yet we must not conclude we
lose by the _Portugal_ Trade, because the Returns thence fall short by
the Custom-House Books, or that we get more by the _Italian_ Trade,
because it doth not appear by those Books how we exported Commodities to
pay for what we Import thence; and as to the Profits we make by the
Freights of our Ships, it doth not at all appear from them, nor at what
Rates our Product and Manufactures are sold Abroad, or our Plantation
Goods to Foreigners at home; so the Thing must still remain doubtful; and
I know no more certain way to Judge of it, than by the Increase the
Nation makes in its Bullion, which always arises from the over Ballance
of our Foreign Barter and Commerce.

[Sidenote: Committee of Trade.]

And for the better Encouraging the Trade of this Kingdom, I think it well
worthy the Thoughts of a Parliament, whether a standing Committee, made
up of Men well verst therein, should not be appointed; whose sole
Business it should be to consider the State thereof, and to find out Ways
to improve it; to see how the Trades we drive with Foreign Kingdoms, grow
more or less profitable to us; how, and by what Means we are out-done by
others in the Trades we drive, or hindered from enlarging them; what is
necessary to be prohibited, both in our Exports and Imports, and for how
long Time; to hear Complaints from our Factories Abroad, and to
correspond with our Ministers there, in Affairs relating to our Trade,
and to represent all Things rightly to the Government, with their Advice,
what Courses are proper to be taken for its Encouragement; and generally
to study by what means and Methods the Trade of this Kingdom may be
improved, both abroad and at home.

If this was well settled, the good Effects thereof would soon be seen;
but then, great Care must be taken, that these Places be not fill’d up
with such who know nothing of the Business, and thereby this excellent
Constitution become only a Matter of Form and Expence.

In the Management of Things of much less moment, we employ such who are
supposed to understand what they undertake, and believe they cannot be
carryed on without them; whilst the general Trade of the Nation (which is
the support of all) lies neglected, as if the Coggs that direct its
Wheels did not need skill to keep them true: Trade requires as much
Policy as Matters of State, and can never be kept in a regular Motion by
Accident; when the Frame of our Trade is out of Order, we know not where
to begin to mend it, for want of a set of experienced Builders, ready to
receive Applications, and able to judge where the Defect lies.

Such a Committee as this, will soon appear to be of great Use and
Service, both to the Parliament in framing Laws relating to Trade, and
also to the Government in the Treaties they make with Foreign Nations.

As to the first, it hath sometimes been thought, that when that great and
glorious Assembly hath medled with Trade, they have left it worse than
they found it; and the Reason is, because the Laws relating to Trade,
require more time to look into their distant Consequences, than a Session
will admit; whereof we have had many Instances.

To begin with the _French_ Trade; in the 22d _Car._ II. a new Import was
laid on Wines, _viz._ Eight Pounds _per_ Ton on the _French_, and Twelve
Pounds _per_ Ton on _Spanish_ and _Portuguese_: This Difference (with the
low Subsidies put on their Linnens by former Acts, in respect to those of
other Places) was a great Means of bringing the Ballance of that Trade so
much against us, that the Parliament in the 7th and 8th of _Gul._ III.
thought fit to make an Act, (and is continued by this present Parliament
for a longer time) which in Effect, prohibited all Trade with that Nation
for One and Twenty Years, by laying a great Duty on the Importations
thence, in order to prevent a Correspondence, till the Trade should be
better regulated.

In the 14th _Car._ II. Logwood was permitted by Act of Parliament to be
imported, paying five Pounds _per_ Ton Duty; the same Act repeals two
Statutes of Queen _Elizabeth_ against Importing and Using it in Dying
here, and sets forth the Ingenuity of our Dyers, in finding out Ways to
fix the Colours made with it; and yet at the same time gave a Draw-back
of three Pounds fifteen Shillings _per_ Ton on all that should be
Exported, whereby Foreigners use it so much cheaper in their Manufactures
than ours can here; which proceeded from a too hasty making that Law, and
being advised, or rather abused, by those, who regarded more their own
Interest, than that of the Nation.

By an Act made 1 _Ja._ II. an Impost of Two Shillings and Four Pence _per
Cent._ was laid on Muscovado Sugars imported from the Plantations, to be
drawn back at Exportation; the Traders to the Plantations stirr’d in
this Matter, and set forth, That such a Duty would discourage the
Refining them here, by hindering the Exportation of refined Sugars, which
was then considerable, and carry that Manufacture to _Holland_ and
_Flanders_; but the Commissioners of the Customs prevailed against them,
and the Bill past; the fatal Consequences whereof soon appear’d; for
the Exporters of Muscavado Sugars, drawing back two Shillings and
Four-pence _per Cent._ by that Act, and Nine-pence _per Cent._ by the Act
of Tunnage and Poundage, foreign Markets were supplied with refined
Sugars from other Places cheaper, by about Twelve _per Cent._ than we
could furnish them hence, by which means we were beat out of that Trade:
and though the Duty of two Shillings and Four-pence _per Cent._ was not
continued on the Expiration of that Act, by the Parliament 2d W. and M.
(as they did the Three-pence _per_ Pound on Tobacco) the bad Effects
thereof being then apparent, yet ’tis Difficult to retrieve a lost
Trade, trading Nations being like expert Generals, who make Advantages of
the Mistakes of each other, and take care to hold what they get.

By a Statute 4th and 5th W. and M. twenty Shillings _per_ Ton was laid on
_Lapis Caliminaris_ dug here and Exported, on an Information given to the
House of Commons, that it was not to had any where else; the Merchants
concerned in exporting that Commodity, made Application, and set forth,
that such a Duty would bring in nothing to the Crown, but be a total Bar
to its Exportation; yet the Act past, and we were like to have made a
fatal Experiment; for till the Statute of the 7th and 8th of the same
King, which reduced the Duty to two Shillings _per_ Ton, the Exportation
ceased; and in the mean Time, those Places which had been discouraged
from digging, and calcining it, because we undersold them, set again to
work, and supplied the Markets where we vended ours.

What Injury was done by the Act made in the 9th and 10th W. III. for the
more effectual preventing the Importation of Foreign Bonelace, &c. doth
sufficiently appear by the Preamble of that made in the 11th and 12th of
the same Reign, for repealing it three Months after the Prohibition of
our Woollen Manufactures in _Flanders_ (which was occasioned by it)
should be there taken off; but I don’t understand that is yet done, and
it may prove an irrecoverable Loss to the Nation.

I mention these Things with great Submission to the Judgment of that
glorious Assembly, the Wisdom and Strength of the Nation; to whom I only
presume with all Humility to offer my Thoughts, that it would very much
tend to the putting Matters of Trade into a true Light before them, if
they were first referred to a Body of Men, well versed in the true
Principles thereof, and able to see through the Sophistical Arguments of
contending Parties, to be by them considered, and well digested, before
they received the Sanction of a Law.

And as to foreign Treaties; I do not think our Trade hath been so much
bettered by them as it might have been, for want of such a Committee; the
Representations made by private Merchants, (who generally differ
according as their Interests clash with each other) tending rather to
distract, than to inform the Government; which would not be, if their
first Applications were made to an experienced Committee, who had
Judgment enough to substract out of them what was proper to be offer’d;
by which means, our Demands might be rendered short and comprehensive.

We have natural Advantages in Trade above other Nations, besides the
Benefit of our Situation, the Foundation of our Woolen Manufactures being
as it were peculiar to our own Growth, and may be retained amongst
ourselves; an Advantage the _French_ have not, whose Wealth arising
chiefly from the Exportation of their Wines, Brandy, Salt, Paper, Silks,
and Linnens, both we and other Nations, have made such a Progress in them
all since the War began, as to render theirs less sought for; whereas,
nothing but our own Neglects, and ill Managements, can let our Neighbours
into our Manufactures, which we may soon put a stop to, by securing our
Wool at Home.

[Sidenote: Insurance.]

I cannot close this Discourse without speaking something of Insurance.
The first Design whereof, was to encourage the Merchants to export more
of our Product and Manufactures, when they knew how to ease themselves in
their Adventures, and to bear only such a Proportion thereof as they were
willing and able to do; but by the Irregular Practices of some Men, this
first Intention is wholly obviated; who without any Interest, have put in
early Policies, and gotten large Subscriptions on Ships, only to make
Advantage by selling them to others; and therefore have industriously
promoted false Reports, and spread Rumours, to the Prejudice of the Ships
and Masters, filling Mens Minds with Doubts, whereby the fair Trading
Merchant, when he comes to insure his Interest, either can get no one to
underwrite, or at such high Rates, that he finds it better to buy the
others Policies at advance; by this means these Stock-Jobbers of
Insurance, have, as it were, turn’d it into a Wager, to the great
Prejudice of Trade: likewise many ill-designing Men, their Policies being
over-valued, have (to the Abhorence of honest Traders, and to the Scandal
of Trade itself) contriv’d the Loss of their own Ships: On the other
Side, the Underwriters, when a Loss is ever so fairly proved, boggle in
their Payments, and force the Insured to be content with less than their
Agreements, for fear of engaging themselves in long and chargeable Suits.

Now, if the Parliament would please to take these Things into their
Consideration, they may reduce Insurance to its first Intention, by
obliging the Insured to bear such a proportionable Part of his Adventure,
(the Premio included) as to them shall seem fit, and also the Insurers,
when a Loss is fully made out, to pay their Subscriptions without
Abatement, which will prevent both; and if any Differences should arise,
to direct easy ways for adjusting them, without attending long Issues at
Law, or being bound up to such nice Rules in their Proofs, as the Affairs
of foreign Trade will not admit.

[Sidenote: Wilful casting away Ships by the Owners.]

I know, that by a Clause in a Statute made _primo Annæ_, the wilful
casting away, burning, or otherwise destroying a Ship, by any Captain,
Master, Mariner, or other Officer belonging to it, is made Felony,
without Benefit of Clergy; but that Statute is so qualify’d, that it is
difficult to convict the Offender, because the Fact must be done, to the
Prejudice of the Owner, or Owners, or of any Merchant or Merchants that
shall load Goods thereon, else he doth not come within its Penalty, so it
doth not reach the Evil I here mention, _viz._ the abominable Contrivance
of the Owners to have their own Ships destroyed, in order to make an
Advantage by their Insurances; (a Crime so black in itself, that it
cannot be mentioned without Horror.) These Men, when they frame their
dark Designs, will take Care, for the Security of those they employ, that
none besides themselves shall load Goods on the Ships they intend shall
be thus destroyed, and it cannot be supposed that they receive Prejudice
thereby themselves, so the Prosecution on that Statute is evaded; but if
the Insured were bound to make out their Interests, and to bear a
Proportionable Part of the Loss themselves, this would, as it were,
naturally prevent such scandalous Practices.

[Sidenote: Whether the Price of Labour is a Hindrance to Improvements in
our Products and Manufactures.]

Before I enter on the Business of the Poor, I will consider of a Question
that hath arrisen, and I have heard sometimes debated by Men of good
Understanding, which is, Whether the Labour of the Poor being so high,
does not hinder Improvements in our Product and Manufactures; which
having some Relation to the Subject Matter of this Discourse, I shall
offer my Thoughts thereon, with Submission to better Judgments, _viz._
That both our Product and Manufactures may be carried on to Advantage,
without running down the Labour of the Poor.

As to the first, our Product, I am of Opinion, that the running down the
Labour the Poor, is no advantage to it, nor is it the Interest of that
part of the Kingdom called _England_ to do it, nor can the People thereof
live on so low Wages as they do in other Countries; for we must consider,
that Wages must bear a Rate in all Nations according to the Price of
Provisions; where Wheat is sold for one Shilling _per_ Bushel, and all
Things suitable, a labouring Man may afford to work for Three-pence a
Day, as well as he can for Twelve-pence, where it is sold for four
Shillings; and this Price of Wheat arises chiefly from the Value of the
Land; for it cannot be imagined, that the Farmer who gives twenty
Shillings _per_ Acre, can afford it as low as he whose Lands cost him but
five Shillings _per_ Acre, and produces the same Crop, nor can Labour be
expected to be so low in such a Country, as in the other; this is the
Case of _England_, whose Lands yielding great Rents, require good Prices
for the Product; and this is the Freeholders Advantage; for supposing
Necessaries to be the Current Payment for Labour, in such Cases, whether
we call a Bushel of Wheat one Shilling, or Four Shillings, it will be all
one to him, for so much as he pays, but not for the Overplus of his Crop,
which makes a great Difference into his Pocket; you cannot fall Wages,
unless you fall Product; and if you fall Product, you must necessarily
fall Lands.

