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Title: The Three Voyages of Captain Cook Round the World. Vol. VII. Being the Third of the Third Voyage
Author: King, James, Vicar of St. Mary's, Berwick-upon-Tweed
Language: English
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Transcriber’s Note
When italics were used in the original book, the corresponding text has
been surrounded by _underscores_. Superscripted characters are preceded
by ^.
Some corrections have been made to the printed text. These are listed in
a second transcriber’s note at the end of the text.
[Illustration: _Summer and Winter Habitations, Kamtschatka._]
THE
THREE
VOYAGES
OF
CAPTAIN JAMES COOK
ROUND THE WORLD.
COMPLETE
In Seven Volumes.
_WITH MAP AND OTHER PLATES._
VOL. VII.
BEING THE THIRD OF THE THIRD VOYAGE.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR
LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN,
PATERNOSTER-ROW.
1821.
CONTENTS
OF
_THE SEVENTH VOLUME_.
BOOK V.
Captain King’s Journal of the Transactions on returning to the Sandwich
Islands.
CHAP. I.
DESCRIPTION of Karakakooa Bay.—Vast Concourse of the
Natives.—Power of the Chiefs over the inferior
People.—Visit from Koah, a Priest and Warrior.—The
Morai at Kakooa described.—Ceremonies at the Landing
of Captain Cook.—Observatories erected.—Powerful
Operation of the Taboo.—Method of salting Pork in
tropical Climates.—Society of Priests discovered.—
Their Hospitality and Munificence.—Reception of
Captain Cook.—Artifice of Koah.—Arrival of
Terreeoboo, King of the Island.—Singular Ceremony.—
Visit from the King.—Returned by Captain Cook Page 3
CHAP. II.
Farther Account of Transactions with the Natives.—Their
Hospitality.—Propensity to Theft.—Description of a
Boxing Match.—Death of one of our Seamen.—Behaviour
of the Priests at his Funeral.—The Wood-work and
Images on the Morai purchased.—The Natives
inquisitive about our Departure.—Their Opinion about
the Design of our Voyage.—Magnificent Presents of
Terreeoboo to Captain Cook.—The Ships leave the
Island.—The Resolution damaged in a Gale, and obliged
to return 20
CHAP. III.
Suspicious Behaviour of the Natives, on our Return to
Karakakooa Bay.—Theft on board the Discovery, and its
Consequences.—The Pinnace attacked, and the Crew
obliged to quit her.—Captain Cook’s Observations on
the Occasion.—Attempt at the Observatory.—The Cutter
of the Discovery stolen.—Measures taken by Captain
Cook for its Recovery.—Goes on Shore, to invite the
King on board.—The King being stopped by his Wife,
and the Chiefs, a Contest arises.—News arrives of one
of the Chiefs being killed by one of our People.—
Ferment on this Occasion.—One of the Chiefs threatens
Captain Cook, and is shot by him.—General Attack by
the Natives.—Death of Captain Cook.—Account of the
Captain’s Services, and a Sketch of his Character 34
CHAP. IV.
Transactions at Owhyhee, subsequent to the Death of
Captain Cook.—Gallant Behaviour of the Lieutenant of
Marines.—Dangerous Situation of the Party at the
Morai.—Bravery of one of the Natives.—Consultation
respecting future Measures.—Demand of the body of
Captain Cook.—Evasive and insidious Conduct of Koah,
and the Chiefs.—Insolent Behaviour of the Natives.—
Promotion of Officers.—Arrival of two Priests with
Part of the Body.—Extraordinary Behaviour of two
Boys.—Burning of the Village of Kakooa.—Unfortunate
Destruction of the Dwellings of the Priests.—Recovery
of the Bones of Captain Cook.—Departure from
Karakakooa Bay 51
CHAP. V.
Departure from Karakakooa in Search of an Harbour on
the south-east side of Mowee.—Driven to leeward by
the easterly Winds and Current.—Pass the Island of
Tahoorowa.—Description of the south-west side of
Mowee.—Run along the Coasts of Ranai and Morotoi to
Woahoo.—Description of the north-east Coast of
Woahoo.—Unsuccessful Attempt to water.—Passage to
Atooi.—Anchor in Wymoa Bay.—Dangerous Situation of
the Watering Party on Shore.—Civil Dissensions in the
Islands.—Visit from the contending Chiefs.—Anchor off
Oneeheow.—Final Departure from the Sandwich Islands 78
CHAP. VI.
General Account of the Sandwich Islands.—Their Number,
Names, and Situation.—OWHYHEE.—Its Extent, and
Division into Districts.—Account of its Coasts, and
the adjacent Country.—Volcanic Appearances.—Snowy
Mountains.—Their Height determined.—Account of a
Journey into the interior Parts of the Country.—
MOWEE.—TAHOOROWA.—MOROTOI.—RANAI.—WOAHOO.—ATOOI.—
ONEEHEOW.—OREEHOUA.—TAHOORA.—Climate.—Winds.—
Currents.—Tides.—Animals and Vegetables.—Astronomical
Observations 93
CHAP. VII.
General Account of the Sandwich Islands continued.—Of
the Inhabitants.—Their Origin.—Persons.—Pernicious
Effects of the Ava.—Numbers.—Disposition and
Manners.—Reasons for supposing them not Cannibals.—
Dress and Ornaments.—Villages and Houses.—Food.—
Occupations and Amusements.—Addicted to Gaming.—Their
extraordinary Dexterity in Swimming.—Arts and
Manufactures.—Curious Specimens of their Sculpture.—
Kipparee, or Method of painting Cloth.—Mats.—Fishing
Hooks.—Cordage.—Salt Pans.—Warlike Instruments 115
CHAP. VIII.
General Account of the Sandwich Islands continued.—
Government.—People divided into three Classes.—Power
of Eree-taboo.—Genealogy of the Kings of Owhyhee and
Mowee.—Power of the Chiefs.—State of the inferior
Class.—Punishment of Crimes.—Religion.—Society of
Priests.—The Orono.—Their Idols.—Songs chanted by the
Chiefs, before they drink Ava.—Human Sacrifices.—
Custom of knocking out the fore Teeth.—Notions with
regard to a future State.—Marriages.—Remarkable
Instance of Jealousy.—Funeral Rites 141
BOOK VI.
Transactions during the Second Expedition to the North, by the Way of
Kamtschatka; and on the return Home, by the Way of Canton and the Cape
of Good Hope.
CHAP. I.
Departure from Oneeheow.—Fruitless Attempt to discover
Modoopapappa.—Course steered for Awatska Bay.—
Occurrences during that Passage.—Sudden Change from
Heat to Cold.—Distress occasioned by the leaking of
the Resolution.—View of the Coast of Kamtschatka.—
Extreme rigour of the Climate.—Lose Sight of the
Discovery.—The Resolution enters the Bay of Awatska.—
Prospect of the Town of St. Peter and St. Paul.—Party
sent Ashore.—Their Reception by the Commanding
Officer of the Port.—Message dispatched to the
Commander at Bolcheretsk.—Arrival of the Discovery.—
Return of the Messengers, from the Commander.—
Extraordinary Mode of Travelling.—Visit from a
Merchant, and a German Servant belonging to the
Commander 156
CHAP. II.
Scarcity of Provisions and Stores at the Harbour of
Saint Peter and Saint Paul.—A Party set out to visit
the Commander at Bolcheretsk.—Passage up the River
Awatska.—Account of their Reception by the Toion of
Karatchin.—Description of a Kamtschadale Dress.—
Journey on Sledges.—Description of this Mode of
Travelling.—Arrival at Natcheekin.—Account of hot
Springs.—Embark on the Bolchoireka.—Reception at the
Capital.—Generous and hospitable Conduct of the
Commander and the Garrison.—Description of
Bolcheretsk.—Presents from the Commander.—Russian and
Kamtschadale Dancing.—Affecting Departure from
Bolcheretsk.—Return to Saint Peter and Saint Paul’s,
accompanied by Major Behm, who visits the Ships.—
Generosity of the Sailors.—Dispatches sent by Major
Behm to Petersburg.—His Departure and Character 179
CHAP. III.
Continuation of Transactions in the Harbour of St.
Peter and St. Paul.—Abundance of Fish.—Death of a
Seaman belonging to the Resolution.—The Russian
Hospital put under the Care of the Ship’s Surgeons.—
Supply of Flour and Cattle.—Celebration of the King’s
Birth-day.—Difficulties in sailing out of the Bay.—
Eruption of a Volcano.—Steer to the northward.—
Cheepoonskoi Noss.—Errors of the Russian Charts.—
Kamtschatskoi Noss.—Olutorskoi Noss.—Tschukotskoi
Noss.—Island of St. Laurence.—View from the same
Point, of the Coasts of Asia and America, and the
Islands of St. Diomede.—Various Attempts to get to
the north, between the two Continents.—Obstructed by
impenetrable Ice.—Sea-horses and white Bears killed.—
Captain Clerke’s Determination, and future Designs 208
CHAP. IV.
Fruitless Attempts to penetrate through the Ice to the
north-west.—Dangerous Situation of the Discovery.—
Sea-horses killed.—Fresh Obstructions from the Ice.—
Report of Damages received by the Discovery.—Captain
Clerke’s Determination to proceed to the Southward.—
Joy of the Ships’ Crews on that Occasion.—Pass Serdze
Kamen.—Return through Beering’s Straits.—Inquiry into
the Extent of the north-east Coast of Asia.—Reasons
for rejecting Muller’s Map of the Promontory of the
Tschutski.—Reasons for believing the Coast does not
reach a higher Latitude than 70-1/2° north.—General
Observations on the Impracticability of a north-east
or north-west Passage from the Atlantic into the
Pacific Ocean.—Comparative View of the Progress made
in the Years 1778 and 1779.—Remarks on the Sea, and
Sea-coasts, north of Beering’s Straits.—History of
the Voyage resumed.—Pass the Island of St. Laurence.—
The Island of Mednoi.—Death of Captain Clerke.—Short
Account of his Services 233
CHAP. V.
Return to the Harbour of Saint Peter and Saint Paul.—
Promotion of Officers.—Funeral of Captain Clerke.—
Damages of the Discovery repaired.—Various other
Occupations of the Ships’ Crews.—Letters from the
Commander.—Supply of Flour and Naval Stores from a
Russian Galliot.—Account of an Exile.—Bear-hunting
and Fishing Parties.—Disgrace of the Serjeant.—
Celebration of the King’s Coronation-day, and Visit
from the Commander.—The Serjeant reinstated.—A
Russian Soldier promoted at our Request.—Remarks on
the Discipline of the Russian Army.—Church at
Paratounca.—Method of Bear-hunting.—Farther Account
of the Bears and Kamtschadales.—Inscription to the
Memory of Captain Clerke.—Supply of Cattle.—
Entertainments on the Empress’s Name Day.—Present
from the Commander.—Attempt of a Marine to desert.—
Work out of the Bay.—Nautical and Geographical
Description of Awatska Bay.—Astronomical Tables, and
Observations 258
CHAP. VI.
General Account of Kamtschatka.—Geographical
Description.—Rivers.—Soil.—Climate.—Volcanoes.—Hot
Springs.—Productions.—Vegetables.—Animals.—Birds.—
Fish 297
CHAP. VII.
General Account of Kamtschatka continued.—Of the
Inhabitants.—Origin of the Kamtschadales.—Discovered
by the Russians.—Abstract of their History.—Numbers.—
Present State.—Of the Russian Commerce in
Kamtschatka.—Of the Kamtschadale Habitations and
Dress.—Of the Kurile Islands.—The Koreki.—The
Tschutski 326
CHAP. VIII.
Plan of our future Proceedings.—Course to the
southward, along the Coast of Kamtschatka.—Cape
Lopatka.—Pass the Islands Shoomska and Paramousir.—
Driven to the eastward of the Kuriles.—Singular
Situation with respect to the pretended Discoveries
of former Navigators.—Fruitless Attempts to reach the
Islands north of Japan.—Geographical Conclusions.—
View of the Coast of Japan.—Run along the east side.—
Pass two Japanese Vessels.—Driven off the Coast by
contrary Winds.—Extraordinary Effect of Currents.—
Steer for the Bashees.—Pass large Quantities of
Pumice Stone.—Discover Sulphur Island.—Pass the
Pratas.—Isles of Lema, and Ladron Island.—Chinese
Pilot taken on Board the Resolution.—Journals of the
Officers and Men secured 348
CHAP. IX.
Working up to Macao.—A Chinese Comprador.—Sent on Shore
to visit the Portuguese Governor.—Effects of the
Intelligence we received from Europe.—Anchor in the
Typa.—Passage up to Canton.—Bocca Tygris.—Wampû.—
Description of a Sampane.—Reception at the English
Factory.—Instance of the suspicious Character of the
Chinese.—Of their Mode of Trading.—Of the City of
Canton.—Its Size.—Population.—Number of Sampanes.—
Military Force.—Of the Streets and Houses.—Visit to a
Chinese.—Return to Macao.—Great Demand for the
Sea-Otter Skins.—Plan of a Voyage for opening a fair
Trade on the Western Coast of America, and
prosecuting further Discoveries in the Neighbourhood
of Japan.—Departure from Macao.—Price of Provisions
in China 380
CHAP. X.
Leave the Typa.—Orders of the Court of France
respecting Captain Cook.—Resolutions in Consequence
thereof.—Strike Soundings on the Macclesfield Banks.—
Pass Pulo Sopata.—Steer for Pulo Condore.—Anchor at
Pulo Condore.—Transactions during our Stay.—Journey
to the principal Town.—Receive a Visit from a
Mandarin.—Examine his Letters.—Refreshments to be
procured.—Description, and present State of the
Island.—Its Produce.—An Assertion of M. Sonnerat
refuted.—Astronomical and Nautical Observations 405
CHAP. XI.
Departure from Pulo Condore.—Pass the Straits of
Banca.—View of the Island of Sumatra.—Straits of
Sunda.—Occurrences there.—Description of the Island
of Cracatoa.—Prince’s Island.—Effects of the Climate
of Java.—Run to the Cape of Good Hope.—Transactions
there.—Description of False Bay.—Passage to the
Orkneys.—General Reflections 421
APPENDIX.
Vocabulary of the Languages of the Friendly Islands 445
Vocabulary of the Language of Nootka, or King George’s
Sound 453
Vocabulary of the Language of Atooi, one of the
Sandwich Islands 457
Table to show the Affinity between the Languages spoken
at Oonalashka and Norton Sound, and those of the
Greenlanders and Esquimaux 461
A comparative Table of Numerals, exhibiting the
Affinity and Extent of Language, which is found to
prevail in all the Islands of the Eastern Sea, and
derived from that spoken on the Continent of Asia, in _To face_ p.
the Country of the Malayes 462
A
VOYAGE
TO THE
PACIFIC OCEAN,
TO DETERMINE
THE POSITION AND EXTENT OF THE WEST SIDE OF NORTH AMERICA;
ITS DISTANCE FROM ASIA; AND THE PRACTICABILITY
OF A NORTHERN PASSAGE TO EUROPE.
PERFORMED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF
CAPTAINS COOK, CLERKE, AND GORE,
IN HIS MAJESTY’S SHIPS THE RESOLUTION AND DISCOVERY,
IN THE YEARS 1776, 1777, 1778, 1779, and 1780.
---------------------
VOL. III.
WRITTEN BY CAPTAIN JAMES KING, LL. D. AND F. R. S.
[Illustration: _Town & Harbour of S^t Peter & S^t Paul in Kamtschatka._]
A
VOYAGE
TO
THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
---------------------
BOOK V.
CAPTAIN KING’S JOURNAL OF THE TRANSACTIONS ON RETURNING TO THE SANDWICH
ISLANDS.
CHAP. I.
DESCRIPTION OF KARAKAKOOA BAY.—VAST CONCOURSE OF THE NATIVES.—POWER OF
THE CHIEFS OVER THE INFERIOR PEOPLE.—VISIT FROM KOAH, A PRIEST AND
WARRIOR.—THE MORAI AT KAKOOA DESCRIBED.—CEREMONIES AT THE LANDING OF
CAPTAIN COOK.—OBSERVATORIES ERECTED.—POWERFUL OPERATION OF THE TABOO.—
METHOD OF SALTING PORK IN TROPICAL CLIMATES.—SOCIETY OF PRIESTS
DISCOVERED.—THEIR HOSPITALITY AND MUNIFICENCE.—RECEPTION OF CAPTAIN
COOK.—ARTIFICE OF KOAH.—ARRIVAL OF TERREEOBOO, KING OF THE ISLAND.—
SINGULAR CEREMONY.—VISIT FROM THE KING.—RETURNED BY CAPTAIN COOK.
Karakakooa Bay is situated on the west side of the island of Owhyhee, in
a district called Akona. It is about a mile in depth, and bounded by two
low points of land, at the distance of half a league, and bearing south
south-east and north north-west from each other. On the north point,
which is flat and barren, stands the village of Kowrowa; and in the
bottom of the bay, near a grove of tall cocoa-nut trees, there is
another village of a more considerable size, called Kakooa: between
them, runs a high rocky cliff, inaccessible from the sea shore. On the
south side, the coast, for about a mile inland, has a rugged appearance;
beyond which the country rises with a gradual ascent, and is overspread
with cultivated inclosures and groves of cocoa-nut trees, where the
habitations of the natives are scattered in great numbers. The shore,
all around the bay, is covered with a black coral rock, which makes the
landing very dangerous in rough weather; except at the village of
Kakooa, where there is a fine sandy beach, with a _Morai_, or
burying-place, at one extremity, and a small well of fresh water at the
other. This bay appearing to Captain Cook a proper place to refit the
ships, and lay in an additional supply of water and provisions, we
moored on the north side, about a quarter of a mile from the shore,
Kowrowa bearing north-west.
As soon as the inhabitants perceived our intention of anchoring in the
bay, they came off from the shore in astonishing numbers, and expressed
their joy by singing and shouting, and exhibiting a variety of wild and
extravagant gestures. The sides, the decks, and rigging of both ships
were soon completely covered with them; and a multitude of women and
boys, who had not been able to get canoes, came swimming round us in
shoals; many of whom, not finding room on board, remained the whole day
playing in the water.
Among the chiefs who came on board the Resolution, was a young man,
called Pareea, whom we soon perceived to be a person of great authority.
On presenting himself to Captain Cook, he told him, that he was
_Jakanee_[1] to the king of the island, who was at that time engaged on
a military expedition at Mowee, and was expected to return within three
or four days. A few presents from Captain Cook attached him entirely to
our interests, and he became exceedingly useful to us in the management
of his countrymen, as we had soon occasion to experience. For we had not
been long at anchor, when it was observed that the Discovery had such a
number of people hanging on one side, as occasioned her to heel
considerably: and that the men were unable to keep off the crowds which
continued pressing into her. Captain Cook, being apprehensive that she
might suffer some injury, pointed out the danger to Pareea, who
immediately went to their assistance, cleared the ship of its
incumbrances, and drove away the canoes that surrounded her.
The authority of the chiefs over the inferior people appeared, from this
incident, to be of the most despotic kind. A similar instance of it
happened the same day on board the Resolution; where the crowd being so
great, as to impede the necessary business of the ship, we were obliged
to have recourse to the assistance of Kaneena, another of their chiefs,
who had likewise attached himself to Captain Cook. The inconvenience we
laboured under being made known, he immediately ordered his countrymen
to quit the vessel; and we were not a little surprized to see them jump
overboard, without a moment’s hesitation; all except one man, who
loitering behind, and showing some unwillingness to obey, Kaneena took
him up in his arms, and threw him into the sea.
Both these chiefs were men of strong and well-proportioned bodies, and
of countenances remarkably pleasing. Kaneena especially, whose portrait
Mr. Webber has drawn, was one of the finest men I ever saw. He was about
six feet high, had regular and expressive features, with lively, dark
eyes; his carriage was easy, firm, and graceful.
It has been already mentioned, that during our long cruize off this
island, the inhabitants had always behaved with great fairness and
honesty in their dealings, and had not shown the slightest propensity to
theft; which appeared to us the more extraordinary, because those with
whom we had hitherto held any intercourse, were of the lowest rank,
either servants or fishermen. We now found the case exceedingly altered.
The immense crowd of islanders, which blocked up every part of the
ships, not only afforded frequent opportunity of pilfering without risk
of discovery, but our inferiority in number held forth a prospect of
escaping with impunity in case of detection. Another circumstance, to
which we attributed this alteration in their behaviour, was the presence
and encouragement of their chiefs; for generally tracing the booty into
the possession of some men of consequence, we had the strongest reason
to suspect that these depredations were committed at their instigation.
Soon after the Resolution had got into her station, our two friends,
Pareea and Kaneena, brought on board a third chief, named Koah, who, we
were told, was a priest, and had been, in his youth, a distinguished
warrior. He was a little old man, of an emaciated figure; his eyes
exceedingly sore and red, and his body covered with a white leprous
scurf, the effects of an immoderate use of the _ava_. Being led into the
cabin, he approached Captain Cook with great veneration, and threw over
his shoulders a piece of red cloth, which he had brought along with him.
Then stepping a few paces back, he made an offering of a small pig,
which he held in his hand, whilst he pronounced a discourse that lasted
for a considerable time. This ceremony was frequently repeated during
our stay at Owhyhee, and appeared to us, from many circumstances, to be
a sort of religious adoration. Their idols we found always arrayed with
red cloth, in the same manner as was done to Captain Cook; and a small
pig was their usual offering to the _Eatooas_. Their speeches, or
prayers, were uttered too with a readiness and volubility that indicated
them to be according to some formulary.
When this ceremony was over, Koah dined with Captain Cook, eating
plentifully of what was set before him; but, like the rest of the
inhabitants of the islands in these seas, could scarcely be prevailed on
to taste a second time our wine or spirits. In the evening, Captain
Cook, attended by Mr. Bayly and myself, accompanied him on shore. We
landed at the beach, and were received by four men, who carried wands
tipt with dogs’ hair, and marched before us, pronouncing with a loud
voice a short sentence, in which we could only distinguish the word
_Orono_.[2] The crowd, which had been collected on the shore, retired at
our approach; and not a person was to be seen, except a few lying
prostrate on the ground, near the huts of the adjoining village.
Before I proceed to relate the adoration that was paid to Captain Cook,
and the peculiar ceremonies with which he was received on this fatal
island, it will be necessary to describe the _Morai_, situated, as I
have already mentioned, at the south side of the beach at _Kakooa_. It
was a square solid pile of stones, about forty yards long, twenty broad,
and fourteen in height. The top was flat and well paved, and surrounded
by a wooden rail, on which were fixed the sculls of the captives,
sacrificed on the death of their chiefs. In the centre of the area,
stood a ruinous old building of wood, connected with the rail on each
side, by a stone wall, which divided the whole space into two parts. On
the side next the country, were five poles, upward of twenty feet high,
supporting an irregular kind of scaffold; on the opposite side, toward
the sea, stood two small houses, with a covered communication.
We were conducted by Koah to the top of this pile by an easy ascent,
leading from the beach to the north-west corner of the area. At the
entrance, we saw two large wooden images, with features violently
distorted, and a long piece of carved wood, of a conical form inverted,
rising from the top of their heads; the rest was without form, and
wrapped round with red cloth. We were here met by a tall young man with
a long beard, who presented Captain Cook to the images, and after
chanting a kind of hymn, in which he was joined by Koah, they led us to
that end of the _Morai_, where the five poles were fixed. At the foot of
them were twelve images ranged in a semicircular form, and before the
middle figure, stood a high stand or table, exactly resembling the
_Whatta_[3] of Otaheite, on which lay a putrid hog, and under it pieces
of sugar-cane, cocoa-nuts, bread-fruit, plantains, and sweet potatoes.
Koah having placed the Captain under this stand, took down the hog, and
held it toward him; and after having a second time addressed him in a
long speech, pronounced with much vehemence and rapidity, he let it fall
on the ground, and led him to the scaffolding, which they began to climb
together, not without great risk of falling. At this time we saw, coming
in solemn procession, at the entrance of the top of the _Morai_, ten men
carrying a live hog, and a large piece of red cloth. Being advanced a
few paces, they stopped, and prostrated themselves; and Kaireekeea, the
young man above-mentioned, went to them, and receiving the cloth,
carried it to Koah, who wrapped it round the Captain, and afterward
offered him the hog, which was brought by Kaireekeea with the same
ceremony.
Whilst Captain Cook was aloft, in this awkward situation, swathed round
with red cloth, and with difficulty keeping his hold amongst the pieces
of rotten scaffolding, Kaireekeea and Koah began their office, chanting
sometimes in concert, and sometimes alternately. This lasted a
considerable time; at length Koah let the hog drop, when he and the
Captain descended together. He then led him to the images before
mentioned, and having said something to each in a sneering tone,
snapping his fingers at them as he passed, he brought him to that in the
centre, which, from its being covered with red cloth, appeared to be in
greater estimation than the rest. Before this figure he prostrated
himself, and kissed it, desiring Captain Cook to do the same; who
suffered himself to be directed by Koah throughout the whole of this
ceremony.
We were now led back into the other division of the _Morai_, where there
was a space, ten or twelve feet square, sunk about three feet below the
level of the area. Into this we descended, and Captain Cook was seated
between two wooden idols, Koah supporting one of his arms, whilst I was
desired to support the other. At this time, arrived a second procession
of natives, carrying a baked hog, and a pudding, some bread-fruit,
cocoa-nuts, and other vegetables. When they approached us, Kaireekeea
put himself at their head, and presenting the pig to Captain Cook in the
usual manner, began the same kind of chant as before, his companions
making regular responses. We observed, that after every response, their
parts became gradually shorter, till, toward the close, Kaireekeea’s
consisted of only two or three words, which the rest answered by the
word _Orono_.
When this offering was concluded, which lasted a quarter of an hour, the
natives sat down, fronting us, and began to cut up the baked hog, to
peel the vegetables, and break the cocoa-nuts; whilst others employed
themselves in brewing the _ava_; which is done, by chewing it in the
same manner as at the Friendly Islands. Kaireekeea then took part of the
kernel of a cocoa-nut, which he chewed, and wrapping it in a piece of
cloth, rubbed with it the Captain’s face, head, hands, arms, and
shoulders. The _ava_ was then handed round, and after we had tasted it,
Koah and Pareea began to pull the flesh of the hog in pieces, and to put
it into our mouths. I had no great objection to being fed by Pareea, who
was very cleanly in his person; but Captain Cook, who was served by
Koah, recollecting the putrid hog, could not swallow a morsel; and his
reluctance, as may be supposed, was not diminished, when the old man,
according to his own mode of civility, had chewed it for him.
When this last ceremony was finished, which Captain Cook put an end to
as soon as he decently could, we quitted the _Morai_, after distributing
amongst the people some pieces of iron and other trifles, with which
they seemed highly gratified. The men with wands conducted us to the
boats, repeating the same words as before. The people again retired, and
the few that remained, prostrated themselves as we passed along the
shore. We immediately went on board, our minds full of what we had seen,
and extremely well satisfied with the good dispositions of our new
friends. The meaning of the various ceremonies, with which we had been
received, and which, on account of their novelty and singularity, have
been related at length, can only be the subject of conjectures, and
those uncertain and partial: they were, however, without doubt,
expressive of high respect on the part of the natives; and, as far as
related to the person of Captain Cook, they seemed approaching to
adoration.
The next morning I went on shore with a guard of eight marines,
including the corporal and lieutenant, having orders to erect the
observatory in such a situation as might best enable me to superintend
and protect the waterers, and the other working parties that were to be
on shore. As we were viewing a spot conveniently situated for this
purpose, in the middle of the village, Pareea, who was always ready to
show both his power and his good-will, offered to pull down some houses
that would have obstructed our observations. However, we thought it
proper to decline this offer, and fixed on a field of sweet potatoes
adjoining to the _Morai_, which was readily granted us; and the priests,
to prevent the intrusion of the natives, immediately consecrated the
place, by fixing their wands round the wall by which it was inclosed.
This sort of religious interdiction they call _taboo_; a word we heard
often repeated during our stay amongst these islanders, and found to be
of very powerful and extensive operation. A more particular explanation
of it will be given in the general account of these islands, under the
article of religion; at present it is only necessary to observe, that it
procured us even more privacy than we desired. No canoes ever presumed
to land near us; the natives sat on the wall, but none offered to come
within the _tabooed_ space, till he had obtained our permission. But
though the men, at our request, would come across the field with
provisions, yet not all our endeavours could prevail on the women to
approach us. Presents were tried, but without effect; Pareea and Koah
were tempted to bring them, but in vain; we were invariably answered,
that the _Eatooa_ and Terreeoboo (which was the name of their king)
would kill them. This circumstance afforded no small matter of amusement
to our friends on board, where the crowds of people, and particularly of
women, that continued to flock thither, obliged them almost every hour
to clear the vessel, in order to have room to do the necessary duties of
the ship. On these occasions, two or three hundred women were frequently
made to jump into the water at once, where they continued swimming and
playing about, till they could again procure admittance.
From the 19th to the 24th, when Pareea and Koah left us to attend
Terreeoboo, who had landed on some other part of the island, nothing
very material happened on board. The caulkers were set to work on the
sides of the ships, and the rigging was carefully overhauled and
repaired. The salting of hogs for sea-store was also a constant, and one
of the principal objects of Captain Cook’s attention. As the success we
met with in this experiment, during our present voyage, was much more
complete than it had been in any former attempt of the same kind, it may
not be improper to give an account of the detail of the operation.
It has generally been thought impracticable to cure the flesh of animals
by salting, in tropical climates; the progress of putrefaction being so
rapid, as not to allow time for the salt to take (as they express it)
before the meat gets a taint, which prevents the effect of the pickle.
We do not find that experiments relative to this subject have been made
by the navigators of any nation before Captain Cook. In his first
trials, which were made in 1774, during his second voyage to the Pacific
Ocean, the success he met with, though very imperfect, was yet
sufficient to convince him of the error of the received opinion. As the
voyage, in which he was now engaged, was likely to be protracted a year
beyond the time for which the ships had been victualled, he was under
the necessity of providing, by some such means, for the subsistence of
the crews, or of relinquishing the further prosecution of his
discoveries. He therefore lost no opportunity of renewing his attempts,
and the event answered his most sanguine expectations.
The hogs, which we made use of for this purpose, were of various sizes,
weighing from four to twelve stone.[4] The time of slaughtering was
always in the afternoon; and as soon as the hair was scalded off, and
the entrails removed, the hog was divided into pieces of four or eight
pounds each, and the bones of the legs and chine taken out; and, in the
larger sort, the ribs also. Every piece then being carefully wiped and
examined, and the veins cleared of the coagulated blood, they were
handed to the salters, whilst the flesh remained still warm. After they
had been well rubbed with salt, they were placed in a heap, on a stage
raised in the open air, covered with planks, and pressed with the
heaviest weights we could lay on them. In this situation they remained
till the next evening, when they were again well wiped and examined, and
the suspicious parts taken away. They were then put into a tub of strong
pickle, where they were always looked over once or twice a day, and if
any piece had not taken the salt, which was readily discovered by the
smell of the pickle, they were immediately taken out, re-examined, and
the sound pieces put to fresh pickle. This, however, after the
precautions before used, seldom happened. After six days, they were
taken out, examined for the last time, and being again slightly pressed,
they were packed in barrels, with a thin layer of salt between them. I
brought home with me some barrels of this pork, which was pickled at
Owhyhee in January 1779, and was tasted by several persons in England,
about Christmas 1780, and found perfectly sound and wholesome.[5]
I shall now return to our transactions on shore at the observatory,
where we had not been long settled, before we discovered, in our
neighbourhood, the habitations of a society of priests, whose regular
attendance at the _Morai_ had excited our curiosity. Their huts stood
round a pond of water, and were surrounded by a grove of cocoa-nut
trees, which separated them from the beach and the rest of the village,
and gave the place an air of religious retirement. On my acquainting
Captain Cook with these circumstances, he resolved to pay them a visit;
and as he expected to be received in the same manner as before, he
brought Mr. Webber with him to make a drawing of the ceremony.
On his arrival at the beach, he was conducted to a sacred building
called _Harre-no-Orono_, or the house of _Orono_, and seated before the
entrance, at the foot of a wooden idol, of the same kind with those on
the _Morai_. I was here again made to support one of his arms, and after
wrapping him in red cloth, Kaireekeea, accompanied by twelve priests,
made an offering of a pig with the usual solemnities. The pig was then
strangled, and a fire being kindled, it was thrown into the embers, and
after the hair was singed off, it was again presented, with a repetition
of the chanting, in the manner before described. The dead pig was then
held for a short time under the Captain’s nose; after which it was laid,
with a cocoa-nut, at his feet, and the performers sat down. The _ava_
was then brewed, and handed round; a fat hog, ready dressed, was brought
in; and we were fed as before.
During the rest of the time we remained in the bay, whenever Captain
Cook came on shore, he was attended by one of these priests, who went
before him, giving notice that the _Orono_ had landed, and ordering the
people to prostrate themselves. The same person also constantly
accompanied him on the water, standing in the bow of the boat, with a
wand in his hand, and giving notice of his approach to the natives, who
were in canoes, on which they immediately left off paddling, and lay
down on their faces till he had passed. Whenever he stopped at the
observatory, Kaireekeea and his brethren immediately made their
appearance with hogs, cocoa-nuts, bread-fruit, &c. and presented them
with the usual solemnities. It was on these occasions that some of the
inferior chiefs frequently requested to be permitted to make an offering
to the _Orono_. When this was granted, they presented the hog
themselves, generally with evident marks of fear in their countenances;
whilst Kaireekeea and the priests chanted their accustomed hymns.
The civilities of this society were not, however, confined to mere
ceremony and parade. Our party on shore received from them, every day, a
constant supply of hogs and vegetables, more than sufficient for our
subsistence; and several canoes loaded with provisions were sent to the
ships with the same punctuality. No return was ever demanded, or even
hinted at in the most distant manner. Their presents were made with a
regularity, more like the discharge of a religious duty, than the effect
of mere liberality; and when we enquired at whose charge all this
munificence was displayed, we were told, it was at the expence of a
great man called Kaoo, the chief of the priests, and grandfather to
Kaireekeea, who was at that time absent attending the king of the
island.
As every thing relating to the character and behaviour of this people
must be interesting to the reader, on account of the tragedy that was
afterwards acted here, it will be proper to acquaint him, that we had
not always so much reason to be satisfied with the conduct of the
warrior chiefs, or _Earees_, as with that of the priests. In all our
dealings with the former, we found them sufficiently attentive to their
own interests; and besides their habit of stealing, which may admit of
some excuse, from the universality of the practice amongst the islanders
of these seas, they made use of other artifices equally dishonourable. I
shall only mention one instance, in which we discovered, with regret,
our friend Koah to be a party principally concerned. As the chiefs, who
brought us presents of hogs, were always sent back handsomely rewarded,
we had generally a greater supply than we could make use of. On these
occasions, Koah, who never failed in his attendance on us, used to beg
such as we did not want, and they were always given to him. It one day
happened, that a pig was presented us by a man whom Koah himself
introduced as a chief, who was desirous of paying his respects, and we
recollected the pig to be the same that had been given to Koah just
before. This leading us to suspect some trick, we found, on further
enquiry, the pretended chief to be an ordinary person; and on connecting
this with other circumstances, we had reason to suspect, that it was not
the first time we had been the dupes of the like imposition.
Things continued in this state till the 24th, when we were a good deal
surprised to find that no canoes were suffered to put off from the
shore, and that the natives kept close to their houses. After several
hours’ suspense, we learned that the bay was _tabooed_, and all
intercourse with us interdicted, on account of the arrival of
Terreeoboo. As we had not foreseen an accident of this sort, the crews
of both ships were obliged to pass the day without their usual supply of
vegetables. The next morning, therefore, they endeavoured, both by
threats and promises, to induce the natives to come alongside; and as
some of them were at last venturing to put off, a chief was observed
attempting to drive them away. A musket was immediately fired over his
head, to make him desist, which had the desired effect, and refreshments
were soon after purchased as usual. In the afternoon, Terreeoboo
arrived, and visited the ships in a private manner, attended only by one
canoe, in which were his wife and children. He staid on board till near
ten o’clock, when he returned to the village of Kowrowa.
The next day, about noon, the king, in a large canoe, attended by two
others, set out from the village, and paddled toward the ships in great
state. Their appearance was grand and magnificent. In the first canoe
was Terreeoboo and his chiefs, dressed in their rich feathered cloaks
and helmets, and armed with long spears and daggers; in the second came
the venerable Kaoo, the chief of the priests, and his brethren, with
their idols displayed on red cloth. These idols were busts of a gigantic
size, made of wicker-work, and curiously covered with small feathers of
various colours, wrought in the same manner with their cloaks. Their
eyes were made of large pearl oysters, with a black nut fixed in the
centre; their mouths were set with a double row of the fangs of dogs,
and, together with the rest of their features, were strangely distorted.
The third canoe was filled with hogs and various sorts of vegetables. As
they went along, the priests in the centre canoe sung their hymns with
great solemnity; and after paddling round the ships, instead of going on
board, as was expected, they made toward the shore at the beach where we
were stationed.
As soon as I saw them approaching, I ordered out our little guard to
receive the king; and Captain Cook, perceiving that he was going on
shore, followed him, and arrived nearly at the same time. We conducted
them into the tent, where they had scarcely been seated, when the king
rose up, and in a very graceful manner threw over the Captain’s
shoulders the cloak he himself wore, put a feathered helmet on his head,
and a curious fan into his hand. He also spread at his feet five or six
other cloaks, all exceedingly beautiful, and of the greatest value. His
attendants then brought four very large hogs, with sugar-canes,
cocoa-nuts, and bread-fruit; and this part of the ceremony was concluded
by the king’s exchanging names with Captain Cook, which amongst all the
islanders of the Pacific Ocean, is esteemed the strongest pledge of
friendship. A procession of priests, with a venerable old personage at
their head, now appeared, followed by a long train of men leading large
hogs, and others carrying plantains, sweet potatoes, &c. By the looks
and gestures of Kaireekeea, I immediately knew the old man to be the
chief of the priests before mentioned, on whose bounty we had so long
subsisted. He had a piece of red cloth in his hands, which he wrapped
round Captain Cook’s shoulders, and afterward presented him with a small
pig in the usual form. A seat was then made for him, next to the king,
after which, Kaireekeea and his followers began their ceremonies, Kaoo
and the chiefs joining in the responses.
I was surprised to see, in the person of this king, the same infirm and
emaciated old man, that came on board the Resolution when we were off
the north-east side of the island of Mowee; and we soon discovered
amongst his attendants most of the persons who at that time had remained
with us all night. Of this number were the two younger sons of the king,
the eldest of whom was sixteen years of age, and his nephew Maiha-Maiha,
whom at first we had some difficulty in recollecting, his hair being
plastered over with a dirty brown paste and powder, which was no mean
heightening to the most savage face I ever beheld.
As soon as the formalities of the meeting were over, Captain Cook
carried Terreeoboo, and as many chiefs as the pinnace could hold, on
board the Resolution. They were received with every mark of respect that
could be shown them; and Captain Cook, in return for the feathered
cloak, put a linen shirt on the king, and girt his own hanger round him.
The ancient Kaoo, and about half a dozen more old chiefs, remained on
shore, and took up their abode at the priests’ houses. During all this
time, not a canoe was seen in the bay, and the natives either kept
within their huts, or lay prostrate on the ground. Before the king left
the Resolution, Captain Cook obtained leave for the natives to come and
trade with the ships as usual; but the women, for what reason we could
not learn, still continued under the effects of the _taboo_; that is,
were forbidden to stir from home, or to have any communication with us.
CHAP. II.
FARTHER ACCOUNT OF TRANSACTIONS WITH THE NATIVES.—THEIR HOSPITALITY.—
PROPENSITY TO THEFT.—DESCRIPTION OF A BOXING MATCH.—DEATH OF ONE OF
OUR SEAMEN.—BEHAVIOUR OF THE PRIESTS AT HIS FUNERAL.—THE WOOD WORK AND
IMAGES ON THE MORAI PURCHASED.—THE NATIVES INQUISITIVE ABOUT OUR
DEPARTURE.—THEIR OPINION ABOUT THE DESIGN OF OUR VOYAGE.—MAGNIFICENT
PRESENTS OF TERREEOBOO TO CAPTAIN COOK.—THE SHIPS LEAVE THE ISLAND.—
THE RESOLUTION DAMAGED IN A GALE, AND OBLIGED TO RETURN.
The quiet and inoffensive behaviour of the natives having taken away
every apprehension of danger, we did not hesitate to trust ourselves
amongst them at all times, and in all situations. The officers of both
ships went daily up the country in small parties, or even singly, and
frequently remained out the whole night. It would be endless to recount
all the instances of kindness and civility which we received upon those
occasions. Wherever we went, the people flocked about us, eager to offer
every assistance in their power, and highly gratified if their services
were accepted. Various little arts were practised to attract our notice,
or to delay our departure. The boys and girls ran before, as we walked
through their villages, and stopped us at every opening, where there was
room to form a group for dancing. At one time, we were invited to accept
a draught of cocoa-nut milk, or some other refreshment, under the shade
of their huts; at another, we were seated within a circle of young
women, who exerted all their skill and agility to amuse us with songs
and dances.
The satisfaction we derived from their gentleness and hospitality, was,
however, frequently interrupted by that propensity to stealing, which
they have in common with all the other islanders of these seas. This
circumstance was the more distressing, as it sometimes obliged us to
have recourse to acts of severity, which we should willingly have
avoided, if the necessity of the case had not absolutely called for
them. Some of their most expert swimmers were one day discovered under
the ships, drawing out the filling nails of the sheathing, which they
performed very dexterously by means of a short stick, with a flint stone
fixed in the end of it. To put a stop to this practice, which endangered
the very existence of the vessels, we at first fired small shot at the
offenders; but they easily got out of our reach by diving under the
ship’s bottom. It was therefore found necessary to make an example, by
flogging one of them on board the Discovery.
About this time, a large party of gentlemen, from both ships, set out on
an excursion into the interior parts of the country, with a view of
examining its natural productions. An account of this journey will be
given in a subsequent part of our narrative. It is, therefore, only
necessary at present to observe, that it afforded Kaoo a fresh
opportunity of showing his attention and generosity. For as soon as he
was informed of their departure, he sent a large supply of provisions
after them, together with orders, that the inhabitants of the country
through which they were to pass, should give them every assistance in
their power. And, to complete the delicacy and disinterestedness of his
conduct, even the people he employed could not be prevailed on to accept
the smallest present. After remaining out six days, our officers
returned, without having been able to penetrate above twenty miles into
the island; partly from want of proper guides, and partly from the
impracticability of the country.
The head of the Resolution’s rudder being found exceedingly shaken, and
most of the pintles either loose or broken, it was unhung, and sent on
shore, on the 27th in the morning, to undergo a thorough repair. At the
same time, the carpenters were sent into the country, under conduct of
some of Kaoo’s people, to cut planks for the head rail work, which was
also entirely decayed and rotten.
On the 28th, Captain Clerke, whose ill health confined him, for the most
part, on board, paid Terreeoboo his first visit, at his hut on shore. He
was received with the same formalities as were observed with Captain
Cook; and, on his coming away, though the visit was quite unexpected, he
received a present of thirty large hogs, and as much fruit and roots as
his crew could consume in a week.
As we had not yet seen any thing of their sports or athletic exercises,
the natives, at the request of some of our officers, entertained us this
evening with a boxing-match. Though these games were much inferior, as
well in point of solemnity and magnificence, as in the skill and powers
of the combatants, to what we had seen exhibited at the Friendly
Islands; yet, as they differed in some particulars, it may not be
improper to give a short account of them. We found a vast concourse of
people assembled on a level spot of ground, at a little distance from
our tents. A long space was left vacant in the midst of them, at the
upper end of which sat the judges, under three standards, from which
hung slips of cloth of various colours, the skins of two wild geese, a
few small birds, and bunches of feathers. When the sports were ready to
begin, the signal was given by the judges, and immediately two
combatants appeared. They came forward slowly, lifting up their feet
very high behind, and drawing their hands along the soles. As they
approached, they frequently eyed each other from head to foot, in a
contemptuous manner, casting several arch looks at the spectators,
straining their muscles, and using a variety of affected gestures. Being
advanced within reach of each other, they stood with both arms held out
straight before their faces, at which part all their blows were aimed.
They struck, in what appeared to our eyes an awkward manner, with a full
swing of the arm; made no attempt to parry, but eluded their adversary’s
attack by an inclination of the body, or by retreating. The battle was
quickly decided; for if either of them was knocked down, or even fell by
accident, he was considered as vanquished, and the victor expressed his
triumph by a variety of gestures, which usually excited, as was
intended, a loud laugh among the spectators. He then waited for a second
antagonist; and if again victorious, for a third, till he was, at last,
in his turn defeated. A singular rule observed in these combats is, that
whilst any two are preparing to fight, a third person may step in, and
choose either of them for his antagonist, when the other is obliged to
withdraw. Sometimes three or four followed each other in this manner,
before the match was settled. When the combat proved longer than usual,
or appeared too unequal, one of the chiefs generally stepped in, and
ended it by putting a stick between the combatants. The same good humour
was preserved throughout, which we before so much admired in the
Friendly Islanders. As these games were given at our desire, we found it
was universally expected, that we should have borne our part in them;
but our people, though much pressed by the natives, turned a deaf ear to
their challenge, remembering full well the blows they got at the
Friendly Islands.
This day died William Watman, a seaman of the gunner’s crew; an event
which I mention the more particularly, as death had hitherto been very
rare amongst us. He was an old man, and much respected on account of his
attachment to Captain Cook. He had formerly served as a marine
twenty-one years; after which he entered as a seaman on board the
Resolution in 1772, and served with Captain Cook in his voyage toward
the South Pole. At their return, he was admitted into Greenwich
hospital, through the Captain’s interest, at the same time with himself;
and being resolved to follow throughout the fortunes of his benefactor,
he also quitted it along with him, on his being appointed to the command
of the present expedition. During the voyage, he had frequently been
subject to slight fevers, and was a convalescent when we came into the
bay, where, being sent on shore for a few days, he conceived himself
perfectly recovered, and, at his own desire, returned on board; but the
day following, he had a paralytic stroke, which in two days more carried
him off.
At the request of the king of the island, he was buried on the _Morai_,
and the ceremony was performed with as much solemnity as our situation
permitted. Old Kaoo and his brethren were spectators, and preserved the
most profound silence and attention, whilst the service was reading.
When we began to fill up the grave, they approached it with great
reverence, threw in a dead pig, some cocoa-nuts, and plantains; and, for
three nights afterward, they surrounded it, sacrificing hogs, and
performing their usual ceremonies of hymns and prayers, which continued
till day-break.
At the head of the grave, we erected a post, and nailed upon it a square
piece of board, on which was inscribed the name of the deceased, his
age, and the day of his death. This they promised not to remove; and we
have no doubt, but that it will be suffered to remain, as long as the
frail materials of which it is made will permit.
The ships being in great want of fuel, the Captain desired me, on the 2d
of February, to treat with the priests, for the purchase of the rail
that surrounded the top of the _Morai_. I must confess I had, at first,
some doubt about the decency of this proposal, and was apprehensive,
that even the bare mention of it might be considered by them as a piece
of shocking impiety. In this, however, I found myself mistaken. Not the
smallest surprize was expressed at the application, and the wood was
readily given, even without stipulating for any thing in return. Whilst
the sailors were taking it away, I observed one of them carrying off a
carved image; and, on further inquiry, I found that they had conveyed to
the boats the whole[6] semicircle. Though this was done in the presence
of the natives, who had not shown any mark of resentment at it, but had
even assisted them in the removal, I thought it proper to speak to Kaoo
on the subject; who appeared very indifferent about the matter, and only
desired that we would restore the centre image I have mentioned before,
which he carried into one of the priest’s houses.
Terreeoboo, and his chiefs, had, for some days past, been very
inquisitive about the time of our departure. This circumstance had
excited in me a great curiosity to know what opinion this people had
formed of us, and what were their ideas respecting the cause and objects
of our voyage. I took some pains to satisfy myself on these points; but
could never learn any thing farther, than that they imagined we came
from some country where provisions had failed; and that our visit to
them was merely for the purpose of filling our bellies. Indeed, the
meagre appearance of some of our crew, the hearty appetites with which
we sat down to their fresh provisions, and our great anxiety to purchase
and carry off as much as we were able, led them, naturally enough, to
such a conclusion. To these may be added, a circumstance which puzzled
them exceedingly, our having no women with us; together with our quiet
conduct, and unwarlike appearance. It was ridiculous enough to see them
stroking the sides, and patting the bellies of the sailors (who were
certainly much improved in the sleekness of their looks, during our
short stay in the island), and telling them, partly by signs, and partly
by words, that it was time for them to go; but if they would come again
the next bread-fruit season, they should be better able to supply their
wants. We had now been sixteen days in the bay; and if our enormous
consumption of hogs and vegetables be considered, it need not be
wondered, that they should wish to see us take our leave. It is very
probable, however, that Terreeoboo had no other view in his inquiries,
at present, than a desire of making sufficient preparation for
dismissing us with presents, suitable to the respect and kindness with
which he had received us. For, on our telling him we should leave the
island on the next day but one, we observed, that a sort of proclamation
was immediately made through the villages, to require the people to
bring in their hogs, and vegetables, for the king to present to the
_Orono_ on his departure.
We were this day much diverted, at the beach, by the buffooneries of one
of the natives. He held in his hand an instrument of the sort described
in the last volume[7]; some bits of sea-weed were tied round his neck;
and round each leg, a piece of strong netting, about nine inches deep,
on which a great number of dog’s teeth were loosely fastened in rows.
His style of dancing was entirely burlesque, and accompanied with
strange grimaces, and pantomimical distortions of the face; which,
though at times inexpressibly ridiculous, yet, on the whole, was without
much meaning, or expression. Mr. Webber thought it worth his while to
make a drawing of this person, as exhibiting a tolerable specimen of the
natives; the manner in which the _maro_ is tied; the figure of the
instrument before mentioned, and of the ornaments round the legs, which,
at other times, we also saw used by their dancers.
In the evening, we were again entertained with wrestling and boxing
matches; and we displayed, in return, the few fireworks we had left.
Nothing could be better calculated to excite the admiration of these
islanders, and to impress them with an idea of our great superiority,
than an exhibition of this kind. Captain Cook has already described the
extraordinary effects of that which was made at Hapaee; and though the
present was, in every respect, infinitely inferior, yet the astonishment
of the natives was not less.
I have before mentioned, that the carpenters from both ships had been
sent up the country to cut planks, for the head rail-work of the
Resolution. This was the third day since their departure; and having
received no intelligence from them, we began to be very anxious for
their safety. We were communicating our apprehensions to old Kaoo, who
appeared as much concerned as ourselves, and were concerting measures
with him for sending after them, when they arrived all safe. They had
been obliged to go farther into the country than was expected, before
they met with trees fit for their purpose; and it was this circumstance,
together with the badness of the roads, and the difficulty of bringing
back the timber, which had detained them so long. They spoke in high
terms of their guides, who both supplied them with provisions, and
guarded their tools with the utmost fidelity.
The next day being fixed for our departure, Terreeoboo invited Captain
Cook and myself to attend him, on the 3d, to the place where Kaoo
resided. On our arrival, we found the ground covered with parcels of
cloth; a vast quantity of red and yellow feathers, tied to the fibres of
cocoa-nut husks; and a great number of hatchets, and other pieces of
iron-ware, that had been got in barter from us. At a little distance
from these lay an immense quantity of vegetables, of every kind, and
near them was a large herd of hogs. At first, we imagined the whole to
be intended as a present for us, till Kaireekeea informed me, that it
was a gift, or tribute, from the people of that district to the king;
and, accordingly, as soon as we were seated, they brought all the
bundles, and laid them severally at Terreeoboo’s feet; spreading out the
cloth, and displaying the feathers and iron-ware before him. The king
seemed much pleased with this mark of their duty; and having selected
about a third part of the iron-ware, the same proportion of feathers,
and a few pieces of cloth, these were set aside by themselves; and the
remainder of the cloth, together with all the hogs and vegetables, were
afterward presented to Captain Cook, and myself. We were astonished at
the value and magnitude of this present, which far exceeded every thing
of the kind we had seen, either at the Friendly or Society Islands.
Boats were immediately sent, to carry them on board; the large hogs were
picked out, to be salted for sea-store; and upwards of thirty smaller
pigs, and the vegetables were divided between the two crews.
The same day, we quitted the _Morai_, and got the tents and astronomical
instruments on board. The charm of the _taboo_ was now removed; and we
had no sooner left the place, than the natives rushed in and searched
eagerly about, in expectation of finding something of value that we
might have left behind. As I happened to remain the last on shore, and
waited for the return of the boat, several came crowding about me, and
having made me sit down by them, began to lament our separation. It was,
indeed, not without difficulty I was able to quit them. And here, I
hope, I may be permitted to relate a trifling occurrence, in which I was
principally concerned. Having had the command of the party on shore,
during the whole time we were in the bay, I had an opportunity of
becoming better acquainted with the natives, and of being better known
to them, than those whose duty required them to be generally on board.
As I had every reason to be satisfied with their kindness in general, so
I cannot too often, nor too particularly, mention the unbounded and
constant friendship of their priests.
On my part, I spared no endeavours to conciliate their affections, and
gain their esteem; and I had the good fortune to succeed so far, that,
when the time of our departure was made known, I was strongly solicited
to remain behind, not without offers of the most flattering kind. When I
excused myself, by saying that Captain Cook would not give his consent,
they proposed, that I should retire into the mountains; where, they
said, they would conceal me, till after the departure of the ships; and,
on my farther assuring them, that the Captain would not leave the bay
without me, Terreeoboo and Kaoo waited upon Captain Cook, whose son they
supposed I was, with a formal request, that I might be left behind. The
Captain, to avoid giving a positive refusal to an offer so kindly
intended, told them, that he could not part with me at that time, but
that he should return to the island next year, and would then endeavour
to settle the matter to their satisfaction.
Early in the morning of the 4th, we unmoored, and sailed out of the bay,
with the Discovery in company, and were followed by a great number of
canoes. Captain Cook’s design was to finish the survey of Owhyhee,
before he visited the other islands, in hopes of meeting with a road
better sheltered than the bay we had just left; and in case of not
succeeding here, he purposed to take a view of the south-east part of
Mowee, where the natives informed us we should find an excellent
harbour.
We had calm weather all this and the following day, which made our
progress to the northward very slow. We were accompanied by a great
number of the natives in their canoes; and Terreeoboo gave a fresh proof
of his friendship to Captain Cook, by a large present of hogs and
vegetables, that was sent after him.
In the night of the 5th, having a light breeze off the land, we made
some way to the northward; and in the morning of the 6th, having passed
the westernmost point of the island, we found ourselves abreast of a
deep bay, called by the natives Toe-yah-yah. We had great hopes that
this bay would furnish us with a safe and commodious harbour, as we saw,
to the north-east, several fine streams of water; and the whole had the
appearance of being well sheltered. These observations agreeing with the
accounts given us by Koah, who accompanied Captain Cook, and had changed
his name, out of compliment to us, into Britannee, the pinnace was
hoisted out, and the master, with Britannee for his guide, was sent to
examine the bay, whilst the ships worked up after them.
In the afternoon, the weather became gloomy, and the gusts of wind that
blew off the land were so violent, as to make it necessary to take in
all the sails, and bring to, under the mizen stay-sail. All the canoes
left us at the beginning of the gale; and Mr. Bligh, on his return, had
the satisfaction of saving an old woman, and two men, whose canoe had
been overset by the violence of the wind, as they were endeavouring to
gain the shore. Besides these distressed people, we had a great many
women on board, whom the natives had left behind, in their hurry, to
shift for themselves.
The master reported to Captain Cook, that he had landed at the only
village he saw on the north side of the bay, where he was directed to
some wells of water, but found they would by no means answer our
purpose; that he afterward proceeded farther into the bay, which runs
inland to a great depth, and stretches toward the foot of a very
conspicuous high mountain, situated on the north-west end of the island;
but that instead of meeting with safe anchorage, as Britannee had taught
him to expect, he found the shores low and rocky, and a flat bed of
coral rocks running along the coast, and extending upward of a mile from
the land; on the outside of which, the depth of water was twenty
fathoms, over a sandy bottom; and that, in the mean time, Britannee had
contrived to slip away, being afraid of returning, as we imagined,
because his information had not proved true and successful.
In the evening, the weather being more moderate, we again made sail; but
about midnight it blew so violently, as to split both the fore and
main-topsails. On the morning of the 7th, we bent fresh sails, and had
fair weather, and a light breeze. At noon, the latitude, by observation,
was 20° 1ʹ north, the west point of the island bearing south, 7° east,
and the north-west point north, 38° east. As we were, at this time, four
or five leagues from the shore, and the weather very unsettled, none of
the canoes would venture out, so that our guests were obliged to remain
with us, much indeed to their dissatisfaction; for they were all
sea-sick, and many of them had left young children behind them.
In the afternoon, though the weather was still squally, we stood in for
the land, and being about three leagues from it, we saw a canoe, with
two men paddling toward us, which we immediately conjectured had been
driven off the shore by the late boisterous weather; and therefore
stopped the ship’s way, in order to take them in. These poor wretches
were so entirely exhausted with fatigue, that had not one of the natives
on board, observing their weakness, jumped into the canoe to their
assistance, they would scarcely have been able to fasten it to the rope
we had thrown out for that purpose. It was with difficulty we got them
up the ship’s side, together with a child, about four years old, which
they had lashed under the thwarts of the canoe, where it had lain with
only its head above water. They told us, they had left the shore the
morning before, and had been, from that time, without food or water. The
usual precautions were taken in giving them victuals, and the child
being committed to the care of one of the women, we found them all next
morning perfectly recovered.
At midnight, a gale of wind came on, which obliged us to double reef the
topsails, and get down the top-gallant yards. On the 8th, at day-break,
we found, that the foremast had again given way, the fishes which were
put on the head, in King George’s or Nootka Sound, on the coast of
America, being sprung, and the parts so very defective, as to make it
absolutely necessary to replace them, and, of course, to unstep the
mast. In this difficulty, Captain Cook was for some time in doubt,
whether he should run the chance of meeting with a harbour in the
islands to leeward, or return to Karakakooa. That bay was not so
remarkably commodious, in any respect, but that a better might probably
be expected, both for the purpose of repairing the masts, and for
procuring refreshments, of which, it was imagined, that the
neighbourhood of Karakakooa had been already pretty well drained. On the
other hand, it was considered as too great a risk to leave a place that
was tolerably sheltered, and which, once left, could not be regained,
for the mere hopes of meeting with a better; the failure of which might
perhaps have left us without resource.
We therefore continued standing on toward the land, in order to give the
natives an opportunity of releasing their friends on board from their
confinement; and, at noon, being within a mile of the shore, a few
canoes came off to us, but so crowded with people, that there was not
room in them for any of our guests; we therefore hoisted out the pinnace
to carry them on shore; and the master, who went with them, had
directions to examine the south coasts of the bay for water; but
returned without finding any.
The winds being variable, and a current setting strong to the northward,
we made but little progress in our return; and at eight o’clock in the
evening of the 9th, it began to blow very hard from the south-east,
which obliged us to close reef the topsails; and at two in the morning
of the 10th, in a heavy squall, we found ourselves close in with the
breakers, that lie to the northward of the west point of Owhyhee. We had
just room to haul off, and avoid them, and fired several guns to apprize
the Discovery of the danger.
In the forenoon, the weather was more moderate, and a few canoes came
off to us, from which we learnt, that the late storms had done much
mischief; and that several large canoes had been lost. During the
remainder of the day we kept beating to windward, and, before night, we
were within a mile of the bay; but not choosing to run on, while it was
dark, we stood off and on till day-light next morning, when we dropt
anchor nearly in the same place as before.
CHAP. III.
SUSPICIOUS BEHAVIOUR OF THE NATIVES, ON OUR RETURN TO KARAKAKOOA BAY.—
THEFT ON BOARD THE DISCOVERY, AND ITS CONSEQUENCES.—THE PINNACE
ATTACKED, AND THE CREW OBLIGED TO QUIT HER.—CAPTAIN COOK’S
OBSERVATIONS ON THE OCCASION.—ATTEMPT AT THE OBSERVATORY.—THE CUTTER
OF THE DISCOVERY STOLEN.—MEASURES TAKEN BY CAPTAIN COOK FOR ITS
RECOVERY.—GOES ON SHORE, TO INVITE THE KING ON BOARD.—THE KING, BEING
STOPPED BY HIS WIFE AND THE CHIEFS, A CONTEST ARISES.—NEWS ARRIVE OF
ONE OF THE CHIEFS BEING KILLED BY ONE OF OUR PEOPLE.—FERMENT ON THIS
OCCASION.—ONE OF THE CHIEFS THREATENS CAPTAIN COOK, AND IS SHOT BY
HIM.—GENERAL ATTACK BY THE NATIVES.—DEATH OF CAPTAIN COOK.—ACCOUNT OF
THE CAPTAIN’S SERVICES, AND A SKETCH OF HIS CHARACTER.
We were employed the whole of the 11th and part of the 12th, in getting
out the foremast, and sending it with the carpenters, on shore. Besides
the damage which the head of the mast had sustained, we found the heel
exceedingly rotten, having a large hole up the middle of it, capable of
holding four or five cocoa-nuts. It was not, however, thought necessary
to shorten it; and fortunately, the logs of red toa-wood, which had been
cut at Eimeo, for anchor-stocks, were found fit to replace the sprung
parts of the fishes. As these repairs were likely to take up several
days, Mr. Bayly and myself got the astronomical apparatus on shore, and
pitched our tents on the _Morai_; having with us a guard of a corporal
and six marines. We renewed our friendly correspondence with the
priests, who, for the greater security of the workmen, and their tools,
_tabooed_ the place where the mast lay, sticking their wands round it,
as before. The sail-makers were also sent on shore, to repair the
damages which had taken place in their department during the late gales.
They were lodged in a house adjoining to the _Morai_, that was lent us
by the priests. Such were our arrangements on shore. I shall now proceed
to the account of those other transactions with the natives, which led,
by degrees, to the fatal catastrophe of the 14th.
Upon coming to anchor, we were surprised to find our reception very
different from what it had been on our first arrival; no shouts, no
bustle, no confusion; but a solitary bay, with only here and there a
canoe stealing close along the shore. The impulse of curiosity, which
had before operated to so great a degree, might now indeed be supposed
to have ceased; but the hospitable treatment we had invariably met with,
and the friendly footing on which we parted, gave us some reason to
expect, that they would again have flocked about us with great joy, on
our return.
We were forming various conjectures upon the occasion of this
extraordinary appearance, when our anxiety was at length relieved by the
return of a boat, which had been sent on shore, and brought us word,
that Terreeoboo was absent, and had left the bay under the _taboo_.
Though this account appeared very satisfactory to most of us; yet others
were of opinion, or rather, perhaps, have been led, by subsequent
events, to imagine, that there was something at this time very
suspicious in the behaviour of the natives; and that the interdiction of
all intercourse with us, on pretence of the king’s absence, was only to
give him time to consult with his chiefs in what manner it might be
proper to treat us. Whether these suspicions were well founded, or the
account given by the natives was the truth, we were never able to
ascertain. For though it is not improbable that our sudden return, for
which they could see no apparent cause, and the necessity of which we
afterward found it very difficult to make them comprehend, might
occasion some alarm; yet the unsuspicious conduct of Terreeoboo, who, on
his supposed arrival, the next morning, came immediately to visit
Captain Cook, and the consequent return of the natives to their former
friendly intercourse with us, are strong proofs that they neither meant
nor apprehended any change of conduct.
In support of this opinion, I may add the account of another accident,
precisely of the same kind, which happened to us on our first visit, the
day before the arrival of the king. A native had sold a hog on board the
Resolution, and taken the price agreed on, when Pareea passing by,
advised the man not to part with the hog without an advanced price. For
this he was sharply spoken to, and pushed away; and the _taboo_ being
soon after laid on the bay, we had at first no doubt, but that it was in
consequence of the offence given to the chief. Both these accidents
serve to show how very difficult it is to draw any certain conclusion
from the actions of people, with whose customs, as well as language, we
are so imperfectly acquainted; at the same time, some idea may be formed
from them of the difficulties, at the first view, perhaps, not very
apparent, which those have to encounter, who, in all their transactions
with these strangers, have to steer their course amidst so much
uncertainty, where a trifling error may be attended with even the most
fatal consequences. However true or false our conjectures may be, things
went on in their usual quiet course, till the afternoon of the 13th.
Toward the evening of that day, the officer who commanded the
watering-party of the Discovery came to inform me, that several chiefs
had assembled at the well near the beach, driving away the natives whom
he had hired to assist the sailors in rolling down the casks to the
shore. He told me, at the same time, that he thought their behaviour
extremely suspicious, and that they meant to give him some farther
disturbance. At his request, therefore, I sent a marine along with him,
but suffered him to take only his side-arms. In a short time the officer
returned, and, on his acquainting me that the islanders had armed
themselves with stones and were growing very tumultuous, I went myself
to the spot, attended by a marine, with his musket. Seeing us approach,
they threw away their stones, and, on my speaking to some of the chiefs,
the mob were driven away, and those who chose it, were suffered to
assist in filling the casks. Having left things quiet here, I went to
meet Captain Cook, whom I saw coming on shore, in the pinnace. I related
to him what had just passed; and he ordered me, in case of their
beginning to throw stones, or behave insolently, immediately to fire a
ball at the offenders. I accordingly gave orders to the corporal, to
have the pieces of the sentinels loaded with ball, instead of small
shot.
Soon after our return to the tents, we were alarmed by a continued fire
of muskets from the Discovery, which we observed to be directed at a
canoe, that we saw paddling toward the shore in great haste, pursued by
one of our small boats. We immediately concluded, that the firing was in
consequence of some theft, and Captain Cook ordered me to follow him
with a marine armed, and to endeavour to seize the people as they came
on shore. Accordingly we ran toward the place where we supposed the
canoe would land, but were too late; the people having quitted it, and
made their escape into the country before our arrival.
We were at this time ignorant, that the goods had been already restored;
and as we thought it probable, from the circumstances we had at first
observed, that they might be of importance, were unwilling to relinquish
our hopes of recovering them. Having therefore inquired of the natives,
which way the people had fled, we followed them till it was near dark,
when judging ourselves to be about three miles from the tents, and
suspecting that the natives, who frequently encouraged us in the
pursuit, were amusing us with false information, we thought it in vain
to continue our search any longer, and returned to the beach.
During our absence, a difference of a more serious and unpleasant nature
had happened. The officer, who had been sent in the small boat, and was
returning on board with the goods which had been restored, observing
Captain Cook and me engaged in the pursuit of the offenders, thought it
his duty to seize the canoe, which was left drawn up on the shore.
Unfortunately, this canoe belonged to Pareea, who arriving, at the same
moment, from on board the Discovery, claimed his property, with many
protestations of his innocence. The officer refusing to give it up, and
being joined by the crew of the pinnace, which was waiting for Captain
Cook, a scuffle ensued, in which Pareea was knocked down by a violent
blow on the head with an oar. The natives, who were collected about the
spot, and had hitherto been peaceable spectators, immediately attacked
our people with such a shower of stones as forced them to retreat with
great precipitation, and swim off to a rock, at some distance from the
shore. The pinnace was immediately ransacked by the islanders; and, but
for the timely interposition of Pareea, who seemed to have recovered
from the blow, and forgot it at the same instant, would soon have been
entirely demolished. Having driven away the crowd, he made signs to our
people, that they might come and take possession of the pinnace, and
that he would endeavour to get back the things which had been taken out
of it. After their departure, he followed them in his canoe, with a
midshipman’s cap, and some other trifling articles of the plunder, and,
with much apparent concern at what had happened, asked, if the _Orono_
would kill him, and whether he would permit him to come on board the
next day? On being assured that he should be well received, he joined
noses (as their custom is) with the officers, in token of friendship,
and paddled over to the village of Kowrowa.
When Captain Cook was informed of what had passed, he expressed much
uneasiness at it, and as we were returning on board, “I am afraid,” said
he, “that these people will oblige me to use some violent measures;
for,” he added, “they must not be left to imagine that they have gained
an advantage over us.” However, as it was too late to take any steps
this evening, he contented himself with giving orders, that every man
and woman on board should be immediately turned out of the ship. As soon
as this order was executed I returned on shore; and our former
confidence in the natives being now much abated, by the events of the
day, I posted a double guard on the _Morai_, with orders to call me, if
they saw any men lurking about the beach. At about eleven o’clock, five
islanders were observed creeping round the bottom of the _Morai_; they
seemed very cautious in approaching us, and, at last, finding themselves
discovered, retired out of sight. About midnight, one of them venturing
up close to the observatory, the sentinel fired over him; on which the
men fled, and we passed the remainder of the night without farther
disturbance.
Next morning, at day-light, I went on board the Resolution for the
time-keeper, and, in my way, was hailed by the Discovery, and informed
that their cutter had been stolen during the night from the buoy where
it was moored.
When I arrived on board, I found the marines arming, and Captain Cook
loading his double-barrelled gun. Whilst I was relating to him what had
happened to us in the night, he interrupted me with some eagerness, and
acquainted me with the loss of the Discovery’s cutter, and with the
preparations he was making for its recovery. It had been his usual
practice, whenever any thing of consequence was lost at any of the
islands in this ocean, to get the king, or some of the principal
_Erees_, on board, and to keep them as hostages till it was restored.
This method, which had been always attended with success, he meant to
pursue on the present occasion; and, at the same time, had given orders
to stop all the canoes that should attempt to leave the bay, with an
intention of seizing and destroying them, if he could not recover the
cutter by peaceable means.
Accordingly the boats of both ships, well manned and armed, were
stationed across the bay; and, before I left the ship, some great guns
had been fired at two large canoes, that were attempting to make their
escape.
It was between seven and eight o’clock when we quitted the ship
together; Captain Cook in the pinnace, having Mr. Phillips and nine
marines with him; and myself in the small boat. The last orders I
received from him were, to quiet the minds of the natives, on our side
of the bay, by assuring them they should not be hurt; to keep my people
together; and to be on my guard. We then parted; the captain went toward
Kowrowa, where the king resided; and I proceeded to the beach. My first
care, on going ashore, was to give strict orders to the marines to
remain within their tent, to load their pieces with ball, and not to
quit their arms. Afterward I took a walk to the huts of old Kaoo, and
the priests, and explained to them, as well as I could, the object of
the hostile preparations, which had exceedingly alarmed them. I found,
that they had already heard of the cutter’s being stolen, and I assured
them, that though Captain Cook was resolved to recover it, and to punish
the authors of the theft, yet that they, and the people of the village
on our side, need not be under the smallest apprehension of suffering
any evil from us. I desired the priests to explain this to the people,
and to tell them not to be alarmed, but to continue peaceable and quiet.
Kaoo asked me, with great earnestness, if Terreeoboo was to be hurt? I
assured him, he was not; and both he and the rest of his brethren seemed
much satisfied with this assurance.
In the mean time, Captain Cook having called off the launch, which was
stationed at the north point of the bay, and taken it along with him,
proceeded to Kowrowa, and landed with the lieutenant and nine marines.
