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Title: The First Blast of the Trumpet against the monstrous regiment of Women
Author: Knox, John
Language: English
As this book started as an ASCII text book there are no pictures available.


*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The First Blast of the Trumpet against the monstrous regiment of Women" ***


The First Blast of the Trumpet against the monstrous regiment of Women

John Knox

1558.

Edited by EDWARD ARBER, F.S.A., etc.,
LECTURER IN ENGLISH LITERATURE, ETC.,
UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LONDON.

SOUTHGATE, LONDON, N.
15 August 1878.
No. 2.
(All rights reserved.)

[Transcribers Note: The image source for this book was a .pdf of the
above edition. The production of the pdf seems to have generated some
errors e.g. royal1 for royall. Such errors have been fixed but
otherwise the text aims to be true to the printed book.]



CONTENTS.


 Bibliography INTRODUCTION Extracts from Mr. DAVID LAING’S Preface The
 First Blast of the Trumpet &c.

THE PREFACE.

The wonderful silence of the godly and zealous preachers, the learned
men and of grave judgment, now in exile, that they do not admonish the
inhabitants of “greate Brittanny” how abominable before GOD is the
Empire or Rule of Wicked Woman, yea, of a traitress and bastard.

This is contrary to the examples of the ancient prophets.

I am assured that GOD hath revealed unto some in this our age, that it
is more than a monster in nature that a Woman shall reign and have
empire above Man.

ANSWERS TO THE OBJECTIONS

Why no such doctrine ought to be published in these our dangerous days.

(a) _It may seem to tend to sedition_.

(b) _It shall be dangerous not only to the writer or publisher, but to
all as shall read the writings, or favour this truth spoken_.

(c) _It shall not amend the chief offenders, because_
_1. It shall never come to their ears_
_2. They will not be admonished_.

If any think that the Empire of Women is not of such importance that
for the surpressing of the same any man is bound to hazard his life: I
answer, that to suppress it, is in the hand of GOD alone; but to utter
the impiety and abomination of the same, I say, it is the duty of every
true messenger of GOD to whom the truth is revealed in that behalf.

The First Blast to awake Women degenerate.

THE DECLAMATION.

_The_ Proposition. To promote a Woman to bear rule, superiority,
dominion or empire above any realm, nation or city is
A. Repugnant to nature.
B. Contumely to GOD.
C. The subversion of good order, of all equity and justice.

A. Men illuminated only by the light of nature have seen and determined
that it is a thing most repugnant to nature, that Women rule and govern
over men.

B. 1. Woman in her greatest perfection was made to serve and obey man,
not to rule and command him.

2. After the fall, she was made subject to man by the irrevocable
sentence of GOD. In which sentence there are two parts.
(a) A dolour, anguish and pain as oft as ever she shall be a mother.
(b) A subjection of her self, her appetites and will to her husband and
his will.

From the former part of this malediction can neither art, nobility,
policy nor law made by man deliver women: but, alas, ignorance of GOD,
ambition and tyranny have studied to abolish and destroy the second
part of GOD’s punishment.

3. This subjection, understood by many to be that of the wife to the
husband, is extended by Saint PAUL to women in general To which consent
TERTULLIAN, AUGUSTINE, AMBROSE, CHRYSOSTOM, BASIL

4. The two other Mirrors, in which we may behold the order of Nature.
(a) The natural body of man
(b) The civil body of that Commonwealth [of the Jews] in which GOD by
his own word hath appointed an order.

C. The Empire of a Woman is a thing repugnant to justice, and the
destruction of every commonwealth where it is received.
(a) If justice be a constant and perpetual will to give to every person
their own right: then to give or to will to give to any person that
which is not their right, must repugn to justice. But to reign above
Man can never be the right to Woman: because it is a thing denied unto
her by GOD, as is before declared.
(b) Whatsoever repugneth to the will of GOD expressed in His most
sacred word, repugneth to justice. That Women have authority over Men
repugneth to the will of GOD expressed in His word. Therefore all such
authority repugneth to justice.

ANSWERS TO OBJECTIONS.

1. _The examples of DEBORAH [Judges iv. 4] and HULDAH [2 Kings xxii
14_.]

2. _The law of MOSES for the daughters of ZELOPHEHAD [Numb. xxvii. 7,
and xxxvi. 11_]

3. _The consent of the Estates of such realms as have approved the
Empire and Regiment of Women_.

4 [_The long custom which hath received the Regiment of Women. The
valiant acts and prosperity. Together with some Papistical laws which
have confirmed the same_.

*** This objection was not directly replied to; but instead, the two
following ones.]
(a) _Albeit Women may not absolutely reign by themselves; because they
may neither sit in judgment, neither pronounce sentence, neither
execute any public office: yet may they do all such things by their
Lieutenants, Deputies, and Judges substitutes_.
(b) _A woman born to rule over any realm, may choose her a husband; and
to him she may transfer and give her authority and right_.

THE ADMONITION.

And now to put an end to the First Blast. Seeing that by the Order of
Nature; by the malediction and curse pronounced against Woman; by the
mouth of Saint PAUL, the interpreter of GOD’s sentence; by the example
of that Commonwealth in which GOD by His word planted order and policy;
and finally, by the judgment of the most godly writers: GOD hath
dejected women from rule, dominion, empire and authority above man.
Moreover, seeing that neither the example of DEBORAH, neither the law
made for the daughters of ZELOPHEHAD, neither yet the foolish consent
of an ignorant multitude: be able to justify that which GOD so plainly
hath condemned. Let all men take heed what quarrel and cause from
henceforth they do defend. If GOD raise up any noble heart to vindicate
the liberty of his country and to suppress the monstrous Empire of
Women: let all such as shall presume to defend them in the same, most
certainly know; that in so doing they lift their hand against GOD, and
that one day they shall find His power to fight against their
foolishness.

JOHN KNOX to the Reader

APPENDIX.

1559.

12 July. JOHN KNOX to Sir WILLIAM CECIL

20 July. JOHN KNOX’S Declaration to Queen ELIZABETH

1561.

20 Mar. THOMAS RANDOLPH to Sir WILLIAM CECIL

5 Aug. JOHN KNOX’S Second Defence to Queen ELIZABETH

Extracts from JOHN KNOX’S History of the Church of Scotland



_BIBLIOGRAPHY._


_The First Blast of the Trumpet etc._

ISSUES IN THE AUTHOR’S LIFETIME.

A. _As a separate publication_.

1. 1558. [i.e. early in that year at Geneva. 8vo.] See title at p. 1.

B. _With other Works._

None known.

ISSUES SINCE HIS DEATH.

A. _As a separate publication_.

2. [?1687? Edinburgh.] 8vo. The First Blast of the Trumpet against the
monstrous Regimen[t] of Women.

4. 15. Aug. 1878. Southgate London N. _English Scholar’s Library_.
The present impression.

B. _With other Works_.

1846-1848. Edinburgh. 8vo. _Bannatyne Club_. The Works of JOHN KNOX.
Collected and edited by DAVID LAING. In 6 Vols. A special and limited
edition of 112 copies of the First Two Volumes was struck off for this
Printing Club.

1846-1848. Edinburgh. 8vo. _Wodrow Club_. The same Two Volumes issued
to this Society.

1854-1864. Edinburgh. 8vo. The remaining Four Volumes published by Mr.
T. G. STEVENSON. The First Blast &c. is at Vol. iv. 349.

Early Replies to the First Blast etc.

1. 26 Apr. 1559. Strasburgh. 4to. [JOHN AYLMER, afterwards Bishop of
LONDON]. An Harborovve for faithfull and trewe subiectes, agaynst the
late blowne Blaste, concerninge the Gouernmente of VVemen wherin he
confuted all such reasons as a straunger of late made in that behalfe,
with a breife exhortation to Obedience. Anno. M.D. lix.

[This calling John Knox a “stranger” sounds to us like a piece of
impudence, but may bring home to us that Scotland was then to
Englishmen a foreign country.]

2. 1565-6. Antwerp. 8vo. PETRUS FRARINUS, M.A. Oration against the
Vnlawfull Insurrections of the Protestantes of our time, under the
pretence to refourme religion.

Made and pronounced in the Schole of Artes at Louaine, the xiiij of
December. Anno 1565. And now translated into English with the aduise of
the Author. Printed by JOHN FOWLER in 1566.

The references to KNOX and GOODMAN are at E. vj and F. ij. At the end
of this work is a kind of Table of Contents, each reference being
illustrated with a woodcut depicting the irightful cruelties with which
the Author in the text charges the Protestants. One woodcut is a
curious representation of GOODMAN and NOKES.

Doctor FULKE wrote a _Confutation_ of this work.

3. 1579. Paris. 8vo. DAVID CHAMBERS of Ormond. Histoire abregée de tous
les Roys de France, Angleterre et Escosse, etc. In three Parts, each
with a separate Title page.

The Third Part is dated 21 August 1573; is dedicated to CATHERINE DE
MEDICI; and is entitled

Discours de la legitime succession des femmes aux possessions de leurs
parens: et du gouernement des princesses aux Empires et Royaumes.

4. 1584. [Printed abroad]. 8vo. JOHN LESLEY, Bishop of ROSS. A treatise
towching the right, title and interest of the most Excellent Princesse
MARIE, Queen of Scotland, And of the most noble King JAMES, her Graces
sonne, to the succession of the Crowne of England. ... Compiled ahd
published before in Latin, and after in English. The Blast is alluded
to at C. 2.

5. 1590. [Never printed.] Lord HENRY HOWARD [created Earl of
NORTHAMPTON 13 March 1604.], a voluminous writer, but few of whose
writings ever came to the press.

A dutifull defence of the lawfull Regiment of women deuided into three
bookes. The first conteyneth reasons and examples grounded on the law
of nature. The second reasons and examples grownded on the Ciuile
lawes. The third reasons and examples grounded on the sacred lawes of
god with an awnswer to all false and friuolous obiections which haue
bene most vniustlie cowntenaunced with deceitfull coulores forced oute
of theis lawes in disgrace of their approued and sufficient authorytie.
_Lansd. MS_. 813 and _Harl. MS_. 6257.



INTRODUCTION.


At the time this tract was written the destinies, immediate and
prospective, of the Protestant faith seemed to lay wholly in the laps
of five women, viz:—

CATHERINE DE MEDICI, Queen of France.

MARIE DE LORRAINE, Queen Regent of Scotland, whose sole heir was her
daughter MARY, afterwards Queen of Scots.

MARY TUDOR, Queen of England, having for her heir apparent the Princess
ELIZABETH.

Of these, the last—also of least account at this moment, being in
confinement—was the only hope of the Reformers. The other four, largely
directing the affairs of three kingdoms, were steadfastly hostile to
the new faith. Truly, the odds were heavy against it. Who could have
anticipated that within three years of the writing of this book both
MARY TUDOR and MARY DE LORRAINE would have passed away; that KNOX
himself would have been in Scotland carrying on the Reformation; and
that ELIZABETH would have commenced her marvellous reign. So vast a
change in the political world was quite beyond all reasonable
foresight.

Meanwhile there was only present to the vision and heart of the
Reformer as he gazed seaward, from Dieppe, but the unceasing blaze of,
the martyr fires spreading from Smithfield all over England. Month
after month this horrid work was deliberately carried on and was
increasing in intensity.

We se our countrie set furthe for a pray to foreine nations, we heare
the blood of our brethren, the membres of Christ Iesus most cruellie to
be shed, and the monstruous empire of a cruell women (the secrete
counsel of God excepted) we knowe to be the onlie occasion of all the
miseries: and yet with silence we passe the time as thogh the mater did
nothinge appertein to vs. p. 3.

The vigour of the persecution had struck all heart out of the
Protestants. Was this to go on for ever? Heart-wrung at the ruthless
slaughter—as we, in our day, have been by the horrors of the Indian
mutiny or of the Bulgarian atrocities—the Reformer sought to know the
occasion of all these calamities. At that moment, he found it in the
Empire of Woman. Afterwards he referred much of this book to the time
in which it was written [pp. 58 and 61]. Shall we say that his heart
compelled his head to this argument, that his indignation entangled his
understanding on this subject? Just as MILTON was led to the discussion
of the conditions of divorce, through his desertion by his wife MARY
POWELL; so the fiery martyrdoms of England led KNOX to denounce the
female sex in the person of her whom we still call “Bloody MARY” that
was the occasion of them all.

If in the happiest moment of his happiest dream, JOHN KNOX could have
foreseen our good and revered Queen VICTORIA reigning in the hearts of
the millions of her subjects, and ruling an Empire wider by far than
those of Spain and Portugal in his day; if he could have seen England
and Scotland ONE COUNTRY, bearing the name which, as almost of
prophecy, he has foreshadowed for them in this tract, “the Ile of
greate Britanny;” if he could have beheld that one country as it now
abides in its strength and its wealth, the most powerful of European
states; if he could have realized free Italy with Rome, the Popes
without temporal power, and modern civilisation more than a match for
Papal intrigues; if he could have known that the gospel for which he
lived had regenerated the social life of Great Britain, that it was tha
confessed basis of our political action and the perennial spring of our
Christian activities, so that not merely in physical strength, but in
moral, force and mental enlightenment we are in the van of the nations
of the world: if the great Scotch Reformer had but had a glimpse of
this present reality, this tract would never have been written, and he
would willingly have sung the paean of aged SIMEON and passed out of
this life.

But this work was the offspring of the hour of darkness, if not of
despair. Something must be done. A warrior of the pen, he would forge a
general argument against all female rule that would inclusively destroy
the legal right of MARY to continue these atrocities.


II.

The first note of this trumpet blast, “The Kingdom apperteineth to our
GOD,” shows us the vast difference between the way in which men
regarded the Almighty Being then and now. Shall we say that the awe of
the Deity has departed! Now so much stress is laid on the Fatherhood of
GOD: in KNOX’S time it was His might to defend His own or to take
vengeance on all their murderers. Both views are true. Nevertheless
this age does seem wanting in a general and thorough reverence for His
great name and character.

KNOX seems like some great Hebrew seer when he thus pronounces the doom
of MARY and her adherents.

The same God, who did execute this greuous punishment, euen by the
handes of those, whom he suffred twise to be ouercomen in batel, doth
this day retein his power and iustice. Cursed Iesabel of England, with
the pestilent and detestable generation of papistes, make no litle
bragge and boast, that they haue triumphed not only against Wyet, but
also against all such as haue entreprised any thing against them or
their procedinges. But let her and them consider, that yet they haue
not preuailed against god, his throne is more high, then that the
length of their hornes be able to reache. And let them further
consider, that in the beginning of their bloodie reigne, the haruest of
their iniquitie was not comen to full maturitie and ripenes. No, it was
so grene, so secret I meane, so couered, and so hid with hypocrisie,
that some men (euen the seruantes of God) thoght it not impossible, but
that wolues might be changed in to lambes, and also that the vipere
might remoue her natural venom. But God, who doth reuele in his time
apointed the secretes of hartes, and that will haue his iudgementes
iustified euen by the verie wicked, hath now geuen open testimonie of
her and their beastlie crueltie. For man and woman, learned and
vnlearned, nobles and men of baser sorte, aged fathers and tendre
damiselles, and finailie the bones of the dead, as well women as men
haue tasted of their tyrannie, so that now not onlie the blood of
father Latimer, of the milde man of God the bishop of Cantorburie, of
learned and discrete Ridley, of innocent ladie Iane dudley, and many
godly and worthie preachers, that can not be forgotten, such as fier
hath consumed, and the sworde of tyrannie moste vniustlie hath shed,
doth call for vengeance in the eares of the Lord God of hostes: but
also the sobbes and teares of the poore oppressed, the groninges of the
angeles, the watch men of the Lord, yea and euerie earthlie creature
abused by their tyrannie do continuallie crie and call for the hastie
execution of the same. I feare not to say, that the day of vengeance,
whiche shall apprehend that horrible monstre Iesabal of England, and
suche as maintein her monstruous crueltie, is alredie apointed in the
counsel of the Eternall; and I verelie, beleue that it is so nigh, that
she shall not reigne so long in tyrannie, as hitherto she hath done,
when God shall declare him selfe to be her ennemie, when he shall poure
furth contempt vpon her, according to her crueltie, and shal kindle the
hartes of such, as sometimes did fauor her with deadly hatred against
her, that they may execute his iudgementes. And therfore let such as
assist her, take hede what they do.


III.

There are some notable incidental matters in this tract. First in
matters of State. As

The spaniardes are Iewes and they bragge that Marie of England is the
roote of Iesse. p. 46.

That most important testimony that the Reformation under EDWARD VI was
mainly the work of the King and his court; as it had been in the days
of his father HENRY VIII.

For albeit thou diddest not cease to heape benefit vpon benefit, during
the reigne of an innocent and tendre king, yet no man did acknowledge
thy potent hand and meruelouse working. The stoute courage of
capitaines, the witte and policie of counselers, the learning of
bishoppes[1], did robbe the of thy glorie and honor. For what then was
heard, as concerning religion, but the kinges procedinges, the kinges
procedinges must be obeyed? It is enacted by parliament: therefore it
is treason to speake in the contrarie. p. 30.

The political shrewdness of the Writer on the entanglement of England
in the Spanish War against France, whereby we lost Calais on the 6th
January 1558.

They see their owne destruction, and yet they haue no grace to auoide
it. Yea they are becomen so blinde, that knowing the pit, they headlong
cast them selues into the same, as the nobilitie[2] of England, do this
day, fighting in the defense of their mortall ennemie the Spaniard.
Finallie they are so destitute of vnderstanding and iudgement, that
althogh they knowe that there is a libertie and fredome, the whiche
their predecessors haue inioyed; yet are they compelled to bowe their
neckes vnder the yoke of Satan, and of his proude ministres, pestilent
papistes and proude spaniardes. And yet can they not consider that
where a woman reigneth and papistes beare authoritie, that there must
nedes Satan be president of the counsel, p. 31.

The absence of any specific allusion to Calais shows that this book was
wholly written before its capture.

Next, in the imagery with which he expresses his insight into the
nature of things. As

It is a thing verie difficile to a man, (be he neuer so constant)
promoted to honors, not to be tickled some what with pride (for the
winde of vaine glorie doth easelie carie vp the, drie dust of the
earth). p. 19.

The wise, politic, and quiet spirites of this world, p. 8.

The veritie of God[3] is of that nature, that at one time or at other,
it will pourchace to it selfe audience. It is an odour and smell, that
can not be suppressed, yea it is a trumpet that will sound in despite
of the adversarie.