And as for the second, our Manufactures, I am of Opinion, that they may
be carried on to Advantage, without running down the Labour of the Poor;
for which I offer,

1. Observation, or Experience of what hath been done; we have and daily
do see that it is so; the Refiners of Sugars sell for Six-pence _per_
Pound, what yielded formerly Twelve-pence; the Distillers sell their
Spirits for one half of what they formerly did: Glass Bottles, Silk
Stockings, and other Manufactures (too many to be here enumerated) are
sold for not much more than half the Price they were some Years since,
without falling the Poor.

But then the Question will be, how this is done? Truly it proceeds from
the Ingenuity of the Manufacturer, and the Improvements he attains to in
the Ways of his Working: Thus the Refiners of Sugars go through that
Operation by easier Methods, and in less Time, than their Predecessors
did: Thus the Distillers draw more Spirits from the Things they work on,
than those formerly did who taught them the Art. The Glass-Maker hath
found a quicker way of making it out of Things which cost him little.
Silk Stockings are wove; Tobacco is cut by Engines; Books are printed;
Deal Boards are sawn with Mills; Lead is smelted by Wind-Furnaces; all
which save the Labour of many Hands, so the Wages of those employed need
not be fallen.

Besides which, there is a Cunning crept into Trades: The Clock-Maker hath
improved his Art to such a Degree, that Labour and Materials are the
least Part the Buyer pays for. The Variety of our Woollen Manufactures is
so pretty, that Fashion makes a Thing worth twice the Price it is sold
for after, the Humour of the Buyer carrying a great Sway in its Value.
Artificers, by Tools and Laves, fitted for different Uses, make such
Things, as would puzzle a Stander-by to set a Price on, according to the
worth of Mens Labour. The Plummer by new Inventions casts a Tun of Shot
for ten Shillings, which might seem to deserve forty.

The same Art is crept into Navigation; Freights are much fallen from what
they formerly were at, and yet Sailors Wages are still the same: Ships
are built more for Stowage, and made strong enough to be loaden between
Decks, and Voyages are performed in less Time. Wool is steved into them
by such proper Instruments, that three or four Bags are put, where one
would not else lye; Cranes and Blocks help to draw up more for one
Shilling, than Mens Labour without them would do for Five.

New Projections are every Day set on Foot to render the making our
Woollen Manufactures easy, which should be rendered cheaper by the
Contrivance of the Manufacturers, not by falling the Price of Labour:
Cheapness creates Expence, and gives fresh Employments, whereby the Poor
will be still kept at Work.

The same for our Product; Mines and Pits are drained by Engines and
Aquæducts instead of Hands: The Husbandman turns up the Ground with his
Sullow, not digs it with his Spade; covers his Grain with the Harrow, not
with the Rake; brings home his Harvest with Carts, not on Mens Backs; and
many other easier Methods are used, both for improving of Land, and
raising its Product, which lessen the Number of Labourers, and make Room
for better Wages to be given those that are employed.

Nor am I of their Opinion, who think the running down the Price of our
Growth and Product, that so they may buy Provisions cheap, an Advantage
to the inland Trade of this Kingdom, but of the contrary.

To understand this rightly, let us begin with the Shop-keeper, or Buyer
and Seller, who is the Wheel whereon the inland Trade turns, as he buys
of the Importer and Manufacturer, and sells again to the Country; suppose
this Man spends two hundred Pounds _per Annum_, in all Things necessary
for himself and Family, as Provisions, Cloaths, House-Rent, and other
Expences, the Question will be, what Part of this is laid out in Flesh,
Corn, Butter, Cheese, &c. barely considered according to their first cost
in the Market? I presume fifty or sixty Pounds _per Annum_ to be the
most, whereon the Advance to him will not be so much, by keeping up our
Product to a good Rate, as the Profits which will consequently arise in
his Trade will amount unto: For by this Means the Farmer will be enabled
to give a better Rent to his Landlord, who may then keep a more plentiful
Table, spend more Wine, Fruit, Sugar, Spices, and other Things wherewith
he is furnished from the City, suit himself and his Family oftner, and
carry on a great Splendor in every Thing; the Farmer according to his
Condition may do the same, and give higher Wages to the Labourers
imployed in Husbandry, who may then live better, and buy new Cloathes
oftner, instead of patching up old ones; by this means the Manufacturers
will be encouraged to give a better Price for Wool and Labour, when they
shall find a Vent as fast as they can make; and a Flux of Wealth causing
a Variety of Fashions, will add Wings to their Inventions, when they
shall see their Manufactures advanced in their Values by the Buyer’s
Fancy; this likewise will encourage the Merchants to encrease their
Exports, when they shall find a quick Vent for their Imports; by which
regular Circulation, Payments will be short, and all will grow rich; but
when Trade deadens in the Fountain, when the Gentlemen and the Farmers
are kept low, every one in his Order feels it: It being most certain, and
grounded on the Observation of all Men who have lookt into it, that in
those Countries where Provisions are Cheap, the People are generally
Poor, both proceeding from the want of Trade; so that he who will give a
right Judgment in this Matter, must not consider Things only as they
offer themselves at the first Sight, but as they will be in their
Consequences.

As to the other Part of _Great Britain_, called _Scotland_, I can say
little with Relation to this Matter, my Knowledge of that part of the
Kingdom being not sufficient to enable me to do it: But I am apt to
believe, that the same general Maxim must hold good there also, _viz._
That the Rates of Labour must be according to the Prices of Provisions,
and those according to the Rents of the Lands.

[Sidenote: The Poor.]

Having thus gone through the State of the Nation with respect to its
Trade, I will next consider it with respect to the Poor.

And here it cannot but seem strange, that this Kingdom, which so much
abounds in Product and Manufactures, besides the Imployment given in
Navigation, should want work for any of its People; the _Dutch_, who have
little of the two former, if compared with us, and do not exceed us in
the latter, suffer no Beggars; whereas we, whose Wealth consists in the
Labour of our Inhabitants, seem to encourage them in an idle way of
Living, contrary to their own and the Nations Interest.

The Curse under which Man first fell, was Labour; _That by the Sweat of
his Brows he should eat his Bread_: This is a state of Happiness, if
compared to that which attends Idleness: He that walks the Streets of
_London_, and observes the Fatigues used by _Beggars_, to make themselves
seem Objects of Charity, must conclude, that they take more Pains than an
honest Man doth at his Trade, and yet seem not to get Bread to eat:
Beggary is now become an Art or Mystery, to which Children are brought up
from their Cradles; any thing that may move Compassion is made a
Livelyhood, a sore Leg or Arm, or for want thereof a pretended one; the
Tricks and Devices I have observed to be used by these People, have often
made me think, that those Parts, if better employed, might be made useful
to the Nation.

Here I will consider,

1. What hath been the Cause of this Mischief of Idleness, and how it hath
crept in upon us.

2. What must be done to restrain its going farther.

3. What Methods are proper to be used, in order to make a Provision for
those who are past their Labour.

As to the first, we shall find that it hath proceeded, partly from the
Abuse of those Laws we have, and partly from want of better; Licences for
Alehouses were at first granted for good Ends, not to draw Men aside from
their Labour by Games and Sports, but to support and refresh them under
it; and as they were then a Maintainance to the Aged, so poor Families
had Opportunities of being supplied with a Cup of Ale from Abroad, who
could not keep it at Home; great Observation was also made to prevent
idle Tipling, our Fore-fathers considered, that Time so spent, was a Loss
to the Nation, whose Interest was improved by the Labour of its
Inhabitants; whereas, Alehouses are now encouraged, to promote the Income
of Excise, on whom there must be no Restraint, lest the King’s Revenue
should be lessened; thus we live by Sense, and look only at Things we
see, without revolving on what the Issue will be, not considering, that
the Labour of each Man, if well employ’d, whilst he sits in an
Ale-house, would be worth much more to the Nation, than the Excise he
pays.

But above all, our Laws to set the Poor at Work are short and Defective,
tending rather to maintain them so, then to raise them to a better way of
Living; ’tis true, those Laws design well, but consisting only in
Generals, and not reducing Things to practicable Methods, they fall short
of answering their Ends, and thereby render the Poor more bold, when they
know the Parish Officers are bound, either to provide them Work, or to
give them Maintenance.

Now, if we delighted more in the Encouraging our Manufactures, our Poor
might be better Employed, and then ’twould be a shame, for any Person
capable of Labour, to live idle; which leads me to the second
Consideration, What must be done to restrain this Habit of Idleness from
going farther.

Here I find, that nothing but good Laws can do it, such as may provide
Work for those who arc willing, and force them to work that are able; and
for this use, I think Work-houses very expedient, but they must be
founded on such Principles, as may employ the Poor, for which they must
be fitted, and the Poor for them; wherein Employments must be provided
for all sorts of People, who must also be compelled to go thither when
sent, and the Work-houses to receive them; and the Materials which seem
most proper for them are Simples, such as Wool, Hemp, Cotton, and the
like, which may either be sent in by the Manufacturers, or be bought up
on a Stock raised for that End; these will employ great Numbers, of both
Sexes, and all Ages, either by beating and fitting the Hemp, or by
dressing and spinning the Flax, or by carding and Spinning the Wool and
Cotton, of different Finenesses; and if a Reward was given to that Person
who should spin the finest Thread of either, as they do in _Ireland_ for
their Linnen, to be adjudged Yearly, and paid by the County, or by any
other manner as shall be thought fit, ’twould very much promote
Industry and Ingenuity, whilst every one being stir’d up by Ambition
and Hopes of Profit, would endeavour to exceed the rest; by which means
we should also grow more excellent in our Manufactures.

Nor should these Houses hinder any who desire to Work at Home, or the
Manufacturers from employing them, the Design being to provide Places for
those who care not to Work any where, and to make the Parish Officers
more Industrious to find them out, when they know whither to send them,
by which means they would be better able to maintain the Impotent.

It seems also convenient, that these Work-houses, when settled in Cities
and great Towns, should not be only Parochial, but one or more in each
Place, as will best suit it; which would prevent the Poors being sent
from Parish to Parish, and provided for no where; and when once the Poor
shall come by use to be in love with Labour, ’twill be strange to see
an idle Person; then they will be so far from being a Burthen to the
Nation, that they will become its Wealth, and their own Lives also will
be more comfortable to them.

There are other things which will employ the Poor besides our
Manufactures, and are also equally Beneficial to the Nation; such as
Navigation, Husbandry, and Handicrafts; here if these or such-like Rules
were observed, they might be made more advantagious to all.

As first, Let the Justices of the Peace have Power to assign Youth to
Artificers, Husbandry, Manufacturers, and Mariners, and to bind them
Apprentices for a Time certain, at such Ages as they shall think ’em
fit to go on those Employments, who should also be obliged to receive
them; and though this may at first seem hard, as hindring the Masters
from taking Servants who may bring them Money, yet after some time it
will not, when those who were so bound out themselves, shall only do for
others, what was done for them before; and this also may be now made good
to them, by such an Overplus of Years in their Apprentiships, as may be
an Equivalent to the Money.

And as for those of elder Years, who will rather Beg than Work, let them
be forced to serve the King in his Fleet, or the Merchants on board their
Ships; the Sea is very good to cure sore Legs and Arms, especially such
as are Counterfeits, against which, the Capstern, with the Taunts of the
Sailors, is a certain Remedy.

Next, for Ale-houses, Coffee-houses, and such like Employments, let them
be kept only by aged People, or such who have numerous Families.

Let Masters of Ships be obliged to carry with them some Landmen every
Voyage, which will increase our Seamen; and let the Justices have Power
to force them to receive such as are willing to enter themselves, and to
settle the Rates of their Wages.

Let young People be prohibited from Hawking about the Streets, and from
Singing Ballads; if these Things be allowed, they are fitter for Age.

Stage-Plays, Lotteries, and Gaming-houses should be strictly look’d
after, Youth, in this Age of Idleness and Luxury, being not only drawn
aside by them, but also more willing to put themselves on such easy ways
of living, than on Labour.

These, and such like Methods, being Improved by the Wisdom of a
Parliament, may tend, not only to the Introducing a Habit of Virtue
amongst us, but also to the making Multitudes of People serviceable, who
are now useless to the Nation; there being scarce any one, who is not
capable of doing something towards his Maintenance, and what his Labour
doth fall short, must be made up by Charity: but as Things now are, no
Man knows where ’tis rightly plac’d, by which means those who are
truly Objects do not partake thereof; and let it be consider’d, that if
every Person did by his Labour add one Half-penny _per diem_ to the
Public, ’twould bring in Seven Millions six Hundred and four Thousand
one Hundred Sixty-six Pounds thirteen Shillings _per Annum_, (accounting
ten Millions of People to be in the Kingdom) so vast a sum may be raised
from a Multitude, if every one adds a little.