He immediately marched into the village, where he was received with the
usual marks of respect; the people prostrating themselves before him,
and bringing their accustomed offerings of small hogs. Finding that
there was no suspicion of his design, his next step was to inquire for
Terreeoboo and the two boys, his sons, who had been his constant guests
on board the Resolution. In a short time, the boys returned along with
the natives, who had been sent in search of them, and immediately led
Captain Cook to the house where the king had slept. They found the old
man just awoke from sleep; and after a short conversation about the loss
of the cutter, from which Captain Cook was convinced that he was in no
wise privy to it, he invited him to return in the boat, and spend the
day on board the Resolution. To this proposal the king readily
consented, and immediately got up to accompany him.
Things were in this prosperous train, the two boys being already in the
pinnace, and the rest of the party having advanced near the water-side,
when an elderly woman called Kaneekabareea, the mother of the boys, and
one of the king’s favourite wives, came after him, and with many tears
and entreaties, besought him not to go on board. At the same time, two
chiefs who came along with her, laid hold of him, and insisting that he
should go no farther, forced him to sit down. The natives, who were
collecting in prodigious numbers along the shore, and had probably been
alarmed by the firing of the great guns, and the appearances of
hostility in the bay, began to throng round Captain Cook and their king.
In this situation, the lieutenant of marines observing that his men were
huddled close together in the crowd, and thus incapable of using their
arms, if any occasion should require it, proposed to the captain to draw
them up along the rocks, close to the water’s edge; and the crowd
readily making way for them to pass, they were drawn up in a line, at
the distance of about thirty yards from the place where the king was
sitting.
All this time the old king remained on the ground, with the strongest
marks of terror and dejection in his countenance. Captain Cook, not
willing to abandon the object for which he had come on shore, continuing
to urge him, in the most pressing manner, to proceed; whilst, on the
other hand, whenever the king appeared inclined to follow him, the
chiefs, who stood round him, interposed at first with prayers and
entreaties, but afterward, having recourse to force and violence,
insisted on his staying where he was. Captain Cook, therefore, finding
that the alarm had spread too generally, and that it was in vain to
think any longer of getting him off without bloodshed, at last gave up
the point; observing to Mr. Phillips, that it would be impossible to
compel him to go on board, without the risk of killing a great number of
the inhabitants.
Though the enterprise which had carried Captain Cook on shore had now
failed, and was abandoned, yet his person did not appear to have been in
the least danger, till an accident happened, which gave a fatal turn to
the affair. The boats which had been stationed across the bay, having
fired at some canoes that were attempting to get out, unfortunately had
killed a chief of the first rank. The news of his death arrived at the
village where Captain Cook was, just as he had left the king, and was
walking slowly toward the shore. The ferment it occasioned was very
conspicuous; the women and children were immediately sent off; and the
men put on their war-mats, and armed themselves with spears and stones.
One of the natives, having in his hands a stone, and a long iron spike
(which they call a _pahooa_), came up to the Captain, flourishing his
weapon, by way of defiance, and threatening to throw the stone. The
Captain desired him to desist; but the man persisting in his insolence,
he was at length provoked to fire a load of small-shot. The man having
his mat on, which the shot were not able to penetrate, this had no other
effect than to irritate and encourage them. Several stones were thrown
at the marines; and one of the _Erees_ attempted to stab Mr. Phillips
with his _pahooa_, but failed in the attempt, and received from him a
blow with the butt end of his musket. Captain Cook now fired his second
barrel, loaded with ball, and killed one of the foremost of the natives.
A general attack with stones immediately followed, which was answered by
a discharge of musketry from the marines, and the people in the boats.
The islanders, contrary to the expectations of every one, stood the fire
with great firmness; and before the marines had time to re-load, they
broke in upon them with dreadful shouts and yells. What followed was a
scene of the utmost horror and confusion.
Four of the marines were cut off amongst the rocks in their retreat, and
fell a sacrifice to the fury of the enemy; three more were dangerously
wounded; and the Lieutenant, who had received a stab between the
shoulders with a _pahooa_, having fortunately reserved his fire, shot
the man who had wounded him just as he was going to repeat his blow. Our
unfortunate Commander, the last time he was seen distinctly, was
standing at the water’s edge, and calling out to the boats to cease
firing, and to pull in. If it be true, as some of those who were present
have imagined, that the marines and boat-men had fired without his
orders, and that he was desirous of preventing any further bloodshed, it
is not improbable that his humanity, on this occasion, proved fatal to
him. For it was remarked, that whilst he faced the natives, none of them
had offered him any violence, but that having turned about, to give his
orders to the boats, he was stabbed in the back, and fell with his face
into the water. On seeing him fall, the islanders set up a great shout,
and his body was immediately dragged on shore, and surrounded by the
enemy, who snatching the daggers out of each other’s hands, shewed a
savage eagerness to have a share in his destruction.
Thus fell our great and excellent Commander! After a life of so much
distinguished and successful enterprise, his death, as far as regards
himself, cannot be reckoned premature; since he lived to finish the
great work for which he seems to have been designed; and was rather
removed from the enjoyment, than cut off from the acquisition of glory.
How sincerely his loss was felt and lamented by those who had so long
found their general security in his skill and conduct, and every
consolation, under their hardships, in his tenderness and humanity, it
is neither necessary nor possible for me to describe; much less shall I
attempt to paint the horror with which we were struck, and the universal
dejection and dismay which followed so dreadful and unexpected a
calamity. The reader will not be displeased to turn from so sad a scene,
to the contemplation of his character and virtues, whilst I am paying my
last tribute to the memory of a dear and honoured friend, in a short
history of his life, and public services.
Captain James Cook was born near Whitby, in Yorkshire, in the year 1727;
and, at an early age, was put apprentice to a shopkeeper in a
neighbouring village. His natural inclination not having been consulted
on this occasion, he soon quitted the counter from disgust, and bound
himself, for nine years, to the master of a vessel in the coal trade. At
the breaking out of the war in 1755, he entered into the king’s service
on board the Eagle, at that time commanded by Captain Hamer, and
afterward by Sir Hugh Palliser, who soon discovered his merit, and
introduced him on the quarter-deck.
In the year 1758, we find him master of the Northumberland, the
flag-ship of Lord Colville, who had then the command of the squadron
stationed on the coast of America. It was here, as I have often heard
him say, that, during a hard winter, he first read Euclid, and applied
himself to the study of mathematics and astronomy, without any other
assistance, than what a few books and his own industry afforded him. At
the same time that he thus found means to cultivate and improve his mind
and to supply the deficiencies of an early education, he was engaged in
most of the busy and active scenes of the war in America. At the siege
of Quebec, Sir Charles Saunders committed to his charge the execution of
services of the first importance in the naval department. He piloted the
boats to the attack of Montmorency; conducted the embarkation to the
Heights of Abraham; examined the passage, and laid buoys for the
security of the large ships in proceeding up the river. The courage and
address with which he acquitted himself in these services, gained him
the warm friendship of Sir Charles Saunders and Lord Colville, who
continued to patronize him during the rest of their lives with the
greatest zeal and affection. At the conclusion of the war, he was
appointed, through the recommendation of Lord Colville and Sir Hugh
Palliser, to survey the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and the coasts of
Newfoundland. In this employment he continued till the year 1767, when
he was fixed on by Sir Edward Hawke, to command an expedition to the
South Seas; for the purpose of observing the transit of _Venus_, and
prosecuting discoveries in that part of the globe.
From this period, as his services are too well known to require a
recital here, so his reputation has proportionably advanced to a height
too great to be affected by my panegyric. Indeed, he appears to have
been most eminently and peculiarly qualified for this species of
enterprize. The earliest habits of his life, the course of his services,
and the constant application of his mind, all conspired to fit him for
it, and gave him a degree of professional knowledge, which can fall to
the lot of very few.
The constitution of his body was robust, inured to labour, and capable
of undergoing the severest hardships. His stomach bore, without
difficulty, the coarsest and most ungrateful food. Indeed, temperance in
him was scarcely a virtue; so great was the indifference with which he
submitted to every kind of self-denial. The qualities of his mind were
of the same hardy, vigorous kind with those of his body. His
understanding was strong and perspicacious. His judgment, in whatever
related to the services he was engaged in, quick and sure. His designs
were bold and manly; and both in the conception, and in the mode of
execution, bore evident marks of a great original genius. His courage
was cool and determined, and accompanied with an admirable presence of
mind in the moment of danger. His manners were plain and unaffected. His
temper might perhaps have been justly blamed as subject to hastiness and
passion had not these been disarmed by a disposition the most benevolent
and humane.
Such were the outlines of Captain Cook’s character; but its most
distinguishing feature was that unremitting perseverance in the pursuit
of his object, which was not only superior to the opposition of dangers,
and the pressure of hardships, but even exempt from the want of ordinary
relaxation. During the long and tedious voyages in which he was engaged,
his eagerness and activity were never in the least abated. No incidental
temptation could detain him for a moment; even those intervals of
recreation, which sometimes unavoidably occurred, and were looked for by
us with a longing, that persons who have experienced the fatigues of
service will readily excuse, were submitted to by him with a certain
impatience, whenever they could not be employed in making further
provision for the more effectual prosecution of his designs.
It is not necessary, here, to enumerate the instances in which these
qualities were displayed, during the great and important enterprizes in
which he was engaged. I shall content myself with stating the result of
those services, under the two principal heads to which they may be
referred, those of geography and navigation, placing each in a separate
and distinct point of view.
Perhaps no science ever received greater additions from the labour of a
single man, than geography has done from those of Captain Cook. In his
first voyage to the South Seas, he discovered the Society Islands;
determined the insularity of New Zealand; discovered the straits which
separate the two islands, and are called after his name; and made a
complete survey of both. He afterward explored the eastern coast of New
Holland, hitherto unknown; an extent of twenty-seven degrees of
latitude, or upward of two thousand miles.
In his second expedition, he resolved the great problem of a southern
continent; having traversed that hemisphere between the latitudes of 40°
and 70°, in such a manner as not to leave a possibility of its
existence, unless near the pole, and out of the reach of navigation.
During this voyage he discovered New Caledonia, the largest island in
the Southern Pacific, except New Zealand; the island of Georgia; and an
unknown coast, which he named Sandwich Land, the _thule_ of the Southern
hemisphere; and having twice visited the tropical seas, he settled the
situations of the old, and made several new discoveries.
But the voyage we are now relating is distinguished above all the rest
by the extent and importance of its discoveries. Besides several smaller
islands in the Southern Pacific, he discovered, to the north of the
equinoctial line, the group called the Sandwich Islands; which, from
their situation and productions, bid fairer for becoming an object of
consequence, in the system of European navigation, than any other
discovery in the South Sea. He afterward explored what had hitherto
remained unknown of the western coast of America, from the latitude of
43° to 70° north, containing an extent of three thousand five hundred
miles; ascertained the proximity of the two great continents of Asia and
America; passed the straits between them, and surveyed the coast, on
each side, to such a height of northern latitude, as to demonstrate the
impracticability of a passage in that hemisphere, from the Atlantic into
the Pacific Ocean, either by an eastern or a western course. In short,
if we except the sea of Amur, and the Japanese Archipelago, which still
remain imperfectly known to Europeans, he has completed the hydrography
of the habitable globe.
As a navigator, his services were not perhaps less splendid; certainly
not less important and meritorious. The method which he discovered, and
so successfully pursued of preserving the health of seamen, forms a new
æra in navigation, and will transmit his name to future ages amongst the
friends and benefactors of mankind.
Those who are conversant in naval history need not be told at how dear a
rate the advantages which have been sought through the medium of long
voyages at sea have always been purchased. That dreadful disorder which
is peculiar to this service, and whose ravages have marked the tracks of
discoverers with circumstances almost too shocking to relate, must,
without exercising an unwarrantable tyranny over the lives of our
seamen, have proved an insuperable obstacle to the prosecution of such
enterprizes. It was reserved for Captain Cook to show the world, by
repeated trials, that voyages might be protracted to the unusual length
of three or even four years, in unknown regions, and under every change
and rigour of climate, not only without affecting the health, but even
without diminishing the probability of life in the smallest degree. The
method he pursued has been fully explained by himself in a paper which
was read before the Royal Society, in the year 1776[8]; and whatever
improvements the experience of the present voyage has suggested, are
mentioned in their proper places.
With respect to his professional abilities, I shall leave them to the
judgment of those who are best acquainted with the nature of the
services in which he was engaged. They will readily acknowledge, that to
have conducted three expeditions of so much danger and difficulty, of so
unusual a length, and in such a variety of situation, with uniform and
invariable success, must have required not only a thorough and accurate
knowledge of his business, but a powerful and comprehensive genius,
fruitful in resources, and equally ready in the application of whatever
the higher and inferior calls of the service required.
Having given the most faithful account I have been able to collect, both
from my own observation, and the relations of others, of the death of my
ever-honoured friend, and also of his character and services; I shall
now leave his memory to the gratitude and admiration of posterity;
accepting, with a melancholy satisfaction, the honour, which the loss of
him hath procured me, of seeing my name joined with his; and of
testifying that affection and respect for his memory, which, whilst he
lived, it was no less my inclination, than my constant study, to show
him.
CHAP. IV.
TRANSACTIONS AT OWHYHEE SUBSEQUENT TO THE DEATH OF CAPTAIN COOK.—GALLANT
BEHAVIOUR OF THE LIEUTENANT OF MARINES.—DANGEROUS SITUATION OF THE
PARTY AT THE MORAI.—BRAVERY OF ONE OF THE NATIVES.—CONSULTATION
RESPECTING FUTURE MEASURES.—DEMAND OF THE BODY OF CAPTAIN COOK.—
EVASIVE AND INSIDIOUS CONDUCT OF KOAH, AND THE CHIEFS.—INSOLENT
BEHAVIOUR OF THE NATIVES.—PROMOTION OF OFFICERS.—ARRIVAL OF TWO
PRIESTS WITH PART OF THE BODY.—EXTRAORDINARY BEHAVIOUR OF TWO BOYS.—
BURNING OF THE VILLAGE OF KAKOOA.—UNFORTUNATE DESTRUCTION OF THE
DWELLINGS OF THE PRIESTS.—RECOVERY OF THE BONES OF CAPTAIN COOK.—
DEPARTURE FROM KARAKAKOOA BAY.
It has been already related that four of the marines who attended
Captain Cook were killed by the islanders on the spot. The rest, with
Mr. Philips, their lieutenant, threw themselves into the water, and
escaped, under cover of a smart fire from the boats. On this occasion, a
remarkable instance of gallant behaviour, and of affection for his men,
was shown by that officer. For he had scarcely got into the boat, when,
seeing one of the marines, who was a bad swimmer, struggling in the
water, and in danger of being taken by the enemy, he immediately jumped
into the sea to his assistance, though much wounded himself; and after
receiving a blow on the head from a stone, which had nearly sent him to
the bottom, he caught the man by the hair, and brought him safe off.
Our people continued for some time to keep up a constant fire from the
boats (which, during the whole transaction, were not more than twenty
yards from the land), in order to afford their unfortunate companions,
if any of them should still remain alive, an opportunity of escaping.
These efforts, seconded by a few guns, that were fired at the same time,
from the Resolution, having forced the natives at last to retire, a
small boat, manned by five of our young midshipmen, pulled toward the
shore, where they saw the bodies, without any signs of life, lying on
the ground; but judging it dangerous to attempt to bring them off, with
so small a force, and their ammunition being nearly expended, they
returned to the ships, leaving them in possession of the islanders,
together with ten stands of arms.
As soon as the general consternation, which the news of this calamity
occasioned throughout both crews, had a little subsided, their attention
was called to our party at the _Morai_, where the mast and sails were on
shore, with a guard of only six marines. It is impossible for me to
describe the emotions of my own mind, during the time these transactions
had been carrying on at the other side of the bay. Being at the distance
only of a short mile from the village of Kowrowa, we could see
distinctly an immense crowd collected on the spot where Captain Cook had
just before landed. We heard the firing of the musketry, and could
perceive some extraordinary bustle and agitation in the multitude. We
afterward saw the natives flying, the boats retire from the shore, and
passing and repassing, in great stillness, between the ships. I must
confess that my heart soon misgave me. Where a life so dear and valuable
was concerned, it was impossible not to be alarmed, by appearances both
new and threatening. But, besides this, I knew that a long and
uninterrupted course of success, in his transactions with the natives of
these seas, had given the Captain a degree of confidence, that I was
always fearful might, at some unlucky moment, put him too much off his
guard; and I now saw all the dangers to which that confidence might
lead, without receiving much consolation from considering the experience
that had given rise to it.
My first care, on hearing the muskets fired, was, to assure the people,
who were assembled in considerable numbers round the wall of our
consecrated field, and seemed equally at a loss with ourselves how to
account for what they had seen and heard, that they should not be
molested; and that, at all events, I was desirous of continuing on
peaceable terms with them. We remained in this posture, till the boats
had returned on board, when Captain Clerke, observing, through his
telescope, that we were surrounded by the natives, and apprehending they
meant to attack us, ordered two four pounders to be fired at them.
Fortunately these guns, though well aimed, did no mischief, and yet gave
the natives a convincing proof of their power. One of the balls broke a
cocoa-nut tree in the middle, under which a party of them were sitting;
and the other shivered a rock, that stood in an exact line with them. As
I had, just before, given them the strongest assurances of their safety,
I was exceedingly mortified at this act of hostility; and, to prevent a
repetition of it, immediately dispatched a boat to acquaint Captain
Clerke, that, at present, I was on the most friendly terms with the
natives; and that, if occasion should hereafter arise for altering my
conduct toward them, I would hoist a jack, as a signal for him to afford
us all the assistance in his power.
We expected the return of the boat with the utmost impatience; and after
remaining a quarter of an hour under the most torturing anxiety and
suspense, our fears were at length confirmed, by the arrival of Mr.
Bligh, with orders to strike the tents as quickly as possible, and to
send the sails, that were repairing, on board. Just at the same moment,
our friend Kaireekeea having also received intelligence of the death of
Captain Cook from a native, who had arrived from the other side of the
bay, came to me with great sorrow and dejection in his countenance, to
inquire if it was true?
Our situation was, at this time, extremely critical and important. Not
only our own lives, but the event of the expedition, and the return of
at least one of the ships, being involved in the same common danger. We
had the mast of the Resolution, and the greatest part of our sails, on
shore, under the protection of only six marines: their loss would have
been irreparable; and though the natives had not as yet shown the
smallest disposition to molest us, yet it was impossible to answer for
the alteration which the news of the transaction at Kowrowa might
produce. I therefore thought it prudent to dissemble my belief of the
death of Captain Cook, and to desire Kaireekeea to discourage the
report; lest either the fear of our resentment, or the successful
example of their countrymen, might lead them to seize the favourable
opportunity, which at this time offered itself of giving us a second
blow. At the same time I advised him to bring old Kaoo, and the rest of
the priests, into a large house that was close to the _Morai_; partly
out of regard to their safety, in case it should have been found
necessary to proceed to extremities; and partly to have him near us, in
order to make use of his authority with the people, if it could be
instrumental in preserving peace.
Having placed the marines on the top of the _Morai_, which formed a
strong and advantageous post, and left the command with Mr. Bligh,
giving him the most positive directions to act entirely on the
defensive, I went on board the Discovery, in order to represent to
Captain Clerke the dangerous situation of our affairs. As soon as I
quitted the spot, the natives began to annoy our people with stones; and
I had scarcely reached the ship, before I heard the firing of the
marines. I therefore returned instantly on shore, where I found things
growing every moment more alarming. The natives were arming, and putting
on their mats; and their numbers increased very fast. I could also
perceive several large bodies marching toward us, along the cliff which
separates the village of Kakooa from the north side of the bay, where
the village of Kowrowa is situated.
They began, at first, to attack us with stones from behind the walls of
their inclosures, and finding no resistance on our part, they soon grew
more daring. A few resolute fellows, having crept along the beach, under
cover of the rocks, suddenly made their appearance at the foot of the
_Morai_, with a design, as it seemed, of storming it on the side next
the sea, which was its only accessible part; and were not dislodged,
till after they had stood a considerable number of shot, and seen one of
their party fall.
The bravery of one of these assailants well deserves to be particularly
mentioned; for having returned to carry off his companion, amidst the
fire of our whole party, a wound which he received made him quit the
body and retire; but, in a few minutes, he again appeared, and being
again wounded, he was obliged a second time to retreat. At this moment I
arrived at the _Morai_, and saw him return the third time, bleeding and
faint; and being informed of what had happened, I forbade the soldiers
to fire, and he was suffered to carry off his friend; which he was just
able to perform, and then fell down himself and expired.
About this time, a strong reinforcement from both ships having landed,
the natives retreated behind their walls; which giving me access to our
friendly priests, I sent one of them to endeavour to bring their
countrymen to some terms, and to propose to them, that if they would
desist from throwing stones, I would not permit our men to fire. This
truce was agreed to, and we were suffered to launch the mast, and carry
off the sails, and our astronomical apparatus, unmolested. As soon as we
had quitted the _Morai_, they took possession of it, and some of them
threw a few stones; but without doing us any mischief.
It was half an hour past eleven o’clock when I got on board the
Discovery, where I found no decisive plan had been adopted for our
future proceedings. The restitution of the boat, and the recovery of the
body of Captain Cook, were the objects which, on all hands, we agreed to
insist on; and it was my opinion that some vigorous steps should be
taken, in case the demand of them was not immediately complied with.
Though my feelings, on the death of a beloved and honoured friend, may
be suspected to have had some share in this opinion, yet there were
certainly other reasons, and those of the most serious kind, that had
considerable weight with me. The confidence which their success in
killing our chief, and forcing us to quit the shore, must naturally have
inspired; and the advantage, however trifling, which they had obtained
over us the preceding day; would, I had no doubt, encourage them to make
some further dangerous attempts; and the more especially, as they had
little reason, from what they had hitherto seen, to dread the effects of
our fire-arms. Indeed, contrary to the expectations of every one, this
sort of weapon had produced no signs of terror in them. On our side,
such was the condition of the ships, and the state of discipline amongst
us, that, had a vigorous attack been made on us in the night, it would
have been impossible to answer for the consequences.
In these apprehensions, I was supported by the opinion of most of the
officers on board; and nothing seemed to me so likely to encourage the
natives to make the attempt, as the appearance of our being inclined to
an accommodation, which they could only attribute to weakness or fear.
In favour of more conciliatory measures, it was justly urged, that the
mischief was done, and irreparable; that the natives had a strong claim
to our regard, on account of their former friendship and kindness; and
the more especially, as the late melancholy accident did not appear to
have arisen from any premeditated design; that, on the part of
Terreeoboo, his ignorance of the theft, his readiness to accompany
Captain Cook on board, and his having actually sent his two sons into
the boat, must free him from the smallest degree of suspicion; that the
conduct of his women and the _Erees_ might easily be accounted for, from
the apprehensions occasioned by the armed force with which Captain Cook
came on shore, and the hostile preparations in the bay; appearances so
different from the terms of friendship and confidence, in which both
parties had hitherto lived, that the arming of the natives was evidently
with a design to resist the attempt, which they had some reason to
imagine would be made, to carry off their king by force, and was
naturally to be expected from a people full of affection and attachment
to their chiefs.
To these motives of humanity, others of a prudential nature were added;
that we were in want of water, and other refreshments; that our foremast
would require six or eight days’ work before it could be stepped; that
the spring was advancing apace; and that the speedy prosecution of our
next northern expedition ought now to be our sole object; that therefore
to engage in a vindictive contest with the inhabitants, might not only
lay us under the imputation of unnecessary cruelty, but would occasion
an unavoidable delay in the equipment of the ships.
In this latter opinion Captain Clerke concurred; and though I was
convinced, that an early display of vigorous resentment would more
effectually have answered every object both of prudence and humanity, I
was not sorry that the measures I had recommended were rejected. For
though the contemptuous behaviour of the natives, and their subsequent
opposition to our necessary operations on shore, arising, I have no
doubt, from a misconstruction of our lenity, compelled us at last to
have recourse to violence in our own defence; yet I am not so sure that
the circumstances of the case would, in the opinion of the world, have
justified the use of force on our part in the first instance. Cautionary
rigour is at all times invidious, and has this additional objection to
it, that the severity of a preventive course, when it best succeeds,
leaves its expediency the least apparent.
During the time we were thus engaged, in concerting some plan for our
future conduct, a prodigious concourse of natives still kept possession
of the shore; and some of them came off in canoes, and had the boldness
to approach within pistol-shot of the ships, and to insult us by various
marks of contempt and defiance. It was with great difficulty we could
restrain the sailors from the use of their arms on these occasions; but
as pacific measures had been resolved on, the canoes were suffered to
return unmolested.
In pursuance of this plan, it was determined that I should proceed
toward the shore, with the boats of both ships well manned and armed,
with a view to bring the natives to a parley, and, if possible, to
obtain a conference with some of the chiefs.
If this attempt succeeded, I was to demand the dead bodies, and
particularly that of Captain Cook; to threaten them with our vengeance
in case of a refusal; but, by no means, to fire unless attacked; and not
to land on any account whatever. These orders were delivered to me
before the whole party, and in the most positive manner.
I left the ships about four o’clock in the afternoon; and, as we
approached the shore, I perceived every indication of a hostile
reception. The whole crowd of natives was in motion; the women and
children retiring; the men putting on their war mats, and arming
themselves with long spears and daggers. We also observed, that, since
the morning, they had thrown up stone breast-works along the beach,
where Captain Cook had landed, probably in expectation of an attack at
that place; and, as soon as we were within reach, they began to throw
stones at us with slings, but without doing any mischief. Concluding,
therefore, that all attempts to bring them to a parley would be in vain,
unless I first gave them some ground for mutual confidence; I ordered
the armed boats to stop, and went on, in the small boat, alone, with a
white flag in my hand, which, by a general cry of joy from the natives,
I had the satisfaction to find was instantly understood. The women
immediately returned from the side of the hill, whither they had
retired; the men threw off their mats; and all sat down together by the
water-side, extending their arms, and inviting me to come on shore.
Though this behaviour was very expressive of a friendly disposition, yet
I could not help entertaining some suspicions of its sincerity. But when
I saw Koah, with a boldness and assurance altogether unaccountable,
swimming off toward the boat, with a white flag in his hand, I thought
it necessary to return this mark of confidence, and therefore received
him into the boat, though armed; a circumstance which did not tend to
lessen my suspicions. I must confess, I had long harboured an
unfavourable opinion of this man. The priests had always told us, that
he was of a malicious disposition, and no friend of ours; and the
repeated detections of his fraud and treachery, had convinced us of the
truth of their representations. Add to all this, the shocking
transaction of the morning, in which he was seen acting a principal
part, made me feel the utmost horror at finding myself so near him; and
as he came up to me with feigned tears, and embraced me, I was so
distrustful of his intentions, that I could not help taking hold of the
point of the _pahooah_, which he held in his hand, and turning it from
me. I told him, that I had come to demand the body of Captain Cook; and
to declare war against them, unless it was instantly restored. He
assured me this should be done as soon as possible; and that he would go
himself for that purpose; and, after begging of me a piece of iron, with
much assurance, as if nothing extraordinary had happened, he leaped into
the sea, and swam ashore, calling out to his countrymen, that we were
all friends again.
We waited near an hour, with great anxiety for his return; during which
time, the rest of the boats had approached so near the shore, as to
enter into conversation with a party of the natives, at some distance
from us; by whom they were plainly given to understand, that the body
had been cut to pieces and carried up the country; but of this
circumstance I was not informed till our return to the ships.
I began now to express some impatience at Koah’s delay; upon which the
chiefs pressed me exceedingly to come on shore; assuring me, that if I
would go myself to Terreeoboo, the body would certainly be restored to
me. When they found they could not prevail on me to land, they
attempted, under a pretence of wishing to converse with more ease, to
decoy our boat among some rocks, where they would have had it in their
power to cut us off from the rest. It was no difficult matter to see
through these artifices; and I was, therefore, strongly inclined to
break off all further communication with them, when a chief came to us,
who was the particular friend of Captain Clerke, and of the officers of
the Discovery, on board which ship he had sailed, when we last left the
bay, intending to take his passage to _Mowee_. He told us, he came from
Terreeoboo to acquaint us, that the body was carried up the country; but
that it should be brought to us the next morning. There appeared a great
deal of sincerity in his manner; and being asked, if he told a
falsehood, he hooked his two fore-fingers together, which is understood
amongst these islanders as the sign of truth; in the use of which they
are very scrupulous.
As I was now at a loss in what manner to proceed, I sent Mr. Vancouver
to acquaint Captain Clerke with all that had passed; that my opinion
was, they meant not to keep their word with us, and were so far from
being sorry at what had happened, that, on the contrary, they were full
of spirits and confidence on account of their late success, and sought
only to gain time, till they could contrive some scheme for getting us
into their power. Mr. Vancouver came back with orders for me to return
on board; having first given the natives to understand, that if the body
was not brought the next morning, the town should be destroyed.
When they saw that we were going off, they endeavoured to provoke us by
the most insulting and contemptuous gestures. Some of our people said,
they could distinguish several of the natives parading about in the
clothes of our unfortunate comrades; and, among them, a chief
brandishing Captain Cook’s hanger, and a woman holding the scabbard.
Indeed, there can be no doubt, but that our behaviour had given them a
mean opinion of our courage; for they could have but little notion of
the motives of humanity that directed it.
In consequence of the report I made to Captain Clerke, of what I
conceived to be the present temper and disposition of the islanders, the
most effectual measures were taken to guard against any attack they
might make in the night. The boats were moored with top-chains;
additional sentinels were posted on both ships; and guard-boats were
stationed to row round them, in order to prevent the natives from
cutting the cables. During the night we observed a prodigious number of
lights on the hills, which made some of us imagine they were removing
their effects back into the country, in consequence of our threats. But
I rather believed them to have been the sacrifices that were performing
on account of the war, in which they imagined themselves about to be
engaged; and most probably the bodies of our slain countrymen were at
that time burning. We afterward saw fires of the same kind, as we passed
the island of Morotoi; and which, we were told by some natives then on
board, were made on account of the war they had declared against a
neighbouring island. And this agrees with what we learned amongst the
Friendly and Society Isles, that, previous to any expedition against an
enemy, the chiefs always endeavoured to animate and inflame the courage
of the people by feasts and rejoicings in the night.
We remained the whole night undisturbed, except by the howlings and
lamentations which were heard on shore: and early the next morning, Koah
came along-side the Resolution, with a present of cloth, and a small
pig, which he desired leave to present to me. I have mentioned before,
that I was supposed by the natives to be the son of Captain Cook; and as
he, in his life-time, had always suffered them to believe it, I was
probably considered as the chief, after his death. As soon as I came on
deck, I questioned him about the body; and, on his returning me nothing
but evasive answers, I refused to accept his presents; and was going to
dismiss him, with some expressions of anger and resentment, had not
Captain Clerke, judging it best, at all events, to keep up the
appearance of friendship, thought it more proper that he should be
treated with the usual respect.
This treacherous fellow came frequently to us during the course of the
forenoon, with some trifling present or other; and as I always observed
him eyeing every part of the ship with great attention, I took care he
should see we were well prepared for our defence.
He was exceedingly urgent, both with Captain Clerke and myself, to go on
shore, laying all the blame of the detention of the bodies on the other
chiefs; and assuring us, that every thing might be settled to our
satisfaction, by a personal interview with Terreeoboo. However, his
conduct was too suspicious to make it prudent to comply with this
request; and indeed a fact came afterward to our knowledge, which proved
the entire falsehood of his pretensions. For we were told, that
immediately after the action in which Captain Cook was killed, the old
king had retired to a cave in the steep part of the mountain, that hangs
over the bay, which was accessible only by the help of ropes, and where
he remained for many days, having his victuals let down to him by cords.
When Koah returned from the ships, we could perceive that his
countrymen, who had been collected by break of day in vast crowds on the
shore, thronged about him with great eagerness, as if to learn the
intelligence he had acquired, and what was to be done in consequence of
it. It is very probable, that they expected we should attempt to put our
threats in execution; and they seemed fully resolved to stand their
ground. During the whole morning, we heard conchs blowing in different
parts of the coast; large parties were seen marching over the hills;
and, in short, appearances were so alarming, that we carried out a
stream anchor, to enable us to haul the ship abreast of the town, in
case of an attack; and stationed boats off the north point of the bay,
to prevent a surprise from that quarter.
The breach of their engagement to restore the bodies of the slain, and
the warlike posture in which they at this time appeared, occasioned
fresh debates amongst us concerning the measures next to be pursued. It
was at last determined, that nothing should be suffered to interfere
with the repair of the mast, and the preparations for our departure; but
that we should, nevertheless, continue our negociations for the recovery
of the bodies.
The greatest part of the day was taken up in getting the fore-mast into
a proper situation on deck, for the carpenters to work upon it; and in
making the necessary alterations in the commissions of the officers. The
command of the expedition having devolved on Captain Clerke, he removed
on board the Resolution, appointed Lieutenant Gore to be Captain of the
Discovery, and promoted Mr. Harvey, a midshipman, who had been with
Captain Cook in his two last voyages, to the vacant lieutenancy. During
the whole day, we met with no interruption from the natives; and, at
night, the launch was again moored with a top-chain; and guard-boats
stationed round both ships as before.
About eight o’clock, it being very dark, a canoe was heard paddling
toward the ship; and as soon as it was seen, both the sentinels on deck
fired into it. There were two persons in the canoe, and they immediately
roared out “_Tinnee_” (which was the way in which they pronounced my
name), and said they were friends, and had something for me belonging to
Captain Cook. When they came on board, they threw themselves at our
feet, and appeared exceedingly frightened. Luckily neither of them was
hurt, notwithstanding the balls of both pieces had gone through the
canoe. One of them was the person, whom I have before mentioned under
the name of the _Taboo_ man, who constantly attended Captain Cook with
the circumstances of ceremony I have already described; and who, though
a man of rank in the island, could scarcely be hindered from performing
for him the lowest offices of a menial servant. After lamenting, with
abundance of tears, the loss of the _Orono_, he told us that he had
brought us a part of his body. He then presented to us a small bundle,
wrapped up in cloth, which he brought under his arm; and it is
impossible to describe the horror which seized us, on finding in it a
piece of human flesh, about nine or ten pounds’ weight. This, he said,
was all that remained of the body; that the rest was cut to pieces, and
burnt; but that the head and all the bones, except what belonged to the
trunk, were in the possession of Terreeoboo, and the other _Erees_: that
what we saw had been allotted to Kaoo, the chief of the priests, to be
made use of in some religious ceremony; and that he had sent it as a
proof of his innocence and attachment to us.
This afforded an opportunity of informing ourselves, whether they were
cannibals; and we did not neglect it. We first tried, by many indirect
questions, put to each of them apart, to learn in what manner the rest
of the bodies had been disposed of; and finding them very constant in
one story, that, after the flesh had been cut off, it was all burnt; we
at last put the direct question, Whether they had not ate some of it?
They immediately showed as much horror at the idea, as any European
would have done; and asked, very naturally, if that was the custom
amongst us? They afterward asked us, with great earnestness and apparent
apprehension, “When the _Orono_ would come again? and what he would do
to them on his return?” The same inquiry was frequently made afterward
by others; and this idea agrees with the general tenor of their conduct
toward him, which showed that they considered him as a being of a
superior nature.
We pressed our two friendly visitors to remain on board till morning,
but in vain. They told us, that if this transaction should come to the
knowledge of the king, or chiefs, it might be attended with the most
fatal consequences to their whole society; in order to prevent which,
they had been obliged to come off to us in the dark; and that the same
precaution would be necessary in returning on shore. They informed us
farther, that the chiefs were eager to revenge the death of their
countrymen: and, particularly, cautioned us against trusting Koah, who
they said was our mortal and implacable enemy; and desired nothing more
ardently, than an opportunity of fighting us; to which the blowing of
the conchs we had heard in the morning was meant as a challenge.
We learned from these men, that seventeen of their countrymen were
killed in the first action at Kowrowa, of whom five were chiefs; and
that Kaneena and his brother, our very particular friends, were
unfortunately of that number. Eight, they said, were killed at the
observatory; three of whom were also of the first rank.
About eleven o’clock, our two friends left us, and took the precaution
to desire that our guard-boat might attend them, till they had passed
the Discovery, lest they should again be fired upon, which might alarm
their countrymen on shore, and expose them to the danger of being
discovered. This request was complied with; and we had the satisfaction
to find, that they got safe and undiscovered to land.
During the remainder of this night, we heard the same loud howling and
lamentations, as in the preceding one. Early in the morning, we received
another visit from Koah. I must confess, I was a little piqued to find,
that, notwithstanding the most evident marks of treachery in his
conduct, and the positive testimony of our friends the priests, he
should still be permitted to carry on the same farce, and to make us at
least appear to be the dupes of his hypocrisy. Indeed our situation was
become extremely awkward and unpromising; none of the purposes for which
this pacific course of proceeding had been adopted, having hitherto been
in the least forwarded by it. No satisfactory answer whatever had been
given to our demands; we did not seem to be at all advanced toward a
reconciliation with the islanders; they still kept in force on the
shore, as if determined to resist any attempts we might make to land;
and yet the attempt was become absolutely necessary, as the completing
our supply of water would not admit of any longer delay.
However it must be observed, in justice to the conduct of Captain
Clerke, that it was very probable, from the great numbers of the
natives, and from the resolution with which they seemed to expect us, an
attack could not have been made without some danger; and that the loss
of a very few men might have been severely felt by us, during the
remaining course of our voyage. Whereas the delaying the execution of
our threats, though, on the one hand, it lessened their opinion of our
prowess, had the effect of causing them to disperse, on the other. For
this day about noon, finding us persist in our inactivity, great bodies
of them, after blowing their conchs, and using every mode of defiance,
marched off over the hills and never appeared afterward. Those, however,
who remained, were not the less daring and insolent. One man had the
audacity to come within musket-shot, a-head of the ship; and, after
slinging several stones at us, he waved Captain Cook’s hat over his
head, whilst his countrymen on shore were exulting, and encouraging his
boldness. Our people were all in a flame at this insult, and coming in a
body on the quarter-deck, begged they might no longer be obliged to put
up with these repeated provocations; and requested me to obtain
permission for them, from Captain Clerke, to avail themselves of the
first fair occasion of revenging the death of their commander. On my
acquainting him with what was passing, he gave orders for some great
guns to be fired at the natives on shore; and promised the crew, that if
they should meet with any molestation at the watering-place the next
day, they should then be left at liberty to chastise them.
It is somewhat remarkable, that, before we could bring our guns to bear,
the islanders had suspected our intentions, from the stir they saw in
the ship, and had retired behind their houses and walls. We were
therefore obliged to fire, in some measure, at random; notwithstanding
which, our shot produced all the effects that could have been desired.
For, soon after, we saw Koah paddling toward us, with extreme haste,
and, on his arrival, we learned that some people had been killed, and
amongst the rest Maiha-maiha, a principal chief, and a near relation of
the king.[9]
Soon after the arrival of Koah, two boys swam off from the _Morai_
toward the ships, having each a long spear in his hand; and after they
had approached pretty near, they began to chant a song, in a very solemn
manner: the subject of which, from their often mentioning the word
_Orono_, and pointing to the village where Captain Cook was killed, we
concluded to be the late calamitous disaster. Having sung in a plaintive
strain for about twelve or fifteen minutes, during the whole of which
time they remained in the water, they went on board the Discovery, and
delivered their spears; and, after making a short stay, returned on
shore. Who sent them, or what was the object of this ceremony, we were
never able to learn.
At night, the usual precautions were taken for the security of the
ships; and as soon as it was dark, our two friends, who had visited us
the night before, came off again. They assured us, that though the
effects of our great guns this afternoon had terrified the chiefs
exceedingly, they had by no means laid aside their hostile intentions,
and advised us to be on our guard.
The next morning, the boats of both ships were sent ashore for water;
and the Discovery was warped close to the beach, in order to cover that
service. We soon found that the intelligence which the priests had sent
us was not without foundation; and that the natives were resolved to
take every opportunity of annoying us, when it could be done without
much risk.
Throughout all this group of islands, the villages for the most part are
situated near the sea; and the adjacent ground is inclosed with stone
walls about three feet high. These, we at first imagined, were intended
for the division of property; but we now discovered, that they served,
and probably were principally designed, for a defence against invasion.
They consist of loose stones, and the inhabitants are very dexterous in
shifting them, with great quickness, to such situations, as the
direction of the attack may require. In the sides of the mountain, which
hangs over the bay, they have also little holes, or caves, of
considerable depth, the entrance of which is secured by a fence of the
same kind. From behind both these defences the natives kept perpetually
harassing our waterers with stones; nor could the small force we had on
shore, with the advantage of muskets, compel them to retreat.
In this exposed situation our people were so taken up in attending to
their own safety, that they employed the whole forenoon in filling only
one ton of water. As it was therefore impossible to perform this
service, till their assailants were driven to a greater distance, the
Discovery was ordered to dislodge them, with her great guns; which being
effected by a few discharges, the men landed without molestation.
However, the natives soon after made their appearance again, in their
usual mode of attack; and it was now found absolutely necessary to burn
down some straggling houses, near the wall, behind which they had taken
shelter. In executing these orders, I am sorry to add, that our people
were hurried into acts of unnecessary cruelty and devastation. Something
ought certainly to be allowed to their resentment of the repeated
insults, and contemptuous behaviour of the islanders, and to the natural
desire of revenging the loss of their commander. But, at the same time,
their conduct served strongly to convince me, that the utmost precaution
is necessary in trusting, though but for a moment, the discretionary use
of arms, in the hands of private seamen, or soldiers, on such occasions.
The rigour of discipline, and the habits of obedience, by which their
force is kept directed to its proper objects, lead them naturally enough
to conceive, that whatever they have the power, they have also the right
to do. Actual disobedience being almost the only crime for which they
are accustomed to expect punishment, they learn to consider it as the
only measure of right and wrong; and hence are apt to conclude, that
what they can do with impunity, they may do with justice and honour. So
that the feelings of humanity, which are inseparable from us all, and
that generosity toward an unresisting enemy, which, at other times, is
the distinguishing mark of brave men, become but weak restraints to the
exercise of violence, when opposed to the desire they naturally have of
showing their own independence and power.
I have already mentioned, that orders had been given to burn only a few
straggling huts, which afforded shelter to the natives. We were
therefore a good deal surprized to see the whole village on fire; and
before a boat that was sent to stop the progress of the mischief could
reach the shore, the houses of our old and constant friends the priests
were all in flames. I cannot enough lament the illness that confined me
on board this day. The priests had always been under my protection; and,
unluckily, the officers who were then on duty, having been seldom on
shore at the _Morai_, were not much acquainted with the circumstances of
the place. Had I been present myself, I might probably have been the
means of saving their little society from destruction.
Several of the natives were shot, in making their escape from the
flames; and our people cut off the heads of two of them, and brought
them on board. The fate of one poor islander was much lamented by us
all. As he was coming to the well for water, he was shot at by one of
the marines. The ball struck his calibash, which he immediately threw
from him and fled. He was pursued into one of the caves I have before
described, and no lion could have defended his den with greater courage
and fierceness; till at last, after having kept two of our people at bay
for a considerable time, he expired, covered with wounds. It was this
accident, that first brought us acquainted with the use of these
caverns.
At this time, an elderly man was taken prisoner, bound, and sent on
board in the same boat with the heads of his two countrymen. I never saw
horror so strongly pictured as in the face of this man, nor so violent a
transition to extravagant joy, as when he was untied, and told he might
go away in safety. He showed us he did not want gratitude, as he
frequently afterward returned with presents of provisions; and also did
us other services.
Soon after the village was destroyed, we saw, coming down the hill, a
man, attended by fifteen or twenty boys, holding pieces of white cloth,
green boughs, plantains, &c. in their hands. I knew not how it happened,
that this peaceful embassy, as soon as they were within reach, received
the fire of a party of our men. This, however, did not stop them. They
continued their procession; and the officer on duty came up in time to
prevent a second discharge. As they approached nearer, it was found to
be our much-esteemed friend Kaireekeea, who had fled on our first
setting fire to the village, and had now returned, and desired to be
sent on board the Resolution.
When he arrived, we found him exceedingly grave and thoughtful. We
endeavoured to make him understand the necessity we were under of
setting fire to the village, by which his house, and those of his
brethren, were unintentionally consumed. He expostulated a little with
us on our want of friendship, and on our ingratitude. And, indeed, it
was not till now that we learnt the whole extent of the injury we had
done them. He told us, that, relying on the promises I had made them,
and on the assurances they had afterward received from the men, who had
brought us the remains of Captain Cook, they had not removed their
effects back into the country, with the rest of the inhabitants, but had
put every thing that was valuable of their own, as well as what they had
collected from us, into a house close to the _Morai_, where they had the
mortification to see it all set on fire by ourselves.
On coming on board, he had seen the heads of his countrymen lying on the
deck, at which he was exceedingly shocked, and desired, with great
earnestness, that they might be thrown overboard. This request Captain
Clerke instantly ordered to be complied with.
In the evening, the watering party returned on board, having met with no
farther interruption. We passed a gloomy night; the cries and
lamentations we heard on shore being far more dreadful than ever. Our
only consolation was, the hope that we should have no occasion in future
for a repetition of such severities.
It is very extraordinary, that, amidst all these disturbances, the women
of the island, who were on board, never offered to leave us, nor
discovered the smallest apprehensions either for themselves or their
friends ashore. So entirely unconcerned did they appear, that some of
them, who were on deck when the town was in flames, seemed to admire the
sight, and frequently cried out, that it was _maitai_, or very fine.
The next morning Koah came off as usual to the ships. As there existed
no longer any necessity for keeping terms with him, I was allowed to
have my own way. When he approached toward the side of the ship, singing
his song, and offering me a hog, and some plantains, I ordered him to
keep off, cautioning him never to appear again without Captain Cook’s
bones, lest his life should pay the forfeit of his frequent breach of
promise. He did not appear much mortified with this reception, but went
immediately on shore, and joined a party of his countrymen, who were
pelting the waterers with stones. The body of the young man, who had
been killed the day before, was found this morning, lying at the
entrance of the cave; and some of our people went and threw a mat over
it. Soon after which they saw some men carrying him off on their
shoulders, and could hear them singing, as they marched, a mournful
song.
The natives, being at last convinced that it was not the want of ability
to punish them, which had hitherto made us tolerate their provocations,
desisted from giving us any farther molestation; and, in the evening, a
chief called Eappo, who had seldom visited us, but whom we knew to be a
man of the very first consequence, came with presents from Terreeoboo to
sue for peace. These presents were received, and he was dismissed with
the same answer which had before been given, that, until the remains of
Captain Cook should be restored, no peace would be granted. We learned
from this person, that the flesh of all the bodies of our people,
together with the bones of the trunks, had been burnt; that the limb
bones of the marines had been divided amongst the inferior chiefs; and
that those of Captain Cook had been disposed of in the following manner:
the head to a great chief, called Kahoo-opeon; the hair to Maia-maia;
and the legs, thighs, and arms to Terreeoboo. After it was dark, many of
the inhabitants came off with roots and other vegetables; and we also
received two large presents of the same articles from Kaireekeea.
The 19th was chiefly taken up in sending and receiving the messages
which passed between Captain Clerke and Terreeoboo. Eappo was very
pressing, that one of our officers should go on shore; and, in the mean
time, offered to remain as an hostage on board. This request, however,
it was not thought proper to comply with; and he left us with a promise
of bringing the bones the next day. At the beach, the waterers did not
meet with the least opposition from the natives; who, notwithstanding
our cautious behaviour, came amongst us again, without the smallest
appearance of diffidence or apprehension.
Early in the morning of the 20th, we had the satisfaction of getting the
fore-mast stepped. It was an operation attended with great difficulty,
and some danger; our ropes being so exceedingly rotten, that the
purchase gave way several times.
Between ten and eleven o’clock, we saw a great number of people
descending the hill, which is over the beach, in a kind of procession,
each man carrying a sugar-cane or two on his shoulders, and bread-fruit,
_taro_, and plantains in his hand. They were preceded by two drummers
who, when they came to the water-side, sat down by a white flag, and
began to beat their drums, while those who had followed them, advanced
one by one; and, having deposited the presents they had brought, retired
in the same order. Soon after, Eappo came in sight, in his long
feathered cloak, bearing something with great solemnity in his hands;
and having placed himself on a rock, he made signs for a boat to be sent
him.
Captain Clerke, conjecturing that he had brought the bones of Captain
Cook, which proved to be the fact, went himself in the pinnace, to
receive them; and ordered me to attend him in the cutter. When we
arrived at the beach, Eappo came into the pinnace, and delivered to the
captain the bones wrapped up in a large quantity of fine new cloth, and
covered with a spotted cloak of black and white feathers. He afterward
attended us to the Resolution, but could not be prevailed upon to go on
board; probably not choosing, from a sense of decency, to be present at
the opening of the bundle. We found in it both the hands of Captain Cook
entire, which were well known from a remarkable scar on one of them,
that divided the thumb from the fore-finger, the whole length of the
metacarpal bone; the skull, but with the scalp separated from it, and
the bones that form the face wanting; the scalp, with the hair upon it
cut short, and the ears adhering to it; the bones of both arms, with the
skin of the fore-arms hanging to them; the thigh and leg-bones joined
together, but without the feet. The ligaments of the joints were entire;
and the whole bore evident marks of having been in the fire, except the
hands, which had the flesh left upon them, and were cut in several
places, and crammed with salt, apparently with an intention of
preserving them. The scalp had a cut in the back part of it, but the
skull was free from any fracture. The lower jaw and feet, which were
wanting, Eappo told us, had been seized by different chiefs, and that
Terreeoboo was using every means to recover them.
The next morning, Eappo, and the king’s son, came on board, and brought
with them the remaining bones of Captain Cook; the barrels of his gun,
his shoes, and some other trifles that belonged to him. Eappo took great
pains to convince us, that Terreeoboo, Maiha-maiha, and himself were
most heartily desirous of peace; that they had given us the most
convincing proof of it in their power; and that they had been prevented
from giving it sooner by the other chiefs, many of whom were still our
enemies. He lamented, with the greatest sorrow, the death of six chiefs
we had killed, some of whom, he said, were amongst our best friends. The
cutter, he told us, was taken away by Pareea’s people; very probably in
revenge for the blow that had been given him; and that it had broken up
the next day. The arms of the marines, which we had also demanded, he
assured us, had been carried off by the common people, and were
irrecoverable; the bones of the chief alone having been preserved, as
belonging to Terreeoboo and the _Erees_.
Nothing now remained but to perform the last offices to our great and
unfortunate commander. Eappo was dismissed with orders to _taboo_ all
the bay; and, in the afternoon, the bones having been put into a coffin,
and the service read over them, they were committed to the deep with the
usual military honours. What our feelings were on this occasion, I leave
the world to conceive; those who were present know, that it is not in my
power to express them.
During the forenoon of the 22d, not a canoe was seen paddling in the
bay; the _taboo_, which Eappo had laid on it the day before, at our
request, not being yet taken off. At length Eappo came off to us. We
assured him, that we were now entirely satisfied; and that, as the
_Orono_ was buried, all remembrance of what had passed was buried with
him. We afterward desired him to take off the _taboo_, and to make it
known, that the people might bring their provisions as usual. The ships
were soon surrounded with canoes, and many of the chiefs came on board,
expressing great sorrow at what happened, and their satisfaction at our
reconciliation. Several of our friends, who did not visit us, sent
presents of large hogs, and other provisions. Amongst the rest came the
old treacherous Koah, but was refused admittance.
As we had now every thing ready for sea, Captain Clerke imagining that
if the news of our proceedings should reach the islands to leeward
before us, it might have a bad effect, gave orders to unmoor. About
eight in the evening we dismissed all the natives; and Eappo, and the
friendly Kaireekeea, took an affectionate leave of us. We immediately
weighed, and stood out of the bay. The natives were collected on the
shore in great numbers; and, as we passed along, received our last
farewells with every mark of affection and good-will.
CHAP. V.
DEPARTURE FROM KARAKAKOOA IN SEARCH OF AN HARBOUR ON THE SOUTH-EAST SIDE
OF MOWEE.—DRIVEN TO LEEWARD BY THE EASTERLY WINDS AND CURRENT.—PASS
THE ISLAND OF TAHOOROWA—DESCRIPTION OF THE SOUTH-WEST SIDE OF MOWEE.—
RUN ALONG THE COASTS OF RANAI AND MOROTOI TO WOAHOO.—DESCRIPTION OF
THE NORTH-EAST COAST OF WOAHOO.—UNSUCCESSFUL ATTEMPT TO WATER.—PASSAGE
TO ATOOI.—ANCHOR IN WYMOA BAY.—DANGEROUS SITUATION OF THE WATERING
PARTY ON SHORE.—CIVIL DISSENSIONS IN THE ISLANDS.—VISIT FROM THE
CONTENDING CHIEFS.—ANCHOR OFF ONEEHEOW.—FINAL DEPARTURE FROM THE
SANDWICH ISLANDS.
We got clear of the land about ten; and, hoisting in the boats, stood to
the northward, with an intention of searching for an harbour on the
south-east side of Mowee, which we had heard frequently mentioned by the
natives. The next morning we found ourselves driven to the leeward by a
heavy swell from the north-east; and a fresh gale springing up from the
same quarter carried us still farther to the westward. At midnight we
tacked, and stood to the south for four hours, in order to keep clear of
the land; and, at day-break, we found ourselves standing toward a small
barren island, called Tahoorowa, which lies seven or eight miles to the
south-west of Mowee.
All prospect of examining more nearly the south-east parts of Mowee
being now destroyed, we bore away, and ran along the south-east side of
Tahoorowa. As we were steering close round its western extremity, with
an intention of fetching the west side of Mowee, we suddenly shoaled our
water, and observed the sea breaking on some detached rocks, almost
right a-head. This obliged us to keep away a league and a half, when we
again steered to the northward; and, after passing over a bank, with
nineteen fathoms’ water, stood for a passage between Mowee and an island
called Ranai. At noon, the latitude was, by observation, 20° 42ʹ north,
and the longitude 203° 22ʹ east; the southern extremity of Mowee bearing
east south-east, quarter east; the southern extremity of Ranai west
north-west, quarter west; Morotoi, north-west and by north; and the
western extremity of Tahoorowa, south by east, seven miles distant. Our
longitude was accurately deduced from observations made by the
time-keeper before and after noon, compared with the longitude found by
a great many distances of the moon from the sun and stars, which were
also observed the same day.
In the afternoon, the weather being calm, with light airs from the west,
we stood on to the north north-west; but, at sun-set, observing a shoal,
which appeared to stretch to a considerable distance from the west point
of Mowee, toward the middle of the passage, and the weather being
unsettled, we tacked, and stood toward the south.
The south-west side of this island, which we now had passed without
being able to get near the shore, forms the same distant view with the
north-east, as seen on our return from the north, in November 1778; the
mountainous parts, which are connected by a low, flat isthmus, appearing
at first like two separate islands. This deception continued on the
south-west side, till we approached within eight or ten leagues of the
coast, which, bending inward, to a great depth, formed a fine capacious
bay. The westernmost point, off which the shoal we have just mentioned
runs, is made remarkable by a small hillock, to the southward of which
there is a fine sandy bay, with several huts on the shore, and a number
of cocoa-nut trees growing about them.
During the course of the day, we were visited by several of the natives,
who came off to sell provisions; and we soon found, that they had heard
of our late unfortunate transactions at Owhyhee. They were very curious
to learn the particulars from a woman who had concealed herself on board
the Resolution, in order to take her passage to Atooi; inquiring eagerly
after Pareea, and some other chiefs, and appearing much shocked at the
death of Kaneena, and his brother. We had, however, the satisfaction to
find, that in whatever light the woman might have represented this
business, it had no bad effect on their behaviour, which was remarkably
civil and submissive.
The weather continued variable during the night; but in the morning of
the 25th, having the wind at east, we ran along the south side of Ranai,
till near noon; after which, we had calms and baffling winds till
evening, when we steered, with a light easterly breeze, for the west
part of Morotoi. In the course of the day, the current, which, from the
time we left Karakakooa Bay, had set from the north-east, changed its
direction to the south-east.
During the night the wind was again variable; but early next morning, it
settled at east, and blew so fresh as to oblige us to double-reef the
topsails. At seven, on hauling round the west point of Morotoi, we
opened a small bay, at the distance of about two leagues, with a fine
sandy beach; but seeing no appearance of fresh water, we stood on to the
north, in order to get to the windward of Woahoo, an island which we had
seen at our first visit, in January 1778.
At two in the afternoon, we saw the land, bearing west by north, eight
leagues distant; and having tacked as soon as it was dark, we again bore
away at day-light on the 27th; and at half past ten, were within a
league of the shore, near the middle of the north-east side of the
island.
The coast, to the northward, is formed of detached hills, rising
perpendicularly from the sea, with ragged and broken summits; the sides
covered with wood, and the valleys between them of a fertile and well
cultivated appearance. To the southward, we saw an extensive bay,
bounded by a low point of land to the south-east which was covered with
cocoa-nut trees; and off it stood a high insulated rock, about a mile
from the shore. The haziness of the weather prevented our seeing
distinctly the land to the southward of the point; we could only
perceive that it was high and broken.
As the wind continued to blow very fresh, we thought it dangerous to
entangle ourselves with a lee-shore; and therefore did not attempt to
examine the bay, but hauled up, and steered to the northward, in the
direction of the coast. At noon, we were abreast of the north point of
the island, about two leagues from the land, which is low and flat, and
has a reef stretching off it to the distance of near a mile and a half.
The latitude, by observation, 21° 50ʹ north, longitude 202° 15ʹ east;
the extreme parts of the island in sight, bearing south south-east,
quarter east, and south-west by south, three-quarters west.
Between the north point and a distant headland, which we saw to the
south-west, the land bends inward considerably, and appeared likely to
afford a good road. We therefore directed our course along the shore, at
the distance of about a mile, carrying regular soundings from twenty to
thirteen fathoms. At a quarter past two, the sight of a fine river,
running through a deep valley, induced us to come to an anchor in
thirteen fathoms water, with a sandy bottom; the extreme points of the
bay bearing south-west by west half west, and north-east by east
three-quarters east; and the mouth of the river south-east half east,
one mile distant. In the afternoon, I attended the two captains on
shore, where we found but few of the natives, and those mostly women;
the men, they told us, were gone to Morotoi to fight Tahyterree; but
that their chief Perreeoranee, who had stayed behind, would certainly
visit us, as soon as he heard of our arrival.
We were much disappointed to find the water had a brackish taste for two
hundred yards up the river, owing to the marshy ground through which it
empties itself into the sea. Beyond this, it was perfectly fresh, and
formed a fine running stream, along the side of which I walked, till I
came to the conflux of two small rivulets, that branched off to the
right and left of a remarkably steep and romantic mountain. The banks of
this river, and indeed the whole we saw of the north-west part of
Woahoo, are well cultivated, and full of villages; and the face of the
country is uncommonly beautiful and picturesque.
As the watering at this place would have been attended with great
labour, I was sent to examine the coast to leeward; but not being able
to land, on account of a reef of coral, which stretched along the shore
to the distance of half a mile, Captain Clerke determined, without
farther loss of time, to proceed to Atooi. At eight in the morning we
weighed, and stood to the northward, till day-light on the 28th, when we
bore away for that island, which we were in sight of by noon; and about
sunset, were off its eastern extremity, which shews itself in a fine,
green, flat point.
It being too late to run for the road, on the south-west side of the
island, where we had been the last year, we passed the night in plying
on and off, and at nine the next morning, came to an anchor in
twenty-five fathoms water, and moored with the best bower in
thirty-eight fathoms, the bluff-head, on the west side of the village,
bearing north-east by north three-quarters east, two miles distant; the
extremes of the island, north-west by west three-quarters west, and
south-east by east half east; the island of Oneheow west by south half
west. In running down to the road, from the south-east point of the
island, we saw the appearance of shoal water, in several places, at a
considerable distance from the land; and when we were about two miles to
the eastward of the anchoring-place and two or three miles from the
shore, we got into four and half fathoms water, although our soundings
had usually been seven and eight fathoms.
We had no sooner anchored in our old station, than several canoes came
along side of us; but we could observe, that they did not welcome us
with the same cordiality in their manner, and satisfaction in their
countenances, as when we were here before. As soon as they got on board,
one of the men began to tell us, that we had left a disorder amongst
their women, of which several persons of both sexes had died. He was
himself afflicted with the venereal disease, and gave a very full and
minute account of the various symptoms with which it had been attended.
As there was not the slightest appearance of that disorder amongst them
on our first arrival, I am afraid it is not to be denied, that we were
the authors of this irreparable mischief.
Our principal object here was to water the ships with the utmost
expedition; and I was sent on shore early in the afternoon, with the
pinnace and launch laden with casks. The gunner of the Resolution
accompanied me to trade for provisions; and we had a guard of five
marines. We found a considerable number of people collected upon the
beach, who received us at first with great kindness; but as soon as we
had got the casks on shore, began to be exceedingly troublesome. Former
experience having taught me how difficult it was to repress this
disposition, without having recourse to the authority of their chiefs, I
was very sorry to find, that they were all at another part of the
island. Indeed we soon felt the want of their assistance; for it was
with great difficulty I was able to form a circle, according to our
usual practice, for the convenience and security of the trading party;
and had no sooner done it, and posted guards to keep off the crowd, than
I saw a man laying hold of the bayonet of one of the soldiers’ muskets,
and endeavouring, with all his force, to wrench it out of his hand. On
my coming up to them, the native let go his hold and retired; but
returned in a moment with a spear in one hand, and dagger in the other;
and his countrymen had much ado to restrain him from trying his prowess
with the soldier. This fray was occasioned by the latter’s having given
the man a slight prick with his bayonet, in order to make him keep
without the line.
I now perceived, that our situation required great circumspection and
management; and accordingly gave the strictest orders, that no one
should fire, nor have recourse to any other act of violence, without
positive commands. As soon as I had given these directions, I was called
to the assistance of the watering party, where I found the natives
equally inclined to mischief. They had demanded from our people a large
hatchet for every cask of water; and this not being complied with, they
would not suffer the sailors to roll them down to the boats.
I had no sooner joined them, than one of the natives advanced up to me,
with great insolence, and made the same claim. I told him, that, as a
friend, I was very willing to present him with a hatchet, but that I
should certainly carry off the water without paying any thing for it;
and I immediately ordered the pinnace men to proceed in their business,
and called three marines from the traders to protect them.
Though this shew of spirit succeeded so far as to make the natives
desist from any open attempt to interrupt us, they still continued to
behave in the most teasing and provoking manner. Whilst some of them,
under pretence of assisting the men in rolling down the casks, turned
them out of their course, and gave them a wrong direction, others were
stealing the hats from off the sailors’ heads, pulling them backward by
their clothes, or tripping up their heels; the whole crowd all this time
shouting and laughing, with a strange mixture of childishness and
malice. They afterward found means to steal the cooper’s bucket, and
took away his bag by force; but the objects they were most eager to
possess themselves of, were the muskets of the marines, who were every
instant complaining of their attempts to force them out of their hands.
Though they continued, for the most part, to pay great deference and
respect to me, yet they did not suffer me to escape without contributing
my share to their stock of plunder. One of them came up to me with a
familiar air, and with great management diverted my attention, whilst
another, wrenching the hanger which I held carelessly in my hand, from
me, ran off with it like lightning.
It was in vain to think of repelling this insolence by force; guarding
therefore against its effects, in the best manner we were able, we had
nothing to do but to submit patiently to it. My apprehensions were,
however, a little alarmed, by the information I soon after received from
the serjeant of marines, who told me, that, turning suddenly round, he
saw a man behind me holding a dagger in the position of striking. In
this he might possibly be mistaken; yet our situation was certainly
alarming and critical, and the smallest error on our side might have
been fatal to us. As our people were separated into three small parties,
one at the lake, filling casks, another rolling them down to the shore,
and the third, at some distance, purchasing provisions, it had once
occurred to me, that it might be proper to collect them all together,
and to execute and protect one duty at a time. But on second thoughts, I
judged it more advisable to let them continue as they were. In case of a
real attack, our whole force, however advantageously disposed, could
have made but a poor resistance. On the other hand, I thought it of some
consequence to shew the natives, that we were under no fears; and, what
was still more material, the crowd was, by this means, kept divided, and
a considerable part of them fully employed in bartering provisions.
It is probable that their dread of the effects of our arms, was the
principal cause of their backwardness in attacking us; and indeed the
confidence we appeared to place in this advantage, by opposing only five
marines to their whole force, must have raised in them a very high idea
of our superiority. It was our business to keep up this opinion as much
as possible; and in justice to the whole party, I must observe, that no
men could possibly behave better, for the purpose of strengthening these
impressions. Whatever could be taken in jest, they bore with the utmost
temper and patience; and whenever any serious attempt was made to
interrupt them, they opposed it with bold looks and menaces. By this
management, we succeeded so far, as to get all the casks down to the
water side, without any material accident.
While we were getting them into the launch, the natives, perceiving the
opportunity of plundering would soon be over, became every moment more
daring and insolent. On this occasion, I was indebted to the serjeant of
marines for suggesting to me, the advantage that would arise from
sending off his party first into the boats; by which means, the muskets
of the soldiers, which, as I have already mentioned, were the objects
the islanders had principally in view, would be removed out of their
reach; and in case of an attack, the marines themselves might be
employed more effectually in our defence, than if they were on shore.
We had now got every thing into the boats, and only Mr. Anderson the
gunner, a seaman of the boat’s crew, and myself, remained on shore. As
the pinnace lay beyond the surf, through which we were obliged to swim,
I told them to make the best of their way to it, and that I should
follow them.
With this order I was surprised to find them both refuse to comply; and
the consequence was a contest amongst us who should be the last on
shore. It seems, that some hasty words I had just before used to the
sailor, which he thought reflected on his courage, was the cause of this
odd fancy in him; and the old gunner, finding a point of honour started,
thought he could not well avoid taking a part in it. In this ridiculous
situation we might have remained some time, had not our dispute been
soon settled by the stones that began to fly about us, and by the cries
of the people from the boats, to make haste, as the natives were
following us into the water with clubs and spears. I reached the side of
the pinnace first, and finding Mr. Anderson was at some distance behind,
and not yet entirely out of danger, I called out to the marines to fire
one musket. In the hurry of executing my orders, they fired two; and
when I got into the boat, I saw the natives running away, and one man,
with a woman sitting by him, left behind on the beach. The man made
several attempts to rise, without being able; and it was with much
regret, I perceived him to be wounded in the groin. The natives soon
after returned, and surrounded the wounded man, brandishing their spears
and daggers at us, with an air of threatening and defiance; but before
we reached the ships, we saw some persons, whom we supposed to be the
chiefs, now arrived, driving them away from the shore.
During our absence, Captain Clerke had been under the greatest anxiety
for our safety. And these apprehensions were considerably increased,
from his having entirely mistaken the drift of the conversation he had
held with some natives who had been on board. The frequent mention of
the name of Captain Cook, with other strong and circumstantial
descriptions of death and destruction, made him conclude, that the
knowledge of the unfortunate events at Owhyhee had reached them, and
that these were what they alluded to; whereas all they had in view was,
to make known to him the wars that had arisen, in consequence of the
goats that Captain Cook had left at Oneeheow, and the slaughter of the
poor goats themselves, during the struggle for the property of them.
Captain Clerke, applying this earnestness of conversation, and these
terrible representations, to our calamitous transactions at Owhyhee, and
to an indication of revenge, kept his telescope fixed upon us, and the
moment he saw the smoke of the muskets, ordered the boats to be manned
and armed, and to put off to our assistance.
The next morning I was again ordered on shore with the watering party.
The risk we had run the preceding day, determined Captain Clerke to send
a considerable force from both ships for our guard, amounting in all to
forty men under arms. This precaution, however, was now unnecessary; for
we found the beach left entirely to ourselves, and the ground between
the landing place and the lake, _tabooed_, with small white flags. We
concluded, from this appearance, that some of the chiefs had certainly
visited this quarter; and that, not being able to stay, they had kindly
and considerately taken this step, for our greater security and
convenience. We saw several men armed with long spears and daggers on
the other side of the river, on our right; but they did not offer to
give us the least molestation. Their women came over, and sat down on
the banks close by us, and at noon we prevailed on some of the men to
bring hogs and roots for our people, and to dress them for us. As soon
as we had left the beach, they came down to the sea side, and one of
them threw a stone at us; but his conduct seeming to be highly
disapproved of by all the rest, we did not think it proper to show any
resentment.
The next day we completed our watering without meeting with any material
difficulty. On our return to the ships, we found that several chiefs had
been on board, and had made excuses for the behaviour of their
countrymen, attributing their riotous conduct to the quarrels which
subsisted at that time amongst the principal people of the island, and
which had occasioned a general want of order and subordination amongst
them. The government of Atooi was in dispute between Toneoneo, who had
the supreme power when we were here last year, and a boy named Teavee.
They are both, by different fathers, the grandsons of Pereeorannee, king
of Woahoo, who had given the government of Atooi to the former, and that
of Oneeheow to the latter. The quarrel had arisen about the goats we had
left at Oneeheow the last year: the right of property in which was
claimed by Toneoneo, on the pretence of that island’s being a dependency
of his. The friends of Teavee insisting on the right of possession, both
parties prepared to maintain their pretensions by force; and a few days
before our arrival, a battle had been fought, in which Toneoneo had been
worsted. The consequence of this victory was likely to affect Toneoneo
in a much deeper manner than by the mere loss of the objects in dispute;
for the mother of Teavee, having married a second husband, who was a
chief of Atooi, and at the head of a powerful faction there, he thought
that the present opportunity was not to be neglected of driving Toneoneo
entirely out of the island, and of advancing his son-in-law to the
government. I have already had occasion to mention that the goats, which
had increased to the number of six, and would probably in a few years
have stocked all these islands, were destroyed in the contest.
On the 4th, the mother and sister of the young prince and his
father-in-law, with many other chiefs of that party, came on board the
Resolution, and made several curious and valuable presents to Captain
Clerke. Amongst the former, were some fish-hooks, which they assured us
were made of the bones of our old friend Terreeoboo’s father, who had
been killed in an unsuccessful descent upon the island of Woahoo; and a
fly flap, presented to him by the prince’s sister, the handle of which
was a human bone, that had been given her as a trophy by her
father-in-law. Young Teavee was not of the company, being engaged, as we
were told, in performing some religious ceremonies, in consequence of
the victory he had obtained, which were to last twenty days.
This and the two following days were employed on shore in completing the
Discovery’s water; and the carpenters were busy on board, in caulking
the ships, and in making other preparations for our next cruise. The
natives desisted from giving us any further disturbance; and we procured
from them a plentiful supply of pork and vegetables.
At this time, an Indian brought a piece of iron on board the Discovery,
to be fashioned into the shape of _pahooa_. It was carefully examined
both by the officers and men, and appeared to be the bolt of some large
ship timbers. They were not able to discover to what nation it belonged;
but from the pale colour[10] of the iron, and its not corresponding in
shape to our bolts, they concluded that it certainly was not English.
This led them to make a strict inquiry of the native, when and where he
got it; and if they comprehended him right, it had been taken out of a
piece of timber, larger than the cable bit, to which he pointed. This
piece of wood, they farther understood from him, to have been driven
upon their island, since we were here in January 1778.
On the 7th, we were surprised with a visit from Toneoneo. When he heard
the dowager princess was in the ship, it was with great difficulty we
could prevail on him to come on board, not from any apprehension that he
appeared to entertain of his safety, but from an unwillingness to see
her. Their meeting was with sulky and lowering looks on both sides. He
staid but a short time, and seemed much dejected; but we remarked, with
some surprise, that the women, both at his coming and going away,
prostrated themselves before him; and that he was treated by all the
natives on board with the respect usually paid to those of his rank.