Lastly, the marvellous lashing of women, throughout: climaxing in

Woman ... the porte and gate of the deuil.

 [1] what robbed God of his honor in England in the time of the
 Gospell.

 [2] The nobilitie and the hole realme of England, caste themselves
 willing in to the pit.

 [3] The propertie of Goddes truth.


IV.

This work is therefore to us rather “the groaning of this angel,” this
“watchman of the LORD” at the national subjection, the fiery
martyrdoms, “the sobs and tears of the poor oppressed;” than the
expression of any fundamental principle on which GOD has constituted
human society. Intellectually, there is partiality, forgetfulness and
disproportion in the argument. It applies as much to a Man as to a
Woman, and more to a wicked than a good Woman. He started on the
assumption that almost all women in authority were wicked. Time however
alters many things; and he lived to love and reverence Queen ELIZABETH.

So these trumpet notes are the outpouring of a very great nature, if
not of a great thinker; of one whose absolute and dauntless devotion to
GOD, to truth, to right, whose burning indignation against wrong-doing
and faith in the Divine vengeance to overtake it, fitted him to do a
giant’s work in the Reformation, and will enshrine his memory in the
affection of all good men till time shall end.



EXTRACTS FROM MR. DAVID LAING’S PREFACE.


With some other hints, gratefully acknowledged.

Of the various writings of the Reformer, no one was the occasion of
exciting greater odium than his _First Blast against the monstrous
Regiment or Government of Women_. Unlike all his other publications, it
appeared anonymously, although he had no intention of ultimately
concealing his name. His purpose was, as he tells us, “Thrice to Blow
the Trumpet in the same matter, if GOD so permit,” and, on the last
occasion, to announce himself as the writer, to prevent any blame being
imputed to others. This intention, it is well known, was never carried
into effect. That KNOX’S views were in harmony with those of his
colleagues, GOODMAN, WHITTINGHAM, and GILBY, need hardly be stated: but
the reception of the little work fully confirmed the Author’s opinion,
that it would not escape “the reprehension of many.” This may in a
great measure be attributed to the course of public events within a few
months of its publication.

The subject of Female Government had engaged his attention at an
earlier period. One of his Questions submitted to BULLINGER in 1554 was
“Whether a Female can preside over, and rule a kingdom by divine
right?” And in answer to some doubts regarding the Apparel of Women, he
himself says that “if women take upon them the office which GOD hath
assigned to men, they shall not escape the Divine malediction.” In his
_Additions_ to the _Apology for The Protestants in prison at Paris_, he
expresses his conviction that the government of Princes had come to
that state of iniquity that “no godly person can enjoy office or
authority under them.” This assertion indeed was not specially
applicable to Female government, but his feelings in reference to the
persecutions in England under MARY, and in Scotland under the Queen
Regent, impelled him to treat of a subject which all others at the time
seemed most sedulously to avoid.

His First _Blast_ was probably written at Dieppe towards the end of
1557; and it was printed early in the following year at Geneva, as is
apparent upon comparison with other books from the press of JOHN
CRESPIN in that city.

A copy of the work having been sent to JOHN FOX, then residing at
Basle, he wrote “a loving and friendly letter” to the author, in which
he expostulates with him on the impropriety of the publication. In
KNOX’S reply, dated the 18th of May 1558, he says, he will not excuse
“his rude vehemencie and inconsidered affirmations, which may appear
rather to proceed from choler than of zeal or reason.” “To me,” he
adds, “it _is_ enough to say, that black is not white, and man’s
tyranny and foolishness is not GOD’s perfect ordinance.”

The similar work of GOODMAN on _Obedience to Superior_ Powers which
appeared at Geneva about the same time, was also suggested by the
persecuting spirit which then prevailed. But both works were published
somewhat unseasonably, as such questions on _Government_ and
_Obedience_, it is justly observed, might have been more fitly argued
when a King happened to fill the throne. The terms used by GOODMAN in
reference to MARY, Queen of England, are not less violent than
unseemly. She died on the 17th of November 1558, and her successor
regarded the authors of those works with the utmost dislike; although
neither of them, in their writings, had any special reference or the
least intention of giving offence to Queen ELIZABETH....

That these works, and every person supposed to entertain similar
sentiments, should be regarded with marked aversion by Queen ELIZABETH,
need excite no surprise.

In the beginning of the year 1559, CALVIN having revised and
republished his _Commentaries_ on _ISAIAH_, originally dedicated to
EDWARD VI. in 1551; he addressed the work in a printed Epistle to Her
Majesty: but his messenger brought him back word that his homage was
not kindly received by Her Majesty, because she had been offended with
him by reason of some writings published with his approbation at
Geneva.

CALVIN felt so greatly annoyed at this imputation, that he addressed a
letter[1] to Sir WILLIAM CECIL, in which he expresses himself with no
small degree of asperity on the subject of KNOX’S First B_last_. He
says—

Two years ago [i.e. _in_ 1557] JOHN KNOX asked of me, in a private
conversation, what I thought about the Government of Women. I candidly
replied, that as it was a deviation from the original and proper order
of nature, it was to be ranked, no less than slavery, among the
punishments consequent upon the fall of man: but that there were
occasionally women so endowed, that the singular good qualities which
shone forth in them made it evident that they were raised up by Divine
authority; either that GOD designed by such examples to condemn the
inactivity of men, or for the better setting forth of His own glory. I
brought forth Huldah and Deborah; and added, that GOD did not vainly
promise by the mouth of Isaiah that “Queens should be nursing mothers
of the Church”; by which prerogative it is very evident that they are
distinguished from females in private life. I came at length to this
conclusion, that since, both by custom, and public consent, and long
practice, it hath been established, that realms and principalities may
descend to females by hereditary right, it did not appear to me
necessary to move the question, not only because the thing would be
most invidious; but because in my opinion it would not be lawful to
unsettle governments which are ordained by the peculiar providence of
GOD.

I had no suspicion of the book, and for a whole year was ignorant of
its publication. When I was informed of it by certain parties, I
sufficiently shewed my displeasure that such paradoxes should be
published; but as the remedy was too late, I thought that the evil,
which could not now be corrected, should rather be buried in oblivion
than made a matter of agitation.

Inquire also at your father in law [Sir ANTHONY COOKE] what my reply
was, when he informed me of the circumstance through Beza. And MARY was
still living, so that I could not be suspected of flattery.

What the books contain, I cannot tell; but KNOX himself will allow that
my conversation with him was no other than what I have now stated.

Calvin then proceeds to say, that great confusion might have arisen by
any decided opposition, and there would have been cause to fear, that
in such a case—

By reason of the thoughtless arrogance of one individual, the wretched
crowd of exiles would have been driven away, not only from this city
[of Geneva] but even from almost the whole world.

Some years later, and subsequent to CALVIN’S death, BEZA, in a letter
to BULLINGER, adverts to Queen ELIZABETH’S continued dislike to the
Church of Geneva. In his letter, dated the 3rd of September 1566, he
says—

Some years later, and subsequent to CALVIN’S death, BEZA, in a letter
to BULLINGER, adverts to Queen ELIZABETH’S continued dislike to the
Church of Geneva. In his letter, dated the 3rd of September 1566, he
says—

For as to our Church, I would have you know that it is so hateful to
the Queen [of England], that on this account she has never said a
single word in acknowledgement of the gift of my _Annotations [on the
New Testament]_. The reason of her dislike is twofold; one, because we
are accounted too severe and precise, which is very displeasing to
those who fear reproof; the other is, because formerly, though without
our knowledge, during the lifetime of Queen MARY, two books were
published here in the English language, one by Master KNOX against the
_Government of Women_, the other by Master GOODMAN on the _Rights of
the Magistrate_.

As soon as we learned the contents of each, we were much displeased,
and their sale was forbidden in consequence; but she, notwithstanding,
cherishes the opinion she has taken into her head[2].

[1] The letter is not dated, but it was subsequent to one written on
the 29th of January 1559 [i.e. 1560], _Zurich Letters_. Second Series,
p. 35.

[2] _Zurich Letters_. Second Series, p. 34.



THE FIRST BLAST OF THE TRUMPET AGAINST THE MONSTRVOVS REGIMENT OF
WOMEN.


Veritas temporis filia,

M. D. LVIII.


THE KINGDOME APPERTEINETH TO OVR GOD.

Wonder it is, that amongest so many pregnant wittes as the Ile of
greate Brittanny hath produced, so many godlie and zelous preachers as
England did somtime norishe, and amongest so many learned and men of
graue iudgement, as this day by Iesabel are exiled, none is found so
stowte of courage, so faithfull to God, nor louing to their natiue
countrie, that they dare admonishe the inhabitantes of that Ile how
abominable before God, is the Empire or Rule of a wicked woman, yea of
a traiteresse and bastard. And what may a people or nation left
destitute of a lawfull head, do by the authoritie of Goddes worde in
electing and appointing common rulers and magistrates. That Ile (alas)
for the contempt and horrible abuse of Goddes mercies offred, and for
the shamefull reuolting to Satan frome Christ Iesus, and frome his
Gospell ones professed, doth iustlie merite to be left in the handes of
their own counsel, and so to come to confusion and bondage of
strangiers. But yet I feare that this vniuersall negligence[1] of such
as somtimes were estemed watchemen, shall rather aggrauate our former
ingratitude, then excuse this our vniuersall and vngodlie silence, in
so weightie a mater. We se our countrie set furthe for a pray to
foreine nations, we heare the blood of our brethren, the membres of
Christ Iesus most cruellie to be shed, and the monstruous empire of a
cruell woman (the secrete counsel of God excepted) we knowe to be the
onlie occasion of all these miseries: and yet with silence we passe the
time as thogh the mater did nothinge appertein to vs. But the contrarie
examples of the auncient prophetes[2] moue me to doubte of this our
fact. For Israel did vniuersalie decline frome God by embrasing
idolatrie vnder Ieroboam. In whiche they did continue euen vnto the
destruction of their common welthe[3]. And Iuda withe Ierusalem did
followe the vile superstition and open iniquitie of Samaria[4]. But yet
ceased not the prophetes of God to admonishe the one and the other: Yea
euen after that God had poured furthe his plagues vpon them[5]. For
Ieremie did write to the captiues of Babylon, and did correct their
errors, plainlie instructing them, who did remaine in the middest of
that idolatrouse nation. Ezechiel[6] frome the middest of his brethren
prisoners in Chaldea, did write his vision to those that were in
Ierusalem, and sharplie rebukinge their vices, assured them that they
shuld not escape the vengeance of God by reason of their abominations
committed.

[1]: the Negligence of watchemen.

[2]: The diligence of the olde prophetes of God.

[3]: I. Reg. 12.

[4]: Ezech. 16.

[5]: Ierem. 29.

[6]: Ezech. 7,8,9.

The same prophetes for comfort of the afflicted and chosen saintes of
God, who did lie hyd amongest the reprobate of that age[7] (as
commonlie doth the corne amongest the chaffe) did prophecie and before
speake the changes of kingdomes, the punishmentes of tyrannes, and the
vengeance[8] whiche God wold execute vpon the oppressors of his people.
The same did Daniel and the rest of the prophetes euerie one in their
season. By whose examples and by the plaine precept, which is geuen to
Ezechiel, commanding him that he shall say to the wicked: Thou shalt
die the death. We in this our miserable age are bounde to admonishe[9]
the world and the tyrannes thereof, of their sodeine destruction, to
assure them, and to crie vnto them, whether they list to heare or not.
That the blood of the saintes, which by them is shed, continuallie
crieth and craueth[10] vengeance in the presence of the Lorde of
hostes. And further it is our dutie to open the truthe reueled vnto vs,
vnto the ignorant and blind world, vnlest that to our owne condemnation
we list to wrap vp and and hyde the talent committed to our charge. I
am assured that God hath reueled to some in this our age, that it is
more then a monstre in nature, that a woman shall reigne and haue
empire aboue man. And yet with vs all, there is suche silence, as if
God therewith were nothing offended. The naturall man, ennemy to God
shall fynd, I knowe, many causes why no suche doctrine oght to be
published in these our dangerous dayes. First, for that it may seme to
tend to sedition[11]: secondarilie, it shal be dangerous, not onlie to
the writer or publisher, but also to all such as shall reade the
writinges, or fauor this truth spoken: and last it shall not amend the
chief offenders, partlie because it shall neuer come to their eares,
and partlie because they will not be admonished in such cases. I
answer, yf any of these be a sufficient reason that a truth knowen
shalbe conceled, then were the auncient prophetes of God very fooles,
who did not better prouide for their owne quietnes, then to hasard
their liues for rebuking of vices, and for the opening of such crimes,
as were not knowen to the world, And Christ Iesus did iniurie to his
Apostles, commanding them to preache repentance and remission of synnes
in his name to euerie realme and nation. And Paule did not vnderstand
his owne libertie, when he cried, wo be to me, if I preache not the
Euangile. Yf feare, I say, of persecution[12], of sclander, or of any
inconuenience before named might have excused, and discharged the
seruantes of God[13], from plainlie rebuking the sinnes of the world;
iuste cause had euerie one of them to haue ceased frome their office.
For sodeinlie their doctrine was accused by termes of sedition, of newe
learning, and of treason: persecution and vehement trouble did shortlie
come vpon the professours with the preachers[14]: kinges, princes and
worldlie rulers did conspire against God and against his anoynted
Christ Iesus. But what? Did any of these moue the prophetes and
Apostles to faynt in their vocation? no. But by the resistance, whiche
the deuill made to them by his suppostes, were they the more inflamed
to publishe the truthe reueled vnto them and to witnesse with their
blood, that greuous condemnation and Goddes heuie vengeance shuld
folowe the proude contempt of graces offred. The fidelitie, bold
courage, and constancie of those that are passed before vs, oght to
prouoke vs to folowe their footsteppes, onles we loke for an other
kingdome then Christ hath promised to such as perseuere in profession
of his name to the end. Yf any think that the empire of women, is not
of such importance, that for the suppressing of the same, any man is
bounde to hasarde his life, I answer, that to suppresse it, is in the
hand of god alone. But to vtter the impietie and abomination of the
same, I say, it is the dutie of euerie true messager of God, to whome
the truth is reueled in that behalfe. For the especiall dutie[15] of
Goddes messagers is to preache repentance, to admonishe the offenders
of their offenses, and to say to the wicked, thou shalt die the death,
except thou repent. This, I trust, will no man denie to be the propre
office of all Goddes messagers to preache (as I haue said) repentance
and remission of synnes. But nether of both can be done, except the
conscience of the offenders be accused and conuicted of transgression.
For howe shall any man repent not knowing wher in he hath offended? And
where no repentance is founde[16], there can be no entrie to grace. And
therfore I say, that of necessitie it is, that, this monstriferouse
empire of women, (which amongest all enormities, that this day do
abound vpon the face of the hole earth, is most detestable and
damnable) be openlie reueled and plainlie declared to the world, to the
end that some may repent and be saued. And thus farre to the first
sorte.

[7]: God alway had his people amongst the wicked, who neuer lacked
their prophetes and teachers.

[8]: Isaie. 13. Ierem. 6. Ezech. 36.

[9]: Examples what teachers oght to do in this time.

[10]: Ezech. 2, Apoca. 6.

[11]: Thre chef reasons, that do stay man from speaking the truthe.

[12]: 1. Cor. 9.

[13]: Mat. 26. Act. 18, 21.

[14]: Psalm. 2. Act. 4.

[15]: It is necessarie for everie man to open the impietie, whiche he
knoweth to hurt his commonwelth.

[16]: No man can repent except he knowe his synne.

To such as thinke that it will be long before such doctrine come to the
eares of the chief offenders, I answer that the veritie of God is of
that nature, that at one time or at other, it will pourchace to it
selfe audience. It is an odour and smell, that can not be
suppressed[17], yea it is a trumpet that will sound in despite of the
aduersarie. It will compell the verie ennemies to their own confusion,
to tes tifie and beare witnesse of it. For I finde that the prophecie
and preaching of Heliseus was declared in the hall of the king of Syria
by the seruantes and flatterers of the same wicked king[18], making
mention that Heliseus declared to the king of Israel, what so euer the
said king of Syria spake in his most secret chamber. And the wonderous
workes of Iesus Christ were notified to Herode[19], not in any greate
praise or commendation of his doctrine, but rather to signifie that
Christ called that tyranne a fox: and that he did no more regarde his
authoritie then did Iohn the Baptist, whom Herode before had beheaded
for the libertie of his tonge. But whether the bearers of the rumors
and tidinges were fauourers of Christ or flatterers of the tyranne,
certain it is that the fame, as well of Christes doctrine, as of his
workes came to the eares of Herod: euen so may the sounde of our weake
trumpet, by the support of some wynd (blowe it from the south or blowe
it from the northe it is no mater) come to the eares of the chief
offenders. But whether it do or not, yet dare we not cease to blowe as
God will giue strength[20]. For we are debters to mo then to princes,
to witte, to the multitude of our brethren, of whome, no doubte a
greate nomber haue here to fore offended by errour and ignorance,
geuing their suffragies, consent and helpe to establishe women in their
kingdomes and empires[21], not vnderstanding howe abominable, odious
and detestable is all such vsurped authoritie in the presence of God.
And therfore must the truthe, be plainlie spoken, that the simple and
rude multitude may be admonished.

[17]: The propertie of Goddes truth.

[18]: 2. Reg. 6.

[19]: Mat. 14.

[20]: Rum. 1.

[21]: The ignorant multitide hath set up the authoritie of women not
knowinge the danger.