Nor is the sending lazy People to our Plantations abroad (who can neither
by good Laws be forced, or by Rewards be encourag’d to work at home) so
prejudicial to the Nation as some do imagine, where they must expect
another sort of Treatment, if they will not labour; ’tis true, they
give no help in the Manufactures here, but That is made up in the Product
they raise there, which is also Profit to the Nation; besides, the
Humours and other Circumstances of People are to be enquir’d into, some
have been very useful there, who would never have been so here: And if
the People of this Kingdom be employ’d to the Advantage of the
Community, no Matter in what part of the King’s Dominions it is; many
hundreds by going to those Plantations, have become profitable Members to
the Common-wealth, who, had they continued here, had still remain’d
idle Drones; now they raise Sugar, Cotton, Tobacco, and other Things,
which employ Sailors abroad, and Manufacturers at home, all which being
the Product of Earth and Labour, I take to be the Wealth of the Nation.

The Employment of Watermen on the River _Thames_ breeds many Sailors, and
it were good to keep them still fill’d with Apprentices; also the
Employment of Bargemen, Lightermen, and Trowmen, both on that and other
Rivers, does the same, who should be encouraged to breed up Landmen, and
fit them for the Sea.

Idleness is the Foundation of all those Vices which prevail among us,
People aiming to be maintain’d any way rather than by Labour, betake
themselves to all sorts of Villanies; the ill Consequences whereof cannot
be prevented, but by encouraging Youth in an early delight of living by
Industry, and on what they call their own, rather than by Dependance on
others, which will keep up a true British Spirit, and put them on honest
Endeavours, and will get them Credit and Reputation, and give them
Opportunities of advancing their Fortunes; and if such an Emulation went
through the Kingdom, we should not have so many lazy Beggars, or
licentious Livers, as now there are; nor is God more honoured among any,
than He is among such industrious People, who abhor Vice, on equal
Principles of Religion and good Husbandry, Labour being usually a Barrier
against Sin, which generally enter at the Doors of Idleness.

[Sidenote: Mr. Edward Colson's two Almshouses in Bristol.]

The third Consideration is, what Methods must be used to provide for
those, who either are not able to work, or whose Labour can’t support
their Charge; here I take Alms-houses to be good Gifts, where they are
designed to relieve old Age, or educate Youth; not to maintain idle
Beggars, or ease rich Parishes, but to provide for those who have been
bred up in careful Employments, tho’ not able to stem the Current of
cross Fortunes: Two such have been sumptuously founded, and suitably
endowed, in the City of _Bristol_, _Edward Colson_, Esq; a Merchant and
Native thereof, who is still living; one of them for twenty-four Men and
Women, who had formerly lived well; the other for one hundred Boys, to be
educated in the Principles of Vertue, and afterwards set out to Trades,
whereby they may get their Livelihoods; a Charity so great in itself, and
carried on so free from Ostentation, that the like is not to be seen in
any Part of this Kingdom, of the free Gift of one Gentleman in his
Life-time; which he hath settled in the Society of Merchants-Adventurers
within that City, of whose Care and Fidelity in the well Management
thereof, he is fully satisfied.

Another way to provide for those who are true Objects of Charity, is, by
taking Care that the Poors Rates be made with more equality in Cities and
great Towns, especially in the former; where the greatest Number of Poor
usually residing together in the Suburbs or Out-parishes, are very
serviceable by their Labours, to the Rich, in carrying on their Trades;
yet when Age, Sickness, or a numerous Family, may make them desire
Relief, their chief Dependance must be on People but one step above their
own Conditions; by which means these Out-parishes are more burthened in
their Payments, than the In-parishes are, though much richer, and is one
Reason why they are so ill Inhabited, no Man caring to come to a certain
Charge: And this is attended with another ill Consequence, the wanting of
better Inhabitants making way for those Disorders which easily grow among
the Poor; whereas, if Cities and Towns were made but one Poors Rate, or
equally divided into more, these Inconveniencies would be removed, and
the Poor be maintained by a more equal Contribution.

[Sidenote: Hospital for ancient Sailors and their Widows.]

And that a better Provision may be made for the Relief of Sailors (who
having spent their Labours in the Service of the Nation, and through Age
and Disasters are no longer fit for the Fatigues of the Sea, ought to be
taken Care of at Home) let a small Deduction be made from the Freights of
Ships, and from Seamens Wages, to be collected by a Society of honest Men
in every Sea-port; this, with what Additions might be made by the Gifts
of worthy Benefactors, would be sufficient to raise a Fund, to maintain
them in their old Age, who in their Youths were our Walls and Bulwarks;
but it must be settled by Law, and no Man left at his Liberty whether he
will pay or no; these are generally the most laborious People that we
have; I do not mean those scoundrel Fellows, who often creep in under
that Name, but the true Sailor, who can turn his Hand to any thing rather
than begging, and I am many times troubled to see the miserable
Conditions they and their Families are reduced to, when their Labours are
done. Alms-Houses raised for them, are as great Acts of Piety as building
of Churches, Age requires relief, especially where Youth hath been spent
in Labour so profitable to the Public as that of a Sailor; and not only
themselves, but their Widows ought to be provided for; in this, the
Worshipful Society of the Merchants-Adventurers within the City of
_Bristol_ are a worthy Pattern.

And as for those who loose their Lives or Limbs fighting against the
Enemy, themselves, or families ought to be rewarded with bountiful
Stipends, which if raised by a Tax, I doubt not would be cheerfully paid:
’Tis attended with sad Thoughts, when a Woman sees her Husband prest
into the Service, and knows, if he miscarries, her Family is undone, and
she and they must come to the Parish; whereas, if this Provision was
made, the Fleet would be more easily mann’d, our Merchants Ships better
defended, Sailors more ready to serve in both, and their Wives to let
them go; but great Care must be taken, that Charity be not abused, by
being put into the Pockets of those who are appointed to dispose of it.

These, or such-like Heads, being laid down in a former Discourse on this
Subject, the Magistrates of the City of _Bristol_ were the first that
approved of the Scheme, and desired the Substance thereof might be
reduced to Particulars, suitable for that Place; whereupon the following
Proposals were laid before them, _viz._

1. That a spacious Work-house be erected in some vacant Place within this
City, on a general Charge, large enough for the Poor who are to be
employed therein, and also with Rooms for such, who being unable to work,
are to be relieved by Charity.

2. That the Rules of this House be such, as may force all Persons to
work, that are able, and encourage the Manufacturers of this City to
supply them with Materials to work on; which they will be ready to do,
having so good a Security as this will be, for their being returned to
them again when wrought up.

3. That all People who are not able to maintain their Children, may put
them into this Work-house or Hospital at what Ages they will, where they
shall be settled till the Age of ### Years, by which means they may in
the end be of no Charge to the said Work-house or Hospital: And the good
Effects will be these, Children will be bred up to Labour, Principles of
Virtue will be implanted in them early by the good Government thereof,
and Laziness and Beggary will be discouraged.

4. That the antient People who are past their Labours, shall have
Lodgings, and weekly pay, or be otherwise provided for, according to
their Wants, who may still do something towards their mantenance, and the
Women may look after the young Children.

5. That the Rates of the Poor of this City, being all united into one
common Fund, may be enough to carry on this good Work; by which means the
Magistrates will be freed from the Trouble which they daily have about
the Settlement of the Poor, the Parish-Officers will be eased, the Poors
Stock will not be spent in Law, but they will be provided for, without
being sent from Parish to Parish, and their Children will be settled in
ways of being serviceable to the Public Good, and not be bred up in all
manner of Vice, as now they are.

6. That the Governors of this Hospital, or Work-House, have Power to
force all poor People to work in it, who do not betake themselves to some
lawful Imployment elsewhere, but spend their Time lazily and idly.

7. That the said Governors have Power to settle out the young People at
such Ages as they shall think fit; the Boys to Navigation, Husbandry, and
Manufactures; the Maids in Service, and to bind them Apprentices for
certain Years.

8. That this will prevent Children from being Starved, by the Poverty of
their Parents, and neglect of the Parish-Officers, which is now a great
Loss to the Nation; forasmuch as every Person if imployed, would by his
Labour add to the Wealth of the Public.

9. That this will encourage Men of Charity to make Endowments, when they
shall see their Bounties so well laid out.

10. That Application be made, in order to procure an Act of Parliament,
for the better carrying on this Work.

Which Proposals being considered of in several Meetings of the Citizens
appointed for that Purpose, were with some Alterations made the Model for
an Act of Parliament, which past _Anno Septimo & Octavo Gulielmi Tertii_,
being the first Act of that Nature, from which sundry Acts for many other
Places have taken their Frame; and though the Promoters thereof, met with
more difficulties and discouragements in the Execution, than they did
expect, yet to the Honour of those Gentlemen it must be said, that they
never looked back, but with the utmost Application, prosecuted what they
had undertaken, till they brought it to such a State, as to render it
plain and practicable to their Successors; and this good Effect it hath
had, that there is not a common Beggar, or disorderly Vagrant, seen in
their Streets, but Charity is given in its proper Place and Manner, and
the Magistrates are freed from the daily Trouble they had with the Poor,
and the Parishes they lived in, and are discharged from the Invidious
Fatigues of their Settlements, when a great deal of what should have
maintained them, was spent in determining what Parishes were to do it.

I wish it could be said so of the two Metropolitan Cities of _England_
and _Ireland_, where such Swarms of lazy Beggars pester the Streets, that
they are not only troublesome, but also nauseous to the Beholders; and
the Church Doors are so crouded with them, that you can scarce pass to
your Devotion; nor do you know when you bestow your Charity rightly,
those who do not deserve it, taking such Methods to move Compassion, that
you cannot easily distinguish them from those who do.

And since I have mentioned this Act, and the well executing thereof by
the first Undertakers, I think it cannot be amiss to set it forth
_Verbatim_ (being never yet printed, save only some Copies for the Use of
the Corporation) together with the Steps whereby the first Guardians
proceeded, and as it was laid before the Parliament _Anno_ 1700; which I
have done in the Appendix, because it may probably be of use to those,
who shall be willing to take Pains in a Work of such Service, both to God
and the Public.

But because this Act was adapted only for Cities and great Towns, and
can’t be a Model for the Counties at large, I will here subjoin such
Methods as may be proper to carry on this charitable Design throughout
the whole Kingdom, if Power be given by some public Act of Parliament,
for all Places to incorporate who are willing (but may not be able to be
at the Charge of a private Act) and to build, or otherwise provide,
Hospitals, Work-Houses, and Houses of Correction, for the better
maintaining and imploying their Poor, under the Management of such
Corporations; which in the Counties must be by uniting one or more
Hundreds, whose Parishes must be comprehended in one Poors Rate, and each
of them contribute to the Charge thereof, not by bringing them to an
equal Pound Rate on their Lands and personal Estates, as in Cities and
great Towns, but by Taxing every Parish according to what it paid before,
there not being the same Parity of Reason for that way of raising Money
in the Hundreds, as there is in Cities and Towns; because in the former,
the Parishes do not receive an equal Benefit from the Labour of the Poor
of other Parishes, as they do in the latter; which Hospitals,
Work-Houses, and Houses of Correction, to be provided at the general
Charge of the Parshies thus united, according to the Proportion that each
of them pays to the Poor.

The Guardians of these Corporations to consist of all the Justices of the
Peace inhabiting within the several Parishes thus united, together with a
Number of Inhabitants chosen out of each Parish, in proportion to the Sum
of Money it pays; which Choice to be made every Year, or once in two
Years, when one half of those that were first chosen must go out, and the
Remainder stay in, to instruct those who were last chosen; the Electors
to be the Freeholders of ### _per Annum_; and on the Death of any
Guardian, another to be chosen in his Room, by the Parish for which he
served.

That the Guardians being thus settled, they shall have Power to choose a
Governor, Deputy-Governor, Treasurer, and Assistants, Yearly, and to hold
Courts, and make By-Laws, and appoint a Common Seal; and also to Summon
the Inhabitants to answer to Matters relating to the Corporation; and to
compel all People, who seek for Relief, to dwell in their Hospitals and
Work-Houses, if they see fit; and to take in young People of both Sexes,
and breed them up to work, who they shall also be obliged to teach to
Write and Read, and what else shall be thought necessary, and then to
bind them out Apprentices; and likewise to provide for the aged and
Impotent, and to assist those whose Labours will not maintain their
Charges, and to apprehend Rogues, Vagrants and Beggars, and cause them to
be set at Work, and also to inflict reasonable Correction where they see
it necessary, and to entertain proper Officers, and pay them out of the
Stock; with a Clause to secure them from vexatious Suits; and they must
be obliged once in ### at least to hold a General Court, where the
Governor, Deputy-Governor, or one half of the Assistants, together with
such a proportionable Number of the Guardians as they shall agree on,
shall be present.