Indeed, it must appear somewhat extraordinary, that a person, who was at
this time in a state of actual hostility with Teavee’s party, and was
even prepared for another battle, should trust himself almost alone
within the power of his enemies. It is therefore to be observed, that
the civil dissentions, which are very frequent throughout all the South
Sea Islands, seem to be carried on without much acrimony or bloodshed;
and that the deposed governor still continues to enjoy the rank of an
_Eree_, and is left to make use of such means as may arise for the
regaining his lost consequence. But I shall have occasion to speak more
particularly on this subject in the next chapter; in which the best
account will be given, which we were able to collect, of the political
state of those countries.
On the 8th, at nine in the morning, we weighed, and sailed toward
Oneeheow; and at three in the afternoon, anchored in twenty fathoms
water, nearly on the same spot as in the year 1778. We moored with the
other anchor in twenty-six fathoms’ water. The high bluff, on the south
end of the island, bore east south-east; the north point of the road,
north half east; and a bluff head to the south of it, north-east by
north. During the night we had a strong gale from the eastward; and, in
the morning of the 9th, found the ship had driven a whole cable’s
length, and brought both anchors almost ahead. We shortened in the best
bower cable; but the wind blowing too fresh to unmoor, we were obliged
to remain this and the two following days, with the anchors still ahead.
On the 12th, the weather being moderate, the master was sent to the
north-west side of the island to look for a more convenient place for
anchoring. He returned in the evening, having found, close round the
west point of the road where we now lay, which is also the westernmost
point of the island, a fine bay, with good anchorage, in eighteen
fathoms’ water, a clear sandy bottom, not a mile from the beach, on
which the surf beats, but not so as to hinder landing. The direction of
the points of the bay were north by east, and south by west; and, in
that line, the soundings seven, eight, and nine fathoms. On the north
side of the bay was a small village; and a quarter of a mile to the
eastward, were four small wells of good water; the road to them level,
and fit for rolling casks. Mr. Bligh went afterward so far to the north
as to satisfy himself, that Oreehoua was a separate island from
Oneeheow; and that there was a passage between them; which, before, we
only conjectured to exist.
In the afternoon we hoisted in all the boats, and made ready for going
to sea in the morning.
CHAP. VI.
GENERAL ACCOUNT OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS.—THEIR NUMBER, NAMES, AND
SITUATION.—OWHYHEE.—ITS EXTENT AND DIVISION INTO DISTRICTS.—ACCOUNT OF
ITS COASTS, AND THE ADJACENT COUNTRY.—VOLCANIC APPEARANCES.—SNOWY
MOUNTAINS.—THEIR HEIGHT DETERMINED.—ACCOUNT OF A JOURNEY INTO THE
INTERIOR PARTS OF THE COUNTRY.—MOWEE.—TAHOOROWA.—MOROTOI.—RANAI.—
WOAHOO.—ATOOI.—ONEEHEOW.—OREEHOUA.—TAHOORA.—CLIMATE.—WINDS—CURRENTS—
TIDES.—ANIMALS AND VEGETABLES.—ASTRONOMICAL OBSERVATIONS.
As we are now about to take our final leave of the Sandwich Islands, it
will not be improper to introduce here some general account of their
situation and natural history, and of the manners and customs of the
inhabitants.
This subject has indeed been, in some measure, pre-occupied by persons
far more capable of doing it justice, than I can pretend to be. Had
Captain Cook and Mr. Anderson lived to avail themselves of the
advantages which we enjoyed by a return to these islands, it cannot be
questioned, that the public would have derived much additional
information from the skill and diligence of two such accurate observers.
The reader will therefore lament with me our common misfortune, which
hath deprived him of the labours of such superior abilities, and imposed
on me the task of presenting him with the best supplementary account the
various duties of my station permitted me to furnish.
This group consists of eleven islands, extending in latitude from 18°
54ʹ to 22° 15ʹ north; and in longitude from 199° 36ʹ to 205° 06ʹ east.
They are called by the natives; 1. Owhyhee. 2. Mowee. 3. Ranai, or
Oranai. 4. Morotinnee, or Morokinnee. 5. Kahowrowee, or Tahoorowa. 6.
Morotoi, or Morokoi. 7. Woahoo, or Oahoo. 8. Atooi, Atowi, or Towi, and
sometimes Kowi.[11] 9. Neeheehow, or Oneeheow. 10. Oreehoua, or Reehoua;
and, 11. Tahoora; and are all inhabited, excepting Morotinnee and
Tahoora. Besides the islands above enumerated, we were told by the
Indians, that there is another called Modoopapapa[12], or Komodoopapapa,
lying to the west south-west of Tahoora, which is low and sandy, and
visited only for the purpose of catching turtle and sea-fowl; and, as I
could never learn that they knew of any others, it is probable that none
exist in their neighbourhood.
They were named by Captain Cook the _Sandwich Islands_, in honour of the
EARL of SANDWICH, under whose administration he had enriched geography
with so many splendid and important discoveries; a tribute justly due to
that noble person for the liberal support these voyages derived from his
power, in whatever could extend their utility, or promote their success;
for the zeal with which he seconded the views of that great navigator;
and if I may be allowed to add the voice of private gratitude, for the
generous protection, which, since the death of their unfortunate
commander, he has afforded all the officers that served under him.
Owhyhee, the easternmost, and by much the largest, of these islands, is
of a triangular shape, and nearly equilateral. The angular points make
the north, east, and south extremities, of which the northern is in
latitude 20° 17ʹ north, longitude 204° 02ʹ east: the eastern in latitude
19° 34ʹ north, longitude 205° 06ʹ east: and the southern extremity in
latitude 18° 54ʹ north, longitude 204° 15ʹ east. Its greatest length,
which lies in a direction nearly north and south, is 28-1/2 leagues; its
breadth is 24 leagues; and it is about 255 geographical, or 293 English
miles, in circumference. The whole island is divided into six large
districts; Amakooa and Aheedoo, which lie on the north-east side; Apoona
and Kaoo on the south-east; Akona and Kooarra on the west.
The districts of Amakooa and Aheedoo are separated by a mountain, called
Mouna Kaah (or the mountain Kaah), which rises in three peaks,
perpetually covered with snow, and may be clearly seen at 40 leagues’
distance.
To the north of this mountain the coast consists of high and abrupt
cliffs, down which fall many beautiful cascades of water. We were once
flattered with the hopes of meeting with a harbour round a bluff head,
in latitude 20° 10ʹ north, and longitude 204° 26ʹ east; but, on doubling
the point, and standing close in, we found it connected by a low valley
with another high head to the north-west. The country rises inland with
a gentle ascent, is intersected by deep narrow glens, or rather chasms,
and appeared to be well cultivated and sprinkled over with a number of
villages. The snowy mountain is very steep and the lower part of it
covered with wood.
The coast of Aheedoo, which lies to the south of Mouna Kaah, is of a
moderate height, and the interior parts appear more even than the
country to the north-west, and less broken by ravines. Off these two
districts we cruized for almost a month; and, whenever our distance from
shore would permit it, were sure of being surrounded by canoes laden
with all kinds of refreshments. We had frequently a very heavy sea, and
great swell on this side of the island, and as we had no soundings, and
could observe much foul ground off the shore, we never approached nearer
the land than two or three leagues, excepting on the occasion already
mentioned.
The coast to the north-east of Apoona, which forms the eastern extremity
of the island, is low and flat; the acclivity of the inland parts is
very gradual, and the whole country covered with cocoa-nut and
bread-fruit trees. This, as far as we could judge, is the finest part of
the island, and we were afterward told that the king had a place of
residence here. At the south-west extremity the hills rise abruptly from
the sea side, leaving but a narrow border of low ground toward the
beach. We were pretty near the shore at this part of the island, and
found the sides of the hills covered with a fine verdure; but the
country seemed to be very thinly inhabited. On doubling the east point
of the island, we came in sight of another snowy mountain, called Mouna
Roa (or the extensive mountain), which continued to be a very
conspicuous object all the while we were sailing along the south-east
side. It is flat at the top, making what is called by mariners
table-land: the summit was constantly buried in snow, and we once saw
its sides also slightly covered for a considerable way down; but the
greatest part of this disappeared again in a few days.
According to the tropical line of snow, as determined by Mr. Condamine,
from observations taken on the Cordilleras, this mountain must be at
least 16,020 feet high, which exceeds the height of the Pico de Teyde,
or Peak of Teneriffe, by 724 feet, according to Dr. Heberden’s
computation, or 3680, according to that of the Chevalier de Borda. The
peaks of Mouna Kaah appeared to be about half a mile high; and as they
are entirely covered with snow, the altitude of their summits cannot be
less than 18,400 feet. But it is probable that both these mountains may
be considerably higher. For, in insular situations, the effects of the
warm sea air must necessarily remove the line of snow, in equal
latitudes, to a greater height than where the atmosphere is chilled on
all sides by an immense tract of perpetual snow.
The coast of Kaoo presents a prospect of the most horrid and dreary
kind: the whole country appearing to have undergone a total change from
the effects of some dreadful convulsion. The ground is every where
covered with cinders, and intersected in many places with black streaks,
which seem to mark the course of a lava that has flowed, not many ages
back, from the mountain Roa to the shore. The southern promontory looks
like the mere dregs of a volcano. The projecting head-land is composed
of broken and craggy rocks, piled irregularly on one another, and
terminating in sharp points.
Notwithstanding the dismal aspect of this part of the island, there are
many villages scattered over it; and it certainly is much more populous
than the verdant mountains of Apoona. Nor is this circumstance hard to
be accounted for. As these islanders have no cattle, they have
consequently no use for pasturage, and therefore naturally prefer such
ground, as either lies more convenient for fishing, or is best suited to
the cultivation of yams and plantains. Now, amidst these ruins, there
are many patches of rich soil, which are carefully laid out in
plantations, and the neighbouring sea abounds with a variety of most
excellent fish, with which, as well as with other provisions, we were
always plentifully supplied. Off this part of the coast, we could find
no ground at less than a cable’s length from the shore, with a hundred
and sixty fathoms of line, excepting in a small bight to the eastward of
the south point, where we had regular soundings of fifty and fifty-eight
fathoms over a bottom of fine sand. Before we proceed to the western
districts, it may be necessary to remark, that the whole coast side of
the island, from the northern to the southern extremity, does not afford
the smallest harbour, or shelter for shipping.
The south-west parts of Akona are in the same state with the adjoining
district of Kaoo; but farther to the north, the country has been
cultivated with great pains, and is extremely populous.
In this part of the island is situated Karakakooa Bay, which has been
already described. Along the coast nothing is seen but large masses of
slag, and the fragments of black scorched rocks; behind which, the
ground rises gradually for about two miles and a half, and appears to
have been formerly covered with loose burnt stones. These the natives
have taken the pains of clearing away, frequently to the depth of three
feet and upward; which labour, great as it is, the fertility of the soil
amply repays. Here, in a rich ashy mould, they cultivate sweet potatoes,
and the cloth-plant. The fields are inclosed with stone-fences, and are
interspersed with groves of cocoa-nut trees. On the rising ground beyond
these, the bread-fruit trees are planted, and flourish with the greatest
luxuriance.
Koaara extends from the westernmost point to the northern extremity of
the island; the whole coast between them forming an extensive bay,
called Toe-yah-yah, which is bounded to the north by two very
conspicuous hills. Toward the bottom of this bay there is foul, corally
ground, extending upward of a mile from the shore, without which the
soundings are regular, with good anchorage, in twenty fathoms. The
country, as far as the eye could reach, seemed fruitful and well
inhabited, the soil being in appearance of the same kind with the
district of Kaoo; but no fresh water is to be got here.
I have hitherto confined myself to the coasts of this island, and the
adjacent country, which is all that I had an opportunity of being
acquainted with from my own observation. The only account I can give of
the interior parts, is from the information I obtained from a party who
set out on the afternoon of the 26th of January, on an expedition up the
country, with an intention of penetrating as far as they could; and
principally of reaching, if possible, the snowy mountains.
Having procured two natives to serve them as guides, they left the
village about four o’clock in the afternoon, directing their course a
little to the southward of the east. To the distance of three or four
miles from the bay, they found the country as before described; the
hills afterward rose with a more sudden ascent, which brought them to
the extensive plantations, that terminate the view of the country, as
seen from the ships.
These plantations consist of the[13] tarrow or eddy root, and the sweet
potatoe, with plants of the cloth-tree, neatly set out in rows. The
walls that separate them are made of the loose burnt stones, which are
got in clearing the ground; and, being entirely concealed by
sugar-canes, planted close on each side, make the most beautiful fences
that can be conceived. The party stopped for the night at the second hut
they found amongst the plantations, where they judged themselves to be
about six or seven miles from the ships. They described the prospect
from this spot as very delightful; they saw the ships in the bay before
them; to the left, a continued range of villages, interspersed with
groves of cocoa-nut trees spreading along the sea-shore; a thick wood
stretching out of sight behind them; and to the right, an extent of
ground laid out in regular and well cultivated plantations, as far as
the eye could reach.
Near this spot, at a distance from any other dwelling, the natives
pointed out to them the residence of an hermit, who, they said, had
formerly been a great chief and warrior, but had long ago quitted the
shores of the island, and now never stirred from his cottage. They
prostrated themselves as they approached him, and afterward presented to
him a part of such provisions as they had brought with them. His
behaviour was easy and cheerful; he scarce shewed any marks of
astonishment at the sight of our people, and though pressed to accept
some of our curiosities, he declined the offer, and soon withdrew to his
cottage. He was described as by far the oldest person any of the party
had ever seen, and judged to be, by those who computed his age at the
lowest, upward of 100 years old.
As our people had imagined the mountain not to be more than ten or
twelve miles from the bay, and consequently, that they should reach it
with ease early the next morning, an error into which its great height
had probably led them, they were now much surprised to find the distance
scarce perceptibly diminished. This circumstance, together with the
uninhabited state of the country they were going to enter, made it
necessary to procure a supply of provisions; and for that purpose they
dispatched one of their guides back to the village. Whilst they were
waiting his return, they were joined by some of Kaoo’s servants, whom
that benevolent old man had sent after them, as soon as he heard of
their journey, laden with refreshments, and authorized, as their route
lay through his grounds, to demand and take away whatever they might
have occasion for.
Our travellers were much astonished to find the cold here so intense;
but having no thermometer with them, could judge of it only by their
feelings; which, from the warm atmosphere they had left, must have been
a very fallacious measure. They found it, however, so cold that they
could get but little sleep, and the natives none at all; both parties
being disturbed the whole night by continued coughing. As they could not
at this time be at any very considerable height, the distance from the
sea being only six or seven miles, and part of the road on a very
moderate ascent, this extraordinary degree of cold must be ascribed to
the easterly wind blowing fresh over the snowy mountains.
Early on the 27th they set out again, and filled their calibashes at an
excellent well, about half a mile from their hut. Having passed the
plantations, they came to a thick wood, which they entered by a path
made for the convenience of the natives, who go thither to fetch the
wild or horse plantain, and to catch birds. Their progress now became
very slow, and attended with much labour; the ground being either
swampy, or covered with large stones; the path narrow, and frequently
interrupted by trees lying across it, which it was necessary to climb
over, the thickness of the under-wood on both sides making it impossible
to pass round them. In these woods they observed, at small distances,
pieces of white cloth fixed on poles, which they supposed to be
landmarks for the division of property, as they only met with them where
the wild plantains grew. The trees, which are of the same kind with
those we called the spice-tree at New Holland, were lofty and straight,
and from two to four feet in circumference.
After they had advanced about ten miles in the wood, they had the
mortification to find themselves on a sudden within sight of the sea,
and at no great distance from it; the path having turned imperceptibly
to the southward, and carried them to the right of the mountain, which
it was their object to reach. Their disappointment was greatly increased
by the uncertainty they were now under of its true bearings, since they
could not, at this time, get a view of it from the top of the highest
trees. They, therefore, found themselves obliged to walk back six or
seven miles to an unoccupied hut, where they had left three of the
natives, and two of their own people, with the small stock that remained
of their provisions. Here they spent the second night; and the air was
so very sharp and so little to the liking of their guides, that, by the
morning, they had all taken themselves off, except one.
The want of provisions now making it necessary to return to some of the
cultivated parts of the island, they quitted the wood by the same path
they had entered it; and, on their arrival at the plantations, were
surrounded by the natives, of whom they purchased a fresh stock of
necessaries; and prevailed upon two of them to supply the place of the
guides that were gone away. Having obtained the best information in
their power, with regard to the direction of their road, the party being
now nine in number, marched along the skirts of the wood for six or
seven miles, and then entered it again by a path that bore to the
eastward. For the first three miles they passed through a forest of
lofty spice-trees, growing on a strong rich loam; at the back of which
they found an equal extent of low shrubby trees, with much thick
underwood, on a bottom of loose burnt stones. This led them to a second
forest of spice-trees, and the same rich brown soil, which was again
succeeded by a barren ridge of the same nature with the former. This
alternate succession may, perhaps, afford matter of curious speculation
to naturalists. The only additional circumstance I could learn relating
to it, was, that these ridges appeared, as far as they could be seen, to
run in directions parallel to the sea shore, and to have Mouna Roa for
their centre.
In passing through the woods, they found many canoes half finished, and
here and there a hut; but saw none of the inhabitants. Having penetrated
near three miles into the second wood, they came to two huts, where they
stopped, exceedingly fatigued with the day’s journey, having walked not
less than twenty miles, according to their own computation. As they had
met with no springs from the time they left the plantation-ground, and
began to suffer much from the violence of their thirst, they were
obliged, before the night came on, to separate into parties, and go in
search of water; and at last found some left by rain in the bottom of an
unfinished canoe; which, though of the colour of red wine, was to them
no unwelcome discovery. In the night, the cold was still more intense
than they had found it before; and, though they had wrapped themselves
up in mats and cloths of the country, and kept a large fire between the
two huts, they could yet sleep but very little; and were obliged to walk
about the greatest part of the night.
Their elevation was now probably pretty considerable, as the ground on
which they had travelled, had been generally on the ascent.
On the 29th, at day break, they set out, intending to make their last
and utmost effort to reach the snowy mountain; but their spirits were
much depressed, when they found they had expended the miserable pittance
of water, they had found the night before. The path, which extended no
farther than where canoes had been built, was now at an end; and they
were therefore obliged to make their way as well as they could; every
now and then climbing up into the highest trees to explore the country
round. At eleven o’clock, they came to a ridge of burnt stones, from the
top of which they saw the snowy mountain, appearing to be about twelve
or fourteen miles from them.
It was here deliberated whether they should proceed any further, or rest
satisfied with the view they now had of Mouna Roa. The road, ever since
the path ceased, had become exceedingly fatiguing; and every moment they
advanced, was growing still more so. The deep chinks, with which the
ground was every where broken, being slightly covered with moss, made
them stumble at almost every step; and the intermediate space was a
surface of loose burnt stones, which broke under their feet like
potsherds. They threw stones into several of these chinks; which, by the
noise they made, seemed to fall to a considerable depth, and the ground
sounded hollow under their feet. Besides these discouraging
circumstances, they found their guides so averse to going on, that they
believed, whatever their own determinations might have been, they could
not have prevailed on them to remain out another night. They, therefore,
at last agreed to return to the ships, after taking a view of the
country from the highest trees which the place afforded. From this
elevation they saw themselves surrounded on all sides with wood toward
the sea; they could not distinguish, in the horizon, the sky from the
water; and between them and the snowy mountain, was a valley about seven
or eight miles broad, above which the mountain appeared only as a hill
of a moderate size.
They rested this night at a hut in the second wood, and on the 30th,
before noon, they had got clear of the first, and found themselves about
nine miles to the north-east of the ships, toward which they directed
their march through the plantations. As they passed along, they did not
observe a single spot of ground that was capable of improvement, left
unplanted; and, indeed, it appeared, from their account, hardly possible
for the country to be cultivated to greater advantage for the purposes
of the inhabitants, or made to yield them a larger supply of necessaries
for their subsistence. They were surprised to meet with several fields
of hay; and on inquiring to what uses it was applied, were told it was
designed to cover the young tarrow grounds, in order to preserve them
from being scorched by the sun. They saw a few scattered huts amongst
the plantations, which served for occasional shelter to the labourers;
but no villages at a greater distance than four or five miles from the
sea. Near one of them, about four miles from the bay, they found a cave
forty fathoms long, three broad, and of the same height. It was open at
both ends; the sides were fluted, as if wrought with a chissel, and the
surface glazed over, probably by the action of fire.
Having given this account of the most material circumstances that
occurred on the expedition to the snowy mountain, I shall now return to
the other islands that remain to be described.
The island next in size, and nearest in situation, to Owhyhee, is MOWEE;
which lies at the distance of eight leagues north north-west from the
former, and is 140 geographical miles in circumference. A low isthmus
divides it into two circular peninsulas, of which that to the east is
called Whamadooa, and is double the size of the western peninsula,
called Owhyrookoo. The mountains in both rise to an exceeding great
height, having been seen by us at the distance of upward of thirty
leagues. The northern shores, like those of Owhyhee, afford no
soundings; and the country presents the same appearance of verdure and
fertility. To the south-east, between this and the adjacent isles, we
had regular depths, with a hundred and fifty fathoms, with a sandy
bottom. From the west point, which is low, runs a shoal, stretching out
toward Ranai, to a considerable distance; and to the southward of this
is a fine spacious bay, with a sandy beach, shaded with cocoa-nut trees.
It is probable that good anchorage might be found here, with shelter
from the prevailing winds, and that the beach affords a convenient place
for landing. The country behind presents a most romantic appearance. The
hills rise almost perpendicularly, in a great variety of peaked forms;
and their steep sides, and the deep chasms between them, are covered
with trees, amongst which those of the bread-fruit were observed
particularly to abound. The tops of these hills are entirely bare, and
of a reddish brown colour. We were informed by the natives, that there
is an harbour to the southward of the east point, which they affirmed to
be superior to that of Karakakooa; and we were also told, that, on the
north-west side, there was another harbour, called Keepoo-keepoo.
Tahoorowa is a small island lying off the south-west part of Mowee, from
which it is distant three leagues. This island is destitute of wood, and
the soil seems to be sandy and barren. Between Tahowrowa and Mowee, lies
the small uninhabited island Morrotinnee.
Morotoi is only two leagues and a half from Mowee to the west
north-west. The south-western coast, which was the only part near which
we approached, is very low; but the land rises backward to a
considerable height; and, at the distance from which we saw it, appeared
to be entirely without wood. Its produce, we were told, consists chiefly
of yams. It may, probably, have fresh water; and, on the south and west
sides, the coast forms several bays, that promise good shelter from the
trade winds.
Ranai is about three leagues distant from Mowee and Morotoi, and lies to
the south-west of the passage between these islands. The country to the
south is high and craggy; but the other parts of the island had a better
aspect, and appeared to be well inhabited. We were told that it produces
very few plantains and bread-fruit trees; but that it abounds in roots,
such as yams, sweet potatoes, and tarrow.
Woahoo lies to the north-west of Morotoi, at the distance of about seven
leagues. As far as we could judge, from the appearance of the north-east
and north-west parts (for we saw nothing of the southern side), it is by
far the finest island of the whole group. Nothing can exceed the verdure
of the hills, the variety of wood and lawn, and rich cultivated valleys,
which the whole face of the country displayed. Having already given a
description of the bay, formed by the north and west extremities, in
which we came to anchor, I have only to observe, that in the bight of
the bay, to the south of the anchoring-place, we found rocky foul
ground, two miles from the shore. Should the ground tackling of a ship
be weak, and the wind blow strong from the north, to which quarter the
road is entirely open, this circumstance might be attended with some
danger; but with good cables there would be little risk, as the ground
from the anchoring-place, which is opposite to the valley through which
the river runs to the north point, is a fine sand.
Atooi lies to the north-west of Woahoo, and is distant from it about
twenty-five leagues. The face of the country to the north-east and
north-west is broken and ragged; but to the south it is more even; the
hills rise with a gentle slope from the sea side, and, at some distance
back, are covered with wood. Its productions are the same with those of
the other islands; but the inhabitants far surpass all the neighbouring
islanders in the management of their plantations. In the low grounds,
adjoining to the bay where we lay at anchor, these plantations were
divided by deep and regular ditches; the fences were made with a
neatness approaching to elegance, and the roads through them were thrown
up and finished, in a manner that would have done credit to any European
engineer.
Oneeheow lies five leagues to the westward of Atooi. The eastern coast
is high, and rises abruptly from the sea, but the rest of the island
consists of low ground; excepting a round bluff head on the south-east
point. It produces abundance of yams, and of the sweet root called
_Tee_; but we got from it no other sort of provisions.
Oreehoua and Tahoora are two small islands in the neighbourhood of
Oneeheow. The former is a single high hummock, joined by a reef of coral
rocks, to the northern extremity of Oneeheow. The latter lies to the
south-east, and is uninhabited.
The climate of the Sandwich Islands differs very little from that of the
West India Islands, which lie in the same latitude. Upon the whole,
perhaps, it may be rather more temperate. The thermometer on shore in
Karakakooa Bay never rose higher than 88°, and that but one day; its
mean height, at noon, was 83°. In Wymoa Bay, its mean height at noon was
76°, and when out at sea, 75°. The mean height of the thermometer at
noon, in Jamaica, is about 86°, at sea 80°.
Whether they be subject to the same violent winds and hurricanes, we
could not discover, as we were not there in any of the stormy months.
However, as the natives gave us no positive testimony of the fact, and
no traces of their effects were any where visible, it is probable that,
in this respect, they resemble the Society and Friendly Islands, which
are in a great measure free from these dreadful visitations.
During the four winter months that we remained amongst these islands,
there was more rain, especially in the interior parts, than usually fall
during the dry season, in the islands of the West Indies. We generally
saw clouds collecting round the tops of the hills, and producing rain to
leeward; but after they are separated from the land by the wind, they
disperse, and are lost, and others succeed in their place. This happened
daily at Owhyhee: the mountainous parts being generally enveloped in a
cloud; successive showers falling in the inland country; with fine
weather, and a clear sky at the sea shore.
The winds in general were, from east south-east to north-east; though
this sometimes varied a few points each way to the north and south; but
these were light, and of short duration. In the harbour of Karakakooa,
we had a constant land and sea breeze every day and night.
The currents seemed very uncertain, sometimes setting to windward, and
at other times to leeward, without any regularity. They did not appear
to be governed by the winds, nor any other cause that I can assign: they
frequently set to windward against a fresh breeze.
The tides are very regular, flowing and ebbing six hours each. The flood
comes from the eastward; and it is high water at the full and change of
the moon, forty-five minutes past three, apparent time. Their greatest
rise is two feet seven inches: and we always observed the water to be
four inches higher when the moon was above the horizon than when it was
below.
The quadrupeds in these, as in all the other islands that have been
discovered in the South Sea, are confined to three sorts, dogs, hogs,
and rats. The dogs are of the same species with those of Otaheite,
having short crooked legs, long backs, and pricked ears. I did not
observe any variety in them, except in their skins; some having long and
rough hair, and others being quite smooth. They are about the size of a
common turnspit; exceedingly sluggish in their nature; though perhaps
this may be more owing to the manner in which they are treated, than to
any natural disposition in them. They are, in general, fed and left to
herd with the hogs; and I do not recollect one instance in which a dog
was made a companion, in the manner we do in Europe. Indeed, the custom
of eating them is an insuperable bar to their admission into society;
and, as there are neither beasts of prey in the island, nor objects of
chace, it is probable, that the social qualities of the dog, its
fidelity, attachment, and sagacity, will remain unknown to the natives.
The number of dogs in these islands did not appear to be nearly equal,
in proportion, to those in Otaheite. But, on the other hand, they abound
much more in hogs; and the breed is of a larger and weightier kind. The
supply of provisions of this kind, which we got from them, was really
astonishing. We were near four months, either cruising off the coast, or
in harbour at Owhyhee. During all this time, a large allowance of fresh
pork was constantly served to both crews; so that our consumption was
computed at about sixty puncheons of five hundred weight each. Besides
this, and the incredible waste which, in the midst of such plenty, was
not to be guarded against, sixty puncheons more were salted for sea
store. The greatest part of this supply was drawn from the island of
Owhyhee alone, and yet we could not perceive that it was at all drained,
or even that the abundance had any way decreased.
The birds of these islands are as beautiful as any we have seen during
the voyage, and are numerous, though not various. There are four, which
seem to belong to the _trochili_, or honeysuckers of Linnæus; one of
which is something larger than a bullfinch; its colour is a fine glossy
black, the rump-vent and thighs a deep yellow. It is called by the
natives _hoohoo_. Another is of an exceeding bright scarlet colour; the
wings black, and edged with white, and the tail black; its native name
is _eeeeve_. A third, which seems to be either a young bird, or a
variety of the foregoing, is variegated with red, brown, and yellow. The
fourth is entirely green, with a tinge of yellow, and is called
_akaiearooa_. There is a species of thrush, with a grey breast; and a
small bird of the flycatcher kind; a rail, with very short wings and no
tail, which on that account, we named _rallus ecaudotus_. Ravens are
found here, but they are very scarce; their colour is dark brown,
inclining to black; and their note is different from the European. Here
are two small birds, both of one _genus_, that are very common; one is
red, and generally seen about the cocoa-nut trees, particularly when
they are in flower, from whence it seems to derive great part of its
subsistence; the other is green; the tongues of both are long and
ciliated, or fringed at the tip. A bird with a yellow head, which, from
the structure of its beak, we called a perroquet, is likewise very
common. It, however, by no means belongs to that tribe, but greatly
resembles the _lexia flavicans_, or yellowish cross-bill of Linnæus.
Here are also owls, plovers of two sorts, one very like the whistling
plover of Europe; a large white pigeon; a bird with a long tail, whose
colour is black, the vent and feathers under the wing (which is much
longer than is usually seen in the generality of birds, except the birds
of paradise) are yellow; and the common water or darker hen.
Their vegetable productions are nearly the same with the rest of the
South Sea islands. I have before mentioned, that the _tarrow_ root is
much superior to any we had before tasted, and that we attributed this
excellence to the dry method of cultivating it. The bread-fruit trees
thrive here, not in such abundance, but produce double the quantity of
fruit, they do on the rich plains of Otaheite. The trees are nearly of
the same height, but the branches begin to strike out from the trunk
much lower, and with greater luxuriance. Their sugar-canes are also of a
very unusual size. One of them was brought to us at Atooi, measuring
eleven inches and a quarter in circumference, and having fourteen feet
eatable.
At Oneeheow, they brought us several large roots of a brown colour,
shaped like a yam, and from six to ten pounds in weight. The juice,
which it yields in great abundance, is very sweet, and of a pleasant
taste, and was found to be an excellent substitute for sugar. The
natives are very fond of it, and use it as an article of their common
diet; and our people also found it very palatable and wholesome. We
could not learn to what species of plant it belonged, having never been
able to procure the leaves; but it was supposed by our botanists to be
the root of some kind of fern.
Agreeably to the practice of Captain Cook, I shall subjoin an abstract
of the astronomical observations which were made at the observatory in
Karakakooa Bay, for determining its latitude and longitude, and for
finding the rate and error of the time-keeper. To these are subjoined
the mean variation of the compass, the dip of the magnetic needle, and a
table of the latitude and longitude of the Sandwich Islands.
The latitude of the observatory,
deduced from meridian zenith
distances of the sun, eleven
stars to the south, and four
stars to the north of the zenith 19° 28ʹ 0ʺ north.
The longitude of the observatory,
deduced from 253 sets of
lunar observations; each set
consisting of six observed distances
of the sun from the moon, or stars;
fourteen of the above sets were only
taken at the observatory, 105 sets
being taken whilst cruizing off
Owhyhee; and 134 sets, when
at Atooi and Oneeheow; all
these being reduced to the observatory,
by means of the time-keeper 204° 0ʹ 0ʺ east.
The longitude of the observatory,
by the time-keeper, on the
19th January, 1779, according
to its rate, as found at
Greenwich 214° 7ʹ 15ʺ east.
The longitude of the observatory,
by the time-keeper, on
the 19th January, 1779, according
to its rate, corrected
at different places, and last at
Samganoodha Harbour, in
Oonalaschka 203° 37ʹ 22ʺ east.
The daily rate of the time-keeper
losing on mean time,
was 9ʺ, 6; and on the 2d
February, 1779, it was 14^h
41ʹ 1ʺ slow for mean time.
The variation of the compass, by
azimuths observed on shore,
with four different compasses 8° 6ʹ 0ʺ east.
The variation of the compass, by
azimuths, observed on board
the Resolution, with four different
compasses 7° 32ʹ 0ʺ east.
Dip of the north } Balanced needle 40° 22ʹ 30ʺ
pole of the magnetic } Unbalanced }
needle on } or plain } 40° 41ʹ 15ʺ
shore, with } needle }
Dip of the north }
pole of the magnetic } Balanced needle 41° 50ʹ 0ʺ
needle on } Unbalanced }
board, with } needle } 40° 30ʹ 45ʺ
_A Table of the Latitude and Longitude of the Sandwich Islands._
Latitude. Longitude.
{The North point 20° 17ʹ 204° 2ʹ
{South point 18° 54ʹ 204° 15ʹ
Owhyhee {East point 19° 34ʹ 205° 6ʹ
{Karakakooa Bay 19° 28ʹ 204° 0ʹ
{East point 20° 50ʹ 204° 4ʹ
Mowee {South point 20° 34ʹ 203° 48ʹ
{West point 20° 54ʹ 203° 24ʹ
Morokinnee 20° 39ʹ 203° 33ʹ
Tahoorowa 20° 38ʹ 203° 27ʹ
Ranai. South point 20° 46ʹ 203° 8ʹ
Morotoi. West point 21° 10ʹ 202° 46ʹ
Woahoo. Anchoring-place 21° 43ʹ 202° 9ʹ
Atooi. Wymoa Bay 21° 57ʹ 200° 20ʹ
Oneeheow. Anchoring-place 21° 50ʹ 199° 45ʹ
Oreehoua 22° 2ʹ 199° 52ʹ
Tahoora 21° 43ʹ 199° 36ʹ
CHAP. VII.
GENERAL ACCOUNT OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS CONTINUED.—OF THE INHABITANTS.—
THEIR ORIGIN.—PERSONS.—PERNICIOUS EFFECTS OF THE AVA.—NUMBERS.—
DISPOSITION AND MANNERS.—REASONS FOR SUPPOSING THEM NOT CANNIBALS.—
DRESS AND ORNAMENTS.—VILLAGES AND HOUSES.—FOOD.—OCCUPATIONS AND
AMUSEMENTS.—ADDICTED TO GAMING.—THEIR EXTRAORDINARY DEXTERITY IN
SWIMMING.—ARTS AND MANUFACTURES.—CURIOUS SPECIMENS OF THEIR
SCULPTURE.—KIPPAREE, OR METHOD OF PAINTING CLOTH.—MATS.—
FISHING-HOOKS.—CORDAGE.—SALT-PANS.—WARLIKE INSTRUMENTS.
The inhabitants of the Sandwich Islands are undoubtedly of the same race
with those of New Zealand, the Society and Friendly Islands, Easter
Island, and the Marquesas; a race that possesses, without any
intermixture, all the known lands between the latitudes of 47° south,
and 20° north, and between the longitudes of 184° and 260 east. This
fact, which, extraordinary as it is, might be thought sufficiently
proved by the striking similarity of their manners and customs, and the
general resemblance of their persons, is established, beyond all
controversy, by the absolute identity of their language.
From what continent they originally emigrated, and by what steps they
have spread through so vast a space, those who are curious in
disquisitions of this nature, may perhaps not find it very difficult to
conjecture. It has been already observed, that they bear strong marks of
affinity to some of the Indian tribes, that inhabit the Ladrones and
Caroline Islands; and the same affinity may again be traced amongst the
Battas and the Malays. When these events happened, is not so easy to
ascertain; it was probably not very lately, as they are extremely
populous, and have no tradition of their own origin, but what is
perfectly fabulous; whilst, on the other hand, the unadulterated state
of their general language, and the simplicity which still prevails in
their customs and manners, seem to indicate, that it could not have been
at any very distant period.
The natives of these islands are, in general, above the middle size, and
well made; they walk very gracefully, run nimbly, and are capable of
bearing great fatigue; though, upon the whole, the men are somewhat
inferior, in point of strength and activity, to the Friendly Islanders,
and the women less delicately limbed than those of Otaheite. Their
complexion is rather darker than that of the Otaheiteans, and they are
not altogether so handsome a people. However, many of both sexes had
fine open countenances; and the women, in particular, had good eyes and
teeth, and a sweetness and sensibility of look, which rendered them very
engaging. Their hair is of a brownish black, and neither uniformly
straight, like that of the Indians of America, nor uniformly curling, as
amongst the African negroes, but varying, in this respect, like the hair
of Europeans. One striking peculiarity, in the features of every part of
this great nation, I do not remember to have seen any where mentioned;
which is, that, even in the handsomest faces, there is always a fulness
of the nostril, without any flatness or spreading of the nose, that
distinguishes them from Europeans. It is not improbable that this may be
the effect of their usual mode of salutation, which is performed by
pressing the ends of their noses together.
The same superiority that is observable in the persons of the _Erees_,
through all the other islands, is found also here. Those whom we saw
were, without exception, perfectly well formed; whereas the lower sort,
besides their general inferiority, are subject to all the variety of
make and figure that is seen in the populace of other countries.
Instances of deformity are more frequent here, than in any of the other
islands. Whilst we were cruising off Owhyhee, two dwarfs came on board,
one an old man, four feet two inches high, but exactly proportioned, and
the other a woman, nearly of the same height. We afterward saw three
natives, who were hump-backed, and a young man, born without hands or
feet. Squinting is also very common amongst them; and a man, who, they
said, had been born blind, was brought to us to be cured. Besides these
particular imperfections, they are, in general, very subject to boils
and ulcers, which we attributed to the great quantity of salt they eat
with their flesh and fish. The _Erees_ are very free from these
complaints; but many of them suffer still more dreadful effects from the
immoderate use of the _ava_. Those who were the most affected by it, had
their bodies covered with a white scurf, their eyes red and inflamed,
their limbs emaciated, the whole frame trembling and paralytic,
accompanied with a disability to raise the head. Though this drug does
not appear universally to shorten life, as was evident from the cases of
Terreeoboo, Kaoo, and some other chiefs, who were very old men; yet it
invariably brings on an early and decrepid old age. It is fortunate,
that the use of it is made one of the peculiar privileges of the chiefs.
The young son of Terreeoboo, who was about twelve years old, used to
boast of his being admitted to drink ava, and showed us, with great
triumph, a small spot in his side that was growing scaly.
There is something very singular in the history of this pernicious drug.
When Captain Cook first visited the Society Islands, it was very little
known among them. On his second voyage, he found the use of it very
prevalent at Ulietea; but it had still gained very little ground at
Otaheite. When we were last there, the dreadful havock it had made was
beyond belief, insomuch that the Captain scarce knew many of his old
acquaintances. At the Friendly Islands, it is also constantly drunk by
the chiefs, but so much diluted with water, that it does not appear to
produce any bad effects. At Atooi, also, it is used with great
moderation, and the chiefs are, in consequence, a much finer set of men
there, than in any of the neighbouring islands. We remarked, that, by
discontinuing the use of this root, the noxious effects of it soon wore
off. Our good friends, Kaireekeea and old Kaoo, were persuaded by us to
refrain from it; and they recovered amazingly during the short time we
afterward remained in the island.
It may be thought extremely difficult to form any probable conjectures
respecting the population of islands, with many parts of which we are
but imperfectly acquainted. There are, however, two circumstances, that
take away much of this objection; the first is, that the interior parts
of the country are entirely uninhabited; so that, if the number of the
inhabitants along the coast be known, the whole will be pretty
accurately determined. The other is, that there are no towns of any
considerable size, the habitations of the natives being pretty equally
dispersed in small villages, round all their coasts. It is on this
ground, that I shall venture at a rough calculation of the number of
persons in this group of islands.
The bay of Karakakooa, in Owhyhee, is three miles in extent, and
contains four villages of about eighty houses each; upon an average, in
all three hundred and twenty; besides a number of straggling houses;
which may make the whole amount to three hundred and fifty. From the
frequent opportunities I had of informing myself on this head, I am
convinced, that six persons to a house is a very moderate allowance; so
that, on this calculation, the country about the bay contains two
thousand one hundred souls. To these may be added, fifty families, or
three hundred persons, which I conceive to be nearly the number employed
in the interior parts of the country, amongst their plantations; making
in all two thousand four hundred. If, therefore, this number be applied
to the whole extent of coast round the island, deducting a quarter for
the uninhabited parts, it will be found to contain one hundred and fifty
thousand. By the same mode of calculation, the rest of the islands will
be found to contain the following numbers:
Owhyhee, 150,000
Mowee, 65,400
Woahoo, 60,200
Atooi, 54,000
Morotoi, 36,000
Oneeheow, 10,000
Ranai, 20,400
Oreehoua, 4,000
-------
Total of inhabitants, 400,000
I am pretty confident, that, in this calculation, I have not exceeded
the truth in the total amount. If we compare the numbers supposed to be
in Owhyhee, with the population of Otaheite, as settled by Dr. Foster,
this computation will be found very low. The proportion of coast, in the
latter island, is, to that of Owhyhee, only as one to three: the number
of inhabitants in Otaheite, he states to be one hundred and twenty-one
thousand five hundred; though, according to his own principles, it
should be double that amount. Again, if we compare it with the medium
population of the countries in Europe, the proportion will be in favour
of the latter nearly as two to one.
Notwithstanding the irreparable loss we suffered from the sudden
resentment and violence of these people, yet, in justice to their
general conduct, it must be acknowledged, that they are of the most mild
and affectionate disposition; equally remote from the extreme levity and
fickleness of the Otaheiteans, and the distant gravity and reserve of
the inhabitants of the Friendly Islands. They appear to live in the
utmost harmony and friendship with one another. The women, who had
children, were remarkable for their tender and constant attention to
them; and the men would often lend their assistance in those domestic
offices, with a willingness that does credit to their feelings.
It must, however, be observed, that they fall very short of the other
islanders, in that best test of civilization, the respect paid to the
women. Here they are not only deprived of the privilege of eating with
the men, but the best sorts of food are _tabooed_, or forbidden them.
They are not allowed to eat pork, turtle, several kinds of fish, and
some species of the plantains; and we were told that a poor girl got a
terrible beating, for having eaten, on board our ship, one of these
interdicted articles. In their domestic life, they appear to live almost
entirely by themselves, and though we did not observe any instances of
personal ill-treatment, yet it was evident they had little regard or
attention paid them.
The great hospitality and kindness with which we were received by them,
have been already frequently remarked; and indeed they make the
principal part of our transactions with them. Whenever we came on shore,
there was a constant struggle who should be most forward in making us
little presents, bringing refreshments, or showing some other mark of
their respect. The whole people never failed of receiving us with tears
of joy; seemed highly gratified with being allowed to touch us, and were
constantly making comparisons between themselves and us, with the
strongest marks of humility. The young women were not less kind and
engaging, and, till they found, notwithstanding our utmost endeavours to
prevent it, that they had reason to repent of our acquaintance, attached
themselves to us without the least reserve.
In justice, however, to the sex, it must be observed, that these ladies
were probably all of the lower class of the people; for I am strongly
inclined to believe, that, excepting the few, whose names are mentioned
in the course of our narrative, we did not see any woman of rank, during
our stay amongst them.
Their natural capacity seems, in no respect, below the common standard
of mankind. Their improvements in agriculture, and the perfection of
their manufactures, are certainly adequate to the circumstances of their
situation, and the natural advantages they enjoy. The eager curiosity
with which they attended the armourer’s forge, and the many expedients
they had invented, even before we left the islands, for working the iron
they had procured from us, into such forms as were best adapted to their
purposes, were strong proofs of docility and ingenuity.
Our unfortunate friend, Kaneena, possessed a degree of judicious
curiosity, and a quickness of conception, which was rarely met with
amongst these people. He was very inquisitive after our customs and
manners; asked after our king; the nature of our government; our
numbers; the method of building our ships; our houses; the produce of
our country; whether we had wars; with whom; and on what occasions; and
in what manner they were carried on; who was our God; and many other
questions of the same nature, which indicated an understanding of great
comprehension.
We met with two instances of persons disordered in their minds, the one
a man at Owhyhee, the other a woman at Oneeheow. It appeared, from the
particular attention and respect paid to them, that the opinion of their
being inspired by the Divinity, which obtains among most of the nations
of the east, is also received here.
Though the custom of eating the bodies of their enemies be not known, by
positive evidence, to exist in any of the South Sea Islands, except New
Zealand, yet it is extremely probable, that it was originally prevalent
in them all. The sacrificing human victims, which seems evidently to be
a relic of this horrid practice, still obtains universally amongst these
islanders; and it is easy to conceive, why the New Zealanders should
retain the repast, which was probably the last act of these shocking
rites, longer than the rest of their tribe, who were situated in more
mild and fruitful climates. As the inhabitants of the Sandwich Islands
certainly bear a nearer resemblance to those of New Zealand, both in
their persons and dispositions than to any other people of this family,
so it was strongly suspected, by Mr. Anderson, that, like them, they
still continue to feast on human flesh. The evidence on which he founds
this opinion, has been stated very fully in the tenth chapter of the
third book[14]; but, as I always entertained great doubts of the justice
of his conclusions, it may not be improper to take this occasion of
mentioning the grounds on which I venture to differ from him. With
respect to the information derived from the natives themselves, I shall
only observe, that great pains were taken, by almost every officer on
board, to come at the knowledge of so curious a circumstance; and that,
except in the two instances mentioned by Mr. Anderson, we found them
invariably denying the existence of any such custom amongst them. It
must be allowed, that Mr. Anderson’s knowledge of their language, which
was superior to that of any other person in either ship, ought certainly
to give his opinion great weight; at the same time, I must beg leave to
remark, that, being present when he examined the man who had the small
piece of salted flesh wrapped in cloth, it struck me very forcibly, that
the signs he made use of meant nothing more, than that it was intended
to be ate, and that it was very pleasant or wholesome to the stomach. In
this opinion, I was confirmed by a circumstance which came to our
knowledge, after the death of my worthy and ingenious friend, _viz._
that almost every native of these islands carried about with him, either
in his calibash, or wrapped up in a piece of cloth, and tied about his
waist, a small piece of raw pork, highly salted, which they considered
as a great delicacy, and used now and then to taste of. With respect to
the confusion the young lad was in (for he was not more than sixteen or
eighteen years of age), no one could have been surprized at it who had
seen the eager and earnest manner in which Mr. Anderson questioned him.
The argument drawn from the instrument made with shark’s teeth, and
which is nearly of the same form with those used at New Zealand for
cutting up the bodies of their enemies, is much more difficult to
controvert. I believe it to be an undoubted fact, that this knife, if it
may be so called, is never used by them in cutting the flesh of other
animals. However, as the custom of offering human sacrifices, and of
burning the bodies of the slain, is still prevalent here, it is not
improbable, that the use of this instrument is retained in those
ceremonies. Upon the whole, I am strongly inclined to think, and
particularly from this last circumstance, that the horrid practice in
question has but lately ceased amongst these and other islands of the
South Sea. Omai, when pressed on this subject, confessed, that, in the
rage and fury of revenge, they would sometimes tear the flesh of their
enemies, that were slain, with their teeth; but positively denied that
they ever eat it. This was certainly approaching as near the fact as
could be; but, on the other hand, the denial is a strong proof that the
practice has actually ceased; since in New Zealand, where it still
exists, the inhabitants never made the smallest scruple of confessing
it.
The inhabitants of these islands differ from those of the Friendly
Isles, in suffering, almost universally, their beards to grow. There
were, indeed, a few, amongst whom was the old king, that cut it off
entirely; and others that wore it only upon the upper lip. The same
variety in the manner of wearing the hair is also observable here, as
among the other islanders of the South Sea; besides which, they have a
fashion, as far as we know, peculiar to themselves. They cut it close on
each side the head, down to the ears, leaving a ridge, of about a small
hand’s breadth, running from the forehead to the neck; which, when the
hair is thick and curling, has the form of the crest of the ancient
helmet. Others wear large quantities of false hair, flowing down their
backs in long ringlets, like the figure of the inhabitants of Horn
Island, as seen in Dalrymple’s Voyages; and others, again, tie it into a
single round bunch on the top of the head, almost as large as the head
itself; and some into five or six distinct bunches. They daub their hair
with a grey clay, mixed with powdered shells, which they keep in balls,
and chew into a kind of soft paste, when they have occasion to make use
of it. This keeps the hair smooth; and, in time, changes it to a pale
yellow colour.
Both sexes wear necklaces, made of strings of small variegated shells;
and an ornament, in the form of the handle of a cup, about two inches
long, and half an inch broad, made of wood, stone, or ivory, finely
polished, which is hung about the neck, by fine threads of twisted hair,
doubled sometimes an hundred fold. Instead of this ornament, some of
them wear, on their breast, a small human figure, made of bone,
suspended in the same manner.
The fan, or fly-flap, is also an ornament used by both sexes. The most
ordinary kind are made of the fibres of the cocoa-nut, tied loose, in
bunches, to the top of a smooth polished handle. The tail-feathers of
the cock, and of the tropic-bird, are also used in the same manner; but
the most valuable are those which have the handle made of the arm or leg
bones of an enemy slain in battle, and which are preserved with great
care, and handed down, from father to son, as trophies of inestimable
value.
The custom of _tattowing_ the body, they have in common with the rest of
the natives of the South Sea Islands; but it is only at New Zealand and
the Sandwich Islands that they _tattow_ the face. There is also this
difference between the two last, that, in the former, it is done in
elegant spiral volutes, and in the latter, in straight lines, crossing
each other at right angles. The hands and arms of the women are also
very neatly marked, and they have a singular custom amongst them, the
meaning of which we could never learn, that of _tattowing_ the tip of
the tongues of the females.
From some information we received, relative to the custom of
_tattowing_, we were inclined to think that it is frequently intended as
a sign of mourning on the death of a chief, or any other calamitous
event. For we were often told, that such a particular mark was in memory
of such a chief; and so of the rest. It may be here, too, observed, that
the lowest class are often _tattowed_ with a mark that distinguishes
them as the property of the several chiefs to whom they belong.
The dress of the men generally consists only of a piece of thick cloth
called the _maro_, about ten or twelve inches broad, which they pass
between the legs, and tie round the waist. This is the common dress of
all ranks of people. Their mats, some of which are beautifully
manufactured, are of various sizes, but mostly about five feet long, and
four broad. These they throw over their shoulders, and bring forward
before; but they are seldom used, except in time of war, for which
purpose they seem better adapted than for ordinary use, being of a thick
and cumbersome texture, and capable of breaking the blow of a stone, or
any blunt weapon. Their feet are generally bare, except when they have
occasion to travel over the burnt stones, when they secure them with a
sort of sandal, made of cords, twisted from the fibres of the cocoa-nut.
Such is the ordinary dress of these islanders; but they have another,
appropriated to their chiefs, and used on ceremonious occasions,
consisting of a feathered cloak and helmet, which, in point of beauty
and magnificence, is perhaps nearly equal to that of any nation in the
world. As this dress has been already described with great accuracy and
minuteness, I have only to add, that these cloaks are made of different
lengths, in proportion to the rank of the wearer, some of them reaching
no lower than the middle, others trailing on the ground. The inferior
chiefs have also a short cloak, resembling the former, made of the long
tail-feathers of the cock, the tropic and man-of-war birds, with a broad
border of the small red and yellow feathers, and a collar of the same.
Others again are made of feathers entirely white, with variegated
borders. The helmet has a strong lining of wicker-work, capable of
breaking the blow of any warlike instrument, and seems evidently
designed for that purpose.
These feathered dresses seemed to be exceedingly scarce, appropriated to
persons of the highest rank, and worn by the men only. During the whole
time we lay in Karakakooa Bay, we never saw them used but on three
occasions: in the curious ceremony of Terreeoboo’s first visit to the
ships; by some chiefs who were seen among the crowd on shore when
Captain Cook was killed; and afterward when Eappo brought his bones to
us.
The exact resemblance between this habit, and the cloak and helmet
formerly worn by the Spaniards, was too striking not to excite our
curiosity to inquire whether there were any probable grounds for
supposing it to have been borrowed from them. After exerting every means
in our power of obtaining information on this subject, we found that
they had no immediate knowledge of any other nation whatever; nor any
tradition remaining among them of these islands having been ever visited
before by such ships as ours. But notwithstanding the result of these
inquiries, the uncommon form of this habit appears to me a sufficient
proof of its European origin; especially when added to another
circumstance, that it is a singular deviation from the general
resemblance in dress which prevails amongst all the branches of this
tribe, dispersed through the South Sea. We were driven indeed, by this
conclusion, to a supposition of the shipwreck of some Buccaneer, or
Spanish ship in the neighbourhood of these islands. But when it is
recollected, that the course of the Spanish trade from Acapulco to the
Manillas is but a few degrees to the southward of the Sandwich Islands,
in their passage out, and to the northward, on their return, this
supposition will not appear in the least improbable.
The common dress of the women bears a close resemblance to that of the
men. They wrap round the waist a piece of cloth, that reaches half way
down the thighs; and sometimes, in the cool of the evening, they
appeared with loose pieces of fine cloth thrown over their shoulders,
like the women of Otaheite. The _pau_ is another dress very frequently
worn by the younger part of the sex. It is made of the thinnest and
finest sort of cloth, wrapt several times round the waist, and
descending to the leg; so as to have exactly the appearance of a full
short petticoat. Their hair is cut short behind, and turned up before,
as is the fashion among the Otaheiteans and New Zealanders; all of whom
differ, in this respect, from the women of the Friendly Islands, who
wear their hair long. We saw, indeed, one woman in Karakakooa Bay, whose
hair was arranged in a very singular manner; it was turned up behind,
and brought over the forehead, and then doubled back, so as to form a
sort of shade to the face, like a small bonnet.
Their necklaces are made of shells, or of a hard, shining red berry.
Besides which, they wear wreaths of dried flowers of the Indian mallow;
and another beautiful ornament called _eraie_, which is generally put
about the neck, but is sometimes tied like a garland round the hair, and
sometimes worn in both these ways at once. It is a ruff of the thickness
of a finger, made, in a curious manner, of exceedingly small feathers,
woven so close together as to form a surface as smooth as that of the
richest velvet. The ground was generally of a red colour, with alternate
circles of green, yellow, and black. Their bracelets, which were also of
great variety, and very peculiar kinds, have been already described.
At Atooi, some of the women wore little figures of the turtle, neatly
formed of wood or ivory, tied on their fingers in the manner we wear
rings. Why this animal is thus particularly distinguished, I leave to
the conjectures of the curious. There is also an ornament made of
shells, fastened in rows on a ground of strong netting, so as to strike
each other, when in motion; which both men and women, when they dance,
tie either round the arm or the ankle, or below the knee. Instead of
shells, they sometimes make use of dogs’ teeth, and a hard red berry,
resembling that of the holly.
There remains to be mentioned another ornament, if such it may be
called. It is a kind of mask, made of a large gourd, with holes cut in
it for the eyes and nose. The top was stuck full of small green twigs,
which, at a distance, had the appearance of an elegant waving plume: and
from the lower part hung narrow stripes of cloth, resembling a beard. We
never saw these masks worn but twice, and both times by a number of
people together in a canoe, who came to the side of the ship laughing
and drolling, with an air of masquerading. Whether they may not likewise
be used as a defence for the head against stones, for which they seem
best designed, or in some of their public games, or be merely intended
for the purposes of mummery, we could never inform ourselves.
It has already been remarked, in a few instances, that the natives of
the Sandwich Islands approach nearer to the New Zealanders, in their
manners and customs, than to either of their less distant neighbours of
the Society or Friendly Islands. This is in nothing more observable,
than in their method of living together in small towns or villages,
containing from about one hundred to two hundred houses, built pretty
close together, without any order, and having a winding path leading
through them. They are generally flanked, toward the sea, with loose
detached walls, which probably are meant both for the purposes of
shelter and defence. The figure of their houses has been already
described. They are of different sizes, from eighteen feet by twelve, to
forty-five by twenty-four. There are some of a larger kind; being fifty
feet long and thirty broad, and quite open at one end. These, they told
us, were designed for travellers or strangers, who were only making a
short stay.
In addition to the furniture of their houses, which has been accurately
described by Captain Cook, I have only to add, that at one end are mats
on which they sleep, with wooden pillows, or sleeping stools, exactly
like those of the Chinese. Some of the better sort of houses have a
court-yard before them, neatly railed in, with smaller houses built
round it, for their servants. In this _area_ they generally eat, and sit
during the day-time. In the sides of the hills, and among the steep
rocks, we also observed several holes or caves, which appeared to be
inhabited; but as the entrance was defended with wicker work, and we
also found, in the only one that was visited, a stone fence running
across it within, we imagine they are principally designed for places of
retreat, in case of an attack from an enemy.
The food of the lower class of people consists principally of fish, and
vegetables; such as yams, sweet potatoes, tarrow, plantains,
sugar-canes, and bread-fruit. To these, the people of a higher rank add
the flesh of hogs and dogs, dressed in the same manner as at the Society
Islands. They also eat fowls of the same domestic kind with ours; but
they are neither plentiful, nor much esteemed by them. It is remarked by
Captain Cook, that the bread-fruit and yams appeared scarce amongst
them, and were reckoned great rarities. We found this not to be the case
on our second visit; and it is therefore most probable, that, as these
vegetables were generally planted in the interior parts of the country,
the natives had not had time to bring them down to us, during the short
stay we made in Wymoa Bay. Their fish they salt, and preserve in
gourd-shells; not, as we at first imagined, for the purpose of providing
against any temporary scarcity, but from the preference they give to
salted meats. For we also found, that the _Erees_ used to pickle pieces
of pork in the same manner, and esteemed it a great delicacy.
Their cookery is exactly of the same sort with that already described,
in the accounts that have been published of the other South Sea islands:
and though Captain Cook complains of the sourness of their tarrow
puddings, yet, in justice to the many excellent meals they afforded us
in Karakakooa Bay, I must be permitted to rescue them from this general
censure, and to declare, that I never eat better, even in the Friendly
Islands. It is however remarkable, that they had not got the art of
preserving the bread-fruit, and making the sour paste of it called
_Maihee_, as at the Society Islands; and it was some satisfaction to us,
in return for their great kindness and hospitality, to have it in our
power to teach them this useful secret. They are exceedingly cleanly at
their meals; and their mode of dressing both their animal and vegetable
food, was universally allowed to be greatly superior to ours. The chiefs
constantly begin their meal with a doze of the extract of pepper-root,
brewed after the usual manner. The women eat apart from the men, and are
_tabooed_, or forbidden, as has been already mentioned, the use of pork,
turtle, and particular kinds of plantains. However, they would eat pork
with us in private; but we could never prevail upon them to touch the
two last articles.
The way of spending their time appears to be very simple, and to admit
of little variety.
They rise with the sun; and, after enjoying the cool of the evening,
retire to rest a few hours after sun-set. The making of canoes and mats
forms the occupations of the _Erees_; the women are employed in
manufacturing cloth; and the _Towtows_ are principally engaged in the
plantations and fishing. Their idle hours are filled up with various
amusements. Their young men and women are fond of dancing; and, on more
solemn occasions, they have boxing and wrestling matches, after the
manner of the Friendly Islands; though, in all these respects, they are
much inferior to the latter.
Their dances have a much nearer resemblance to those of the New
Zealanders, than of the Otaheiteans or Friendly Islanders. They are
prefaced with a slow, solemn song, in which all the party join, moving
their legs, and gently striking their breasts, in a manner, and with
attitudes, that are perfectly easy and graceful; and so far they are the
same with the dances of the Society Islands. When this has lasted about
ten minutes, both the tune and the motions gradually quicken, and end
only by their inability to support their fatigue; which part of the
performance is the exact counterpart of that of the New Zealanders; and
(as it is among them) the person who uses the most violent action, and
holds out the longest, is applauded as the best dancer. It is to be
observed, that, in this dance, the women only take a part, and that the
dancing of the men is nearly of the same kind with what we saw of the
small parties at the Friendly Islands; and which may, perhaps, with more
propriety, be called the accompaniment of songs, with corresponding and
graceful motions of the whole body. Yet as we were spectators of boxing
exhibitions, of the same kind with those we were entertained with at the
Friendly Islands, it is probable that they had likewise their grand
ceremonious dances, in which numbers of both sexes assisted.
Their music is also of a ruder kind, having neither flutes or reeds, nor
instruments of any other sort, that we saw, except drums of various
sizes. But their songs, which they sung in parts[15], and accompany with
a gentle motion of the arms, in the same manner as the Friendly
Islanders, had a very pleasing effect.
It is very remarkable, that the people of these islands are great
gamblers. They have a game very much like our draughts; but, if one may
judge from the number of squares, it is much more intricate. The board
is about two feet long, and is divided into two hundred and thirty-eight
squares, of which there are fourteen in a row, and they make use of
black and white pebbles, which they move from square to square.
There is another game, which consists in hiding a stone under a piece of
cloth, which one of the parties spreads out, and rumples in such a
manner, that the place where the stone lies is difficult to be
distinguished. The antagonist, with a stick, then strikes the part of
the cloth where he imagines the stone to be; and as the chances are,
upon the whole, considerably against his hitting it, odds, of all
degrees, varying with the opinion of the skill of the parties, are laid
on the side of him who hides.
Besides these games, they frequently amuse themselves with
racing-matches between the boys and girls; and here again they wager
with great spirit. I saw a man in a most violent rage, tearing his hair,
and beating his breast, after losing three hatchets at one of these
races which he had just before purchased from us with half his
substance.
Swimming is not only a necessary art, in which both their men and women
are more expert than any people we had hitherto seen, but a favourite
diversion amongst them. One particular mode, in which they sometimes
amused themselves with this exercise in Karakakooa Bay, appeared to us
most perilous and extraordinary, and well deserving a distinct relation.
The surf, which breaks on the coast round the bay, extends to the
distance of about one hundred and fifty yards from the shore, within
which space, the surges of the sea, accumulating from the shallowness of
the water, are dashed against the beach with prodigious violence.
Whenever, from stormy weather, or any extraordinary swell at sea, the
impetuosity of the surf is increased to its utmost height, they choose
that time for this amusement, which is performed in the following
manner: twenty or thirty of the natives, taking each a long narrow
board, rounded at the ends, set out together from the shore. The first
wave they meet, they plunge under, and suffering it to roll over them,
rise again beyond it, and make the best of their way, by swimming, out
into the sea. The second wave is encountered in the same manner with the
first; the great difficulty consisting in seizing the proper moment of
diving under it, which, if missed, the person is caught by the surf and
driven back again with great violence; and all his dexterity is then
required to prevent himself from being dashed against the rocks. As soon
as they have gained, by these repeated efforts, the smooth water beyond
the surf, they lay themselves at length on their board, and prepare for
their return. As the surf consists of a number of waves, of which every
third is remarked to be always much larger than the others, and to flow
higher on the shore, the rest breaking in the intermediate space, their
first object is to place themselves on the summit of the largest surge,
by which they are driven along with amazing rapidity toward the shore.
If by mistake they should place themselves on one of the smaller waves,
which breaks before they reach the land, or should not be able to keep
their plank in a proper direction on the top of the swell, they are left
exposed to the fury of the next, and, to avoid it, are obliged again to
dive and regain the place from which they set out. Those who succeed in
their object of reaching the shore, have still the greatest danger to
encounter. The coast being guarded by a chain of rocks, with, here and
there, a small opening between them, they are obliged to steer their
board through one of these, or, in case of failure, to quit it, before
they reach the rocks, and, plunging under the wave, make the best of
their way back again. This is reckoned very disgraceful, and is also
attended with the loss of the board, which I have often seen, with great
terror, dashed to pieces, at the very moment the islander quitted it.
The boldness and address with which we saw them perform these difficult
and dangerous manœuvres, was altogether astonishing, and is scarcely to
be credited.[16]
An accident, of which I was a near spectator, shews at how early a
period they are so far familiarized to the water, as both to lose all
fears of it, and to set its dangers at defiance. A canoe being overset,
in which was a woman with her children, one of them an infant, who, I am
convinced, was not more than four years old, seemed highly delighted
with what had happened, swimming about at its ease, and playing a
hundred tricks, till the canoe was put to rights again.
Besides the amusements I have already mentioned, the young children have
one which was much played at, and shewed no small degree of dexterity.
They take a short stick, with a peg sharpened at both ends, running
through one extremity of it, and extending about an inch on each side;
and throwing up a ball made of green leaves moulded together, and
secured with twine, they catch it on the point of the peg; and
immediately throwing it up again from the peg, they turn the stick
round, and thus keep catching it on each peg alternately, without
missing it, for a considerable time. They are not less expert at another
game of the same nature, tossing up in the air and catching in their
turns a number of these balls; so that we frequently saw little children
thus keep in motion five at a time. With this latter play the young
people likewise divert themselves at the Friendly Islands.
The great resemblance which prevails in the mode of agriculture and
navigation amongst all the inhabitants of the South Sea islands, leaves
me very little to add on those heads. Captain Cook has already described
the figure of the canoes we saw at Atooi. Those of the other islands
were precisely the same; and the largest we saw was a double canoe
belonging to Terreeoboo, which measured seventy feet in length, three
and half in depth, and twelve in breadth; and each was hollowed out of
one tree.
The progress they have made in sculpture, their skill in painting cloth
and the manufacturing of mats, have been all particularly described. The
most curious specimens of the former which we saw during our second
visit, are the bowls in which the chiefs drink _ava_. These are usually
about eight or ten inches in diameter, perfectly round, and beautifully
polished. They are supported by three, and sometimes four small human
figures, in various attitudes. Some of them rest on the hands of their
supporters, extended over the head, others on the head and hands, and
some on the shoulders. The figures, I am told, are accurately
proportioned and neatly finished, and even the anatomy of the muscles in
supporting the weight well expressed.
Their cloth is made of the same materials and in the same manner as at
the Friendly and Society Islands. That which is designed to be painted
is of a thick and strong texture, several folds being beat and
incorporated together; after which it is cut in breadths about two or
three feet wide, and is painted in a variety of patterns, with a
comprehensiveness and regularity of design that bespeaks infinite taste
and fancy. The exactness with which the most intricate patterns are
continued is the more surprising, when we consider that they have no
stamps, and that the whole is done by the eye with pieces of bamboo cane
dipped in paint, the hand being supported by another piece of the cane,
in the manner practised by our painters. Their colours are extracted
from the same berries and other vegetable substances as at Otaheite,
which have been already described by former voyagers.
The business of painting belongs entirely to the women, and is called
_kipparee_; and it is remarkable, that they always gave the same name to
our writing. The young women would often take the pen out of our hands,
and show us that they knew the use of it as well as we did; at the same
time telling us that our pens were not so good as theirs. They looked
upon a sheet of written paper, as a piece of cloth striped after the
fashion of our country; and it was not without the utmost difficulty,
that we could make them understand, that our figures had a meaning in
them which theirs had not.
Their mats are made of the leaves of the _pandanus_; and, as well as
their cloths, are beautifully worked in a variety of patterns, and
stained of different colours. Some have a ground of pale green, spotted
with squares, or rhomboids of red; others are of a straw colour, spotted
with green; and others are worked with beautiful stripes, either in
straight or waving lines of red and brown. In this article of
manufacture, whether we regard the strength, fineness, or beauty, they
certainly excel the whole world.
Their fishing-hooks are made of mother-of-pearl, bone, or wood, pointed
and barbed with small bones, or tortoise-shell. They are of various
sizes and forms; but the most common are about two or three inches long,
and made in the shape of a small fish, which serves as a bait, having a
bunch of feathers tied to the head or tail. Those with which they fish
for sharks, are of a very large size, being generally six or eight
inches long. Considering the materials of which these hooks are made,
their strength and neatness are really astonishing; and in fact we found
them upon trial much superior to our own.
The line which they use for fishing, for making nets, and for other
domestic purposes, is of different degrees of fineness, and is made of
the bark of the _touta_, or cloth tree, neatly and evenly twisted, in
the same manner as our common twine; and may be continued to any length.
They have a finer sort, made of the bark of a small shrub called
_areemah_; and the finest is made of human hair; but this last is
chiefly used for things of ornament. They also make cordage of a
stronger kind, for the rigging of their canoes, from the fibrous
coatings of the cocoa-nuts. Some of this we purchased for our own use,
and found it well adapted to the smaller kinds of running rigging. They
likewise make another sort of cordage, which is flat, and exceedingly
strong, and used principally in lashing the roofing of their houses, or
whatever they wish to fasten tight together. This last is not twisted
like the former sorts, but is made of the fibrous strings of the
cocoa-nut’s coat, plaited with the fingers, in the manner our sailors
make their points for the reefing of sails.
The gourds, which grow to so enormous a size, that some of them are
capable of containing from ten to twelve gallons, are applied to all
manner of domestic purposes; and in order to fit them the better to
their respective uses, they have the ingenuity to give them different
forms, by tying bandages round them during their growth. Thus, some of
them are of a long, cylindrical form, as best adapted to contain their
fishing-tackle; others are of a dish form, and these serve to hold their
salt, and salted provisions, their puddings, vegetables, &c.; which two
sorts have neat close covers, made likewise of the gourd; others again
are exactly the shape of a bottle with a long neck, and in these they
keep their water. They have likewise a method of scoring them with a
heated instrument, so as to give them the appearance of being painted,
in a variety of neat and elegant designs.
Amongst their arts, we must not forget that of making salt, with which
we were amply supplied, during our stay at these islands, and which was
perfectly good of its kind. Their salt pans are made of earth, lined
with clay; being generally six or eight feet square, and about eight
inches deep. They are raised upon a bank of stones near the high water
mark, from whence the salt water is conducted to the foot of them, in
small trenches, out of which they are filled, and the sun quickly
performs the necessary process of evaporation. The salt we procured at
Atooi and Oneeheow, on our first visit, was of a brown and dirty sort;
but that which we afterward got in Karakakooa Bay, was white, and of a
most excellent quality, and in great abundance. Besides the quantity we
used in salting pork, we filled all our empty casks, amounting to
sixteen puncheons, in the Resolution only.
Their instruments of war are spears; daggers, called _pahooas_; clubs,
and slings. The spears are of two sorts, and made of a hard solid wood,
which has much the appearance of mahogany. One sort is from six to eight
feet in length, finely polished, and gradually increasing in thickness
from the extremity till within about half a foot of the point, which
tapers suddenly, and is furnished with four or six rows of barbs. It is
not improbable, that these might be used in the way of darts. The other
sort, with which we saw the warriors at Owhyhee and Atooi mostly armed,
are twelve or fifteen feet long, and instead of being barbed, terminate
toward the point, like their daggers.
The dagger, or _pahooa_, is made of heavy black wood, resembling ebony.
Its length is from one to two feet, with a string passing through the
handle, for the purpose of suspending it to the arm.
The clubs are made indifferently of several sorts of wood. They are of
rude workmanship, and of a variety of shapes and sizes.
The slings have nothing singular about them; and in no respect differ
from our common slings, except that the stone is lodged on a piece of
matting instead of leather.
CHAP. VIII.