And as concerning the danger, which may hereof insue, I am not
altogether so brutishe and insensible, but that I haue laid mine
accompt what the finishinge of the worke may coste me for mine own
parte. First, I am not ignorant howe difficile and dangerous it is to
speake against a common error[22], especiallie when that the ambitious
mindes of men and women are called to the obedience of goddes simple
commandement. For to the most parte of men, laufull and godlie
appeareth, what soeuer antiquitie hath receiued. And secondarilie, I
looke to haue mine aduersaries not onlie of the ignorant multitude, but
also of the wise, politike, and quiet spirites of this worlde, so that
aswell shall suche as oght to mainteine the truth and veritie of God
become ennemies to me in this case, as shall the princes and ambitious
persons, who to mainteine their vniust tyrannie do alwayes studie to
suppresse the same. And thus I am most certeinlie persuaded, that my
labour shall not escape reprehension of many. But because I remembre
that accomptes[23] of the talentes receiued must be made to him, who
nether respecteth the multitude, nether yet approueth the wisdome,
policie, peace, nor antiquitie, concluding or determining any thinge
against his eternall will reueled to vs in his moste blessed worde, I
am compelled to couer myne eyes, and shut vp myne eares, that I nether
se the multitude, that shall withstand me in this mater, nether that I
shall heare the opprobries, nor consider the dangers, which I may
incurre for vttering the same. I shalbe called foolishe, curious,
despitefull, and a sower of sedition: and one day parchance (althogh
now I be nameles) I may be attainted of treason. But seing that
impossible it is[[24], but that ether I shall offend God, dailie
calling to my conscience, that I oght to manifest the veritie knowen,
or elles that I shall displease the worlde for doing the same, I haue
determined to obey God, not withstanding that the world shall rage
therat. I knowe that the world offended (by Goddes permission) may kill
the bodie, but Goddes maiestie offended, hath power to punishe bodie
and soule for euer. His maiestie is offended, when that his preceptes
are contemned, and his threatninges estemed to be of none effect. And
amongest his manifold preceptes geuen to his prophetes, and amongest
his threatninges, none is more vehement, then is that, which is
pronounced to Ezechiel in these wordes[25]: Sonne of man, I haue
appointed the a watchman to the house of Israel, that thou shuldest
heare from my mouthe the worde, and that thou maist admonishe them
plainlie, when I shall say to the wicked man: O wicked, thou shalt
assuredlie die. Then if thou shalt not speake, that thou maist plainlie
admonishe him, that he may leaue his wicked way, the wicked man shall
die in his iniquitie, but his blood will I requier of thy hand. But and
if thou shalt plainlie admonishe the wicked man, and yet he shall not
turne from his way, such a one shall die in his iniquitie, but thou
hast deliuered thy soule.

[22]: A very dangerous thing to speake against olde errors.

[23]: Accomptes will be had of Goddes giftes.

[24]: The cause mouing the author to write.

[25]: Ezech. 33.

This precept, I say, with the threatning annexed, togither with the
rest, that is spoken in the same chapter, not to Ezechiel onlie, but to
euerie one, whom God placeth whatchman ouer his people and flocke, (and
watchman are they whose eyes he doth open, and whose conscience he
pricketh to admonishe the vngodlie) compelleth me to vtter my
conscience in this mater, notwithstanding that the hole worlde shuld be
offended with me for so doing. Yf any wonder, why I do concele my name,
let him be assured, that the feare of corporall punishement is nether
the onlie, nether the chef cause. My purpose is thrise to blowe the
trumpet in the same mater, if God so permitte[26]: twise I intende to
do it without name, but at the last blast, to take the blame vpon my
selfe, that all others may be purged.

[26]: For the Authors name.



THE FIRST BLAST TO AWAKE WOMEN DEGENERATE.


To promote a woman to beare rule, superioritie, dominion or empire
aboue any realme, nation, or citie, is repugnant to nature, contumelie
to God, a thing most contrarious to his reueled will and approued
ordinance, and finallie it is the subuersion of good order, of all
equitie and iustice

In the probation of this proposition, I will not be so curious, as to
gather what soeuer may amplifie, set furth, or decore the same, but I
am purposed, euen as I haue spoken my conscience in most plaine and
fewe wordes, so to stand content with a simple proofe of euerie membre,
bringing in for my witnesse Goddes ordinance in nature, his plaine will
reueled in his worde, and the mindes of such as be moste auncient
amongest godlie writers.

And first, where that I affirme the empire of a woman to be a thing
repugnant to nature, I meane not onlie that God by the order of his
creation hath spoiled woman of authoritie and dominion, but also that
man hath seen, proued and pronounced iust causes why that it so shuld
be. Man, I say, in many other cases blind, doth in this behalfe see
verie clearlie. For the causes be so manifest, that they can not be
hid. For who can denie but it repugneth to nature, that the blind shal
be appointed to leade and conduct such as do see? That the weake, the
sicke, and impotent persones[1] shall norishe and kepe the hole and
strong, and finallie, that the foolishe, madde and phrenetike shal
gouerne the discrete, and giue counsel to such as be sober of mind? And
such be al women, compared vnto man in bearing of authoritie. For their
sight in ciuile regiment, is but blindnes: their strength, weaknes:
their counsel, foolishenes: and iudgement, phrenesie, if it be rightlie
considered.

[1]: Causes why women shuld not have preeminence ouer men.

I except such as God by singular priuiledge, and for certein causes
knowen onlie to him selfe, hath exempted from the common ranke of
women[2], and do speake of women as nature and experience do this day
declare them. Nature I say, doth paynt them furthe to be weake, fraile,
impacient, feble and foolishe: and experience hath declared them to be
vnconstant, variable, cruell and lacking the spirit of counsel and
regiment. And these notable faultes haue men in all ages espied in that
kinde, for the whiche not onlie they haue remoued women from rule and
authoritie, but also some haue thoght that men subiect to the counsel
or empire of their wyues were vn worthie of all publike office. For
this writeth Aristotle in the seconde of his Politikes[3]: what
difference shal we put, saith he, whether that women beare authoritie,
or the husbanesd that obey the empire of their wyues be appointed to be
magistrates? For what insueth the one, must nedes folowe the other, to
witte, iniustice, confusion and disorder. The same author further
reasoneth, that the policie or regiment of the Lacedemonians (who other
wayes amongest the Grecians were moste excellent) was not worthie to be
reputed nor accompted amongest the nombre of common welthes, that were
well gouerned, because the magistrates, and rulers of the same were to
[o] muche geuen to please and obey their wyues. What wolde this writer
(I pray you) haue said to that realme or nation, where a woman sitteth
crowned in parliament amongest the middest of men. Oh fearefull and
terrible are thy iudgementes[4] (o Lord) whiche thus hast abased man
for his iniquitie! I am assuredlie persuaded that if any of those men,
which illuminated onelie by the light of nature, did see and pronounce
causes sufficient, why women oght not to beare rule nor authoritie,
shuld this clay liue and see a woman sitting in iudgement, or riding
frome parliament in the middest of men, hauing the royall crowne vpon
her head, the sworde and sceptre borne before her, in signe that the
administration of iustice was in her power: I am assuredlie persuaded,
I say, that suche a sight shulde so astonishe them, that they shuld
iudge the hole worlde to be transformed into Amazones[5], and that
suche a metamorphosis and change was made of all the men of that
countrie, as poetes do feyn was made of the companyons of Vlisses, or
at least, that albeit the owtwarde form of men remained, yet shuld they
iudge that their hartes were changed frome the wisdome, vnderstanding,
and courage of men, to the foolishe fondnes and cowardise of women. Yea
they further shuld pronounce, that where women reigne or be in
authoritie, that there must nedes vanitie be preferred to vertue,
ambition and pride to temperancie and modestie, and finallie, that
auarice the mother of all mischefe must nedes deuour equitie and
iustice. But lest that we shall seme to be of this opinion alone[6],
let vs heare what others haue seen and decreed in this mater. In the
rules of the lawe thus it is written[7]: Women are remoued from all
ciuile and publike office[8], so that they nether may be iudges, nether
may they occupie the place of the magistrate, nether yet may they be
speakers for others. The same is repe[a]ted in the third and in the
sextenth bokes of the digestes[9]: Where certein persones are
forbidden, Ne pro aliis postulent, that is, that they be no speakers
nor aduocates for others. And among the rest are women forbidden, and
this cause is added, that they do not against shamefastnes intermedle
them selues with the causes of others[10], nether yet that women
presume to vse the offices due to men. The lawe in the same place doth
further declare, that a naturall shamfastnes oght to be in
womankind[11], whiche most certeinlie she loseth, when soeuer she
taketh vpon her the office and estate of man. As in Calphurnia[12] was
euidentlie declared, who hauing licence to speake before the senate, at
length became so impudent and importune, that by her babling she
troubled the hole assemblie. And so gaue occasion that this lawe was
established.

[2]: Priuate example do not breake the generall ordinance.

[3]: 2 Politicorum Aristotelis.

[4]: Reade Isaie the thirde chaptre.

[5]: Amazones were monstruouse women, that coulde not abide the
regiment of men, and therfore killed their husbandes, reade Iustine.

[6]: Arist. 2. Politic.

[7]: Lib. 50. de regulis iuris.

[8]: What women may not be.

[9]: 3. 16. lib. Digestorum.

[10]: Ad Senatus consul, Veleianum.

[11]: Lib. 3. de posulationse Tit. 1.

[12]: Calphurnia.

In the first boke of the digestes[13], it is pronounced that the
condition of the woman in many cases is worse then of the man. As in
iurisdiction (saith the lawe[14]) in receiuing of care and tuition, in
adoption, in publike accusation, in delation, in all populat action,
and in motherlie power, which she hath not vpon her owne sonnes. The
lawe further will not permit, that the woman geue any thing to her
husband, because it is against the nature of her kinde, being the
inferiour membre to presume to geue any thing to her head[15]. The lawe
doth more ouer pronounce womankinde to be the most auaricious[16]
(which is a vice intolerable in those that shulde rule or minister
iustice). And Aristotle[17], as before is touched, doth plainly
affirme, that wher soeuer women beare dominion, there must nedes the
people be disorded, liuinge and abounding in all intemperancie, geuen
to pride, excesse, and vanitie. And finallie in the end, that they must
nedes come to confusion and ruine[18].

[13]: De statu homino Titul. 8. Frome women.

[14]: power is taken away by the Ciuile lawe ouer their own children.

[15]: Dig. lib. 24. de donatione inter virum et foeminane.

[16]: women be couetous therefore vnmete gouernors.

[17]: Lib. 1. Digest. de le gib. et senatuscon Titul. 3, Politic. 2.

[18]: England and Scotland beware.

Wold to god the examples were not so manifest, to the further
declaration of the imperfections of women[19], of their naturall
weaknes, and inordinat appetites. I might adduce histories, prouing
some women to haue died for sodein ioy, some for vnpaciencie to haue
murthered them selues, some to haue burned with such inordinat lust,
that for the quenching of the same, they haue betrayed[20] to
strangiers their countrie and citie: and some to haue bene so desirous
of dominion, that for the obteining of the same, they haue murthered
the children of their owne sonnes. Yea and some haue killed with
crueltie their owne husbandes[21] and children. But to me it is
sufficient (because this parte of nature is not my moste sure
foundation) to haue proued[22], that men illuminated onlie by the light
of nature, haue seen and haue determined, that it is a thing moste
repugnant to nature, that women rule and gouerne ouer men. For those
that will not permit a woman to haue power ouer her owne sonnes, will
not permit her (I am assured) to haue rule ouer a realme[23]: and those
that will not suffer her to speake in defense of those that be accused,
nether that will admit her accusation intended against man, will not
approuel her, that she shal sit in iudgement crowned with the royal
crowne, vsurping authoritie in the middest of men. But now to the
second part of nature: In the whiche I include the reueled will and
perfect ordinance of God, and against this parte of nature, I say, that
it doth manifestlie repugne that any woman shal reigne or beare
dominion ouer man. For God first by the order of his creation, and
after by the curse and malediction pronounced against the woman, by
the, reason of her rebellion, hath pronounced the contrarie. First, I
say, that woman in her greatest perfection, was made to serue and obey
man[24], not to rule and command him:[25] As saint Paule doth reason in
these wordes. Man is not of the woman but the woman of the man. And man
was not created for the cause of the woman, but the woman for the cause
of man, and therfore oght the woman to haue a power vpon her head (that
is a couerture in signe of subiection). Of whiche words it is plaine
that the Apostle meaneth, that woman in her greatest perfection shuld
haue knowen, that man was Lord aboue her: and therfore that she shulde
neuer haue pretended any kind of superioritie aboue him, no more then
do the angels aboue God the creator[26], or aboue Christ Iesus their
head. So, I say, that in her greatest perfection woman was created to
be subiect to man: But after her fall and rebellion committed against
God, their was put vpon her a newe necessitie, and she was made subiect
to man by the irreuocable sentence of God, pronounced in these
wordes[27]: I will greatlie multiplie thy sorowe and thy conception.
With sorowe shalt thou beare thy children, and thy will shall be
subiect to thy man: and he shal beare dominion ouer the. Herebie may
such as altogither be not blinded plainlie see, that God, by his
sentence, hath deiected all woman frome empire and dominion aboue man.
For two punishmentes are laid vpon her, to witte, a dolor, anguishe and
payn, as oft as euer she shal be mother; and a subiection of her selfe,
her appetites and will, to her husband, and to his will. Frome the
former parte of this malediction can nether arte, nobilitie, policie,
nor lawe made by man, deliuer womankinde, but who soeuer atteineth to
that honour to be mother, proueth in experience the effect and strength
of goddes word. But (alas) ignorance of God, ambition, and tyrannie
haue studied to abolishe and destroy the second parte of Goddes
punishment. For women are lifted vp to be heades ouer realmes, and to
rule aboue men at their pleasure and appetites. But horrible is the
vengeance, which is prepared for the one and for the other, for the
promoters, and for the persones promoted, except they spedelie repent.
For they shall be deiected from the glorie of the sonnes of God[28], to
the sclauerie of the deuill, and to the torment that is prepared for
all suche, as do exalte them selues against God. Against God can
nothing be more manifest, then that a woman shall be exalted to reigne
aboue man. For the contrarie sentence hath he pronounced in these
wordes[29]: Thy will shall be subiect to thy husband, and he shall
beare dominion ouer the. As God shuld say: forasmuch as thou hast
abused thy former condition, and because thy free will hath broght thy
selfe and mankind in to: the bondage of Satan, I therfore will bring
the in bondage to man. For where before, thy obedience shuld haue bene
voluntarie, nowe it shall be by constraint and by neeessitie: and that
because thou hast deceiued thy man, thou shalt therfore be no longar
maistresse ouer thine own appetites, ouer thine owne will nor desires.
For in the there is nether reason nor discretion, whiche be able to
moderate thy affections, and therfore they shall, be subiect to the
desire of thy man. He shall be Lord and gouernour, not onlie ouer thy
bodie, but euen ouer thy appetites and will. This sentence, I say, did
God pronounce against Heua, and her daughters, as the rest of the
Scriptures doth euidentlie witnesse. So that no woman can euer presume
to reigne aboue man, but the same she must nedes do in despite, of God,
and in contempt of. his punishment, and maledictjon[30].

[19]: Great imperfections of women.

[20]: Ronsilda the wife of Gisulphus betrayed to Cacanus the dukedome
of friaul in Italie.

[21]: Iane quene of Naples hanged her husband.

[22]: Athalia, 4. Reg. II. Hurene, Anton. Sabell.

[23]: If the lesse thinges be denied to women, the greater cannot be
granted.

[24]: woman in her greatest perfection was made to serue man.

[25]: I. Cor. II.

[26]: A good comparison.

[27]: A newe necessity of womans subiection. woman by the sentence of
God, subiect to man. Gene. 3.

[28]: The punishment of women unjustlie promoted and of their
promoters.

[29]: Gene. 3.

[30]: Let all women take hede.

I am not ignorant, that the most part of men do vnderstand this
malediction of the subiection of the wife to her husband, and of the
dominion, which; he beareth aboue her[31]: but the holie ghost geueth
to vs an other interpretation of this place, taking from all women all.
kinde of superioritie, authoritie and power ouer man, speaking as
foloweth, by the mouth of saint Paule[32]. I suffer not a woman to
teache, nether yet to vsurpe authoritie aboue man. Here he nameth women
in generall, excepting none, affirming that she may vsurpe authoritie
aboue no man. And that he speaketh more plainly, in an other place in
these wordes[33]: Let women kepe silence in the congregation, for it is
not permitted to them to speake, but to be subiect as the lawe sayeth.
These two testimonies of the holy ghost, be sufficient to proue what
soeuer we haue affirmed before, and to represse the inordinate pride of
women, as also to correct the foolishnes of those that haue studied to
exalt women in authoritie aboue man, against God, and against his
sentence pronounced. But that the same two places of the apostle may
the better he vnderstand: it is to be noted, that in the latter, which
is writen in the first epistle to the Corinthes the 14. chapitre,
before the apostle had permitted that all persones shuld prophecie one
after an other: addinge this reason: that all may learne and all may
receiue consolation. And lest that any might haue iudged, that amongest
a rude multitude, and the pluralitie of speakers, manie, thinges litle
to purpose might haue bene affirmed, or elles that some confusion might
haue risen: he addeth, the spirites of the prophetes are subiect to the
prophetes: As he shuld say, God shall alwayes raise vp some, to whome
the veritie shalbe reueled, and vnto such ye shal geue place, albeit
they sit in the lowest seates. And thus the apostle wold haue
prophecying an exercise to be free to the hole churche, that euerie one
shuld communicate with the congregation, what God had reueled to them,
prouidinge that it were orderlie done. But frome this generall
priuiledge he secludeth all woman, sayinge: let women kepe silence in
the congregation. And why I pray you? was it because that the apostle
thoght no woman to haue any knowledge? no he geueth an other reason,
saying; let her be subiect as the lawe saith[34]. In which wordes is
first to be noted, that the apostle calleth this former sentence
pronounced against woman a lawe, that is, the immutable decree of God,
who by his owne voice hath subiected her to one membre of the
congregation[35], that is to her husband, wherupon the holie ghost
concludeth, that she may neuer rule nor bear empire ahoue man. For she
that is made subiect to one, may neuer be preferred to many, and that
the holie ghoste doth manifestlie expresse, saying: I suffer not that
women vsurpe authoritie aboue man: he sayth not, I will not, that woman
vsurpe authoritie aboue her husband, but he nameth man in generall,
taking frome her all power and authoritie, to speake, to reason, to
interprete, or to teache, but principallie to rule or to iudge in the
assemblie of men. So that woman by the lawe of God, and by the
interpretation of the holy ghost, is vtterly forbidden to occupie the
place of God in the offices afore said, which he hath assigned to man,
whome he hath appointed and ordeined his lieutenant in earth: secluding
frome that honor and dignitie all woman, as this short argument shall
euidentlie declare.

[31]: Answer to an obiection.

[32]: 1 Tim. 2.

[33]: I. Cor. 14.

[34]: From a general privilege is woman secluded.

[35]: She that is, subject to one may not rule many.