That the Court shall once in six Months agree and settle how much Money
will be necessary for maintaining and imploying the Poor for the six
Months next ensuing, and certify the same to the Justices inhabiting
within the said Hundred or Hundreds, at a Meeting to be had for that
Purpose, who shall proportion the same Regularity in each Parish, and
grant out their Warrants to proper Persons to Assess the same, and
afterwards, other Warrants to collect, and pay it to the Treasurer of the
Corporation; with a Power to inflict Penalties on the Assessors and
Collectors, if they refuse or neglect to do their Duty, in Assessing,
Collecting, and paying the said Money, according to their Warrants.

That each Corporation be one Body Politic in Law, and be capable of Suing
and being Sued, and be enabled to Purchase, Take and Receive, Lands,
Tenements and Hereditaments, Goods and Chattles, for the Benefit of the
Poor.

These, or such like Methods, being rectified by the Wisdom of Parliament,
will soon appear to be of great use to the Nation, and also to the Poor
who are truly Objects of Relief; and will also put a Stop to wand’ring
Vagrants, against whom, every Corporation will then be a Barrier, and
none will expect Charity, but from the Parishes to which they belong, and
who are the most proper Judges whether they deserve it.

[Sidenote: Conclusion.]

And thus I have gone through what I undertook, and have given my Thoughts
of these important Subjects; wherein I have no other View than promoting
the Welfare of this Kingdom, by improving its Trade and Commerce and
providing for the Poor in a regular Method: Both which will tend to the
Honour of His Majesty’s Government, and the advancing the Wealth and
Prosperity of the Nation.

FINIS.



THE

APPENDIX.

Anno Septimo & Octavo

_GULIELMI_ III. Regis.

An Act for Erecting of Hospitals and Work-Houses within the City of
Bristol, for the better Employing and Maintaining the Poor thereof.


WHEREAS it is found by Experience, That the Poor in the City of _Bristol_
do daily multiply, and Idleness and Debauchery amongst the meaner Sort,
doth greatly Increase, for want of Work-houses to set them to Work, and a
sufficient Authority to compel them thereto, as well as to the Charge of
the Inhabitants, and Grief of the charitable and honest Citizens of the
said City, as the great Distress of the Poor themselves; for which
sufficient Redress hath not yet been provided: For Remedy whereof, Be it
enacted by the King’s most Excellent Majesty, by and with the Advice
and Consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons in
Parliament assembled, and by the Authority of the same, That from and
after the Twelfth Day of _May_, which shall be in the Year of our Lord,
One thousand six hundred ninety and six, there be, and shall be, a
Corporation to continue for ever within the said City of _Bristol_, and
the County thereof, consisting of the several Persons herein
after-mentioned (that is to say) of the Mayor and Aldermen for the time
being, and of eight and forty other Persons, to be chosen out of the
honestest and discreetest Inhabitants of the City and County, by the
Eleven Wards in the said City, and the Castle Precincts there, which to
all Intents and Purposes, shall be from henceforth for ever a Ward within
the said City, (that is to say) Four out of each Ward, and of such other
charitable Persons as shall be Elected and Constituted Guardians of the
Poor of the said City, in a manner as is herein after expressed: And the
first eight and forty Persons shall be Elected at a Court for that
purpose to be held within each Ward, by the Alderman of the same, or his
Deputy, by the Votes of the Inhabitants of such Ward, paying one Penny
_per_ Week, or more, in his own Right, for and towards the Relief of the
Poor of the said City, or of the major part of them then present.

And be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid, that the said Eight
and Forty Persons shall be chosen in manner, as aforesaid, the Twelfth
Day of _May_ next following, and shall continue in their Office until
others shall be elected in their Rooms, according to the Direction herein
after-mentioned; and in case any of the said Persons so Elected, or any
other Person so Elected in their Room, shall, after their respective
Elections, happen to die, That then it shall, and may be Lawful to and
for the Alderman of the Ward, for which such Person so dying was Elected,
or his Deputy, at a Court to be held within the said Ward for that
purpose, within the Space of ten Days next after the Death of such
Persons, to Elect others in their Place, in manner, as aforesaid; which
Court and Election, such Alderman, or his Deputy, is and are hereby
required to Hold and Make: Which said Mayor and Aldermen, and Forty-eight
Persons, and such other Charitable Persons, so Elected and Constituted
for the Time being, shall be called Guardians of the Poor of the City of
_Bristol_.

And to the intent that the said Guardians so Elected out of the said
Wards may have perpetual Succession: Be it further Enacted by the
Authority aforesaid, That the said respective Aldermen for the Time
being, or their respective Deputies, shall and may, and are hereby
required, on the first _Thursday_ in _April_, in every second Year, from
henceforth, to hold a Court in their respective Wards, and then and
there, by the Votes of the Inhabitants of such Ward, so qualified, as
aforesaid, or of the Majority of them then present, to Elect and Choose
two of the honestest and discreetest Persons out of the said Inhabitants
of the said City, to be Guardians of the Poor of the said City for the
said Ward; which Paid two Persons, so Elected, shall be Guardians, and
shall succeed the two Persons before that first Elected, and then being
Guardians for the said Ward; and the said two Persons so first Elected,
shall immediately upon such Election, and Notice thereof given to them,
cease to be Guardians.

And be it enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the said Mayor,
Aldermen, Eight and forty Persons, and such other Charitable Persons
elected and constituted, as is herein mentioned and expressed, for the
time being, shall for ever hereafter in Name and Fact, be one Body
Politic and Corporate in Law, to all Intents and Purposes, and shall have
a perpetual Succession, and be called by the Name of The Governor,
Deputy-Governor, Assistants, and Guardians of the Poor in the said City
of _Bristol_; and that they shall be enabled to Plead and Sue, and to be
Sued and Impleaded by that Name, in all Courts and Places of Judicature
within this Kingdom; and by that Name shall and may, without License in
Mortmain, Purchase, Take, or Receive any Lands, Tenements or
Hereditaments, of the Gift, Alienation or Demise of any Person or
Persons, who are hereby, without further Licence, enabled to transfer the
same, and any Goods and Chattles whatsoever, for the Use and Benefit of
the Corporation aforesaid. And for the better governing of the said
Corporation, the said Mayor, Aldermen, and Eight and forty Persons, or
the Majority of them, shall have, and hereby have Authority to meet on
the Nineteenth Day of _May_ next following, in St. _George’s Chapple_
in the said City, or in some other convenient Place there, and shall on
that Day, or any other Day or Time, that to them shall seem convenient,
Elect and Constitute out of and from amongst themselves, the several
Officers following (that is to say) one Governor, one Deputy-Governor,
one Treasurer, and twelve Assistants, to continue in the said Office for
one Year, and no longer; and from thenceforth the said Governor,
Deputy-Governor, Assistants, Treasurer, and other Officers, shall Yearly,
and every Year, by the said Mayor, Aldermen, Forty-eight Persons, and
such other charitable Persons as shall be Elected and Constituted as is
herein mentioned and expressed, or the Majority of them, be Elected and
Constituted out of and from amongst themselves, on the Second _Thursday_
in the Month of _April_, or any other Day or Time, as they shall think
convenient, to continue in their respective Offices for one Year and no
longer; and the said Mayor, Aldermen, and Forty-eight Persons, and such
other Charitable Persons that shall be Elected and Constituted, as herein
mentioned and expressed, for the Time being, or the Majority of them,
shall have Power, in case of the Death of any such Officer so Elected and
Constituted, before the said Year expired, to Elect and Constitute others
in their Room, to hold the said Office for the Remainder of the said
Year, and shall have Power and Authority at any Time or Times, for just
Cause, to remove, displace, and put out any such Officer out of his said
Office, and to Elect and Constitute another in his Room.

And be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the said
Governor, or in his Default, the said Deputy-Governor, or in both their
Defaults, Six of the said Assistants for the Time being, shall have, and
hereby have Power and Authority, and are hereby Enjoyned and Required
from time to time, upon the Second _Thursday_ in every Second Month in
every Year, accounting _January_ for the first Month, to hold and keep a
Court or Assembly of the said Corporation within the said City of
_Bristol_, of one and Twenty of the said Guardians at least, on the Days
and Time, and in manner, and for the ends in this Act mentioned; (that is
to say) The said Governor shall hold the said Court or Assembly between
the Hours of One and Two in the Afternoon; and in his Default, the said
Deputy-Governor, or any Six of the said Assistants, shall, after the Hour
of Two, hold the same; and also, the said Governor for the time being,
shall have, and hereby hath Power and Authority, at any such other time
or times as to him shall seem meet, to Summon, Assemble and hold a Court
or Assembly of the said Corporation, upon two Days Notice or Warning at
the least to be given of such Court or Assembly to be held; and in case
any twenty of the said Guardians, upon any Emergency, signifying it under
their Hands to the Governor for the time being, That it is their Desire
that an extraordinary Court or Assembly of the said Corporation may be
called and held, the said Governor shall be bound, and is hereby Enjoyned
and Required to call and hold such Court or Assembly at such Time as the
said twenty Guardians shall so desire; and on his Refusal, the said
Deputy-Governor for the Time being, on such Signification, shall be
Bound, and is hereby likewise Enjoyned and Required to call and hold the
said Court or Assembly, and on his Refusal, any six of the said
Assistants shall have, and hereby have Authority to call and hold the
said Court or Assembly; at all which Courts or Assemblies all and every
Member and Members of the said Corporation for the Time being, are hereby
Enjoyned to appear and be present, and not to depart from the same
without the Licence of the said Court or Assembly, on pain to Forfeit
such reasonable Sum and Sums of Money, not exceeding Five Shillings, to
the Use of the said Corporation, as by the said Court or Assembly, or any
succeeding Court or Assembly, shall be Assessed upon them, unless they
can shew some reasonable Excuse to be allowed of by the said Court or
Assembly; and the said Court or Assembly are hereby Impowered to Summon
to appear before them any of the Inhabitants of the said City to answer
to Matters relating to the said Corporation, who are hereby required to
appear upon such Summons, and answer such Questions, on Forfeiture, to
the Use of the said Corporation, of a Sum not exceeding two Shillings and
Six-pence for every Default to be Levied as is herein after directed.

And be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid, Thar the said
Corporation, at the said Court or Assembly, shall have, and hereby have
Power and Authority from time to time to make and appoint a Common Seal
or Seals for the Use of the said Corporation, and to make and ordain
By-Laws, Rules and Ordinances for and concerning the better Governing the
said Corporation, and the Poor of the said City, and shall have, and have
hereby Power to Purchase, Buy or Erect an Hospital or Hospitals,
Work-house or Work-houses, House or Houses of Correction, and to provide
other Necessaries they shall think convenient for the setting to work the
Poor of the said City, of what Sex or Age soever they be, and shall have,
and hereby have Power and Authority to compel such idle or poor People
begging or seeking Relief, who do not betake themselves to some lawful
Imployments, and such other Poor who do or shall hereafter receive Alms
of the respective Parishes or Places where they Inhabit or Seek the same,
or by any of the Laws now in force ought to be maintained or provided for
by any Parish or Place within the said City, to Dwell and Inhabit in such
Hospital or Hospitals, Work-house or Work-houses, and to do such Work as
they shall think them able and fit for; and to detain and keep in the
Service of the said Corporation, until the Age of sixteen Years, any poor
Child or Children of the said City, left to be maintained by the said
City, or any Parish or Place in the same, or begging or seeking Relief,
or which by any of the Laws now in force ought to be maintained and
provided for by any Parish or Place within the said City, or the Child or
Children of any other Person or Persons, that are or shall be willing or
desirous to place or put their Child or Children in such Hospital or
Hospitals, until their said Age of sixteen Years; and after they shall
have attained their said Age of Sixteen Years or sooner, the said
Corporation, by Indenture, shall have Power to Bind and Put forth such
Child or Children Apprentices, to any honest Person or Persons within the
Kingdom of _England_, for any Number of Years, not exceeding seven Years,
as they shall think convenient; which Indenture shall be binding to such
Child or Children.

And be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the said Court
or Assembly so constituted, as aforesaid, shall have, and hereby have
Power to inflict such reasonable Correction and Punishment on any poor
Person or Persons within the said Hospital or Hospitals, Work-house or
Work-houses, House or Houses of Correction, that shall not conform to
such Rules, Orders and Ordinances so made, as aforesaid, or misbehave
themselves in the same; and that the said Court or Assembly so
constituted, as aforesaid, shall have, and hereby have Power to appoint a
Committee to consist of One and Twenty of the Guardians at the least,
who, or any five of them, of which two shall be Assistants, shall from
time to time, or at any time until the next Court, have Power to inflict
such reasonable Correction and Punishment, as aforesaid, on any such poor
Person or Persons offending as aforesaid.