GENERAL ACCOUNT OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS CONTINUED.—GOVERNMENT.—PEOPLE
DIVIDED INTO THREE CLASSES.—POWER OF EREE-TABOO.—GENEALOGY OF THE
KINGS OF OWHYHEE AND MOWEE.—POWER OF THE CHIEFS.—STATE OF THE INFERIOR
CLASS.—PUNISHMENT OF CRIMES.—RELIGION.—SOCIETY OF PRIESTS.—THE ORONO.—
THEIR IDOLS.—SONGS CHANTED BY THE CHIEFS, BEFORE THEY DRINK AVA.—HUMAN
SACRIFICES.—CUSTOM OF KNOCKING OUT THE FORE-TEETH.—NOTIONS WITH REGARD
TO A FUTURE STATE.—MARRIAGES.—REMARKABLE INSTANCE OF JEALOUSY.—FUNERAL
RITES.
The people of these islands are manifestly divided into three classes.
The first are the _Erees_, or chiefs, of each district; one of whom is
superior to the rest, and is called at Owhyhee _Eree-taboo_, and _Eree
Moee_. By the first of these words they express his absolute authority;
and by the latter, that all are obliged to prostrate themselves (or put
themselves to sleep, as the word signifies) in his presence. The second
class are those who appear to enjoy a right of property, without
authority. The third are the _towtows_, or servants, who have neither
rank nor property.
It is not possible to give any thing like a systematical account of the
subordination of these classes to each other, without departing from
that strict veracity, which, in works of this nature, is more
satisfactory than conjectures, however ingenious. I will therefore
content myself with relating such facts, as we were witnesses to
ourselves, and such accounts as we thought could be depended upon; and
shall leave the reader to form, from them, his own ideas of the nature
of their government.
The great power and high rank of Terreeoboo, the _Eree-taboo_ of
Owhyhee, was very evident, from the manner in which he was received at
Karakakooa on his first arrival. All the natives were seen prostrated at
the entrance of their houses; and the canoes, for two days before, were
_tabooed_, or forbidden to go out till he took off the restraint. He
was, at this time, just returned from Mowee, for the possession of which
he was contending in favor of his son Teewarro, who had married the
daughter and only child of the late king of that island, against
Taheeterree, his surviving brother. He was attended in this expedition
by many of his warriors; but whether their service was voluntary, or the
condition on which they hold their rank and property, we could not
learn.
That he collects tribute from the subordinate chiefs, we had a very
striking proof in the instance of Kaoo, which has been already related
in our transactions of the 2d and 3d of February.
I have before mentioned, that the two most powerful chiefs of these
islands are Terreeoboo of Owhyhee, and Perreeorannee of Woahoo; the rest
of the smaller isles being subject to one or other of these; Mowee, and
its dependencies, being, at this time, claimed, as we have just
observed, by Terreeoboo for Teewarro his son and intended successor;
Atooi and Oneeheow being governed by the grandsons of Perreeorannee.
The following genealogy of the Owhyhee and Mowee kings, which I
collected from the priests, during our residence at the _Morai_ in
Karakakooa Bay, contains all the information I could procure relative to
the political history of these islands.
This account reaches to four chiefs, predecessors of the present; all of
whom they represent to have lived to an old age. Their names and
successions are as follow:
First, Poorahoo Awhykaia was king of Owhyhee, and had an only son,
called Neerooagooa. At this time Mowee was governed by Mokoakea; who had
also an only son, named Papikaneeou.
Secondly, Neerooagooa had three sons, the eldest named Kahavee; and
Papikaneeou, of the Mowee race, had an only son, named Kaowreeka.
Thirdly, Kahavee had an only son, Kayenewee a mummow; and Kaowreeka, the
Mowee king, had two sons, Maiha-maiha, and Taheeterree; the latter of
whom is now, by one party, acknowledged Chief of Mowee.
Fourthly, Kayenewee a mummow had two sons, Terreeoboo and Kaihooa; and
Maiha-maiha, king of Mowee, had no son, but left a daughter, called
Roaho.
Fifthly, Terreeoboo, the present king of Owhyhee, had a son named
Teewarro, by Rora-rora, the widow of Maiha-maiha, late king of Mowee;
and this son has married Roaho, his half sister, in whose right he
claims Mowee and its appendages.
Taheeterree, the brother of the late king, supported by a considerable
party, who were not willing that the possessions should go into another
family, took up arms, and opposed the rights of his niece.
When we were first off Mowee, Terreeoboo was there with his warriors to
support the claims of his wife, his son, and daughter-in-law, and had
fought a battle with the opposite party, in which Taheeterree was
worsted. We afterward understood, that matters had been compromised, and
that Taheeterree is to have the possession of the three neighbouring
islands during his life; that Teewarro is acknowledged the chief of
Mowee, and will also succeed to the kingdom of Owhyhee on the death of
Terreeoboo; and also to the sovereignty of the three islands, contiguous
to Mowee, on the death of Taheeterree. Teewarro has been lately married
to his half sister; and should he die without issue, the government of
these islands descends to Maiha-maiha, whom we have often had occasion
to mention, he being the son of Kaihooa, the deceased brother of
Terreeoboo. Should he also die without issue, they could not tell who
would succeed; for the two youngest sons of Terreeoboo, one of whom he
appears to be exceedingly fond of, being born of a woman of no rank,
would, from this circumstance, be debarred all right of succession. We
had not an opportunity of seeing queen Rora-rora, whom Terreeoboo had
left behind at Mowee; but we have already had occasion to take notice,
that he was accompanied by Kanee Kaberaia, the mother of the two youths,
to whom he was very much attached.
From this account of the genealogy of the Owhyhee and Mowee monarchs, it
is pretty clear that the government is hereditary; which also makes it
very probable, that the inferior titles, and property itself, descend in
the same course. With regard to Perreeorannee, we could only learn, that
he is an _Eree-taboo_; that he was invading the possession of
Taheeterree, but on what pretence we were not informed; and that his
grandsons governed the islands to leeward.
The power of the _Erees_ over the inferior classes of people appears to
be very absolute. Many instances of this occurred daily during our stay
amongst them, and have been already related. The people, on the other
hand, pay them the most implicit obedience; and this state of servility
has manifestly had a great effect in debasing both their minds and
bodies. It is, however, remarkable, that the chiefs were never guilty,
as far at least as came within my knowledge, of any acts of cruelty or
injustice, or even of insolent behaviour toward them; though, at the
same time, they exercised their power over one another in the most
haughty and oppressive manner. Of this I shall give two instances. A
chief of the lower order had behaved with great civility to the master
of the ship, when he went to examine Karakakooa bay, the day before the
ship first arrived there; and, in return, I afterward carried him on
board, and introduced him to Captain Cook, who invited him to dine with
us. While we were at table, Pareea entered, whose face but too plainly
manifested his indignation, at seeing our guest in so honourable a
situation. He immediately seized him by the hair of the head, and was
proceeding to drag him out of the cabin, when the captain interfered;
and, after a great deal of altercation, all the indulgence we could
obtain, without coming to a quarrel with Pareea, was, that our guest
should be suffered to remain, being seated upon the floor, whilst Pareea
filled his place at the table. At another time, when Terreeoboo first
came on board the Resolution, Maiha-maiha, who attended him, finding
Pareea on deck, turned him out of the ship in the most ignominious
manner; and yet Pareea, we certainly knew, to be a man of the first
consequence.
How far the property of the lower class is secured against the rapacity
and despotism of the great chiefs, I cannot say; but it should seem,
that it is sufficiently protected against private theft, or mutual
depredation. For not only their plantations, which are spread over the
whole country, but also their houses, their hogs, and their cloth, were
left unguarded, without the smallest apprehensions. I have already
remarked, that they not only separate their possessions by walls in the
plain country, but that, in the woods likewise, wherever the
horse-plantains grow, they make use of small white flags, in the same
manner, and for the same purpose of discriminating property, as they do
bunches of leaves at Otaheite. All which circumstances, if they do not
amount to proofs, are strong indications that the power of the chiefs,
where property is concerned, is not arbitrary; but, at least, so far
circumscribed and ascertained, as to make it worth the while for the
inferior orders to cultivate the soil, and to occupy their possessions
distinct from each other.
With respect to the administration of justice, all the information we
could collect was very imperfect and confined. Whenever any of the
lowest class of people had a quarrel amongst themselves, the matter in
dispute was referred to the decision of some chief, probably the chief
of the district, or the person to whom they appertained. If an inferior
chief had given cause of offence to one of a higher rank, the feelings
of the latter at the moment seemed the only measure of his punishment.
If he had the good fortune to escape the first transports of his
superior’s rage, he generally found means, through the mediation of some
third person, to compound for his crime by a part or the whole of his
property and effects. These were the only facts that came to our
knowledge on this head.
The religion of these people resembles, in most of its principal
features, that of the Society and Friendly Islands. Their _Morais_,
their _Whattas_, their idols, their sacrifices, and their sacred songs,
all of which they have in common with each other, are convincing proofs,
that their religious notions are derived from the same source. In the
length and number of their ceremonies, this branch indeed far exceeds
the rest; and, though in all these countries, there is a certain class
of men, to whose care the performance of their religious rights is
committed; yet we had never met with a regular society of priests, till
we discovered the cloisters of Kakooa in Karakakooa Bay. The head of
this order was called _Orono_; a title which we imagined to imply
something highly sacred, and which, in the person of Omeeah, was
honoured almost to adoration. It is probable, that the privilege of
entering into this order (at least as to the principal offices in it),
is limited to certain families. Omeeah, the _Orono_, was the son of
Kaoo, and the uncle of Kaireekeea; which last presided, during the
absence of his grandfather, in all religious ceremonies at the _Morai_.
It was also remarked, that the child of Omeeah, an only son, about five
years old, was never suffered to appear without a number of attendants,
and such other marks of care and solicitude, as we saw no other like
instance of. This seemed to indicate, that his life was an object of the
greatest moment, and that he was destined to succeed to the high rank of
his father.
It has been mentioned, that the title of _Orono_, with all its honours,
was given to Captain Cook; and it is also certain, that they regarded
us, generally, as a race of people superior to themselves; and used
often to say, that great _Eatooa_ dwelled in our country. The little
image, which we have before described, as the favourite idol on the
_Morai_ in Karakakooa Bay, they call _Koonooraekaiee_, and said it was
Terreeoboo’s god; and that he also resided amongst us.
There are found an infinite variety of these images, both on the
_Morais_, and within and without their houses, to which they gave
different names; but it soon became obvious to us in how little
estimation they were held, from their frequent expressions of contempt
of them, and from their even offering them to sale for trifles. At the
same time, there seldom failed to be some one particular figure in
favour, to which, whilst this performance lasted, all their adoration
was addressed. This consisted in arraying it in red cloth; beating their
drums, and singing hymns before it; laying bunches of red feathers, and
different sorts of vegetables, at its feet; and exposing a pig, or a
dog, to rot on the _whatta_ that stood near it.
In a bay to the southward of Karakakooa, a party of our gentlemen were
conducted to a large house, in which they found the black figure of a
man, resting on his fingers and toes, with his head inclined backward;
the limbs well formed and exactly proportioned, and the whole
beautifully polished. This figure the natives called _Maee_; and round
it were placed thirteen others of rude and distorted shapes, which they
said were the _Eatooas_ of several deceased chiefs, whose names they
recounted. The place was full of _whattas_, on which lay the remains of
their offerings. They likewise give a place in their houses to many
ludicrous and some obscene idols, like the Priapus of the ancients.
It hath been remarked, by former voyagers, that both among the Society
and Friendly Islanders, an adoration is paid to particular birds; and I
am led to believe, that the same custom prevails here; and that,
probably, the raven is the object of it, from seeing two of these birds
tame at the village of Kakooa, which they told me were _Eatooas_; and,
refusing every thing I offered for them, cautioned me, at the same time,
not to hurt or offend them.
Amongst their religious ceremonies may be reckoned the prayers and
offerings made by the priests before their meals. Whilst the _ava_ is
chewing, of which they always drink before they begin their repast, the
person of the highest rank takes the lead in a sort of hymn, in which he
is presently joined by one, two, or more of the company; the rest moving
their bodies, and striking their hands gently together, in concert with
the singers. When the _ava_ is ready, cups of it are handed about to
those who do not join in the song, which they keep in their hands till
it is ended; when, uniting in one loud response, they drink off their
cup. The performers of the hymn are then served with _ava_, who drink it
after a repetition of the same ceremony; and, if there be present one of
a very superior rank, a cup is, last of all, presented to him, which,
after chanting some time alone, and being answered by the rest, and
pouring a little out on the ground, he drinks off. A piece of the flesh
that is dressed is next cut off, without any selection of the part of
the animal; which, together with some of the vegetables, being deposited
at the foot of the image of the _Eatooa_, and a hymn chanted, their meal
commences. A ceremony of much the same kind is also performed by the
chiefs, whenever they drink _ava_, between their meals.
Human sacrifices are more frequent here, according to the account of the
natives themselves, than in any other islands we visited. These horrid
rites are not only had recourse to upon the commencement of war and
preceding great battles, and other signal enterprizes; but the death of
any considerable chief calls for a sacrifice of one or more _Towtows_,
according to his rank; and we were told, that ten men were destined to
suffer on the death of Terreeoboo. What may (if any thing possibly can)
lessen, in some small degree, the horror of this practice, is, that the
unhappy victims have not the most distant intimation of their fate.
Those who are fixed upon to fall, are set upon with clubs wherever they
happen to be; and, after being dispatched, are brought dead to the place
where the remainder of the rites are completed. The reader will here
call to his remembrance the skulls of the captives, that had been
sacrificed at the death of some great chief, and which were fixed on the
rails round the top of the _Morai_ at Kakooa. We got a farther piece of
intelligence upon this subject at the village of Kowrowa; where, on our
inquiring into the use of a small piece of ground, inclosed with a stone
fence, we were told that it was an _Here-eere_, or burying-ground of a
chief; and there, added our informer, pointing to one of the corners,
lie the _tangata_ and _waheene taboo_, or the man and woman who were
sacrificed at his funeral.
To this class of their customs may also be referred that of knocking out
their fore-teeth. Scarce any of the lower people, and very few of the
chiefs, were seen, who had not lost one or more of them; and we always
understood, that this voluntary punishment, like the cutting off the
joints of the finger at the Friendly Islands, was not inflicted on
themselves from the violence of grief, on the death of their friends,
but was designed as a propitiatory sacrifice to the _Eatooa_, to avert
any danger or mischief to which they might be exposed.
We were able to learn but little of their notions with regard to a
future state. Whenever we asked them, whither the dead were gone? we
were always answered, that the breath, which they appeared to consider
as the soul, or immortal part, was gone to the _Eatooa_; and, on pushing
our inquiries farther, they seemed to describe some particular place,
where they imagined the abode of the deceased to be; but we could not
perceive, that they thought, in this state, either rewards or
punishments awaited them.
Having promised the reader, in the first chapter, an explanation of what
was meant by the word _taboo_, I shall, in this place, lay before him
the particular instances that fell under our observation, of its
application and effects. On our inquiring into the reasons of the
interdiction of all intercourse between us and the natives, the day
preceding the arrival of Terreeoboo, we were told, that the bay was
_tabooed_. The same restriction took place at our request, the day we
interred the bones of Captain Cook. In these two instances the natives
paid the most implicit and scrupulous obedience; but whether on any
religious principle, or merely in deference to the civil authority of
their chiefs, I cannot determine. When the ground near our
observatories, and the place where our masts lay, were _tabooed_, by
sticking small wands round them, this operated in a manner not less
efficacious. But though this mode of consecration was performed by the
priests only, yet still, as the men ventured to come within the space,
when invited by us, it should seem, that they were under no religious
apprehensions; and that their obedience was limited to our refusal only.
The women could, by no means, be induced to come near us; but this was
probably on account of the _Morai_ adjoining; which they are prohibited,
at all times, and in all the islands of those seas, from approaching.
Mention hath been already made, that women are always _tabooed_, or
forbidden to eat certain kind of meats. We also frequently saw several
at their meals, who had the meat put into their mouths by others; and,
on our asking the reason of this singularity, were told that they were
_tabooed_ or forbidden to feed themselves. This prohibition, we
understood, was always laid on them, after they had assisted at any
funeral, or touched a dead body, and also on other occasions. It is
necessary to observe, that, on these occasions, they apply the word
_taboo_ indifferently both to persons and things. Thus they say, the
natives were _tabooed_, or the bay was _tabooed_, and so of the rest.
This word is also used to express any thing sacred, or eminent, or
devoted. Thus the king of Owhyhee was called _Eree-taboo_; a human
victim _tangata-taboo_; and, in the same manner, among the Friendly
Islanders, Tonga, the island where the king resides, is named
_Tonga-taboo_.
Concerning their marriages, I can afford the reader little farther
satisfaction than informing him that such a relation or compact exists
amongst them. I have already had occasion to mention, that at the time
Terreeoboo had left his queen Rora-rora at Mowee, he was attended by
another woman, by whom he had children, and to whom he was very much
attached; but how far polygamy, properly speaking, is allowed, or how
far it is mixed with concubinage, either with respect to the king, the
chiefs, or among the inferior orders, too few facts came to our
knowledge to justify any conclusions. It hath also been observed, that,
except Kainee Kabareea, and the wife of the Orono, with three women whom
I shall have occasion hereafter to mention, we never saw any female of
high rank.
From what I had an opportunity of observing of the domestic concerns of
the lowest class, the house seemed to be under the direction of one man
and woman, and the children in the like state of subordination as in
civilized countries.
It will not be improper in this place to take notice, that we were
eye-witnesses of a fact, which, as it was the only instance we saw of
any thing like jealousy among them, shows at the same time that not only
fidelity but a degree of reserve is required from the married women of
consequence. At one of the entertainments of boxing, Omeeah was observed
to rise from his place two or three times, and to go up to his wife with
strong marks of displeasure, ordering her, as it appeared to us from his
manner, to withdraw. Whether it was, that being very handsome he thought
she drew too much of our attention; or without being able to determine
what other reason he might have for his conduct, it is but justice to
say that there existed no real cause of jealousy. However, she kept her
place; and when the entertainment was over joined our party, and
soliciting some trifling presents, was given to understand that we had
none about us, but that if she would accompany us toward our tent she
should return with such as she liked best. She was accordingly walking
along with us, which Omeeah observing, followed in a violent rage, and
seizing her by the hair began to inflict with his fists a severe
corporal punishment. This sight, especially as we had innocently been
the cause of it, gave us much concern, and yet we were told that it
would be highly improper to interfere between man and wife of such high
rank. We were, however, not left without the consolation of seeing the
natives at last interpose; and had the farther satisfaction of meeting
them together the next day, in perfect good humour with each other; and
what is still more singular, the lady would not suffer us to remonstrate
with her husband on his treatment of her, which we were much inclined to
do, and plainly told us that he had done no more than he ought.
Whilst I was ashore at the observatory at Karakakooa Bay, I had twice an
opportunity of seeing a considerable part of their funeral rites.
Intelligence was brought me of the death of an old chief in a house near
our observatories, soon after the event happened. On going to the place,
I found a number of people assembled and seated round a square _area_,
fronting the house in which the deceased lay, whilst a man in a
red-feathered cap advanced from an interior part of the house to the
door, and putting out his head, at almost every moment uttered a most
lamentable howl, accompanied with the most singular grimaces and violent
distortions of his face that can be conceived. After this had passed a
short time, a large mat was spread upon the _area_, and two men and
thirteen women came out of the house and seated themselves down upon it,
in three equal rows, the two men and three of the women being in front.
The necks and hands of the women were decorated with feathered ruffs,
and broad green leaves, curiously scolloped, were spread over their
shoulders. At one corner of this _area_, near a small hut, were half a
dozen boys waving small white banners, and the tufted wands or _taboo_
sticks which have been often mentioned in the former chapters, who would
not permit us to approach them. This led me to imagine that the dead
body might be deposited in this little hut; but I afterward understood
that it was in the house where the man in the red cap opened the rites,
by playing his tricks at the door. The company just mentioned being
seated on the mat, began to sing a melancholy tune, accompanied with a
slow and gentle motion of the body and arms. When this had continued
some time, they raised themselves on their knees, and in a posture
between kneeling and sitting, began by degrees to move their arms and
their bodies with great rapidity, the tune always keeping pace with
their motions. As these last exertions were too violent to continue
long, they resumed at intervals their slower movements; and after this
performance had lasted an hour, more mats were brought and spread upon
the _area_, and four or five elderly women, amongst whom I was told was
the dead chief’s wife, advanced slowly out of the house, and seating
themselves in the front of the first company, began to cry and wail most
bitterly, the women in the three rows behind joining them, whilst the
two men inclined their heads over them in a very melancholy and pensive
attitude. At this period of the rites, I was obliged to leave them to
attend at the observatory, but returning within half an hour found them
in the same situation. I continued with them till late in the evening,
and left them proceeding with little variation, as just described,
resolving, however, to attend early in the morning to see the remainder
of the ceremony. On my arrival at the house, as soon as it was day, I
found to my mortification the crowd dispersed and every thing quiet, and
was given to understand that the corpse was removed, nor could I learn
in what manner it was disposed of. I was interrupted in making farther
inquiries for this purpose by the approach of three women of rank, who,
whilst their attendants stood near them with their fly-flaps, sat down
by us, and entering into conversation soon made me comprehend that our
presence was a hindrance to the performance of some necessary rites. I
had hardly got out of sight before I heard their cries and lamentations;
and meeting them a few hours afterward, I found they had painted the
lower part of their faces perfect black.
The other opportunity I had of observing these ceremonies was in the
case of an ordinary person, when, on hearing some mournful female cries
issue from a miserable-looking hut, I ventured into it, and found an old
woman with her daughter weeping over the body of an elderly man who had
but just expired, being still warm. The first step they took was to
cover the body with cloth, after which, lying down by it, they drew the
cloth over themselves, and then began a mournful kind of song,
frequently repeating, _Aweh medoaah!_ _Aweh tanee!_ Oh my father! Oh my
husband! A younger daughter was also at the same time lying prostrate in
a corner of the house, covered over with black cloth, repeating the same
words. On leaving this melancholy scene, I found at the door a number of
their neighbours collected together, and listening to their cries with
profound silence. I was resolved not to miss this opportunity of seeing
in what manner they dispose of the body; and therefore, after satisfying
myself before I went to bed that it was not then removed, I gave orders
that the sentries should walk backward and forward before the house, and
in case they suspected any measures were taking for the removal of the
body, to give me immediate notice. However, the sentries had not kept a
good look-out, for in the morning I found the body was gone. On
inquiring what they had done with it? they pointed toward the sea,
indicating most probably thereby that it had been committed to the deep,
or perhaps that it had been carried beyond the bay, to some
burying-ground in another part of the country. The chiefs are interred
in the _Morais_, or _Heree-erees_, with the men sacrificed on the
occasion by the side of them; and we observed that the _Morai_ where the
chief had been buried, who, as I have already mentioned, was killed in
the cave after so stout a resistance, was hung round with red cloth.
BOOK VI.
TRANSACTIONS DURING THE SECOND EXPEDITION TO THE NORTH, BY THE WAY OF
KAMTSCHATKA; AND ON THE RETURN HOME, BY THE WAY OF CANTON AND THE CAPE
OF GOOD HOPE.
CHAP. I.
DEPARTURE FROM ONEEHEOW.—FRUITLESS ATTEMPT TO DISCOVER MODOOPAPAPPA.—
COURSE STEERED FOR AWATSKA BAY.—OCCURRENCES DURING THAT PASSAGE.—
SUDDEN CHANGE FROM HEAT TO COLD.—DISTRESS OCCASIONED BY THE LEAKING OF
THE RESOLUTION.—VIEW OF THE COAST OF KAMTSCHATKA.—EXTREME RIGOUR OF
THE CLIMATE.—LOSE SIGHT OF THE DISCOVERY.—THE RESOLUTION ENTERS THE
BAY OF AWATSK.—PROSPECT OF THE TOWN OF SAINT PETER AND SAINT PAUL.—
PARTY SENT ASHORE.—THEIR RECEPTION BY THE COMMANDING OFFICER OF THE
PORT.—MESSAGE DISPATCHED TO THE COMMANDER AT BOLCHERETSK.—ARRIVAL OF
THE DISCOVERY.—RETURN OF THE MESSENGERS FROM THE COMMANDER.—
EXTRAORDINARY MODE OF TRAVELLING.—VISIT FROM A MERCHANT, AND A GERMAN
SERVANT BELONGING TO THE COMMANDER.
On the 15th of March, at seven in the morning, we weighed anchor, and
passing to the north of Tahoora, stood on to the south-west, in hopes of
falling in with the island of Modoopapappa, which, we were told by the
natives, lay in that direction, about five hours sail from Tahoora. At
four in the afternoon, we were overtaken by a stout canoe, with ten men,
who were going from Oneeheow to Tahoora, to kill tropic and man-of-war
birds, with which that place was said to abound. It has been mentioned
before, that the feathers of these birds are in great request, being
much used in making their cloaks, and other ornamental parts of their
dress.
At eight, having seen nothing of the island, we hauled the wind to the
northward, till midnight, and then tacked, and stood on a wind to the
south-east, till day-light next morning, at which time Tahoora bore east
north-east, five or six leagues distant. We afterward steered west
south-west, and made the Discovery’s signal to spread four miles upon
our starboard beam. At noon, our latitude was 21° 27ʹ, and our longitude
198° 42ʹ; and having stood on till five in the same direction, we made
the Discovery’s signal to come under our stern, and gave over all hopes
of seeing Modoopapappa. We conceived, that it might probably lie in a
more southerly direction from Tahoora, than that in which we had
steered; though, after all, it is possible, that we might have passed it
in the night, as the islanders described it to be very small, and almost
even with the surface of the sea.
The next day, we steered west; it being Captain Clerke’s intention to
keep as near as possible in the same parallel of latitude, till we
should make the longitude of Awatska Bay, and afterward to steer due
north for the harbour of Saint Peter and Saint Paul in that bay; which
was also appointed for our rendezvous, in case of separation. This track
was chosen on account of its being, as far as we knew, unexplored; and
we were not without hopes of falling in with some new islands on our
passage.
We had scarcely seen a bird, since our losing sight of Tahoora, till the
18th in the afternoon, when, being in the latitude of 21° 12ʹ, and the
longitude of 194° 45ʹ, the appearance of a great many boobies, and some
man-of-war birds, made us keep a sharp look-out for land. Toward
evening, the wind lessened, and the north-east swell, which, on the 16th
and 17th, had been so heavy as to make the ships labour exceedingly, was
much abated. The next day, we saw no appearance of land; and at noon, we
steered a point more to the southward, viz. west by south, in the hopes
of finding the trade-winds (which blew almost invariably from the east
by north) fresher as we advanced within the tropic. It is somewhat
singular, that though we saw no birds in the forenoon, yet toward
evening we had again a number of boobies and man-of-war birds about us.
This seemed to indicate, that we had passed the land from whence the
former flights had come, and that we were approaching some other low
island.
The wind continued very moderate, with fine weather, till the 23d, when
it freshened from the north-east by east, and increased to a strong
gale, which split some of our old sails, and made the running rigging
very frequently give way. This gale lasted twelve hours; it then became
more moderate, and continued so, till the 25th at noon, when we entirely
lost it, and had only a very light air.
On the 26th in the morning, we thought we saw land to the west
south-west, but, after running about sixteen leagues in that direction,
we found our mistake; and night coming on, we again steered west. Our
latitude, at this time, was 19° 45ʹ, which was the greatest southing we
made in this run; our longitude was 183°, and variation 12° 45ʹ E. We
continued in this course, with little alteration in the wind, till the
29th, when it shifted to the south-east and south south-east, and, for a
few hours in the night, it was in the west; the weather being dark and
cloudy, with much rain. We had met, for some days past, several turtles,
one of which was the smallest I ever saw, not exceeding three inches in
length. We were also accompanied by man-of-war birds, and boobies of an
unusual kind, being quite white (except the tip of the wing, which was
black), and easily mistaken, at first sight, for gannets.
The light winds which we had met with for some time past, with the
present unsettled state of the weather, and the little appearance of any
change for the better, induced Captain Clerke to alter his plan of
keeping within the tropical latitudes; and accordingly, at six this
evening, we began to steer north-west by north, at which time our
latitude was 20° 23ʹ, and our longitude 180° 40ʹ. During the continuance
of the light winds, which prevailed almost constantly ever since our
departure from the Sandwich Islands, the weather was very close, and the
air hot and sultry; the thermometer being generally at 80°, and
sometimes at 83°. All this time, we had a considerable swell from the
north-east; and in no period of the voyage did the ships roll and strain
so violently.
In the morning of the 1st of April, the wind changed from the south-east
to the north-east by east, and blew a fresh breeze, till the morning of
the 4th, when it altered two points more to the east, and by noon
increased to a strong gale, which lasted till the afternoon of the 5th,
attended with hazy weather. It then again altered its direction to the
south-east, became more moderate, and was accompanied by heavy showers
of rain. During all this time, we kept steering to the north-west,
against a slow but regular current from that quarter, which caused a
constant variation from our reckoning by the log, of fifteen miles a
day. On the 4th, being then in the latitude 26° 17ʹ, and longitude 173°
30ʹ, we passed prodigious quantities of what sailors call Portuguese
men-of-war (_holothuria physalis_), and were also accompanied with a
great number of sea birds, amongst which we observed, for the first
time, the albatross and sheerwater.
On the 6th, at noon, we lost the trade-wind, and were suddenly taken
a-back, with the wind from the north north-west. At this time, our
latitude was 29° 50ʹ, and our longitude 170° 1ʹ. As the old
running-ropes were constantly breaking in the late gales, we reeved what
new ones we had left, and made such other preparations, as were
necessary for the very different climate with which we were now shortly
to encounter. The fine weather we met with between the tropics, had not
been idly spent. The carpenters found sufficient employment in repairing
the boats. The best bower-cable had been so much damaged by the foul
ground in Karakakooa Bay, and whilst we were at anchor off Oneeheow,
that we were obliged to cut forty fathoms from it; in converting of
which, with other old cordage, into spun-yarn, and applying it to
different uses, a considerable part of the people were kept constantly
employed by the boatswain. The airing of sails and other stores, which,
from the leakiness of the decks and sides of the ships, were perpetually
subject to be wet, had now become a frequent as well as a laborious and
troublesome part of our duty.
Besides these cares, which had regard only to the ships themselves,
there were others, which had for their object the preservation of the
health of the crews, that furnished a constant occupation to a great
number of our hands. The standing orders, established by Captain Cook,
of airing the bedding, placing fires between decks, washing them with
vinegar, and smoking them with gunpowder, were observed without any
intermission. For some time past, even the operation of mending the
sailors’ old jackets had risen into a duty both of difficulty and
importance. It may be necessary to inform those who are unacquainted
with the disposition and habits of seamen, that they are so accustomed
in ships of war to be directed in the care of themselves by their
officers, that they lose the very idea of foresight, and contract the
thoughtlessness of infants. I am sure, that if our people had been left
to their own discretion alone, we should have had the whole crew naked,
before the voyage had been half finished. It was natural to expect that
their experience, during our voyage to the north last year, would have
made them sensible of the necessity of paying some attention to these
matters; but if such reflections ever occurred to them, their impression
was so transitory, that, upon our return to the tropical climates, their
fur jackets, and the rest of their cold country clothes, were kicked
about the decks as things of no value; though it was generally known, in
both ships, that we were to make another voyage toward the pole. They
were, of course, picked up by the officers; and, being put into casks,
restored about this time to the owners.
In the afternoon, we observed some of the sheathing floating by the
ship; and, on examination, found that twelve or fourteen feet had been
washed off from under the larboard-bow, where we supposed the leak to
have been, which, ever since our leaving Sandwich Islands, had kept the
people almost constantly at the pumps, making twelve inches water an
hour. This day we saw a number of small crabs, of a pale blue colour;
and had again, in company, a few albatrosses and sheerwaters. The
thermometer, in the night-time, sunk eleven degrees; and although it
still remained as high as 59°, yet we suffered much from the cold; our
feelings being, as yet, by no means reconciled to that degree of
temperature.
The wind continued blowing fresh from the north, till the eighth, in the
morning, when it became more moderate, with fair weather, and gradually
changed its direction to the east, and afterward to the south.
On the ninth, at noon, our latitude was 32° 16ʹ; our longitude 166° 40ʹ;
and the variation 8° 30ʹ E. And on the tenth, having crossed the track
of the Spanish galleons from the Manillas to Acapulco, we expected to
have fallen in with the Island of Rica de Plata, which, according to De
Lisle’s chart, in which the route of those ships is laid down, ought to
have been in sight; its latitude, as there given, being 33° 30ʹ N., and
its longitude 166° E. Notwithstanding we were so far advanced to the
northward, we saw this day a tropic bird, and also several other kinds
of sea-birds; such as puffins, sea-parrots, sheerwaters, and
albatrosses.
On the eleventh, at noon, we were in latitude 35° 30ʹ, longitude 165°
45ʹ; and during the course of the day, had sea-birds, as before, and
passed several bunches of sea-weed. About the same time, the Discovery
passed a log of wood; but no other signs of land were seen.
The next day the wind came gradually round to the east, and increased to
so strong a gale, as obliged us to strike our top-gallant yards, and
brought us under the lower sails, and the main top-sail close reefed.
Unfortunately we were upon that tack, which was the most disadvantageous
for our leak. But, as we had always been able to keep it under with the
hand-pumps, it gave us no great uneasiness, till the 13th, about six in
the afternoon, when we were greatly alarmed by a sudden inundation, that
deluged the whole space between decks. The water, which had lodged in
the coal-hole, not finding a sufficient vent into the well, had forced
up the platforms over it, and in a moment set every thing afloat. Our
situation was indeed exceedingly distressing; nor did we immediately see
any means of relieving ourselves. A pump, through the upper decks into
the coal-hole, could answer no end, as it would very soon have been
choked up by the small coals; and, to bale the water out with buckets,
was become impracticable, from the number of bulky materials that were
washed out of the gunner’s store-room into it, and which, by the ship’s
motion, were tossed violently from side to side. No other method was
therefore left, but to cut a hole through the bulk-head (or partition)
that separated the coal hole from the fore-hold, and by that means to
make a passage for the body of water into the well. However, before that
it could be done, it was necessary to get the casks of dry provisions
out of the fore-hold, which kept us employed the greatest part of the
night; so that the carpenters could not get at the partition till the
next morning. As soon as a passage was made, the greatest part of the
water emptied itself into the well, and enabled us to get out the rest
with buckets. But the leak was now so much increased, that we were
obliged to keep one half of the people constantly pumping and baleing,
till the noon of the 15th. Our men bore, with great cheerfulness, this
excessive fatigue, which was much increased by their having no dry place
to sleep in; and, on this account, we began to serve their full
allowance of grog.
The weather now becoming more moderate, and the swell less heavy, we
were enabled to clear away the rest of the casks from the fore-hold, and
to open a sufficient passage for the water to the pumps. This day we saw
a greenish piece of drift-wood, and fancying the water coloured, we
sounded, but got no bottom with a hundred and sixty fathoms of line. Our
latitude, at noon this day, was 41° 52ʹ, longitude 161° 15ʹ; variation
6° 30ʹ east; and the wind soon after veering to the northward, we
altered our course three points to the west.
On the 16th, at noon, we were in the latitude of 42° 12ʹ, and in the
longitude of 160° 5ʹ; and as we were now approaching the place where a
great extent of land is said to have been seen by De Gama, we were glad
of the opportunity which the course we were steering gave, of
contributing to remove the doubts, if any should be still entertained,
respecting the falsehood of this pretended discovery. For it is to be
observed, that no one has ever yet been able to find who John de Gama
was, when he lived, or what year this pretended discovery was made.
According to Mr. Muller, the first account of it given to the public was
in a chart published by Texeira, a Portuguese geographer, in 1649, who
places it in ten or twelve degrees to the north-east of Japan, between
the latitudes of 44° and 45°; and announces it to be _land seen by John
de Gama, the Indian, in a voyage from China to New Spain_. On what
grounds the French geographers have since removed it five degrees to the
eastward, does not appear; except we suppose it to have been in order to
make room for another discovery of the same kind made by the Dutch,
called _Company’s Land_; of which we shall have occasion to speak
hereafter.
During the whole day, the wind was exceedingly unsettled, being seldom
steady to two or three points; and blowing in fresh gusts, which were
succeeded by dead calms. These were not unpromising appearances; but,
after standing off and on, the whole of this day, without seeing any
thing of the land, we again steered to the northward, not thinking it
worth our while to lose time in search of an object, the opinion of
whose existence had been already pretty generally exploded. Our people
were employed the whole of the 16th, in getting their wet things to dry,
and in airing the ship below.
We now began to feel very sharply the increasing inclemency of the
northern climate. In the morning of the 18th, our latitude being 45°
40ʹ, and our longitude 160° 25ʹ, we had snow and sleet, accompanied with
strong gales from the south-west. This circumstance will appear very
remarkable, if we consider the season of the year, and the quarter from
which the wind blew. On the 19th, the thermometer, in the day-time,
remained at the freezing point, and at four in the morning fell to 29°.
If the reader will take the trouble to compare the degree of heat,
during the hot sultry weather we had at the beginning of this month,
with the extreme cold which we now endured, he will conceive how
severely so rapid a change must have been felt by us.
In the gale of the 18th, we had split almost all the sails we had bent,
which being our second best suit, we were now reduced to make use of our
last and best set. To add to Captain Clerke’s difficulties, the sea was
in general so rough, and the ships so leaky, that the sail-makers had no
place to repair the sails in, except his apartments, which, in his
declining state of health, was a serious inconvenience to him.
On the 20th, at noon, being in latitude 49° 45ʹ N. and longitude 161°
15ʹ E.; and eagerly expecting to fall in with the coast of Asia, the
wind shifted suddenly to the north, and continued in the same quarter
the following day. However, although it retarded our progress, yet the
fair weather it brought was no small refreshment to us. In the forenoon
of the 21st, we saw a whale, and a land-bird; and, in the afternoon, the
water looking muddy, we sounded, but got no ground with an hundred and
forty fathoms of line. During the three preceding days, we saw large
flocks of wild-fowl, of a species resembling ducks. This is usually
considered as a proof of the vicinity of land; but we had no other signs
of it, since the 16th; in which time we had run upward of an hundred and
fifty leagues.
On the 22d, the wind shifted to the north-east, attended with misty
weather. The cold was exceedingly severe, and the ropes were so frozen,
that it was with difficulty we could force them through the blocks. At
noon, the latitude, by account, was 51° 38ʹ, longitude 160° 7ʹ; and on
comparing our present position with that given to the southern parts of
Kamtschatka, in the Russian charts, Captain Clerke did not think it
prudent to run on toward the land all night. We therefore tacked at ten;
and, having sounded, had ground agreeably to our conjectures, with
seventy fathoms of line.
On the 23d, at six in the morning, being in latitude 52° 09ʹ, and
longitude 160° 07ʹ, on the fog clearing away, the land appeared in
mountains covered with snow; and extending from north three quarters
east, to south-west, a high conical rock, bearing south-west, three
quarters west, at three or four leagues distance. We had no sooner taken
this imperfect view, than we were again covered with a thick fog. Being
now, according to our maps, only eight leagues from the entrance of
Awatska Bay, as soon as the weather cleared up, we stood in to take a
nearer view of the land; and a more dismal and dreary prospect I never
beheld. The coast appears straight and uniform, having no inlets or
bays; the ground, from the shore, rises in hills of a moderate
elevation, behind which are ranges of mountains, whose summits were lost
in the clouds. The whole scene was entirely covered with snow, except
the sides of some of the cliffs, which rose too abruptly from the sea
for the snow to lie upon them.
The wind continued blowing very strong from the north-east, with thick
hazy weather and sleet, from the 24th till the 28th. During the whole
time, the thermometer was never higher than 30-1/2°. The ship appeared
to be a complete mass of ice; the shrowds were so incrusted with it, as
to measure in circumference more than double their usual size; and, in
short, the experience of the oldest seaman among us, had never met with
any thing like the continued showers of sleet, and the extreme cold,
which we now encountered. Indeed, the severity of the weather, added to
the great difficulty of working the ships, and the labour of keeping the
pumps constantly going, rendered the service too hard for many of the
crew, some of whom were frost-bitten, and others laid up with bad colds.
We continued all this time standing four hours on each tack, having
generally soundings of sixty fathoms, when about three leagues from the
land; but none at twice that distance. On the 25th, we had a transient
view of the entrance of Awatska Bay; but, in the present state of the
weather, we were afraid of venturing into it. Upon our standing off
again, we lost sight of the Discovery; but, as we were now so near the
place of rendezvous, this gave us no great uneasiness.
On the 28th, in the morning, the weather at last cleared, and the wind
fell to a light breeze from the same quarter as before. We had a fine
warm day, and as we now began to expect a thaw, the men were employed in
breaking the ice from off the rigging, masts, and sails, in order to
prevent its falling on our heads. At noon, being in the latitude of 52°
44ʹ, and the longitude of 159°, the entrance of Awatska Bay bore
north-west, distant three or four leagues; and about three in the
afternoon a fair wind sprung up from the southward, with which we stood
in, having regular soundings from twenty-two to seven fathoms.
The mouth of the bay opens in a north-north-west direction. The land on
the south side is of a moderate height; to the northward it rises into a
bluff head, which is the highest part of the coast. In the channel
between them, near the north-east side, lie three remarkable rocks; and
farther in, near the opposite coast, a single detached rock of a
considerable size. On the north head there is a look-out house, which,
when the Russians expect any of their ships upon the coast, is used as a
light-house. There was a flag-staff on it, but we saw no sign of any
person being there.
Having passed the mouth of the bay, which is about four miles long, we
opened a large circular bason of twenty-five miles in circumference, and
at half past four came to an anchor in six fathoms’ water, being afraid
of running foul on a shoal, or some sunk rocks, which are said by
Muller[17] to lie in the channel of the harbour of St. Peter and St.
Paul. The middle of the bay was full of loose ice, drifting with the
tide, but the shores were still entirely blocked up with it. Great
flocks of wild-fowl were seen of various species; likewise ravens,
eagles, and large flights of Greenland pigeons. We examined every corner
of the bay with our glasses, in search of the town of St. Peter and St.
Paul, which, according to the accounts given us at Oonalashka, we had
conceived to be a place of some strength and consideration. At length we
discovered on a narrow point of land to the north-north-east a few
miserable log-houses and some conical huts, raised on poles, amounting
in all to about thirty, which from their situation, notwithstanding all
the respect we wished to entertain for a Russian _ostrog_, we were under
the necessity of concluding to be Petropaulowska. However, in justice to
the generous and hospitable treatment we found here, I shall beg leave
to anticipate the reader’s curiosity, by assuring him that our
disappointment proved to be more of a laughable than a serious nature.
For in this wretched extremity of the earth, situated beyond every thing
that we conceived to be most barbarous and inhospitable, and as it were
out of the very reach of civilization, barricadoed with ice and covered
with summer snow, in a poor miserable port far inferior to the meanest
of our fishing towns, we met with feelings of humanity, joined to a
greatness of mind and elevation of sentiment, which would have done
honour to any nation or climate.
[Illustration: _View of Karakakooa in Owhyhee._]
During the night, much ice drifted by us with the tide, and at day-light
I was sent with the boats to examine the bay, and deliver the letters we
had brought from Oonalashka to the Russian commander. We directed our
course toward the village I have just mentioned; and having proceeded as
far as we were able, with the boats, we got upon the ice, which extended
near half a mile from the shore. Mr. Webber and two of the seamen
accompanied me, whilst the master took the pinnace and cutter to finish
the survey, leaving the jolly-boat behind to carry us back.
I believe the inhabitants had not yet seen either the ship or the boats,
for even after we had got on the ice we could not perceive any signs of
a living creature in the town. By the time we had advanced a little way
on the ice, we observed a few men hurrying backward and forward, and
presently after a sledge drawn by dogs, with one of the inhabitants in
it, came down to the sea-side, opposite to us. Whilst we were gazing at
this unusual sight, and admiring the great civility of this stranger
which we imagined had brought him to our assistance, the man, after
viewing us for some time very attentively, turned short round and went
off with great speed toward the _ostrog_. We were not less chagrined
than disappointed at this abrupt departure, as we began to find our
journey over the ice attended not only with great difficulty but even
with danger. We sunk at every step almost knee-deep in the snow, and
though we found tolerable footing at the bottom, yet the weak parts of
the ice not being discoverable, we were constantly exposed to the risk
of breaking through it. This accident at last actually happened to
myself; for stepping on quickly over a suspicious spot, in order to
press with less weight upon it, I came upon a second before I could stop
myself, which broke under me, and in I fell. Luckily I rose clear of the
ice, and a man that was a little way behind with a boat-hook throwing it
to me, I laid it across some loose pieces near me, and by that means was
enabled to get upon firm ice again.
As we approached the shore we found the ice, contrary to our
expectations, more broken than it had been before. We were, however,
again comforted by the sight of another sledge coming toward us, but
instead of proceeding to our relief the driver stopt short, and began to
call out to us. I immediately held up to him Ismyloff’s letters; upon
which he turned about and set off back again full speed, followed, I
believe, not with the prayers of any of our party. Being at a great loss
what conclusions to draw from this unaccountable behaviour, we continued
our march toward the _ostrog_ with great circumspection, and when we had
arrived within a quarter of a mile of it, we perceived a body of armed
men marching toward us. That we might give them as little alarm and have
as peaceable an appearance as possible, the two men who had boat-hooks
in their hands were ordered into the rear, and Mr. Webber and myself
marched in front. The Russian party, consisting of about thirty
soldiers, was headed by a decent-looking person, with a cane in his
hand. He halted within a few yards of us, and drew up his men in a
martial and good order. I delivered to him Ismyloff’s letters, and
endeavoured to make him understand, as well as I could (though I
afterward found in vain), that we were English, and had brought them
papers from Oonalashka. After having examined us attentively, he began
to conduct us toward the village in great silence and solemnity,
frequently halting his men to form them in different manners, and making
them perform several parts of their manual exercise, probably with a
view to show us that if we had the temerity to offer any violence, we
should have to deal with men who were not ignorant of their business.
Though I was all this time in my wet clothes, shivering with cold and
sufficiently inclined to the most unconditional submission, without
having my fears violently alarmed, yet it was impossible not to be
diverted with this military parade, notwithstanding it was attended with
the most unseasonable delay. At length we arrived at the house of the
commanding officer of the party, into which we were ushered, and after
no small stir in giving orders, and disposing of the military without
doors, our host made his appearance, accompanied by another person, whom
we understood to be the secretary of the port. One of Ismyloff’s letters
was now opened, and the other sent off by a special messenger to
Bolcheretsk, a town on the west side of the peninsula of Kamtschatka,
where the Russian commander of this province usually resides.
It is very remarkable that they had not seen the ship the preceding day,
when we came to anchor in the bay, nor indeed this morning till our
boats were pretty near the ice. The panic with which the discovery had
struck them we found had been very considerable. The garrison was
immediately put under arms. Two small field-pieces were placed at the
entrance of the commander’s house, and pointed toward our boats, and
shot, powder, and lighted matches were all ready at hand.
The officer in whose house we were at present entertained was a
serjeant, and the commander of the _ostrog_. Nothing could exceed the
kindness and hospitality of his behaviour, after he had recovered from
the alarm occasioned by our arrival. We found the house insufferably
hot, but exceedingly neat and clean. After I had changed my clothes,
which the serjeant’s civility enabled me to do by furnishing me with a
complete suit of his own, we were invited to sit down to dinner, which I
have no doubt was the best he could procure, and considering the
shortness of time he had to provide it, was managed with some ingenuity.
As there was not time to prepare soup and _bouilli_, we had in their
stead some cold beef sliced, with hot water poured over it. We had next
a large bird roasted, of a species with which I was unacquainted, but of
a very excellent taste. After having eaten a part of this it was taken
off, and we were served with fish dressed two different ways, and soon
after the bird again made its appearance, in savoury and sweet _pâtés_.
Our liquor, of which I shall have to speak hereafter, was of the kind
called by the Russians _quass_, and was much the worse part of the
entertainment. The serjeant’s wife brought in several of the dishes
herself, and was not permitted to sit down at table. Having finished our
repast, during which it is hardly necessary to remark that our
conversation was confined to a few bows, and other signs of mutual
respect, we endeavoured to open to our host the cause and objects of our
visit to this port. As Ismyloff had probably written to them on the same
subject in the letters we had before delivered, he appeared very readily
to conceive our meaning; but as there was unfortunately no one in the
place that could talk any other language except Russian or
Kamtschatdale, we found the utmost difficulty in comprehending the
information he meant to convey to us. After some time spent in these
endeavours to understand one another, we conceived the sum of the
intelligence we had procured to be, that though no supply either of
provisions or naval stores were to be had at this place, yet that these
articles were in great plenty at Bolcheretsk. That the commander would
most probably be very willing to give us what we wanted; but that till
the serjeant had received orders from him, neither he nor his people,
nor the natives, could even venture to go on board the ship.
It was now time for us to take our leave, and as my clothes were still
too wet to put on, I was obliged to have recourse again to the
serjeant’s benevolence, for his leave to carry those I had borrowed of
him on board. This request was complied with very cheerfully, and a
sledge drawn by five dogs, with a driver, was immediately provided for
each of our party. The sailors were highly delighted with this mode of
conveyance; and what diverted them still more was, that the two
boat-hooks had also a sledge appropriated to themselves. These sledges
are so light, and their construction so well adapted to the purposes for
which they are intended, that they went with great expedition and
perfect safety over the ice, which it would have been impossible for us
with all our caution to have passed on foot.
On our return we found the boats towing the ship toward the village, and
at seven we got close to the ice, and moored with the small bower to the
north-east and best bower to the south-west, the entrance of the bay
bearing south by east and south three quarters east, and the _ostrog_
north one quarter east, distant one mile and a half. The next morning
the casks and cables were got upon the quarter-deck, in order to lighten
the ship forward, and the carpenters were set to work to stop the leak,
which had given us so much trouble during our last run. It was found to
have been occasioned by the falling of some sheathing from the
larboard-bow, and the oakum between the planks having been washed out.
The warm weather we had in the middle of the day began to make the ice
break away very fast, which drifting with the tide had almost filled up
the entrance of the bay. Several of our gentlemen paid their visits to
the serjeant, by whom they were received with great civility; and
Captain Clerke sent him two bottles of rum, which he understood would be
the most acceptable present he could make him, and received in return
some fine fowls of the grouse kind, and twenty trouts. Our sportsmen met
with but bad success; for though the bay swarmed with flocks of ducks of
various kinds and Greenland pigeons, yet they were so shy that they
could not come within shot of them.
In the morning of the 1st of May, seeing the Discovery standing into the
bay, a boat was immediately sent to her assistance, and in the afternoon
she moored close by us. They told us that after the weather cleared up
on the 28th, the day on which she had parted company, they found
themselves to leeward of the bay, and that when they got abreast of it
the following day and saw the entrance choked up with ice, they stood
off after firing guns, concluding we could not be here; but finding
afterward it was only loose drift-ice, they had ventured in. The next
day the weather was so very unsettled, attended with heavy showers of
snow, that the carpenters were not able to proceed in their work. The
thermometer stood at 28° in the evening, and the frost was exceedingly
severe in the night.
The following morning, on our observing two sledges drive into the
village, Captain Clerke sent me on shore to inquire whether any message
was arrived from the commander of Kamtschatka, which, according to the
serjeant’s account, might now be expected, in consequence of the
intelligence that had been sent of our arrival. Bolcheretsk by the usual
route is about one hundred and thirty-five English miles from St. Peter
and St. Paul’s. Our dispatches were sent off in a sledge drawn by dogs,
on the 29th about noon. And the answer arrived, as we afterward found,
early this morning, so that they were only a little more than three days
and a half in performing a journey of two hundred and seventy miles.
The return of the commander’s answer was, however, concealed from us for
the present, and I was told on my arrival at the serjeant’s, that we
should hear from him the next day. Whilst I was on shore the boat which
had brought me, together with another belonging to the Discovery, were
set fast in the ice, which a southerly wind had driven from the other
side of the bay. On seeing them entangled, the Discovery’s launch had
been sent to their assistance, but soon shared the same fate, and in a
short time the ice had surrounded them near a quarter of a mile deep.
This obliged us to stay on shore till evening, when finding no prospect
of getting the boats off, some of us went in sledges to the edge of the
ice, and were taken off by boats sent from the ship, and the rest staid
on shore all night.
It continued to freeze hard during the night, but before morning on the
4th a change of wind drifted away the floating ice, and set the boats at
liberty, without their having sustained the smallest damage.
About ten o’clock in the forenoon, we saw several sledges driving down
the edge of the ice, and sent a boat to conduct the persons who were in
them on board. One of these was a Russian merchant from Bolcheretsk
named Fedositsch, and the other a German called Port, who had brought a
letter from Major Behm, the commander of Kamtschatka, to Captain Clerke.
When they got to the edge of the ice, and saw distinctly the size of the
ships which lay within about two hundred yards from them, they appeared
to be exceedingly alarmed, and before they would venture to embark,
desired two of our boat’s crew might be left on shore as hostages for
their safety. We afterward found that Ismyloff, in his letter to the
commander, had misrepresented us, for what reasons we could not
conceive, as two small trading boats; and that the serjeant, who had
only seen the ships at a distance, had not in his dispatches rectified
the mistake.
When they arrived on board, we still found, from their cautious and
timorous behaviour, that they were under some unaccountable
apprehensions; and an uncommon degree of satisfaction was visible in
their countenances, on the German’s finding a person amongst us, with
whom he could converse. This was Mr. Webber, who spoke that language
perfectly well; and at last, though with some difficulty, convinced
them, that we were Englishmen, and friends. M. Port being introduced to
Captain Clerke, delivered to him the Commander’s letter, which was
written in German, and was merely complimental, inviting him and his
officers to Bolcheretsk, to which place the people, who brought it, were
to conduct us. M. Port at the same time, acquainted him, that the Major
had conceived a very wrong idea of the size of the ships, and of the
service we were engaged in; Ismyloff in his letter, having represented
us as two small English packet-boats, and cautioned him to be on his
guard; insinuating, that he suspected us to be no better than pirates.
In consequence of this letter, he said there had been various
conjectures formed about us at Bolcheretsk: that the Major thought it
most probable we were on a trading scheme, and for that reason had sent
down a merchant to us; but that the officer, who was second in command,
was of opinion we were French, and come with some hostile intention, and
were for taking measures accordingly. It had required, he added, all the
Major’s authority to keep the inhabitants from leaving the town, and
retiring up into the country; to so extraordinary a pitch had their
fears risen, from their persuasion that we were French.
Their extreme apprehensions of that nation were principally occasioned,
by some circumstances attending an insurrection that had happened at
Bolcheretsk a few years before, in which the commander had lost his
life. We were informed, that an exiled Polish officer, named Beniowski,
taking advantage of the confusion into which the town was thrown, had
seized upon a galliot, then lying at the entrance of the Bolchoireka,
and had forced on board a number of Russian sailors, sufficient to
navigate her: that he had put on shore a part of the crew at the Kourile
Islands; and, among the rest, Ismyloff, who, as the reader will
recollect, had puzzled us exceedingly at Oonalashka, with the history of
this transaction; though, for want of understanding his language, we
could not then make out all the circumstances attending it: that he
passed in sight of Japan; made Luconia; and was there directed how to
steer to Canton; that arriving there, he had applied to the French, and
had got a passage in one of their India ships to France: and that most
of the Russians had likewise returned to Europe in French ships; and had
afterward found their way to Petersburg. We met with three of
Beniowski’s crew in the harbour of Saint Peter and Saint Paul; and from
them we learnt the circumstances of the above story.
On our arrival at Canton, we received a farther corroboration of the
facts, from the gentlemen of the English factory, who told us, that a
person had arrived there in a Russian galliot, who said he came from
Kamtschatka; and that he had been furnished by the French factory with a
passage to Europe.[18]
We could not help being much diverted with the fears and apprehensions
of these good people, and particularly with the account M. Port gave us
of the serjeant’s wary proceedings the day before. On seeing me come on
shore, in company with some other gentlemen, he had made him and the
merchant, who arrived in the sledges we had seen come in the morning,
hide themselves in his kitchen, and listen to our conversation with one
another, in hopes that, by this means, they might discover whether we
were really English or not.
As we concluded, from the commission and dress of M. Port, that he might
probably be the commander’s secretary, he was received as such, and
invited, with his companion, the merchant, to dine with Captain Clerke:
and though we soon began to suspect, from the behaviour of the latter
toward him, that he was only a common servant, yet this being no time to
sacrifice our little comforts to our pride, we prevented an explanation,
by not suffering the question to be put to him; and, in return for the
satisfaction we reaped from his abilities as a linguist, we continued to
let him live on a footing of equality with us.
CHAP. II.
SCARCITY OF PROVISIONS AND STORES AT THE HARBOUR OF SAINT PETER AND
SAINT PAUL.—A PARTY SET OUT TO VISIT THE COMMANDER AT BOLCHERETSK.—
PASSAGE UP THE RIVER AWATSKA.—ACCOUNT OF THEIR RECEPTION BY THE TOION
OF KARATCHIN.—DESCRIPTION OF A KAMTSCHADALE DRESS.—JOURNEY ON
SLEDGES.—DESCRIPTION OF THIS MODE OF TRAVELLING.—ARRIVAL AT
NATCHEEKIN.—ACCOUNT OF HOT SPRINGS.—EMBARK ON THE BOLCHOIREKA.—
RECEPTION AT THE CAPITAL.—GENEROUS AND HOSPITABLE CONDUCT OF THE
COMMANDER AND THE GARRISON.—DESCRIPTION OF BOLCHERETSK.—PRESENTS FROM
THE COMMANDER.—RUSSIAN AND KAMTSCHADALE DANCING.—AFFECTING DEPARTURE
FROM BOLCHERETSK.—RETURN TO SAINT PETER AND SAINT PAUL’S, ACCOMPANIED
BY MAJOR BEHM, WHO VISITS THE SHIPS.—GENEROSITY OF THE SAILORS.—
DISPATCHES SENT BY MAJOR BEHM TO PETERSBURG.—HIS DEPARTURE AND
CHARACTER.
Being now enabled to converse with the Russians, by the aid of our
interpreter, with tolerable facility, our first inquires were directed
to the means of procuring a supply of fresh provisions, and naval
stores; from the want of which latter article, in particular, we had
been for some time in great distress. On inquiry, it appeared, that the
whole stock of live cattle, which the country about the bay could
furnish, amounted only to two heifers; and these the serjeant very
readily promised to procure us. Our applications were next made to the
merchant, but we found the terms upon which he offered to serve us, so
exorbitant, that Captain Clerke thought it necessary to send an officer
to visit the commander at Bolcheretsk, and to inquire into the price of
stores at that place. As soon as this determination was communicated to
M. Port, he dispatched an express to the commander, to inform him of our
intentions, and at the same time, to clear us from the suspicions that
were entertained with respect to the designation and purposes of our
voyage.
Captain Clerke having thought proper to fix on me for this service, I
received orders, together with Mr. Webber, who was to accompany me as
interpreter, to be ready to set out the next day. It proved, however,
too stormy, as did also the 6th, for beginning a journey through so wild
and desolate a country; but, on the 7th, the weather appearing more
favourable, we set out early in the morning in the ship’s boats, with a
view to reach the entrance of the Awatska at high water, on account of
the shoals with which the mouth of that river abounds: here the country
boats were to meet us, and carry us up the stream.
Captain Gore was now added to our party, and we were attended by Messrs.
Port and Fedositsch, with two Cossacks, and were provided, by our
conductors, with warm furred clothing; a precaution which we soon found
very necessary, as it began to snow briskly just after we set out. At
eight o’clock, being stopped by shoal water, about a mile from the mouth
of the river, some small canoes, belonging to the Kamtschadales, took up
us and our baggage, and carried us over a spit of sand, which is thrown
up by the rapidity of the river, and which, they told us, was
continually shifting. When we had crossed this shoal, the water again
deepened; and here we found a commodious boat, built and shaped like a
Norway yawl, ready to convey us up the river, together with canoes for
our baggage.
The mouth of the Awatska is about a quarter of a mile broad; and as we
advanced, it narrowed very gradually. After we had proceeded a few
miles, we passed several branches, which we were told emptied themselves
into other parts of the bay; and that some of those on the left hand
flowed into the Paratounca river. Its general direction from the bay,
for the first ten miles, is to the north, after which it turns to the
westward: this bend excepted, it preserves, for the most part, a
straight course; and the country through which it flows, to the distance
of near thirty miles from the sea, is low and flat, and subject to
frequent inundations. We were pushed forward by six men, with long
poles, three at each end of the boat; two of whom were Cossacks, the
others Kamtschadales; and advanced against a strong stream, at the rate,
as well as I could judge, of about three miles an hour. Our
Kamtschadales bore this severe labour, with great stoutness, for ten
hours; during which we stopped only once, and that for a short time,
whilst they took some little refreshment. As we had been told, at our
first setting out in the morning, that we should easily reach an
_ostrog_, called Karatchin, the same night, we were much disappointed to
find ourselves, at sun-set, fifteen miles from that place. This we
attributed to the delay occasioned in passing the shoals we had met
with, both at the entrance of the river, and in several other places, as
we proceeded up it; for our boat being the first that had passed up the
river, the guides were not acquainted with the situation of the shifting
sand-banks, and unfortunately the snow not having yet begun to melt, the
shallowness of the river was at its extreme.
The fatigue our men had already undergone, and the difficulty of
navigating the river, which would have been much increased by the
darkness of the night, obliged us to give up all thoughts of continuing
our journey that evening. Having therefore found a place tolerably
sheltered, and cleared it of the snow, we erected a small _marquée_,
which we had brought with us; and, by the assistance of a brisk fire,
and some good punch, passed the night not very unpleasantly. The only
inconvenience we laboured under was, the being obliged to make the fire
at some distance from us. For, although the ground was, to all
appearance, dry enough before, yet when the fire was lighted, it soon
thawed all the parts round it into an absolute puddle. We admired much
the alertness and expedition with which the Kamtschadales erected our
_marquée_, and cooked our provisions; but what was most unexpected, we
found they had brought with them their tea-kettles, considering it as
the greatest of hardships not to drink tea two or three times a day.
We set out as soon as it was light in the morning, and had not advanced
far, before we were met by the _Toion_, or chief of Karatchin, who had
been apprized of our coming, and had provided canoes that were lighter,
and better contrived for navigating the higher parts of the river. A
commodious vessel, consisting of two canoes, lashed close together with
cross spars, lined with bear-skins, and furnished with fur cloaks, was
also provided for us. We now went on very rapidly, the _Toion’s_ people
being both stout and fresh, and remarkable for their expertness in this
business. At ten we got to the _ostrog_, the seat of his command, where
we were received at the water-side by the Kamtschadale men and women,
and some Russian servants belonging to Fedositsch, who were employed in
making canoes. They were all drest out in their best clothes. Those of
the women were pretty and gay, consisting of a full loose robe of white
nankeen, gathered close round the neck, and fastened with a collar of
coloured silk. Over this they wore a short jacket, without sleeves, made
of different coloured nankeens, and petticoats of a slight Chinese silk.
Their shifts, which had sleeves down to the wrists, were also of silk;
and coloured silk handkerchiefs were bound round their heads, concealing
entirely the hair of the married women, whilst those who were unmarried,
brought the handkerchief under the hair, and suffered it to flow loose
behind.
This _ostrog_ was pleasantly situated by the side of the river; and
consisted of three log-houses; three _jourts_, or houses made under
ground; and nineteen _balagans_, or summer habitations. We were
conducted to the dwelling of the _Toion_, who was a plain decent man,
born of a Russian woman, by a Kamtschadale father. His house, like all
the rest in this country, was divided into two apartments. A long narrow
table, with a bench round it, was all the furniture we saw in the outer;
and the household stuff of the inner, which was the kitchen, was not
less simple and scanty. But the kind attention of our host, and the
hearty welcome we received, more than compensated for the poverty of his
lodgings.
His wife proved an excellent cook; and served us with fish and game of
different sorts, and various kinds of heath-berries, that had been kept
since the last year. Whilst we were at dinner in this miserable hut, the
guests of a people, with whose existence we had before been scarce
acquainted, and at the extremity of the habitable globe, a solitary,
half-worn pewter spoon, whose shape was familiar to us, attracted our
attention; and, on examination, we found it stamped on the back with the
word _London_. I cannot pass over this circumstance in silence, out of
gratitude for the many pleasant thoughts, the anxious hopes, and tender
remembrances it excited in us. Those who have experienced the effects
that long absence and extreme distance from their native country produce
on the mind, will readily conceive the pleasure such trifling incidents
can give. To the philosopher and the politician they may perhaps suggest
reflections of a different nature.
We were now to quit the river, and perform the next part of our journey
on sledges; but the thaw had been too powerful in the day-time, to allow
us to set out till the cold of the evening had again made the surface of
the snow hard and firm. This gave us an opportunity of walking about the
village, which was the only place we had yet seen free from snow, since
we landed in this country. It stood upon a well wooded flat, of about a
mile and a half in circumference. The leaves were just budding, and the
verdure of the whole scene was strongly contrasted with the sides of the
surrounding hills, which were still covered with snow. As the soil
appeared to me very capable of producing all the common sorts of garden
vegetables, I was greatly surprized not to find the smallest spot any
where cultivated. If to this, we add that none of the inhabitants were
possessed of cattle of any sort, nothing can be well conceived more
wretched than their situation must be during the winter months. They
were at this time removing from their _jourts_ into their _balagans_,
which afforded us an opportunity of examining both these sorts of
habitations; and they will be hereafter more particularly described. The
people invited us into their houses with great good humour; a general
air of cheerfulness and content was every where visible, to which the
approaching change of season might probably not a little contribute.
On our return to the _Toion’s_, we found supper prepared for us, which
differed in nothing from our former repast; and concluded with our
treating the _Toion_ and his wife with some of the spirits we had
brought with us, made into punch. Captain Gore, who had great generosity
on all occasions, having afterward made them some valuable presents,
they retired to the kitchen, leaving us in possession of the outward
room, where spreading our bear-skins on the benches, we were glad to get
a little repose; having settled with our conductors to resume our
journey as soon as the ground should be judged fit for travelling.
About nine o’clock the same evening, we were awakened by the melancholy
howlings of the dogs, which continued all the time our baggage was
lashing upon the sledges; but, as soon as they were yoked, and we were
all prepared to set out, this changed into a light cheerful yelping,
which entirely ceased the instant they marched off. But, before we set
out, the reader may expect to be made more particularly acquainted with
this curious mode of travelling.
I brought over with me one of these sledges, which is now in the
possession of Sir Ashton Lever. The body is about four feet and a half
long, and a foot wide, made in the form of a crescent, of light tough
wood, strongly bound together with wicker work; which in those belonging
to the better sort of people is elegantly stained of a red and blue
colour, and the seat covered with bear-skins, or other furs. It is
supported by four legs about two feet high, which rest on two long flat
pieces of wood, five or six inches broad, extending a foot at each end
beyond the body of the sledge. These are turned up before in the manner
of a skate, and shod with the bone of some sea animal. The fore-part of
the carriage is ornamented with thongs of leather and tassels of
coloured cloth; and from the cross bar, to which the harness is joined,
are hung links of iron, or small bells, the jingling of which they
conceive to be encouraging to the dogs. They are seldom used to carry
more than one person at a time, who sits aside, resting his feet on the
lower part of the sledge, and carrying his provisions and other
necessaries, wrapped up in a bundle behind him. The dogs are usually
five in number, yoked two and two, with a leader. The reins not being
fastened to the head of the dogs, but to the collar, have little power
over them, and are therefore generally hung upon the sledge, whilst the
driver depends entirely on their obedience to his voice for the
direction of them. With this view, the leader is always trained up with
a particular degree of care and attention, some of them rising to a most
extraordinary value on account of their docility and steadiness;
insomuch, that for one of these, I am well assured, forty roubles (or
ten pounds) was no unusual price. The driver is also provided with a
crooked stick, which answers the purpose both of whip and reins; as by
striking it into the snow, he is enabled to moderate the speed of the
dogs, or even to stop them entirely; and when they are lazy, or
otherwise inattentive to his voice, he chastizes them by throwing it at
them. Upon these occasions, their dexterity in picking it up again is
very remarkable, and forms the principal difficulty of their art. But it
is indeed not surprising, that they should labour to be skilful in a
practice upon which their safety so materially depends. For they say,
that if the driver should happen to lose his stick, the dogs will
instantly perceive it; and unless their leader be of the most sober and
resolute kind, they will immediately run ahead full speed, and never
stop till they are quite spent. But as that will not be the case soon,
it generally happens that either the carriage is overturned, and dashed
to pieces against the trees; or they hurry down some precipice, and all
are buried in the snow. The accounts that were given us of the speed of
these dogs, and of their extraordinary patience of hunger and fatigue,
were scarcely credible, if they had not been supported by the best
authority. We were indeed ourselves witnesses of the great expedition
with which the messenger who had been dispatched to Bolcheretsk with the
news of our arrival, returned to the harbour of St. Peter and St. Paul,
though the snow was at this time exceedingly soft. But I was informed by
the commander of Kamtschatka, that this journey was generally performed
in two days and a half; and that he had once received an express from
the latter place in twenty-three hours.
The dogs are fed during the winter on the offals of dried and stinking
fish; but are always deprived of this miserable food a day before they
set out on a journey, and never suffered to eat before they reach the
end of it. We were also told, that it was not unusual for them to
continue thus fasting two entire days, in which time they would perform
a journey of one hundred and twenty miles.[19] These dogs are in shape
somewhat like the Pomeranian breed, but considerably larger.
As we did not choose to trust to our own skill, we had each of us a man
to drive and guide the sledge, which, from the state the roads were now
in, proved a very laborious business. For, as the thaw had advanced very
considerably in the valleys through which our road lay, we were under
the necessity of keeping along the sides of the hills; and this obliged
our guides, who were provided with snow-shoes for that purpose, to
support the sledges, on the lower side, with their shoulders, for
several miles together. I had a very good-humoured Cossack to attend me,
who was, however, so very unskilful in his business, that we were
overturned almost every minute, to the great entertainment of the rest
of the company. Our party consisted, in all, of ten sledges; that in
which Captain Gore was carried, was made of two lashed together, and
abundantly provided with furs and bear-skins; it had ten dogs, yoked
four abreast; as had also some of those that were heavy laden with
baggage.
When we had proceeded about four miles, it began to rain; which, added
to the darkness of the night, threw us all into confusion. It was at
last agreed, that we should remain where we were till day-light; and
accordingly we came to anchor in the snow (for I cannot better express
the manner in which the sledges were secured), and wrapping ourselves up
in our furs, waited patiently for the morning. About three o’clock we
were called on to set out, our guides being apprehensive, that if we
waited longer, we might be stopped by the thaw, and neither be able to
proceed, nor to return. After encountering many difficulties, which were
principally occasioned by the bad condition of the road, at two in the
afternoon, we got safe to an _ostrog_, called Natcheekin, situated on
the side of a small stream, which falls into the Bolchoireka, a little
way below the town. The distance between Karatchin and Natcheekin is
thirty-eight wersts (or twenty-five miles); and had the hard frost
continued, we should not, by their account, have been more than four
hours in performing it; but the snow was so soft, that the dogs, almost
at every step, sunk up to their bellies; and I was indeed much surprised
at their being at all able to overcome the difficulties of so fatiguing
a journey.