The apostle taketh power frome all woman to speake in the
assemblie[36]. Ergo he permitteth no woman to rule aboue man. The
former parteis euident, whereupon doth the conclusion of necessitie
folowe. For he that taketh from woman the least parte of
authoritie[37], dominion or rule, will not permit vnto her that whiche
is greatest: But greater it is to reigne aboue realmes and nations, to
publish and to make lawes, and to commande men of all estates, and
finallie to appoint iudges and ministers, then to speake in the
congregation. For her iudgement, sentence, or opinion proposed in the
congregation, may be iudged by all, may be corrected by the learned,
and reformed by the godlie. But woman being promoted in souereine
authoritie, her lawes must be obeyed, her opinion folowed, and her
tyrannic mainteined: supposing that it be expreslie against God, and
the prophet [profit] of the common welth, as to[o] manifest experience
doth this day witnesse. And therfore yet againe I repete that, whiche
before I haue affirmed: to witt, that a woman promoted to sit in the
seate of God, that is, to teache, to iudge or to reigne aboue man, is
amonstre in nature, contumelie to God, and a thing most repugnant to
his will and ordinance. For he hath depriued them as before is proued,
of speakinge in the congregation, and hath expreslie forbidden them to
vsurpe any kinde of authoritie aboue man. Howe then will he suffer them
to reigne and haue empire aboue realmes and nations? He will neuer, I
say, approue it, because it is a thing most repugnant to his perfect
ordinance, as after shalbe declared, and as the former scriptures haue
plainlie geuen testimonie. To the whiche, to adde any thing were
superfluous, were it not that the worlde is almost nowe comen to that
blindnes, that what soeuer pleaseth not the princes and the multitude,
the same is reiected as doctrine newelie forged, and is condemned, for
heresie. I haue therfore thoght good to recite the mindes of some
auncient writers in the same mater, to the end that suche as altogither
be not blinded by the deuil, may consider and vnderstand this my
iudgement to be no newe interpretation of Goddes scriptures, but to be
the vniforme consent of the most parte of godlie writers, since the
time of the apostles. Tertullian[38] in his boke of womens apparell,
after that he hath shewed many causes why gorgious apparell is
abominable and odiouse in a woman, addeth these wordes, speaking as it
were to euery woman by name: Dost thou not knowe (saith he) that thou
art Heua? the sentence of God liueth and is effectuall against this
kind, and in this worlde of necessity it is, that the punishment also
liue. Thou art the porte and gate of the deuil. Thou art the first
transgressor of goddes law. thou diddest persuade and easely deceiue
him whome the deuil durst not assault[39]. For thy merit (that is for
thy death) it behoued the son of god to suffre the death, and doth it
yet abide in thy mind to decke the aboue thy skin coates? By these and
many other graue sentences, and quicke interrogations, did this godlie
writer labour to bring euerie woman in contemplation of her selfe, to
the end that euerie one depelie weying, what sentence God had
pronounced against the hole race and doughters of Heua, might not onely
learne daily to humble and subiect them selues in the presence of God,
but also that they shulde auoide and abhorre what soeuer thing might
exalte them or puffe them vp in pride, or that might be occasion, that
they shuld forget the curse and malediction of God. And what, I pray
you, is more able to cause woman to forget her owne condition, then if
she be lifted vp in authoritie aboue man? It is a thingverie difficile
to a man, (be he neuer so constant) promoted to honors, not to be
tickled some what with pride (for the winde of vaine glorie doth
easelie carie vp the drie dust of the earth). But as for woman[40], it
is no more possible, that she being set aloft in authoritie aboue man,
shall resist the motions of pride, then it is able to the weake reed,
or to the turning wethercocke, not to bowe or turne at the vehemencie
of the vnconstant wind. And therfore the same writer expreslie
forbiddeth all woman to intremedle with the office of man. For thus he
writeth in his book de virginibus velandis[41]: It is not permitted to
a woman, to speake in the congregation, nether to teache, nether to
baptise, nether to vendicate to her selfe any office of man. The same
he speaketh yet more plainly in the preface of his sixte boke writen
against Marcion[42], where he recounting certain monstruous thinges,
whiche were to be sene at the sea called Euxinum, amongest the rest, he
reciteth this as a greate monstre in nature, that women in those
partes, were not tamed nor embased by consideration of their own sex
and kind: but that all shame laide a parte, they made expenses vpon
weapons and learned the feates of warre, hauinge more pleasure to
fight, then to mary and be subiect to man. Thus farre of Tertullian,
whose wordes be so plain, that they nede no explanation. For he that
taketh from her all office apperteining to man, will not suffre her to
reigne aboue man: and he that iudgeth it a monstre in nature, that a
woman shall exercise weapons, must iudge it to be a monstre of
monstres, that a woman shalbe exalted aboue a hole realme and nation.
Of the same minde is Origen, and diuers others. Yea euen till the dayes
of Augustine, whose sentences I omit to auoide prolixitie.

[36]: A strong argument.

[37]: NOTE.

[38]: Tertullian de habitu mulierum.

[39]: Let women hearken what Tertullian an olde Docto saith.

[40]: NOTE

[41]: Tertull, lib 8. de virginilis verlandis.

[42]: In proæmio 6. lib. contra Marcionem.

Augustine in his 22. boke writen against Faustus[43], proueth that a
woman oght to serue her husband as vnto God: affirming that in no thing
hath woman equall power with man, sauing that nether of both haue power
ouer their owne bodies. By whiche he wold plainlie conclude, that a
woman oght neuer to pretend nor thirst for that power and authoritie
which is due to man. For so he doth explane him selfe in an other
place[44], affirming that woman oght to be repressed and brideled be
times, if she aspire to any dominion: alledging that dangerous and
perillous it is to suffre her to procede, althogh it be in temporall
and corporall thinges. And therto he addeth these wordes: God seeth not
for a time, nether is there any newe thinge in his sight and knowledge,
meaninge therby, that what God hath sene in one woman (as concerning
dominion and bearing of authoritie) the same he seeth in all. And what
he hath forbidden to one, the same he also forbiddeth to all. And this
most euidentlie yet in an other place he writeth, mouing this question:
howe can woman be the image of God, seing (saith he[45]) she is subiect
to man, and hath none authoritie, nether to teache, nether to be
witnesse, nether to iudge, muche lesse to rule, or beare empire? These
be the verie wordes of Augustine, of which it is euident that this
godlie writer[46], doth not onelie agree withe Tertullian before
recited, but also with the former sentence of the lawe, whiche taketh
frome woman not onelie all authoritie amongest men, but also euerie
office apperteining to man. To the question howe she can be the image
of God, he answereth as foloweth. Woman (saith he) compared to other
creatures is the image of God, for she beareth dominion ouer them: but
compared vnto man, she may not be called the image of God, for she
beareth not rule and lordship ouer man, but oght to obey him &c. And
howe that woman oght to obey man, he speaketh yet more clearlie in
these words: the woman shalbe subiect to man as vnto Christ. For woman
(saith he[47]) hath not her example frome the bodie and from the
fleshe, that so she shalbe subiect to man, as the fleshe is vnto the
spirite. Because that the flesh in the weaknes and mortalitie of this
life, lusteth and striueth against the spirit, and therfore wold not
the holie ghost geue example of subiection to the woman of any suche
thing &c. This sentence of Augustine oght to be noted of all women, for
in it he plainlie affirmeth, that woman oght to be subiect to man, that
she neuer oght, more to desire preeminence aboue him, then that she
oght to desire aboue Christe Iesus. With Augustine agreeth in euerie
point S. Ambrose, who thus writeth in his Hexaemeron[48]: Adam was
deceiued by Heua, and not Heua by Adam, and therfore iust it is, that
woman receiue and acknowledge him for gouernor whom she called to
sinne, lest that again she slide and fall by womanlie facilitie. And
writing vpon the epistle to the Ephesians[49], he saith: let women be
subiect to their owne husbandes as vnto the Lorde: for the man is heade
to the woman, and Christ is heade to the congregation, and he is the
sauiour of the bodie: but the congregation is subiect to Christ, euen
so oght women to be to their husbandes in all thing-es. He procedeth
further saying: women are commanded to be subiect to men by the lawe of
nature, because that man is the author or beginner of the woman: for as
Christ is the head of the churche, so is man of the woman. From Christ,
the church toke beginning, and therfore it is subiect vnto him: euen so
did woman take beginning from man, that she shuld be subiect. Thus we
heare the agreing of these two writers to be such, that a man might
iudge the one to haue stolen the wordes and sentences from the other.
And yet plain it is, that duringe the time of their writinge, the one
was farre distant frome the other. But the holie ghost, who is the
spirite of Concorde and vnitie, did so illuminate their hartes, and
directe their tonges, and pennes, that as they did conceiue and
vnderstand one truth, so did they pronounce and vtter the same, leauing
a testimonie of their knowledge and Concorde to vs their posteritia. If
any thinke that all these former sentences, be spoken onelie of the
subiection of the maryed woman to her husband, as before I haue proued
the contrarie, by the plain wordes and reasoning of S. Paule, so shal I
shortlie do the same, by other testimonies of the forsaid writers. The
same Ambrose writing vpon the second chapitre of the first epistle to
Timothie[50], after he hath spoken much of the simple arrayment of
women: he addeth these wordes: woman oght not onelie to haue simple
arrayment, but all authoritie is to be denied vnto her: for she must be
in subiection to man (of whome she hath taken her originall) aswell in
habit as in seruice. And after a fewe wordes he saith: because that
death did entre in to the world by her, there is no boldenes that oght
to be permitted vnto her, but she oght to be in humilitie. Hereof it is
plain, that frome all woman, be she maried or vnmaried, is all
authoritie taken to execute any office, that apperteineth to man. Yea
plain it is that all woman is commanded, to serue, to be in humilitie
and subiection. Whiche thing yet speaketh the same writer, more
plainlie in these wordes[51]. It is not permitted to women to speake,
but to be in silence, as the lawe saith[52]. What saith the lawe? Vnto
thy husband, shall thy conuersion be, and he shall beare dominion ouer
the. This is a speciall lawe (saith Ambrose) whose sentence, lest it
shulde be violated, infirmed, or made weake, women are commanded to be
in silence. Here he includeth all women. And yet he procedeth further
in the same place saying[53]: It is shame for them to presume to speake
of the lawe in the house of the Lord, who hath commanded them to be
subiect to their men. But moste plainly speaketh he writing vpon the
16. chapitre of the epistle of S. Paule to the Romaines, vpon these
wordes[54a]: Salute Rufus and his mother. For this cause (saith
Ambrose) did the apostle place Rufus before his mother, for the
election of the administration of the grace of God, in the whiche a
woman hath no place. For he was chosen and promoted by the Lorde, to
take care ouer his busines, that is, ouer the churche, to the whiche
office could not his mother be appointed, albeit she was a woman so,
holie, that the apostle called her his mother. Hereof it is plaine that
the administration of the grace of God, is denied to all woman. By the
administration of Goddes grace, is vnderstand not onely the preaching
of the worde and administration of the sacramentes, by the whiche the
grace of God is presented and ordinarilie distributed vnto man, but
also the administration of ciuile iustice, by the whiche, vertue oght
to be mainteined, and vices punished. The execution wherof is no lesse
denied to woman, then is the preaching of the Euangile, or
administration of the sacramentes, as herafter shall most plainlie
appeare.

[43]: August. lib. 22. contra Faustum, c.31.

[44]: De Trinitat, lib. 12 cap. 7

[45]: In quaect. veteris Testamenti, quaest. 45.

[46]: NOTE.

[47]: Lib. de Continentia cap. 4.

[48]: Ambros. in Hexaemero lib. 5. c. 7.

[49]: Cap. 5.

[50]: Ambros. super. 2. c. I epist. ad Timoth.

[51]: Ambros. in I. epist. ad Corin. cap. 14.

[52]: Genes 3.

[53]: whose house I pray you ought the parliament house to be, Goddes
or the deuilles?

[54a]: Rufus is by S. Paul saluted before his mother.

Chrysostome amongest the Grecian writers of no small credit, speaking
in rebuke of men, who in his dayes, were becdmen inferior to some women
in witt and in godlines, saith[54]: for this cause was woman put vnder
thy power (he speaketh to man in generall) and thou wast pronounced
Lorde ouer her, that she shulde obey the, and that the head shuld not
folowe the feet. But often it is, that we see the contrary, that he who
in his ordre oght to be the head, doth not kepe the ordre of the feet
(that is, doth not rule the feet) and that she, that is in place of the
foote, is constitute to be the head. He speaketh these wordes as it
were in admiration[55], that man was becomen so brutish, that he did
not consider it to be a thing most monstruouse, that woman shulde be
preferred to man in any thing, whom God had subiected to man in all
thinges. He procedeth saying: Neuer the lesse it is the parte of the
man, with diligent care to repel the woman, that geueth him wicked
counsel: and woman, whiche gaue that pestilent counsel to man, oght at
all times to haue the punishment, whiche was geuen to Heua, sounding in
her eares. And in an other place he induceth God speaking to the woman
in this sorte[56]: Because thou left him, of whose nature thou wast
participant, and for whome thou wast formed, and hast had pleasure to
haue familiaritie with that wicked beast, and wold take his counsel:
therfore I subiect the to man, and I apointe and affirme him to be thy
Lorde, that thou maist acknowledge his dominion, and because thou
couldest not beare rule learne well to be ruled. Why they shulde not
beare rule, he declareth, in other places, saying[57]: womankinde is
imprudent and soft, (or flexible) imprudent because she can not
consider withe wisdome and reason the thinges which she heareth and
seeth: and softe she is, because she is easelie bowed. I knowe that
Chrysostome bringeth in these wordes[58] to declare the cause why false
prophetes do commonlie deceiue women: because they are easelie
persuaded to any opinion, especiallie if it be against God, and because
they lacke prudence and right reason to iudge the thinges that be,
spoken. But hereof may their nature be espied, and the vices of the
same, whiche in no wise oght to be in, those, that are apointed to
gouerne others: For they oght to be constant, stable, prudent and doing
euerie thing with discretion and reason, whiche vertues women can not
haue in equalitie with men. For that he doth witnesse in an other
place, saying: women haue in them selues a tickling and studhe of vaine
glorie, and that they may haue common with men: they are sodeinlie
moued to anger, and that they haue also common with some men. But
vertues. in which they excell[59], they haue not common with man, and
therfore hath the apostle remoued them from the office of teachinge,
which is an euident proof that in vertue they farre differ frome man.
Let the reasons of this writer be marked, for further he yet procedeth:
after that he hath in many wordes lamented the effeminate maners of
men, who were so farre degenerate to the weaknes of women, that some
might haue demanded: why may not women teache amongest suche a sorte of
men, who in wisdome and godlines are becomen inferior vnto women? We
finallie concludeth: that not withstanding that men be degenerate, yet
may not women vsurpe any authoritie aboue them, and in the end, he
addeth these wordes: These thinges do not I speake to extolle them
(that is women) but to the confusion and shame of our selues, and to
admonish vs to take again the dominion, that is mete and conuenient for
vs, not onelie that power which is according to the excellencie of
dignitie: but that which is accordinge to prouidence, and according to
helpe, and vertue. For then is the bodie in best proportion[60], when
it hath the best gouernor. O that both man and woman shulde consider
the profound counsel and admonition of this father! He wolde not that
man for appetit of any vaine glorie shuld desire preeminence aboue
woman. For God hath not made man to be heade for any suche cause: but
hauing respecte to that weaknes and imperfection which alwayes letteth
woman to gouerne. He hath ordeined man to be superior, and that meaneth
Chrysostome, saying: then is the bodie in best proportion, when it hath
the best gouernor. But woman can neuer be the best gouernor, by reason
that she-being spoiled of the spirit of regiment, can neuer attein to
that degree, to be called or iudged a good gouernor. Because in the
nature of all woman, lurketh suche vices, as in good gouernors are not
tolerable. Which the same writes expresseth. in these wordes[61]:
womankind (saith he) is rashe and foolhardie, and their couetousnes is
like the goulf of hell, that is, insaciable. And therfore in an other
place[62], he will that woman shall haue no thing to do in iudgement,
in common affaires, or in the regiment of the common welth, because she
is impacient of troubles, but that she shall liue in tranquillitie; and
quietnes. And if she haue occasion to go frome the house, that yet she
shal haue no matter of trouble, nether to, folowe her, nether to be
offered vnto her, as commonlie there must be to such as beare
authoritie: And with Chrysostome fullie agreeth Basilius Magnus in a
sermon[63] which he maketh vpon some places of scripture, wherin he
reproueth diuers vices and amongest the rest, he affirmeth woman to be
a tendre creature, flexible, soft and pitifull: whiche nature, God hath
geuen vnto her, that she may be apt to norishe children. The which
facilitie of the woman, did Satan abuse, and therby broght her frome
the obedience of God. And therfore in diuers other places doth he
conclude, that she is not apt to beare rule, and that she is forbidden
to teache. Innumerable mo testimonies, of all sortes of writers may be
adduced for the same purpose, but withe these I stand content: iudgeing
it sufficient to stoppe the mouthe of such as accuse and condemne all
doctrine, as hereticall, which displeaseth them in any point that I
haue proued, by the determinations and lawes of men illuminated onelie
by the light of nature, by the ordre of Goddes creation, by the curse
and malediction pronounced against woman, by the mouth of saint Paule,
who is the interpreter of Goddes sentence, and lawe, and finallie by
the mindes of those writers, who in the church of God, haue bene
alwayes holden in greatest reuerence: that it is a thing moste
repugnant to nature, to Goddes will and apointed ordinance, (yea that
it can not be without contumelie committed against God) that a woman
shuld be promoted to dominion or empire to reigne ouer man, be it in
realme, nation, prouince or citie. Now resteth it in few wordes, to be
shewed, that the same empire of women is the subuersion of good ordre
equitie and iustice.

[54]: Chrysost. homil. 17. in genes.

[55]: NOTE

[56]: Homil. 15 in Genes.

[57]: God graunt all womens hartes to understand and folow this
sentence.

[58]: In Mat. cap. 23. homil. 44.

[59]: woman can no haue vertue in equalitie with man. Ad Ephe. cap. 4.
sermone 13. NOTE

[60]: The body lackinge the head, can not be well gouerened nether can
common welth lackinge man.

[61]: In ca. 22. Ioh. homil. 87.

[62]: In Ioh. homil. 41.

[63]: Basilius Mag. in aliquot scripturae locos.