And for the better carrying on so Pious and Charitable a Work, be it
Enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That it shall and may be Lawful for
the said Corporation, in their said Courts or Assemblies, from time to
time, to set down and ascertain what Sum, or Sums of Money shall be
needful for the Building and Erecting of such Hospitals, Work-houses, or
Houses of Correction, so that the same do not exceed the Sum of five
Thousand Pounds, to be raised within the Space of three Years, or any
longer Time, as to them shall seem meet, by such Quarterly or other
Payments, as they in their Discretion shall think fit; and also from time
to time, to set down and ascertain what Weekly, Monthly, or other Sums,
shall be needful for the Maintenance of the Poor in the said Hospital or
Hospitals, Work-house or Work-houses, House or Houses of Correction, or
within the Care of the said Corporation, so that the same do not exceed
what hath been paid in the said City towards the Maintenance of the Poor
thereof, in any one of the three last Years; and shall and may, under
their Common Seal, certify the same unto the Mayor and Aldermen of the
said City for the time being; which said Mayor and any two of the
Aldermen, or any Five of the said Aldermen without the Mayor, may, and
are hereby required from time to time, to cause the same to be raised and
levied by Taxation of every Inhabitant, and of all Lands, Houses, Tythes
Impropriate, Appropriation of Tythes, and all Stocks and Estates in the
said City and County of the same, in equal Proportion, according to their
respective Worth and Values: And in order thereunto, the said Mayor and
any two of the said Aldermen, or any five of the said Aldermen without
the Mayor, shall have power, and are hereby required indifferently, to
proportion out the said Sum and Sums upon each Parish and Precinct within
the said City, and by their Warrants under their Hands and Seals to
authorize and require the Church-wardens and Overseers of the Poor of
each respective Parish and Precinct, to Assess the same respectively; and
after such Assessment made, by like Warrant under their Hands and Seals,
to authorize the said respective Church-wardens and Overfeers to Demand,
Gather, and Receive the same, and for Non-payment thereof (being lawfully
demanded) to Levy the same by Distress and Sale of the Goods of the
Offender, restoring the Surplusage to the Party so distrained; and if no
Distress can be found, then it shall and may be lawful to and for the
said Mayor, and any two of the Aldermen, or any five of the said Aldermen
without the Mayor, to commit such Offender to Prison, there to remain
without Bail or Mainprize, till the same shall be paid: And after the
same shall be received, to pay the same unto the Treasurer of the said
Corporation for the time being. Provided always, That if any Person or
Persons, Parish or Precinct, find him or themselves to be unequally Taxed
or Assessed, he or they may Appeal to the Justices of the Peace of the
said City and County, at their next General Quarter-Sessions after such
Assessment made and demanded, who shall and hereby have full Power and
Authority, to take and make a final Order therein.

And for the Encouragement of such as shall be Benefactors to so good a
Design, Be it enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That if any Man
charitably disposed, shall give one hundred Pounds, or more, towards
carrying on the said Work, It shall and may be Lawful for the said
Corporation, at a Court where there shall be present three and thirty of
the said Guardians at the least, to elect and constitute such charitable
Person to be Guardian of the Poor of the said City, and to continue in
the said Office, as long as to the said Corporation shall seem meet.

And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the said
Corporation shall have the Care of, and provide for the Maintenance of
all the Poor of the said City, of what Age soever they be, except such as
shall be otherwise Efficiently Provided for by the charitable Gifts of
other Persons, or in Hospitals or Alms-houses within the said City
already erected: And in order thereunto shall have full Power to examine,
search and see what poor Persons there are come into, Inhabiting and
Residing within the said City or any Part thereof; and shall have Power
to apprehend or cause to be apprehended any Rogues, Vagrants, or
Sturdy-Beggars, or idle or disorderly Persons within the said City and
the County thereof, and to cause them to be kept and set to Work in the
said Work-houses, Hospitals or Houses of Correction, for the Space of
three Years.

Provided always, and be it enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That this
Act, or any thing herein contained, shall not any ways extend to give the
said Corporation any Power or Authority over any Alms-house or Hospital,
or any other charitable Gift or Use, within the said City, already Given,
Settled or Erected, but that the same shall be wholly exempted therefrom;
any thing herein to the Contrary notwithstanding.

And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the said
Corporation in their said Court or Assembly, shall have hereby Power to
choose and entertain all such other Officers as shall be needful to be
employed in and about the Premisses, and them or any of them, from time
to time to remove as they shall see Cause; and upon the Death or removal
of them, or any of them, to choose others in their Place, and to make and
give such reasonable Allowances to them, or any of them, out of the Stock
or Revenue belonging to the said Corporation or Hospitals, as they shall
think fit.

Provided always, and be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid,
That no Officer or Officers, who shall be elected, chosen, appointed or
employed, in the Execution of, or by Virtue of this Act, or any of the
Powers or Authorities thereby given, shall be liable for or by reason of
such Office or Execution, to any of the Penalties mentioned in an Act
made the Five and Twentieth Year of the Reign of King _Charles_ the
Second, for the Preventing the Dangers which may hapen from Popish
Recusants.

And it is further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the said
Treasurer for the Time being, and all other Officers belonging to the
said Corporation, Hospitals, Work-houses, or Houses of Correction, shall,
from time to time, before such Person or Persons as the said Corporation
shall thereto appoint, account for such Moneys, Stock, and other Things
belonging to the said Corporation, Hospitals, Work-houses, or Houses of
Correction, as shall come to their respective Hands, or be under their
respective Care, upon every reasonable Warning and Notice thereof, by the
said Corporation to them respectively given; and on their Neglect or
Refusal to Account, as aforesaid, shall or may be, by the said Mayor, or
any two of the said Aldermen, committed to the County Goal for the said
City and County of _Bristol_, there to remain without Bail or Mainprize,
untill they shall become conformable, and Account, as aforesaid; and if
upon such Account there shall appear any Thing to be in their Hands
belonging to the said Corporation, Hospitals, Work-houses, or Houses of
Correction, they shall pay and deliver the same, as the said Corporation
shall direct, or give such Security for the same, as the said Corporation
shall approve of, on pain to forfeit double the Value thereof, to be
recovered by the said Corporation, by Action of Debt, Bill, Plaint or
Information in which no Protection, Essoign, or Wager in Law, or any more
than one Imparlance, shall be admitted or allowed.

And it is further enacted, That all other Pains, Penalties and
Forfeitures by this Act appointed, shall be Levied by Distress and Sale
of the Offenders Goods, by Warrant under the Hand and Seal of the said
Treasurer for the time being, restoring to the Offender the Overplus.

And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That if any Person
or Persons shall be sued for any Matter or Thing which he shall do in
Execution of this Act, he may plead the General Issue, and give the
special Matter in Evidence: And if the Verdict shall pass for the
Defendant, or the Plaintiff shall be nonsuited, or discontinue his Suit,
the Defendant shall recover his Treble Costs. And this Act shall be taken
and be allowed in all Courts within this Kingdom as a Public Act; and all
Judges and Justices are hereby required, as such, to take Notice thereof,
without specially Pleading the same; and all Mayors, Justices, Sheriffs,
Bayliffs, Constables, and all other Officers and Ministers of Justice,
are hereby required to be aiding and assisting to the said Corporation,
and to such Officers as shall be employed by them, or any of them, in
Execution of this Act, or any of the Powers or Authorities hereby given.



AN

ACCOUNT

OF THE

PROCEEDINGS

OF THE

Corporation of Bristol,

In Execution of the

Act of Parliament

For the Better

Employing and Maintaining

the

POOR

Of That CITY.



TO THE

Right Honourable

AND

HONOURABLE,

THE

Lords Spiritual and Temporal,

AND

Commons in Parliament

assembled.

May it please your Honours,


I HUMBLY make bold to lay before You, an Account of our Proceedings in
the City of _Bristol_, on the Act of Parliament for Erecting Hospitals
and Work-houses for the better employing and maintaining the Poor of that
City, which passed in the first Sessions of the Parliament begun at
_Westminster_ the 22d of _November_, 1695, whereby the Power invested in
the Corporation commenced from the 12th of _May_ 1696.

The first Thing we did, was to choose four Guardians for each of our
twelve Wards, as the Statute directs, which, with the Mayor and Aldermen,
amounted to sixty Guardians, and made up our Court.

The Court being thus constituted, at our first Meeting we chose our
Officers appointed by the said Act, _viz._ a Governor, a Deputy-Governor,
twelve Assistants, a Treasurer, a Clerk, and a Beadle.

This being done, we order’d the Guardians who dwelt in each Parish, to
bring in an Account of all the Poor in their respective Parishes, their
Names, Ages, Sexes, and Qualifications. Also an Account of the Charges
expended for maintaining them in each of the last three Years, that so we
might bring it to a _Medium_. We also appointed certain standing Rules
for the better governing our Debates, and ordered all Things done in the
Court to be fairly enter’d in a Journal.

We likewise considered which would be most for the advantage of the
Corporation, to build Work-houses, or to purchase such Houses, which
being already built, might be alter’d and made fit for our purpose.

These Things spent much Time, and it was about the Month of _September_
before we could settle the _Medium_ of the Poor’s Rates, in order to
certify to the Mayor and Aldermen what Sum was necessary to be raised on
the City for the next Year.

But here we met with an unexpected _Remora_, Mr. _Samuel Wallis_ was
succeeded in his Majoralty by Mr. _J. H._ and this Change made a great
Alteration in our Affairs: For whereas the former had given us all the
Incouragement we could expect from him, and had done us the Honour to be
our first Governor, the latter resolved to obstruct us all he could. And
because the Power of raising Money was vested in him and the Aldermen, he
absolutely refused to put that Power in Execution.

This, together with his other Endeavours to Brow-beat the Corporation,
kept us at a stand till _October_ (97.) only our Court met, and discourst
things, and we laboured to keep up the Spirits of our Friends, who began
to sink under these Discouragements, and to despair of Success, the Work
seeming difficult enough in it self; our undertaking being nothing less,
then to put to Work a great Number of People, many of which had been
habited to Laziness and Beggary; to civilize such as had been bred up in
all the Vices, that want of Education could expose them to; and to cloth,
lodge, and feed them well, with the same Sum of Money which was
distributed among them when they beg’d, lay in the Streets, and went
almost naked.

Yet all this would not have discouraged us, could we have prevailed on
Mr. Mayor to have joyned with us. We often sought it, and he as often
refused us, till his time being expired, his Successor granted our
Request; and then, having lost much time, we were forced to make large
steps.

The first we made was, a Vote to take on us the Care of the Poor of the
City; and as I remember, this Vote passed in _October_ or _November_
1697, though we had then no Money raised, nor could we expect any till
after our _Lady-day_ 1698. So that from the passing that Vote to this
Time is about two Years.

The next step was to appoint a Committee of Twelve to hear the Complaints
of the Poor, to relieve them, and set them at work; six whereof were to
go out every Month, and to be succeeded by Six more, to be chosen by
Ballating.

We had formerly obtained from the Mayor and Common Council, in the
Majoralty of Alderman _Wallis_, the Grant of a Work-house, which then lay
unoccupied, and the Court had appointed a Committee to place as many
Girls in it as it would conveniently contain, both as to Lodging and
Working. This is that we called the _New work-house_.

But all things having stood still so long, we resolved now to loose no
more time; yet we had no Money, nor could we expect any in less than six
Months, from the Poor’s Rates; therefore we resolved to make our
several Loans for twelve Months without Interest to the Corporation on
the Credit of their Common Seal; in which Design many of the Citizens
lent their Assistance, whereby we became soon Masters of about six
Hundred Pounds Stock. Likewise our Guardians, who were appointed to pay
the Poor in their several Parishes, voluntarily advanced their weekly
Payments, till they could be reimburst by the Treasurer. The other Stock
we employed to furnish Beds, and other Necessaries for our Children to be
taken in, and Materials for their working.

We had now two Committees; one for the Poor, the other for the New
Work-house.

The Committee for the Poor met twice every Week: And in this Committee we
proceeded thus:

_First_, We voted that the Poor of the City should be visited in their
respective Parishes, and that new Poor’s Rates should be made; and
accordingly we ordered the Guardians of each Parish to bring together the
Poor on a certain Day in some convenient Place, where the Committee met,
and without Partiality endeavoured to provide for every one according to
their Wants, we likewise took Notice of all the young Girls that were on
our Poor’s Books, and of such whose Parents took no due Care of them:
and these we recommended to the Committee of the New Work-house, to be
taken in, and employed by them.