Natcheekin is a very inconsiderable _ostrog_, having only one log-house,
the residence of the _Toion_; five _balagans_, and one _jourt_. We were
received here with the same formalities, and in the same hospitable
manner, as at Karatchin; and in the afternoon we went to visit a
remarkable hot spring, which is near this village. We saw, at some
distance, the steam rising from it, as from a boiling caldron; and as we
approached, perceived the air had a strong sulphureous smell. The main
spring forms a bason of about three feet in diameter; besides which,
there are a number of lesser springs, of the same degree of heat, in the
adjacent ground; so that the whole spot, to the extent of near an acre,
was so hot, that we could not stand two minutes in the same place. The
water flowing from these springs is collected in a small bathing pond,
and afterward forms a little rivulet; which, at the distance of about an
hundred and fifty yards, falls into the river. The bath, they told us,
had wrought great cures in several disorders, such as rheumatisms,
swelled and contracted joints, and scorbutic ulcers. In the
bathing-place the thermometer stood at 100°, or blood heat; but in the
spring, after being immersed two minutes, it was 1° above boiling
spirits. The thermometer in the air, at this time, was 34°; in the river
40°; and in the _Toion’s_ house 64°. The ground where these springs
break out, is on a gentle ascent; behind which there is a green hill of
a moderate size. I am sorry I was not sufficiently skilled in botany to
examine the plants, which seemed to thrive here with great luxuriance;
the wild garlic, indeed, forced itself on our notice, and was at this
time springing up very vigorously.
The next morning, we embarked on the Bolchoireka in canoes; and, having
the stream with us, expected to be at our journey’s end the day
following. The town of Bolcheretsk is about eighty miles from
Natcheekin; and we were informed, that, in the summer season, when the
river has been full and rapid, from the melting of snow on the
mountains, the canoes had often gone down in a single day; but that, in
its present state, we should probably be much longer, as the ice had
broken up only three days before we arrived; and that our’s would be the
first boat that had attempted to pass. This intelligence proved but too
true. We found ourselves greatly impeded by the shallows; and though the
stream in many places ran with great rapidity, yet every half mile, we
had ripplings and shoals, over which we were obliged to haul the boats.
The country on each side was very romantic, but unvaried; the river
running between mountains of the most craggy and barren aspect, where
there was nothing to diversify the scene; but now and then the sight of
a bear, and the flights of wild-fowl. So uninteresting a passage leaves
me nothing farther to say, than that this and the following night we
slept on the banks of the river, under our _marquée_; and suffered very
much from the severity of the weather, and the snow which still remained
on the ground.
At day-light on the 12th, we found we had got clear of the mountains,
and were entering a low extensive plain, covered with shrubby trees.
About nine in the forenoon, we arrived at an _ostrog_, called Opatchin,
which is computed to be fifty miles from Natcheekin, and is nearly of
the same size as Karatchin. We found here a serjeant with four Russian
soldiers, who had been two days waiting for our arrival; and who
immediately dispatched a light boat to Bolcheretsk, with intelligence of
our approach. We were now put into the trammels of formality; a canoe,
furnished with skins and furs, and equipped in a magnificent manner, was
prepared for our reception, in which we were accommodated much at our
ease, but to the exclusion of the rest of our fellow-travellers. It was
with much regret we found ourselves obliged to separate from our old
companion Monsieur Port, whom we had observed to grow every day more shy
and distant, as we drew nearer the end of our journey. Indeed, he had
himself told us, before we set out, that we paid him a respect he had no
title to; but as we found him a very modest and discreet man, we had
insisted on his living with us during the whole of our journey. The
remainder of our passage was performed with great facility and
expedition, the river growing more rapid as we descended, and less
obstructed by shoals.
As we approached the capital, we were sorry to observe, from an
appearance of much stir and bustle, that we were to be received in form.
Decent clothes had been, for some time, a scarce commodity amongst us;
and our travelling dresses were made up of a burlesque mixture of
European, Indian, and Kamtschatdale fashions. We therefore thought it
would be too ridiculous to make a parade in this trim through the
metropolis of Kamtschatka; and as we saw a crowd collected on the banks
of the river, and were told the commander would be at the water-side to
receive us, we stopped short at a soldier’s house, about a quarter of a
mile from the town, from whence we sent Port with a message to his
Excellency, acquainting him, that the moment we had put off our
travelling dresses, we would pay our respects to him at his own house;
and to beg he would not think of waiting to conduct us. Finding,
however, that he persisted in his intentions of paying us this
compliment, we lost no farther time in attiring ourselves, but made all
the haste in our power to join him at the entrance of the town. I
observed my companions to be as awkward as I felt myself, in making our
first salutations; bowing and scraping being marks of good-breeding that
we had now, for two years and a half, been totally unaccustomed to. The
manner in which we were received by the commander, was the most engaging
that could be conceived, and increased my mortification, at finding,
that he had almost entirely forgot the French language; so that the
satisfaction of conversing with him was wholly confined to Mr. Webber,
who spoke the German, his native tongue.
In company with Major Behm, was Captain Shmaleff; the second in command,
and another officer with the whole body of the merchants of the place.
They conducted us to the commander’s house, where we were received by
his lady with great civility, and found tea and other refreshments
prepared for us. After the first compliments were over, Mr. Webber was
desired to acquaint the Major with the object of our journey, with our
want of naval stores, flour, and fresh provisions, and other necessaries
for the ships’ crews; and at the same time to assure him, that we were
sensible, from what we had already seen of the condition of the country
about Awatska Bay, we could not expect much assistance from him in that
quarter; that the impossibility of sending heavy stores across the
peninsula, during the present season of the year, was but too apparent,
from the difficulties we had met with in our journey; and that, long
before any material change could take place, we should be under the
necessity of proceeding on our voyage. We were here interrupted by the
commander, who observed, that we did not yet know what they were capable
of doing; that at least it was not his business to think of the
difficulties of supplying our wants, but only to learn what were the
articles we stood in need of, and the longest time we could allow him
for procuring them. After expressing our sense of his obliging
disposition, we gave him a list of the naval stores, the number of
cattle, and the quantity of flour, we were directed to purchase, and
told him, that we purposed recommencing our voyage about the 5th of
June.
Our conversation afterward turned upon different subjects; and it will
naturally be supposed, that our inquiries were principally directed to
the obtaining some information respecting our own country. Having now
been absent three years, we had flattered ourselves with the certainty
of receiving intelligence from Major Behm, which could not fail of being
interesting; and I cannot express the disappointment we felt, on
finding, that he had no news to communicate of a much later date than
that of our departure from England.
About seven o’clock, the commander, conceiving we might be fatigued with
our journey, and desirous of taking some repose, begged he might conduct
us to our lodgings. It was in vain that we protested against a
compliment which we had certainly no title to expect, but that of being
strangers; a circumstance which seemed, in the opinion of this generous
Livonian, to counterbalance every other consideration. In our way, we
passed by two guard-houses, where the men were turned out under arms, in
compliment to Captain Gore; and were afterward brought to a very neat
and decent house, which the major gave us to understand was to be our
residence, during our stay. Two sentinels were posted at the door; and
in a house adjoining, there was a serjeant’s guard. Having shown us into
our apartments, the major took his leave, with a promise to see us the
next day; and we were left to find out, at our leisure, all the
conveniences that he had most amply provided for us. A soldier, called a
_putpropersckack_, whose rank is between that of a serjeant and
corporal, along with our fellow-traveller Port, were appointed to be our
male domestics; besides whom, there was a housekeeper and a cook, who
had orders to obey Port’s directions in dressing us a supper, according
to our own mode of cookery. We received many civil messages, in the
course of the evening, from the principal people of the town,
purporting, that they would not add to our fatigues, by paying their
respects to us at that time, but would wait on us in the morning. Such
well-supported politeness and attention in a country so desolate and
uncultivated, formed a contrast exceedingly favourable to its
inhabitants; and to finish the piece as it began, at sun-set the
serjeant came with the report of his guard to Captain Gore.
Early in the morning, we received the compliments of the commander, of
Captain Shmaleff, and of the principal inhabitants of the town, who all
honoured us with visits soon after. The two first having sent for Port,
after we were gone to rest, and inquired of him, what articles we seemed
to be most in want of on board the ships; we found them prepared to
insist on our sharing with the garrison under their command, in what
little stock of provisions they had remaining. At the same time they
lamented, that we had arrived at a season of the year, when there was
always the greatest scarcity of every thing amongst them; the sloops not
being yet arrived, with their annual supply, from Okotsk.
We agreed to accept the liberality of these hospitable strangers, with
the best grace we could; but on condition, that we might be made
acquainted with the price of the articles we were to be supplied with;
and that Captain Clerke should give bills to the amount, upon the
Victualling-Office in London. This the major positively refused; and
whenever it was afterward urged, stopped us short, by telling us, he was
certain, that he could not oblige his mistress more, than in giving
every assistance in his power to her good friends and allies the
English; and that it would be a particular satisfaction to her, to hear,
that in so remote a part of the world, her dominions had afforded any
relief to ships engaged in such services as ours; that he could not
therefore act so contrary to the character of his empress, as to accept
of any bills; but that, to accommodate the matter, he would take a bare
attestation of the particulars, with which we might be furnished; and
that this he should transmit to his court, as a certificate of having
performed his duty. I shall leave (he continued) to the two courts, all
farther acknowledgments; but cannot consent to accept any thing of the
kind alluded to.
When this matter was adjusted, he began to inquire about our private
wants, saying he should consider himself as ill-used if we had any
dealings with the merchants, or applied to any other person except
himself.
In return for such singular generosity, we had little to bestow but our
admiration and our thanks. Fortunately, however, Captain Clerke had sent
by me a set of prints and maps belonging to the last voyage of Captain
Cook, which he desired me to present in his name to the commander, who
being an enthusiast in every thing relating to discoveries, received it
with a satisfaction which showed that, though a trifle, nothing could
have been more acceptable. Captain Clerke had likewise entrusted me with
a discretionary power of showing him a chart of the discoveries made in
the present voyage; and as I judged that a person in his situation and
of his turn of mind would be exceedingly gratified by a communication of
this sort, though out of delicacy he had forborne to ask more than a few
general questions on the subject, I made no scruple to repose in him a
confidence of which his whole conduct showed him to be deserving.
I had the pleasure to find that he felt this compliment as I hoped he
would, and was much struck at seeing in one view the whole of that
coast, as well on the side of Asia as on that of America, of which his
countrymen had been so many years employed in acquiring a partial and
imperfect knowledge.[20]
Excepting this mark of confidence, and the set of prints I have already
mentioned, we had brought nothing with us that was in the least worth
his acceptance; for it scarce deserves noticing that I prevailed on his
son, a young boy, to accept of a silver watch I happened to have about
me, and I made his little daughter very happy with two pair of
ear-rings, of French paste. Besides these trifles, I left with Captain
Shmaleff the thermometer I had used on my journey, and he promised me to
keep an exact register of the temperature of the air for one year, and
to transmit it to Mr. Muller, with whom he had the pleasure of being
acquainted.
We dined this day at the commander’s, who, studious on every occasion to
gratify our curiosity, had, besides a number of dishes dressed in our
own way, prepared a great variety of others, after the Russian and
Kamtschadale manner. The afternoon was employed in taking a view of the
town and the adjacent country. Bolcheretsk is situated in a low swampy
plain, that extends to the sea of Okotsk, being about forty miles long,
and of a considerable breadth. It lies on the north side of the
Bolchoi-reka (or great river), between the mouth of the Gottsofka and
the Bistraia, which here empty themselves into this river; and the
peninsula on which it stands has been separated from the continent by a
large canal, the work of the present commander, which has not only added
much to its strength as a fortress, but has made it much less liable
than it was before to inundations. Below the town the river is from six
to eight feet deep, and about a quarter of a mile broad. It empties
itself into the sea of Okotsk, at the distance of twenty-two miles,
where, according to Krasheninicoff, it is capable of admitting vessels
of a considerable size. There is no corn of any species cultivated in
this part of the country, and Major Behm informed me, that his was the
only garden that had yet been planted. The ground was for the most part
covered with snow; that which was free from it appeared full of small
hillocks, of a black turfy nature. I saw about twenty or thirty cows,
and the major had six stout horses. These and their dogs are the only
tame animals they possess; the necessity they are under in the present
state of the country of keeping great numbers of the latter, making it
impossible to bring up any cattle that are not in size and strength a
match for them. For during the summer season their dogs are entirely let
loose, and left to provide for themselves, which makes them so
exceedingly ravenous that they will sometimes even attack the bullocks.
The houses in Bolcheretsk are all of one fashion, being built of logs
and thatched. That of the commander is much larger than the rest,
consisting of three rooms of a considerable size, neatly papered, and
which might have been reckoned handsome if the _talc_ with which the
windows were covered had not given them a poor and disagreeable
appearance. The town consists of several rows of low buildings, each
consisting of five or six dwellings connected together, with a long
common passage running the length of them, on one side of which is the
kitchen and store-house, and on the other the dwelling apartments.
Besides these are barracks for the Russian soldiers and Cossacks, a
well-looking church, and a court-room; and at the end of the town a
great number of _balagans_, belonging to the Kamtschadales. The
inhabitants taken altogether amount to between five and six hundred. In
the evening the major gave a handsome entertainment, to which the
principal people of the town of both sexes were invited.
The next morning we applied privately to the merchant Fedositsch, to
purchase some tobacco for the sailors, who had now been upward of a
twelvemonth without this favourite commodity. However this, like all our
other transactions of the same kind, came immediately to the major’s
knowledge, and we were soon after surprised to find in our house four
bags of tobacco, weighing upward of a hundred pounds each, which he
begged might be presented, in the name of himself and the garrison under
his command, to our sailors. At the same time they had sent us twenty
loaves of fine sugar, and as many pounds of tea, being articles they
understood we were in great want of, which they begged to be indulged in
presenting to the officers. Along with these, Madame Behm had also sent
a present for Captain Clerke, consisting of fresh butter, honey, figs,
rice, and some other little things of the same kind, attended with many
wishes that, in his infirm state of health, they might be of service to
him. It was in vain we tried to oppose this profusion of bounty, which I
was really anxious to restrain, being convinced that they were giving
away not a share but almost the whole stock of the garrison. The
constant answer the major returned us on those occasions was, that we
had suffered a great deal, and that we must needs be in distress.
Indeed, the length of time we had been out since we touched at any known
port, appeared to them so very incredible, that it required the
testimony of our maps, and other corroborating circumstances, to gain
their belief. Amongst the latter was a very curious fact which Major
Behm related to us this morning, and which he said but for our arrival
he should have been totally at a loss to account for.
It is well known, that the Tschutski are the only people of the north of
Asia, who have maintained their independence, and resisted all the
attempts that have been made by the Russians to reduce them. The last
expedition against them was undertaken in the year 1750, and terminated,
after various success, in the retreat of the Russian forces, and the
loss of the commanding officer. Since that time, the Russians had
removed their frontier fortress from the Anadyr to the Ingiga, a river
that empties itself into the northern extremity of the sea of Okotsk,
and gives its name to a gulf, situated to the west of that of Penshinsk.
From this fort, Major Behm had received dispatches the day of our
arrival at Bolcheretsk, containing intelligence, that a tribe, or party,
of the Tschutski, had arrived at that place with propositions of
friendship, and a voluntary offer of tribute; that on enquiring into the
cause of this unexpected alteration in their sentiments, they had
informed his people, that toward the latter end of the last summer, they
had been visited by two very large Russian boats; that they had been
treated by the people who were in them with the greatest kindness, and
had entered into a league of friendship and amity with them; and that
relying on this friendly disposition, they were now come to the Russian
fort, in order to settle a treaty, on such terms as might be acceptable
to both nations. This extraordinary history had occasioned much
speculation, both at Ingiginsk and Bolcheretsk; and had we not furnished
them with a key to it, must have remained perfectly unintelligible. We
felt no small satisfaction in having, though accidentally, shown the
Russians, in this instance, the only true way of collecting tribute, and
extending their dominions; and in the hopes that the good understanding
which this event hath given rise to, may rescue a brave people from the
future invasions of such powerful neighbours.
We dined this day with Captain Shmaleff, and in the afternoon, in order
to vary our amusements, he treated us with an exhibition of the Russian
and Kamtschadale dancing. No description can convey an adequate idea of
this rude and uncouth entertainment. The figure of the Russian dance was
much like those of our hornpipes, and was danced either single, or by
two or four persons at a time. Their steps were short and quick, with
the feet scarce raised from the ground; the arms were fixed close to the
sides; the body being all the while kept upright and immoveable,
excepting when the parties passed each other, at which time the hand was
raised with a quick and awkward motion. But if the Russian dance was at
the same time both unmeaning and ridiculous, the Kamtschadale joined to
the latter quality the most whimsical idea that ever entered into any
people’s heads. It is intended to represent the awkward and clumsy
gestures of the bear, which these people have frequent opportunities of
observing in a great variety of situations. It will scarcely be expected
that I should give a minute description of all the strange postures
which were exhibited on these occasions; and I shall therefore only
mention, that the body was always bowed, and the knees bent, whilst the
arms were used in imitating the tricks and attitudes of that animal.
As our journey to Bolcheretsk had taken up more time than we expected,
and we were told that our return might prove still more difficult and
tedious, we were under the necessity of acquainting the commander, this
evening, with our intention of setting out the next day. It was not
without the utmost regret we thought of leaving our new acquaintance;
and were therefore most agreeably surprised, when the Major told us,
that if we could stay one day longer, he would accompany us. He had, he
said, made up his dispatches, and resigned the command of Kamtschatka to
his successor Captain Shmaleff, and had prepared every thing for his
departure to Okotsk, which was to take place in a few days; but that he
should feel great pleasure in putting off his journey a little longer,
and returning with us to Saint Peter and Saint Paul’s, that he might
himself be a witness of every thing being done for us, that it was in
their power to do.
In return for the few trifles I had given to the children of Major Behm,
I was next morning, the 15th, presented by his little boy, with a most
magnificent Kamtschadale dress, which shall be described in its proper
place. It was of the kind worn by the principal _Toions_ of the country,
on occasions of great ceremony; and, as I was afterwards told by
Fedositsch, could not have been purchased for one hundred and twenty
roubles. At the same time, I had a present from his daughter of a
handsome sable muff.
We afterward dined with the commander, who, in order to let us see as
much of the manners of the inhabitants, and of the customs of the
country as our time would permit, invited the whole of the better sort
of people in the village, to his house this evening. All the women
appeared very splendidly dressed after the Kamtschadale fashion. The
wives of Captain Shmaleff, and the other officers of the garrison, were
prettily dressed, half in the Siberian, and half in the European mode;
and Madame Behm, in order to make the stronger contrast, had unpacked
part of her baggage, and put on a rich European dress. I was much struck
with the richness and variety of the silks which the women wore, and the
singularity of their habits. The whole was like some enchanted scene, in
the midst of the wildest and most dreary country in the world. Our
entertainment again consisted of dancing and singing.
The next morning being fixed for our departure, we retired early to our
lodgings, where the first things we saw were three travelling dresses,
made after the fashion of the country, which the major had provided for
us, who came himself to our house soon after, to see all our things
packed up, and properly taken care of. Indeed, what with his liberal
presents, and the kindness of Captain Shmaleff, and many other
individuals, who all begged to throw in their mite, together with the
ample stock of provisions he had sent us for our journey, we had amassed
no inconsiderable load of baggage.
Early in the morning, every thing being ready for our departure, we were
invited to call on Madame Behm, in our way to the boats, and take our
leave of her. Impressed, as our minds were, with sentiments of the
warmest gratitude, by the attentive, benevolent, and generous treatment
we had met with at Bolcheretsk, they were greatly heightened, by the
affecting scene which presented itself to us, on leaving our lodgings.
All the soldiers and Cossacks belonging to the garrison, were drawn up
on one hand, and the male inhabitants of the town, dressed out in their
best clothes, on the other; and, as soon as we came out of the house,
the whole body of the people joined in a melancholy song, which, the
major told us, it was usual, in that country, to sing on taking leave of
their friends. In this manner we marched down to the commander’s house,
preceded by the drums and music of the garrison, where we were received
by Madame Behm, attended by the ladies, who were dressed in long silk
cloaks, lined with very valuable furs of different colours, which made a
most magnificent appearance. After partaking of some refreshment, that
was prepared for us, we went down to the water side, accompanied by the
ladies, who now joined the song with the rest of the inhabitants; and as
soon as we had taken leave of Madame Behm, and assured her of the
grateful sense we should ever retain of the hospitality of Bolcheretsk,
we found ourselves too much affected, not to hasten into the boats with
all the expedition we could. When we put off, the whole company gave us
three cheers, which we returned from the boat; and, as we were doubling
a point, where for the last time we saw our friendly entertainers, they
took their farewell in another cheer.
We found the stream, on our return, so exceedingly rapid that
notwithstanding the Cossacks and Kamtschadales used their utmost
exertions, we did not reach the first village, Opatchin, till the
evening of the 17th, which was at the rate of about twenty miles a-day.
We got to Natcheekin on the 19th; and on the 20th, we crossed the plain
to Karatchin. We found the road much better than when we had passed it
before, there having been a smart frost on the night of the 19th. On the
21st, we proceeded down the Awatska River; and, before it was dark, got
over the shoals which lie at the entrance of the bay. During the whole
course of our journey, we were much pleased with the great good-will
with which the _Toions_, and their Kamtschadales, afforded us their
assistance, at the different _ostrogs_ through which we passed; and I
could not but observe the pleasure that appeared in their countenances,
on seeing the major, and their strong expressions of sorrow, on hearing
he was so soon going to leave them.
We had dispatched a messenger to Captain Clerke, from Bolcheretsk, with
an account of our reception, and of the major’s intention of returning
with us; at the same time, apprizing him of the day he might probably
expect to see us. We were therefore very well pleased to observe, as we
approached the harbour, all the boats of the two ships coming toward us,
the men clean, and the officers as well dressed as the scarcity of our
clothing would permit. The major was much struck at the robust and
healthy appearance of the boats’ crews, and still more at seeing most of
them without any other covering than a shirt and trowsers, although at
the very moment it actually snowed.
As Major Behm had expressed his intentions of visiting the ships before
he landed, as soon as we arrived off the town, I desired to receive his
commands; when remarking, that from the account we had given of the very
bad state of Captain Clerke’s health, it might be imprudent to disturb
him at so late an hour (it being now past nine o’clock), he thought it,
he said, most adviseable to remain that night on shore. Accordingly,
after attending him to the serjeant’s house, I took my leave for the
present, and went on board to acquaint Captain Clerke with my
proceedings at Bolcheretsk. It was with the utmost concern I found, that
in the fortnight we had been absent, this excellent officer was much
altered for the worse, instead of reaping that advantage we flattered
ourselves he might, from the repose of the harbour, and the milk and
vegetable diet with which he was supplied.
As soon as I had dispatched this business, I returned to the major, and
the next morning conducted him to the ships; where, on his arrival, he
was saluted with thirteen guns, and received with every other mark of
distinction that it was in our power to pay him. He was attended by the
commander of one of the Russian galliots, the master of a sloop that lay
in the harbour, two merchants from Bolcheretsk, and the priest of the
neighbouring village of Paratounca, for whom he appeared to entertain
the highest respect, and whom I shall hereafter have occasion to
mention, on account of his great kindness to Captain Clerke.
After visiting the captain, and taking a view of both the ships, he
returned to dinner on board the Resolution; and, in the afternoon, the
various curiosities we had collected in the course of our voyage, were
shown him, and a complete assortment of every article presented to him
by Captain Clerke. On this occasion I must not pass over an instance of
great generosity and gratitude in the sailors of both ships; who, when
they were told of the handsome present of tobacco that was made them by
the major, desired, entirely of their own accord, that their grog might
be stopped, and their allowance of spirits presented, on their part, to
the garrison of Bolcheretsk, as they said they had reason to conclude
that brandy was scarce in the country, and would be very acceptable to
them, since the soldiers on shore had offered four roubles a bottle for
it. We, who knew how much the sailors always felt, whenever their
allowance of grog was stopped, which was generally done in warm weather,
that they might have it in a greater proportion in cold, and that this
offer would deprive them of it during the inclement season we had to
expect in our next expedition to the north, could not but admire so
extraordinary a sacrifice; and that they might not suffer by it, Captain
Clerke, and the rest of the officers, substituted in the room of the
very small quantity the major could be prevailed on to accept the same
quantity of rum. This, with a dozen or two of Cape wine, for Madame
Behm, and such other little presents as were in our power to bestow,
were accepted in the most obliging manner. The next morning the tobacco
was divided between the crews of the two ships, three pounds being
allotted to every man that chewed or smoked tobacco, and one pound to
those that did not.
I have before mentioned, that Major Behm had resigned the command of
Kamtschatka, and intended to set out in a short time for Petersburg; and
he now offered to charge himself with any dispatches we might trust to
his care. This was an opportunity not to be neglected; and accordingly
Captain Clerke acquainted him, that he would take the liberty of sending
by him some papers relating to our voyage, to be delivered to our
ambassador at the Russian court. Our first intentions were to send only
a small journal of our proceedings; but afterward Captain Clerke being
persuaded that the whole account of our discoveries might safely be
trusted to a person who had given such striking proofs both of his
public and private virtues; and considering that we had a very hazardous
part of the voyage still to undertake, determined to send, by him, the
whole of the journal of our late commander, with that part of his own,
which completed the period from Captain Cook’s death, till our arrival
at Kamtschatka; together with a chart of all our discoveries. Mr. Bayly
and myself, thought it also proper to send a general account of our
proceedings to the board of longitude; by which precautions, if any
misfortune had afterward befallen us, the Admiralty would have been in
possession of a complete history of the principal facts of our voyage.
It was also determined, that a smaller packet should be sent by an
express from Okotsk, which, the major said, if he was fortunate in his
passage to that port, would reach Petersburg by December, and that he
himself should be there in February or March.
During the three following days, the major was entertained alternately
in the two ships, in the best manner we were able. On the 25th, he took
his leave, and was saluted with thirteen guns; and the sailors, at their
own desire, gave him three cheers. The next morning, Mr. Webber and
myself attended him a few miles up the Awatska River, where we met the
Russian priest, his wife and children, who were waiting to take the last
farewell of their commander.
It was hard to say, whether the good priest and his family, or
ourselves, were most affected on taking our leave of Major Behm. Short
as our acquaintance had been, his noble and disinterested conduct had
inspired us with the highest respect and esteem for him; and we could
not part with a person to whom we were under such obligations, and whom
we had little prospect of ever seeing again, without feeling the most
tender concern. The intrinsic value of the private presents we received
from him, exclusive of the stores which might be carried to a public
account, must have amounted, according to the current price of articles
in that country, to upward of two hundred pounds. But this generosity,
extraordinary as it must appear in itself, was exceeded by the delicacy
with which all his favours were conferred, and the artful manner in
which he endeavoured to prevent our feeling the weight of obligations,
which he knew we had no means of requiting. If we go a step further, and
consider him as supporting a public character, and maintaining the
honour of a great sovereign, we shall find a still higher subject of
admiration, in the just and enlarged sentiments by which he was
actuated. “The service in which you are employed,” he would often say,
“is for the general advantage of mankind, and therefore gives you a
right, not merely to the offices of humanity, but to the privileges of
citizens, in whatever country you may be thrown. I am sure I am acting
agreeably to the wishes of my mistress, in affording you all the relief
in our power; and I cannot forget either her character, or my own
honour, so much, as to barter for the performance of a duty.” At other
times, he would tell us, that he was particularly desirous of setting a
good example to the Kamtschadales, who, he said, were but just emerging
from a state of barbarism; that they looked up to the Russians as their
patterns in every thing; and that he had hopes they might in future look
upon it as a duty incumbent upon them to assist strangers to the utmost
of their power, and believe, that such was the universal practice of
civilized nations. To all this must be added, that, after having
relieved, to the utmost of his abilities, all our present distresses, he
showed himself not much less mindful of our future wants; and, as he
supposed it more than probable we should not discover the passage we
were in search of, and therefore should return to Kamschatka in the fall
of the year, he made Captain Clerke give him a list of what cordage and
flour we should want, and promised they should be sent from Okotsk, and
wait our arrival. For the same purpose, he gave Captain Clerke a paper,
enjoining all the subjects of the empress, whom we might happen to meet,
to give us every assistance in their power.
CHAP. III.
CONTINUATION OF TRANSACTIONS IN THE HARBOUR OF ST. PETER AND ST. PAUL.—
ABUNDANCE OF FISH.—DEATH OF A SEAMAN BELONGING TO THE RESOLUTION.—THE
RUSSIAN HOSPITAL PUT UNDER THE CARE OF THE SHIPS’ SURGEONS.—SUPPLY OF
FLOUR AND CATTLE.—CELEBRATION OF THE KING’S BIRTH-DAY.—DIFFICULTIES IN
SAILING OUT OF THE BAY.—ERUPTION OF A VOLCANO.—STEER TO THE
NORTHWARD.—CHEEPOONSKOI NOSS.—ERRORS OF THE RUSSIAN CHARTS.—
KAMTSCHATSKOI NOSS.—OLUTORSKOI NOSS.—TSCHUKOTSKOI NOSS.—ISLAND OF ST.
LAURENCE.—VIEW, FROM THE SAME POINT, OF THE COASTS OF ASIA AND
AMERICA, AND THE ISLANDS OF ST. DIOMEDE.—VARIOUS ATTEMPTS TO GET TO
THE NORTH, BETWEEN THE TWO CONTINENTS.—OBSTRUCTED BY IMPENETRABLE
ICE.—SEA-HORSES AND WHITE BEARS KILLED.—CAPTAIN CLERKE’S
DETERMINATION, AND FUTURE DESIGNS.
Having concluded the last chapter with an account of our return from
Bolcheretsk, accompanied by Major Behm, the Commander of Kamtschatka,
and of his departure; I shall proceed to relate the transactions that
passed in the harbour of St. Peter and St. Paul during our absence. On
the 7th of May, soon after we had left the bay, a large piece of ice
drove across the cut-water of the Resolution, and brought home the small
bower anchor. This obliged them to weigh the other anchor, and moor
again. The carpenters, who were employed in stopping the leak, were
obliged to take off a great part of the sheathing from the bows, and
found many of the trunnels so very loose and rotten, as to be easily
drawn out with the fingers.
On the 11th they had heavy gales from the north-east, which obliged both
the ships to strike yards and topmasts; but in the afternoon, the
weather being more moderate, and the ice having drifted away as far as
the mouth of the harbour of St. Peter and St. Paul, they warped close to
the shore for the greater convenience of watering and wooding, and again
moored as before, the town bearing north half west, half a mile distant,
and the mouth of the bay shut in by the southernmost point of Rakowina
harbour, south.
The next day, a party was sent on shore to cut wood, but made little
progress on account of the snow, which still covered the ground. A
convenient spot was cleared away abreast of the ships, where there was a
fine run of water, and a tent being erected for the cooper, the empty
casks were landed, and the sail-makers sent on shore.
On the 15th, the beach being clear of ice, the people were sent to haul
the seine, and caught an abundant supply of fine flat fish for both the
ships’ companies. Indeed from this time, during the whole of our stay in
the harbour, we were absolutely overpowered with the quantities of fish
which came in from every quarter. The _Toions_ both of this town and of
Paratounca, a village in the neighbourhood, had received orders from
Major Behm to employ all the Kamtschadales in our service, so that we
frequently could not take into the ships the presents that were sent us.
They consisted in general of flat fish, cod, trout, and herring. These
last, which were in their full perfection, and of a delicious flavour,
were exceedingly abundant in this bay. The Discovery’s people surrounded
at one time so great a quantity in their seine, that they were obliged
to throw a vast number out, lest the net should be broken to pieces; and
the cargo they landed was afterward so plentiful, that besides a
sufficient store for immediate use, they filled as many casks as they
could spare for salting; and after sending to the Resolution a
sufficient quantity for the same purpose, they left several bushels
behind on the beach.
The snow now began to disappear very rapidly, and abundance of wild
garlic, celery, and nettle-tops were gathered for the use of the crews,
which being boiled with wheat and portable soup, made them a wholesome
and comfortable breakfast, and with this they were supplied every
morning. The birch trees were also tapped, and the sweet juice, which
they yielded in great quantities, was constantly mixed with the men’s
allowance of brandy.
The next day, a small bullock, which had been procured for the ships’
companies by the serjeant, was killed, and weighed two hundred and
seventy-two pounds. It was served out to both crews for their Sunday’s
dinner, being the first piece of fresh beef they had tasted since our
departure from the Cape of Good Hope in December, 1776, a period of near
two years and a half.
This evening died John Macintosh, the carpenter’s mate, after having
laboured under a dysentery ever since our departure from the Sandwich
Islands: he was a very hard-working quiet man, and much regretted by his
mess-mates. He was the fourth person we lost by sickness during the
voyage, but the first who could be said, from his age and the
constitutional habits of his body, to have had on our setting out an
equal chance with the rest of his comrades: Watman we supposed to be
about sixty years of age; and Roberts and Mr. Anderson, from the decay
which had evidently commenced before we left England, could not, in all
probability, under any circumstances, have lived a greater length of
time than they did.
I have already mentioned that Captain Clerke’s health continued daily to
decline, notwithstanding the salutary change of diet which the country
of Kamtschatka afforded him. The priest of Paratounca, as soon as he
heard of the infirm state he was in, supplied him every day with bread,
milk, fresh butter, and fowls, though his house was sixteen miles from
the harbour where we lay.
On our first arrival, we found the Russian hospital, which is near the
town of St. Peter and St. Paul, in a condition truly deplorable. All the
soldiers were, more or less, affected by the scurvy, and a great many in
the last stage of that disorder. The rest of the Russian inhabitants
were also in the same condition; and we particularly remarked that our
friend the serjeant, by making too free with the spirits we gave him,
had brought on himself in the course of a few days, some of the most
alarming symptoms of that malady. In this lamentable state, Captain
Clerke put them all under the care of our surgeons, and ordered a supply
of sour krout, and malt for wort, to be furnished for their use. It was
astonishing to observe the alteration in the figures of almost every
person we met on our return from Bolcheretsk; and I was informed by our
surgeons that they attributed their speedy recovery principally to the
effects of the sweet wort.
On the 1st of June we got on board two hundred and fifty poods, or nine
thousand pounds’ weight of rye flour, with which we were supplied from
the stores of St. Peter and St. Paul’s, and the Discovery had a
proportional quantity. The men were immediately put on full allowance of
bread, which they had not been indulged in since our leaving the Cape of
Good Hope. The same day our watering was completed, having got on board
sixty-five tons.
On the 4th we had fresh breezes and hard rain, which disappointed us in
our design of dressing the ships, and obliged us to content ourselves
with firing twenty-one guns in honour of the day, and celebrating it in
other respects in the best manner we were able. Port, who was left with
us on account of his skill in languages, behaved himself with so much
modesty and discretion, that as soon as his master was gone he was no
longer Jean Port, but Monsieur Port, the interpreter, and partook, as
well as the serjeant (in his capacity of commander of the place), of the
entertainment of the day. Our worthy friend the priest of Paratounca
having got intelligence of its being our king’s birth-day, gave also a
sumptuous feast, at which some of our gentlemen were present, who seemed
highly delighted with their entertainment, which consisted of abundance
of good eating and drinking, together with dancing.
On the 6th, twenty head of cattle were sent us by the commander’s orders
from the Verchnei _ostrog_, which is situated on the river Kamtschatka,
at the distance of near a hundred miles from this place, in a direct
line. They were of a moderate size; and, notwithstanding the
Kamtschadales had been seventeen days in driving them down to the
harbour, arrived in good condition. The four following days were
employed in making ready for sea, and on the 11th, at two in the
morning, we began to unmoor; but before we had got one anchor up, it
blew so strong a gale from the north-east, that we kept fast, and moored
again, conjecturing, from the position of the entrance of the bay, that
the current of wind would set up the channel. Accordingly, the pinnace
being sent out to examine the passage, returned with an account that the
wind blew strong from the south-east, with a great swell, setting into
the bay, which would have made any attempt to get to sea very hazardous.
Our friend Port now took his leave of us, and carried with him the box
with our journals, which was to go by the major, and the packet that was
to be sent express. On the 12th, the weather being moderate, we began to
unmoor again; but, after breaking the messenger, and reeving a running
purchase with a six-inch hawser, which also broke three times, we were
obliged at last, to heave a strain at low water, and wait for the
flowing of the tide to raise the anchor. This project succeeded; but not
without damaging the cable in the wake of the hawse. At three, we
weighed the best bower, and set sail; and, at eight, having little wind,
and the tide making against us, we dropped anchor again in ten fathoms,
off the mouth of Rakowina harbour; the _ostrog_ bearing north by east
half east, two miles and a half distant; the needle rocks on the east
side of the passage south south-east half east, and the high rock, on
the west side of the passage, south.
On the 13th, at four in the morning, we got under weigh with the ebb
tide; and, there being a dead calm, the boats were sent ahead to tow the
ships. At ten, the wind springing up from the south-east by south, and
the tide having turned, we were again obliged to drop anchor in seven
fathoms; the Three Needle Rocks bearing south half east; and the
_ostrog_ north half east, at the distance of one mile from the nearest
land. After dinner, I went with Captain Gore on shore, on the east side
of the passage, where we saw, in two different places, the remains of
extensive villages; and on the side of the hill, an old ruined parapet,
with four or five embrasures. It commanded the passage up the mouth of
the bay; and, in Beering’s time, as he himself mentions, had guns
mounted on it. Near this place, were the ruins of some caverns under
ground, which we supposed to have been magazines.
At six in the afternoon we weighed with the ebb tide, and turned to
windward; but at eight, a thick fog arising, we were obliged to
bring-to, as our soundings could not afford us a sufficient direction
for steering between several sunk rocks, which lie on each side of the
passage we had to make. In the morning of the 14th, the fog clearing
away, we weighed as soon as the tide began to ebb; and, having little
wind, sent the boats ahead to tow; but, at ten o’clock, both the wind
and tide set in so strong from the sea, that we were again obliged to
drop anchor in thirteen fathoms, the high rock bearing west one quarter
south, distant three quarters of a mile. We remained fast for the rest
of the day, the wind blowing fresh into the mouth of the bay; and,
toward evening, the weather had a very unusual appearance, being
exceedingly dark and cloudy, with an unsettled shifting wind.
Before day-light on the 15th, we were surprised with a rumbling noise,
resembling distant hollow thunder; and when the day broke, we found the
decks and sides of the ships covered with a fine dust like emery, near
an inch thick. The air, at the same time, continued loaded and darkened
with this substance; and, toward the _volcano_ mountain, situated to the
north of the harbour, it was so thick and black, that we could not
distinguish the body of the hill. About twelve o’clock, and, during the
afternoon, the explosions became louder, and were followed by showers of
cinders, which were, in general, about the size of peas; though many
were picked up from the deck larger than a hazel-nut. Along with the
cinders fell several small stones, which had undergone no change from
the action of fire. In the evening we had dreadful thunder and
lightning, which, with the darkness of the atmosphere, and the
sulphureous smell of the air, produced altogether a most awful and
terrifying effect. We were, at this time, about eight leagues from the
foot of the mountain.
On the 16th, at day-light, we again weighed anchor, and stood out of the
bay; but the ebb-tide setting across the passage upon the eastern shore,
and the wind falling, we were driven very near the Three Needle Rocks,
which lie on that side of the entrance, and obliged to hoist out the
boats, in order to tow the ships clear of them. At noon we were two
leagues from the land, and had soundings with forty-three fathoms of
line, over a bottom of small stones, of the same kind with those which
fell on our decks, after the eruption of the _volcano_; but whether they
had been left there by the last, or by some former eruptions, we were
not able to determine.
The aspect of the country was now very different from what it had been
on our first arrival. The snow, excepting what remained on the tops of
some very high mountains, had disappeared; and the sides of the hills,
which, in many parts, were well wooded, were covered with a beautiful
verdure.
As it was Captain Clerke’s intention to keep as much in sight of the
coast of Kamtschatka as the weather would permit, in order to determine
its position, we continued steering to the north north-east, with light
and variable winds, till the 18th. The _volcano_ was still seen throwing
up immense volumes of smoke; and we had no soundings with one hundred
and fifty fathoms, at the distance of four leagues from the shore.
On the 18th, the wind freshening from the south, the weather became so
thick and hazy, as to make it imprudent to attempt any longer to keep in
sight of the land. But that we might be ready to resume our survey,
whenever the fogs should disperse, we ran on in the direction of the
coast, as laid down in the Russian charts, and fired signal guns for the
Discovery to steer the same course. At eleven o’clock, just before we
lost sight of the land, Cheepoonskoi Noss, so called by the Russians (a
description of which, as well as the coast between it and Awatska Bay,
will be given hereafter), bore north north-east, distant seven or eight
leagues.
On the 20th, at three in the morning, the weather having cleared up, we
stood in toward the land; and in an hour’s time saw it ahead, extending
from north-west to north north-east, distant about five leagues. The
north part we took to be Kronotskoi Noss; its position in the Russian
charts agreeing nearly with our reckoning as to its latitude, which was
54° 42ʹ; but in longitude we differed from them considerably, they
placing it 1° 48ʹ E. of Awatska; whereas, our reckoning, corrected by
the time-keepers and lunar observations, makes it 3° 34ʹ E. of that
place, or 162° 17ʹ E. from Greenwich. The land about this cape is very
high, and the inland mountains were still covered with snow. The shore
breaks off in steep cliffs, and the coast is without any appearance of
inlets or bays. We had not been long gratified with this sight of the
land, when the wind freshened from the south-west, and brought on a
thick fog, which obliged us to stand off to the north-east by east. The
weather clearing up again at noon, we steered toward the land, expecting
to fall in with Kamtschatskoi Noss, and had sight of it at day-break of
the 21st.
The southerly wind was soon after succeeded by a light breeze blowing
off the land, which prevented our approaching the coast sufficiently
near to describe its aspect, or ascertain with accuracy, its direction.
At noon, our latitude, by observation, was 55° 52ʹ, and longitude
(deduced from a comparison of many lunar observations, taken near this
time, with the time-keepers), 163° 50ʹ; the extremities of the land
bearing N. W. by W. three quarters W., and N. by W. three quarters W.,
the nearest part about eight leagues distant. At nine o’clock in the
evening, having approached about two leagues nearer the coast, we found
it formed a projecting peninsula, extending about twelve leagues in a
direction nearly N. and S. It is level and of a moderate height, the
southern extremity terminating in a low sloping point; that to the north
forming a steep bluff head; and between them, about four leagues to the
southward of the northern cape, there is a considerable break in the
land. On each side of this break the land is quite low; beyond the
opening rises a remarkable saddle-like hill; and a chain of high
mountains covered with snow, ranges along the back of the whole
peninsula.
As the coast runs in an even direction, we were at a great loss where to
place Kamtschatskoi Noss, which, according to Muller, forms a projecting
point about the middle of the peninsula, and which certainly does not
exist; but I have since found, that in the general map published by the
Academy of Petersburgh in 1776, that name is given to the southern cape.
This was found by several accurate observations, to be in latitude 56°
3ʹ, longitude 163° 20ʹ; the difference in longitude from the Russian
charts, being the same as at Kronotskoi Noss. The variation of the
compass at this time was 10° E. To the southward of this peninsula the
great river Kamtschatka falls into the sea.
As the season was too far advanced to admit of our making an accurate
survey of the coast of Kamtschatka, it was Captain Clerke’s plan, in our
run to Beering’s Straits, to determine principally the positions of the
projecting points of the coast. We therefore directed our course across
an extensive bay, laid down between Kamtschatskoi Noss and Olutorskoi
Noss, intending to make the latter; which, according to the Russian
geographers, terminates the peninsula called Kamtschatka, and becomes
the southern boundary of the Koriaki country.
On the 22d, we passed a dead whale, which emitted a horrid stench,
perceivable at upward of a league’s distance; it was covered with a
great number of sea-birds, that were feasting on it.
On the 24th, the wind, which had varied round the compass, the three
preceding days, fixed at S. W. and brought clear weather, with which we
continued our course to the N. E. by N., across the bay, without any
land in sight.
This day we saw a great number of gulls, and were witnesses to the
disgusting mode of feeding of the arctic gull, which, has procured it
the name of the parasite, and which, if the reader is not already
acquainted with it, he will find in the note below.[21]
On the 25th, at one o’clock in the afternoon, being in latitude 59° 12ʹ,
longitude 168° 35ʹ, the wind freshening from the same quarter, a thick
fog succeeded; and this unfortunately just at the time we expected to
see Olutorskoi Noss; which, if Muller places it right in latitude 59°
30ʹ, and in longitude 167° 36ʹ, could only have then been twelve leagues
from us; at which distance land of a moderate height might easily have
been seen. But if the same error in longitude prevails here, which we
have hitherto invariably found, it would have been much nearer us, even
before the fog came on; and as we saw no appearance of land at that
time, it must either have been very low, or there must be some mistake
of latitude in Muller’s account. We tried soundings, but had no ground
with one hundred and sixty fathoms of line.
The weather still thickening, and preventing a nearer approach to the
land, at five we steered E. by N., which is somewhat more easterly than
the Russian charts lay down the trending of the coast from Olutorskoi
Noss. The next day we had a fresh gale from the S. W., which lasted till
the 27th at noon, when the fogs clearing away, we stood to the
northward, in order to make the land. The latitude at noon, by
observation, was 59° 49ʹ, longitude 175° 43ʹ. Notwithstanding we saw
shags in the forenoon, which are supposed never to go far from land, yet
there was no appearance of it this day; but on the 28th, at six in the
morning, we got sight of it to the N. W. The coast shows itself in hills
of a moderate height; but inland, others are seen to rise considerably.
We could observe no wood, and the snow lying upon them in patches, gave
the whole a very barren appearance. At nine, we were about ten miles
from the shore, the southern extremity bearing W. by S., six leagues
distant, beyond which the coast appeared to trend to the westward. This
point being in latitude 61° 48ʹ, longitude 174° 48ʹ, lies, according to
the Russian charts, near the mouth of the river Opuka. At the same time,
the northern extreme bore N. by W.; between which and a hill bearing N.
W. by W. a quarter W., and at this distance appearing to us like an
island, the coast seemed to bend to the westward, and form a deep bay.
About eight miles from land, we perceived ourselves in a strong
rippling; and being apprehensive of foul ground, we bore away to the N.
E., along the shore; notwithstanding, on heaving the lead, we found
regular soundings of twenty-four fathoms, over a gravelly bottom; from
whence we concluded, that this appearance was occasioned by a tide, at
that time running to the southward. At noon, the extremes of the land
bearing W. S. W. three quarters W., and N. N. E. three quarters E.,
distant from the nearest shore four leagues, we were abreast of the low
land, which we now perceived to join the two points, where we had before
expected to find a deep bay. The coast bends a little to the westward,
and has a small inlet, which may probably be the mouth of some trifling
stream. Our latitude, by observation, was 61° 56ʹ, and longitude 175°
43ʹ, and the variation of the compass 17° 30ʹ E.
We continued during the afternoon to run along the shore, at the
distance of four or five leagues, with a moderate westerly breeze,
carrying regular soundings from twenty-eight to thirty-six fathoms. The
coast presented the same barren aspect as to the southward, the hills
rising considerably inland, but to what height the clouds on their tops
put it out of our power to determine. At eight in the evening, land was
thought to have been seen to the east by north, on which we steered to
the southward of east, but it turned out to be only a fog-bank. At
midnight, the extreme point bearing north-east a quarter east, we
supposed it to be Saint Thadeus’s Noss; to the southward of which the
land trends to the westward, and forms a deep bight, wherein, according
to the Russian charts, lies the river Katirka.
On the 29th the weather was unsettled and variable, with the wind from
the north-east. At noon of the 30th, our latitude by observation was 61°
48ʹ, and longitude 180° 0ʹ, at which time Saint Thadeus’s Noss bore
north-north-west, twenty-three leagues distant, and beyond it we
observed the coast stretching almost directly north. The most easterly
point of the Noss is in latitude 62° 50ʹ, and longitude 179° 0ʹ, being
3-1/2° more to the east than what the Russians make it. The land about
it must be of a considerable height, from its being seen at so great a
distance. During the two last days, we saw numbers of whales, large
seals, and sea-horses; also gulls, sea-parrots, and albatrosses. We took
the advantage of a little calm weather to try for fish, and caught
abundance of fine cod. The depth of water from sixty-five to
seventy-five fathoms.
On the 1st of July at noon, Mr. Bligh having moored a small keg with the
deep-sea lead in seventy-five fathoms, found the ship made a course
north by east half a mile an hour. This he attributed to the effect of a
long southerly swell, and not to that of any current. The wind
freshening from the south-east toward evening, we shaped our course to
the north-east by east for the point called in Beering’s chart
Tschukotskoi Noss, which we had observed on the 4th of September last
year, at the same time that we saw to the south-east the island of Saint
Laurence. This Cape and Saint Thadeus’s Noss form the north-east and
south-west extremities of the large and deep Gulf of Anadir, into the
bottom of which the river of that name empties itself, dividing as it
passes, the country of the Koriacs from that of Tschutski.
On the 3d at noon the latitude, by observation, was 63° 33ʹ, and the
longitude 186° 45ʹ; half an hour after which we got sight of the
Tschukotskoi Noss, bearing north half west, thirteen or fourteen leagues
distant, and at five in the afternoon saw the island of St. Laurence,
bearing east three quarters north; and another island a little to the
eastward of it, which we supposed to be between Saint Laurence and
Anderson’s Island, about six leagues east-south-east of the former. As
we had no certain account of this island, Captain Clerke was desirous of
a nearer prospect, and immediately hauled the wind toward it; but
unfortunately we were not able to weather the island of Saint Laurence,
and were therefore under the necessity of bearing up again, and passing
them all to the leeward.
We had a better opportunity of settling the longitude of the island
Saint Laurence when we last saw it, than now. But seeing it at that time
but once, and to the southward, we could only determine its latitude so
far as we could judge of distances, whereas now the noon observations
enabled us to ascertain it correctly, which is 63° 47ʹ. Its longitude
was found to be 188° 15ʹ, as before. This island, if its boundaries were
at this time within our view, is about three leagues in circuit. The
north part may be seen at the distance of ten or twelve leagues; but as
it falls in low land to the south-east, the extent of which we could not
see, some of us conjectured that it might probably be joined to the land
to the eastward of it; this, however, the haziness of the weather
prevented our ascertaining. These islands, as well as the land about the
Tschukotskoi Noss, were covered with snow, and presented us with a most
dreary picture. At midnight, Saint Laurence bore south-south-east, five
or six miles distant, and our depth of water was eighteen fathoms. We
were accompanied by various kinds of sea fowl, and saw several small
crested hawks.
The weather still continuing to thicken, we lost all sight of land till
the 5th, when it appeared both to the north-east and north-west. Our
latitude, by account, was at this time 65° 24ʹ, longitude 189° 14ʹ. As
the islands of Saint Diomede, which lie between the two continents in
Beering’s Strait, were determined by us last year to be in latitude 65°
48ʹ, we could not reconcile the land to the north-east with the
situation of those islands. We therefore stood toward the land till
three in the afternoon, when we were within four miles of it, and
finding it to be two islands, were pretty well satisfied of their being
the same; but the weather still continuing hazy, to make sure of our
situation, we stood over to the coast of Asia till seven in the evening,
at which time we were within two or three leagues of the east cape of
that continent.
This cape is a high round head of land, extending four or five miles
from north to south, forming a peninsula, and connected with the
continent by a narrow neck of low land. Its shore is bold, and off its
north part are three high detached spiral rocks. At this time it was
covered with snow, and the beach surrounded with ice. We were now
convinced that we had been under the influence of a strong current
setting to the north, that had caused an error in our latitude at noon
of twenty miles. In passing this strait the last year, we had
experienced the same effect.
Being at length sure of our position, we held on to the north by east.
At ten at night the weather becoming clear, we had an opportunity of
seeing at the same moment the remarkable peaked hill near Cape Prince of
Wales, on the coast of America, and the east Cape of Asia, with the two
connecting islands of Saint Diomede between them.
At noon on the 6th, the latitude, by account, was 67° N., and the
longitude 191° 6ʹ E. Having already passed a considerable number of
large masses of ice, and observed that it still adhered in several
places to the shore on the continent of Asia, we were not much surprised
to fall in, at three in the afternoon, with an extensive body of it,
stretching away to the westward. This sight gave great discouragement to
our hopes of advancing much farther northward this year than we had done
the preceding.
Having little wind in the afternoon, we hoisted out the boats in pursuit
of the sea-horses, which were in great numbers on the detached pieces of
ice; but they soon returned without success; these animals being
exceedingly shy, and before they could come within gun-shot, always
making their retreat into the water.
At seven in the evening, we hoisted in the boats, and the wind
freshening from the southward, we stood on to the N. E., with a view of
exploring the continent of America, between the latitudes of 68° and
69°, which, owing to the foggy weather last year, we had not been able
to examine. In this attempt we were again in part disappointed. For on
the 7th, at six in the morning, we were stopped by a large field of ice
stretching from N. W. to S. E., but soon after the horizon becoming
clear, we had sight of the coast of America at about ten leagues
distance, extending from north-east by east to east, and lying, by
observation, between the 68° and 68° 20ʹ of latitude. As the weather was
clear, and the ice not high, we were enabled to see over a great extent
of it. The whole presented a solid and compact surface not in the
smallest degree thawed, and appeared to us likewise to adhere to the
land.
The weather soon after changing to hazy, we saw no more of the land; and
there not remaining a possibility of approaching nearer to it, we stood
to the north north-west, keeping the ice close on board, and got round
its western extremity by noon, when we found it trending nearly north.
Our latitude at this time was, by account, 68° 22ʹ, and longitude 192°
34ʹ. We continued our course to the north north-east, along the edge of
the ice, during the remaining part of the day, passing through many
loose pieces that had been broken off from the main body, and against
which, notwithstanding all our caution, the ships were driven with great
violence. At eight o’clock in the evening we passed some drift wood, and
at midnight the wind shifted to the north-west; the thermometer fell
from 38° to 31°, and we had continued showers of snow and sleet.
On the 8th, at five in the morning, the wind coming still more to the
northward, we could no longer keep on the same tack, on account of the
ice, but were obliged to stand to the westward. At this time our
soundings had decreased to nineteen fathoms, from which, on comparing it
with our observations on the depth of water last year, we concluded that
we were not at a greater distance from the American shore than six or
seven leagues; but our view was confined within a much shorter compass
by a violent fall of snow. At noon, the latitude by account was 69° 21ʹ,
longitude 192° 42ʹ. At two in the afternoon the weather cleared up, and
we found ourselves close to an expanse of what appeared from the deck
solid ice; but from the mast head it was discovered to be composed of
huge compact bodies, close and united toward the outer edge, but in the
interior parts several pieces were seen floating in vacant spaces of the
water. It extended from north-east by the north to west south-west. We
bore away by the edge of it to the southward, that we might get into
clearer water; for the strong northerly winds had drifted down such
quantities of loose pieces, that we had been for some time surrounded by
them, and could not avoid striking against several, notwithstanding we
reefed the topsails and stood under an easy sail.
On the 9th we had a fresh gale from the north north-west, with heavy
showers of snow and sleet. The thermometer was in the night-time 28°,
and at noon 30°. We continued to steer west south-west as before,
keeping as near the large body of ice as we could, and had the
misfortune to rub off some of the sheathing from the bows against the
drift pieces, and to damage the cutwater. Indeed the shocks we could not
avoid receiving, were frequently so severe as to be attended with
considerable danger. At noon, the latitude by account was 69° 12ʹ, and
longitude 188° 5ʹ. The variation in the afternoon was found to be 29°
30ʹ E.
As we had now sailed near forty leagues to the westward, along the edge
of the ice, without seeing any opening, or a clear sea to the northward
beyond it, and had therefore no prospect of advancing farther north for
the present, Captain Clerke resolved to bear away to the south by east,
(the only quarter that was clear) and to wait till the season was more
advanced, before he made any farther efforts to penetrate through the
ice. The intermediate time he proposed to spend in examining the bay of
St. Laurence, and the coast to the southward of it; as a harbour so
near, in case of future damage from the ice, would be very desirable. We
also wished to pay another visit to our Tschutski friends; and
particularly since the accounts we had heard of them from the commander
of Kamtschatka.
We therefore stood on to the southward till the noon of the 10th, at
which time we passed great quantities of drift-ice, and the wind fell to
a perfect calm. The latitude by observation was 68° 1ʹ, longitude 188°
30ʹ. We passed several whales in the forenoon, and in the afternoon
hoisted out the boats, and sent them in pursuit of the sea-horses, which
were in great numbers on the pieces of ice that surrounded us. Our
people were more successful than they had been before, returning with
three large ones and a young one; besides killing and wounding several
others. The gentlemen who went on this party were witnesses of several
remarkable instances of parental affection in those animals. On the
approach of our boats toward the ice, they all took their cubs under
their fins, and endeavoured to escape with them into the sea. Several,
whose young were killed or wounded and left floating on the surface,
rose again and carried them down, sometimes just as our people were
going to take them up into the boat; and might be traced bearing them to
a great distance through the water, which was coloured with their blood:
we afterward observed them bringing them at times above the surface, as
if for air, and again diving under it with a dreadful bellowing. The
female in particular whose young had been destroyed and taken into the
boat, became so enraged that she attacked the cutter, and struck her two
tusks through the bottom of it.
At eight in the evening a breeze sprung up to the eastward, with which
we still continued our course to the southward, and at twelve fell in
with numerous large bodies of ice. We endeavoured to push through them
with an easy sail, for fear of damaging the ship; and having got a
little farther to the southward, nothing was to be seen but one compact
field of ice, stretching to the south-west south-east and north-east, as
far as the eye could reach. This unexpected and formidable obstacle put
an end to Captain Clerke’s plan of visiting the Tschutski; for no space
remained open but back again to the northward. Accordingly at three in
the morning of the 11th, we tacked and stood to that quarter. At noon
the latitude, by observation, was 67° 49ʹ, and longitude 188° 47ʹ.
On the 12th, we had light winds, with thick hazy weather; and, on trying
the current, we found it set to the north-west, at the rate of half a
knot an hour. We continued to steer northward, with a moderate southerly
breeze, and fair weather, till the 13th, at ten in the forenoon, when we
again found ourselves close in with a solid field of ice, to which we
could see no limits from the mast head. This at once dashed all our
hopes of penetrating farther; which had been considerably raised, by
having now advanced near ten leagues through a space, which, on the 9th,
we had found occupied by impenetrable ice. Our latitude, at this time,
was 69° 37ʹ; our position nearly in the mid channel between the two
continents; and the field of ice extending from east north-east, to west
south-west.
As there did not remain the smallest prospect of getting farther north
in the part of the sea where we now were, Captain Clerke resolved to
make one more and final attempt on the American coast, for Baffin’s Bay,
since we had been able to advance the farthest on this side last year.
Accordingly, we kept working the remaining part of the day, to the
windward, with a fresh easterly breeze. We saw several fulmars and
arctic gulls, and passed two trees, both appearing to have lain in the
water a long time. The larger was about ten feet in length, and three in
circumference, without either bark or branches, but with the roots
remaining attached.
On the 14th, we stood on to the eastward, with thick and foggy weather,
our course being nearly parallel to that we steered the 8th and 9th, but
six leagues more to the northward. On the 15th, the wind freshened from
the westward, and having in a great measure, dispersed the fog, we
immediately stood to the northward, that we might take a nearer view of
the ice; and in an hour were close in with it extending from north
north-west, to north-east. We found it to be compact and solid; the
outer parts were ragged, and of different heights; the interior surface
was even; and, we judged, from eight to ten feet above the level of the
sea. The weather becoming moderate for the remaining part of the day, we
directed our course according to the trending of the ice, which in many
parts formed deep bays.
In the morning of the 16th, the wind freshened, and was attended with
thick and frequent showers of snow. At eight in the forenoon, it blew a
strong gale from the west south-west, and brought us under double-reefed
top-sails; when, the weather clearing a little, we found ourselves
embayed; the ice having taken a sudden turn to the south-east, and in
one compact body surrounding us on all sides, except on the south
quarter. We therefore hauled our wind to the southward, being at this
time in latitude 70° 8ʹ N. and in twenty-six fathoms’ water; and, as we
supposed, about twenty-five leagues from the coast of America. The gale
increasing, at four in the afternoon we close reefed the fore and
main-top-sails, furled the mizen-top-sail, and got the top-gallant-yards
down upon deck. At eight, finding the depth of water had decreased to
twenty-two fathoms, which we considered as a proof of our near approach
to the American coast, we tacked and stood to the north. We had blowing
weather, accompanied with snow, through the night; but next morning, it
became clear and moderate; and, at eight in the forenoon, we got the
top-gallant-yards across, and made sail with the wind still at west
south-west. At noon, we were in latitude, by observation, 69° 55ʹ,
longitude 194° 80ʹ. Toward evening, the wind slackened, and at midnight
it was a calm.
On the 18th, at five in the morning, a light breeze sprung up from the
east north-east, with which we continued our course to the north, in
order to regain the ice as soon as possible. We passed some small logs
of drift-wood, and saw abundance of sea-parrots, and the small
ice-birds, and likewise a number of whales. At noon, the latitude, by
observation, was 70° 26ʹ, and longitude 194° 54ʹ; the depth of water
twenty-three fathoms; the ice stretched from north to east north-east,
and was distant about three miles. At one in the afternoon, finding that
we were close in with a firm united field of it, extending from west
north-west to east, we tacked, and the wind coming round to the
westward, stood on to the eastward, along its edge, till eleven at
night. At that time a very thick fog coming on, and the water shoaling
to nineteen fathoms, we hauled our wind to the south. The variation
observed this day was 31° 20ʹ E. It is remarkable, that though we saw no
sea-horses on the body of the ice, yet they were in herds, and in
greater numbers on the detached fragments, than we had ever observed
before. About nine in the evening, a white bear was seen swimming close
by the Discovery; it afterward made to the ice, on which were also two
others.
On the 19th, at one in the morning, the weather clearing up, we again
steered to the north-east, till two, when we were a second time so
completely embayed, that there was no opening left, but to the south; to
which quarter we accordingly directed our course, returning through a
remarkably smooth water, and with very favourable weather, by the same
way we had come in. We were never able to penetrate farther north than
at this time, when our latitude was 70° 33ʹ; and this was five leagues
short of the point to which we advanced last season. We held on to the
south south-west, with light winds from the north-west, by the edge of
the main ice, which lay on our left hand, and stretched between us and
the continent of America. Our latitude, by observation at noon, was 70°
11ʹ, our longitude 196° 15ʹ and the depth of water sixteen fathoms. From
this circumstance, we judged that the Icy Cape was now only at seven or
eight leagues’ distance; but, though the weather was in general clear,
it was at the same time hazy in the horizon; so that we could not expect
to see it.
In the afternoon, we saw two white bears in the water, to which we
immediately gave chase in the jolly boat, and had the good fortune to
kill them both. The larger, which probably was the dam of the younger,
being shot first, the other would not quit it, though it might easily
have escaped on the ice, whilst the men were reloading, but remained
swimming about, till, after being fired upon several times, it was shot
dead.
The dimensions of the larger were as follow:
Feet. Inches.
From the snout to the end of the tail 7 2
From the snout to the shoulder-bone 2 3
Height of the shoulder 4 3
Circumference near the fore-legs 4 10
Breadth of the fore-paw 0 10
lb.
Weight of the four quarters 436
Weight of the four quarters of the smallest 256
On comparing the dimensions of this with Lord Mulgrave’s white bear,
they were found almost exactly the same, except in the circumference,
where our’s fell exceedingly short.
These animals afforded us a few excellent meals of fresh meat. The flesh
had indeed a strong fishy taste, but was, in every respect, infinitely
superior to that of the sea-horse; which, nevertheless, our people were
again persuaded, without much difficulty, to prefer to their salted
provisions.
At six in the morning of the 20th, a thick fog coming on, we lost sight
of the ice for two hours; but the weather clearing, we saw the main body
again to the south south-east, when we hauled our wind, which was
easterly, toward it, in the expectation of making the American coast to
the south-east, and which we effected at half past ten. At noon, the
latitude, by account, was 69° 33ʹ, and longitude 194° 53ʹ, and the depth
of water nineteen fathoms. The land extended from south by east, to
south south-west half west, distant eight or ten leagues, being the same
we had seen last year; but it was now much more covered with snow than
at that time; and, to all appearance, the ice adhered to the shore. We
continued, in the afternoon, sailing through a sea of loose ice, and
standing toward the land, as near as the wind, which was east
south-east, would admit. At eight, the wind lessening, there came on a
thick fog; and, on perceiving a rippling in the water, we tried the
current, which we found to set to the east north-east, at the rate of a
mile an hour, and therefore determined to steer, during the night,
before the wind, in order to stem it, and to oppose the large fragments
of loose ice, that were setting us on toward the land. The depth of the
water, at midnight, was twenty fathoms.
At eight in the morning of the 21st, the wind freshening, and the fog
clearing away, we saw the American coast to the south-east, at the
distance of eight or ten leagues, and hauled in for it; but were stopped
again by the ice, and obliged to bear away to the westward, along the
edge of it. At noon, the latitude, by account, was 69° 34ʹ and longitude
193°, and the depth of water twenty-four fathoms.
Thus, a connected, solid field of ice, rendering every effort we could
make to a nearer approach to the land fruitless, and joining, as we
judged, to it, we took a last farewell of a north-east passage to Old
England. I shall beg leave to give, in Captain Clerke’s own words, the
reasons of this his final determination, as well as of his future plans;
and this the rather, as it is the last transaction his health permitted
him to write down.
“It is now impossible to proceed the least farther to the northward upon
this coast (America); and it is equally as improbable that this amazing
mass of ice should be dissolved by the few remaining summer-weeks which
will terminate this season; but it will continue, it is to be believed,
as it now is, an insurmountable barrier to every attempt we can possibly
make. I, therefore, think it the best step that can be taken, for the
good of the service, to trace the sea over to the Asiatic coast, and to
try if I can find any opening, that will admit me farther north; if not,
to see what more is to be done upon that coast; where I hope, yet cannot
much flatter myself, to meet with better success; for the sea is now so
choked with ice, that a passage, I fear, is totally out of the
question.”
CHAP. IV.
FRUITLESS ATTEMPTS TO PENETRATE THROUGH THE ICE TO THE NORTH-WEST.—
DANGEROUS SITUATION OF THE DISCOVERY.—SEA-HORSES KILLED.—FRESH
OBSTRUCTIONS FROM THE ICE.—REPORT OF DAMAGES RECEIVED BY THE
DISCOVERY.—CAPTAIN CLERKE’S DETERMINATION TO PROCEED TO THE
SOUTHWARD.—JOY OF THE SHIPS’ CREWS ON THAT OCCASION.—PASS SERDZE
KAMEN.—RETURN THROUGH BEERING’S STRAITS.—INQUIRY INTO THE EXTENT OF
THE NORTH-EAST COAST OF ASIA.—REASONS FOR REJECTING MULLER’S MAP OF
THE PROMONTORY OF THE TSCHUTSKI.—REASONS FOR BELIEVING THE COAST DOES
NOT REACH A HIGHER LATITUDE THAN 70-1/2° NORTH.—GENERAL OBSERVATIONS
ON THE IMPRACTICABILITY OF A NORTH-EAST, OR NORTH-WEST PASSAGE FROM
THE ATLANTIC INTO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.—COMPARATIVE VIEW OF THE PROGRESS
MADE IN THE YEARS 1778 AND 1779.—REMARKS ON THE SEA, AND SEA COASTS,
NORTH OF BEERING’S STRAITS.—HISTORY OF THE VOYAGE RESUMED.—PASS THE
ISLAND OF SAINT LAURENCE.—THE ISLAND OF MEDNOI.—DEATH OF CAPTAIN
CLERKE.—SHORT ACCOUNT OF HIS SERVICES.
Captain Clerke having determined, for the reasons assigned at the
conclusion of the last chapter, to give up all farther attempts on the
coast of America, and to make his last efforts in search of a passage on
the coast of the opposite continent, we continued, during the afternoon
of the 21st of July, to steer to the west north-west, through much loose
ice. At ten at night, discovering the main body of it through the fog,
right ahead, and almost close to us, and being unwilling to take a
southerly course, so long as we could possibly avoid it, we hauled our
wind, which was easterly, and stood to the northward; but, in an hour
after, the weather clearing up, and finding ourselves surrounded by a
compact field of ice, on every side, except to the south south-west, we
tacked, and stood on in that direction, in order to get clear of it.
At noon of the 22d, our latitude, by observation, was 69° 30ʹ, and
longitude 187° 30ʹ. In the afternoon, we again came up with the ice,
which extended to the north-west and south-west, and obliged us to
continue our course to the southward, in order to weather it.
It may be remarked, that since the 8th of this month, we had twice
traversed this sea, in lines nearly parallel with the run we had just
now made; that in the first of those traverses, we were not able to
penetrate so far north, by eight or ten leagues, as in the second; and
that in the last we had again found an united body of ice, generally
about five leagues to the southward of its position in the preceding
run. As this proves that the large compact fields of ice which we saw
were moveable, or diminishing, at the same time, it does not leave any
well-founded expectation of advancing much farther in the most
favourable seasons.
At seven in the evening, the weather being hazy, and no ice in sight, we
bore away to the westward; but, at half past eight the fog dispersing,
we found ourselves in the midst of loose ice, and close in with the main
body; we therefore stood upon a wind, which was still easterly, and kept
beating to windward during the night, in hopes of weathering the loose
pieces, which the freshness of the wind kept driving down upon us in
such quantities, that we were in manifest danger of being blocked up by
them.
In the morning of the 23d, the clear water, in which we continued to
stand to and fro, did not exceed a mile and a half, and was every
instant lessening. At length, after using our utmost endeavours to clear
the loose ice, we were driven to the necessity of forcing a passage to
the southward, which at half past seven, we accomplished, but not
without subjecting the ship to some very severe shocks. The Discovery
was less successful. For, at eleven, when, they had nigh got clear out,
she became so entangled by several large pieces, that her way was
stopped, and immediately dropping bodily to leeward, she fell, broadside
foremost, on the edge of a considerable body of ice; and having, at the
same time, an open sea to windward, the surf caused her to strike
violently upon it. This mass at length either so far broke, or moved, as
to set them at liberty to make another trial to escape; but,
unfortunately, before the ship gathered way enough to be under command,
she again fell to leeward on another fragment; and the swell making it
unsafe to lie to windward, and finding no chance of getting clear, they
pushed into a small opening, furled their sails, and made fast with
ice-hooks.
In this dangerous situation we saw them at noon, about three miles from
us, bearing north-west, a fresh gale from the south-east driving more
ice to the north-west, and increasing the body that lay between us. Our
latitude, by account, was 69° 8ʹ, the longitude 187°, and the depth of
water twenty-eight fathoms. To add to the gloomy apprehensions which
began to force themselves on us, at half past four in the afternoon, the
weather becoming thick and hazy, we lost sight of the Discovery; but,
that we might be in a situation to afford her every assistance in our
power, we kept standing on close by the edge of the ice. At six, the
wind happily coming round to the north, gave us some hopes, that the ice
might drift away and release her; and in that case, as it was uncertain
in what condition she might come out, we kept firing a gun every half
hour, in order to prevent a separation. Our apprehensions for her safety
did not cease till nine, when we heard her guns in answers to ours; and
soon after, being hailed by her, were informed, that upon the change of
the wind the ice began to separate; and that, setting all their sails,
they forced a passage through it. We learned farther, that whilst they
were encompassed by it, they found the ship drift, with the main body,
to the north-east, at the rate of half a mile an hour. We were sorry to
find, that the Discovery had rubbed off a great deal of the sheathing
from the bows, and was become very leaky, from the strokes she had
received when she fell upon the edge of the ice.