Augustine defineth[64] ordre to be that thing, by the whiche God hath
appointed and ordeined all thinges. Note well reader, that Augustine
will admit no ordre, where Goddes apointment is absent and lacketh.

[64]: De ordine lib. I C. 10

And in an other place he saith[65], that ordre is a disposition, geuing
their owne propre places to thinges that be vnequall, which he termeth
in Latin _Parium_ et _disparium_, that is, of thinges equall or like,
and thinges vnequall or vnlike. Of whiche two places and of the hole
disputation, which is conteined in his second boke de _ordine_, it is
euident[66], that what soeuer is done ether whithout the assurance of
Goddes will, or elles against his will manifestlie reueled in his word,
is done against ordre. But suche is the empire and regiment of all
woman (as euidentlie before is declared) and therfore, I say; it is a
thing plainlie repugnant to good ordre, yea it is the subuersion of the
same. If any list to reiect the definition of Augustin, as ether not
propre to this purpose, or elles as insufficient to proue mine intent:
let the same man vnderstand, that in so doinge, he hath infirmed mine
argument nothinge. For as I depend not vpon the determinations of men,
so think I my cause no weaker, albeit their authoritie be denied vnto
me. Prouided that god by his will reueled, and manifest worde, stand
plain and euident on my side. That God hath subiected womankinde to man
by the ordre of his creation, and by the curse that he hath pronounced
against her is before declared. Besides these, he hath set before our
eyes, two other mirrors[67] and glasses, in whiche he will, that we
shulde behold the ordre, which he hath apointed and established in
nature: the one is, the naturall bodie of man: the other is the politik
or ciuile body of that common welth, in which God by his own word hath
apointed an ordre. In the natural body of man God hath apointed an
ordre, that the head shail occupie the vppermost place. And the head
hath he ioyned with the bodie, that frome it, doth life and motion
flowe to the rest of the membres. In it hath he placed the eye to see,
the eare to hear, and the tonge to speake, which offices are apointed
to none other membre of the bodie. The rest of the membres, haue euery
one their own place and office apointed: but none may haue nether the
place nor office of the heade. For who wolde not iudge that bodie to be
a monstre, where there was no head eminent aboue the rest, but that the
eyes were in the handes, the tonge and mouth beneth in the belie, and
the eares in the feet. Men, I say, shulde not onlie pronounce this
bodie to be a monstre: but assuredlie they might conclude that such a
bodie coulde not long indure. And no lesse monstruous is the bodie of
that common welth[68], where a woman beareth empire. For ether doth it
lack a laufull heade (as in very dede it doth) or els there is an
idol[69] exalted in the place of the true head. An idol I call that,
which hath the forme and apparance, but lacketh the vertue and
strength, which the name and proportion do resemble and promise. As
images haue face, nose, eyes, mouth, handes and feet painted, but the
vse of the same, can not the craft and art of man geue them: as the
holy ghost by the mouth of Dauid teacheth vs, saying[70]: they haue
eyes, but they see not, mouth, but they speake not, nose, but they
smell not, handes and feet, but they nether touche nor haue power to
go. And suche, I say, is euerie realme and nation, where a woman
beareth dominion. For in despite of God (he of his iust iudgement, so
geuing them ouer in to a reprobat minde) may a realme, I confesse,
exalt vp a woman to that monstriferous honor, to be estemed as
head[71]. But impossible it is to man and angel, to geue vnto her the
properties and perfect offices of a laufull heade. For the same God
that hath denied power to the hand to speake, to the bely to heare, and
to the feet to see, hath denied to woman power to commande man, and
hath taken away wisdome to consider, and prouidence to forsee the
thinges, that, be profitable to the common welth: yea finallie he hath
denied to her in any case to be head to man: but plainly hath
pronounced that man is head to woman, euen as Christ is heade to all
man[72]. If men in a blinde rage shulde assemble to gether, and apointe
them selues an other heade then Iesus Christ (as the papistes haue done
their romishe Antichrist) shuld Christ therfore lose his owne dignitie,
or shulde God geue that counterfet head power to geue life to the
bodie, to see what soeuer might endamage or hurte it, to speake in
defense, and to heare the request of euerie subiect? It is certein that
he wold not. For that honor he hath apointed before all times to his
onelie sonne: and the same will he geue to no creature besides: no more
will he admit, nor accept woman to be the lauful head ouer man[73],
althogh man, deuil, and angel will coniure in their fauor. For seing he
hath subiected her to one (as before is saide) he will neuer permit her
to reigne ouer manie. Seing he hath commanded her to heare, and obey
one, he will not suffre that she speake, and with vsurped authoritie
command realmes and nations. Chrysostome explaning these wordes of the
apostle[74]: (the heade of woman is man) compareth God in his
vniuersall regiment to a king sitting in his royall maiestie[75], to
whome all his subiectes commanded to geue homage and obedience, appeare
before him, bearing euerie one suche a badge and cognisance of dignitie
and honor, as he hath geuen to them: which if they despise and
contemne, then do they dishonor their king, Euen so saith he oght man
and woman to appeare before God, bearing the ensignes of the condition,
whiche they haue receiued of him. Man hath receiued a certein glorie
and dignitie aboue the, woman, and therfore oght he to appeare before
his high maiestie, bearing the signe of his honor, hauinge no couerture
vpon his heade: to witnesse that in earth man hath no head, (beware
Chrysostome what thou saist, thou shalt be reputed a traytor if
Englishe men heare the[76]: for they must haue my souereine lady and
maistresse, and Scotland hath dronken also the enchantment and venom of
Circes, let it be so to their owne shame and confusion, he procedeth in
these wordes) but woman oght to be couered, to witnesse, that in earth
she hath a head, that is man. Trewe it is (Chrysostome) woman is
couered in both the said realmes[77], but it is not with the signe of
subiection, but it is with the signe of superioritie, to witt, with the
royal crowne. To that he answereth in these wordes: what if man neglect
his honor? he his no lesse to be mocked (saith Chrysostome) then if a
king shulde depose himself of his diademe or crowne and royal estat,
and cloth him self in the habit of a sclaue. What, I pray you, shulde
this godlie father haue saide, if he had sene all the men of a realme
or nation fall downe before a woman? If he had sene the crowne,
sceptre, and sworde, whiche are ensignes of the royall dignitie, geuen
to her, and a woman cursed of God, and made subiecte to man, placed in
the throne of iustice, to sit as Goddes lieutenant? What, I say, in
this behalfe, shuld any hart vnfeinedlie fearing, God haue iudged of
suche men? I am assured that not onlie shulde they haue bene iudged
foolishe but also enraged, and sclaues to Satan, manifestlie fighting
against God and his apointed ordre. The more that I consider the
subuersion of Goddes ordre, which he hath placed generallie in all
liuinge thinges, the more I do wondre at the blindnes of man, who doth
not consider him self in this case so degenerate, that the brute
beastes are to be preferred vnto him in this behalfe[78]. For nature
hath in all beastes printed a certein marke of dominion in the male,
and a certeine subiection in the female, whiclie they kepe inuiolate.
For no man euer sawe the lion make obedience, and stoupe before the
lionesse, nether yet can it be proued, that the hinde taketh the
conducting of the heard amongest the hartes. And yet (alas) man, who by
the mouth of God hath dominion apointed to him ouer woman, doth not
onlie to his own shame, stoupe vnder the obedience of women, but also
in despit of God and of his apointed ordre, reioyseth, and mainteineth
that monstruouse authoritie, as a thing lauful and iust, The insolent
ioy[79], the bonefiers, and banketing which were in london and els
where in England, when that cursed Iesabell was proclaimed qwene, did
witnesse to my hart, that men were becomen more then enraged. For els
howe coulde they so haue reioysed at their owne confusion and certein
destruction? For what man was there of so base iudgement (supposing
that he had any light of God) who did not see the erecting of that
monstre, to be the ouerthrowe of true religion, and the assured
destruction of England, and of the auncient liberties therof? And yet
neuer the lesse, all men so triumphed, as if God had deliuered them
frome all calamitie.

[65]: De ciuit. Dei, lib. 19 cap. 13.

[66]: what soener done withowt the appointment of Goddes will is done
withowt ordre.

[67]: Two mirrors, in which we may beholde the ordre of nature.

[68]: Common welthes under the rule of women, lacke a laufull heade

[69]: Idol.

[70]: Psal. 115.

[71]: The empire of a woman is an idol.

[72]: I. COY. II

[73]: NOTE.

[74]: I. COY. II.

[75]: Marke the similitude of Chrysostome.

[76]: NOTE.

[77]: Howe women be couered in England and Scotland.

[78]: Brute beastes to be preferred.

[79]: Insoluent ioy bringeth sodein sorowe.

But iust and rightuouse, terrible and fearfull are thy iudgements, o
Lorde! For as some times thou diddest so punishe men for
vnthankfulnes[80], that man ashamed not to commit villanie withe man;
and that because, that knowinge the to be God, they glorified the not
as God, euen so haste thou moste iustlie nowe punished the proude
rebellion and horrible ingratitude of the realmes of England and
Scotland. For when thou diddest offre thy selfe moste mercifullie to
them both, offering the meanes by the whiche they might haue bene
ioyned to gether for euer in godly Concorde: then was the one proude
and cruel, and the other vnconstant, and fikle of promise. But yet
(alas) did miserable England further rebell against the. For albeit
thou diddest not cease to heape benefit vpon benefit, during the reigne
of an innocent and tendre king, yet no man did acknowledge thy potent
hand and meruelouse working. The stoute courage of capitaines, the
witte and policie of counselors, the learning of bishoppes[81], did
robbe the of thy glorie and honor. For what then was heard, as
concerning religion, but the kinges procedinges, the kinges procedinges
must be obeyed? It is enacted by parliament: therefore it is treason to
speake in the contrarie. But this was not the end of this miserable
tragedie. For thou diddest yet precede to offre thy fauors, sending thy
prophetes and messagers, to call for reformation of life in all
estates[82]: For euen frome the highest to the lowest, all were
declined frome the (yea euen those that shuld haue bene the lanterns to
others) some I am assured did qwake and tremble, and frome the botome
of their hartes thirsted amendment, and for the same purpose did
earnestly call for discipline. But then brust forth the venome which
before lurked; then might they not conteine their despiteful voices,
but with open mouthes did crie: we will not haue suche a one to reigne
ouer vs. Then, I say, was euerie man so stoute, that he wolde not be
broght in bondage[83]: no not to the, O Lord, but with disdein did the
multitude cast frome them the amiable yoke of Christ Iesus. No man
wolde suffre his sinne to be rebuked, no man wolde haue his life called
to triall. And thus did they refuse the, O Lorde, and thy sonne Christ
Iesus to be their pastor, protector and prince. And therfore hast thou
geuen them ouer in to a reprobat minde. Thou hast taken from them the
spirit of boldnes, of wisdome and of rightuous iudgement. They see
their owne destruction, and yet they haue no grace to auoide it. Yea
they are becomen so blinde, that knowing the pit, they headlong cast
them selues into the same[84]; as the nobilitie of England, do this
day, fighting in the defense of their mortall ennemie the Spaniard.
Finallie they are so destitute of vnderstanding and iudgement, that
althogh they knowe that there is a libertie and fredome, the whiche
their predecessors haue inioyed; yet are they compelled to bowe their
neckes vnder the yoke of Satan, and of his proude ministres, pestilent
papistes and proude spaniardes. And yet can they not consider that
where a woman reigneth and papistes beare authoritie, that there must
nedes Satan be president of the counsel. Thus hast thou, O Lorde, in
thy hote displeasure reuenged the contempt of thy graces offred. But, O
Lord, if thou shalt reteine wrath to the end, what Aeshe is able to
susteine? We haue sinned[85], O Lord, and are not worthy to be releued.
But worthy art thou, O Lord, to be a true God, and worthy is thy sonne
Christ Iesus, to haue his Euangil and glorie aduanced: whiche both are
troden vnder foot in this cruell murther and persecution, whiche the
builders of Babylon commit in their furie, haue raised against thy
children, for the establishing of their kingdome. Let the sobbes
therfore of thy prisoners, O Lord, passe vp to thine eares, consider
their affliction: and let the eyes of thy mercie looke downe vpon the
blood of such as die for testimonie of thy eternal veritie: and let not
thine ennemies mocke thy iudgement for euer. To the, O Lorde, I turne
my wretched and wicked hart: to the alone, I direct my complaint and
grones: for in that Ile to thy saintes there is left no comfort. Albeit
I haue thus (talkinge with my God in the anguishe of my harte) some
what digressed: yet haue I not vtterlie forgotten my former
proposition, to witt, that it is a thing repugnant to the ordre of
nature, that any woman be exalted to rule ouer men. For God hath denied
vnto her the office of a heade. And in the intreating of this parte, I
remembre that I haue made the nobilitie both of England and Scotland
inferior to brute beastes, for that they do to women, which no male
amongest the common sorte of beastes can be proued to do their females:
that is, they reuerence them, and qwake at their presence, they obey
their commandementes, and that against God. Wherfore I iudge them not
onelie subiectes to women, but sclaues of Satan, and seruantes of
iniquitie. If any man thinke these my wordes sharpe or vehement, let
him consider that the offense is more haynous, than can be expressed by
wordes. For where all thinges, be expressedly concluded against the
glorie and honor of God, and where the blood of the saintes of God is
commanded to be shed, whome shall we iudge, God or the deuil, to be
president of that counsel?[86] Plain it is, that God ruleth not by his
loue, mercie, nor grace in the assembly of the vngocllie. Then it
resteth, that the deuii, the prince of this worlde, doth reigne ouer
suche tyrannes. whose seruantes, I pray you, shal then be iudged, such
as obey, and execute, their tyrannie? God for his great mercies sake,
illuminate the eyes of men, that they may perceiue in to what miserable
bondage they be broght, by the monstriferous empire of women.

[80]: Rom. I.

[81]: what robbed God OF HIS HONOR in England in the time of the
Gospell.

[82]: Goddes benefites shewed to England.

[83]: Discipline refused in England.

[84]: The nobilitie and the hole realme of England, caste themselues
willingly in to the pit.

[85]: Confession.

[86]: NOTE

The seconde glasse, whiche God hath set before the eyes of man[87],
wherein he may beholde the ordre, whiche pleaseth his wisdome,
concerning authoritie and dominion, is that common welth, to the whiche
it pleaseth his maiestie to apoint, and geue lawes, statutes, rites and
ceremonies not onelie concerninge religion, but also touching their
policie and regiment of the same. And against that ordre it doth
manifestly repugne, that any woman shall occupie the throne of God,
that is, the royall seate, whiche he by his worde hath apointed to man.
As in geuing the lawe to Israel, concerning the election of a king, is
euident. For thus it is writen[88]: If thou shalt say, I will apoint a
king aboue me, as the rest of the nations, whiche are aboute me: Thou
shalt make the a kinge, whome the Lorde thy God shall chose, one frome
amongest the middest of thy bretheren, thou shalt apointe kinge aboue
the. Thou maist not make a strangier that is not thy brother. Here
expressedly is a man apointed to be chosen king, and a man natiue
amongest them selues, by whiche precept is all woman and all strangier
secluded. What may be obiected for the parte or election of a
strangier, shalbe, God willinge, answered in the blast of the second
trumpet. For this present, I say, that the erecting of a woman to that
honor, is not onely to inuert the ordre, which God hath established:
but also it is to defile, pollute and prophane (so farre as in man
lieth) the throne and seat of God, whiche he hath sanctified and
apointed for man onely[89], in the course of this wretched life, to
occupie and possesse as his ministre and lieutenant: secluding from the
same all woman, as before is expressed. If anythinke the fore writen
lawe did bindethe Iewes onelie[90], let the same man consider, that the
election of a kinge, and apointing of iudges, did nether apperteine to
the ceremoniall lawe, nether yet was it mere iudiciall[91]: but that it
did flowe frome the morall lawe, as an ordinance, hauing respect to the
conseruation of both the tables. For the office of the magistrate oght
to haue the first and chief respect to the glorie of God, commanded and
conteined in the former table, as is euident by that, whiche was
inioyned to Iosue by God, what time he was accepted and admitted ruler
and gouerner ouer his people, in these wordes[92]: Thou shalt diuide
the inheritance to this people, the whiche I haue sworne to their
fathers, to geue vnto them: so that thou be valiant and strong, that
thou maist kepe and do, according to that hole lawe, whiche my seruant
Moses hath commanded the. Thou shalt not decline frome it, nether to
the right hande, nether to the left hand, that thou maist do prudentlie
in all thinges, that thou takest in hand, let not the boke of this lawe
departe from thy mouth, but meditate in it, day and night: that thou
maist kepe and do, according to euery thing, that is writen in it. For
then shall thy wayes prosper, and then shalt thou do prudently &c. And
the same precept geueth God by the mouth of Moses[93], to kinges, after
they be elected, in these wordes[94]: when he shal sit in the throne or
seate of his kingdome, he shall write to him self a copie of this lawe
in a boke, and that shalbe with him, that he may reade in it all the
dayes of his life, that he may learne to feare the Lorde his God, and
to kepe all the wordes of this lawe, and all these statutes, that he
may do them &c. Of these two places it is euident, that principallie it
apperteineth to the king or to the chief magistrate, to knowe the will
of God, to be instructed in his lawe and statutes, and to promote his
glorie with his hole hart and studie, which be the chief pointes of the
first table. No man denieth, but that the sworde is committed to the
magistrate, to the end that he shulde punishe vice, and mainteine
vertue. To punishe vice I say, not onelie that, whiche troubleth the
tranquillitie and quiet estat of the common welth by adulterie, theft
or murther committed[95], but also suche vices as openly impugne the
glorie of God: as idolatrie, blasphemie, and manifest heresie, taught
and obstinatly mainteined: as the histories and notable actes of
Ezechias, Iosaphat, and Iosias do plainlie teache vs. Whose study and
care was not onlie to glorifie God in their own life and conuersation,
but also they vnfeinedlie did trauel to bring subiectes to the true
worshipping and honoring of God. And did destroye all monumentes of
idolatrie, did punishe to deathe the teachers of it, and remoued frome
office and honors suche, as were mainteiners of those abominations.
Wherbie I suppose that it be euident, that the office of the king or
supreme magistrate, hath respect to the lawe morall, and to the
conseruation of both the tables.

[87]: NOTE.

[88]: Deut. 17.

[89]: God hath apointed man his ministre and lieutenant.

[90]: Answer to an objection.