Our Poor’s Rates we made in this manner: Every one that expected
Relief, came before us with their whole Families, except such as was
impotent and could not come: In our Books we put down the Name of the
Man, the Woman, and each Child; together with the Qualifications of all,
either as to Age, Health, Civility, &c. what each Person did, or could
get by the Week, and in what Employment. We likewise set down for what
Reason the Charity was bestowed; that when that should cease, or we could
find out any other Way to provide for it, the Charity should likewise
cease.

Having thus seen the State of all our Poor, and provided for them, the
Committee sat twice a Week in the Public Court, to hear and provide for
all casual Complaints; which we did in this Manner: We ordered that the
Poor in their respective Parishes, should first apply themselves to their
Guardian or Guardians, who were to relieve them as they saw fit, till the
next Sitting of the Committee, when they were to bring them up with their
Complaints, if they were able to come; and this we did, lest the
Committee (three whereof made a _Quorum_) should be deceived; who could
not be supposed to know the State of all the Poor in the City, and by
this Means we had the Opinion of the Guardian of each Parish; nor could
he easily deceive us, because he brought the Poor with him, and thereby
the Committee became Judges of the Matter laid before them. At these
Meetings, Care was taken of the various Cases and Exigencies which
offer’d, and in all Things there was a Regard, as much as could be, to
put People on living by their own Labours.

To such as were sick, we gave Warrants to our Physician to visit them;
such as wanted the Assistance of our Surgeons were directed to them, and
all were reliev’d till they were able to work; by which Means the Poor
having been well attended, were set at work again, who, by Neglect, might
with their Families have been chargeable to the Corporation; for some we
provided Cloaths, for others Work; where we found People careful, but
wanted a Stock to employ themselves and Children, we either lent or gave
it; where they wanted Houses, we either paid the Rent, or became Security
for it; where we found them opprest, we stood by them; where Differences
arose, we endeavoured to compose them; so that in a little time all the
Complaints of the Poor came to this Committee, which saved our
Magistrates a great deal of Trouble, and Care was taken that none went
away unheard.

The Committee at first sat twice a Week, but now only once in a
Fortnight; not that we grew slack in the Care of our Poor, but because
their Number being so much abated, by those received into our several
Work-houses, the Business not requiring their meeting oftner.

The other Committee, _viz._ That for the new Work-house, having first
furnished it in order to receive in the young Girls, began with such as
were recommended to them by the Committee for the Poor; and this Method
hath been generally observed ever since, both by that Committee, and also
by the Committee since chosen for our other Work-house; not that either
of them depends on the other, but because the first application for
Relief is made to the Committee for the Poor.

But before we took in the Girls, we first considered of proper Officers
to govern them; and these consisted of a Master, whose Business was to
receive in Work, and deliver it out again, and to keep the Account of the
House, &c.

A Mistress, whose Business was to look after the Kitchen and Lodgings, to
provide their Meals at set Times, and other Things which related to the
Government of the House.

Tutresses to teach them to Spin, under each of which we put Five and
Twenty Girls.

A School-Mistress, to teach them to read.

Servants in the Kitchen, and for washing, &c. but these we soon
discharged, and caused our biggest Girls to take their Turns every Week.

We also appointed an old Man to keep the Door, and to carry forth and
fetch in Work, and such kind of Services.

Being thus provided, we received in one hundred Girls, and set them to
work at Spinning of Worsted Yarn; all which we first caused to be stript
by the Mistress, washed, and new Clothed from Head to Foot; which,
together with wholesome Dyet at set Hours, and good Beds to lie on, so
incouraged the Children, that they willingly betook themselves to their
Work.

We likewise provided for them Apparel for _Sundays_; they went to Church
every Lord’s Day; were taught their Catechisms at home, and had Prayers
twice every Day; we appointed them set Hours for working, eating, and
playing; and gave them leave to walk on the Hills with their Tutresses,
when their Work was over, and the Weather fair; by which means we won
them into Civility, and a love to their Labour. But we had a great deal
of Trouble with their Parents, and those who formerly kept them, who
having lost the sweetness of their Pay, did all they could to set both
their Children and others against us; but this was soon over.

Hitherto things answered above our Expectations; our Children grew sober,
and worked willingly, but we very much questioned, whether their Labours
at the Rates we were paid, would answer the charge of their Maintenance;
and if not, our great Doubt was how we might advance it, without
prejudicing the Manufactures.

To clear the first, we supposed ourselves in a fair way, having appointed
their Diets to be made up of such Provisions as were very wholesome,
afforded good nourishment, and were not costly in Price, _viz._ Beef,
Pease, Potatoes, Broath, Pease-porridge, Milk-porridge, Bread and Cheese,
good Beer, (such as we drank at our own Tables) Cabbage, Carrots,
Turnips, &c. in which we took the Advice of our Physician, and bought the
best of every Sort. They had three Meals every Day, and as I remember, it
stood us (with Soap to wash) in about Sixteen-pence _per_ Week for each
of the one hundred Girls. We soon found the effect of their Change of
Living, Nature being well supported, threw out a great deal of Foulness,
so that we had generally twenty down at a Time, in the Measels,
Small-pox, and other Distempers; but by the Care of our Physician, and
the Blessing of God on his Endeavours, we never buried but Two, though we
have had seldom less than one hundred in the House at any Time.

Having thus provided for their Diets, we next appointed their Times of
Working; which in the Summer was ten Hours and a half every Day, and an
Hour less in the Winter; by which means we answered the two Objections
raised against the Poor, _viz._ Thar they will not work, and that they
spend what they get in fine feeding.

But we soon found, that the great Cause of begging did proceed from the
low Wages for Labour; for after about eight Months time, our Children
could not get half so much as we expended in their Provisions. The
Manufacturers, who employed us, were always complaining the Yarn was spun
coarse, but would not advance above Eight-pence _per_ Pound for Spinning,
and we must either take this, or have no Work. On the other side, we were
labouring to understand how we might distinguish, and put a Value on our
Work, according to its Fineness. This we did by the Snap Reel, which when
we were Masters of, the Committee made an Order, That the Master should
buy in a Stock of Wool, and Spin it up for our own Accounts, and then
proceeded to set the Price of Spinning by the Snap Reel, wherein we
endeavoured to discourage coarse Work, and to endeavour fine, because we
saw the latter was likely to bring more Profit, not only to the Poor, but
to the Kingdom in general. We likewise ordered some Things to be made up
of the several Sorts of Yarn, at the Rates we had set them; and on the
whole, we found the Commodities made of fine Yarn, though they were much
better than those made of Coarse, yet stood us in little more; because
what the one exceeded in the Charge of Spinning, was very much made good
in Abatement of the Quantity used. We therefore sent to the
Manufacturers, and shewed them what Experiments we had made; but finding
them still unwilling to advance above the old Rate, the Committee voted,
that they would give Employment to all the Poor of the City, who would
make Application to them, at the Rates we offer’d to work, and pay them
ready Money for their Labour.

We soon found we had taken the right Course, for in a few Weeks we had
Sale for our fine Yarn as fast as we could make it, and they gave us from
Eight-pence to Two Shillings _per_ Pound for Spinning the same Goods, for
which a little before they paid but Eight-pence, and were very well
pleased with it, because they were now able to distinguish between the
fine and the coarse Yarn, and to apply each Sort to the Use for which it
was most proper: Since which, they have given us Two Shillings and
Six-pence _per_ Pound for a great many Pounds, and we spin some worth
Three Shillings and Six-pence _per_ Pound Spinning.

By this Means we had the Pleasure of seeing the Children’s Labour
advanc’d, which a little before I came up, amounted to near Six Pounds
_per_ Week, and would have been much more, but that our biggest Girls, we
either settle forth, or put in the Kitchen; and those we receive in being
generally small, are able to do but little for some Time after.

The Encouragement we had received on this Beginning, put us on proceeding
further: The Court resolved to purchase a great Sugar-House, out of the
Money directed by the Act to be raised for Building of Work-Houses, and
fit it up for the receiving in the Remainder of the Poor, (_viz._)
ancient People, Boys, and young Children; which was accordingly done, and
a Committee was appointed to manage it. This we called the _Mint
Work-House_, because it had been hired by the Lords of the Treasury for
that Use.

The Committee began to take in the Boys in _August_ last; these we
cloathed, dieted, and governed, much after the same Manner as we had done
the Girls, but put them on a different Employment, (_viz._) Spinning of
Cotton Wool, and weaving of Fustians: We have now about one hundred of
them together, who settle well to their Work, and every Day mend their
Hands; they get us already six Pounds _per_ Week; they are likewise
taught to read, and we shall hereafter teach them to write.

We next took in our ancient People; and here we had principally a Regard
to such as were impotent, and had no Friends to help them, and to such as
we could not keep from the lazy Trade of Begging; these we cloath’d as
we saw they needed, and put on such Employments as were fit for their
Ages and Strengths, having our Eyes chiefly on those to which they were
bred; we found it difficult at first to bend them down to good Orders,
but by Degrees we have brought them under Government.

Then we called in all the Children that were on our Poor’s Books, and
put them under Nurses; those who can speak and go, are carried down into
the School, to learn their A, B, C, &c. As they grow up, we shall put
them into the working Rooms.

The Boys are kept at a Distance from the ancient People, who do also
lodge in distinct Apartments, the Men in several Chambers on one Floor,
and the Women on another; all do something, though perhaps some of their
Labours comes to little, yet it keeps them from Idleness: Both the Old
and Young attend Prayers twice a Day, (except the Bedridden, for whom
other Care is taken) and go to Church twice on _Sundays_.

We have now three standing Committees, (_viz._) For the Poor, for the New
Work-House, and for the Mint Work-House: The first gives all Directions,
and makes all Allowance, for the Poor, without whose Order no Guardian
can act any Thing considerable, except in Cases of absolute Necessity,
which at the next Meeting of the Committee he must give an Account of,
and desire their Approbation. The other two Committees have Power to act
in the Affairs of that Work-House for which they are chosen: They receive
in both Old and Young; they bind forth Apprentices, correct, order the
Diet as they please, oversee the Working, sell the Manufactures, when
made, order the Payment of all Moneys, which cannot be done unless the
Note be sign’d by the Chairman; and generally direct every Thing
relating to those Houses.

The Accounts are made up thus: The Treasurer’s Account is audited every
Year, by a Committee chosen for that purpose; at which Time he is
succeeded by another Treasurer, chosen by the Court: The Accounts of the
Guardians who pay the Poor in their several Parishes are audited every
three Months, by a select Committee chosen likewise by the Court, and are
then paid by the Treasurer: The Accounts for each Work-house are audited
by the respective Committee every Month, when the Master adjusts, not
only his Account of Cash, but also of each particular _Specie_ of Goods
he hath under his Care, the Ballance whereof is still carried forward to
the next, which when allowed of is signed by the Chairman: And the
Account for each House is so stated, that it shews at one Sight, what the
House is indebted; what Debts are out-standing, and from whom; what Goods
remain in the House, and the Quantity of each _Specie_.

At the making up these Accounts, nothing (unless very trivial) is
allowed, for which an Order is not produced, or found entered in our
Books, so that ’tis very difficult to wrong the Corporation of any
thing, if the Guardians should endeavour it.

These Committees keep their Journal Books, wherein all they do is fairly
transcribed, and signed by the Chairman.

This is what at present occurs to my Memory touching our Work-houses at
_Bristol_. I have been as brief as the nature of the Thing would admit:
The Success hath answered our Expectation; we are freed from Beggars, our
old People are comfortably provided for; our Boys and Girls are educated
to Sobriety, and brought to delight in Labour; our young Children are
well lookt after, and not spoiled by the neglect of ill Nurses; and the
Face of our City is so changed already, that we have great reason to hope
these young Plants will produce a virtuous and laborious Generation, with
whom Immortality and Prophaness may find little Incouragement; nor does
our hopes appear to be groundless, for among three hundred Persons now
under our Charge within Doors, there is neither Cursing nor Swearing, nor
prophane Language, to be heard, though many of them were bred up in all
manner of Vices, which neither _Bridewell_ nor Whippings could fright
them from, because, returning to their bad Company, for want of
Employment, they were rather made worse, than bettered by these
Corrections; whereas, the Change we have wrought on them, is by fair
means. We have a _Bridewell_, _Stocks_, and _Whipping-Post_, always in
their Sights, but never had occasion to make use of either.

What is done in that City, I humbly hope may be carried on by the same
Steps throughout the Kingdom; the Poor may be set at Work, their Wages
advanced without Danger to our Manufacturers, and they thereby enabled to
live on their own Labours, whereby the Charge of the Poor’s Rates may
be saved, and a great many worthy Benefactors encouraged to give, when
they shall see their Charity so well disposed of. This I have great
reason to hope, because we have had near one Thousand Pounds freely given
to us within the Compass of one Year, and much thereof by Gentlemen who
dwelt at a Distance from us, only were willing to encourage a Work they
saw likely to be carried on, which might be of good Example to the Nation.