On the 24th, we had fresh breezes from south-west, with hazy weather,
and kept running to the south-east till eleven in the forenoon, when a
large body of loose ice, extending from north north-east, round by the
east, to south south-east, and to which (though the weather was
tolerably clear) we could see no end, again obstructed our course. We
therefore kept working to windward, and at noon, our latitude, by
observation, was 68° 53ʹ, longitude 188°; the variation of the compass
22° 30ʹ E. At four in the afternoon it became calm, and we hoisted out
the boats in pursuit of the sea-horses, which were in prodigious herds
on every side of us. We killed ten of them, which were as many as we
could make use of for eating, or for converting into lamp oil. We kept
on with the wind, from the south-west, along the edge of the ice, which
extended in a direction almost due east and west, till four in the
morning of the 25th, when observing a clear sea beyond it, to the
south-east, we made sail that way, with a view of forcing through it. By
six we had cleared it, and continued the remainder of the day running to
the south-east, without any ice in sight. At noon, our latitude, by
observation, was 68° 38ʹ, longitude 189° 9ʹ, and the depth of water
thirty fathoms. At midnight, we tacked, and stood to the westward, with
a fresh gale from the south; and at ten in the forenoon of the 26th, the
ice again showed itself, extending from north-west to south. It appeared
loose, and drifting, by the force of the wind, to the northward. At
noon, our latitude, by observation, was 68° N., longitude 188° 10ʹ E.;
and we had soundings with twenty-eight fathoms. For the remaining part
of the day and till noon of the 27th, we kept standing backward and
forward, in order to clear ourselves of different bodies of ice. At
noon, we were in latitude, by observation, 67° 47ʹ, longitude 188°. At
two in the afternoon, we saw the continent to the south by east; and at
four, having run, since noon, with a south south-east wind to the
south-west, we were surrounded by loose masses of ice, with the firm
body of it in sight, stretching in a north by west, and a south by east
direction, as far as the eye could reach; beyond which we saw the coast
of Asia, bearing south, and south by east.
As it was now necessary to come to some determination with respect to
the course we were next to steer, Captain Clerke sent a boat, with the
carpenters, on board the Discovery, to inquire into the particulars of
the damage she had sustained. They returned, in the evening, with the
report of Captain Gore, and of the carpenters of both ships, that the
damages they had received were of a kind that would require three weeks
to repair; and that it would be necessary, for that purpose, to go into
some port.
Thus, finding a farther advance to the northward, as well as a nearer
approach to either continent, obstructed by a sea blocked up with ice,
we judged it both injurious to the service, by endangering the safety of
the ships, as well as fruitless, with respect to the design of our
voyage, to make any farther attempts toward a passage. This, therefore,
added to the representations of Captain Gore, determined Captain Clerke
not to lose more time in what he concluded to be an unattainable object,
but to sail for Awatska Bay, to repair our damages there; and, before
the winter should set in, and render all other efforts toward discovery
impracticable, to explore the coast of Japan.
I will not endeavour to conceal the joy that brightened the countenance
of every individual, as soon as Captain Clerke’s resolutions were made
known. We were all heartily sick of a navigation full of danger, and in
which the utmost perseverance had not been repaid with the smallest
probability of success. We therefore turned our faces toward home, after
an absence of three years, with a delight and satisfaction, which,
notwithstanding the tedious voyage we had still to make, and the immense
distance we had to run, were as freely entertained, and perhaps as fully
enjoyed, as if we had been already in sight of the Land’s-end.
On the 28th, we kept working to windward with a fresh breeze from the
south-east, having the coast of Asia still in sight. At four in the
morning, the cape, which, on the authority of Muller, we have called
Serdze Kamen, bore south south-west, distant six or seven leagues. We
saw, in different places, upon the tops of the hills, which rise inland
on both sides of the cape, protuberances of a considerable height, which
had the appearance of huge rocks, or pillars of stone.
On the 29th, the wind still continuing contrary, we made but slow
progress to the southward. At midnight, we had thick foggy weather,
accompanied with a breeze from the north north-west, with which we
directed our course to the south south-east, through the straits, and
had no land in sight till seven in the evening of the 30th; when the fog
clearing away, we saw Cape Prince of Wales bearing south by east,
distant about six leagues; and the island St. Diomede south-west by
west. We now altered our course to the west, and at eight made the east
cape, which, at midnight, bore west by north, distant four leagues. In
the night we steered to the south south-west, with a fresh west
north-westerly breeze; and, at four in the morning of the 31st, the east
cape bore north north-east, and the north-east part of the bay of St.
Laurence (where we anchored the last year) west by south, its distance
being four leagues. As we could not have worked up to windward without a
greater waste of time, than the object appeared to deserve, we ran
across the bay, regretting much, as we passed along, the loss of this
opportunity of paying a second visit to the Tschutski. At noon our
latitude, by observation, was 65° 6ʹ, and longitude 189°. The south
point of the bay of St. Laurence bore north by west one quarter west,
and was distant seven or eight leagues. In the afternoon the variation
was found to be 22° 50ʹ east.
Having now passed Beering’s Straits, and taken our final leave of the
north-east coast of Asia, it may not be improper, on this occasion, to
state the grounds on which we have ventured to adopt two general
conclusions respecting its extent, in opposition to the opinions of Mr.
Muller. The first, that the promontory named East Cape is actually the
easternmost point of that quarter of the globe; or, in other words, that
no part of the continent extends in longitude beyond 190° 22ʹ E.: the
second, that the latitude of the north-easternmost extremity falls to
the southward of 70° N. With respect to the former, if such land exist,
it must necessarily be to the north of latitude 69°, where the
discoveries made in the present voyage terminate; and, therefore, the
probable direction of the coast, beyond this point, is the question I
shall endeavour, in the first place, to investigate.
As the Russian is the only nation that has hitherto navigated these
seas, all our information respecting the situation of the coast to the
northward of Cape North, must necessarily be derived from the charts and
journals of the persons who have been employed at various times, in
ascertaining the limits of that empire; and these are, for the most
part, so imperfect, so confused and contradictory, that it is not easy
to form any distinct idea of their pretended, much less to collect the
amount of their real discoveries. It is on this account, that the extent
and form of the peninsula, inhabited by the Tschutski, still remains a
point, on which the Russian geographers are much divided. Mr. Muller, in
his map, published in the year 1754, supposes this country to extend
toward the north-east, to the 75° of latitude, and in longitude 190°
east of Greenwich, and to terminate in a round cape, which he calls
Tschukotskoi Noss. To the southward of this cape he conceives the coast
to form a bay to the westward, bounded in latitude 67° 18ʹ, by Serdze
Kamen, the northernmost point seen by Beering in his expedition in the
year 1728. The map published by the Academy of St. Petersburg, in the
year 1776, gives the whole peninsula entirely a new form, placing its
north easternmost extremity in the latitude 73°, longitude 178° 30ʹ. The
easternmost point in latitude 65° 30ʹ, longitude 189° 30ʹ. All the other
maps we saw, both printed and in manuscript, vary between these two,
apparently more according to the fancy of the compiler, than on any
grounds of more accurate information. The only point in which there is a
general coincidence, without any considerable variation, is in the
position of the east Cape, in latitude 66°. The form of the coast, both
to the south and north of this cape, in the map of the academy, is
exceedingly erroneous, and may be totally disregarded. In that of Mr.
Muller, the coast to the northward bears a considerable resemblance to
our survey, as far as the latter extends, except that it does not trend
sufficiently to the westward; receding only about 5° of longitude,
between the latitude of 66° and 69°; whereas, in reality, it recedes
near ten. Between the latitude 69° and 74°, he makes the coast bend
round to the north and north-east, and to form a considerable
promontory. On what authority, now remains to be examined.
Mr. Coxe, whose accurate researches into this subject, give his opinion
great weight, is persuaded that the extremity of the _Noss_ in question
was never passed but by Deshneff and his party, who sailed from the
river Kovyma in the year 1648, and are supposed to have got round it
into the Anadyr. As the account of this expedition, the substance of
which the reader will find in Mr. Coxe’s account of Russian discoveries,
contains no geographical delineation of the coast along which they
sailed, its position must be conjectured from incidental circumstances;
and from these it appears very manifest, that the Tschukotskoi Noss of
Deshneff is no other than the promontory called by Captain Cook the East
Cape. Speaking of the _Noss_, he says, “One might sail from the isthmus
to the river Anadyr, with a fair wind, in three days and three nights.”
This exactly coincides with the situation of the East Cape, which is
about one hundred and twenty leagues from the mouth of the Anadyr; and
as there is no other isthmus to the northward between that and the
latitude of 69°, it is obvious, that, by this description, he must
intend either the cape in question, or some other to the southward of
it. In another place he says, “Over against the isthmus there are two
islands in the sea, upon which were seen people of the Tschutski nation
through whose lips were run pieces of the teeth of the sea-horse.” This
again perfectly agrees with the two islands situated to the south-east
of the East Cape. We saw indeed no inhabitants on them; but it is not at
all improbable, that a party of the Americans, from the opposite
continent, whom this description accurately suits, might, at that time,
have been accidentally there: and whom it was natural enough for him to
mistake for a tribe of the Tschutski.[22]
These two circumstances are of so striking and unequivocal a nature,
that they appear to me conclusive on the point of the Tschukotskoi Noss,
notwithstanding there are others of a more doubtful kind, which we have
from the same authority, and which now remain to be considered. “To go,”
says Deshneff in another account, “from the Kovyma to the Anadyr, a
great promontory must be doubled, which stretches very far into the sea;
and afterward, this promontory stretches between north and north-east.”
It was probably from the expressions contained in these passages, that
Mr. Muller was induced to give the country of the Tschutski the form we
find in his map; but had he been acquainted with the situation of the
East Cape, as ascertained by Captain Cook, and the remarkable
coincidence between it and their promontory or isthmus (for it must be
observed that Deshneff appears to be all along speaking of the same
thing), in the circumstances already mentioned, I am confident he would
not have thought those expressions merely by themselves, of sufficient
weight to warrant him in extending the north-eastern extremity of Asia
either so far to the north or to the eastward. For after all these
expressions are not irreconcileable with the opinion we have adopted, if
we suppose Deshneff to have taken these bearings from the small bight
which lies to the westward of the cape.
The deposition of the Cossac Popoff, taken at the Anadirskoi _ostrog_ in
the year 1711, seems to have been the next authority on which Mr. Muller
has proceeded; and beside these two I am not acquainted with any other.
This Cossac, together with several others, was sent by land to demand
tribute from the independent Tschutski tribes, who lived about the Noss.
The first circumstance in the account of this journey that can lead to
the situation of Tschukotskoi Noss is its distance from Anadirsk; and
this is stated to be ten weeks’ journey with loaded rein-deer; on which
account, it is added, their day’s journey was but very small. It is
impossible to conclude much from so vague an account; but as the
distance between the east cape and the _ostrog_ is upward of two hundred
leagues in a straight line, and therefore may be supposed to allow
twelve or fifteen miles a day; its situation cannot be reckoned
incompatible with Popoff’s calculation. The next circumstance mentioned
in this deposition is, that their route lay by the foot of a rock called
Matkol, situated at the bottom of a great gulf. This gulf Muller
supposes to be the bay he had laid down between latitude 66° and 72°;
and accordingly places the rock Matkol in the centre of it; but it
appears equally probable, even if we had not so many reasons to doubt
the existence of that bay, that it might be some part of the gulf of
Anadir, which they would undoubtedly touch upon in their road from the
_ostrog_ to the East Cape.
But what seems to put this matter beyond all dispute, and to prove that
the cape visited by Popoff cannot be to the northward of 69° latitude,
is that part of his deposition which I have already quoted, relative to
the island lying off the Noss, from whence the opposite continent might
be seen. For as the two continents in latitude 69°, have diverged so far
as to be more than three hundred miles distant, it is highly improbable
that the Asiatic coast should again trend in such a manner to the
eastward, as to come nearly within sight of the coast of America.
If these arguments should be deemed conclusive against the existence of
the peninsula of the Tschutski, as laid down by Muller, it will follow
that the East Cape of the Tschukotskoi Noss of the[23] more early
Russian navigators, and consequently that the undescribed coast from the
latitude of 69° to the mouth of the river Kovyma, must uniformly trend
more or less to the westward. As an additional proof of this, it may be
remarked that the Tschukotskoi Noss is always represented as dividing
the sea of Kovyma from that of Anadir, which could not be the case if
any considerable cape had projected to the north-east in the higher
latitudes.
Thus, in the depositions taken at Anadirsk, it is related “that opposite
the Noss, on both sides, as well in the sea of Kovyma as in that of
Anadir, an island is said to be seen at a great distance, which the
Tschutski call a large country; and say that people dwell there who have
large teeth put in their mouths that project through their cheeks.” Then
follows a description of these people and their country, exactly
corresponding with our accounts of the opposite continent.
The last question that arises is, to what degree of northern latitude
this coast extends, before it trends more directly to the westward. If
the situation of the mouth of the Kovyma, both with respect to its
latitude and longitude, were accurately determined, it would perhaps not
be very difficult to form a probable conjecture upon this point. Captain
Cook was always strongly of opinion that the northern coast of Asia from
the Indigirka eastward, has hitherto been generally laid down more than
two degrees to the northward of its true position; and he has therefore,
on the authority of a map that was in his possession, and on the
information he received at Oonalashka, placed the mouth of the river
Kovyma, in his chart of the north-west coast of America and the
north-east coast of Asia, in the latitude of 68°. Should he be right in
this conjecture, it is probable, for the reasons that have been already
stated, that the Asiatic coast does not any where exceed 70° before it
trends to the westward; and consequently that we were within 1° of its
north-eastern extremity. For if the continent be supposed to stretch any
where to the northward of Shelatskoi Noss, it is scarcely possible that
so extraordinary a circumstance should not have been mentioned by the
Russian navigators; and we have already shown that they make mention of
no remarkable promontory between the Kovyma and the Anadir, except the
East Cape. Another circumstance related by Deshneff, may perhaps be
thought a further confirmation of this opinion, namely, that he met with
no impediment from ice in navigating round the north-east extremity of
Asia; though he adds that this sea is not always so free from it; as
indeed is manifest from the failure of his first expedition, and since
that, from the unsuccessful attempts of Shalauroff, and the obstacles we
met with, in two different years, in our present voyage.
The continent left undetermined in our chart, between Cape North and the
mouth of the Kovyma, is in longitudinal extent one hundred and
twenty-five leagues. One third or about forty leagues of this distance,
from the Kovyma eastward, was explored in the year 1723 by a
_Sinbojarskoi_ of Jakutz, whose name was Fedot Amossoff, by whom Mr.
Muller was informed that its direction was to the eastward. It is said
to have been since accurately surveyed by Shalauroff, whose chart makes
it trend to the north-east by east as far as the Shelatskoi Noss, which
he places about forty-three leagues to the eastward of the Kovyma. The
space between this Noss and Cape North, about eighty-two leagues, is
therefore the only part of the Russian empire that now remains
unascertained.
But if the river Kovyma be erroneously situated with respect to its
longitude as well as in its latitude, a supposition for which probable
grounds are not wanting, the extent of the unexplored coast will become
proportionably diminished. The reasons which incline me to believe that
the mouth of this river is placed in the Russian charts much too far to
the westward, are as follow: First, because the accounts that are given
of the navigation of the Frozen Sea from that river round the north-east
point of Asia to the gulf of Anadir, do not accord with the supposed
distance between those places. Secondly, because the distance over land
from the Kovyma to the Anadir, is represented by the early Russian
travellers as a journey easily performed, and of no very extraordinary
length. Thirdly, because the coast from the Shelatskoi Noss of
Shalauroff[24] seems to trend directly south-east to the East Cape. If
this be so, it will follow, that as we were probably not more than 1° to
the southward of Shelatskoi Noss, only sixty miles of the Asiatic coast
remained unascertained.
Had Captain Cook lived to this period of our voyage, and experienced, in
a second attempt, the impracticability of a north-east or north-west
passage from the Pacific to the Atlantic Ocean, he would doubtless have
laid before the public, in one connected view, an account of the
obstacles which defeated this, the primary object of our expedition,
together with his observations on a subject of such magnitude, and which
had engaged the attention and divided the opinions of philosophers and
navigators for upward of two hundred years. I am very sensible how
unequal I am to the task of supplying this deficiency; but that the
expectations of the reader may not be wholly disappointed, I must beg
his candid acceptance of the following observations, as well as of those
I have already ventured to offer him, relative to the extent of the
north-east coast of Asia.
The evidence that has been so fully and judiciously stated in the
introduction, amounts to the highest degree of probability that a
north-west passage from the Atlantic into the Pacific Ocean, cannot
exist to the southward of 65° of latitude. If then there exists a
passage, it must be either through Baffin’s Bay, or round by the north
of Greenland, in the western hemisphere; or else through the Frozen
Ocean, to the northward of Siberia, in the eastern; and on which ever
side it lies, the navigator must necessarily pass through Beering’s
Straits. The impracticability of penetrating into the Atlantic on either
side, through this strait, is therefore all that remains to be submitted
to the consideration of the public.
As far as our experience went, it appears, that the sea to the north of
Beering’s Strait is clearer of ice in August than in July, and perhaps
in a part of September it may be still more free. But after the equinox,
the days shorten so fast, that no farther thaw can be expected; and we
cannot rationally allow so great an effect to the warm weather in the
first half of September, as to imagine it capable of dispersing the ice
from the most northern parts of the American coast. But admitting this
to be possible, it must at least be granted, that it would be madness to
attempt to run from the Icy Cape to the known parts of Baffin’s Bay (a
distance of four hundred and twenty leagues), in so short a time as that
passage can be supposed to continue open.
Upon the Asiatic side, there appears still less probability of success,
both from what came to our own knowledge with respect to the state of
the sea to the southward of Cape North, and also from what we learn from
the experience of the[25] lieutenants under Beering’s direction, and the
journal of Shalauroff, in regard to that on the north of Siberia.
The voyage of Deshneff, if its truth be admitted, proves undoubtedly the
possibility of passing round the north-east point of Asia; but when the
reader reflects, that near a century and a half has elapsed since the
time of that navigator, during which, in an age of great curiosity and
enterprise, no man has yet been able to follow him, he will not
entertain very sanguine expectations of the public advantages that can
be derived from it. But let us even suppose, that in some singularly
favourable season a ship has found a clear passage round the coast of
Siberia, and is safely arrived at the mouth of the Lena, still there
remains the Cape of Taimura, stretching to the 78° of latitude, which
the good fortune of no single voyager has hitherto doubled.
It is, however, contended, that there are strong reasons for believing
that the sea is more free from ice the nearer we approach to the pole;
and that all the ice we saw in the lower latitudes was formed in the
great rivers of Siberia and America, the breaking up of which had filled
the intermediate sea. But even if that supposition be true, it is
equally so that there can be no access to those open seas, unless this
great mass of ice is so far dissolved in the summer, as to admit of a
ship’s getting through it. If this be the fact, we have taken a wrong
time of the year for attempting to find this passage, which should have
been explored in April and May, before the rivers were broken up. But
how many reasons may be given against such a supposition? Our experience
at Saint Peter and Saint Paul enabled us to judge what might be expected
farther north; and upon that ground we had reason to doubt, whether the
continents might not in winter be even joined by the ice; and this
agreed with the stories we heard in Kamtschatka, that on the Siberian
coast they go out from the shore in winter, upon the ice, to greater
distances than the breadth of the sea is, in some parts, from one
continent to the other.
In the depositions referred to above, the following remarkable
circumstance is related. Speaking of the land seen from the Tschukotskoi
Noss, it is said, “that in summer time they sail in one day to the land
in baidares, a sort of vessel constructed of whalebone, and covered with
seal-skins; and in winter time, going swift with rein-deer, the journey
may likewise be made in a day.” A sufficient proof that the two
countries were usually joined together by the ice.
The account given by Mr. Muller of one of the expeditions undertaken to
discover a supposed island in the Frozen Sea, is still more remarkable.
“In the year 1714, a new expedition was prepared from Jakutzk for the
same place, under the command of Alexei Markoff, who was to sail from
the mouth of the Jana; and if the _Schitiki_ were not fit for
sea-voyages, he was to construct, at a proper place, vessels fit for
prosecuting the discoveries without danger.
“On his arrival at Ust-janskoe Simovie, the port at which he was to
embark, he sent an account dated February 2. 1715, to the chancery of
Jakutzk, mentioning that it was impossible to navigate the sea, as it
was continually frozen both in summer and winter; and that consequently
the intended expedition was no otherwise to be carried on but with
sledges drawn by dogs. In this manner he accordingly set out with nine
persons on the 10th of March the same year, and returned on the 3d of
April to Ust-janskoe Simovie. The account of his journey is as follows:
that he went seven days as fast as his dogs could draw him, (which in
good ways and weather is eighty or a hundred wersts in a day,) directly
toward the north upon the ice, without discovering any island: that it
had not been possible for him to proceed any farther, the ice rising
there in the sea like mountains; that he had climbed to the top of some
of them, whence he was able to see to a great distance round about him,
but could discern no appearance of land; and that at last wanting food
for his dogs, many of them died, which obliged them to return.”
Beside these arguments, which proceed upon an admission of the
hypothesis that the ice in those seas comes from the rivers, there are
others which give great room to suspect the truth of the hypothesis
itself. Captain Cook, whose opinion respecting the formation of ice had
formerly coincided with that of the theorists we are now controverting,
found abundant reason in the present voyage for changing his sentiments.
We found the coast of each continent to be low, the soundings gradually
decreasing toward them, and a striking resemblance between the two;
which, together with the description Mr. Hearne gives of the Coppermine
river, afford reason to conjecture that whatever rivers may empty
themselves into the Frozen Sea from the American continent, are of the
same nature with those on the Asiatic side; which are represented to be
so shallow at the entrance as to admit only small vessels; whereas the
ice we have seen, rises above the level of the sea to a height equal to
the depth of those rivers; so that its entire height must be at least
ten times greater.
The curious reader will also in this place be led naturally to reflect
on another circumstance, which appears very incompatible with the
opinion of those who imagine land to be necessary for the formation of
ice; I mean the different state of the sea about Spitzbergen, and to the
north of Beering’s Straits. It is incumbent on them to explain how it
comes to pass that in the former quarter, and in the vicinity of much
known land, the navigator annually penetrates to near 80° north
latitude; whereas, on the other side, his utmost efforts have not been
able to carry him beyond 71°; where, moreover, the continents diverge
nearly east and west, and where there is no land yet known to exist near
the pole. For the farther satisfaction of the reader on this point, I
shall beg leave to refer him to _Observations made during a Voyage round
the World_, by Dr. Forster, where he will find the question of the
formation of ice fully and satisfactorily discussed, and the probability
of open polar seas disproved by a variety of powerful arguments.
I shall conclude these remarks with a short comparative view of the
progress we made to the northward, at the two different seasons we were
engaged in that pursuit, together with a few general observations
relative to the sea, and the coast of the two continents which lie to
the north of Beering’s Straits.
It may be observed, that in the year 1778 we did not meet with the ice
till we advanced to the latitude of 70°, on August 17th; and that then
we found it in compact bodies, extending as far as the eye could reach,
and of which a part or the whole was moveable, since, by its drifting
down upon us, we narrowly escaped being hemmed in between it and the
land. After experiencing both how fruitless and dangerous it would be to
attempt to penetrate farther north, between the ice and the land, we
stood over toward the Asiatic side, between the latitude of 69° and 70°,
frequently encountering in this tract large and extensive fields of ice;
and though, by reason of the fogs and thickness of the weather, we were
not able absolutely and entirely to trace a connected line of it across,
yet we were sure to meet with it before we reached the latitude of 70°,
whenever we attempted to stand to the northward. On the 26th of August,
in latitude 69-3/4°, and longitude 184°, we were obstructed by it in
such quantities, as made it impossible for us to pass either to the
north or west, and obliged us to run along the edge of it to the south
south-west till we saw land, which we afterward found to be the coast of
Asia. With the season thus far advanced, the weather setting in with
snow and sleet, and other signs of approaching winter, we abandoned our
enterprize for that time.
In this second attempt we could do little more than confirm the
observations we had made in the first; for we were never able to
approach the continent of Asia higher than the latitude of 67°, nor that
of America in any parts, excepting a few leagues between the latitude of
68° and 68° 20ʹ, that were not seen the last year. We were now
obstructed by ice 3° lower, and our endeavours to push farther to the
northward were principally confined to the mid-space between the two
coasts. We penetrated near 3° farther on the American side than on the
Asiatic, meeting with the ice both years sooner, and in greater
quantities on the latter coast. As we advanced north, we still found the
ice more compact and solid; yet as in our different traverses from side
to side, we passed over spaces which had before been covered with it, we
conjectured that most of what we saw was moveable.
Its height on a medium, we took to be from eight to ten feet, and that
of the highest to have been sixteen or eighteen. We again tried the
currents twice, and found them unequal, but never to exceed one mile an
hour. By comparing the reckoning with the observations, we also found
the current to set different ways, yet more from the south-west than any
other quarter; but whatever their direction might be, their effect was
so trifling that no conclusions respecting the existence of any passage
to the northward, could be drawn from them. We found the month of July
to be infinitely colder than that of August. The thermometer in July was
once at 28°, and very commonly at 30°; whereas the last year, in August,
it was very rare to have it so low as the freezing point.
In both seasons we had some high winds, all of which came from the
south-west. We were subject to fogs whenever the wind was moderate, from
whatever quarter, but they attended southerly winds more constantly than
contrary ones.
The straits between the two continents, at their nearest approach, in
latitude 66°, were ascertained to be thirteen leagues, beyond which they
diverge to N. E. by E. and W. N. W.; and in latitude 69°, they become
14° of longitude or about one hundred leagues asunder. A great
similarity is observable in the appearance of the two countries to the
northward of the straits. Both are destitute of wood. The shores are
low, with mountains rising to a great height farther up the country. The
depth of water in the mid-way between them was twenty-nine and thirty
fathoms, decreasing gradually as we approached either continent, with
the difference of being somewhat shoaler on the American than on the
Asiatic coast, at the same distance from land. The bottom in the middle
was a soft slimy mud; and on drawing near to either shore, a brown sand,
intermixed with small fragments of bones, and a few shells. We observed
but little tide or current; what there was came from the westward.
But it is now time to resume the narrative of our voyage, which was
broken off on the 31st of July, on which day at noon we had advanced
eighteen leagues to the southward of the East Cape.
We had light airs from the south-west till noon of the 1st of August, at
which time our latitude, by observation, was 64° 23ʹ, longitude 189°
15ʹ, the coast of Asia, extended from north-west by west to west half
south, distant about twelve leagues; and the land to the eastward of St.
Laurence bore south half west. On the 2d, the weather becoming clear, we
saw the same land at noon, bearing from west-south-west half west to
south-east, making in a number of high hummocks, which had the
appearance of separate islands; the latitude, by observation, was 64° 3ʹ
longitude 189° 28ʹ, and depth of water seventeen fathoms. We did not
approach this land sufficiently near to determine whether it was one
island, or composed of a cluster together. Its westernmost part we
passed July 3d, in the evening, and then supposed to be the island of
Saint Laurence; the easternmost we ran close by in September last year,
and this we named Clerke’s Island, and found it to consist of a number
of high cliffs, joined together by very low land. Though we mistook, the
last year, those cliffs for separate islands, till we approached very
near the shore, I should still conjecture that the island Saint Laurence
was distinct from Clerke’s island, since there appeared a considerable
space between them, where we could not perceive the smallest rising of
ground. In the afternoon, we also saw what bore the appearance of a
small island, to the north-east of the land, which was seen at noon, and
which from the haziness of the weather we had only sight of once. We
estimated its distance to be nineteen leagues from the island of Saint
Laurence, in a north-east by east half east direction. On the 3d, we had
light variable winds, and directed our course round the north-west point
of the island of Saint Laurence. On the 4th at noon, our latitude, by
account, was 64° 8ʹ, longitude 188°; the island Saint Laurence bearing
south one quarter east, distant seven leagues. In the afternoon, a fresh
breeze springing up from the east, we steered to the south-south-west,
and soon lost sight of Saint Laurence. On the 7th, at noon, the
latitude, by observation, was 59° 38ʹ, longitude 183°. In the afternoon
it fell calm, and we got a great number of cod in seventy-eight fathoms
of water. The variation was found to be 19° E. From this time to the
17th, we were making the best of our way to the south, without any
occurrence worth remarking, except that the wind, coming from the
western quarter, forced us farther to the eastward than we wished, as it
was our intention to make Beering’s Island.
On the 17th, at half past four in the morning, we saw land to the
north-west, which we could not approach, the wind blowing from that
quarter. At noon, the latitude, by observation, was 53° 49ʹ, longitude
168° 5ʹ, and variation 10° E. The land in sight bore north by west,
twelve or fourteen leagues distant. This land we take to be the island
Mednoi, laid down in the Russian charts to the south-east of Beering’s
Island. It is high land, and appeared clear of snow. We place it in the
latitude 54° 28ʹ, longitude 167° 52ʹ. We got no soundings with one
hundred and fifty fathoms of line.
Captain Clerke was now no longer able to get out of his bed; he
therefore desired that the officers would receive their orders from me,
and directed that we should proceed with all speed to Awatska Bay. The
wind continuing westerly, we stood on to the south till early on the
morning of the 19th, when, after a few hours rain, it blew from the
eastward, and freshened to a strong gale. We accordingly made the most
of it whilst it lasted, by standing to the westward under all the sail
we could carry. On the 20th, the wind shifting to the south-west, our
course was to the west-north-west. At noon, the latitude by observation
was 53° 7ʹ, longitude 162° 49ʹ. On the 21st, at half past five in the
morning, we saw a very high-peaked mountain on the coast of Kamtschatka,
called Cheepoonskoi Mountain, from its lying behind the Noss, bearing
north-west by north, twenty-five or thirty leagues distant. At noon, the
coast extended from north by east to west, with a very great haziness
upon it, and distant about twelve leagues. We had light airs the
remaining part of this and the following day, and got no soundings with
one hundred and forty fathoms of line.
On the 22d of August, 1779, at nine o’clock in the morning, departed
this life Captain Charles Clerke, in the thirty-eighth year of his age.
He died of a consumption, which had evidently commenced before he left
England, and of which he had lingered during the whole voyage. His very
gradual decay had long made him a melancholy object to his friends; yet
the equanimity with which he bore it, the constant flow of good spirits,
which continued to the last hour, and a cheerful resignation to his
fate, afforded them some consolation. It was impossible not to feel a
more than common degree of compassion for a person whose life had been a
continued scene of those difficulties and hardships to which a seaman’s
occupation is subject, and under which he at last sunk. He was brought
up to the navy from his earliest youth, and had been in several actions
during the war which began in 1756, particularly in that between the
Bellona and Courageux, where, being stationed in the mizen-top, he was
carried overboard with the mast, but was taken up without having
received any hurt. He was midshipman in the Dolphin, commanded by
Commodore Byron, on her first voyage round the world, and afterward
served on the American station. In 1768, he made his second voyage round
the world, in the Endeavour, as master’s mate, and by the promotion
which took place during the expedition, he returned a lieutenant. His
third voyage round the world was in the Resolution, of which he was
appointed the second lieutenant: and soon after his return, in 1775, he
was promoted to the rank of master and commander. When the present
expedition was ordered to be fitted out, he was appointed to the
Discovery, to accompany Captain Cook; and by the death of the latter
succeeded, as has been already mentioned, to the chief command.
It would be doing his memory extreme injustice not to say, that during
the short time the expedition was under his direction, he was most
zealous and anxious for its success. His health, about the time the
principal command devolved upon him, began to decline very rapidly, and
was every way unequal to encounter the rigours of a high northern
climate. But the vigour and activity of his mind had in no shape
suffered by the decay of his body: and though he knew, that by delaying
his return to a warmer climate, he was giving up the only chance that
remained for his recovery, yet, careful and jealous to the last degree
that a regard to his own situation should never bias his judgment to the
prejudice of the service, he persevered in the search of a passage till
it was the opinion of every officer in both ships that it was
impracticable, and that any farther attempts would not only be fruitless
but dangerous.
CHAP. V.
RETURN TO THE HARBOUR OF SAINT PETER AND SAINT PAUL.—PROMOTION OF
OFFICERS.—FUNERAL OF CAPTAIN CLERKE.—DAMAGES OF THE DISCOVERY
REPAIRED.—VARIOUS OTHER OCCUPATIONS OF THE SHIPS’ CREWS.—LETTERS FROM
THE COMMANDER.—SUPPLY OF FLOUR AND NAVAL STORES FROM A RUSSIAN
GALLIOT.—ACCOUNT OF AN EXILE.—BEAR-HUNTING AND FISHING PARTIES.—
DISGRACE OF THE SERJEANT.—CELEBRATION OF THE KING’S CORONATION-DAY,
AND VISIT FROM THE COMMANDER.—THE SERJEANT REINSTATED.—A RUSSIAN
SOLDIER PROMOTED AT OUR REQUEST.—REMARKS ON THE DISCIPLINE OF THE
RUSSIAN ARMY.—CHURCH AT PARATOUNCA.—METHOD OF BEAR-HUNTING.—FARTHER
ACCOUNT OF THE BEARS AND KAMTSCHADALES.—INSCRIPTION TO THE MEMORY OF
CAPTAIN CLERKE.—SUPPLY OF CATTLE.—ENTERTAINMENTS ON THE EMPRESS’S
NAME-DAY.—PRESENT FROM THE COMMANDER.—ATTEMPT OF A MARINE TO DESERT.—
WORK OUT OF THE BAY.—NAUTICAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION OF AWATSKA
BAY.—ASTRONOMICAL TABLES, AND OBSERVATIONS.
I sent Mr. Williamson to acquaint Captain Gore with the death of Captain
Clerke, and received a letter from him, ordering me to use all my
endeavours to keep in company with the Discovery; and, in case of a
separation, to make the best of my way to the harbour of St. Peter and
St. Paul. At noon, we were in latitude 53° 8ʹ N., longitude 160° 40ʹ E.,
with Cheepoonskoi Noss bearing west. We had light airs in the afternoon,
which lasted through the forenoon of the 23d. At noon, a fresh breeze
springing up from the eastward, we stood in for the entrance of Awatska
Bay; and at six in the evening, saw it bearing west-north-west half
west, distant five leagues. At eight, the light-house, in which we now
found a good light, bore north-west by west, three miles distant. The
wind about this time died away; but the tide being in our favour, we
sent the boats ahead, and towed beyond the narrow parts of the entrance;
and at one o’clock in the morning of the 24th, the ebb-tide setting
against us, we dropped anchor. At nine, we weighed, and turned up the
bay with light airs, and the boats still ahead till one; when, by the
help of a fresh breeze, we anchored, before three in the afternoon, in
the harbour of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, with our ensign half-staff
up, on account of our carrying the body of our late Captain; and were
soon after followed by the Discovery.
We had no sooner anchored, than our old friend, the serjeant, who was
still the commander of the place, came on board with a present of
berries, intended for our poor deceased captain. He was exceedingly
affected when we told him of his death, and showed him the coffin that
contained his body. And as it was Captain Clerke’s particular request to
be buried on shore, and, if possible, in the church of Paratounca, we
took the present opportunity of explaining this matter to the serjeant,
and consulting with him about the proper steps to be taken on the
occasion. In the course of our conversation, which, for want of an
interpreter, was carried on but imperfectly, we learned that professor
de L’Isle, and several Russian gentlemen, who died here, had been buried
in the ground near the barracks, at the _ostrog_ of St. Peter and St.
Paul; and that this place would be preferable to Paratounca, as the
church was to be removed thither the next year. It was therefore
determined, that we should wait for the arrival of the priest of
Paratounca, whom the serjeant advised us to send for, as the only person
that could satisfy our inquiries on this subject. The serjeant having,
at the same time, signified his intentions of sending off an express to
the commander at Bolcheretsk, to acquaint him with our arrival, Captain
Gore availed himself of that occasion of writing him a letter, in which
he requested that sixteen head of black cattle might be sent with all
possible expedition; and because the commander did not understand any
language except his own, the nature of our request was made known to the
serjeant, who readily undertook to send, along with our letter, an
explanation of its contents.
We could not help remarking, that, although the country was much
improved in its appearance since we were last here, the Russians looked,
if possible, worse now than they did then. It is to be owned, they
observed, that this was also the case with us; and as neither party
seemed to like to be told of their bad looks, we found mutual
consolation in throwing the blame upon the country, whose green and
lively complexion, we agreed, cast a deadness and sallowness upon our
own.
The irruption of the volcano, which was so violent when we sailed out of
the bay, we found had done no damage here, notwithstanding stones had
fallen at the _ostrog_, of the size of a goose’s egg. This was all the
news we had to inquire after, and all they had to tell; excepting that
of the arrival of Soposnikoff from Oonalashka, who took charge of the
packet Captain Cook had sent to the Admiralty, and which, it gave us
much satisfaction to find, had been forwarded.
In the morning of the 25th, Captain Gore made out the new commissions,
in consequence of Captain Clerke’s death; appointing himself to the
command of the Resolution, and me to the command of the Discovery; and
Mr. Lanyan, master’s mate of the Resolution, who had served in that
capacity on board the Adventure in the former voyage, was promoted to
the vacant lieutenancy. These promotions produced the following farther
arrangements; Lieutenants Burney and Rickman were removed from the
Discovery, to be first and second lieutenants of the Resolution; and
Lieutenant Williamson was appointed first lieutenant of the Discovery,
Captain Gore also permitted me to take into the Discovery four
midshipmen, who had made themselves useful to me in astronomical
calculations, and whose assistance was now particularly necessary, as we
had no _ephemeris_ for the present year. And, that astronomical
observations might continue to be made in both ships, Mr. Bayley took my
place in the Resolution. The same day we were visited by the Pope
Romanoff Vereshagen, the worthy priest of Paratounca. He expressed his
sorrow at the death of Captain Clerke in a manner that did honour to his
feelings, and confirmed the account given by the serjeant, respecting
the intended removal of the church to the harbour; adding, that the
timber was actually preparing, but leaving the choice of either place
entirely to Captain Gore.
The Discovery, as has been mentioned, had suffered great damage from the
ice, particularly on the 23d day of July; and having, ever since, been
exceedingly leaky, it was imagined that some of her timbers had started.
Captain Gore therefore sent the carpenters of the Resolution to assist
our own in repairing her; and accordingly, the forehold being cleared,
to lighten her forward, they were set to work to rip the damaged
sheathing from the larboard bow. This operation discovered, that three
feet of the third strake, under the wale, were staved, and the timbers
within started. A tent was next erected for the accommodation of such of
our people as were employed on shore; and a party were sent a mile into
the country, to the northward of the harbour, to fell timber. The
observatories were erected at the west end of the village, near a tent,
in which Captain Gore and myself took up our abode.
The farther we proceeded in removing the sheathing, the more we
discovered of the decayed state of the ship’s hull. The next morning,
eight feet of a plank in the wale were found to be so exceedingly
rotten, as to make it necessary to shift it. This left us for some time
at a stand, as nothing was to be found, in either ship, wherewith to
replace it, unless we chose to cut up a top-mast; an expedient not to be
had recourse to, till all others failed. The carpenters were therefore
sent on shore in the afternoon in search of a tree big enough for the
purpose. Luckily they found a birch, which I believe was the only one of
sufficient size in the whole neighbourhood of the bay, and which had
been sawed down by us when we were last here; so that it had the
advantage of having lain some time to season. This was shaped on the
spot, and brought on board the next morning.
As the season was now so far advanced, I was fearful lest any delay or
hindrance should arise, on our parts, to Captain Gore’s farther views of
discovery, and therefore gave orders that no more sheathing should be
ripped off, than was absolutely necessary for repairing the damages
sustained by the ice. This I did, being apprehensive of their meeting
with more decayed planks, which, I judged, had much better remain in
that state, than be filled up with green birch, upon a supposition that
such was to be had. All hands were at present, busily employed in
separate duties, that every thing might be in readiness for sea, against
the time our carpenters should have finished their work. We set apart
four men to haul the seine for salmon, which were caught in great
abundance, and found to be of an excellent quality. After supplying the
immediate wants of both ships, we salted down near a hogshead a-day. The
invalids, who were four in number, were employed in gathering greens,
and in cooking for the parties on shore. Our powder was also landed, in
order to be dried; and the sea-horse blubber, with which both ships, in
our passage to the north (as has been before related), had stored
themselves, was now boiled down for oil, which was become a necessary
article, our candles having long since been expended. The cooper was
fully engaged in his department: and in this manner were both ships’
companies employed in their several occupations, till Saturday
afternoon, which was given up to all our men, except the carpenters, for
the purpose of washing their linen and getting their clothes in some
little order, that they might make a decent appearance on Sunday.
In the afternoon of that day, we paid the last offices to Captain
Clerke. The officers and men of both ships walked in procession to the
grave, whilst the ships fired minute-guns; and the service being ended,
the marines fired three vollies. He was interred under a tree, which
stands on rising ground, in the valley to the north side of the harbour,
where the hospital and store-houses are situated; Captain Gore having
judged this situation most agreeable to the last wishes of the deceased,
for the reasons above-mentioned; and the priest of Paratounca having
pointed out a spot for his grave, which, he said, would be as near as he
could guess, in the centre of the new church. This reverend pastor
walked in the procession, along with the gentleman who read the service;
and all the Russians in the garrison were assembled, and attended with
great respect and solemnity.
On the 30th, the different parties returned to their respective
employments, as mentioned in the course of the preceding week; and on
the 2d of September, the carpenters having shifted the rotten and
damaged planks, and repaired and calked the sheathing of the larboard
bow, proceeded to rip off the sheathing that had been injured by the
ice, from the starboard side. Here, again, they discovered four feet of
a plank, in the third strake under the wale, so shaken, as to make it
necessary to be replaced. This was accordingly done, and the sheathing
repaired on the 3d. In the afternoon of the same day, we got on board
some ballast, unhung the rudder, and sent it on shore, the lead of the
pintles being found entirely worn away, and a great part of the
sheathing rubbed off. As the carpenters of the Resolution were not yet
wanted, we got this set to rights the next day, but finding the rudder
out of all proportion heavy, even heavier than that of the Resolution,
we let it remain on shore, in order to dry and lighten.
The same day, an ensign arrived from Bolcheretsk with a letter from the
commander to Captain Gore, which we put into the serjeant’s hands, and,
by his assistance, were made to understand, that orders had been given
about the cattle; and that they might be expected here in a few days;
and, moreover, that Captain Shmaleff, the present commander, would
himself pay us a visit immediately on the arrival of a sloop which was
daily expected from Okotzk. The young officer, who brought the letter,
was the son of the Captain-lieutenant Synd, who commanded an expedition
on discovery, between Asia and America, eleven years ago, and resided at
this time at Okotzk.[26] He informed us, that he was sent to receive our
directions, and to take care to get us supplied with whatever our
service might require; and that he should remain with us, till the
commander was himself able to leave Bolcheretsk; after which he was to
return, that the garrison there might not be left without an officer.
On the 5th, the parties that were on shore returned on board, and were
employed in scrubbing the ship’s bottom, and getting in eight tons of
shingle ballast. We also got up two of our guns, that had been stowed in
the fore-hold, and mounted them on the deck, being now about to visit
nations, our receptions amongst whom might a good deal depend on the
respectability of our appearance.
The Resolution hauled on shore on the 8th, to repair some damages, which
she had also received among the ice, in her cutwater; and our
carpenters, in their turn, were sent to her assistance.
About this time we began to brew a strong decoction of a species of
dwarf-pine that grows here in great abundance, thinking that it might
hereafter be useful in making beer, and that we should probably be able
to procure sugar or molasses to ferment with it at Canton. At all
events, I was sure it would be serviceable as a medicine for the scurvy;
and was more particularly desirous of supplying myself with as much of
it as I could procure, because most of the preventives we had brought
out, were either used or spoiled by keeping. By the time we had prepared
a hogshead of it, the ship’s copper was discovered to be very thin, and
cracked in many places. This obliged me to desist, and to give orders,
that it should be used as sparingly, for the future as possible. It
might, perhaps, be an useful precaution for those who may hereafter be
engaged in long voyages of this kind, either to provide themselves with
a spare copper, or to see that the copper usually furnished be of the
strongest kind. The various extra-services, in which it will be found
necessary to employ them, and especially the important one of making
anti-scorbutic decoctions, seem absolutely to require some such
provision; and I should rather recommend the former on account of the
additional quantity of fuel that would be consumed in heating thick
coppers.
In the morning of the 10th, the boats from both ships were sent to tow
into the harbour a Russian galliot from Okotzk. She had been thirty-five
days on her passage, and had been seen from the light-house a fortnight
ago, beating up toward the mouth of the bay. At that time, the crew had
sent their only boat on shore for water, of which they now began to be
in great want; and the wind freshening, the boat was lost on its return;
and the galliot, being driven out to sea again, had suffered
exceedingly.
There were fifty soldiers in her, with their wives and children; and
several other passengers, besides the crew, which consisted of
twenty-five; so that they had upward of an hundred souls on board; a
great number for a vessel of eighty tons; and that was also heavy laden
with stores and provisions. Both this galliot, and the sloop we saw here
in May, are built like the Dutch doggers. Soon after she had come to
anchor, we received a visit from a _Put-parouchick_, or sub-lieutenant,
who was passenger in the galliot, and sent to take the command of this
place. Part of the soldiers, we understood, were also designed to
reinforce the garrison; and two pieces of small cannon were landed, as
an additional defence to the town. It should seem, from these
circumstances, that our visit here had drawn the attention of the
Russian commanders in Siberia to the defenceless situation of the place;
and I was told by the honest serjeant, with many significant shrugs,
that, as we had found our way into it, other nations might do the same,
some of whom might not be altogether so welcome.
Next morning the Resolution hauled off from the shore, having repaired
the damages she had sustained by the ice; and in the course of the day,
we got from the galliot a small quantity of pitch, tar, cordage, and
twine; canvas was the only thing we asked for, with which their scanty
store did not put it into their power to supply us. We also received
from her an hundred and forty skins of flour, amounting to 13,782 pounds
English, after deducting five pounds for the weight of each bag.
We had a constant course of dry weather till this day, when there came
on a heavy rain, accompanied with strong squalls of wind, which obliged
us to strike our yards and top-masts.
The 12th, being Sunday, was kept as a day of rest; but the weather
unfortunately continuing foul, our men could not derive the advantage
from it we wished, by gathering the berries that grew in great
quantities and varieties on the coast; and taking other pastime on
shore. The same day, Ensign Synd left us to return to Bolcheretsk with
the remainder of the soldiers that came in the galliot. He had been our
constant guest during his stay. Indeed, we could not but consider him,
on his father’s account, as in some measure belonging to us, and
entitled, as one of the family of discoverers, to a share in our
affections.
We had hitherto admitted the serjeant to our tables, in consideration of
his being commander of the place; and, moreover, because he was a quick
sensible man, and comprehended better than any other the few Russian
words we had learned. Ensign Synd had very politely suffered him to
enjoy the same privileges during his stay; but, on the arrival of the
new commander from Okotzk, the serjeant, for some cause or other, which
we could not learn, fell into disgrace, and was no longer suffered to
sit down in the company of his own officers. It was in vain to think of
making any attempt to obtain an indulgence, which, though it would have
been highly agreeable to us, was doubtless incompatible with their
discipline.
On Wednesday we had finished the stowage of the holds; got on board all
our wood and water; and were ready to put to sea at a day’s notice. It
is however necessary to observe, that though every thing was in this
degree of readiness on board, the cattle were not yet arrived from
Verchnei; and as fresh provisions were the most important article of our
wants, and in a great measure necessary for the health of the men, we
could not think of taking our departure without them. We, therefore,
thought this a favourable opportunity (especially as there was an
appearance of fine weather) of taking some amusement on shore, and
acquiring a little knowledge of the country. Accordingly, Captain Gore
proposed a party of bear-hunting, which we all very readily came into.
We did not set out on this expedition till Friday the 17th, in order to
give a day’s rest to the Hospodin Ivaskin, a new acquaintance, that was
to be of our party, and who came down here on Wednesday. This gentleman,
who, we understood, usually resides at Verchnei, had been desired by
Major Behm to attend us on our return to the harbour, in order to be our
interpreter; and the accounts we had heard of him, before his arrival,
had excited in us a great curiosity to see him.
He is of a considerable family in Russia. His father was a general in
the empress’s service; and he himself, after having received his
education partly in France, and partly in Germany, had been page to the
Empress Elizabeth, and an ensign in her guards. At the age of sixteen he
was _knowted_, had his nose slit, and was banished first to Siberia and
afterward to Kamtschatka, where he had now lived thirty-one years. He
was a very tall thin man, with a face all over furrowed with deep
wrinkles; and bore, in his whole figure, the strongest marks of old age,
though he had scarcely reached his fifty-fourth year.
To our very great disappointment, he had so totally forgotten both his
German and French, as not to be able to speak a sentence, nor readily to
understand what was said to him, in either of these languages. We found
ourselves thus unfortunately deprived of what we flattered ourselves
would have turned out a favourable opportunity of getting farther
information relative to this country. We had also promised ourselves
much pleasure from the history of this extraordinary man, which he
probably would have been induced to relate to strangers, who might
perhaps be of some little service to him, but who could have no
inducement to take advantage, from any thing he might say, to do him an
injury. No one here knew the cause of his banishment; but they took it
for granted, that it must have been for something very atrocious;
particularly, as two or three commanders of Kamtschatka have endeavoured
to get him recalled, since the present empress’s reign; but far from
succeeding in this, they have not been even able to get the place of his
banishment changed. He told us that, for twenty years, he had not tasted
bread, nor had been allowed subsistence of any kind whatsoever; but
that, during this period, he had lived among the Kamtschadales, on what
his own activity and toil in the chace had furnished. That afterward he
had a small pension granted; and that since Major Behm came to the
command, his situation had been infinitely mended. The notice that
worthy man had taken of him, and his having often invited him to become
his guest, had been the occasion of others following his example;
besides which, he had been the means of getting his pension increased to
one hundred roubles a-year; which is the common pay of an ensign in all
parts of the empress’s dominions, except in this province, where the pay
of all the officers is double. Major Behm told us, that he had obtained
permission to take him to Okotzk, which was to be the place of his
residence in future; but that he should leave him behind for the
present, on an idea, that he might, on our return to the bay, be useful
to us as an interpreter.
Having given orders to the first lieutenants of both ships, to let the
rigging have such a repair as the supply of stores, we had lately
received, would permit, we set out on our hunting party, under the
direction of the corporal of the Kamtschadales, intending, before we
began to look for our game, to proceed straight to the head of Behm’s
Harbour. It is an inlet on the west side of the bay (which we had named
after that officer, from its being a favourite place of his, and having
been surveyed by himself), and is called by the natives Tareinska.
In our way toward this harbour, we met the _Toion_ of Saint Peter and
Saint Paul, in a canoe, with his wife and two children, and another
Kamtschadale. He had killed two seals upon a round island, that lies in
the entrance of the harbour, with which, and a great quantity of berries
that he had gathered, he was returning home. As the wind had veered to
the south-west, we now changed our route, by his advice; and instead of
going up the harbour, directed our course to the northward, toward a
pool of water that lies near the mouth of the river Paratounca, and
which was a known haunt of the bears. We had scarce landed, when
unfortunately the wind changed to the eastward, and a second time
destroyed all hopes of coming up with our game; for the Kamtschadales
assured us, that it was in vain to expect to meet with bears, whilst we
were to the windward; owing to their being possessed of an uncommon
acuteness in scenting their pursuers, which enabled them, under such
circumstances, to avoid the danger, whilst it is yet at a very great
distance. We returned, therefore, to the boat, and passed the night on
the beach, having brought a tent with us for that purpose; and the next
day, by the advice of our guides, crossed the bay, and went to the head
of Rakoweena Harbour.
Having here secured the boats, we proceeded with all our luggage on
foot, and, after a walk of five or six miles, came to the sea side, a
league to the northward of the Light-house Head. From hence, as far as
we could see toward Cheepoonskoi Noss, there is a continued narrow
border of low level ground adjoining to the sea, which is covered with
heath, and produces great abundance of berries, particularly those
called partridge and crow-berries. We were told, we should not fail to
meet with a number of bears, feeding upon these berries; but that the
weather being showery, was unfavourable for us.
Accordingly, we directed our course along this plain; and though we saw
several bears at a distance, we could never, with all our management,
contrive to get within shot of them. Our diversion was therefore changed
to spearing of salmon, which we saw pushing, in great numbers, through
the surf into a small river. I could not help observing, how much
inferior our Kamtschadales were at this method of fishing, to the people
at Oonalashka; nor were their instruments, although pointed with iron,
near so good for the purpose, nor to be compared in neatness to those of
the Americans, though pointed only with bone. On inquiring into the
reason of this inferiority, I was informed by the corporal, who had
lived many years amongst the Americans, that formerly the Kamtschadales
made use of the same kind of darts and spears with the Americans, headed
and barbed with bone, and were not less dexterous in the management of
them than the latter. We could not understand one another sufficiently
for me to learn the cause of this change; probably it was one of the not
unusual effects of a forced and imperfect state of improvement. It fell
out very opportunely, that the water afforded us a little prey; for
besides our ill success in the chase by land, we had also been
disappointed in our expectations of shooting wild fowl, on a supply of
which we had in some measure depended for our subsistence; and on its
failure, began to think that we had been full long absent from
head-quarters.
Our Kamtschadales now discovered, that the want of success, in not
meeting with game, was owing to the party being too large, and to the
unavoidable noise that was the consequence of it. We, therefore, agreed
to separate; Ivaskin, the corporal, and myself, forming one party;
Captain Gore and the rest of the company, the other.
Accordingly, after passing the night under our tent, we set out on the
morning of the 19th, by different routes, meaning to take a circuit
round the country, and meet at Saint Peter and Saint Paul. The party to
which I belonged took the course of the river, at the mouth of which we
had fished for the salmon; and, after being thoroughly soaked by the
heavy rains that fell all the morning, we came about three in the
afternoon to some old _balagans_, where a Kamtschadale village had been
formerly situated, without meeting with a single bear during the whole
of a long and tedious walk. It was our first intention to have remained
here all night, in order to have resumed our chace early the next
morning; but the weather clearing, and at the same time a fresh breeze
springing up from a quarter unfavourable to our designs, the Hospodin,
whom former sufferings had made very unfit to bear much fatigue, and who
seemed at present more particularly distressed from having emptied his
snuff-box, began to be very importunate with us to return home. It was
some time before the old corporal consented, alleging, that we were at a
great distance from the harbour; and that, on account of the badness of
the way, the night would probably overtake us before we reached the end
of our journey. At length, however, he yielded to Ivaskin’s entreaties,
and conducted us along the side of a number of small lakes, with which
the flat part of this country seems much to abound. These lakes are from
half a mile to two miles in length, and about half a mile broad; the
water is fresh and clear, and they are full of a red-coloured fish,
resembling, both in shape and size, a small salmon; of which a more
particular description will be given hereafter. The banks of these lakes
were covered with the fragments of fish that the bears had half eaten,
and which caused an intolerable stench. We often came upon the spots
which the bears had just left, but were never able even to come within
sight of them.
It was night before we reached the ships, and we had then been twelve
hours upon our legs. Poor Ivaskin found himself exceedingly tired, and
overcome with fatigue; probably he was more sensible of it, for want of
a supply of snuff; for every step he took, his hand dived mechanically
into his pocket, and drew out his huge empty box. We had scarcely got
into the tent, when the weather set in exceedingly rough and wet. We
congratulated ourselves that we had not stayed out another day, the
Hospodin’s box was replenished, and we forgot the fatigues and ill
success of our expedition over a good supper.
I was exceedingly sorry, on being told the next day, that our friend the
serjeant had undergone corporal punishment, during our absence, by
command of the old _Put-parouchick_. None of our people had been able to
learn what was the cause of his displeasure; but it was imagined to have
arisen from some little jealousy subsisting between them on account of
the civility which we had shown to the former. However, having every
reason to believe that the offence, whatever it might be, did not call
for so disgraceful a chastisement, we could not help being both sorry
and much provoked at it, as the terms on which we had lived with him,
and the interest we were known to take in his affairs, made the affront
in some measure personal to ourselves. For it has not yet been
mentioned, that we had consulted with the late worthy commander, Major
Behm, who was also his friend, by what means we might be most likely to
succeed in doing him some service, for the good order he had kept in the
_ostrog_ during our stay, and for his readiness, on all occasions, to
oblige us. The major advised a letter of recommendation to the
governor-general, which Captain Clerke had accordingly given him, and
which, backed with his own representations, he had no doubt would get
the serjeant advanced a step higher in his profession.
We did not choose to make any remonstrance on this subject, till the
arrival of Captain Shmaleff. Indeed our inability, from the want of
language, to enter into any discussion of the business, made it
advisable to come to this determination. However, when the
_Put-parouchick_ paid us his next visit, we could not help testifying
our chagrin, by receiving him very coolly.
The 22d, being the anniversary of his Majesty’s coronation, twenty-one
guns were fired, and the handsomest feast our situation would allow of
was prepared, in honour of the day. As we were sitting down to dinner,
the arrival of Captain Shmaleff was announced. This was a most agreeable
surprise; in the first place, because he arrived so opportunely to
partake of the good fare and festivity of the occasion; and, in the
next, because, in our last accounts of him, we were given to understand,
that the effects of a severe illness had made him unequal to the
journey. We were glad to find this had been merely an excuse; that, in
fact, he was ashamed of coming empty-handed, knowing we must be in great
want of tea, sugar, &c. &c.; and that, therefore, he had deferred his
setting out, in daily expectation of the sloop from Okotsk; but having
no tidings of her, and dreading lest we should sail without his having
paid us a visit, he was determined to set out, though with nothing
better to present to us than apologies for the poverty of Bolcheretsk.
At the same time he acquainted us, that our not having received the
sixteen head of black cattle, we had desired might be sent down, was
owing to the very heavy rains at Verchnei, which had prevented their
setting out. We made the best answer we were able, to so much politeness
and generosity; and the next day, on coming on board the Resolution, he
was saluted with eleven guns. Specimens of all our curiosities were
presented to him; and Captain Gore added to them a gold watch and a
fowling-piece.
The next day, he was entertained on board the Discovery; and on the
25th, he took leave of us to return to Bolcheretsk. He could not be
prevailed on to lengthen his visit, having some expectations, as he told
us, that the sub-governor-general, who was at this time making a tour
through all the provinces of the governor-general of Jakutsk, might
arrive in the sloop that was daily expected from Okotsk. Before his
departure, and without any interference of ours, he reinstated the
serjeant in the command of this place, having determined to take the
_Put-parouchick_ along with him; at the same time, we understood that he
was highly displeased with him, on account of the punishment that had
been inflicted on the serjeant, and for which there did not appear to be
the slightest grounds.
Captain Shmaleff’s great readiness to give us every possible proof of
his desire to oblige us, encouraged us to ask a small favour, for
another of our Kamtschadale friends. It was to requite an old soldier,
whose house had been, at all times, open to the inferior officers, and
who had done both them, and all the crew, a thousand good offices. The
captain most obligingly complied with our request, and dubbed him (which
was all he wished for) a corporal upon the spot; and ordered him to
thank the English officers for his great promotion. It may not here be
improper to observe, that, in the Russian army, the inferior class of
officers enjoy a degree of pre-eminence above the private men, with
which we, in our service, are in a great measure unacquainted. It was no
small astonishment to us, to see a serjeant keep up all the state, and
exact all the respect, from all beneath him, belonging to a
field-officer. It may be farther remarked, that there are many more
gradations of rank amongst them, than are to be met with in other
countries. Between a serjeant and a private man, there are not less than
four intermediate steps; and I have no doubt, but that the advantages
arising from this system are found to be very considerable. The salutary
effects of little subordinate ranks in our sea-service, cannot be
questioned. It gives rise to great emulation, and the superior officers
are enabled to bestow, on almost every possible degree of merit, a
reward proportioned to it.
Having been incidentally led into this subject, I shall beg leave to add
but one observation more, namely, that the discipline of the Russian
army, though at this distance from the seat of government, is of the
strictest and severest kind; from which even the commissioned officers
are not exempt. The punishment of the latter for small offences is
imprisonment, and a bread-and-water diet. An ensign, a good friend of
ours at this place, told us, that for having been concerned in a drunken
riot, he was confined in the black-hole for three months, and fed upon
bread and water, which, he said, so shattered his nerves, that he had
never since had spirits for a common convivial meeting.
I accompanied Captain Shmaleff to the entrance of Awatska river, and,
having bid him farewell, took this opportunity of paying a visit to the
priest of Paratounca. On Sunday the 26th, I attended him to church. The
congregation consisted of his own family, three Kamtschadale men, and
three boys, who assisted in singing part of the service, the whole of
which was performed in a very solemn and edifying manner. The church is
of wood, and by far the best building either in this town, or in that of
Saint Peter and Saint Paul. It is ornamented with many paintings,
particularly with two pictures of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, presented
by Beering; and which, in the real richness of their drapery, would
carry off the prize from the first of our European performances; for all
the principal parts of it are made of thick plate of solid silver,
fastened to the canvass, and fashioned into the various foldings of the
robes with which the figures were clothed.
The next day, I set on foot another hunting party, and put myself under
the direction of the clerk of the parish, who was a celebrated
bear-hunter. We arrived, by sun-set, at the side of one of the larger
lakes. The next step was to conceal ourselves as much as possible; and
this we were able to do very effectually, among some long grass and
brush-wood, that grew close to the water’s edge. We had not lain long in
ambush, before we had the pleasure to hear the growlings of bears in
different parts round about us; and our expectations were soon gratified
by the sight of one of them in the water, which seemed to be swimming
directly to the place where we lay hid. The moon, at this time, gave a
considerable light; and when the animal had advanced about fifteen
yards, three of us fired at it, pretty nearly at the same time. The
beast immediately turned short on one side, and set up a noise, which
could not properly be called roaring, nor growling, nor yelling, but was
a mixture of all three, and horrible beyond description. We plainly saw
that it was severely wounded, and that with difficulty it gained the
bank, and retreated to some thick bushes at a little distance. It still
continued to make the same loud and terrible noise; and though the
Kamtschadales were persuaded it was mortally wounded, and could get no
farther, yet they thought it most advisable not to rouse it again for
the present. It was at this time past nine o’clock, and the night
becoming overcast, and threatening a change of weather, we thought it
most prudent to return home, and defer the gratification of our
curiosity till morning, when we returned to the spot, and found the bear
dead in the place to which it had been watched. It proved to be a
female, and beyond the common size.
As the account of our first hunting-party will be apt to give the reader
a wrong idea of the method in which this sport is usually conducted, it
may not be amiss to add a few more words on the subject; and which I am
the better able to do since this last expedition.
When the natives come to the ground frequented by the bears, which they
contrive to reach about sun-set, the first step is to look for their
tracks, to examine which are the freshest, and the best situated with a
view to concealment, and taking aim at the beast, either as he is
passing by or advancing in front, or going from them. These tracks are
found in the greatest numbers, leading from the woods down to the lakes,
and among the long sedgy grass and brakes by the edge of the water. The
place of ambuscade being determined upon, the hunters next fix in the
ground the crutches, upon which their firelocks are made to rest,
pointing them in the direction they mean to make their shot. This done,
they kneel or lie down, as the circumstances of the cover require, and,
with their bear-spears by their side, wait for their game. These
precautions, which are chiefly taken in order to make sure of their
mark, are, on several accounts, highly expedient. For, in the first
place, ammunition is so dear at Kamtschatka, that the price of a bear
will not purchase more of it than is sufficient to load a musket four or
five times; and what is more material, if the bear be not rendered
incapable of pursuit by the first shot, the consequences are often
fatal. He immediately makes toward the place from whence the noise and
smoke issue, and attacks his adversaries with great fury. It is
impossible for them to reload, as the animal is seldom at more than
twelve or fifteen yards distance when he is fired at: so that, if he
does not fall, they immediately put themselves in a posture to receive
him upon their spears; and their safety greatly depends on their giving
him a mortal stab, as he first comes upon them. If he parries the thrust
(which, by the extraordinary strength and agility of their paws, they
are often enabled to do), and thereby breaks in upon his adversaries,
the conflict becomes very unequal, and it is well if the life of one of
the party alone suffice to pay the forfeit.
There are two seasons of the year when this diversion, or occupation as
it may be rather called, is more particularly dangerous: in the spring,
when the bears first come forth, after having subsisted, as is
universally asserted here, on sucking their paws through the winter; and
especially if the frost happen to be severe, and the ice not to be
broken up in the lake at that time, by which means they are deprived of
their ordinary and expected food. Under these circumstances they soon
become exceedingly famished, and fierce and savage in proportion. They
will pursue the natives by the scent; and, as they now prowl about out
of their usual tracks, frequently come upon them unawares; and when this
happens, as the Kamtschadales have not the smallest notion of shooting
flying, nor even at an animal running, or in any way except with their
piece on a rest, the bear-hunters often fall a sacrifice to their
hunger. The other season in which it is dangerous to come in their way,
is at the time of their copulation, which is generally about this time
of the year.
An extraordinary instance of natural affection in these animals hath
been already mentioned. The chace affords a variety of a similar nature,
and not less affecting; many of which were related to me. The
Kamtschadales derive great advantage in hunting, from this circumstance.
They never venture to fire upon a young bear, when the mother is near:
for, if the cub drop, she becomes enraged to a degree little short of
madness; and if she get sight of the enemy, will only quit her revenge
with her life. On the contrary, if the dam be shot, the cubs will not
leave her side, even after she has been dead a long time; but continue
about her, showing, by a variety of affecting actions and gestures,
marks of the deepest affliction, and thus become an easy prey to the
hunters.
Nor is the sagacity of the bears, if the Kamtschadales are to be
credited, less extraordinary, or less worthy to be remarked, than their
natural affection. Of this they have a thousand stories to relate. I
shall content myself with mentioning one instance, which the natives
speak of as a well-known fact; and that is, the stratagem they have
recourse to, in order to catch the bareins, which are considerably too
swift of foot for them. These animals keep together in large herds; they
frequent mostly the low grounds, and love to browse at the feet of rocks
and precipices. The bear hunts them by scent till he come in sight, when
he advances warily, keeping above them, and concealing himself amongst
the rocks, as he makes his approaches, till he gets immediately over
them, and nigh enough for his purpose. He then begins to push down, with
his paws, pieces of the rock amongst the herd below. This manœuvre is
not followed by any attempt to pursue, until he find he has maimed one
of the flock, upon which a course immediately ensues, that proves
successful, or otherwise, according to the hurt the barein has received.
I cannot conclude this digression without observing, that the
Kamtschadales very thankfully acknowledge their obligations to the bears
for what little advancement they have hitherto made, either in the
sciences or polite arts. They confess that they owe to them all their
skill both in physic and surgery; that by remarking with what herbs
these animals rub the wounds they have received, and what they have
recourse to when sick and languid, they have become acquainted with most
of the simples in use among them, either in the way of internal
medicine, or external application. But what will appear somewhat more
singular is, they acknowledge the bears likewise for their
dancing-masters. Indeed, the evidence of one’s senses puts this out of
dispute; for the bear-dance of the Kamtschadales is an exact counterpart
of every attitude and gesture peculiar to this animal, through its
various functions; and this is the foundation and ground-work of all
their other dances, and what they value themselves most upon.
I returned to the ships on the 28th, very well pleased with my
excursion, as it had afforded me an opportunity of seeing a little more
of the country, and of observing the manners and behaviour of the
Kamtschadales, when freed from that constraint which they evidently lie
under in the company of the Russians.
No occurrence worth mentioning took place till the 30th, when Captain
Gore went to Paratounca, to put up in the church there an escutcheon,
prepared by Mr. Webber, with an inscription upon it, setting forth
Captain Clerke’s age and rank, and the object of the expedition in which
he was engaged at the time of his decease. We also affixed to the tree
under which he was buried a board, with an inscription upon it to the
same effect.
Before his departure, Captain Gore left orders with me to get the ships
out of the harbour into the bay, to be in readiness to sail. We were
prevented from doing this by a violent gale of wind, which lasted the
whole day of the 1st of October. However, on the 2d, both ships warped
out of the harbour, clear of the narrow passage, and came to anchor in
seven fathoms, a quarter of a mile from the _ostrog_.
The day before we went out of the harbour, the cattle arrived from
Verchnei; and that the men might receive the full benefit of this
capital and much-longed-for supply, by consuming it fresh, Captain Gore
came to a determination of staying five or six days longer. Nor was this
time idly employed. The boats, pumps, sails, and rigging of both ships,
thereby received an additional repair. And Captain Gore sparing me some
molasses, and the use of the Resolution’s copper, I was enabled to brew
a fortnight’s beer for the crew, and to make a farther provision of ten
puncheons of strong spruce essence. The present supply was the more
acceptable, as our last cask of spirits, except a small quantity left in
reserve for cases of necessity, was now serving out.
The 3d was the name-day of the empress, and we could want no inducement
to show it every possible respect. Accordingly, Captain Gore invited the
priest of Paratounca, Ivaskin, and the serjeant, to dinner; and an
entertainment was also provided for the inferior officers of the
garrison, for the two _Toions_ of Paratounca, and Saint Peter and Saint
Paul, and for the other better sort of Kamtschadale inhabitants. The
rest of the natives, of every description, were invited to partake with
the ships’ companies, who had a pound of good fat beef served out to
each man; and what remained of our spirits was made into grog, and
divided amongst them. A salute of twenty-one guns was fired at the usual
hour; and the whole was conducted (considering the part of her dominions
it was in,) in a manner not unworthy so renowned and magnificent an
empress.
On the 5th, we received from Bolcheretsk a fresh supply of tea, sugar,
and tobacco. This present had met Captain Shmaleff on his return, and
was accompanied by a letter from him, in which he informed us, that the
sloop from Okotsk had arrived during his absence, and that Madame
Shmaleff, who was entirely in our interests, had lost no time in
dispatching a courier, with the few presents, of which our acceptance
was requested.
The appearance of foul weather, on the 6th and 7th, prevented our
unmooring; but on the morning of the 8th, we sailed out toward the mouth
of the bay, and hoisted in all the boats; when the wind, veering to the
southward, stopped our farther progress, and obliged us to drop anchor
in ten fathoms; the _ostrog_ bearing due north, half a league distant.
The weather being foggy, and the wind from the same quarter during the
forenoon of the 9th, we continued in our station. At four in the
afternoon, we again unmoored; but whilst we were, with great difficulty,
weighing our last anchor, I was told that the drummer of the marines had
left the boat, which had just returned from the village, and that he was
last seen with a Kamtschadale woman, to whom his messmates knew he had
been much attached, and who had often been observed persuading him to
stay behind. Though this man had been long useless to us, from a
swelling in his knee, which rendered him lame, yet this made me the more
unwilling he should be left behind, to become a miserable burthen, both
to the Russians and himself. I therefore got the serjeant to send
parties of soldiers in different directions, in search of him, whilst
some of our sailors went to a well-known haunt of his in the
neighbourhood, where they found him with his woman. On the return of
this party, with our deserter, we weighed, and followed the Resolution
out of the bay.