[91]: The election of a king floweth frome the moral lawe.

[92]: Iosue I.

[93]: Rulers should take hede to this.

[94]: Deut. 17

[95]: what vices magistrates oght to punishe.

Nowe if the lawe morall, be the constant and vnchangeable will of God,
to the which the gentil is no lesse bounde, then was the Iewe[96]; and
if God will that amongest the gentiles, the ministres and executors of
his lawe be nowe apointed, as somtimes they were apointed amongest the
Iewes: further if the execution of iustice be no lesse requisite in the
policie of the gentiles, then euer it was amongest the Iewes: what man
can be foolishe to suppose or beleue, that God will nowe admit those
persons, to sit in iudgement or to reigne ouer men in the common welth
of the gentiles, whom he by his expressed word and ordinance, did
before debarre and seclude from the same? And that women were secluded
from the royall seate, the which oght to be the sanctuarie to all poore
afflicted, and therfore is iustlie called the seat of god (besides the
place before recited of the election of a king, and besides the places
of the newe testament, whiche be moste euident) the ordre and election
which was kept in Iuda and Israel, doth manifestlie declare. For when
the males of the kinglie stocke failed[97], as oft as it chaunced in
Israel and sometimes in Iuda, it neuer entered in to the hartes of the
people to chose and promote to honors any of the kinges doughters, (had
he neuer so many) but knowing Goddes vengeance to be poured furth vpon
the father by the away taking of his sonnes, they had no further
respect to his stocke, but elected suche one man or other, as they
iudged most apt for that honor and authoritie. Of whiche premisses, I
conclude (as before) that to promote a woman heade ouer men, is
repugnant to nature, and a thinge moste contrarious to that ordre,
whiche God hath approued in that common welth, whiche he did institute
and rule by his worde. But nowe to the last point, to wit, that the
empire of a woman is a thing repugnant to iustice, and the destruction
of euerie common welth, where it is receiued. In probation whereof,
because the mater is more then euident, I will vse fewe wordes. First,
I say, if iustice be a constant and perpetuall will to geue to euerie
person, their own right (as the moste learned in all ages haue defined
it to be) then to geue, or to will to geue to any person, that whiche
is not their right, must repugne to iustice. But to reigne aboue man,
can neuer be the right to woman[98]: because it is a thinge denied vnto
her by God, as is before declared. Therfore to promote her to that
estat or dignitie, can be no thing els but repugnancie to iustice. If I
shulde speake no more, this were sufficient. For except that ether they
can improue the definition of iustice, or els that they can intreate
God to reuoke and call backe his sentence pronounced against woman,
they shalbe compelled to admit my conclusion. If any finde faute with
iustice, as it is defined, he may well accuse others, but me he shall
not hurt. For I haue the shield, the weapon, and the warrant of him,
who assuredlie will defend this quarel, and he commandeth me to crie:

[96]: NOTE. The gentil no lesse bounde to the lawe moral then the Jewe.

[97]: NOTE.

[98]: The first argument that the authoritie of women repungeth to
iustice.

What soeuer repugneth to the will of god expressed in his most sacred
worde, repugneth to iustice[99]: but that women haue authoritie ouer
men repugneth to the will of God expressed in his worde: and therfore
mine author commandeth me to conclude without feare, that all suche
authoritie repugneth to iustice. The first parte of the argument I
trust dare nether Iewe nor gentile denie: for it is a principle not
onelie vniuersallie confessed, but also so depelie printed in the hart
of man, be his nature neuer so corrupted, that whether he will or no,
he is compelled at one time or other, to acknowledge and confesse[100],
that justice is violated, when thinges are done against the will of
God, expressed by his worde. And to this confession are no lesse the
reprobate coacted and constrained, then be the chosen children of god,
albeit to a diuers end. The elect with displeasure of their facte,
confesse their offense, hauing accesse to grace and mercie, as did
Adam, Dauid, Peter, and all other penitent offenders. But the
reprobat[101], not withstanding they are compelled to acknowledge the
will of God to be iust the which they haue offended, yet are they neuer
inwardlie displeased, with their iniquitie, but rage, complain and
storme against God, whose vengeance they can not escape[102]: as did
Cain, Iudas, Herode, Iulian called apostata, Yea Iesabel; and Athalia.
For Cain no doubte was conuict in conscience, that he had done against
iustice in murthering of his brother. Iudas did openlie, before the
high priest confesse that he had sinned, in betraying innocent blood.
Herode being stricken by the angel, did mocke those his flaterers,
saying vnto them: beholde your God (meaning of him selfe) can not nowe
preserue him self frome corruption and wormes. Iulianus was compelled
in the end to crie, O galilean (so alwayes in contempt did he name our
sauiour Iesus Christ) thou hast nowe ouercomen. And who doubteth but
Iesabel, and Athalia, before their miserable end, were conuicted in
their cankered consciences, to acknowledge that the murther, which they
had committed, and the empire whiche the one had six yeares usurped,
were repugnant to iustice: Euen so shall they I doubt not, whiche this
daye do possesse and mainteine that monstriferous authoritie of
women[103], shortlie be compelled to acknowledge, that their studies
and deuises, haue bene bent against God: and that all such as women
haue usurped, repugneth to iustice, because, as I haue saide, it
repugneth to the will of God expressed in his sacred worde. And if any
man doubte herof, let him marke wel the wordes of the apostle,
saying[104]: I permit not a woman to teache, nether yet to vsurpe
authoritie aboue man. No man I trust will denie these wordes of the
apostle, to be the wil of God expressed in his worde: and he saith
openlie, I permit not &c. Which is asmuch as, I will not, that a woman
haue authority, charge or power ouer man, for so much importeth the
greke word [Greeek: anthentnin] in that place. Nowe let man and angell
conspire against God, let them pronounce their lawes, and say, we will
suffre women to beare authoritie, who then can depose them? yet shall
this one worde of the eternal God spoken by the mouth of a weake man,
thruste them euerie one in to hell. Iesabel may for a time slepe
quietlie in the bed of her fornication and hoordome, she may teache and
deceiue for a season[105]: but nether shall she preserue her selfe,
nether yet her adulterous children frome greate affliction, and frome
the sworde of Goddes vengeance, whiche shall shortlie apprehend suche
workes of iniquitie. The admonition I differe to the end.

[99]: The second argument.

[100]: Nature doth confesse that repugnancie to Goddes will is
iniustice.

[101]: the reprobat confesse Goddes will iust.

[102]: Genes. 4. Mat. 27.

[103]: womans authoritie bringeth forth monstres.

[104]: Tim. 2.

[105]: Apoca. 2.

Here might I bring in the oppression and iniustice, which is committed
against realmes and nations, whiche some times liued free, and now are
broght in bondage of forein nations, by the reason of this
monstriferous authoritie and empire of women. But that I delay till
better oportunitie. And now I think it expedient to answer such
obiections, as carnal and worldlie men, yea men ignorant of God, vse to
make for maintenance of this tyrannic (authoritie it is not worthie to
be called) and most vniuste empire of woman.

First they do obiect the examples of Debora[106], and of Hulda the
prophetesse, of whom the one iudged Israel, and the other, by all
apparance, did teache and exhorte.

[106]: Iudic.4 Parn.3. The defenses of the aduersaries

Secondarily they do obiect the lawe[107] made by Moses for the
doughters of zalphead. Thirdlie the consent of the estates of such
realmes as haue approued the empire and regiment of women. And last the
longcustome, which hath receiued the regiment of women. Their valiant
actes and prospesitie, together with some papistical lawes, which haue
confirmed the same.

[107]: Num. 27

To the first, I answer, that particular examples do establishe no
common lawe[108]. The causes were knowen to God alon, why he toke the
spirite of wisdome and force frome all men of those ages, and did so
mightely assist women against nature, and against his ordinarie course:
that the one he made a deliuerer to his afflicted people Israel: and to
the other he gaue not onlie perseuerance in the true religion, when the
moste parte of men had declined from the same, but also to her he gaue
the spirit of prophecie, to assure king Iosias of the thinges which
were to come. With these women, I say, did God worke potentlie, and
miraculouslie, yea to them he gaue moste singular grace and priuiledge.
But who hath commanded, that a publike, yea a tyrannicall and moste
wicked lawe be established vpon these examples? The men that obiect the
same, are not altogether ignorant, that examples haue no strength, when
the question is of lawe[109]. As if I shuld aske, what mariage is
laufull? and it shulde be answered that laufull it is to man, not
onelie to haue manie wiues at ones, but also it is laufull to marie two
sisters, and to enioye them both liuing at ones, because that Dauid,
Iacob, and Salomon, seruantes of God did the same. I trust that no man
wold iustifie the vanitie of this reason. Or if the question were
demanded, if a Christian, with good conscience may defraude, steale or
deceiue: and answer were made that so he might by the example of the
Israelites, who at Goddes commandement, deceiued the Egyptians, and
spoiled them of their garmentes, golde and syluer. I thinke likewise
this reason shuld be mocked. And what greater force, I pray you, hath
the former argument? Debora did rule in Israel, and Hulda spoke
prophecie in Iuda: Ergo it is laufull for women to reigne aboue realmes
and nations, or to teache in the presence of men[110]. The consequent
is vain and of none effect. For of examples, as is before declared, we
may establishe no lawe, but we are alwayes bounde to the lawe writen,
and to the commandement expressed in the same. And the lawe writen and
pronounced by God, forbiddeth no lesse that any woman reigne ouer man,
then it forbiddeth man to take pluralitie of wiues, to mary two sisters
liuing at ons, to steale, to robbe, to murther or to lie. If any of
these hath bene transgressed, and yet God hath not imputed the same: it
maketh not the like fact or dede lawfull vnto vs. For God being free,
may for suche causes as be approued by his inscrutable wisdome,
dispense with the rigor of his lawe, and may vse his creatures at his
pleasure. But the same power is not permitted to man, whom he hath made
subiect to his lawe, and not to the examples of fathers. And this I
thinke sufficient to the reasonable and moderate spirites. But to
represse the raging of womans madnes, I will descend somwhat deeper in
to the mater, and not feare to affirme: that as we find a contrarie
spirit in all these moste wicked women, that this day be exalted in to
this tyrannouse authoritie, to the spirite that was in those godly
matrons: so I feare not, I say, to affirme, that their condition is
vnlike, and that their end shalbe diuers. In those matrones we finde
that the spirit of mercie, truthe, iustice and of humilitie did
reigne[111]. Vnder them we finde that God did shewe mercie to his
people, deliuering them frome the tyrannie of strangiers, and from the
venom of idolatrie by the handes and counsel of those women: but in
these of our ages, we finde crueltie, falshed, pride, couetousnes,
deceit, and oppression. In them we also finde the spirit of Iesabel,
and Athalia, vnder them we finde the simple people oppressed, the true
religion extinguished, and the blood of Christes membres most cruellie
shed. And finallie by their practises and deceit, we finde auncient
realmes and nations geuen and betrayed in to the handes of strangiers,
the titles and liberties of them taken frome the iuste possessors.
Which one thinge is an euident testimonie, howe vnlike our mischeuous
Maryes be vnto Debora, vnder whome were strangiers chased owt of
Israel, God so raising her vp to be a mother and deliuerer to his
oppressed people. But (alas) he hath raised vp these Iesabelles to be
the vttermoste of his plagues[112], the whiche mans vnthankfulnes hath
long deserued. But his secret and most iust iudgement, shal nether
excuse them, neither their mainteiners, because their counsels be
diuers. But to prosecute my purpose, let such as list to defend these
monstres in their tyrannie, prbue first, that their souereine
maistresses be like to Debora in godlines and pitie: and secondarilie,
that the same successe doth folowe their tyrannie, which did folowe the
extraorelinarie regiment of that godlie matrone. Which things althogh
they were able to do[113] (as they neuer shalbe, let them blowe til
they brust) yet shall her example profet them nothing at all. For they
are neuer able to proue that ether Debora, or any other godlie
woman[114] (hauing the commendation of the holie ghoste within the
scriptures) hath vsurped authoritie aboue any realme or nation, by
reason of their birth and blood. Nether yet did they claime it by right
or inheritance: but God by his singular priuiledge, fauor, and grace,
exempted Debora from the common malediction geuen to women in that
behalf: and against nature he made her prudent in counsel, strong in
courage, happie in regiment, and a blessed mother and deliuerer to his
people. The whiche he did partlie to aduance and notifie the power of
his maiestie as well to his ennemies, as to his owne people[115]: in
that that he declared himself able to geue saluation and deliuerance,
by meanes of the moste weake vesselles: and partlie he did it to
confound and ashameall man of that age, because they had for the moste
part declined frome his true obedience. And therfore was the spirit of
courage, regiment, and boldnes taken from them for a time to their
confusion and further humiliation. But what maketh this for Mary and
her matche Phillippe? One thing I wold aske of suche as depend vpon the
example of Debora, whether she was widowe or wife, when she iudged
Israel, and when that God gaue that notable victorie to his people
vnder her? If they answer she was widowe, I wold lay against them the
testimonie of the holie ghost, witnessinge that she was wife to
Lapidoth[116]. And if they will shift, and alledge, that so she might
be called, notwithstanding that her husband was dead, I vrge them
further, that they are not able to, proue it to be any common phrase
and maner of speache in the scriptures, that a woman shall be called
the wife of a dead man, except that there be some note added, wherbie
it may be knowen that her husband is departed, as is witnessed of
Anna[117]. But in this place of the iudges, there is no note added,
that her husband shuld be dead, but rather the expressed
contrarie[118]. For the text saith: In that time a woman named Debora a
prophetesse, wife to Lapidoth iudged Israel, The holie ghost plainlie
speaketh, that what time she iudged Israel, she was wife to Lapidoth.
If she was wife, and if she ruled all alone in Israel[119], then I aske
why did she not preferre her husband to that honor to be capitain, and
to be leader to the host of the Lord. If any thinke that it was her
husbande, the text proueth the contrarie. For it affirmeth that Barak,
of the tribe of Nephtalie was apointed to that office. If Barak had
bene her husband: to what purpose shuld the holie ghost so diligentlie
haue noted the tribe, and an other name then was before expressed? Yea
to what purpose shuld it be noted, that she send and called him?
whereof I doubt not, but that euerie reasonable man doth consider that
this Barak was not her husband, and therof likwise it is euident, that
her iudgement or gouernement in Israel was no such vsurped power, as
our quenes vniustlie possesse this day, but that it was the spirit of
prophecie, which rested vpon her, what time the multitude of the people
wroght wickedlie in the eyes of the Lord: by the whiche spirit, she did
rebuke the idolatrie and iniquitie of the people, exhort them to
repentance, and in the end, did bring them this comfort, that God shuld
deliuer them from the bondage and thraldom of their ennemies. And this
she might do[120], not withstanding that an other did occupie the place
of the supreme magistral, (if any was in those dayes in Israel) for, so
I finde did Hulda the wife of Sallum in the dayes of Iosias king of
Iuda[121] speake prophecie and comfort the king: and yet he resigned to
her nether the sceptre; nor the sword. That this our interpretacion,
how that Debora did iudge in Israel is the true meaning of the holie
ghost, the pondering and weying of the historic shall manifestlie
proue. When she sendeth for Barak, I pray you, in whose name geueth she
him his charge?[122] Doth she speake to him as kinges and princes vse
to speake to their subiectes in suche cases? No, but she speaketh, as
she that had a speciall reuelation frome God, whiche nether was knovren
to Barak nor to the people, saying: hath not the Lord God of Israel
commanded the? This is her preface, by the whiche she wold stirre vp
the dull senses of Barak, and of the people, willing to persuade vnto
them, that the time was comen, when God wold shewe him selfe their
protector and deliuerer, in which preface she vsurpeth to her selfe,
nether power nor authoritie. For she saith not, I being thy princes,
thy maistresse, thy souereine ladie and quene, commatide the vpon thine
allegeance, and vnder pain of treason to go, and gather an armie. No,
she spoileth her self of all power to commande, attributing that
authoritie to God, of whom she had her reuelation and certitude to
apoint Barak capitain, which after appeareth more plainlie. For when
she had declared to him the hole counsel of God, apointing vnto him
aswell the nombre of his souldiors, as the tribes, owt of which they
shuld be gathered: and when she had apointed the place of the batel,
(whiche she coulde not haue done, but by especiall reuelation of God)
and had assured him of victorie in the name of God, and yet that he
fainted and openlie refused, to entre in to that iourney except that
the prophetesse wold accompanie him, she did vse against him no
external power, she did not threaten him with rebellion and death, but
for assurance of his faint hart and weake conscience, being content to
go with him, she pronounceth, that the glorie shulde not be his in that
iourney, but that the Lord shuld sell Sisera in to the hand of a woman.
Such as haue more pleasure in light then in darknes, may clearlie
perceiue, that Debora did vsurpe no such power nor authoritie, as our
quenes do this day claime. But that she was indued with the spirit of
wisdome, of knowledge, and of the true feare of God: and by the same
she iudged the factes of the rest of the people. She rebuked their
defection and idolatry, yea and also did redresse to her power, the
iniuries, that were done by man to man. But all this, I say, she did by
the spirituall sworde, that is, by the worde of God, and not by any
temporall regiment or authoritie, whiche she did vsurpe ouer Israel. In
which, I suppose, at that time there, was no laufull magistrate, by the
reason of their greate affliction. For so witnesseth the historic,
saying: And Ehud being dead, the Lorde sold Israel in to the hand of
Iabin king of Canaan. And he by Sisera his capitain afflicted Israel
greatlie the space of twentie yeares. And Debora her self, in her song
of thankes geuing, confesseth that before she did arise mother in
Israel, and in the dayes of Iael, there was nothing but confusion and
trouble. If any sticke to the terme, alledging that the holie ghost
saith, that she iudged Israel[123]: let them vnderstand, that nether
doth the Ebrue word, nether yet the Latin, alwayes signifie ciuile
iudgement, or the execution of the temporall sword, but most commonlie
is taken in the sense, which we haue before expressed. For of Christ it
is said: he shal iudge many nations. And that he shall pronounce
iudgement to the gentiles.[124] And yet it is euident, that he was no
minister of the temporal sword. God commandeth Ierusalem and Iuda to
iudge betwixt him and his vineyarde, and yet he apointed not them all
to be ciuil magistrates. To Ezechiel it is said[125]: shalt thou not
iudge them sonne of man? and after: thou sonne of man, shalt thou not
iudge? shalt thou not iudge, I say, the citie of blood? and also:
behold, I shall iudge betwixt beast and beast. And such places in great
nombre, are to be founde thrughout the hole scriptures, and yet I
trust, no man wilbe so foolish, as to thinke that any of the Prophetes
were apointed by God to be politike iudges, or to punishe the sinnes of
man, by corporal punishment. No the maner of their iudgement is
expressed in these wordes[126]: Declare to them all their abominations,
and thou shalt say to them: Thus saith the Lorde God: a citie shedding
blood in the middest of her, that her time may approche and which hath
made idoles against her selfe, that she might be polluted. Thou hast
transgressed in the blood which thou hast shed, and thou are polluted
in the idoles, which thou hast made. Thus, I say, do the prophetes of
God iudge, pronouncing the sentence of God against malefactors. And so
I doubt not but Debora iudged, what time Israel had declined from God:
rebuking their defection, and exhorting them to repentance, without
vsurpation of any ciuill authoritie. And if the people gaue vnto her
for a time any reuerence or honour, as her godlines and happie counsel
did well deserue, yet was it no such empire, as our monstres
claime[127]. For which of her sonnes or nerest kinsmen left she ruler
and iudge in Israel after her. The holie ghost expresseth no such
thing. Wherof it is euident, that by her example God offreth no
occasion to establish any regiment of women aboue men, realmes, and
nations.