    I am,

    Right Honourable

    And Honourable,

    Your Honours most

    Obedient Servant,

    JOHN CARY.



AN

ESSAY

Towards Settling a

NATIONAL CREDIT.

By John Cary, Esq;

The Fifth Edition, Corrected.

LONDON:

Printed in the Year M.DCC.XLV.



To the Right Honourable the LORDS Spiritual and Temporal, and to the
Honourable the Commons of ENGLAND in Parliament Assembled.


HAVING lately presented your Honours with _An Essay on Coin and Credit_,
the chief Design whereof was to shew the Necessity of Settling a
well-grounded Credit in this Nation, for Support of the Government, and
carrying on its Trade; I do now with all Humility lay before you
Proposals to answer that End, which I have not clogg’d with Compulsion
to the Subject, supposing nothing of this Nature can be good, where a
common Consent, grounded upon Interest, doth not make it valuable.

Banks, as I humbly conceive, ought chiefly to be calculated for the Use
of Trade, and modeled so as may best content the Traders. What gives them
Satisfaction, will answer all other Occasions of the Kingdom. Money
passes through the Hands of the Nobility and Gentry, only as Water doth
through Conduit-Pipes into the Cistern, but Centers in the Hands of
Traders, where it circulates, and may be said to be used; and among
these, Ease, Profit, and Security, are Arguments to keep a Bank always
full: Besides, when the Streights of the Government are taken of, greater
Sums will come into Trade, which are now drawn out, in order to make
Advantages, above what the Profits of Trade will bring in.

The Heads whereon I propose to build this National Credit, are these
which follow:

That a Bank be erected on the Credit of Parliament, the Profit or Loss
thereof to redound to the Nation, whose chief Chamber shall be settled in
_London_, but lesser Chambers in other Places of this Kingdom, at such
Distances, as may best answer the Occasions of the Country, which
Chambers to account with that of _London_, and that to Commissioners
appointed by Parliament.

That this Bank shall take in what running Cash shall be offered, and
shall give their Notes for it; and shall also allow Interest after the
Rate of ### _per Cent. per Annum_, after the first ### Days, till those
Notes be paid, and shall also pay it again to the Proprietors, or any
Part thereof, when demanded.

That if any Man put in his Money for a Time certain, not less than ###
Months, he shall receive Interest from the Time of paying it in, to the
Time he is Repaid.

That this Bank shall let out any Sum again on reasonable Security, either
Real, Personal, or Goods, receiving Interest after the Rate of ### _per
Cent. per Annum_, till the Borrower shall think fit to pay it in, which
he shall do, by such Parts as will best suit his Occasions, and be
discharged from the Interest of what he so pays, and only pay after the
Rate aforesaid, for so much as doth remain in his Hands.

That Lombards be erected to attend this Bank, for the Benefit of Traders,
under Regulations, which may Encourage Trade.

That for the Benefit of Returns, the Notes given in any one Chamber of
this Bank, shall be demandable in any other, together with the Interest
due till Payment, the Receiver allowing for such Returns after the Rate
of ### for each Hundred Pounds, in the Chamber where he receives his
Money.

That to prevent Counterfeits, all Notes given out at any Chamber, shall
be made payable to ### or Order, and assigned from one to another, each
Assignee to be Warrantee for the Note, both to the Bank, and also to
every later Assignee.

That these Notes shall be taken by the King in all Payments, which will
make them current among the Subjects.

That this Bank do supply the King with all Loans at _per Cent._ Interest
_per Ann._ from the Time of borrowing, to the Time the Money is paid in
again, and that it hath the Taxes, or Funds settled by Act of Parliament,
for its Security.

That all Debts contracted to this Bank, shall be of the same Nature with
Debts contracted to the King, and be first paid out of the Estates of the
Debtors; and that Extents shall lye accordingly.

That an Account be kept of Profit and Loss in each Chamber, together with
the Charges of the Officers, &c. And that it be return’d up every three
Months, as also Accompt Current, to the Grand Chamber in _London_, where
the whole shall be Examined by the Commissioners, and they be liable to
the inspection of the Parliament.

That Registers for Lands be erected in all Countries, &c. where desired,
by Act of Parliament.

That Bills be past on the Bank by such as are appointed to buy for the
Public Use of the Nation, payable at the Time of their Agreement; by
which means every one will endeavour to furnish the Government cheapest,
when their Payments shall be punctual; the King will save a great deal of
Money, paid now for Procuration, Excessive Interest, &c. and the Fleet
and Army will be well paid.

That the Commissioners do once every Year at least, make up the Accounts
depending between the Public and the Bank, allowing ### _per Cent._
Interest as before; and make Application to the Parliament for its
Reimbursement.

That Bills and Bonds be made Assignable by Law, and the Property be
thereby transfer’d to the Assignee.

That Trustees may put the Money belonging to _Orphans_ into this Bank,
which shall be a Discharge to them for so much of their Trust, the
Interest to be duly issued out for the Maintenance of the said _Orphans_;
and that all Plate and Bullion belonging to the said _Orphans_ be by the
Trustees coined up at the next Mint, and the Money put into the Bank for
the use of the said _Orphans_.

That the Money in this Bank be freed from Taxes.

Concerning which Credit I shall briefly speak to these Four Things.

I. First, _Its Security_.

II. Secondly, _Some of those Advantages the Nation will reap by it_.

III. Thirdly, _I shall make some Comparison between this Credit, and the
present Bank of_ England.

IV. Fourthly, _I shall set forth the necessity of setling the Nations
Credit in this present Sessions_.

I. As to the _First_, It hath the Legislative Power of the Kingdom of
_England_ for its Foundation, a Security strong enough, and nothing else
can be so, to build this Great Superstructure upon, the well modeling
whereof, will keep it from being subject to the Designs of private
Persons: This will last so long as the Peoples Liberties last, for no
Change can weaken it, so long as the People of _England_ have a hand in
making their own Laws, whose Common Interest will be riveted and made up
with the Security of this Bank, that they will in a short time become one
thing, so that nothing less than a Conquest will be able to shake it:
This we cannot fear from any Nation besides the _French_, nor from them
neither, till _Holland_ is first subdued; therefore, as those States must
first truckle, so far will our Bank be more secure than theirs: _France_
cannot erect a Bank on any sort of Security, because the Will of the
Prince being his Law, alters according to his present Occasions: Nor can
_Spain_ do it; where, not only the Government but also the Profits
thereof, are divided amongst its Ministers: As for _Sweden_, _Denmark_,
and _Portugal_, the Princes of _Italy_ and _Germany_, few believe their
Circumstances to be such, as to render them capable of erecting a Bank,
which may draw the Eyes of _Europe_ to look towards it; _England_ only
can do it, for as an easy Government is its own Security, so that
Security encourages Trade, and these two, accompanied with the Profits
offered to a running Cash, will make all _Europe_ desire to settle their
Monies here.

Seeing then, that nothing but the same Power which first constituted this
Bank can destroy it, (a Power with whom we intrust our Lives, Liberties,
and Estates) I cannot see the least Room left for distrust; for what
Advantage can any future Parliament expect by a design of seizing this
Bank, when the Treasure thereof may be drawn out, whilst they are framing
the Law; and the Consequence thereof will be, the Ruining their own
Estates, for which they can promise nothing to themselves, save the being
possest of empty Papers.

What farther Hazard the Nation can run, must proceed from the Neglect of
the Managers, or the Fraud of under Officers, which, Care in the First,
and Security for the Last, will prevent.

II. The next Thing is to shew the Advantages which _England_ will reap by
setling the Credit here proposed; whereof some do immediately attend it,
others are consequential.

Those which immediately attend it, are,

1st, The Rate of Interest will hereby be brought lower, to the Advance of
our Lands, and Encouragement of our Trade, by Methods altogether as
profitable to the Usurer, who will be willing to let his Money Cheaper,
when it shall never lie dead without his Consent, his Security be
unquestionable, and freed from the Charges of litigious Suits, which so
frequently accompany doubtful Mortgages.

2dly, Both Gentlemen and Traders will hereby be supplied with Money to
serve their Occasions, on such reasonable Security as they are able to
give, when that Security shall be strengthned, by having the Preheminence
above all other obligations; they may also have Liberty to pay it in by
such Proportions, as they can best spare it, when it shall be equally the
Interest of the Bank to receive it so, which will never want new
Opportunities to let it out again.

3dly, This Credit will give us an Esteem in Foreign Parts, draw their
Moneys hither, and consequently their Trade, and thereby their People,
all which will be an Advantage to _England_.

4ly, It will supply the Government with Money to carry on the War at
moderate Interest, and make its Credit good; whereby the public Revenues
will reach farther to serve its Occasions, and the Ministers of State be
freed from many anxious Thoughts, which now make them uneasy.

5ly, It will make Returns from place to place in _England_, both cheap
and certain, which will help our Inland Trade, and prevent Robberies, now
too much encouraged by travelling with Money; It will also be profitable
to our Foreign Trade, by bringing Exchanges low in our favour.

6ly, The Frauds put on the County, by Counterfeit Notes will be
prevented; for though the Method of Indentures and stained Paper now used
by the Bank of _England_, may be a Security to it self, yet it is not so
to any one else, seeing Art is able to counterfeit every Thing, at least
so like, as not to be easily discover’d: Now, what Satisfaction will it
be to those who have received their Notes instead of Money, to be told by
the Managers that they are counterfeit, when they know not where, nor
from whom to get Reparation; whereas, being Assigned from Man to Man,
they are taken on the Credit of the Assignor, who runs no other risque
thereby, save his Warrant that they are truly what he pays them for.

7ly, This Bank will be free from Stock-Jobbing, the Bane of all good
Designs, which will find no room here, because it cannot be divided into
private and particular Interests.

The Consequential Advantages will be these,

1st, By this means the Taxes for carrying on the War the ensuing Year,
together with the Twenty-five hundred and Sixty-four Thousand Pounds,
which fell short on the Salt Fund, may be raised, by Methods, wherein the
King’s Revenue, and the Peoples Profits, shall go hand in hand, without
Anticipations.

2ly, The Funds now settled on our Manufactures, which discourage our
Trade, and ruin our Poor, may be sunk and taken off; such as those on the
_Glass-makers_, _Tobaccopipe-makers_, _Distillers_, and others, many
whereof have yielded little to the Government, above the charge of
Collecting, and the best of them have done great Mischief to our Trade;
now seeing these are only so many several Modus’s of raising Money,
those Methods must doubtless do best, which least injure our Trade.

3ly, The Debt due to the Transport-Ships may be paid off, and those
People, to whose early Loyalty and Reduction of _Ireland_ is very much
owing, be contented.

4ly, The Mints may be kept Imployed, and the Kingdom thereby filled with
Coin.

5ly, Our Wool may be kept at home, which I humbly conceive can never be
done, till a good Credit be settled, any thing less will not be large
enough to cover the Sore intended to be cured.

6ly, The Plantation Trade may be better secured, especially that of
Tobacco, and Methods may be proposed to render it more profitable, both
to the King, and also to the Subject.

7ly, The Bank of _England_’s Notes may be brought to Par, and Tallies
of all sorts in a short time be paid off at their full Value, which I
humbly conceive will be difficult to be done, any other way, the settling
a Credit on either, or grafting them both together, seem improbable
Methods to answer those ends.

I humbly hope to make Proposals in this present Sessions for putting
these into practise, if a good Credit be timely settled.

Besides these, many other Advantages will accrue to the Nation, many of
which I have set forth in my before recited Essay on Coin and Credit.
Pag. 27, 28, 29.

III. The third Thing is to make some Comparison between the Credit here
proposed, and the present Bank of _England_; which I humbly conceive is
so shaken in its Reputation, as hath rendred it uncapable to be made the
Foundation of a national Credit; and whilst we labour to recover it, we
may run the hazard of destroying our Trade, disturbing the Government,
and keeping our selves under a lingring War, whilst we encourage the
_French_ King, to try his utmost Efforts, hoping, that our Difficulties
at home, will force us to accept of a dishonourable Peace.

’Tis certain, nothing can be the Support of a National Credit, which is
not better, or at least so good as Money; and this is not to be found in
the Bank of _England_, whose Notes whilst they are One _per Cent._ worse
than Specie, will always keep their Coffers empty, because no Man will
put into it a hundred Pounds in Money, when he can purchase a Note of the
same Value for Ninety-nine; and the Consequence will be this, that the
Lender, or rather the Jobber, will never rest till he is repaid, that so
he may be making advantage by a new Purchase; and if this will be the
Effect of a Credit worse only by One _per Cent._ than Money, what will it
be when ’tis sunk to sixteen; Whereas, on the other side, when a Credit
is better than Money, the Coffers will ever be full, because all Men will
endeavour to put in their Money, and be impatient till ’tis done; and
thus it will be, when the Lender thinks himself secure, and makes more
Profit by having his Money in the Bank then in his Chest, who will
therefore receive out no more at a Time, then his Necessities shall
require, and for the same Reason, those to whom he pays it, will
endeavour to return it thither again so soon as they can.