Having at length taken our leave of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, I shall
conclude this chapter with a particular description of Awatska bay, and
the coast adjoining; not only because (its three inlets included) it
constitutes perhaps the most extensive and safest harbour that has yet
been discovered, but because it is the only port in this part of the
world, capable of admitting ships of any considerable burthen. The term
bay, indeed, is perhaps not applicable, properly speaking, to a place so
well sheltered as Awatska; but then it must be observed, that from the
loose, undistinguishing manner, in which navigators have denominated
certain situations of sea and land, with respect to each other, bays,
roads, sounds, harbours, &c. we have no defined and determinate ideas
affixed to these words, sufficient to warrant us in changing a popular
name, for one that may appear more proper.
The entrance into this bay, is in 52° 51ʹ N. latitude, and 158° 48ʹ E.
longitude, and lies in the bight of another exterior bay, formed by
Cheepoonskoi Noss, to the north, and Cape Gavareea to the south. The
former of these head-lands bears from the latter north-east by north,
three quarters east, and is distant thirty-two leagues. The coast, from
Cape Gavareea to the entrance of Awatska Bay, takes a direction nearly
north, and is eleven leagues in extent. It consists of a chain of high,
ragged cliffs, with detached rocks frequently lying off them. This
coast, at a distance, presents in many parts, an appearance of bays or
inlets, but on a nearer approach, the head-lands were found connected by
low ground.
Cheepoonskoi Noss bears from the entrance of the bay, east north-east a
quarter east, and is seventeen leagues distant. On this side, the shore
is low and flat, with hills rising behind, to a considerable height. In
the latitude of Cape Gavareea, there is an error of twenty-one miles in
the Russian charts; its true latitude being 52° 21ʹ.
This striking difference of the land on each side of Awatska Bay, with
their different bearings, are the best guides to steer for it, in coming
from the southward: and, in approaching it from the northward,
Cheepoonskoi Noss will make itself very conspicuous; for it is a high
projecting head-land, with a considerable extent of level ground, lower
than the Noss, uniting it to the continent. It presents the same
appearance, whether viewed from the north or south, and will warn the
mariner not to be deceived, in imagining Awatska Bay to lie in the
bight, which the coast forms to the northward of this Noss, and which
might be the case, from the striking resemblance there is between a
conical hill within this bight or bay, and one to the south of Awatska
Bay.
I have been thus particular, in giving a minute description of this
coast, from our own experience of the want of it. For had we been
furnished with a tolerable account of the form of the coast, on each
side of Awatska Bay, we should on our first arrival upon it, have got
safely within the bay two days before we did, and thereby have avoided
part of the stormy weather, which came on when we were plying off the
mouth of the harbour. Besides, from the prevalence of fogs in these
seas, it must frequently happen, that an observation for ascertaining
the latitude cannot be got; to which we may add, that the deceptive
appearances land makes, when covered with snow, and when viewed through
an hazy atmosphere, both which circumstances prevail here, during the
greatest part of the year, render the knowledge of a variety of
discriminating objects the more necessary.
Should, however, the weather be clear enough to admit a view of the
mountains on the coast in its neighbourhood, these will serve to point
out the situation of Awatska Bay, with a great deal of precision. For to
the south of it are two high mountains; that which is nearest the bay,
is shaped like a sugar-loaf; the other, which is farther inland, does
not appear so high, and is flat at the top. To the north of the bay, are
three very conspicuous mountains; the westernmost is, to appearance, the
highest; the next is the _volcano_ mountain, which may be known from the
smoke that issues from its top, and likewise from some high table-hills
connected with it, and stretching to the northward: these two are
somewhat peaked. The third, and the most northerly, might perhaps be
more properly called a cluster of mountains, as it presents to the sight
several flat tops.
When the navigator has got within the capes, and into the outward bay, a
perpendicular head-land, with a light-house erected upon it, will point
out the entrance of the bay of Awatska to the northward. To the eastward
of this head-land lie many sunken rocks, stretching into the sea, to the
distance of two or three miles; and which will show themselves, if there
be but a moderate sea or swell. Four miles to the south of the entrance
lies a small round island, very distinguishable from being principally
composed of high pointed rocks, with one of them strikingly remarkable,
as being much larger, more peaked and perpendicular than the rest.
It is no way necessary to be equally particular in the description of
the bay itself, as of its approaches and environs; since no words can
give the mariner so perfect an idea of it, as the annexed plan. From
this it will appear, that the entrance is at first near three miles
wide, and in the narrowest part one mile and a half, and four miles
long, in a north north-west direction. Within the mouth is a noble bason
of twenty-five miles circuit, with the capacious harbours of Tarcinska
to the west, of Rakoweena to the east, and the small one of Saint Peter
and Saint Paul, where we lay, to the north.
Tarcinska harbour is about three miles in breadth, and twelve in length;
it stretches to the east-south-east, and is separated from the sea, at
the bottom, by a narrow neck of land. The road into this harbour is
perfectly free from rocks or shoals. We had never less than seven
fathoms’ water, as far as our survey extended; for we were not able to
get to the bottom of the harbour on account of the ice.
The harbour of Rakoweena would deserve the preference over the other
two, if its entrance were not impeded by a shoal lying in the middle of
the channel, which, in general, will make it necessary to warp in,
unless there be a leading wind. It is from one mile to half a mile in
width, and three miles long, running at first in a south-east, and
afterward in an easterly direction. Its depth is from thirteen to three
fathoms.
Saint Peter and Saint Paul’s is one of the most convenient little
harbours I ever saw. It will hold conveniently half a dozen ships,
moored head and stern, and is fit for giving them any kind of repairs.
The south side is formed by a low sandy neck, exceedingly narrow, on
which the _ostrog_ is built, and whose point may almost be touched by
ships going in, having three fathoms’ water close in with it. In the
mid-channel, which is no more than two hundred and seventy-eight feet
across, there are six fathoms and a half; the deepest water within is
seven fathoms; and in every part over a muddy bottom. We found some
inconvenience from the toughness of the ground, which constantly broke
the messenger, and gave us a great deal of trouble in getting up the
anchors. There is a watering-place at the head of the harbour.
The plan will likewise point out the shoal that is to be avoided, lying
off the eastern harbour, as well as the spit within the entrance,
stretching from the south-west shore, and over which there is only three
fathoms’ water. In order to steer clear of the latter, a small island,
or perhaps it may rather be called a large detached rock, lying on the
west shore of the entrance, is to be shut in with the land to the south
of it; and, to steer clear of the former, the Three Needle Rocks, which
lie on the east shore of the entrance near the light-house head, are to
be kept open with the head-lands (or bluff heads) that rise to the
northward of the first small bay, or bending, observable on the east
side of the entrance. When arrived to the north of the north head-land
of the eastern harbour, the shoal is past.
In sailing into the harbour of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, and
approaching the village, it is necessary to keep in close to the eastern
shore, in order to avoid a spit, which runs from the head-land to the
south-west of the town.
Before I proceed to give a table of the result of our astronomical
observations at this place, it may be proper to acquaint the reader,
that the time-keeper we had on board the Resolution, which was an exact
copy of that invented by Mr. Harrison, and executed by Mr. Kendal,
stopped on the 27th of April, a few days before we first came into
Awatska Bay. It had been always kept with the most scrupulous care
during the voyage, having never been trusted for a moment into any other
hands than those of Captain Cook and mine. No accident could, therefore,
have happened to it, to which we could attribute its stopping; nor could
it have arisen from the effects of intense cold, as the thermometer was
very little below the freezing point. As soon as the discovery was made,
I consulted with Captain Clerke what course it was best to pursue;
whether to let it remain as it was, entirely useless to us, for the
purpose of satisfying the curious at home, where it was sure of being
examined by proper judges, or suffer it to be inspected by a seaman on
board, who had served a regular apprenticeship to a watchmaker in
London; and appeared sufficiently knowing in the business, from his
success in cleaning and repairing several watches since we had been out.
The advantages we had derived from its accuracy made us extremely
unwilling to be deprived of its use during the remaining part of the
voyage; and that object appeared to us of much greater importance than
the small degree of probability, which we understood was all that could
be expected, of obtaining any material knowledge respecting its
mechanism, by deferring the inspection of it. At the same time, it
should be remembered, that the watch had already had a sufficient trial,
both in the former voyage, and during the three years we had now had it
on board, to ascertain its utility. On these considerations, we took the
opportunity of the first clear day, after our arrival in Awatska Bay, of
opening the watch, which was done in the captain’s cabin, and in our
presence. The watchmaker found no part of the work broken; but not being
able to set it agoing, he proceeded to take off the cock and balance,
and cleaned both the pivot-holes, which he found very foul, and the rest
of the work rather dirty; he also took off the dial-plate; and, between
two teeth of the wheel that carries the second-hand, found a piece of
dirt, which he imagined to be the principal cause of its stopping.
Having afterward put the work together, and oiled it as sparingly as
possible, the watch appeared to go free and well.
Having received orders the next day to go to Bolcheretsk, the
time-keeper was left in the care of Mr. Bayly, to compare it with his
watch and clock, in order to get its rate. On my return, I was told it
had gone for some days with tolerable regularity, losing only from
fifteen to seventeen seconds a-day, when it stopped a second time. It
was again opened, and the cause of its stopping appeared to be owing to
the man having put some part of the work badly together when he first
opened it. Being again adjusted, it was found to gain above a minute
a-day; and, in the attempt to alter the regulator and balance-spring, he
broke the latter. He afterward made a new spring; but the watch now went
so irregularly, that we made no farther use of it. The poor fellow was
not less chagrined than we were, at our bad success; which, however, I
am convinced was more owing to the miserable tools he was obliged to
work with, and the stiffness his hands had contracted from his ordinary
occupation, than to his want of skill.
For the satisfaction of those who may wish to have a general view of its
rate of going, I have added the following table.
The first and second columns contain the dates when, and the names of
the places where, its rate was observed. The third column contains the
daily error of its rate, so found from mean time. The fourth column has
the longitude of each place, according to the Greenwich rate; that is,
calculated on a supposition that the time-keeper had not varied its rate
from the time it left Greenwich. But as we had frequent opportunities of
ascertaining the variation of its daily error, or finding its new rate,
the fifth column has the longitude, according to its last rate,
calculated from the true longitude of the place last departed from. The
sixth is the true longitude of the place, deduced from astronomical
observations made by ourselves, and compared with those made by others,
whenever such could be obtained. The seventh column shows the difference
between the fourth column and the sixth in space; and the eighth the
same difference in time. The ninth shows the number of months and days
in which the error, thus determined, had been accumulating. The
difference between the fifth and sixth columns is found in the tenth,
and shows the error of the time-keeper, according to its rate last found
in space; and the eleventh, the same error in time. The twelfth contains
the time elapsed in sailing from the place where the rate was last
taken, to the place whose longitude is last determined. The thirteenth
and fourteenth contain the state of the air at the time of each
observation.
As persons, unaccustomed to calculations of this sort, may find some
difficulty in comprehending the nature of the table, the two following
instances will more clearly explain it.
Thus, on the 24th October, 1776 (first column), at the Cape of Good Hope
(second column), we found the daily error in the rate of its going, to
be 2ʺ,26 (third column). The longitude of that place calculated on a
supposition, that the rate of the time-keeper had continued the same
from the time of our leaving Greenwich, that is, had a regular daily
error of 1ʺ,21, is found to be 18° 26ʹ 30ʺ E. (fourth column). And as
its rate at Greenwich is, in this instance, its latest rate, the
longitude thus found is the same (fifth column). The true longitude of
the place is 18° 23ʹ 15ʺ (sixth column). From whence it appears, that,
in our run from Greenwich to the Cape, the watch would have led us into
an error only of 3ʹ 15ʺ (seventh column), or three miles one quarter; or
had varied 13ʺ of time (eighth column), in four months twenty-three days
(ninth column), the period between our leaving Greenwich and our arrival
at the Cape. As the Greenwich is the latest error, the tenth, eleventh,
and twelfth columns will be the same with the seventh and ninth.
But, on the 22d of February, 1777 (first column), at Queen Charlotte’s
Sound, New Zealand (second column), the daily error of its rate was
found to be 2ʺ,91 (third column). The longitude of this place, according
to the Greenwich rate, is 175° 25ʹ (fourth column). But having found, at
the Cape, that it had altered its rate from a daily error of 1ʹ,21 to
2ʹ,26, the longitude corrected by this new rate is found to be 174° 54ʹ
23ʺ (fifth column). The true longitude of the place being 174° 23ʹ 31ʺ
(sixth column); it appears, that, in our run from Greenwich to New
Zealand, the error would have been only 1° 1ʹ 29ʺ (seventh column), or
sixty-one miles and a half, even if we had not had an opportunity of
correcting its daily error; or, in other words, that the watch had
varied 4ʹ 6ʺ (eighth column), in eight months eleven days (ninth
column). But the longitude, as given by its new rate, leaves an error of
only 30ʹ 54ʺ (tenth column), near thirty-one miles, or, in time, 2ʹ 3ʺ,6
(eleventh column), which has been accumulating during our run from the
Cape to New Zealand, or in three months, 28° (twelfth column). The
thirteenth and fourteenth columns require no explanation.
TABLE of the Rate and Error of Mr. Kendal’s Watch, on board the
Resolution.
+---------+-------------------+-------+----------+----------+----------+---------+----------+------+---------+---------+------+-------------+----------+
| I. | II. | III. | IV. | V. | VI. | VII. | VIII. | IX. | X. | XI. | XII. | XIII. | XIV. |
+---------+-------------------+-------+----------+----------+----------+---------+----------+------+---------+---------+------+-------------+----------+
| TIME. | PLACE. | Error |Longitude | Longitude| True | Accumulated Error |Length| Error by new |Length| Thermometer.|Barometer.|
| | | of | by | by | Longitude| By Greenwich Rate. | of | Rate. | of | | |
| | | daily |Greenwich | new Rate.| +---------+----------+ Time.+---------+---------+ Time |-------+-----+ |
| | | Rate. | Rate. | | | in | in | | in | in | | great.|least| |
| | | | | | | Space. | Time. | | Space. | Time. | | Height | |
+---------+-------------------+-------+----------+----------+----------+---------+----------+------+---------+---------+------+-------+-----+----------+
| | | ʺ | ° ʹ ʺ | ° ʹ ʺ | ° ʹ ʺ | ° ʹ ʺ | H. ʹ ʺ | M. D.| ° ʹ ʺ | H. ʹ ʺ | M. D.| | | |
| 1776. | +-------+----------+----------+----------+---------+----------+------+---------+---------+------+-------+-----+----------+
|June 11. | Greenwich. | -1,21 | 0 0 0E. | 0 0 0E. | 0 0 0E.| | | | | | | | | |
|Oct. 24. | Cape of Good} | -2,26 | 18 26 30 | 18 26 30| 18 23 15| +0 3 15| 0 0 13,0| 4 23| +0 3 15 | 0 0 13,0| 4 23| 84 | 63 | 30, 0 |
| | Hope } | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| 1777. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
|Feb. 22. | Queen Charlotte’s}| | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| | Sound, }| -2,91 | 175 25 0 | 174 54 25| 174 23 31| 1 1 29| 0 4 5,3| 9 4| +0 30 54| 0 2 3,6| 4 9| 73 | 53 | 30, 0 |
| | New Zealand }| | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
|May 7. | Annamooka | +0,52 | 186 13 26| 186 13 15| 185 11 18| 1 2 8| 0 4 8,5| 11 22| +1 1 57| 0 4 7,8| 2 18| 83 | 74 | 30, 1 |
|June 7. | Annamooka | -0,54 | 186 8 28| 186 12 43| 185 11 18| 0 57 10| 0 3 48,6| 12 25| +1 1 25| 0 4 5,6| 1 3| 79 | 73 | 30, 15 |
|July 1. | Tongataboo | -1,78 | 185 48 50| 184 53 0 | 184 55 18| 0 53 32| 0 3 34,1| 13 21| -0 2 18| 0 0 9,2| 0 24| 85 | 69 | 30, 15 |
|Sept. 1. |Otaheite | -1,54 | 211 41 26| 210 39 8 | 210 22 28| 1 18 58| 0 5 15,8| 15 27| +0 16 40| 0 1 6,6| 2 6| 90 | 70 | 30, 1 |
|Oct. 17. | Huaheine | -2,30 | 210 14 52| 208 50 24| 208 52 24| 1 22 28| 0 5 29,8| 17 17| -0 2 0| 0 0 8,0| 1 18| 90-1/2| 72 | 29, 9 |
|Nov. 7. | Ulietea | -1,52 | 209 42 54| 208 25 22| 208 25 22| 1 17 32| 0 5 10,1| 18 10| 0 0 0| 0 0 0,0| 0 21| 92 | 70 | 29, 7 |
| 1778. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
|April 16.| Nootka | -7, 0 | 235 32 45| 233 56 0 | 233 17 8 | 2 15 27| 0 9 1,8| 24 2| +0 28 42| 0 2 34,8| 5 20| 65 | 41 | 30, 0 |
|Oct. 14. | Samganoodha | -8, 8 | 197 44 15| 193 12 35| 193 31 20| 4 12 55| 0 16 51,6| 30 15| -0 18 45| 0 1 15,0| 6 13| 57 | 36 | 30, 15 |
| 1779. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
|Feb. 2. | Owhyhee | -9, 6 | 214 7 35 | 203 37 22| 204 0 0| 10 7 35| 0 40 30,3| 34 14| -0 22 38| 0 1 30,5| 3 27| 88 | 70 | 29, 8 |
|May 1. | Saint Peter and} | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| | Saint Paul, } | T. K. | 173 36 0 | 159 20 0| 158 43 16| 14 52 44| 0 59 30,9| 37 18| -0 36 44| 0 2 16,9| 3 4| | | |
| | Kamtschatka } | stopt.| | | | | | | | | | | | |
+---------+-------------------+-------+----------+----------+----------+---------+----------+------+---------+---------+------+-------+-----+----------+
From this view of the time-keeper it appears, that, for near two years,
it altered its rate very inconsiderably, and therefore, that its error,
according to the Greenwich rate, if we had had no opportunities of
correcting it, would have amounted only to 2-1/4°. That afterward, at
King George’s Sound, or Nootka, it was found to have varied exceedingly;
of course, the longitude, by its Greenwich rate, was becoming
considerably erroneous. About this time, it should be remarked, the
thermometer was varying from 65° to 41°. The greatest alteration we ever
observed in the watch was, during the three weeks we were cruizing to
the north; in which interval, it gave the longitude of the East Cape
with a difference of twenty-eight miles. I have marked the longitude of
Saint Peter and Saint Paul, as given by the time-keeper, notwithstanding
it stopped a few days before we arrived there; this I was enabled to do,
from comparing the longitude it gave the day before it stopped, with
that given by Mr. Bayley’s watch, and allowing for the error of the
latter.
The use of so accurate a measure of time is sufficiently evident, from
its furnishing in itself the means of approximating to the longitude at
sea, as may be seen in the above table. But, besides this, we were
enabled, by the same means, to give a degree of accuracy to the lunar
observations, which they cannot otherwise pretend to; and, at the same
time, by reducing a number of those observations to one time, obtain
results approaching still nearer the truth. In surveying coasts, and
ascertaining the true position of capes and head-lands, it reaches the
utmost degree of practical exactness. On the other hand, it is to be
observed, that lunar observations, in their turn, are absolutely
necessary, in order to reap the greatest possible advantages from the
time-keeper; since, by ascertaining the true longitude of places, they
discover the error of its rate. The original observations, that were
made in the course of this voyage, have been published by order of the
board of longitude; and to those I must refer the reader, for his
further information on this subject.
_N. B._—The observatories were placed on the west side of the village of
Saint Peter and Saint Paul.
Latitude deduced from meridian zenith distances of
the sun, and of five stars to the south, and
five to the north of the zenith 53° 0ʹ 38ʺ north.
Longitude deduced from one hundred and forty-six
sets of lunar observations 158° 43ʹ 16ʺ east.
Longitude by time-keeper, according to its
Greenwich rate 173° 36ʹ 0ʺ
Longitude by time-keeper, according to its rate
found at Owhyhee 159° 20ʹ 0ʺ
Variation of the compass, by azimuths taken with
three compasses, made by Knight, Gregory, and
Martin 6° 18ʹ 40ʺ east.
Dip of the north pole of the magnetic needle,
being a mean of the observations taken in June
and September 63° 5ʹ 0ʺ
It was high water, on the full and change of the moon, at thirty-six
minutes past four, and the greatest rise was five feet eight inches. The
tides were very regular every twelve hours. On the coast, near the bay,
the flood came from the south, and the time of high-water was near two
hours sooner than in the harbour of Saint Peter and Saint Paul.
CHAP. VI.
GENERAL ACCOUNT OF KAMTSCHATKA.—GEOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION.—RIVERS.—SOIL.—
CLIMATE.—VOLCANOES.—HOT SPRINGS.—PRODUCTIONS.—VEGETABLES.—ANIMALS.—
BIRDS.—FISH.
Kamtschatka is the name of a peninsula situated on the eastern coast of
Asia, running nearly north and south, from 52° to 61° north latitude;
the longitude of its southern extremity being 156° 45ʹ E. The isthmus,
which joins it to the continent on the north, lies between the gulf of
Olutorsk and the gulf of Penshinsk. Its southern extremity is Cape
Lopatka, a word signifying the blade-bone of a man, and is so called
from its supposed resemblance to it. The shape of the whole peninsula is
not unlike that of a shoe, widening from the toe (which we may suppose
to be Cape Lopatka) toward the middle, and narrowing again toward the
heel, the neck of land above-mentioned connecting it with the continent.
Its greatest breadth is from the mouth of the river Tigil to that of
Kamtschatka, and is computed to be two hundred and thirty-six miles,
from whence it narrows very gradually toward each extremity.
It is bounded on the north by the country of the Koriacks; to the south
and east, by the north Pacific Ocean; and to the west, by the sea of
Okotsk. A chain of high mountains stretches the whole length of the
country, from north to south, dividing it nearly into two equal parts,
from whence a great number of rivers take their rise, and empty
themselves, on each side, into the Pacific Ocean and the sea of Okotsk.
There are three rivers of much greater magnitude than the rest; the
Bolchoireka, or Great River, so called from _bolchoia_, which signifies
great, and _reka_, a river; the river Kamtschatka, and the Awatska. The
first empties itself into the sea of Okotsk, and is navigable for the
Russian galliots upward of five leagues from its mouth, or within nine
miles of Bolcheretsk, a town situated at the conflux of the Goltsoffka
and the Bistraia, which here lose themselves in the Bolchoireka. The
Bistraia itself is no inconsiderable river. It derives its source from
the same mountain with the river Kamtschatka, and, by taking a direct
contrary course, affords the Kamtschadales the means of transporting
their goods by water, in small canoes, almost across the whole
peninsula. The river Kamtschatka, after maintaining a course of near
three hundred miles from south to north, winds round to the eastward, in
which direction it empties itself into the ocean, a little to the
southward of Kamtschatkoi Noss. Near the mouth of the Kamtschatka, to
the north-west, lies the great lake called Nerpitsch, from _nerpi_, a
Kamtschadale word signifying a seal, with which this lake abounds. About
twenty miles up the river, reckoning from the mouth of the lake, is a
fort called Nishnei Kamtschatska _ostrog_, where the Russians have built
an hospital and barracks, and which, we were informed, is become the
principal mart in this country.
The river Awatska arises from the mountains situated between the
Bolchoireka and the Bistraia, and running, from north-west to
south-east, a course of one hundred miles, falls into the bay of
Awatska. The Tigil is likewise a river of considerable size, rising
amidst some very high mountains, which lie under the same parallel with
Kamtschatkoi Noss, and, running in an even course from south-east to
north-west, falls into the sea of Okotsk. All the other rivers of this
peninsula, which are almost infinite in number, are too small to deserve
a particular enumeration.
If I may judge of the soil from what I saw of its vegetable productions,
I should not hesitate in pronouncing it barren in the extreme. Neither
in the neighbourhood of the bay, nor in the country I traversed on my
journey to Bolcheretsk, nor in any of our hunting expeditions, did I
ever meet with the smallest spot of ground that resembled what in
England is called a good green turf, or that seemed as if it could be
turned to any advantage, either in the way of pasturage, or other mode
of cultivation. The face of the country in general was thinly covered
with stunted trees, having a bottom of moss, mixed with low weak heath.
The whole bore a more striking resemblance to Newfoundland than to any
other part of the world I had ever seen.
It must however be observed, that I saw at Paratounca three or four
stacks of sweet and very fine-looking hay; and Major Behm informed me,
that many parts of the peninsula, particularly the banks of the river
Kamtschatka and the Bistraia, produce grass of great height and
strength, which they cut twice in the summer and that the hay is of a
succulent quality, and particularly well adapted to the fattening of
cattle. Indeed it should appear, from the size and fatness of the
thirty-six head that were sent down to us from the Verchnei _ostrog_,
and which we were told were bred and fattened in the neighbourhood, that
they must have had the advantage of both good pastures and meadows. For
it is worth our notice, that the first supply we received, consisting of
twenty, came to us just at the close of the winter, and before the snow
was off the ground, and therefore probably had tasted nothing but hay
for the seven preceding months. And this agrees with what is related by
Krascheninicoff, that there is no part of the country equal in fertility
to that which borders on the river Kamtschatka; and that to the north
and south it is much inferior, both in point of soil and climate. He
relates, that repeated experiments have been made in the culture of
oats, barley, and rye, in different quarters near this river, which have
generally succeeded; that, in particular, some persons belonging to the
convent of Jakutsk, who had settled in that part of the country, had
sown barley there, which had yielded an extraordinary increase; and he
has no doubt but that wheat, in many parts, particularly near the source
of the Bistraia and Kamtschatka, would grow as well as in the generality
of countries situated in the same latitude. Perhaps the superior
fertility of the country here spoken of may, in a great measure, be
accounted for, from its lying in that part of the peninsula which is by
much the widest, and consequently farthest removed from the sea, on each
side. The moist chilling fogs, and drizzling weather, which prevail
almost perpetually along the coast, must necessarily render the parts
adjacent very unfit for all the purposes of agriculture.
It is natural to suppose, that the severity of the climate must be in
due proportion to the general sterility of the soil, of which it is
probably the cause. The first time we saw this country was in the
beginning of May, 1779, when the whole face of it was covered with snow,
from six to eight feet deep. On the 6th we had snow, with the wind from
the north-east. On the 8th of May, at noon, the thermometer stood at
32°; and the same day, some of our men were sent on shore to try to cut
wood; but the snow was still so deep on the ground, as to render all
their attempts fruitless. Nor was it found practicable to proceed in
this necessary business, with all the efforts of a very stout party,
till the 12th, at which time the thaw began to advance gradually. The
sides of the hills were now in some places free from snow; and by the
beginning of June, it was generally melted from the low lands. On the
15th of June, the day we sailed out of the harbour, the thermometer had
never risen higher than 58°, nor the barometer than 30° 04ʹ. The winds
blew almost invariably from the eastward during our stay, and the
south-east was more prevalent than any other.
On our return, the 24th of August, the foliage of the trees, and all
other sorts of vegetation, seemed to be in the utmost state of
perfection. For the remainder of this month, and through September, the
weather was very changeable, but in no respect severe. The winds, at the
beginning of the month, were for the most part easterly, after which
they got round to the west. The greatest height of the thermometer was
65°, the lowest 40°. The barometer’s greatest height 30°, its lowest 29°
3ʹ. So that upon the whole, during this month, an equal and moderate
degree of temperature prevailed. But at the beginning of October, the
tops of the hills were again covered with new-fallen snow, the wind
continuing westerly.
In computing the seasons, the spring ought certainly not to be taken
into the account. From the middle of June to the middle of September may
be properly said to constitute the summer. October may be considered as
an autumnal month; from thence till the middle of June it is perfect
winter. It was toward the end of May that we made our journey, between
Bolcheretsk and Awatska, over the snow in sledges.
It is said that the climate, in the country adjoining to the river
Kamtschatka, is not less serene and temperate than in many parts of
Siberia that are under the same latitude. This variation is probably
owing to the same causes, to which the superior fertility of the soil in
those parts has been before attributed. But it is not in the sterility
of the ground alone that the Kamtschadales feel the unfavourable
temperature of their climate. The uncertainty of the summer season
sometimes prevents their laying up a sufficient stock of dried fish for
their winter’s provision, and the moisture of the air causes worms to
breed in them, which not unfrequently destroy the greatest part.
I do not remember that we had either thunder or lightning during our
stay, excepting on the night of the eruption of the _volcano_; and, from
the account of the inhabitants, they are very seldom troubled with
storms of this kind, and never but in a slight degree. The general
severity of the winter, as well as the dreadful hurricanes of wind and
snow that season brings along with it, cannot be questioned, from the
subterraneous habitations the natives are under a necessity of retiring
to, for warmth and security. Major Behm told us, that the cold and
inclemency of the winter of 1779 was such, that, for several weeks, all
intercourse between the inhabitants was entirely stopped, every one
being afraid to stir, even from one house to another, for fear of being
frost-bitten. This extraordinary rigour of climate, in so low a
latitude, may be accounted for, from its being situated to the east of
an immense uncultivated tract of country, and from the prevalence of the
westerly winds, blowing over so extensive and cold a continent. The
extraordinary violence and impetuosity of the winds, is attributed to
the subterraneous fires, the sulphureous exhalations, and the general
volcanic disposition of the country.
This peninsula abounds in _volcanos_, of which only three have, for some
past, been subject to eruptions. We have already mentioned that which is
situated in the neighbourhood of Awatska. Besides this, there are others
not less remarkable, according to the account given of them by
Krascheninicoff.
The _volcano_ of Tolbatchick is situated on a neck of ground between the
river of Kamtschatka and Tolbatchick. The mountain, from the summit of
which the eruptions proceed, is of a considerable height, and terminates
in pointed rocks. In the beginning of the year 1739, there issued from
it a whirlwind of flames, which reduced to ashes the forests of the
neighbouring mountains. This was succeeded by a cloud of smoke, which
spread over and darkened the whole country, till it was dissipated by a
shower of cinders, that covered the ground to the distance of thirty
miles. M. Krascheninicoff, who was at this time on a journey from
Bolchoireka to the Kamtschatka _ostrog_, at no great distance from the
mountain, relates, that the eruption was preceded by an alarming sound
in the woods, which he thought the forerunner of some dreadful storm or
hurricane, till three shocks of an earthquake, at about a minute’s
interval each, convinced him of its real cause; but that he was hindered
from approaching nearer the mountain by the cinders that fell, and
prevented him from proceeding on his journey.
The third _volcano_ is on the top of the mountain of Kamtschatka, which
is mentioned as by far the highest in the peninsula. A thick smoke never
ceases to ascend from its summit, and it has frequent eruptions of the
most violent and dreadful kind, some of which were much talked of, and
seemed to be fresh in the memories of the Kamtschadales.
The country is likewise said to contain numerous springs of hot water.
The only one that I had an opportunity of seeing was at Natchikin
_ostrog_, and hath been already described. Krascheninicoff makes mention
of several others, and also of two very extraordinary pits or wells, at
the bottom of which the water is seen to boil as in a caldron, with
prodigious force and impetuosity; at the same time a dreadful noise
issues out of them, and so thick a vapour, that a man cannot be seen
through it.
Of the trees which fell under our notice, the principal are the birch,
the poplar, the alder (with the bark of which they stain their leather),
many species of the willow, but all small; and two sorts of dwarfish
pines or cedars.[27] One of these grows upon the coast, creeping along
the ground, and seldom exceeds two feet in height. It was of this sort
we made our essence for beer, and found it excellent for the purpose.
The other grows on the mountains, to a greater height, and bears a small
nut or apple. We were told by the old _Toion_ at Saint Peter and Saint
Paul, that Beering, during the time he lay in that harbour, first taught
them the use of the decoction of these pines, and that it had proved a
most excellent remedy for the scurvy; but, whether from the great
scarcity of sugar, or from what other cause we could not learn, we were
sorry to find that it was no longer in use amongst them.
The birch was by far the most common tree we saw, and of this we
remarked three sorts. Two of them fit for timber, and differing only in
the texture and colour of the bark; the third of a dwarfish kind. This
tree is applied to a great variety of uses by the inhabitants. The
liquor, which, on tapping, it yields in great abundance, they drink
without mixture, or any preparation, as we had frequent opportunities of
observing, upon our journey to Bolcheretsk, and found it ourselves
pleasant and refreshing, but somewhat purgative. The bark they convert
into vessels, for almost all their domestic and kitchen purposes; and it
is of the wood of this tree the sledges and canoes are also made.[28]
The birch, and every other kind of tree in the neighbourhood of the bay,
were small and stunted; and they are obliged to go many miles up into
the country for wood of a proper size to work into canoes, for the
principal timbers of their _balagans_, and the like uses.
Besides the trees above-mentioned, Krascheninicoff relates, that the
larch grows on the banks of the river Kamtschatka, and of those that
fall into it, but no where else, and that there are firs in the
neighbourhood of the river Berezowa; that there is likewise the
service-tree (_padus foliis annuis_); and two species of the
white-thorn, one bearing a red, the other a black berry.
Of the shrub kind, as junipers, the mountain-ash, wild rose-trees, and
raspberry-bushes, the country produces great abundance, together with a
variety of berries; blue-berries of two sorts, round and oval;
partridge-berries, cran-berries, crow-berries, and black-berries. These
the natives gather at proper seasons, and preserve, by boiling them into
a thick jam, without sugar. They make no inconsiderable part of their
winter provisions, and are used as sauce to their dried and salt fish,
of which kind of food they are unquestionably excellent correctives.
They likewise eat them by themselves, in puddings and various other
ways, and make decoctions of them for their ordinary liquor.
We met with several wholesome vegetables in a wild state, and in great
quantities, such as wild celery, _angelica_, chervil, garlic, and
onions. Upon some few patches of ground in the valleys, we found
excellent turnips, and turnip-radishes. The garden cultivation went no
farther; yet from hence I am led to conclude, that many of the hardy
sorts of vegetables (such at least as push their roots downward,) like
carrots, parsnips, and beet, and perhaps potatoes, would thrive
tolerably well. Major Behm told me, that some other sorts of kitchen
vegetables had been tried, but did not answer; that neither any of the
cabbage or lettuce kind would ever head; and that peas and beans shot up
very vigorous stalks, flowered and podded, but the pods never filled. He
likewise told me, that in the experiments made by himself at
Bolcheretsk, with different sorts of farinaceous grain, there generally
came up a very high and strong blade, which eared, but that the ears
never yielded flour.
This short account of the vegetable productions reaches to such parts of
the country only as fell within our notice. In the neighbourhood of the
Kamtschatka river, where (as has been observed) both the soil and
climate is by much the best in the whole peninsula, garden culture is
attended to, and probably with great success, as appears from our having
received at the same time, with a second drove of cattle from Verchnei,
a present of cucumbers, of very large fine turnips, celery, and some
other garden-stuff, of which I do not recollect the kinds.
There are two plants, which, from the great use made of them, merit a
particular mention and description. The first is called by the natives
the _sarana_; and by botanists, _Lilium Kamtskatiense flore atro
rubente_.[29] The stem is about the thickness of that of the tulip, and
grows to the height of five inches, is of a purple colour toward the
bottom, and green higher up, and hath growing from it two tier of leaves
of an oval figure, the lower consisting of three leaves, the uppermost
of four, in the form of a cross: from the top of the stalk grows a
single flower, of an exceedingly dark red colour, in shape resembling
the flower of the narcissus, only much smaller: from the centre of the
flower rises a style of a triangular form, and obtuse at the end, which
is surrounded by six white _stamina_, whose extremities are yellow. The
root is of the bulbous kind, and resembles in shape that of garlic,
being much of the same size, but rounder, and having, like that, four or
five cloves hanging together. The plant grows wild, and in considerable
abundance: the women are employed in collecting the roots at the
beginning of August, which are afterward dried in the sun, and then laid
up for use. On our second arrival, this harvest was just over, and had
fallen much short of its usual produce. It is a common observation
amongst the Kamtschadales, that the bounty of Providence never fails
them; for that such seasons as are most hurtful to the _sarana_, are
always the most favourable for fishing; and that, on the contrary, a bad
fishing month is always made up by the exuberance of the _sarana_
harvest. It is used in cookery in various ways. When roasted in embers,
it supplies the place of bread, better than any thing the country
affords. After being baked in an oven, and pounded, it becomes an
excellent substitute for flour and meal of every sort, and in this form
is mixed in all their soups, and most of their other dishes. It is
esteemed extremely nourishing, has a pleasant bitter taste, and may be
eaten every day without cloying. We used to boil these roots, and eat
them as potatoes, either alone or with our meat, and found them very
wholesome and pleasant. It has been already mentioned, that this useful
plant grows also at Oonalashka, where the roots of it are used, and
constitute a considerable part of their food, in like manner as in
Kamtschatka.
The other plant alluded to is called the _sweet grass_; the botanical
description is, _Heracleum Sibericum foliis pinnatis, foliolis quinis,
intermediis sessilibus, corollulis uniformibus_. Hort. Upsal. 65. The
time I took particular notice of it was in May, when it was about a foot
and a half high, had much the appearance of sedge, and was covered with
a white down, or dust, which looked exceedingly like the hoar-frost
hanging upon it, and might be rubbed off: it tasted as sweet as sugar,
but was hot and pungent. The stalk is hollow, and consists of three or
four joints, from each of which arise large leaves, and, when at its
full growth, is six feet high.
This plant was formerly a principal ingredient in the cookery of most of
the Kamtschadale dishes; but since the Russians got possession of the
country, it has been almost entirely appropriated to the purpose of
distillation. The manner in which it is gathered, prepared, and
afterward distilled, is as follows: having cut such stalks as have
leaves growing on them, of a proper age (the principal stem, by the time
the plant has attained its full growth, having become too dry for their
purpose), and scraped off with shells the downy substance on their
surface, they are laid in small heaps, till they begin to sweat and
smell. On growing dry again, they put them into sacks made of matting;
where, after remaining a few days, they are gradually covered with a
sweet saccharine powder, which exudes from the hollow of the stalk. From
thirty-six pounds of the plant, in this state, they obtain no more than
a quarter of a pound of powder. The women, whose province it is to
collect and prepare the materials, are obliged to defend their hands
with gloves whilst they are scraping the stalks, the rind they remove
being of so acrid a quality, as to blister and even ulcerate whatever it
touches.
The _spirit_ is drawn from the plant in this state by the following
process. After steeping bundles of it in hot water, they promote its
fermentation in a small vessel, by the help of berries of the
_gimolost_[30], or of the _golubitsa_[31], being careful to close up
well the mouth of the vessel, and to keep it in a warm place whilst the
fermentation is going on, which is generally so violent as to occasion a
considerable noise, and to agitate the vessel in which it is contained.
After drawing off this first liquor, they pour on more hot water, and
make a second in the same manner. They then pour both liquor and herbs
into a copper still, and draw off the spirit after the usual method. The
liquor, thus obtained, is of the strength of brandy; and is called by
the natives _raka_. Two pood (seventy-two pounds) of the plant yield
generally one _vedro_ (twenty-five pints) of _raka_.
Steller says, that the spirit distilled from this plant, unscraped, is
exceedingly prejudicial to the health, and produces the most sudden and
terrible nervous effects.
Besides these, Krascheninicoff mentions a variety of other plants, from
whence the inhabitants prepare several decoctions; and which, being
mixed with their fish, make palatable and wholesome ragouts. Such as the
_kipri_[32], with which is brewed a pleasant common beverage; and, by
boiling this plant and the _sweet herb_ together, in the proportion of
one to five of the latter, and fermenting the liquor in the ordinary
way, is obtained a strong and excellent vinegar. The leaves of it are
used instead of tea; and the pith is dried and mixed in many of their
dishes; the _morkovai_[33] which is very like _angelica_; the
_kotkorica_[34], the root of which they eat indifferently, green or
dried; the _ikoum_[35]; the _utchichlei_[36], which is much eaten with
fish; with many others.
It is said, that the Kamtschadales (before their acquaintance with
fire-arms), poisoned their spears and arrows with the juice of the root
of the _zgate_[37]; and that wounds inflicted by them are equally
destructive to land and marine animals. The Tschutski are reported to
use the same drug for this purpose at present.
I shall conclude this part of the natural history of Kamtschatka with an
account, from the same author, of three plants, which furnish the
materials of all their manufactures. The first is the _triticum radice
perenni spiculis binis lanuginosis_[38], which grows in abundance along
the coast. Of the straw of this grass they make a strong sort of
matting, which they use not only for their floors, but for sacks,
bed-clothes, curtains, and a variety of other domestic purposes. Of the
same materials, they also make very neat little bags and baskets, of
different forms, and for various uses.
The plant called _bolotnaia_, which grows in the marshes, and resembles
_cyperoides_, is gathered in the autumn, and carded like wool, with a
comb made of the bones of the sea-swallow; with this, in lieu of linen
and woollen clothes, they swath their new-born infants, and use it for a
covering next the skin whilst they are young. It is also made into a
kind of wadding, and used for the purpose of giving additional warmth to
various parts of their clothing.
There remains still a vulgar and well-known plant, which, as it
contributes more effectually to their subsistence than all the rest put
together, must not be passed over in silence. This is the nettle; which,
as the country produces neither hemp nor flax, supplies the materials of
which are made their fishing-nets; and without which they could not
possibly subsist. For this purpose they cut it down in August, and,
after hanging it up in bundles in the shade, under their _balagans_, the
remainder of the summer, treat it like hemp. They then spin it into
thread with their fingers, and twist it round a spindle; after which
they twine several threads together, according to the different purposes
for which it may be designed.
Though there is little doubt but that many parts of this peninsula would
admit of such cultivation as might contribute considerably to the
comfort of the inhabitants, yet its real riches must always consist in
the number of wild animals it produces; and no labour can ever be turned
to so good account as what is employed upon their furrieries. The
animals, therefore, which supply these, come next to be considered: and
these are, the common fox; the stoat or _ermine_; the _zibeline_ or
sable; the _isatis_ or arctic fox; the varying hare; the mountain rat or
earless marmot; the weasel; the glutton or _wolverene_; the _argali_ or
wild sheep; rein-deer, bears, wolves, dogs.
The fox[39] is the most general object of the chace; and they are found
in great numbers, and of variety of colours. The most common is the same
in species with the European, with this variation, that the colours are
more bright and shining; some are of a dark chesnut, others are striped
with dark-coloured bars; others have the belly black, and the rest of
the body of a light chesnut. Some again are of a very dark brown, some
black, others of a stone colour; and there are a few quite white; but
these last are very scarce. Their fur is exceedingly thick and fine, and
of a quality much superior to those either of Siberia or America. A
variety of artifices are made use of by the hunters to catch this
animal, which, in all climates, seems to preserve the same character of
craftiness and cunning. Traps of different sorts, some calculated to
fall upon them, others to catch them by the feet, others by the head,
are amongst the most common; to which may be added, several ingenious
contrivances for taking them in nets. Poisoned baits are likewise in
use; and the _nux vomica_ is the drug principally employed for this
purpose. Before their knowledge of the Russians, by which they became
acquainted with fire arms, they also carried bows and arrows to the
chace. But since that period, almost every Kamtschadale is provided with
a rifle-barrel gun; and, though far from being dexterous in the use of
it, its superiority over the former instruments he is ready to
acknowledge.
The sables[40] of Kamtschatka are said to be considerably larger than
those of Siberia, and their fur much thicker and brighter, though not of
so good a black as those in the neighbourhood of the Olekma and the
Vitime[41], a circumstance which depreciates their value much more than
their superiority in other respects enhances it. The sables of the Tigil
and Ouka are counted the best in Kamtschatka; and a pair of these
sometimes sell for thirty roubles (five pounds sterling). The worst are
those of the southern extremity. The _apparatus_ of the sable hunters
consist of a rifle-barrel gun of an exceedingly small bore, a net, and a
few bricks: with the first they shoot them when they see them on the
trees; the net is to surround the hollow trees in which, when pursued,
they take refuge; and the bricks are heated and put into the cavities,
in order to smoke them out.
I must refer the reader for an account of the _isatis_[42] or arctic
fox, to Mr. Pennant’s Arctic Zoology, as I never saw either the animal
or the skin, which I understand they set no value upon. The varying
hare[43] is also neglected on the same account. They are in great
abundance; and, as is always the case with this species, turn quite
white during the winter. Our shooting parties saw several of this colour
the beginning of May, but found them so shy, that they were not able to
get within gun-shot.
The mountain-rat or earless marmot[44], is a beautiful little animal,
considerably smaller than a squirrel, and, like it, feeds upon roots,
berries, the cedar apple, &c. which it eats sitting upon its hind-legs,
and holding them up to its mouth with the paws. Its skin is much valued
by the Kamtschadales, is both warm and light, and of a bright shining
colour, forming like the plumage of some birds, various colours when
viewed in different lights.
The stoat or _ermine_[45] is here held in no estimation, and,
consequently never engages the attention of the hunters, because, as I
have heard, its fur is of an ordinary kind. I saw many of these little
animals running about; and we bought several of their skins, which were
of a bad white, and of a dirty yellow toward the belly. The common
weasel[46] is also neglected, and for the same reason.
On the contrary, the skin of the glutton or _wolverene_[47], is here in
the highest repute; insomuch, that a Kamtschadale looks upon himself as
most richly attired, when a small quantity of this fur is seen upon him.
The women adorn their hair with its pats, which are white, and
considered as an extraordinary piece of finery; and they have a
superstitious opinion that the angels are clad with the skins of those
animals. It is said, that this creature is easily tamed, and taught a
number of pleasant tricks.[48]
Having already had occasion to speak as fully as my own knowledge
enables me of the bears, and the method of killing them, I shall only
here observe, that all those I saw were of a dun brown colour; that they
are generally seen in companies of four or five together; that the time
they are most abroad is during the season that the fish (which is their
principal food) are pushing up from the sea into the rivers, and that
they are seldom visible in the winter months.[49]
Their skins are exceedingly useful. They make both excellent warm
mattrasses, and coverings for their beds; comfortable bonnets and
gloves, and good collars for the dogs’ harness. Their flesh, and
particularly the fat, is considered as great delicacies.
The wolves are only seen in the winter; at which season they prowl
about, as I was told, in large companies, in search of prey.
There are rein-deer, both wild and tame, in several parts of the
peninsula, but none in the neighbourhood of Awatska. It is somewhat
singular, that this nation should never have used the rein-deer for the
purposes of carriage, in the same manner as their neighbours, both to
the north and the eastward. Their dogs, indeed, seem fully sufficient
for all the demands of the natives in their present state; and the breed
of Russian horses will, probably, increase with the future necessities
of the country. But when it is recollected, that the use of dogs, in a
great measure, precludes them from the advantage of bringing up any
other domestic animals, it will appear the more extraordinary that they
should not have adopted the services of an animal so much more gentle as
well as powerful.
The _argali_, or wild mountain sheep[50], an animal, I believe, unknown
in Europe (except in Corsica and Sardinia), is here in great plenty. Its
skin is like the deer’s, but in gait and general appearance, it partakes
more of the goat. It has two large twisted horns, sometimes weighing,
when at full growth, from twenty-five to thirty pounds, which in
running, it rests upon its back. These creatures are exceedingly nimble
and swift, haunt only the most craggy and mountainous parts, and make
their way among the steepest rocks with an agility that is astonishing.
The natives work their horns into spoons and small cups and platters;
and have frequently one of a smaller size hanging to a belt, which
serves them to drink out of in their hunting expeditions. This animal is
gregarious. I frequently tasted the flesh of them, and thought it had a
very sweet and delicate flavour; but never had an opportunity of seeing
one alive. I must, therefore, refer the reader for a particular
description of this beautiful animal (for such it is said to be), to the
Memoirs of the Academy of Petersburg, tom. iv. tab. xiii.
I have already observed, that the dogs of this country are, in shape and
mien, exceedingly like the Pomeranian, with this difference, that they
are a great deal larger, and the hair somewhat coarser. They are of a
variety of colours; but the most general is a light dun, or dirty cream
colour. Toward the end of May they are all turned loose, and left to
provide for themselves through the summer, being sure to return to their
respective homes when the snow begins to fall. Their food in the winter
consists entirely of the head, entrails, and back bones of salmon, which
are put aside, and dried for that purpose; and with this diet they are
fed but sparingly. The number of dogs must needs be very great, since
five are yoked to a sledge, and a sledge carries but one person; so
that, on our journey to Bolcheretsk, we required no fewer than an
hundred and thirty-nine, at the two stages of Karatchin and Natchikin.
It is also to be remarked, that they never make use of bitches for the
draft, nor dogs but those that are cut. The whelps are trained to this
business, by being tied to stakes with light leathern thongs, which are
made to stretch, and having their victuals placed at a proper distance
out of their reach; so that, by constantly pulling and labouring, in
order to come at their food, they acquire both the strength of limbs and
the habit of drawing, that are necessary for their future destination.
The coast and bays of this country are frequented by almost every kind
of northern sea-fowl; and amongst the rest are the sea-eagles, but not,
as at Oonalashka, in great numbers. The rivers inland (if I may judge
from what I saw in our journey to Bolcheretsk), are stored with numerous
flocks of wild-ducks, of various species, one kind of which, in
particular, has a most beautiful plumage, and is called by the natives
_a-an-gitche_, a word intended to express its cry, which is not less
singular than agreeable, consisting of three distinct notes, rising at
equal intervals above each other.[51]
There is another species called the mountain-duck[52], which, Steller
says, is peculiar to Kamtschatka. The drake is covered with plumage of
extraordinary beauty. Besides these, we observed a variety of other
water-fowl, which from their size seemed to be of the wild-goose kind.
In the woods through which we passed, were seen several eagles of a
prodigious size, but of what species they were I cannot pretend to
determine. These are said to be of three different sorts; the black
eagle, with a white head, tail, and legs[53], of which the eaglets are
as white as snow; the white eagle, so called, though in fact it is of a
light grey; and the lead, or stone-coloured eagle[54], which is the most
common; and probably those I saw were of this sort. Of the hawk, falcon,
and bustard kind, there are great numbers.
This country likewise affords woodcocks, snipes, and two sorts of
grouse, or moor-game. Swans are also said to be in great plenty; and in
their entertainments generally to make a part of the repast, though I do
not remember to have seen one on any occasion. The vast abundance of
wild-fowl with which the country is stored, was manifest from the
numerous presents we received from the _Toion_ of Saint Peter and Saint
Paul, and which sometimes consisted of twenty brace.
We met with no amphibious sea-animals on the coast, except seals, with
which the bay of Awatska swarmed; as they were, at this time, in pursuit
of the salmon that were collecting in shoals, and ready to ascend the
rivers. Some of them are said to pursue the fish into the fresh water,
and to be found in most of the lakes which communicate with the sea.
The sea-otters[55] are exactly the same with those we met with at Nootka
Sound, which have been already fully described, and where they are in
great plenty. They are also said to have been formerly in equal
abundance here; but, since the Russians have opened a trade for their
skins to China, where they are sold at a price much beyond that of any
other kind of fur, they have been hunted almost entirely out of the
country. Amongst the Kurile islands they are still caught, though in no
great numbers; but are of a superior quality to those of Kamtschatka, or
the American coast.
We are informed, that on Mednoi and Beering’s Island, scarce a sea-otter
is now to be found; though it appears from Muller[56], that in his time
they were exceedingly plentiful.
The Russian voyagers make mention of a great variety of amphibious
sea-animals, which are said to frequent these coasts: the reason why we
saw no other kinds might be, that this was the season of their
migration.
Not having it in my power to treat these articles more fully, I conclude
them with the less regret, since the ingenious Mr. Pennant has a work,
almost ready for publication, entitled, _Arctic Zoology_; in which the
learned will receive full information concerning the animals of this
peninsula. This gentleman has very obligingly communicated to me his
Catalogue of Arctic Animals, with references to his work, and permission
to insert it. It will be found at the end of this chapter; and I feel
myself extremely happy in laying it before the reader, and thereby
presenting him with what could have been furnished from no other
quarter, one entire view of Kamtschadale zoology.
Fish may be considered as the staple article of food with which
Providence hath supplied the inhabitants of this peninsula, who in
general must never expect to draw any considerable part of their
sustenance either from grain or cattle. It is true, the soil, as has
been remarked, affords some good and nourishing roots, and every part of
the country abounds in berries; but though these alone would be
insufficient for the support of the people, yet, at the same time, they
are necessary correctives of the putrescent quality of their dried fish.
In short, fish may, with much greater justice, be here called the staff
of life, than bread is in other countries; since it appears, that
neither the inhabitants, nor the only domestic animal they have, the
dog, could exist without it.
Whales are frequently seen, both in the sea of Okotsk and on the side of
the eastern ocean, and when caught are turned to a variety of uses. Of
the skin they make the soles of their shoes, and straps and thongs for
various other purposes. The flesh they eat, and the fat, is carefully
stored, both for kitchen use and for their lamps. The whiskers are found
to be the best materials for sewing together the seams of their canoes;
they likewise make nets of them for the larger kind of fish; and, with
the under jaw-bones, their sledges are shod. They likewise work the
bones into knives; and formerly the chains with which their dogs are
tied were made of that material, though at present iron ones are
generally used. The intestines they clean, then blow and dry like
bladders, and it is in these their oil and grease is stored; and of the
nerves and veins, which are both strong and slip readily, they make
excellent snares; so that there is no part of the whale which here does
not find its use.
From the middle of May till our departure on the 24th of June, we caught
great quantities of excellent flat-fish, trout, and herrings. Upward of
three hundred of the former, besides a number of sea-trout, were dragged
out at one haul of the seine, the 15th of May. These flat-fish are firm,
and of a good flavour, studded upon the back with round prickly knobs,
like turbot, and streaked with dark brown lines, running from the head
toward the tail. About the end of May the first herring season begins.
They approach in great shoals, but do not remain long on the coast. They
had entirely left the bay before we sailed out of it the first time, but
were beginning to revisit it again in October. It has been already
mentioned, that the herrings were remarkably fine and large, and that we
filled a great part of our empty casks with them. The beginning of June,
large quantities of excellent cod were taken, a part of which were
likewise salted. We caught too, at different times, numbers of small
fish, much resembling a smelt, and once drew out a wolf-fish.
Notwithstanding this abundance of flat-fish, cod, and herring, it is on
the salmon fishery alone that the Kamtschadales depend for their winter
provisions. Of these, it is said by naturalists, there are to be found
on this coast all the different species that are known to exist, and
which the natives formerly characterized by the different months in
which they ascend the rivers. They say, too, that though the shoals of
different sorts are seen to mount the rivers at the same time, yet they
never mix with each other; that they always return to the same river in
which they were bred, but not till the third summer; that neither the
male nor female live to regain the sea; that certain species frequent
certain rivers, and are never found in others, though they empty
themselves nearly at the same place.
The first shoals of salmon begin to enter the mouth of the Awatska about
the middle of May; and this kind, which is called by the Kamtschadales
_Tchavitsi_, is the largest and most valued. Their length is generally
about three feet and a half: they are very deep in proportion, and their
average weight is from thirty to forty pounds. The tail is not forked,
but straight. The back is of a dark blue, spotted with black; in other
respects they are much like our common salmon. They ascend the river
with extraordinary velocity, insomuch that the water is sensibly
agitated by their motion; and the Kamtschadales, who are always on the
watch for them about the time they are expected, judge of their approach
by this circumstance, and immediately let drop their nets before them.
We were presented with one of the first that was caught, and given to
understand that it was the greatest compliment that could be paid us.
Krascheninicoff relates, that formerly the Kamtschadales made a point of
eating the first fish they took, with great rejoicings, and a variety of
superstitious ceremonies; and that after the Russians became their
masters, it was for a long time a constant subject of quarrel between
them, to whom the first should belong. The season for fishing, for this
species, lasts from the middle of May till the end of June.
The other sort is of a smaller kind, weighing only from eight to sixteen
pounds; they are known by the general name of the red fish, and begin to
collect in the bays, and at the mouths of the rivers, the beginning of
June; from which time, till the end of September, they are caught in
great quantities both upon the eastern and western coast, where any
fresh water falls into the sea, and likewise all along the course of the
rivers, to their very source. The manner in which they draw their nets
within the bay of Awatska, is as follows: they tie one end of the net to
a large stone at the water’s edge, they then push off in a canoe about
twenty yards in a right line, dropping their net as they advance, after
which they turn and run out the remainder of the net in a line parallel
to the shore; in this position they wait, concealing themselves very
carefully in the boat, and keeping a sharp look-out for the fish, which
always direct their course close in with the shore, and whose approach
is announced by a rippling in the water, till they find that the shoal
has advanced beyond the boat, when they shoot the canoe to shore in a
direct line, and never fail of enclosing their prey. Seldom more than
two men are employed to a net, who hawl with facility, in this manner,
seines larger than ours, to which we appoint a dozen. We at first met
with very poor success in our own method of hawling; but after the
Kamtschadales had very kindly put us in the way, we were not less
successful than themselves. In the rivers, they shoot one net across,
and hawl another down the stream to it.
The lakes that have a communication with the sea, which was the case of
all those that I saw, abound with fish, that have very much the
resemblance of small salmon, and are from four to six pounds’ weight. I
could not understand that the inhabitants thought it worth their while
to fish for them. As these lakes are not deep, they become an easy prey
to the bears and dogs during the summer; and if I might judge from the
quantity of bones to be seen upon the banks, they devour vast numbers of
them.
The inhabitants, for the most part, dry their salmon, and salt very
little of it. Each fish is cut into three pieces, the belly-piece being
first taken off, and afterward a slice along each side the back-bone.
The former of these are dried and smoked, and esteemed the finest part
of the fish, and sold, when we were at Saint Peter’s and Saint Paul’s,
at the rate of one hundred for a rouble. The latter are dried in the
air, and either eaten whole as bread, or reduced to powder, of which
they make paste and cakes, that are not unpleasant to the taste. The
head, tail, and bones, are hung up and dried for winter provision for
the dogs.
_List of the Animals found in Kamtschatka, communicated by Mr._
PENNANT.[57]
** Argali, wild sheep, Arct. _Capra ammon_, Lyn.
Zool. Sist. 97
vol. i.
p. 12
Ibex, _or_ wild goat 16 _Capra ibex_ 90
** Rein 22 _Cervus tarandus_ 93
** Wolf 38 _Canis lupus_ 58
** Dog 40
** Arctic fox 42 _Canis lagopus_ 59
** European fox 45 _Canis vulpes_ _ib._
a. black 46
b. cross _ib._
** Polar bear, in the frozen sea 55 _Ursus arctos_ 69
only
** Bear 57 _Ursus arctos._
** Wolverene 66 _Ursus luscus_ 71
** Common weasel 75 _Mustela nivalis_ 69
** Stoat, _or_ ermine _ib._ _Mustela erminea_ 68
** Sable 79 _Mustela zibellina_ _ib._
Common otter 86 _Mustela lutra_ 66
** Sea otter 88 _Mustela lutris_ _ib._
** Varying hare 94 _Lepus timidus._
Alpine hare 97
** Earless marmot 113 _Mus citellus_ 113
Bobak marmot 115
Water rat 130 _Mus amphibius_ 82
Common mouse 131 _Mus musculus_ 83
Oeconomic mouse 134
Red mouse 136
Ichelag mouse 138
Fœtid shrew 139 _Sorex araneus_ 74
** Walrus. Icy sea 144 _Trichechus rosmarus_ 49
** Common seal 151 _Phoca vitulina_ 56
Great seal 159
Leporine seal 161
Harp seal 163
Rubbon seal. Kurile isles 165
Ursine seal _ib._ _Phoca ursina_ 58
Leonine seal 172
** Whale-tailed manati 177
There were no domestic animals in Kamtschatka, till they were introduced
by the Russians. The dogs, which seem to be of wolfish descent, are
aboriginal.
_Birds._
_LAND BIRDS._
I. Sea eagle. Vol. II. _Falco ossifragus_ 124
p. 194
** Cinereous eagle 214 _Vultur albiulla_ 123
** White-headed eagle 196 _Falco leucocephalus_ _ib._
Crying eagle 215
Osprey 199 _Falco haliætus_ 129
Peregrine falcon 202 [58]73
Goshawk 204 _Falco palumbarius_ 130
II. Eagle owl 228 _Strix bubo_ 131
Snowy owl 233 _Strix nyctea_ 132
III. Raven 246 _Corvus corax_ 155
Magpie 147 _Corvus pica_ 157
Nutcracker 252 _Corvus caryocatactes_ _ib._
IV. Cuckoo 266 _Cuculus canorus_ 168
V. Wryneck 267 _Jynx Torquilla_ 172
VI. Nuthatch 281 _Sitta Europea_ 177
VII. White grous 308 _Tetrao lagopus_ 274
Wood grous 312 _Tetrao urogallus_ 273
VIII. Water ouzel 332 _Sturnus cinclus._
IX. Fieldfare 340 _Turdus pilaris_ 291
Redwing thrush 341 _Turdus iliacus_ 292
Kamtschatkan 343 (Latham, iii. 28.)
X. Greenfinch 353 _Loxia chloris_ 304
XI. Golden bunting 367 (Latham, ii. 201.)
XII. Lesser red-headed linnet 379 (Latham, ii. 305.)
XIII. Dun fly-catcher 390 (Latham, ii. 351.)
XIV. Sky-lark 394 A. _Alauda arvensis_ 287
Wood lark 395 B. _Alauda arborea_ _ib._
XV. White wagtail 396 E. _Motacilla alba_ 331
Yellow wagtail _ib._ F. _Motacilla flava_ _ib._
Tschutski wagtail 397 H.
XVI. Yellow wren 413 _Motacilla trochilus_ 338
Redstart 416 _Motacilla phœnicurus_ 335
Longbilled 420
Stapazina 421 _Motacilla stapazina_ 331
Awatska 422
XVII. Marsh titmouse 427 _Parus palustris_ 341
XVIII. Chimney swallow 429 _Hirundo rustica_ 343
Martin 430 _Hirundo urbica_ 344
Sand martin _ib._ _Hirundo riparia_ _ib._
XIX. European goatsucker 437 _Caprimulgus Europeus_ 346
_Water Fowl._
_CLOVEN-FOOTED WATER FOWL._
Great tern No. 448 _Sterna hirundo._
Kamtschatkan P. 525
A.
Black-headed gull No. 455 _Larus ridibundus_ 225
Kittiwake gull No. 456 _Larus rissa_ 224
Ivory gull No. 457
Arctic gull No. 459
Tarrock P. 533 _Larus tridactylus_ 224
D.
Red-legged No.
_ib_. E.
Fulmar petrel No. 464 _Procellaria glacialis_ 213
Stormy petrel No. _Procellaria pelagica_ 212
_ib._
Kurile petrel P. 536
A.
Blue petrel.[59] Preface.
Goosander merganser No. 465 _Mergus merganser_ 208
Smew No. 468 _Mergus albellus_ 209
Whistling swan No. 469 _Anas Cygnus ferus_ 194 A.
Great goose P. 570
Chinese goose P. 571 _Anas cygnoides_ _ib._ B.
Snow goose No. 477
Brent goose No. 478 _Anas bernicla_ 198
Eider duck No. 480 _Anas mollissima_ _ib._
Black duck No. 483 _Anas spectabilis_ 195
Velvet duck No. 481 _Anas fusca_ 196
Shoveler No. 485 _Anas clypeata_ 200
Golden eye No. 486 _Anas clangula_ 201
Harlequin No. 490 _Anas histrionica_ 204
Mallard No. 494 _Anas boschas_ 205
** Western No. 497
Pintail No. 500 _Anas acuta_ 202
** Longtailed No. 501 _Anas glacialis_ 203
Mouillon P. 573 _Anas glaucion_ 201
F.
Shieldrake P. 572 _Anas tadorna_ 195
D.
Tufted P. 573 _Anas fuligula_ 207
G.
Falcated P. 574
I.
Gargany P. 576 _Anas querquedula_ 263
O.
Teal P. 577 _Anas crecia_ 204
P.
Corvorant No. 509 _Pelecanus carvo_ 216
Violet corvorant P. 584
B.
Red-faced corvorant _ib._
C.
Crane P. 453 _Ardea grus_ 334
A.
Curlew P. 462 _Scolopax arquata_ 242
A.
Whimbrel P. 462 _Scolopax phœopus_ 243
B.
Common sandpiper No. 388 _Tringa hypoleucos_ 250
Gambet No. 394 _Tringa gambetta_ 248
Golden plover No. 399 _Charadrius pluvialis_ 254
Pied oyster-catcher No. _Hæmatopus ostralegus_ 257
_WITH PINNATED FEET._
Plain phalarope
_WITH WEBBED FEET._
Wandering albatross No. 423 _Diomedea exulans_ 214
Razor-bill auk. No. 425 _Alca torda_ 210
Puffin No. 427 _Alca arctica_ 211
Antient No. 430
Pygmy No. 431
Tufted No. 432
Parroquet No. 433
Crested No. 434
Dusky No. 435
Foolish guillemot No. 436 _Colymbus troille_ 220
Black guillemot No. 437 _Colymbus grylle_ _ib._
Marbled guillemot No. 438
Imber diver No. 440 _Colymbus immer_ 222
Speckled diver No. 441
Red-throated diver No. 443 _Colymbus septentrionalis_ 220
CHAP. VII.
GENERAL ACCOUNT OF KAMTSCHATKA CONTINUED.—OF THE INHABITANTS.—ORIGIN OF
THE KAMTSCHADALES.—DISCOVERED BY THE RUSSIANS.—ABSTRACT OF THEIR
HISTORY.—NUMBERS.—PRESENT STATE.—OF THE RUSSIAN COMMERCE IN
KAMTSCHATKA.—OF THE KAMTSCHADALE HABITATIONS AND DRESS.—OF THE KURILE
ISLANDS.—THE KOREKI.—THE TSCHUTSKI.
The present inhabitants of Kamtschatka are of three sorts. The natives,
or Kamtschadales; the Russians and Cossacks; and a mixture of these two
by marriage.
Mr. Steller, who resided some time in this country, and seems to have
taken great pains to gain information on this subject, is persuaded,
that the true Kamtschadales are a people of great antiquity, and have
for many ages inhabited this peninsula; and that they are originally
descended from the Mungalians, and not either from the Tongusian
Tartars, as some, or the Japanese, as others, have imagined.
The principal arguments, by which he supports these opinions, are; that
there exists not among them the trace of a tradition of their having
migrated from any other country; that they believe themselves to have
been created and placed in this very spot by their god Koutkou; that
they are the most favoured of his creatures; the most fortunate and
happy of beings; and that their country is superior to all others,
affording means of gratification far beyond what are any where else to
be met with; that they have a perfect knowledge of all the plants of the
country, their virtues and uses, which could not be acquired in a short
time; that their instruments and household utensils differ greatly from
those of any other nation, and are made with an extraordinary degree of
neatness and dexterity, which implies that they are both of their own
invention, and have been long in arriving at so great perfection; that
antecedently to the arrival of the Russians and Cossacks among them,
they had not the smallest knowledge of any people except the Koreki;
that it is but of late they had an intercourse with the Kuriles, and
still later (and happened by means of a vessel being shipwrecked on
their coast) that they knew any thing of the Japanese; and, lastly, that
the country was very populous, at the time the Russians first got
footing in it.
The reasons he alleges for supposing them to be originally descended
from the Mungalians are; that many words in their language have
terminations similar to those of the Mungalian Chinese, such as, _ong_,
_ing_, _oing_, _tching_, _tcha_, _tchoing_, _ksi_, _ksung_, &c.; and
moreover, that the same principle of inflexion or derivation obtains in
both languages; that they are in general under-sized, as are the
Mungalians; that their complexion, like theirs, is swarthy; that they
have black hair, little beard, the face broad, the nose short and flat,
the eyes small and sunk, the eye-brows thin, the belly pendant, the legs
small; all which are peculiarities that are to be found among the
Mungalians. From the whole of which he draws this conclusion, that they
fled for safety to this peninsula, from the rapid advances of the
eastern conquerors; as the Laplanders, the Samoides, &c. were compelled
to retreat to the extremities of the north, by the Europeans.
The Russians having extended their conquests, and established posts and
colonies along that immense extent of coast of the frozen sea, from the
Jenesei to the Anadir, appointed commissaries for the purpose of
exploring and subjecting the countries still farther eastward. They soon
became acquainted with the wandering Koriacs inhabiting the north and
north-east coast of the sea of Okotsk, and without difficulty made them
tributary. These being the immediate neighbours of the Kamtschadales,
and likewise in the habit of bartering with them, a knowledge of
Kamtschatka followed of course.
The honour of the first discovery is given to Feodot Alexeieff, a
merchant, who is said to have sailed from the river Kovyma round the
peninsula of the Tschutski, in company with seven other vessels, about
the year 1648. The tradition goes, that being separated from the rest by
a storm, near the Tschukotskoi Noss, he was driven upon the coast of
Kamtschatka, where he wintered; and the summer following coasted round
the promontory of Lopatka, into the sea of Okotsk, and entered the mouth
of the Tigil; but that he and his companions were cut off by the
Koriacs, in endeavouring to pass from thence by land to the Anadirsk.
This in part is corroborated by the accounts of Simeon Deshneff, who
commanded one of the seven vessels, and was thrown on shore at the mouth
of the Anadir. Be this as it may, since these discoveries, if such they
were, he did not live to make any report of what they had done.
Volodimir Atlassoff, a Cossack, stands for the first acknowledged
discoverer of Kamtschatka.[60]
This person was sent, in the year 1697, from the fort Jakutsk to the
Anadirsk, in the quality of commissary, with instructions to call in the
assistance of the Koriacs, with a view to the discovery of countries
beyond theirs, and to the subjecting them to a tribute. In 1699, he
penetrated, with about sixty Russian soldiers, and the same number of
Cossacks, into the heart of the peninsula, gained the Tigil, and from
thence, levying a tribute in furs, in his progress crossed over to the
river Kamtschatka, on which he built the higher Kamtschatka _ostrog_,
called Verchnei, where he left a garrison of sixteen Cossacks, and
returned to Jakutsk in 1700, with an immense quantity of rare and
valuable tributary furs. These he had the good sense and policy to
accompany to Moscow, and, in recompence for his services, was appointed
commander of the fort of Jakutsk, with farther orders to repair again to
Kamtschatka, having first drawn from the garrison at Tolbolsk a
reinforcement of a hundred Cossacks, with ammunition, and whatever else
could give efficacy to the completion and settlement of his late
discoveries. Advancing with this force toward the Anadirsk, he fell in
with a bark on the river[61] Tunguska, laden with Chinese merchandize,
which he pillaged; and, in consequence of a remonstrance from the
sufferers to the Russian court, he was seized upon at Jakutsk, and
thrown into prison.
In the mean time, Potop Serioukoff, who had been left by Atlassoff, kept
peaceable possession of the garrison of Verchnei; and though he had not
a sufficient force to compel the payment of a tribute from the natives,
yet, by his management and conciliating disposition, he continued to
carry on an advantageous traffic with them as a merchant. On his return
to the Anadirsk, with the general good-will of the natives of
Kamtschatka, himself and party were attacked by the Koriacs, and
unfortunately all cut off. This happened about 1703; and several other
successive commissaries were sent into Kamtschatka, with various
success, during the disgrace and trial of Atlassoff.