[108]: Answer to the first obiection.

[109]: Examples against lawe haue no strength when the question is of
lawe.

[110]: NOTE.

[111]: Antithesis betwixt the former matrones, and our Iesabelles.

[112]: NOTE.

[113]: NOTE.

[114]: No godlie woman did euer claime authoritie ouer man by reason of
her birth and blood.

[115]: Why God sometimes worketh by extraordinarie meanes.

[116]: Iudic. 4.

[117]: Luc. 2

[118]: Iudic. 4

[119]: NOTE.

[120]: NOTE.

[121]: 2. Reg. 22.

[122]: Debora commanded not as princes vse to commande.

[123]: To iudge is not alway understand of the ciuil regiment.

[124]: Isaie 2. Isaie 42. Mich. 4. Isaie. 5.

[125]: Ezech. 20. Ezech. 22. Ezech. 34

[126]: Ezech. 23

[127]: NOTE.

But now to the second obiection[128]. In whiche women require (as to
them appeareth) nothing but equitie and iustice. Whilest they and their
patrones for them, require dominion and empire aboue men. For this is
their question: Is it not lauful, that women haue their right and
inheritance, like as the doughters of Zalphead were commanded by the
mouth of Moses to haue their portion of grounde in their tribe?

[128]: An answer to the second obiection.

I answer, it is not onlie laufull that women possesse their
inheritance, but I affirme also that iustice and equitie require, that
so they do. But therwith I adde that whiche gladlie they list not
vnderstand[129]: that to beare rule or authoritie ouer man, can neuer
be right nor inheritance to woman. For that can neuer be iust
inheritance to any person, whiche God by his word hath plainlie denied
vnto them: but to all women hath God denied authoritie aboue man, as
moste manifestlie is before declared: Therfore to her it can neuer be
inheritance. And thus must the aduocates of our ladies prouide some
better example and strongar argument. For the lawe made in fauor of the
doughters of Zalphead, will serue them nothing. And assuredlie greate
wonder it is, that in so greate light of Goddes truthe, men list to
grope and wander in darknes. For let them speak of conscience[130]: if
the petition of any of these fore named women was to reigne ouer any
one tribe, yea or yet ouer any one man within Israel. Plain it is, they
did not, but onelie required, that they might haue a portion of ground
amonge the men of their tribe, lest, that the name of their father
shuld be abolished. And this was graunted vnto them without respect had
to any ciuil regiment. And what maketh this, I pray you, for the
establishing of this monstruous empire of women? The question is not:
if women may not succede to possession, substance patrimonie or
inheritance, such as fathers may leaue to their children, for that I
willinglie grant[131]: But the question is: if women may succede to
their fathers in offices, and chieflie to that office, the executor
wherof doth occupie the place and throne of God. And that I absolutelie
denie: and feare not to say, that to place a woman in authoritie aboue
a realme, is to pollute and prophane the royall seate, the throne of
iustice, which oght to be the throne of God: and that to mainteine them
in the same, is nothing els, but continuallie to rebell against God.
One thing there is yet to be noted and obserued in the lawe[132] made
concerning the inheritance of the doughters of Zalphead, to wit, that
it was forbidden vnto them to marie without their owne tribe, lest that
such portion as fell to their lotte, shuld be transferred frome one
tribe to an other, and so shuld the tribe of Manasses be defrauded and
spoiled of their iust inheritance by their occasion. For auoiding of
which it was commanded by Moses, that they should marie in the familie
or housholde of the tribe and kindred of their father. Wonder it is
that the aduocates and patrones of the right of our ladies did not
consider and ponder this lawe[133] before that they counseled the
blinde princes and vnworthie nobles of their countries, to betray the
liberties therof in to the handes of strangiers. England for satisfying
of the inordinat appetites of that cruell monstre Marie (vnworthie by
reason of her bloodie tyrannie, of the name of a woman) betrayed (alas)
to the proude spaniarde: and Scotlande by the rashe madnes of foolish
gouerners, and by the practises of a craftie dame resigned likewise,
vnder title of mariage in to the power of France. Doth such translation
of realmes and nations please the iustice of God, or is the possession
by such means obteined, lauful in his sight? Assured I am that it is
not[134]. No other wise, I say, then is that possession, wherunto
theues, murtherers, tyrannes and oppressors do attein by theft,
murther, tyrannie, violence, deceit, and oppression, whiche God of his
secrete (but yet most iust) iudgement doth often permit for punishment,
as wel of the sufferers, as of the violent oppressors, but doth neuer
approue the same as laufull and godlie. For if he wold not permit that
the inheritance of the children of Israel shuld passe frome one tribe
to an other by the mariage of any doughter, not withstanding[135] that
they were all one people, all spake one tonge, all were descended of
one father, and all did professe one God, and one religion: If yet, I
say, God wold not suffer that the commoditie and vsuall frute, which
might be gathered of the portion of grounde limited and assigned to one
tribe shulde passe to an other: Will he suffer that the liberties,
lawes, commodities and frutes of hole realmes and nations, be geuen in
to the power and distribution of others, by the reason of mariage, and
in the powers of suche, as besides, that they be of a strange tonge, of
strange maners and lawes, they are also ignorant of God, ennemies to
his truth, deniers of Christ Iesus, persecutors of his true membres,
and haters of all vertue? As the odious nation of spaniardes doth
manifestlie declare: who for very despit, which they do beare against
Christe Iesus, whome their forefathers did crucifie (for Iewes they
are[136], as histories do witnesse, and they them selues confesse) do
this day make plaine warre against all true professors of his holie
gospell. And howe blindlie and outragiouslie the frenche king, and his
pestilent prelates do, fight against the veritie of God, the flaming
fiers, which lick vp the innocent blood of Christes membres, do
witnesse, and by his cruel edictes is notified and proclaimed[137]. And
yet to these two cruell tyrannes (to France, and Spain I meane) is the
right and possession of England and Scotland apointed. But iust or
laufull shall that possession neuer be, till God do chaunge the statute
of his former lawe: whiche he will not do for the pleasure of man. For
he hath not created the earth to satisfie the ambition of two or three
tyrannes, but for the vniuersall seed of Adam[138]: and hath apointed
and defined the boundes of their habitation to diuerse nations,
assigning diuers countries as he him selfe confesseth, speaking to
Israel in these wordes[139]: You shal passe by the boundes and limiter,
of your bretheren the sonnes of Esau, who dwell in mount Seir. They
shall feare you. But take diligent hede, that ye shewe not your selues
cruell against them. For I will geue you no part of their land. No not
the bredth of a foote. For mount Seir I haue geuen to Esau to be
possessed. And the same he doth witnesse of the sonnes of Lot[140], to
whom he had geuen Arre to be possessed. And Moses plainlie affirmeth,
that when the almightie did distribute, and diuide possessions to the
gentiles, and when he did disperse, and scatter the sonnes of men, that
then he did apoint the limites and boundes of peoples, for the nomber
of the sonnes of Israel. Wherof it is plain[141], that God hath not
exposed the earth in pray to tyrannes, making all thing laufull, which
by violence and murther they may possesse, but that he hath apointed to
euery seuerall nation, a seuerall possession, willing them to stand
content (as nature did teache an ethnik[142] to affirme) with that
portion, which by lotte and iust meanes they had mioyed. For what
causes God permitteth this his distribution to be troubled, and the
realmes of auncient nations to be possessed of strangiers, I delay at
this time to intreate. Onlie this I haue recited to geue the worlde to
vnderstand, that the reigne, empire, and authoritie of women[143], hath
no grounde within Goddes scriptures. Yea that realmes or prouinces
possessed by their mariage, is nothinge but vniust conquest. For so
litle doth the lawe made for the doughters of Zalphead helpe the cause
of your quenes, that vtterlie it fighteth against them, both damning
their authoritie and fact. But now to the thirde objection.

[129]: what woman wold not gladly heare.

[130]: the daughters of Zalphead desired to reigne ouer no man in
Israel.

[131]: women may succede to inheritance but not to office.

[132]: Num. 36

[133]: Our patrones for women do not marke this caution.

[134]: Realmes gotten by practises are no iuste posession.

[135]: NOTE.

[136]: The spaniardes are Iewes and they bragge that Marie of England
is the roote of Iesse.

[137]: Note the law which he hath proclaimed in France against such as
he termeth Lutherians.

[138]: Act. 17.

[139]: Deuter. 2.

[140]: Deut.32.

[141]: NOTE.

[142]: Cicero offic. lib. I.

[143]: Realmes gotten by mariage, is uniust conquest.

The consent, say they, of realmes and lawes pronounced and admitted in
this behalfe, long consuetude and custorne, together with felicitie of
some women in their empires haue established their authoritie[144]. To
whome, I answer, that nether may the tyrannie of princes, nether the
foolishnes of people, nether wicked lawes made against God, nether yet
the felicitie that in this earthe may herof insue, make that thing
laufull, whiche he by his word hath manifestlie condemned. For if the
approbation of princes and people, lawes made by men, or the consent of
realmes, may establishe any thing against God and his word, then shuld
idolatrie be preferred to the true religion. For mo realmes and
nations, mo lawes and decrees published by Emperours with common
consent of their counsels, haue established the one, then haue approued
the other. And yet I thinke that no man of sounde iudgement, will
therfore iustifie and defend idolatrie. No more oght any man to
mainteine this odious empire of women, althogh that it were approued of
all men by their lawes. For the same God that in plain wordes
forbiddeth idolatrie, doth also forbidde the authoritie of women ouer
man. As the wordes of saint Paule before rehearsed do plainly teach vs.
And therfore whether women be deposed from that vniust authoritie[145]
(haue they neuer vsurped it so long) or if all such honor be denied
vnto them, I feare not to affirme that they are nether defrauded of
right, nor inheritance. For to women can that honor neuer be due nor
laufull (muche lesse inheritance) whiche God hath so manifestlie denied
vnto them.

[144]: Answer to the third obiection.

[145]: women may and oght to be deposed from authoritie.

I am not ignorant that the subtill wittes of carnall men (which can
neuer be broght vnder obedience of Goddes simple preceptes to maintein
this monstruous empire) haue yet two vaine shiftes[146]. First they
alledge, that albeit women may not absolutelie reigne by themselues,
because they may nether sit in iudgement, nether pronounce sentence,
nether execute any publike office: yet may they do all such thinges by
their lieutenantes, deputies and iudges substitute. Secondarilie, say
they, a woman borne to rule ouer anyrealme, may chose her a husband,
and to him she may transfer and geue her authoritie and right. To both
I answer in fewe wordes. First that frome a corrupt and venomed
fountein can spring no holsome water: Secondarilie that no person hath
power to geue the thing, which doth not iustlie appertein to them
selues[147]: But the authoritie of a woman is a corrupted fountein, and
therfore from her can neuer spring any lauful officer. She is not borne
to rule ouer men: and therfore she can apointe none by her gift, nor by
her power (which she hathn ot) to the place of a laufull magistrat. And
therfore who soeuer receiueth of a woman[148], office or authoritie,
are adulterous and bastard officers before God. This may appeare
straunge at the first affirmation, but if we will be as indifferent and
equall in the cause of God, as that we can be in the cause of man, the
reason shall sodeinlie appeare. The case suposed, that a tyranne by
conspiracie vsurped the royall seat and dignitie of a king, and in the
same did so established him selfe, that he apointed officers, and did
what him list for a time, and in this meane time, the natiue king made
streit inhibition to all his subiectes, that none shuld adhere to this
traitor, nether yet receiue any dignitie of him, yet neuer the lesse
they wold honor the same traitor as king, and becomme his officers in
all affaires of the realme. If after, the natiue prince did recouer his
iust honor and possession, shuld he repute or esteme any man of the
traitors apointement for a laufull magistrate? or for his frende and
true subiect? or shuld he not rather with one sentence condemne the
head with the membres? And if so he shuld do, who were able to accuse
him of rigor? much lesse to condemne his sentence of iniustice. And
dare we denie the same power to God in the like case? For that woman
reigneth aboue man, she hath obteined it by treason and conspiracie
committed against God. Howe can it be then, that she being criminall
and giltie of treason against God committed, can apointe any officer
pleasing in his sight? It is a thing impossible[149]. Wherefore let men
that receiue of women authoritie, honor or office, be most assuredly
persuaded, that in so mainteining that vsurped power, they declare them
selues ennemies to God. If any thinke, that because the realme and
estates therof, haue geuen their consentes to a woman, and haue
established her, and her authoritie: that therfore it is laufull and
acceptable before God: let the same men remembre what I haue said
before, to wit, that God can not approue the doing nor consent of any
multitude, concluding any thing against his worde and ordinance, and
therfore they must haue a more assured defense against the wrath of
God, then the approbation and consent of a blinded multitude, or elles
they shall not be able to stand in the presence of the consuming fier:
that is, they must acknowledge that the regiment of a woman is a thing
most odious in the presence of God. They must refuse to be her
officers[[150], because she is a traitoresse and rebell against God.
And finallie they must studie to represse her inordinate pride and
tyrannie to the vttermost of their power. The same is the dutie of the
nobilitie and estates, by whose blindnes a woman is promoted. First in
so farre, as they haue moste haynouslie offended against God, placing
in authoritie suche as God by his worde hath remoued frome the same,
vnfeinedly they oght to call for mercie, and being admonished of their
error and damnable fact, in signe and token of true repentance, with
common consent they oght to retreate that, which vnaduisedlie and by
ignorance they haue pronounced, and oght without further delay to
remoue from authority all such persones, as by vsurpation, violence, or
tyrannie, do possesse the same. For so did Israel and Iuda after they
had reuolted from Dauid, and Iuda alone in the dayes of Athalia[151].
For after that she by murthering her sonnes children, had obteined the
empire ouer the land, and had most vnhappelie reigned in Iuda six
years, Ichoiada the high priest called together the capitaines and
chief rulers of the people[152], and shewing to them the kinges sonne
Ioas[h], did binde them by an othe to depose that wicked woman, and to
promote the king to his royall seat, which they faithfullie did,
killinge at his commandement not onlie that cruell and mischeuous
woman, but also the people did destroie the temple of Baal, break his
altars and images, and kill Mathan Baales high priest before his
altars. The same is the dutie aswell of the estates, as of the people
that hath bene blinded. First they oght to remoue frome honor and
authoritie, that monstre in nature. (so call I a woman cled in the
habit of man, yea a woman against nature reigning aboue man).
Secondarilie if any presume to defende that impietie, they oght not to
feare, first to pronounce, and then after to execute against them the
sentence of deathe. If any man be affraid to violat the oth of
obedience, which they haue made to suche monstres, let them be most
assuredly persuaded, that as the beginning of their othes, preceding
from ignorance was sinne, so is the obstinate purpose to kepe the same,
nothinge but plaine rebellion against God. But of this mater in the
second blast, God willing, we shall speake more at large.

[146]: the fourth obiection.

[147]: women can make no laufull officer.

[148]: Let England and Scotland take hede.

[149]: woman in authoritie is rebel against God.

[150]: what the nobilite ough to do in this behalf.

[151]: 2 Reg. II.

[152]: Marke this fact, for it agreeth with Goddes lawe pronounced.

And nowe to put an end to the first blast, seing that by the ordre of
nature, by the malediction and curse pronounced against woman, by the
mouth of S. Paule the intrepreter of Goddes sentence, by the example of
that common welth, in whiche God by his word planted ordre and policie,
and finallie by the iudgement of the most godlie writers, God hath
deiected woman frome rule, dominion, empire, and authoritie aboue man.
Moreouer, seing that nether the example of Debora, nether the lawe made
for the doughters of Zalphead, nether yet the foolishe consent of an
ignorant multitude, be able to iustifie that whiche God so plainlie
hath condemned: let all men take hede what quarell and cause frome
hence furthe they do defend[153]. If God raise vp any noble harte to
vendicat the libertie of his countrie, and to suppresse the monstruous
empire of women, let all suche as shal presume to defend them in the
same, moste certeinlie knowe, that in so doing, they lift their hand
against God, and that one day they shall finde his power to fight
against their foolishnes. Let not the faithfull, godlie, and valiant
hartes of Christes souldiers be vtterlie discouraged, nether yet let
the tyrannes reioise, albeit for a time they triumphe against such
asstudie to represse their tyrannie, and to remoue them from vniust
authoritie. For the causes alone, why he suffereth the souldiers to
fail in batel, whome neuerthelesse he commandeth to fight as somtimes
did Israel fighting against Beniamin. The cause of the Israelites was
most iust: for it was to punishe that horrible abomination of those
sonnes of Belial[154], abusing the leuites wife, whome the Beniamites
did defend. And they had Goddes precept to assure them of well doing.
For he did not onelie commande them to fight, but also apointed Iuda to
be their leader and capitain, and yet fell they twise in plain batel
against those most wicked adulterers.

[153]: An admonition.

[154]: Iudic. 20.