IV. As to the fourth Thing proposed, The Necessity the Nation lies under
to have its Credit settled this present Sessions, it will appear, if we
consider, how _London_ now stands in Competition with all _England_
besides, as to the Specie of Money, and how it will stand before another
Sessions: ’Tis generally agreed, that about one Moiety of the Money of
_England_ is already Center’d in that great City, and the rest is not
enough to pay the Debts owing to it, together with his Majesty’s
Revenues, Bonds already entered into, and Taxes now to be given, for Six
Months longer, besides the Foreign Bills, which are generally made
payable there, all which must be return’d in Specie; for though by an
Act of this present Sessions: Intituled, _An Act for the farther
Remedying the ill State of the Coin of this Kingdom_, it is among other
things provided, That all Money that shall be brought in upon Account of
Taxes, or Revenues, or Loans, at Five Shillings and Eight Pence _per_
Ounce, shall be carried to the next adjacent Mint, in order to be
Re-coined, yet this will no way be Serviceable to the Country, unless a
Credit be settled, it must otherwise be sent up to _London_ after coined
for want of Returns, the Debts due to the Country being paid there in
Bank, which is Sixteen _per Cent._ worse than Money, and those due from
the Country demanded in Specie, so that the Money of _England_ is every
Week brought up thither; and then, if it be next considered, what Methods
are left to the Country to draw it back again, _viz._ by Provisions and
some few other Things, ’twill be reasonable to believe, that seeing the
supply made from that City to the Country is greater than what is made
from the Country thither, all the Cash of _England_ will center there in
a short Time, to the Ruining of the other Trading Cities, and disabling
of the Country to pay future Taxes; and this will make the dependence on
_London_ still greater, till by its own Bloatiness it must at last burst,
when the Estates of the Traders shall consist only in Debts due from the
Country, which must still lye out for want of a Specie to pay them in; so
that all the Advantage _London_ will receive, is, that it will be last
ruined.

Now if a good Credit be settled out of Hand, and the Mints continued in
the Country, the Money that is now there, may be still kept there, and
Methods found out to increase it, and the Trade of _England_ carried on
with an equal Circulation in all places; this will keep up the Rents of
the Lands of _England_, which must otherwise fall in their Values,
suitable to the distance they stand in from that great Metropolis.

If it be objected, That the Management of this Credit will be very costly
to the Nation; I humbly conceive, that the Profits thereof will not only
support its Charge, but also bring in a great Overplus, which may be
usefully Imployed to the Nation’s Advantage; yet were this Objection
true, nothing can be termed good Husbandry which spoils our Trade, the
stopping whereof but for one Month, will be many Millions lost to the
Kingdom.

If by rectifying this, or any better Proposal from a more thinking Head,
the Credit of the Nation may be settled in this present Sessions, I have
reaped the End I aimed at, the Good and Welfare of my Native Country;
which I humbly submit to your Honours great Wisdom, and shall be ready to
explain any Thing that may seem doubtful, when I am thereto commanded.

    Your Honours,

    Most Obedient Servant,



SOME

CONSIDERATIONS

Relating to the carrying on

The Linnen Manufacture

IN THE

KINGDOM

OF

IRELAND.

By John Cary, Esq;

The Fifth Edition, Corrected.

LONDON:

Printed in the Year M.DCC.XLV.



SOME

CONSIDERATIONS

Relating to

The Linnen Manufacture

In the Kingdom of

IRELAND.


THE Linnen Manufacture in _Ireland_, being a Subject so much discours’d
of the last Sessions of Parliament, I humbly presume to offer some
Thoughts how it may best be carried on.

But, before I enter upon it, I will consider the State of that Kingdom,
with respect to its Foreign Trade; the Ballance whereof I take to be
against them, and must therefore be supplied, by carrying out their Coin,
which is already grown so scarce, that ’tis to be fear’d, in a short
time there will be little left.

To explain this, I will lay down some of those Steps, by which the
Ballance of Trade daily alters to their Prejudice.

1st, The great Fall of their Products, _viz._ Wool, Tallow, Hides, Beef,
&c. which are abated in their Prices above one Third of what they yielded
before the War; so that should the same Quantities of those Commodities
be bought up for Exportation, as formerly there were, yet they would not
amount to the Value they then did.

2ly, The Ports of _Spain_, _France_, and _Flanders_, which were their
great Markets, being now shut against them, the Profits which they made
by their Foreign Trade in the Times of Peace, over and above the first
Value of the Commodities exported, are also lost to the Kingdom.

3ly, The Prohibiting the Exportation of their Woollen Manufactures,
whereby their People were employed, and their Labours sold to Foreign
Nations, hath very much lessened the Ballance of their Foreign Trade,

4ly, The great Sums of Money spent in this Kingdom by the Nobility and
Gentry of _Ireland_, who come over hither for Pleasure, or necessary
Attendances, on the Court, Parliament, or private Affairs, and send
hither their Children for Education; the Purchases they have lately made
of the Forfeited Estates; and the yearly Remittances thence for the Rents
of Lands belonging to the Nobility and Gentry of this Kingdom, do all
make against them.

5ly, The great Consumption of Commodities among them from this Kingdom,
which, though it encreases our Trade, and makes it our Interest to
Support that Kingdom, must be allowed to be a Prejudice to them.

All which being laid together, it seems apparent to me, that the Ballance
of their Trade must every Year grow more against them, till their Money
is drawn away, except some New Manufacture, fit for Exportation, be
encouraged amongst them.

And I think none more proper than that of Linnen; which, besides the
Employment it will give to their Poor, will also take up large Tracts of
Land for raising of Hemp and Flax; and being a Manufacture no way
Interfering with our own, we may take it from them, in Barter for what
they have hence, without any Manner of Prejudice to the Trade of this
Kingdom.

Besides, The People of _Ireland_, being employed on the Linnen
Manufacture, would by degrees be taken off from making so much Worsted
and Woollen Yarn as they now do, which they send hither at Cheaper Rates
than we are able to make ’em: The Price of Labour in all Places being
according to the Rents of Lands, the Poor can afford to work there on
lower Terms than it can be expected they should do here: On the other
side, if the low Labour of the Poor of _Ireland_, was employed on
Spinning of Linnen Yarn, it would be an Advantage to the Kingdom of
_Ireland_, to have it sent hither, because it would enable us to make our
Fustions, and other Manufactures, where it is used, cheaper than now we
do; whilst our own Poor might be employed on Spinning of Wool; and we
might afford to give them better Wages, without fear of being beat out of
our Manufactures by any other Nation, provided Care was taken to keep our
Wool at Home.

The next Thing to be considered is, how this Work may be best carried on;
which I am of Opinion must be done by a Corporation, with a Joint-Stock,
sufficient, not only to buy up what Linnens shall be made, but also to
furnish the Kingdom with Money on easy Terms; which will likewise
encourage the Raising of Hemp and Flax.

If the High Rates of Interest in _Ireland_ be considered, and the present
State of the Linnen Manufacture there, ’twill not be difficult to see,
how unlikely it is to be carried on by private Stocks, who can make Ten
_per Cent. per Annum_, by letting out their Money; ’tis true, the late
Act hath reduced it to Eight, but that Act having no regard to
Incumbrances entred into before the 25th of _March_, 1704, I do not see
how it will much help the People of _Ireland_ at this Time, when the
Scarcity of Money does disable them to discharge prior Engagements; so
that private Men have Opportunities enough to settle theirs at Ten _per
Cent._ which in all probability they will rather chute, than to lay it
out in Linnens, unless they can be assured of a far greater Profit, than
they can make by letting it out.

Besides, as Interest is now managed, ’tis both a Clog to the
Gentlemen’s Estates, and a Discouragement to Traders and Manufacturers,
considering, that the whole Sum borrowed must be paid in at once; by
which means, being got into the Usurer’s Books, they can scarce ever
find the way out; Now if the Borrower had Liberty to pay in the
Principle, by such Parts as he is able to raise it, and the Interest for
so much to cease from that time, this would encourage Industry, and
promote Improvements, both in Product and Manufactures, which are the two
Things that encrease the Wealth of a Nation.

An Infant-Manufacture must be carried on at a small Profit, and must as I
may say, Fight its way through; which cannot be done, where Interest
carries such a Load with it; and, therefore, I am of Opinion, that
nothing less than a Joint-Stock, can make _Ireland_ Flourish; which will
in the Consequence turn likewise to the Advantage of _England_; the
Gentlemen of _Ireland_, being by these Means made more easy in their
Circumstances, and having their former Incumbrances brought Lower, will
spend more of their Money here, and wear more of our Manufactures there.

Nor will this way of Lending out Money be any Disadvantage to a
Corporation, who will find fit Opportunities of Employing their Stock, as
fast as it is paid in; and the Profits thereof being returned hither in
Linnens, they may afford to sell them cheaper than private Stocks can do.

But I do not think this Work can be presently brought about; ’twill not
be easy to persuade the Landlords nor Tenants of _Ireland_, to leave off
the way of Husbandry they are now upon, and to turn their Lands to Hemp
and Flax, till they see some Encouragement; but when they shall find this
new Product bring ready Money, they will soon Set upon it; if the
Manufacturer receive ready Money for his Cioath, he will be able to pay
ready Money both for Materials and Labour, which Circulation will
Encourage both the Farmer and the Manufacturer; and by Degrees, Hemp and
Flax-seed will be Sowed in all Lands proper for them, and the Owners will
soon see the Difference, between raising Commodities, for which there is
a present Demand, and such, as lye on their Hands: For though _Ireland_
may in time produce greater Quantities of Hemp and Flax than they can
work up, yet not more than _England_ may Take off, without Prejudice to
any Foreign Trade we drive; and their Number of Hands will in all
Probability be encreased by the _French_ Refugees, who will be glad to go
thither, where they may be employed in a Manufacture, so natural to them
as Linnen is; which will also give a fatal Blow to the Kingdom of
_France_ in that Manufacture.

The People in the North of _Ireland_, make good Cloth, sell it at
Reasonable Rates, and would every Year make much more, had they Vent for
it; and it is to be observed, that Money is not plentier, nor Rents paid
better, in any Part of _Ireland_, than there.

The Rents of _Ireland_ grow due at two Times of Payment, _viz._ 1st of
_May_, and 1st of _November_, the first becomes payable whilst their
Cattle are lean, which puts the Tenants under great Straits, and forces
them to sell very low, if they are prest for Money; but the Second
Payment is more easily made, their fat Cattle being sold, and their
Harvest over: This is the State of that part of the Kingdom that depends
on Feeding and Tillage; but where the Linnen Manufacture is, the Tenants
are much easier; they spin in the Winter Nights, and at other leisure
times, which being wove into Cloth, and whiten’d early in the Year,
provides Money for their first Payment, without selling their Cattle
before fatted for a Market.

It is necessary for a new Undertaking, to be attended with some lucky
Accident; the Linnen Manufacture can never be begun in _Ireland_ at a
more seasonable Time than now, being imported hither Custom-Free, when
all the other Linnens of _Europe_ pay considerable Duties.

The Gentlemen of _Ireland_ at this Time, seem to be Discontented, they
find themselves Uneasy, but cannot tell where the Sore lies; therefore,
sometimes they Complain of one Thing, and sometimes of another; but the
true Ground of all is this: Their Exports are lessened, whilst their
Imports encrease upon them, and the Specie of their Money decreases every
Day; by which means their Rents come in slowly, their Products fall on
their Hands, and will more, as they encrease above their Expence; so that
their Improvements rather turn to their Disadvantage; and their Lands
must fall (which ’tis our Interest to keep up) unless some new Product
be encouraged, which may be Manufactured amongst them: If this was done,
They would soon see where their Interest lay; and though I do not believe
they would all fall on sowing Hemp and Flax, nor is it necessary they
should, yet there would be so much Land turned that way, as might
restrain their other Products, within the Compass of their Exports, and
Home Consumption, and cause a Circulation of Money through all Parts of
the Kingdom.

This will give a greater Employment to the Poor of _Ireland_, and
encourage People to settle among them, without any Manner of Prejudice to
_England_; and Create a mutual Friendship, and a profitable
Correspondence, between both Kingdoms.

And as the Establishing such a Fund will be an Advantage to that Kingdom,
so it will bring a considerable Profit to the Undertakers, besides the
Benefit which may arise from it to the Government, during the Continuance
of this War.

FINIS.





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