The secret cause of this, I say, is knowen to God alone. Rut by his
euident scriptures we may assuredly gather[155], that by such means
doth his wisdome somtimes, beat downe the pride of the flesh (for the
Israelites at the firste trusted in their multitude, power and
strength) and somtimes by such ouerthrowes, he will punish the offenses
of his owne children, and bring them, to the vnfeined knowledge of the
same, before he will geue them victorie against the manifest
contemners, whom he hath apointed neuerthelesse to vttermost perdition:
as the end of that batel did witnesse. For althogh with greate murther
the children of Israel did twise fall before the Beniamites, yet after
they had wept before the Lorde, after they had fasted and made
sacrifice in signe of their vnfeined repentance, they so preuailed
against that proude tribe of Beniamin[156], that after 25 thousande
strong men of warre were killed in batel, they destroyed man, woman,
childe and beaste, as well in the fieldes, as in the cities, whiche all
were burned with fier, so that onelie of that hole tribe remained six
hundredth men, who fled to the wildernes, where they remained foure
monethes, and so were saued. The same God, who did execute this greuous
punishment, euen by the handes of those[157], whom he suffred twise to
be ouercomen in batel, doth this day retein his power and justice.
Cursed Iesabel of England, with the pestilent and detestable generation
of papistes, make no litle bragge and boast, that they haue triumphed
not only against Wyet, but also against all such as haue entreprised
any thing against them or their procedinges. But let her and them
consider, that yet they haue not preuailed against god, his throne is
more high, then that the length of their hornes be able to reache. And
let them further consider, that in the beginning of their bloodie
reigne, the haruest of their iniquitie was not comen to full maturitie
and ripenes. No, it was so grene, so secret I meane, so couered, and so
hid with hypocrisie, that some men (euen the seruantes of God) thoght
it not impossible, but that wolues might be changed in to lambes, and
also that the vipere might remoue her natural venom. But God, who doth
reuele in his time apointed the secretes of hartes, and that will haue
his iudgementes iustified euen by the verie wicked, hath now geuen open
testimonie of her and their beastlie crueltie. For man and woman,
learned and vnlearned, nobles and men of baser sorte, aged fathers and
tendre damiselles, and finailie the bones of the dead, aswell women as
men haue tasted of their tyrannie, so that now not onlie the blood of
father Latimer, of the milde man of God the bishop of Cantorburie, of
learned and discrete Ridley, of innocent ladie Iane dudley, and many
godly and worthie preachers, that can not be forgotten, such as fier
hath consumed, and the sworde of tyrannie moste vniustlie hath shed,
doth call for vengeance in the eares of the Lord God of hostes: but
also the sobbes and teares of the poore oppressed, the groninges of the
angeles, the watch men of the Lord, yea and euerie earthlie creature
abused by their tyrannie do continuallie crie and call for the hastie
execution of the same. I feare not to say, that the day of vengeance,
whiche shall apprehend that horrible monstre Iesabal of England, and
suche as maintein her monstruous crueltie, is alredie apointed in the
counsel of the Eternall; and I verelie beleue that it is so nigh, that
she shall not reigne so long in tyrannie, as hitherto she hath done,
when God shall declare him selfe to be her ennemie, when he shall poure
furth contempt vpon her, according to her crueltie, and shal kindle the
hartes of such, as somtimes did fauor her with deadly hatred against
her, that they may execute his iudgementes. And therfore let such as
assist her, take hede what they do. For assuredlie her empire and
reigne is a wall without foundation[158]: I meane the same of the
authoritie of all women. It hath bene vnderpropped this blind time that
is past, with the foolishnes of people; and with the wicked lawes of
ignorant and tyrannous princes. But the fier of Goddes worde is alredie
laide to those rotten proppes (I include the Popes lawe with the rest)
and presentlie they burn, albeit we espie not the flame: when they are
consumed, (as shortlie they will be, for stuble and drie timbre can not
long indure the fier) that rotten wall, the vsurped and vniust empire
of women, shall fall by it self in despit of all man, to the
destruction of so manie, as shall labor to vphold it. And therfore let
all man be aduertised, for the trumpet hath ones blowen.

[155]: Why God permitteth somtimes his owne souldiers to fail in batel.

[156]: Iudic. 20

[157]: NOTE.

[158]: The authoritie of all women, is a wall without foundation.

Praise God ye that feare him.

The following postscript occurs at p. 78 of JOHN KNOX’S _Appellation
&c._, which is dated “From Geneua. The 14 of Iuly, 1558.”



IOHN KNOXE TO THE READER.


Because many are offended at the first blast of the trompett, in whiche
I affirme, that to promote a woman to beare rule, or empire aboue any
realme, nation or citie, is repugnant to nature, contumelie to God, and
a thing moste contrariouse to his reuealed and approued ordenance: and
because also, that somme hath promised (as I vnderstand) a confutation
of the same, I haue delayed the second blast, till such tyme as their
reasons appere, by the which I either may be reformed in opinion, or
els shall haue further occasion more simply and plainly to vtter my
iudgement. Yet in the meane tyme for the discharge of my conscience;
and for auoyding suspition, whiche might be ingendred by reason of my
silence, I could not cease to notifie these subsequent propositions,
which by Gods grace I purpose to entreate in the second blast promised.

1 It is not birth onely nor propinquitie of blood, that maketh a kinge
lawfully to reign aboue a people professing Christe Iesus, and his
eternall veritie, but in his election must the ordenance, which God
hath established, in the election of inferiour iudges be obserued.

2 No manifest idolater nor notoriouse transgressor of gods holie
preceptes o[u]ght to be promoted to any publike regiment, honour or
dignitie in any realme, prouince or citie, that hath subiected the[m]
self to Christe lesus and to his blessed Euangil.

3 Neither can othe nor promesse bynd any such people to obey and
maintein tyrantes against God and against his trueth knowen.

4 But if either rashely they haue promoted any manifest wicked
personne, or yet ignorantly haue chosen suche a one, as after declareth
him self vnworthie of regiment abouc the people of God (and suche be
all idolaters and cruel persecuters) moste iustely may the same men
depose and punishe him, that vnaduysedly before they did nominate,
appoint and electe.

_MATTH. VI_.

If the eye be single, the whole body shalbe clere.

[Underlying these Propositions is the great truth that the Rulers exist
for the people, and not the people for the Rulers.]



APPENDIX.


_JOHN KNOX’s apologetical Defence of his First Blast &c. to Queen
ELIZABETH_.


12 JULY 1559. JOHN KNOX to Sir WILLIAM CECIL.

The spreit of wisdom heall your hart to the glorie of God and to the
comforte of his afflicted mind.

On[e] caus[e] of my present writing is ryght honorable humblie to
requyr you to Deliuer this other lettre enclosed to the quenes grace
quilk conteaneht in few and sempill wordes my confession what I think
of her authoritie, how far it is Just, and what may make it odious in
goddis presence.

I hear there is a confutation sett furht in prent against _the first
blast_. God graunt that the writar haue no more sought the fauours of
the world, no less the glory of God and the stable commoditie of his
country then did him who interprised in that _blast_ to vt[t]er his
Conscience. When I shall haue tym[e] (which now Is Dear and straitt
vnto me) to peruse that work I will communicat[e] my Judgement with you
concernying the sam[e]. The tym[e] Is now sir that all that eyther
thrust Christ Jesus to r[e]ing in this yle, the liberties of the sam
[e] to be keapt, to the inhabitantes therof, and theire hartis to be
joyned together in love vnfeaned ought rather to study how the sam[e]
may be brought to pass then vainly to trauall for the maintenance of
that wharof allready we have seen the daunger, and felt the smart.

_State Papers, Scotland, Vol_. Art. 57. in Public Record office,
London.


20 JULY 1559. JOHN KNOX’S _Declaration_ to QUEEN ELIZABETH.

To the verteuus and godlie ELIZABEHT by the grace of GOD quen of
England etc JOHN KNOX desireht the perpetuall Encrease of the Holie
Spiritt. etc.

As your graces displeasur against me most Iniustlie conceaned, hath
be[en] and is to my wretched hart a burthen grevous and almost
intollerabill, so is the testimonye of a clean conscience to me a stay
and vphold that in desperation I sink not, how vehement that ever the
temptations appear, for in GODDis presence my conscience beareht me
reacord that maliciouslie nor of purpose I inoffended your grace, nor
your realme. And therfor how so ever I be ludged by man, I am assured
to be absolued by him who onlie knoweht the secreatis of hartes.

I can not Deny the Writeing of a booke against the vsurped aucthoritie
and Iniust regiment of wemen, neyther yet am I mynded to retract or to
call any principall point or proposition of the sam[e], till treuth and
veritie do farther appear, but why that eyther your grace, eyther yit
ony such as vnfeanedlie favourthe libertie of England should be
offended at the aucthor of such a work I can perceaue no iust occasion.
For first my booke tuchheht not your graces person in especiall,
neyther yit is it preiudiciall till any libertie of the realme yf the
tyme and my Writing be indifferently considered. How could I be enemy
to your graces person? for deliuerance quhairof I did mor[e] study, and
interprise farther, than any of those that now accuse me. And as
concerning your regiment how could? or can I envy that? which most I
haue thrusted and for the which (as obliuion will suffer) I render
thankis vnfeanedlie unto GOD that is, that it hath pleased Him of His
eternall goodnes to exalt your head (which tymes wes in Daunger) to the
manifestation of his glorie and extirpation of Idolatrie.

And as for any offence whiche I haf committed against England eyther in
writeing that or of any other werk I will not refuse that moderate and
indifferent men Iudge and decerne betwixt me and thost that accuse me.
To witt Whither of the partijs Do most hurt the libertie of England, I
that afferme that no woman may be exalted above any realme to mak[e]
the libertie of the sam[e] thrall to a straunge, proud, and euell
nation, or thai that approve whatsoeuir pleaseth princes for the tyme.

Yf I were wer[e] asweall disposed till accuse, as som of them (till
thair owne schame) haue declared thame selves I nothing dowbt but that
in few wordis I should lett ressonabill men vnderstand that som that
this Day lowlie crouche to your grace, and lauboure to make me odious
in your eyes, did in your aduersitie neyther shew thame selvis
faithfull frendis to your grace, neyther yit so loving and cairfull
ouer thair native cuntry as now thai wold be esteamed.

But omitting the accusation of others for my owne purgation and for
your graces satisfaction I say. That nothyng in my booke conceaued Is,
or can be preiudiciall to your graces iust regiment prouided that ye be
not found vngrate unto GOD. Vngrate ye shalbe proued in presence of His
throne, (howsoeuir that flatterairs Iustifie your fact) yf ye transfer
the glory of that honour in which ye now stand to any other thing, then
to the dispensation of His mercy which onelye mackethe that lauthfull
to your grace Which nature and law Denyeth to all woman. Neyther wold I
that your grace should fear that this your humiliation befoir GOD
should in any case infirm or weaken your Iust and lauthfull authoritie
befoir men. Nay madam such vnfeaned confession of goddis benefittis
receaued shalbe the establishment of the sam[e] not onelye to your
self, bot also to your sead and posteritie. Whane contrariwise a prowd
conceat, and eleuation of your self shalbe the occasion that your reing
shalbe vnstabill, trublesum and schort.

GOD is witness that vnfeanedlie I both love and reverence your grace,
yea I pray that your reing may be long, prosperous, and quyet. And that
for the quyetnes which CHRISTIS membris before persecuted haue receaued
vnder yow but yit yf I should flatter your grace I were no freind, but
a deceavabill trater. And therfor of conscience I am compelled to say,
that neyther the consent of peopill, the proces of tyme, nor multitude
of men, can establish a law which GOD shall approve, but whatsoeuer He
approveht (by his eternall word) that shalbe approued, and whatsoeuer
he dampneth shalbe condampneth, though all men in earth wold hasard the
iustification of the sam[e]. And therfor[e] madam the onlie way to
retean and to keap those benefittes of GOD haboundandlie powred now of
laitt Dayis vpon yow, and vpon your realme is vnfeanedlie to rendir
vnto GOD, to His mercy and vndeserued grace the [w]holl glory of this
your exaltatioun, forget your byrth and all tytill which thervpon doth
hing[e], and considder deaplie how for feir of your lyfe ye did declyne
from GOD, and bow till Idolatrie. Lett it not appear a small offence in
your eyis, that ye haue declyned from CHRIST IESUS in the Day of his
battale, neyther yit wold I that ye should esteam that mercy to be
vulgar and commone which ye haue receaued. To witt, that GOD hath
covered your formar offence, hath presented yow when ye were most
unthankfull, and in the end hath exalted and raised yow vp not onlie
from the Dust, but also from the portes [_gates_] of death to reull
above his people for the confort of his kirk. It aperteaneth to yow
thairfor to ground the iustice of your aucthoritie not vpon that law
which from year to year Doth change, but vpon the eternall prouidence
of Hym who contrarfy to nature, and without your deserving hath thus
exalted your head.

Yf thus in GODDis presence ye humill [_humble_] your self, as in my
hart I glorifie GOD for that rest granted to His afflicted flock within
England under yow a weak instrument, so will I with toung and pen
iustifie your aucthoritie and regiment as the HOLIE GHOST hath
iustified the same In DEBORA, that blessed mother in Israeli, but yf
these premisses (as GOD forbid) neglected, ye shall begyn to brag of
your birth, and to build your aucthoritie vpon your owne law, flatter
yow who so list youre felicite shalbe schort. Interpret my rud[e]
wordis in the best part as written by him who is no ennemye to your
grace.

By diuerse letters I haue required licence to vesitt your realme not to
seik my self neyther yit my owen ease, or commodite. Whiche yf ye now
refuse and. deny I must remit my [?] to GOD, adding this for
conclusioun, that commonlie it is sein that such as luf not the
counsall of the faithfull (appear it never so scharp) are compelled to
follow the Deceat of flatteraris to thair owen perdition. The mighty
Spreit of the Lord IESUS move your hart to vnderstand what is said,
geve vnto yow the discretion of spirittes, and so reull yow in all your
actlonis and interprisis that in yow GOD may be glorified, His church
edified, and ye your self as a livelie member of the sam[e] may be an
exempill and mirroure of vertew and of godlie Lief till others.

So be it. Off Edinburgh the 20. Day of Julij. 1559.

By your graces [w]holly to command in godlynes.

_Endorsed_. JOHN KNOX.

To the ryght myghty ryght high and ryght excellent princesse ELZABETH
quen of England, etc.

Be these Deliuered _State Papers, Scotland, Vol. 1 Art. 65_.


20 MARCH 1561. THOMAS RANDOLPH to Sir WILLIAM CECIL. [_From Berwick on
Tweed_.]

Master KNOX in certayne articles geuen vnto my Lord JAMES at this tyme
hath mytigated some what the rigour of his booke, referringe myche vnto
ye tyme that the same was wrytten.

_State Papers, Scotland, Vol. 6, Art. 37_.

5 AUG. 1561. JOHN KNOX’s second Defence to Queen ELIZABETH.

Grace from GOD the Father throught our Lord JESUS with perpetuall
Encrease of his holie spiritt.

May it please your maiestie that it is heir certainlie spoken that the
Queen of Scotland [_MARY Queen of Scots_] travaleht earnestlie to have
a treatise intituled _the first blast of the trompett_ confuted by the
answere of the learned in Diuerse realmes, And farther that she
lauboureht to inflambe the hartes of princes against the writar. And
because that it may appear that your maiestie hath interest, that she
myndeht to trauall with your grace, your graces counsell, and learned
men for Judgement against such a common enemy to women and to thair
regiment. It were but foolishnes to me to prescribe vnto your maiestie
what is to be done in any thing but especialie in such thinges as men
suppose Do tuoch my self. But of on[e] thing I think my self assured
and therefor I Dar[e] not conceall it. To witt that neyther Doht our
soueraine so greatlie fear her owen estate by reasson of that book,
neyther yet Doth she so vnfeanedlie fauour the tranquilitie of your
maiesties reing and realme that she wo[u]lde tack so great and earnest
paines onles that her crafty counsall in so Doing shot att a farther
marck.

Two yeres ago I wrote vnto your maiestie my full Declaration tuoching
that work, experience since hath schawen that I am not Desirous of
Innovations [i.e. in _Government_], so that CHRIST JESUS be not in his
members openlie troden vnder the feitt of the vngodlie. With furthie
purgation I will not trouble your maiestie for the present. Besechinge
the Eternall so to assist your Highnes in all affaires, that in his
sight you may be found acceptable, your regiment profitable to your
common wealht, and your factes [deeds] to be such that Iustlie thei may
be praised of all godlie vnto the cuming of the lord JESUS to whose
mighty protection I unfeanedlie committ your maiestie.

From Edinburgh the 5 of August 1561

Your maiesties suruand to command in godlines

_Endorsed_ JOHN KNOX.

To the myghty and excellent princess ELIZABETH the Quenes maiestie of
ENGLAND be these deliuered.

_State Papers, Scotland, Vol. 6, Art 55._

Despite this triumphant appeal to his quiet citizenship under MARY
STUART, the following description of her mother shows that the great
Scotchman never altered his private opinion on this subject.

The peace as said is contracted. The Queene Dowager past by sea to
F[r]aunce with gallies that for that purpose were prepared and tooke
with her diuerse of the nobilitie of Scotland. The Earles HUNTLY,
GLENCAIRNE, MERSHELL, CASSILLES. The Lordes MAXWELL, flying, Sir GEORGE
DOWGLASSE, together with all the kings sonnes, and diuerse Barrones,
and gentlemen of Ecclesiasticall estate: the Bishop of GALLOWAY, and
manie others, with promise that they should be rechlie rewarded for
their good seruice. What they receaued we can not tell, but few were
made rich at their returning. The Dowager had to practise somewhat with
her brethren, the Duke of GWYSE and the Cardinal of LORA[I]NE. The
weight wherof the gouernour after felt: for shortlie after his
returning, was the gouernour deposed of the gouernement (Iustlie by
GOD, but most iniustlie by man) and she made regent, in the yere of our
Lord 1554. And a crowne put vpon her head, as seemelie a sight (if men
had eyes) as to put a saddle vpon the back of an vnruly cow. And so
beganne she to practise, practise vpon practise, how Fraunce might be
aduanced, hir friends made rich, and she brought to immortall glorie.
For that was her common talke, “So that I may procure the wealth and
honour of my friendes, and a good fame vnto my selfe, I regarde not
what GOD doe after with me.” And in verie deede in deepe dissimulation
to bring her owne purpose to effect she passed the common sort of
women, as we will after heare. But yet GOD to whose Gospell she
declared her selfe enemie, in the end [did] frustrate her of her
deuises.

The Historic of the _Church of Scotland_, pp. 192-193. [Ed. 1584].





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