In 1706, Atlassoff was reinstated in his command, and appointed to
conduct a second expedition into Kamtschatka, with instructions to gain
upon the natives by all peaceable means, but on no pretence to have
recourse to force and compulsion; but, instead of attending to his
orders, he not only, by repeated acts of cruelty and injustice, made the
natives exceedingly hostile and averse to their new governors, but
likewise so far alienated the affections of his own people, that it
ended in a mutiny of the Cossacks, and their demand of another
commander. The Cossacks having carried their point in displacing
Atlassoff, seized upon his effects; and after once tasting the sweets of
plunder, and of living without discipline or control, in vain did his
successors attempt to reduce them to military discipline and subjection.
Three successive commanders were assassinated in their turn; and the
Cossacks, being thus in open rebellion to the Russian government, and
with arms in their hands, were let loose upon the natives. The history
of this country from that period, till the grand revolt of the
Kamtschadales in 1731, presents one unvaried detail of massacres,
revolts, and savage and sanguinary rencounters between small parties,
from one end of the peninsula to the other.
What led to this revolt, was the discovery of a passage from Okotsk to
the Bolchoireka, which was first made by Cosmo Sokoloff, in the year
1715. Hitherto the Russians had no entrance into the country, but on the
side of Anadirsk; so that the natives had frequent opportunities of both
plundering the tribute, as it was carried by so long a journey out of
the peninsula, and harassing the troops in their march into it. But, by
the discovery of this communication, there existed a safe and speedy
means, as well of exporting the tribute, as of importing troops and
military stores into the very heart of the country; which the natives
easily saw gave the Russians so great an advantage, as must soon confirm
their dominion, and therefore determined them to make one grand and
immediate struggle for their liberty. The moment resolved upon for
carrying their designs into execution, was when Beering should have set
sail, who was at this time on the coast with a small squadron, and had
dispatched all the troops that could well be spared from the country, to
join Powloutski, in an expedition against the Tschutski. The opportunity
was well chosen; and it is altogether surprising that this conspiracy,
which was so general, that every native in the peninsula is said to have
had his share in it, was at the same time conducted with such secrecy,
that the Russians had not the smallest suspicion that any thing hostile
to their interests was in agitation. Their other measures were equally
well taken. They had a strong body in readiness to cut off all
communication with the fort Anadirsk; and the eastern coast was likewise
lined with detached parties, with a view of seizing on any Russians that
might by accident arrive from Okotsk. Things were in this state, when
the commissary Cheekaerdin marched from Verchnei with his tribute,
escorted by the troops of the fort, for the mouth of the Kamtschatka
river, where a vessel was lying to convey them to the Anadir. Besides
waiting for the departure of Beering, the revolt was to be suspended
till this vessel should be out at sea, notice of which was to be given
to the different chiefs. Accordingly, the moment she was out of sight,
they began to massacre every Russian and Cossack that came in their way,
and to set fire to their houses. A large body ascended the river
Kamtschatka, made themselves masters of the fort and _ostrog_ the
commissary had just quitted, put to death all that were in it, and,
except the church and fort, reduced the whole to ashes. Here it was that
they first learned that the Russian vessel, in which the commissary had
embarked, was still on the coast, which determined them to defend
themselves in the fort. The wind fortunately soon brought the vessel
back to the harbour; for had she proceeded in her voyage, nothing
probably could have prevented the utter extirpation of the Russians. The
Cossacks finding, on their landing, that their houses had been burnt to
the ground, and their wives and children either massacred or carried off
prisoners, were enraged to madness. They marched directly to the fort,
which they attacked with great fury, and the natives as resolutely
defended, till at length, the powder-magazine taking fire, the fort was
blown up, together with most of those that were in it. Various
rencounters succeeded to this event, in which much blood was spilled on
both sides. At length, two of the principal leaders being slain, and the
third (after dispatching his wife and children, to prevent their falling
into the enemy’s hand) having put an end to himself, peace was
established.
From that period every thing went on very peaceably, till the year 1740,
when a few Russians lost their lives in a tumult which was attended with
no farther consequences; and, except the insurrection at Bolcheretsk in
1770, (which hath been already noticed), there has been no disturbance
since.
Though the quelling the rebellion of 1731 was attended with the loss of
a great number of inhabitants, yet I was informed, that the country had
recovered itself, and was become more populous than ever, when, in the
year 1767, the small-pox, brought by a soldier from Okotsk, broke out
among them for the first time, marking its progress with ravages not
less dreadful than the plague, and seeming to threaten their entire
extirpation. They compute, that near twenty thousand died of this
disorder in Kamtschatka, the Koreki country, and the Kurile Islands. The
inhabitants of whole villages were swept away. Of this we had sufficient
proofs before our eyes. There are no less than eight _ostrogs_ scattered
about the bay of Awatska, all which, we were informed, had been fully
inhabited, but are now entirely desolate, except Saint Peter and Saint
Paul, and even that contains no more than seven Kamtschadales, who are
tributary. At Paratounca _ostrog_ there are but thirty-six native
inhabitants, men, women, and children, which, before it was visited by
the small-pox, we were told, contained three hundred and sixty. In our
road to Bolcheretsk, we passed four extensive _ostrogs_, with not an
inhabitant in them. In the present diminished state of the natives, with
fresh supplies of Russians and Cossacks perpetually pouring in, and who
intermix with them by marriage, it is probable that in less than half a
century there will be very few of them left. By Major Behm’s account,
there are not now more than three thousand who pay tribute, the Kurile
islanders included.
I understood that there are at this time, of the military, in the five
forts of Nichnei, Verchnei, Tigil, Bolcheretsk, and Saint Peter and
Saint Paul, about four hundred Russians and Cossacks, and near the same
number at Ingiga, which, though to the north of the peninsula, is, I
learned, at present under the commander of Kamtschatka. To these may be
added the Russian traders and emigrants, whose numbers are not very
considerable.
The Russian government established over this country is mild and
equitable, considered as a military one, in a very high degree. The
natives are permitted to choose their own magistrates from among
themselves, in the way and with the same powers they had ever been used.
One of these, under the title of _Toion_, presides over each _ostrog_;
is the referee in all differences; imposes fines, and inflicts
punishments for all crimes and misdemeanors; referring to the governor
of Kamtschatka such only as he does not choose, from their intricacy or
heinousness, to decide upon himself. The _Toion_ has likewise the
appointment of a civil officer, called a corporal, who assists him in
the execution of his office, and in his absence acts as his deputy.
By an edict of the present empress, no crime whatsoever can be punished
with death. But we were informed, that in cases of murder (of which
there are very few), the punishment of the _knout_ is administered with
such severity, that the offender for the most part dies under it.
The only tribute exacted (which can be considered as little more than an
acknowledgment of the Russian dominion over them) consists, in some
districts, of a fox’s skin; in others of a sable’s; and in the Kurile
isles of a sea-otter’s; but as this is much the most valuable, one skin
serves to pay the tribute of several persons. The _Toions_ collect the
tribute in their respective districts. Besides the mildness of their
government, the Russians have a claim to every praise for the pains they
have bestowed, and which have been attended with great success, in
converting them to Christianity, there remaining, at present, very few
idolaters among them. If we may judge of the other missionaries, from
the hospitable and benevolent pastor of Paratounca (who is a native on
the mother’s side), more suitable persons could not be set over this
business. It is needless to add, that the religion taught is that of the
Greek church. Schools are likewise established in many of the _ostrogs_,
where the children of both the natives and Cossacks are gratuitously
instructed in the Russian language.
The commerce of this country, as far as concerns the exports, is
entirely confined to furs, and carried on principally by a company of
merchants, instituted by the present empress. This company originally
consisted of twelve, and three have been lately added to it. They are
indulged with certain privileges, and distinguished by wearing a golden
medal, as a mark of the empress’s encouragement and protection of the
fur trade. Besides these, there are many inferior traders (particularly
of the Cossacks) scattered through the country. The principal merchants,
for the time they are here, reside at Bolcheretsk, or the Nishnei
_ostrog_, in which two places the trade almost wholly centres. Formerly
this commerce was altogether carried on in the way of barter; but of
late years every article is bought and sold for ready money only; and we
were surprized at the quantity of specie in circulation in so poor a
country. The furs sell at a high price, and the situation and habits of
life of the natives call for few articles in return. Our sailors brought
a great number of furs with them from the coast of America, and were not
less astonished than delighted with the quantity of silver the merchants
paid down for them; but on finding neither gin-shops to resort to, nor
tobacco, or any thing else that they cared for, to be had for money, the
roubles soon became troublesome companions, and I often observed them
kicking them about the deck. The merchant I have already had occasion to
mention, gave our men at first thirty roubles for a sea-otter’s skin,
and for others in proportion; but finding that they had considerable
quantities to dispose of, and that he had men to deal with who did not
know how to keep up the market, he afterward bought them for much less.
The articles of importation are principally European, but not confined
to Russian manufactures; many are English and Dutch; several likewise
come from Siberia, Bucharia, the Calmucs, and China. They consist of
coarse woollen and linen cloths, yarn stockings, bonnets, and gloves;
thin Persian silks, cottons, and pieces of nankeen, silk and cotton
handkerchiefs; brass coppers and pans, iron stoves, files, guns, powder
and shot; hardware, such as hatchets, bills, knives, scissars, needles,
looking-glasses, flour, sugar, tanned hides, boots, &c.
We had an opportunity of seeing a great many of these articles in the
hands of a merchant, who came in the empress’s galliot from Okotsk; and
I shall only observe generally, that they sold for treble the price they
might have been purchased for in England. And though the merchants have
so large a profit upon these imported goods, they have still a larger
upon the furs at Kiachta, upon the frontiers of China, which is the
great market for them. The best sea-otter skins sell generally in
Kamtschatka for about thirty roubles a-piece. The Chinese merchant at
Kiachta purchases them at more than double that price, and sells them
again at Pekin at a great advance, where a farther profitable trade is
made with some of them to Japan. If, therefore, a skin is worth thirty
roubles in Kamtschatka, to be transported first to Okotsk, thence to be
conveyed by land to Kiachta, a distance of one thousand three hundred
and sixty-four miles, thence on to Pekin, seven hundred and sixty miles
more, and after this to be transported to Japan, what a prodigiously
advantageous trade might be carried on between this place and Japan,
which is but about a fortnight’s, at most three weeks’ sail from it?
All furs exported from hence across the sea of Okotsk, pay a duty of ten
_per cent._, and sables a duty of twelve. And all sorts of merchandize,
of whatever denomination, imported from Okotsk, pay half a rouble for
every pood.[62]
The duties arising from the exports and imports, of which I could not
learn the amount, are paid at Okotsk: but the tribute is collected at
Bolcheretsk; and, I was informed by Major Behm, amounted in value to ten
thousand roubles annually.
There are six vessels (of forty to fifty tons burthen) employed by the
empress between Okotsk and Bolcheretsk, five of which are appropriated
to the transporting of stores and provisions from Okotsk to Bolcheretsk;
except that once in two or three years, some of them go round to
Awatska, and the Kamtschatka river; the sixth is only used as a
packet-boat, and always kept in readiness, and properly equipped for
conveying dispatches. Besides these, there are about fourteen vessels
employed by the merchants in the fur trade, amongst the islands to the
eastward. One of these we found frozen up in the harbour of Saint Peter
and Saint Paul, which was to sail on a trading voyage to Oonalashka, as
soon as the season would permit.
It is here to be observed, that the most considerable and valuable part
of the fur-trade is carried on with the islands that lie between
Kamtschatka and America. These were first discovered by Beering, in
1741, and being found to abound with sea-otters, the Russian merchants
became exceedingly eager in searching for the other islands seen by that
navigator, to the south-east of Kamtschatka, called, in Muller’s map,
the Islands of Seduction, St. Abraham, &c. In these expeditions they
fell in with three groups of islands. The first, about fifteen degrees
to the east of Kamtschatka, in 53° N. latitude; the second, about twelve
degrees to the eastward of the former; and the third, Oonalashka, and
the islands in its neighbourhood. These trading adventurers advanced
also as far east as Shumagin’s Islands (so called by Beering), the
largest of which is named Kodlak. But here, as well as on the continent
at Alaska, they met with so warm a reception, in their attempts to
compel the payment of a tribute, that they never afterward ventured so
far. However, they conquered and made tributary the three groups before
mentioned.
In the Russian charts, the whole sea between Kamtschatka and America is
covered with islands; for the adventurers in these expeditions
frequently falling in with land, which they imagined did not agree with
the situation of other laid down by preceding voyagers, immediately
concluded it must be a new discovery, and reported it as such on their
return; and since the vessels employed in these expeditions were usually
out three or four years, and oftentimes longer, these mistakes were not
in the way of being soon rectified. It is, however, now pretty certain,
that the islands already enumerated are all that have yet been
discovered by the Russians in that sea to the southward of 60° of
latitude.
It is from these islands that the sea-otter skins, the most valuable
article of the fur trade, are for the most part drawn; and as they are
brought completely under the Russian dominion, the merchants have
settlements upon them where their factors reside, for the purpose of
bartering with the natives. It was with a view to the farther increase
and extension of this trade, that the admiralty of Okotsk fitted out an
expedition for the purpose of making discoveries to the north and
north-east of the islands above mentioned, and gave the command of it,
as I have already observed, to Lieutenant Synd. This gentleman, having
directed his course too far to the northward, failed in the object of
his voyage; for, as we never saw the sea-otter to the northward of
Bristol Bay, it seems probable that they shun those latitudes where the
larger kind of amphibious sea animals abound. This was the last
expedition undertaken by the Russians for prosecuting discoveries to the
eastward; but they will undoubtedly make a proper use of the advantages
we have opened to them, by the discovery of Cook’s river.
Notwithstanding the general intercourse that, for the last forty years,
hath taken place between the natives, the Russians, and Cossacks, the
former are not more distinguished from the latter by their features and
general figure, than by their habits and cast of mind. Of the persons of
the natives, a description hath been already given, and I shall only
add, that their stature is much below the common size. This Major Behm
attributes, in a great measure, to their marrying so early; both sexes
generally entering into the conjugal state at the age of thirteen or
fourteen. Their industry is abundantly conspicuous, without being
contrasted with the laziness of their Russian and Cossack inmates, who
are fond of intermarrying with them, and, as it should seem, for no
other reason but that they may be supported in sloth and inactivity. To
this want of bodily exertion may be attributed those dreadful scorbutic
complaints which none of them escape; whilst the natives, by constant
exercise and toil in the open air, are entirely free from them.
Referring the reader for an account of the manners, customs, and
superstitions of the Kamtschadales at the time the Russians became first
acquainted with this country to Krascheninicoff, I shall proceed to a
description of their habitations and dress.
The houses (if they may be allowed that name) are of three distinct
sorts, _jourts_, _balagans_, and _log-houses_, called here _isbas_. The
first are their winter; the second their summer habitations; the third
are altogether of Russian introduction, and inhabited only by the better
and wealthier sort.
The _jourts_, or winter habitations, are constructed in the following
manner: An oblong square of dimensions proportioned to the number of
persons for whom it is intended, (for it is proper to observe, that
several families live together in the same _jourt_,) is dug in the earth
to the depth of about six feet. Within this space strong posts, or
wooden pillars, are fastened in the ground, at proper distances from
each other, on which are extended the beams for the support of the roof,
which is formed by joists, resting on the ground with one end, and on
the beams with the other. The interstices between the joists are filled
up with a strong wicker-work, and the whole covered with turf; so that a
_jourt_ has externally the appearance of a round squat hillock. A hole
is left in the centre, which serves for chimney, window, and entrance,
and the inhabitants pass in and out by means of a strong pole (instead
of a ladder), notched just deep enough to afford a little holding to the
toe. There is likewise another entrance in the side, even with the
ground, for the convenience of the women; but if a man makes use of it,
he subjects himself to the same disgrace and derision as a sailor would,
who descends through lubbers’ hole. The _jourt_ consists of one
apartment of the form of an oblong square. Along the sides are extended
broad platforms, made of boards, and raised about six inches from the
ground, which they use as seats, and on which they go to rest, after
strewing them with mats and skins. On one side is the fire-place, and
the side opposite is entirely set apart for the stowage of provisions
and kitchen utensils. At their feasts and ceremonious entertainments,
the hotter the _jourts_ are made for the reception of the guests the
greater the compliment. We found them at all times so hot, as to make
any length of stay in them to us intolerable. They betake themselves to
the _jourts_ the middle of October; and, for the most part, continue in
them till the middle of May.
The _balagans_ are raised upon nine posts, fixed into the earth in three
rows, at equal distances from one another, and about thirteen feet high
from the surface. At the height of between nine and ten feet, rafters
are passed from post to post, and firmly secured by strong ropes. On
these rafters are laid the joists, and the whole being covered with
turf, constitutes the platform or floor of the _balagan_. On this is
raised a roof of a conical figure, by means of tall poles, fastened down
to the rafters at one end, and meeting together in a point at the top,
and thatched over with strong coarse grass. The _balagans_ have two
doors placed opposite each other, and they ascend to them by the same
sort of ladders they use in the _jourts_. The lower part is left
entirely open; and within it they dry their fish, roots, vegetables, and
other articles of winter consumption. The proportion of _jourts_ to
_balagans_ is as one to six; so that six families generally live
together in one _jourt_.
The loghouses (_isbas_) are raised with long timbers piled horizontally,
the ends being let into one another, and the seams calked with moss. The
roof is sloping like that of our common cottage houses, and thatched
with coarse grass or rushes. The inside consists of three apartments. At
one end is what may be called the entry, which runs the whole width and
height of the house, and is the receptacle of their sledges, harness,
and other more bulky gears and household stuff. This communicates with
the middle and best apartment, furnished with broad benches for the
purpose, as hath been above mentioned, of both eating and sleeping upon.
Out of this is a door into the kitchen, one half of which is taken up by
the oven or fire-place, so contrived, by being let into the wall that
separates the kitchen and the middle apartment, as to warm both at the
same time. Over the middle apartment and kitchen are two lofts, to which
they ascend by a ladder placed in the entry. There are two small windows
in each apartment made of _talc_, and, in the houses of the poorer sort,
of fish-skin. The beams and boards of the ceiling are dubbed smooth with
a hatchet (for they are unacquainted with the plane); and, from the
effects of the smoke, are as black and shining as jet.
A town of Kamtschatka is called an _ostrog_, and consists of several of
the three sorts of houses above described; but of which _balagans_ are
much the most numerous; and I must observe, that I never met with a
house of any kind detached from an _ostrog_. Saint Peter and Saint Paul
consists of seven log-houses, or _isbas_, nineteen _balagans_, and three
_jourts_. Paratounca is of about the same size. Karatchin and Natchekin
contain fewer log-houses, but full as many _jourts_ and _balagans_ as
the former; from whence I conclude, that such is the usual size of the
_ostrogs_.
Having already had occasion to mention the dress of the Kamtschadale
women, I shall here confine myself to a description of that of the men.
The outermost garment is of the shape of a carter’s frock. Those worn in
summer are of nankeen; in winter they are made of skins, most commonly
of the deer or dog, tanned on one side, the hair being left on the
other, which is worn innermost. Under this is a close jacket of nankeen,
or other cotton stuffs; and beneath that a shirt of thin Persian silk,
of a blue, red, or yellow colour. The remaining part of their dress
consists of a pair of tight trowsers, or long breeches, of leather,
reaching down to the calf of the leg; of a pair of dog or deer-skin
boots, with the hair innermost; and of a fur cap, with two flaps, which
are generally tied up close to the head, but in bad weather are let to
fall round the shoulders.
The fur dress presented to me by a son of Major Behm (as already
mentioned) is one of those worn by the _Toions_, on ceremonious
occasions. The form exactly resembles that of the common exterior
garment just described. It is made of small triangular pieces of fur,
chequered brown and white, and joined so neatly as to appear to be one
skin. A border of six inches breadth, wrought with threads of different
coloured leather, and producing a rich effect, surrounds the bottom, to
which is suspended a broad edging of the sea-otter skin. The sleeves are
turned up with the same materials; and there is likewise an edging of it
round the neck, and down the opening at the breast. The lining is of a
smooth white skin. A cap, a pair of gloves, and boots, wrought with the
utmost degree of neatness, and made of the same materials, constitute
the remainder of this suit. The Russians in Kamtschatka wear the
European dress; and the uniform of the troops quartered here is of a
dark green, faced with red.
As the people situated to the north and south of this country are yet
imperfectly known, I shall conclude the account of Kamtschatka with such
information concerning the Kurile islands, and the Koreki and Tschutski,
as I have been able to acquire.
The chain of islands, running in a south-west direction from the
southern promontory of Kamtschatka to Japan, extending from latitude 51°
to 45°, are called the Kuriles. They obtained this name from the
inhabitants of the neighbourhood of Lopatka, who being themselves called
Kuriles, gave their own name to these islands, on first becoming
acquainted with them. They are, according to Spanberg, twenty-two in
number, without reckoning the very small ones. The northernmost, called
Shoomska, is not more than three leagues from the promontory Lopatka,
and its inhabitants are a mixture of natives and Kamtschadales. The next
to the south, called Paramousir, is much larger than Shoomska, and
inhabited by the true natives; their ancestors, according to a tradition
among them, having come from an island a little farther to the south,
called Onecutan. Those two islands were first visited by the Russians in
1713, and at the same time brought under their dominion.
The others in order, are at present made tributary down to Ooshesheer
inclusive, as I am informed by the worthy pastor of Paratounca, who is
their missionary, and visits them once in three years, and speaks of the
islanders in terms of the highest commendation, representing them as a
friendly, hospitable, generous, humane race of people, and excelling
their Kamtschadale neighbours, not less in the formation of their
bodies, than in docility and quickness of understanding. Though
Ooshesheer is the southernmost island that the Russians have yet brought
under their dominion, yet I understand that they trade to Ooroop, which
is the eighteenth; and, according to their accounts, the only one where
there is a good harbour for ships of burthen. Beyond this, to the south,
lies Nadeegsda, which was represented to us by the Russians as inhabited
by a race of men remarkably hairy, and who, like those of Ooroop, live
in a state of entire independence.[63]
In the same direction, but inclining somewhat more to the westward, lie
a group of islands, which the Japanese call Jeso; a name which they also
give to the whole chain of islands between Kamtschatka and Japan. The
southernmost, called Matmai, hath been long subject to the Japanese, and
is fortified and garrisoned on the side toward the continent. The two
islands to the north-east of Matmai, Kunashir, and Zellany, and likewise
the three still farther to the north-east, called the Three Sisters, are
perfectly independent.
A trade of barter is carried on between Matmai and the islands
last-mentioned; and between those again and the Kuriles, to the
northward; in which, for furs, dried fish, and oil, the latter get silk,
cotton, iron, and Japanese articles of furniture.[64]
The inhabitants of as many of the islands as are brought under the
Russian dominion, are at present converted to Christianity. And probably
the time is not very distant, when a friendly and profitable intercourse
will be brought about between Kamtschatka and the whole of this chain of
islands; and which will draw after it a communication with Japan itself.
This may eventually be greatly facilitated by a circumstance related to
me by Major Behm, that several Russians, who had been taught the
Japanese language by two men belonging to a vessel of that nation, which
had been[65] shipwrecked on the coast of Kamtschatka, had been sent
among those islands.
The advantages that would accrue to the Russians by an immediate trade
to Japan, have been already adverted to, and are too many, and too
obvious, to need insisting upon.
The Koreki country includes two distinct nations, called the Wandering
and Fixed Koriacs.
The former inhabit the northern part of the isthmus of Kamtschatka, and
the whole coast of the Eastern Ocean, from thence to the Anadir.
The country of the Wandering Koriacs stretches along the north-east of
the sea of Okotsk to the river Penskina, and westward toward the river
Kovyma.
The Fixed Koriacs have a strong resemblance to the Kamtschadales, and,
like them, depend altogether on fishing for subsistence. Their dress and
habitations are of the same kind. They are tributary to the Russians,
and under the district of the Ingiga.
The Wandering Koriacs occupy themselves entirely in breeding and
pasturing deer, of which they are said to possess immense numbers; and
that it is no unusual thing for an individual chief to have a herd of
four or five thousand. They despise fish, and live entirely on deer.
They have no _balagans_; and their only habitations are like the
Kamtschadale _jourts_, with this difference, that they are covered with
raw deer-skins in winter, and tanned ones in summer. Their sledges are
drawn by deer, and never by dogs; which, like the latter, are likewise
always spayed, in order to be trained to this business. The draft-deer
pasture in company with the others; and when they are wanted, the
herdsmen make use of a certain cry, which they instantly obey, by coming
out of the herd.
The priest of Paratounca informed me, that the two nations of the
Koriacs, and the Tschutski speak different dialects of the same
language; and that it bears not the smallest resemblance to the
Kamtschadale.
The country of the Tschutski is bounded on the south by the Anadir, and
extends along the coast to the Tschutskoi Noss. Like the Wandering
Koriacs, their attention is principally confined to their deer, of which
their country affords great numbers, both tame and wild. They are a
stout, well-made, bold, warlike race of people; redoubtable neighbours
to both nations of the Koriacs, who often feel the effects of their
depredatory incursions. The Russians have, for many years, been using
their endeavours to bring them under their dominion; and, after losing a
great many men in their different expeditions for this purpose, have not
been able to effect it.
I shall here conclude this article; since all we can say of this people,
on our own knowledge, hath been laid before the reader in the preceding
volume.
CHAP. VIII.
PLAN OF OUR FUTURE PROCEEDINGS.—COURSE TO THE SOUTHWARD, ALONG THE COAST
OF KAMTSCHATKA.—CAPE LOPATKA.—PASS THE ISLANDS SHOOMSKA AND
PARAMOUSIR.—DRIVEN TO THE EASTWARD OF THE KURILES.—SINGULAR SITUATION
WITH RESPECT TO THE PRETENDED DISCOVERIES OF FORMER NAVIGATORS.—
FRUITLESS ATTEMPTS TO REACH THE ISLANDS NORTH OF JAPAN.—GEOGRAPHICAL
CONCLUSIONS.—VIEW OF THE COAST OF JAPAN.—RUN ALONG THE EAST SIDE.—PASS
TWO JAPANESE VESSELS.—DRIVEN OFF THE COAST BY CONTRARY WINDS.—
EXTRAORDINARY EFFECT OF CURRENTS.—STEER FOR THE BASHEES.—PASS LARGE
QUANTITIES OF PUMICE STONE.—DISCOVER SULPHUR ISLAND.—PASS THE PRATAS.—
ISLES OF LEMA, AND LADRON ISLAND.—CHINESE PILOT TAKEN ON BOARD THE
RESOLUTION.—JOURNALS OF THE OFFICERS AND MEN SECURED.
Our instructions from the Board of Admiralty having left a discretionary
power with the commanding officer of the expedition, in case of failure
in the search of a passage from the Pacific into the Atlantic Ocean, to
return to England, by whatever route he should think best for the
farther improvement of geography, Captain Gore demanded of the principal
officers their sentiments, in writing, respecting the manner in which
these orders might most effectually be obeyed. The result of our
opinions, which he had the satisfaction to find unanimous, and entirely
coinciding with his own, that the condition of the ships, of the sails
and cordage, made it unsafe to attempt, at so advanced a season of the
year, to navigate the sea between Japan and Asia, which would otherwise
have afforded the largest field for discovery; that it was therefore
adviseable to keep to the eastward of that island, and in our way
thither to run along the Kuriles, and examine more particularly the
islands that lie nearest the northern coast of Japan, which are
represented as of a considerable size, and independent of the Russian
and Japanese governments. Should we be so fortunate as to find in these
any safe and commodious harbours, we conceived they might be of
importance, either as places of shelter for any future navigators, who
may be employed in exploring the seas, or as the means of opening a
commercial intercourse among the neighbouring dominions of the two
empires. Our next object was to survey the coast of the Japanese
Islands, and afterward to make the coast of China, as far to the
northward as we were able, and run along it to Macao.
This plan being adopted, I received orders from Captain Gore, in case of
separation, to proceed immediately to Macao; and at six o’clock in the
evening of the 9th of October, having cleared the entrance of Awatska
Bay, we steered to the south-east, with the wind north-west and by west.
At midnight, we had a dead calm, which continued till noon of the 10th;
the light-house, at this time, bearing north half west, distant five
leagues, and Cape Gavareea south by west half west. Being luckily in
soundings of sixty and seventy fathoms’ water, we employed our time very
profitably in catching cod, which were exceedingly fine and plentiful;
and at three in the afternoon a breeze sprung up from the west, with
which we stood along the coast to the southward. A head-land bearing
south by west, now opened, with Cape Gavareea, lying about seven leagues
beyond it. Between them are two narrow but deep inlets, which may
probably unite behind what appears to be an high island. The coast of
these inlets is steep and cliffy. The hills break abruptly, and form
chasms and deep valleys, which are well wooded. Between Cape Gavareea
(which lies in latitude 52° 21ʹ, longitude 158° 38ʹ) and Awatska Bay,
there are appearances of several inlets, which at first sight may
flatter the mariner with hopes of finding shelter and safe anchorage:
but the Russian pilots assured us, that there are none capable of
admitting vessels of the smallest size, as the low land fills up the
spaces that appear vacant between the high projecting head-lands. Toward
evening, it again became calm; but at midnight we had a light breeze
from the north, which increased gradually to a strong gale; and at noon
the next day, we found ourselves in latitude 52° 4ʹ, longitude 158° 31ʹ,
when Cape Gavareea bore north by west one quarter west; the south
extreme south-west half west. We were at this time distant from the
nearest shore about three leagues, and saw the whole country inland
covered with snow. A point of land to the southward, which we place in
latitude 51° 54ʹ, formed the north side of a deep bay, called
Achachinskoi, in the distant bottom of which we supposed a large river
to empty itself, from the land behind being so unusually low. South of
Achachinskoi Bay, the land is not so rugged and barren as that part of
the country which we had before passed.
During the night, we had variable winds and rain; but at four in the
morning of the 12th, it began to blow so strong from the north-east, as
to oblige us to double-reef the top-sails, and make it prudent to stand
more off the shore. At six, the weather becoming more moderate and fair,
we again made sail, and stood in for the land. At noon, our latitude was
51° 0ʹ, longitude 157° 25ʹ. The northernmost land in sight, being the
point we have mentioned as first opening with Cape Gavareea, bore north
north-east. A head-land with a flat top, which is in latitude 51° 27ʹ,
and makes the south point of an inlet, called Girowara, bore north one
quarter east, and the southernmost land in sight west three quarters
north, distant six leagues. At this time we could just perceive low land
stretching from the southern extreme; but the wind veering round to the
north-west, we could not get a nearer view of it. At six in the
afternoon, we saw from the mast-head, Cape Lopatka, the southernmost
extremity of Kamtschatka. It is a very low flat cape, sloping gradually
from the high level land that we saw at noon, and bore west half north,
about five leagues distant; and the high land north-west by west half
west. As this point of land forms so marked an object in the geography
of the eastern coast of Asia, we were glad to be able, by an accurate
observation, and several good angles, to determine its precise
situation, which is in latitude 51° 0ʹ, longitude 156° 45ʹ. To the
north-west of it we saw a remarkable high mountain, the top of which
loses itself in the clouds; and, at the same time, the first of the
Kurile Islands, called Shoomska, appeared in sight, bearing west half
south. The passage between this island and Cape Lopatka, the Russians
describe as being three miles broad, and very dangerous, on account of
the rapidity of the tides, and the sunk rocks that are off the Cape.
From Cape Gavareea to Lopatka, the coast trends south-east, south of
Achachinskoi, the land is not so high and broken as between that bay and
the mouth of Awatska, being only of a moderate elevation toward the sea,
with hills gradually rising farther back in the country. The coast is
steep and bold, and full of white chalky patches.
At noon, the weather falling again to a calm, afforded us an opportunity
of catching some fine cod. We were at this time, in forty fathoms’
water, and about five or six leagues from Cape Lopatka. Both in the fore
and afternoon, we had observations, with different compasses, for the
variation, and found it to be 5° 20ʹ E.
We stood on all night, under an easy sail, to the south south-west,
having the wind westerly. At midnight we sounded, and had sixty fathoms;
and at day-break of the 13th, we saw the second of the Kurile Islands
(called by the Russians Paramousir), extending from north-west by west,
to west half south. This land is very high, and almost entirely covered
with snow. At noon, the extremes bore from north north-west half west,
to west north-west half west; and a high-peaked mountain, from which
some thought they saw smoke issuing, north-west by west half west, about
twelve or fourteen leagues distant. At this time our latitude, by
observation, was 49° 49ʹ, and our longitude 157° 0ʹ. In the course of
the day we saw many gulls and albatrosses, and several whales.
Paramousir is the largest of the Kuriles under the dominion of Russia,
and well deserves a more accurate survey, than we were at this time
allowed to take. For, in the afternoon, the gale increasing from the
west, we were never able to approach it nearer than we had done at noon;
and were, therefore, obliged to be contented with endeavouring to
ascertain its situation at that distance. We place the south end of the
island in latitude 49° 58ʹ; the north end in latitude 50° 46ʹ, and in
longitude 10ʹW. of Lopatka; and as this position is found not to differ
materially from that given by the Russians, it is probably very near the
truth. Whilst we were abreast of this island, we had a very heavy swell
from the north-east, though the wind had, for some time, been from the
westward; a circumstance which we have already remarked more than once
during the course of our voyage. In the night we tried for soundings,
but found no ground with fifty fathoms of line.
On the 14th and 15th, the wind blowing steadily and fresh from the
westward, we were obliged to stand to the southward; and consequently
hindered from seeing any more of the Kurile islands. At noon of the
16th, the latitude, by observation, was 45° 27ʹ; the longitude, deduced
from a number of lunar observations taken during the three days past,
155° 30ʹ. The variation 4° 30ʹE. In this situation, we were almost
surrounded by the supposed discoveries of former navigators, and
uncertain to which we should turn ourselves. To the southward and the
south-west were placed, in the French charts, a group of five islands,
called the Three Sisters, Zellany and Kunashir. We were about ten
leagues, according to the same maps, to the westward of the land of De
Gama, which we had passed to the eastward in April last, at a distance
rather less than this, without seeing any appearance of it; from which
circumstance we may now conclude, that, if such land exist at all, it
must be an island of a very inconsiderable size.[66] On the other hand,
if we give credit to the original position of this land, fixed by
Texiera[67], it lay to the west by south; and as the Company’s Land[68],
Staten Island[69], and the famous land of Jeso[70], were also supposed
to lie nearly in the same direction, together with the group first
mentioned, according to the Russian charts, we thought this coast
deserved the preference, and accordingly hauled round to the westward,
the wind having shifted in the afternoon to the northward. During this
day, we saw large flocks of gulls, several albatrosses, fulmars, and a
number of fish, which our sailors called grampuses; but, as far as we
could judge, from the appearance of those that passed close by the
ships, we imagined them to be the _kasatka_, or sword-fish, described by
Krascheninicoff, to whom I refer the reader, for a curious account of
the manner in which they attack the whales. In the evening, a visit from
a small land bird, about the size of a goldfinch, and resembling that
bird in shape and plumage, made us keep a good look out for land.
However, at midnight, on trying for soundings, we found no ground with
forty-five fathoms of line.
On the 17th, at noon, we were in latitude 45° 7ʹ, by observation,
longitude 154° 0ʹ. The wind now again coming to the westward, obliged us
to steer a more southerly course; and, at midnight, it blew from that
quarter a fresh gale, accompanied with heavy rain. In the morning, we
saw another land bird, and many flocks of gulls and peterels bending
their course to the south-west. The heavy north-east swell, with which
we had constantly laboured since our departure from Lopatka, now ceased,
and changed suddenly to the south-east. In the forenoon of the 18th, we
passed great quantities of rock-weed, from which, and the flights of
birds above mentioned, we conjectured we were at no great distance from
the southernmost of the Kuriles; and, at the same time, the wind coming
round to the south, enabled us to stand in for it. At two, we set
studding-sails, and steered west; but the wind increasing to a gale,
soon obliged us to double reef the top-sails; and, at midnight, we
judged it necessary to try for soundings. Accordingly we hove to; but
finding no bottom at seventy-five fathoms, we were encouraged to
persevere, and again bore away west, with the wind at south-east. This
course we kept till two in the morning, when the weather becoming thick,
we hauled our wind and steered to the south-west till five, when a
violent storm reduced us to our courses.
Notwithstanding the unfavourable state of the weather left us little
prospect of making the land, we still kept this object anxiously in
view; and at day-light, ventured to steer west by south, and continued
to stand on in this direction till ten in the forenoon, when the wind
suddenly shifting to the south-west, brought with it clear weather. Of
this we had scarcely taken advantage, by setting the top-sails, and
letting out the reefs, when it began to blow so strong from this
quarter, that we were forced to close reef again; and at noon, the wind
shifting two points to the west, rendered it vain to keep any longer on
this tack. We, therefore, put about, and steered to the southward. At
this time, our latitude, by observation, was 44° 12ʹ, and longitude 150°
40ʹ; so that, after all our efforts, we had the mortification to find
ourselves, according to the Russian charts, upon a meridian with
Nadeegsda, which they make the southernmost of the Kurile islands, and
about twenty leagues to the southward.
But, though the violent and contrary winds we had met with during the
last six days, prevented our getting in with these islands, yet the
course we had been obliged to hold, is not without its geographical
advantages. For the group of Islands, consisting of the Three Sisters,
Kunashir, and Zellany, which, in D’Anville’s maps, are placed in the
track we had just crossed; being, by this means, demonstratively removed
from that situation, an additional proof is obtained of their lying to
the westward, where Spanberg actually places them, between the longitude
142° and 147°. But as this space is occupied in the French charts by
part of the supposed land of Jeso and Staten Island, Mr. Muller’s
opinion becomes extremely probable, that they are all the same lands;
and as no reasons appear for doubting Spanberg’s accuracy, we have
ventured, in our general map, to reinstate the Three Sisters, Zellany,
and Kunashir, in their proper situation, and have entirely omitted the
rest. When the reader recollects the manner in which the Russians have
multiplied the islands of the Northern Archipelago, from the want of
accuracy in determining their real situation, and the desire men
naturally feel of propagating new discoveries, he will not be surprised,
that the same causes should produce the same effects. It is thus that
the Jesoian lands, which appear, both from the accounts of the Japanese,
and the earliest Russian traditions, to be no other than the southern
Kurile islands, have been supposed distinct from the latter. The land of
De Gama is next on record, and was originally placed nearly in the same
situation with those just mentioned; but was removed, as has been
already suggested, to make room for Staten Island, and the Company’s
Land; and as Jeso, and the southernmost of the Kuriles, had also
possession of this space, that nothing might be lost, they were provided
for, the former a little to the westward, and the latter to the
eastward.
As the islands of Zellany and Kunashir, according to the Russian charts,
were still to the southward, we were not without hopes of being able to
make them, and therefore kept our head as much to the westward as the
wind would permit. On the 20th, at noon, we were in latitude 43° 47ʹ,
and longitude 150° 30ʹ; and steering west by south, with a moderate
breeze from south-east, and probably not more than twenty-four leagues
to the eastward of Zellany, when our good fortune again deserted us.
For, at three o’clock in the afternoon, the wind veering round to the
north-west, began to blow so strong, that we were brought under our
foresail and mizen stay-sail. We had very heavy squalls, and hard rain
during the next twenty-four hours; after which, the horizon clearing a
little, and the weather growing moderate, we were enabled to set the
topsails; but the wind still continuing to blow from the north-west,
baffled all our endeavours to make the land, and obliged us at last to
give up all further thoughts of discovery to the north of Japan. We
submitted to this disappointment with the greater reluctance, as the
accounts that are given of the inhabitants of these islands mentioned at
the end of the last chapter, had excited in us the greater curiosity to
visit them.
In the afternoon the leach-rope of the Resolution’s fore-top-sail gave
way, and split the sail. As this accident had often happened to us in
Captain Cook’s life-time, he had ordered the foot and leach-ropes of the
top-sails to be taken out, and larger fixed in their stead; and as these
also proved unequal to the strain that was on them, it is evident that
the proper proportion of strength between those ropes and the sail, is
exceedingly miscalculated in our service. This day a land-bird perched
on the rigging, and was taken; it was larger than a sparrow, but in
other respects very like one.
The gale now abated gradually, so that in the morning of the 22d, we let
out the reefs of the top-sails, and made more sail. At noon, we were in
latitude 40° 58ʹ, and longitude 148° 17ʹ; the variation 3° E. In the
afternoon, another little wanderer from the land pitched on the ship,
and was so worn out with fatigue, that it suffered itself to be taken
immediately, and died a few hours afterward. It was not bigger than a
wren, had a tuft of yellow feathers on its head, and the rest of its
plumage like that of the linnet. The sparrow, being stronger, lived a
long time. These birds plainly indicating, that we could not be at any
great distance from the land, and the wind, after varying a little,
fixing in the evening at north, our hopes of making the land, again
revived, and we hauled up to the west north-west, in which direction,
the southernmost islands seen by Spanberg, and said to be inhabited by
hairy men, lay at the distance of about fifty leagues. But the wind not
keeping pace with our wishes, blew in such light airs, that we made
little way, till eight the next morning, when we had a fresh breeze from
the south south-west, with which we continued to steer west north-west
till the evening. At noon, we were in latitude 40° 35ʹ, longitude 146°
45ʹ; the latter deduced from several lunar observations taken during the
night. The variation of the needle we found to be 17ʹ E. In the evening,
we had strong squally gales attended with rain, and having passed in the
course of the day, several patches of green grass, and seen a shag, many
small land birds, and flocks of gulls, it was not thought prudent, with
all these signs of the vicinity of land, to stand on during the whole
night. We therefore tacked at midnight, and steered a few hours to the
south-east, and at four in the morning of the 24th, again directed our
course to the west north-west, and carried a press of sail till seven in
the evening, when the wind shifted from south south-west to north, and
blew a fresh gale. At this time we were in the latitude of 40° 57ʹ, and
the longitude of 145° 20ʹ.
This second disappointment, in our endeavours to get to the north-west,
together with the boisterous weather we had met with, and the little
likelihood, at this time of the year, of its becoming more favourable to
our views, were Captain Gore’s motives for now finally giving up all
farther search for the islands to the north of Japan, and for shaping a
course west south-west, for the north part of that island. In the night,
the wind shifted to the north-east, and blew a fresh gale, with hard
rain and hazy weather, which, by noon of the 25th, brought us to the
latitude of 40° 18ʹ, in the longitude 144° 0ʹ. To-day we saw flights of
wild ducks; a pigeon lighted on our rigging, and many birds like linnets
flew about us with a degree of vigour that seemed to prove they had not
been long upon the wing. We also passed patches of long grass, and a
piece either of sugar-cane or bamboo. These signs, that land was at no
great distance, induced us to try for soundings, but we found no ground
with ninety fathoms of line. Toward evening, the wind by degrees shifted
round to the south, with which we still kept on to the west south-west;
and at day-break of the 26th, we had the pleasure of descrying high land
to the westward, which proved to be Japan. At eight it extended from
north-west to south by west, distant three or four leagues. A low flat
cape bore north-west three-quarters west, and seemed to make the south
part of the entrance of a bay. Toward the south extreme, a conical
shaped hill bore south by west three-quarters west. To the northward of
this hill there appeared to be a very deep inlet, the north side of the
entrance into which is formed by a low point of land; and, as well as we
could judge by our glasses, has a small island near it to the southward.
We stood on till nine, when we were within two leagues of the land,
bearing west three quarters south, and had soundings of fifty-eight
fathoms, with a bottom of very fine sand. We now tacked and stood off;
but the wind dying away, at noon we had got no farther than three
leagues from the coast, which extended from north-west by north three
quarters west, to south half east, and was, for the most part, bold and
cliffy. The low cape to the northward bore north-west by west, six
leagues distant; and the north point of the inlet south, three-quarters
west. The latitude, by observation, was 40° 5ʹ, and longitude 142° 28ʹ.
The northernmost land in sight we judged to be the northern extremity of
Japan.[71] It is lower than any other part; and, from the range of the
high lands that were seen over it from the mast-head, the coast appeared
evidently to incline round to the westward. The north point of the inlet
we supposed to be Cape Nambu, and the town to be situated in a break of
the high land, toward which the inlet seemed to direct itself.[72] The
country is of a moderate height, consists of a double range of
mountains; it abounds with wood, and has a pleasing variety of hills and
dales. We saw the smoke of several towns or villages, and many houses
near the shore, in pleasant and cultivated situations.
During the calm, being willing to make the best use of our time, we put
our fishing lines overboard in ten fathoms’ water, but without any
success. As this was the only amusement our circumstances admitted, the
disappointment was always very sensibly felt, and made us look back with
regret to the cod-banks of the dreary regions we had left, which had
supplied us with so many wholesome meals, and, by the diversion they
afforded, had given a variety to the wearisome succession of gales and
calms, and the tedious repetition of the same nautical observations. At
two in the afternoon, the breeze freshened from the southward, and by
four had brought us under close-reefed topsails, and obliged us to stand
off to the south-east. In consequence of this course, and the haziness
of the weather, the land soon disappeared. We kept on all night, and
till eight the next morning, when the wind coming round to the north,
and growing moderate, we made sail, and steered west south-west, toward
the land; but did not make it till three in the afternoon, when it
extended from north-west half west to west. The northernmost extreme
being a continuation of the high land, which was the southernmost we had
seen the day before; the land to the west we conceived to be the Hofe
Tafel Berg (the High Table Hill) of Jansen. Between the two extremes,
the coast was low and scarcely perceptible, except from the mast-head.
We stood on toward the coast till eight, when we were about five leagues
distant; and having shortened sail for the night, steered to the
southward, sounding every four hours; but never found ground with one
hundred and sixty fathoms of line.
On the 28th, at six in the morning, we again saw land twelve leagues to
the southward of that seen the preceding day, extending from west
south-west to west by north. We steered south-west obliquely with the
shore; and, at ten, saw more land open to the south-west. To the
westward of this land, which is low and flat, are two islands, as we
judged, though some doubts were entertained whether they might not be
connected with the adjacent low ground. The hazy weather, joined to our
distance, prevented us also from determining whether there are any
inlets or harbours between the projecting points, which seem here to
promise good shelter. At noon, the north extreme bore north-west by
north, and a high-peaked hill, over a steep head-land, west by north,
distant five leagues. Our latitude at this time, by observation, was 38°
16ʹ, longitude 142° 9ʹ. The mean of the variation, from observations
taken both in the fore and afternoon, was 1° 20ʹ E.
At half past three in the afternoon, we lost sight of the land; and,
from its breaking off so suddenly, conjectured that what we had seen
this day is an island, or perhaps a cluster of islands, lying off the
main land of Japan; but as the islands, called by Jansen the Schildpads,
and by Mr. D’Anville Matsima, though laid down nearly in the same
situation, are not equal in extent to the land seen by us, we must leave
this point undecided. Having kept a south-west course during the
remaining part of the day, we found ourselves, at midnight, in seventy
fathoms’ water, over a bottom of fine dark brown sand. We therefore
hauled up to the eastward till morning, when we saw the land again,
about eleven leagues to the southward of that which we had seen the day
before; and at eight we were within six or seven miles of the shore,
having carried in regular soundings from sixty-five to twenty fathoms,
over coarse sand and gravel. Unluckily there was a haze over the land,
which hindered our distinguishing small objects on it. The coast is
straight and unbroken, and runs nearly in a north and south direction.
Toward the sea the ground is low, but rises gradually into hills of a
moderate height, whose tops are tolerably even, and covered with wood.
At nine o’clock, the wind shifting to the southward, and the sky
lowering, we tacked and stood off to the east, and soon after we saw a
vessel close in with the land, standing along the shore to the
northward, and another in the offing, coming down on us before the wind.
Objects of any kind belonging to a country so famous, and yet so little
known, it will be easily conceived, must have excited a general
curiosity; and, accordingly, every soul on board was upon deck in an
instant to gaze at them. As the vessel to windward approached us, she
hauled farther off shore; upon which, fearing that we should alarm them
by the appearance of a pursuit, we brought the ships to, and she passed
ahead of us, at the distance of about half a mile. It would have been
easy for us to have spoken with them; but perceiving, by their
manœuvres, that they were much frightened, Captain Gore was not willing
to augment their terrors; and, thinking that we should have many better
opportunities of communication with this people, suffered them to go off
without interruption. Our distance did not permit us to remark any
particulars regarding the men on board, who seemed to be about six in
number, especially as the haziness of the weather precluded the use of
our glasses. According to the best conjectures we were able to form, the
vessel was about forty tons burthen. She had but one mast, on which was
hoisted a square sail, extended by a yard aloft, the braces of which
worked forward. Half way down the sail came three pieces of black cloth
at equal distances from each other. The vessel was higher at each end
than in the midship; and we imagined, from her appearance and form, that
it was impossible for her to sail any otherwise than large.
At noon the wind freshened, and brought with it a good deal of rain; by
three it had increased so much, that we were reduced to our courses; at
the same time, the sea ran as high as any one on board ever remembered
to have seen it. If the Japanese vessels are, as Kæmpfer describes them,
open in the stern, it would not have been possible for those we saw to
have survived the fury of this storm; but as the appearance of the
weather all the preceding part of the day, foretold its coming, and one
of the sloops had, notwithstanding, stood far out to sea, we may safely
conclude that they are perfectly capable of bearing a gale of wind.
Spanberg indeed describes two kinds of Japanese vessels; one answering
to the above description of Kæmpfer; the other, which he calls busses,
and in which he says they make their voyages to the neighbouring
islands, exactly corresponds with those we saw.[73]
At eight in the evening, the gale shifted to the west without abating
the least in violence, and by raising a sudden swell in a contrary
direction to that which prevailed before, occasioned the ships to strain
and labour exceedingly. During the storm several of the sails were split
on board the Resolution. Indeed they had been so long bent, and were
worn so thin, that this accident had of late happened to us almost daily
in both ships; especially, when being stiff and heavy with the rain,
they became less able to bear the shocks of the violent and variable
winds we at this time experienced. The gale at length growing moderate,
and settling to the west, we kept upon a wind to the southward; and at
nine in the morning of the 30th we saw the land at the distance of about
fifteen leagues, bearing from west by north to north-west one quarter
west. It appeared in detached parts; but whether they were small islands
or parts of Japan, our distance did not enable us to determine. At noon
it extended from north-west to west, the nearest land being about
thirteen leagues distant, beyond which the coast seemed to run in a
westerly direction. The latitude, by observation, was 36° 41ʹ, longitude
142° 6ʹ. The point to the northward, which was supposed to be near the
southernmost land seen the day before, we conjectured to be Cape de
Kennis, and the break to the southward of this point, to be the mouth of
the river on which the town of Gissima is said to be situated. The next
cape is probably that called in the Dutch charts Boomtje’s Point, and
the southernmost, off which we were abreast at noon, we suppose to be
near Low Point[74], and that we were at too great a distance to see the
low land, in which it probably terminates, to the eastward.
In the afternoon, the wind veering round to the north-east, we stood to
the southward, at the distance of about eighteen leagues from the shore,
trying for soundings, as we went along, but finding none with one
hundred and fifteen fathoms of line. At two the next morning it shifted
to west, attended with rain and lightning, and blowing in heavy squalls.
During the course of the day, we had several small birds of a brown
plumage, resembling linnets, flying about us, which had been forced off
the land by the strong westerly gales; but toward the evening, the wind
coming to the north-west, we shaped our course, along with them, to west
south-west, in order to regain the coast. In the morning of the 1st of
November, the wind again shifted to south-east, and bringing with it
fair weather, we got forty-two sets of distances of the moon from the
sun and stars, with four different quadrants, each set consisting of six
observations. These agreeing pretty nearly with each other, fix our
situation at noon the same day, with great accuracy, in longitude 141°
32ʹ, the latitude, by observation, was 35° 17ʹ. We found an error of
latitude in our reckonings of the preceding day, of eight miles, and in
this day’s of seventeen, from whence, and from our being much more to
the eastward than we expected, we concluded that there had been a strong
current from the south-west.
At two in the afternoon, we again made the land to the westward, at the
distant of about twelve leagues; the southernmost land in sight, which
we supposed to be White Point[75], bore west south-west half west; a
hummock to the northward, which had the appearance of being an island,
bore north north-west half west, within which we saw from the mast-head
low land, which we took to be Sand-down Point.[76] We stood in toward
the land, till half past five, when we hauled our wind to the southward.
At this time we saw a number of Japanese vessels, close in with the
land, several seemingly engaged in fishing, and others standing along
shore. We now discovered to the westward a remarkably high mountain,
with a round top, rising far inland. There is no high ground near it,
the coast being of a moderate elevation, and, as far as we could judge,
from the haziness of the horizon, much broken by small inlets. But to
the southward of the hummock island before mentioned, there appeared, at
a great distance, within the country, a ridge of hills, stretching in a
direction toward the mountain, and probably joining with it. As this is
the most remarkable hill on the coast, we could have wished to have
settled its situation exactly; but having only had this single view,
were obliged to be contented with such accuracy as our circumstances
would allow. Its latitude, therefore, we conceive to be 35° 20ʹ; its
longitude, estimated by its distance from the ships, at this time
fifteen leagues, 140° 26ʹ.
As the Dutch charts make the coast of Japan extend about ten leagues to
the south-west of White Point, at eight we tacked, and stood off to the
eastward, in order to weather the point. At midnight, we again tacked to
the south-west, expecting to fall in with the coast to the southward,
but were surprized, in the morning at eight to see the hummock, at the
distance only of three leagues, bearing west north-west. We began at
first to doubt the evidence of our senses, and afterward to suspect some
deception from a similarity of land; but, at noon, we found ourselves,
by observation, to be actually in latitude 35° 43ʹ, at a time when our
reckonings gave us 34° 48ʹ. So that, during the eight hours in which we
supposed we had made a course of nine leagues to the south-west, we had
in reality been carried eight leagues from the position we left, in a
direction diametrically opposite; which made, on the whole, in that
short space of time, a difference, in our reckoning, of seventeen
leagues. From this error, we calculated, that the current had set to the
north-east by north, at the rate of at least five miles an hour. Our
longitude at this time was 141° 16ʹ.
The weather having now the same threatening appearance as on the 29th of
October, which was followed by so sudden and severe a gale, and the wind
continuing at south south-east, it was thought prudent to leave the
shore, and stand off to the eastward, to prevent our being entangled
with the land. Nor were we wrong in our prognostications; for it soon
afterward began, and continued till next day, to blow a heavy gale,
accompanied with hazy and rainy weather. In the morning of the 3d, we
found ourselves, by our reckoning, upward of fifty leagues from the
land; which circumstance, together with the very extraordinary effect of
currents we had before experienced, the late season of the year, the
unsettled state of the weather, and the little likelihood of any change
for the better, made Captain Gore resolve to leave Japan altogether, and
prosecute our voyage to China; hoping, that as the track he meant to
pursue had never yet been explored, he should be able to make amends, by
some new discovery, for the disappointments we had met with on this
coast.
If the reader should be of opinion that we quitted this object too
hastily, in addition to the facts already stated, it ought to be
remarked, Kæmpfer describes the coast of Japan as the most dangerous in
the whole world[77]; that it would have been equally dangerous, in case
of distress, to run into any of their harbours, where we know, from the
best authorities, that the aversion of the inhabitants to any
intercourse with strangers has led them to commit the most atrocious
barbarities; that our ships were in a leaky condition; that our sails
were worn out, and unable to withstand a gale of wind; and that the
rigging was so rotten as to require constant and perpetual repairs.
As the strong currents which set along the eastern coast of Japan, may
be of dangerous consequence to the navigator, who is not aware of their
extraordinary rapidity, I shall take leave of this island, with a
summary account of their force and direction, as observed by us from the
1st to the 8th of November. On the 1st, at which time we were about
eighteen leagues to the eastward of White Point, the current set
north-east and by north, at the rate of three miles an hour; on the 2d,
as we approached the shore, we found it continuing in the same
direction, but increased in its rapidity to five miles an hour; as we
left the shore, it again became more moderate and inclined to the
eastward; on the 3d, at the distance of sixty leagues, it set to the
east north-east, three miles an hour; on the 4th and 5th, it turned to
the southward, and at one hundred and twenty leagues from the land, its
direction was south-east, and its rate not more than a mile and a half
an hour: on the 6th and 7th, it again shifted round to the north-east,
its force gradually diminishing till the 8th; when we could no longer
perceive any at all.
During the 4th and 5th, we continued our course to the south-east,
having very unsettled weather, attended with much lightning and rain. On
both days we passed great quantities of pumice-stone, several pieces of
which we took up, and found to weigh from one ounce to three pounds. We
conjectured that these stones had been thrown into the sea, by eruptions
of various dates, as many of them were covered with barnacles, and
others quite bare. At the same time, we saw two wild ducks, and several
small land birds, and had many porpusses playing round us.
On the 6th, at day-light, we altered our course to the south-south-west;
but at eight in the evening we were taken back, and obliged to steer to
the south-east. On the 7th, at noon, we saw a small land bird, our
latitude, by observation at this time, being 33° 52ʹ and longitude 148°
42ʹ. On the 9th, we were in latitude 31° 46ʹ, longitude 146° 20ʹ, when
we again saw a small land bird, a tropic bird, porpusses, flying-fishes,
and had a great swell from the east-south-east. We continued our course
to the south-west, having the winds from the northward, without any
remarkable occurrence, till the 12th, when we had a most violent gale of
wind from the same quarter, which reduced us to the fore-sail, and
mizen-stay-sail; and, as the weather was so hazy that we were not able
to see a cable’s length before us, and many shoals and small islands are
laid down in our charts, in this part of the ocean, we brought-to, with
our heads to the south-west. At noon, the latitude, by account, was 27°
36ʹ, longitude 144° 25ʹ. In the morning of the 13th, the wind shifting
round to the north-west, brought with it fair weather; but though we
were at this time nearly in the situation given to the island of St.
Juan, we saw no appearance of land. We now bore away to the south-west,
and set the top-sails, the gale still continuing with great violence. At
noon, the latitude, by observation, was 26° 0ʹ, longitude 143° 40ʹ, and
variation 3° 50ʹ E. In the afternoon, we saw flying-fish and dolphins,
also tropic birds and albatrosses. We still continued to pass much
pumice-stone; indeed, the prodigious quantities of this substance which
float in the sea, between Japan and the Bashee Islands, seem to
indicate, that some great volcanic convulsion must have happened in this
part of the Pacific Ocean; and, consequently, give some degree of
probability to the opinion of Mr. Muller, which I have already had
occasion to mention, respecting the separation of the continent of Jeso,
and the disappearance of Company’s Land, and Staten Island.
At six in the afternoon we altered our course to the west-south-west,
Captain Gore judging it useless to steer any longer to the
south-south-west, as we were near the meridian of the Ladrones, or
Marianne Islands, and at no great distance from the track of the Manilla
ships. In the morning of the 14th, the weather became fine, and the
wind, which was moderate, gradually shifted to the north-east, and
proved to be the trade-wind. At ten, Mr. Trevenen, one of the young
gentlemen who came along with me into the Discovery, saw land, appearing
like a peaked mountain, and bearing south-west. At noon, the latitude,
by observation, was 24° 37ʹ, longitude 142° 2ʹ. The land, which we now
discovered to be an island, bore south-west half west, distant eight or
ten leagues; and at two in the afternoon, we saw another to the
west-north-west. This second island, when seen at a distance, has the
appearance of two; the south point consisting of a high conical hill,
joined by a narrow neck to the northern land, which is of a moderate
height. As this was evidently of greater extent than the island to the
south, we altered our course toward it. At four, it bore north-west by
west; but, not having day-light sufficient to examine the coast, we
stood upon our tacks during the night.
On the 15th, at six in the morning, we bore away for the south point of
the larger island, at which time we discovered another high island,
bearing north three-quarters west, the south island being on the same
rhomb line, and the south point of the island ahead, west by north. At
nine, we were abreast, and within a mile of the middle island, but
Captain Gore, finding that a boat could not land without some danger
from the great surf that broke on the shore, kept on his course to the
westward. At noon, our latitude, by observation, was 24° 50ʹ, longitude
140° 56ʹ E.
This island is about five miles long, in a north-north-east and
south-south-west direction. The south point is a high barren hill,
flattish at the top, and when seen from the west-south-west, presents an
evident volcanic crater. The earth, rock, or sand, for it was not easy
to distinguish of which its surface is composed, exhibited various
colours, and a considerable part we conjectured to be sulphur, both from
its appearance to the eye, and the strong sulphureous smell which we
perceived, as we approached the point. Some of the officers on board the
Resolution, which passed nearer the land, thought they saw steams rising
from the top of the hill. From these circumstances, Captain Gore gave it
the name of _Sulphur Island_. A low, narrow, neck of land connects this
hill with the south end of the island, which spreads out into a
circumference of three or four leagues, and is of a moderate height. The
part near the isthmus has some bushes on it, and has a green appearance;
but those to the north-east are very barren, and full of large detached
rocks, many of which were exceedingly white. Very dangerous breakers
extend two miles and a half to the east, and two miles to the west, off
the middle part of the island, on which the sea broke with great
violence.
The north and south islands appeared to us as single mountains, of a
considerable height; the former peaked, and of a conical shape; the
latter more square, and flat at the top. Sulphur Island we place in
latitude 24° 48ʹ, longitude 141° 12ʹ. The north island in latitude 25°
14ʹ, longitude 141° 10ʹ. The south island in latitude 24° 22ʹ, and
longitude 141° 20ʹ. The variation observed was 3° 30ʹ E.
Captain Gore now directed his course to the west-south-west, for the
Bashee Islands, hoping to procure at them such a supply of refreshments
as would help to shorten his stay in Macao. These islands were visited
by Dampier, who gives a very favourable account, both of the civility of
the inhabitants, and of the plenty of hogs and vegetables, with which
the country abounds; they were afterward seen by Byron and Wallis, who
passed them without landing.
In order to extend our view in the day-time, the ships spread between
two and three leagues from each other, and during the night we went
under an easy sail; so that it was scarcely possible to pass any land
that lay in the neighbourhood of our course. In this manner we
proceeded, without any occurrence worth remarking, with a fresh breeze
from the north-east, till the 22d, when it increased to a strong gale,
with violent squalls of wind and rain, which brought us under
close-reefed top-sails.
At noon of the 23d, the latitude, by account, was 21° 5ʹ, and longitude
123° 20ʹ; at six in the evening, being now only twenty-one leagues from
the Bashee islands, according to the situation in Mr. Dalrymple’s map,
and the weather squally, attended with a thick haze, we hauled our wind
to the north north-west, and handed the fore top-sail.
During the whole of the 24th it rained incessantly, and the wind still
blew a storm; a heavy sea rolled down on us from the north, and in the
afternoon we had violent flashes of lightning from the same quarter. We
continued upon a wind to the north north-west till nine o’clock, when we
tacked and stood to the south south-east till four in the morning of the
25th, and then wore. During the night there was an eclipse of the moon,
but the rain prevented our making any observation; unfortunately, at the
time of the greatest darkness, a seaman, in stowing the main top-mast
stay-sail, fell over board, but laying hold of a rope which
providentially was hanging out of the fore-chains into the water, and
the ship being quickly brought in the wind, he was got on board without
any other hurt than a slight bruise on his shoulder. At eight, the
weather clearing, we bore away, but the wind blew still so strong, that
we carried no other sail than the fore-sail, and the main top-sail close
reefed. About this time we saw a land bird resembling a thrush, and a
sugar cane; at noon the latitude, by observation, was 21° 35ʹ, and
longitude 121° 35ʹ.
As our situation in longitude was now to the west of the Bashee,
according to Mr. Dalrymple’s maps, I perceived that Captain Gore was
governed, in the course he was steering, by the opinions of Commodore
Byron and Captain Wallis, with whom he sailed when they passed these
islands. The former placing it near four degrees to the westward, or in
longitude 118° 14ʹ. In consequence of this opinion, at two we stood to
the southward, with a view of getting into the same parallel of latitude
with the islands before we ran down our longitude. At six we were nearly
in that situation, and consequently ought to have been in sight of land,
according to Mr. Wallis’s account, who places the Bashees near three
degrees more to the eastward than Mr. Byron. The gale at this time had
not in the least abated; and Captain Gore, still conceiving that the
islands must undoubtedly lie to the westward, brought the ships to, with
their heads to the north-west, under the fore-sail and balanced mizen.
At six in the morning of the 26th, the wind having considerably abated,
we bore away west, set the topsails, and let out the reefs. At noon the
latitude, by observation, was 21° 12ʹ, and longitude 120° 25ʹ. We saw,
this day, a flock of ducks and many tropic birds, also dolphins and
porpusses, and still continued to pass several pumice-stones. We spent
the night upon our tacks; and at six in the morning of the 27th again
bore away west in search of the Bashees.
I now began to be a little apprehensive, lest, in searching for those
islands, we should get so much to the southward as to be obliged to pass
to leeward of the Pratas. In this case it might have been exceedingly
difficult for such bad sailing ships as ours to fetch Macao,
particularly should the wind continue to blow as it now did, from the
north north-east and north. As I had some doubts whether Mr. Dalrymple’s
charts were on board the Resolution, I made sail and hailed her; and
having acquainted Captain Gore with the position of these shoals, and my
apprehensions of being driven to the southward, he informed me that he
should continue on his course for the day, as he was still in hopes of
finding Admiral Byron’s longitude right; and, therefore, ordered me to
spread a few miles to the south.
At noon the weather became hazy; the latitude, by reckoning, was 21° 2ʹ,
and longitude 118° 30ʹ; and at six, having got to the westward of the
Bashees, by Mr. Byron’s account, Captain Gore hauled his wind to the
north-west under an easy sail, the wind blowing very strong, and there
being every appearance of a dirty boisterous night. At four in the
morning of the 28th, we saw the Resolution, then half a mile ahead of
us, wear, and immediately perceived breakers close under our lee. At
day-light we saw the island of Prata; and at half past six we wore
again, and stood toward the shoal, and finding we could not weather it,
bore away and ran to leeward. As we passed the south side, within a mile
of the reef, we observed two remarkable patches on the edges of the
breakers that looked like wrecks. At noon, the latitude found by double
altitudes was 20° 39ʹ, longitude 116° 45ʹ. The island bore north three
quarters east, distant three or four leagues. On the south-west side of
the reef, and near the south end of the island, we thought we saw from
the mast-head openings in the reef, which promised safe anchorage.
The Prata shoal is of a considerable extent, being six leagues from
north to south, and stretching three or four leagues to the eastward of
the island; its limit to the westward we were not in a situation to
determine. The north-east extremity we place in latitude 20° 58ʹ, and
longitude 117°; and the south-west in latitude 20° 45ʹ, and longitude
116° 44ʹ.
For the remaining part of the day we carried a press of sail, and kept
the wind, which was north-east by north, in order to secure our passage
to Macao. It was fortunate that, toward evening, the wind favoured us by
changing two points more to the east; for, had the wind and weather
continued, the same as during the preceding week, I doubt whether we
could have fetched that port, in which case we must have borne away for
Batavia; a place we all dreaded exceedingly, from the sad havoc the
unhealthiness of the climate had made in the crews of the former ships
that had been out on discovery, and had touched there.
In the forenoon of the 29th, we passed several Chinese fishing-boats,
who eyed us with great indifference. They fish with a large dredge-net,
shaped like a hollow cone, having a flat iron rim fixed to the lower
part of its mouth. The net is made fast with cords to the head and stern
of the boat, which being left to drive with the wind, draws the net
after it, with the iron part dragging along the bottom. We were sorry to
find the sea covered with the wrecks of boats that had been lost, as we
conjectured, in the late boisterous weather. At noon we were in
latitude, by observation, 22° 1ʹ, having run one hundred and ten miles
upon a north-west course since the preceding noon. Being now nearly in
the latitude of the Lema Islands, we bore away west by north, and, after
running twenty-two miles, saw one of them nine or ten leagues to the
westward. At six, the extremes of the islands in sight bore north
north-west half west, and west north-west half west; distant from the
nearest four or five leagues; the depth of water twenty-two fathoms,
over a soft muddy bottom. We now shortened sail, and kept upon our tacks
for the night. By Mr. Bayly’s time-keeper, the Grand Lema bore from the
Prata Island north 60° W. one hundred and fifty-three miles; and by our
run, north 57° W. one hundred and forty-six miles.
In the morning of the 30th, we ran along the Lema Isles, which, like all
the other islands on this coast, are without wood, and, as far as we
could observe, without cultivation. At seven o’clock, we had precisely
the same view of these islands, as is represented in a plate of Lord
Anson’s voyage. At nine o’clock, a Chinese boat, which had been before
with the Resolution, came alongside, and wanted to put on board us a
pilot, which however we declined, as it was our business to follow our
consort. We soon after passed the rock marked R, in Lord Anson’s plate;
but, instead of hauling up to the northward of the grand Ladrone Island,
as was done in the Centurion, we proceeded to leeward.
It is hardly necessary to caution the mariner not to take this course,
as the danger is sufficiently obvious; for, should the wind blow strong,
and the current set with it, it will be extremely difficult to fetch
Macao. Indeed we might, with great safety, by the direction of Mr.
Dalrymple’s map, have gone either entirely to the north of the Lema
Isles, or between them, and made the wind fair for Macao. Our fears of
missing this port, and being forced to Batavia, added to the strong and
eager desires of hearing news from Europe, made us rejoice to see the
Resolution soon after fire a gun, and hoist her colours as a signal for
a pilot. On repeating the signal, we saw an excellent race between four
Chinese boats; and Captain Gore having engaged with the man who arrived
first, to carry the ship to the Typa for thirty dollars, sent me word,
that, as we could easily follow, that expence might be saved to us. Soon
after, a second pilot getting on board the Resolution, insisted on
conducting the ship, and, without further ceremony, laid hold of the
wheel, and began to order the sails to be trimmed. This occasioned a
violent dispute, which at last was compromised, by their agreeing to go
shares in the money. At noon, the latitude, by observation, was 21° 57ʹ
N., and longitude 114° 2ʹ E.; the grand Ladrone Island extending from
north-west half north, to north half west, distant four miles. The land
of which the bearings are here given, we conceived to be one island; but
afterward found the western part to be the island marked _z_ in Mr.
Dalrymple’s chart of part of the coast of China, &c. which, at that
time, we unfortunately had not on board.
In obedience to the instructions given to Captain Cook by the Board of
Admiralty, it now became necessary to demand of the officers and men
their journals, and what other papers they might have in their
possession, relating to the history of our voyage. The execution of
these orders seemed to require some delicacy, as well as firmness. I
could not be ignorant, that the greatest part of our officers, and
several of the seaman, had amused themselves with writing accounts of
our proceedings for their own private satisfaction, or that of their
friends, which they might be unwilling, in their present form, to have
submitted to the inspection of strangers. On the other hand, I could
not, consistently with the instructions we had received, leave in their
custody papers, which, either from carelessness or design, might fall
into the hands of printers, and give rise to spurious and imperfect
accounts of the voyage, to the discredit of our labours, and perhaps to
the prejudice of officers, who, though innocent, might be suspected of
having been the authors of such publications. As soon, therefore, as I
had assembled the ship’s company on deck, I acquainted them with the
orders we had received, and the reasons which I thought ought to induce
them to yield a ready obedience. At the same time, I told them, that any
papers which they were desirous not to have sent to the Admiralty,
should be sealed up in their presence, and kept in my own custody, till
the intentions of the Board, with regard to the publication of the
history of the voyage, were fulfilled; after which, they should
faithfully be restored back to them.
It is with the greatest satisfaction I can relate, that my proposals met
with the approbation and the cheerful compliance both of the officers
and men; and I am persuaded, that every scrap of paper, containing any
transactions relating to the voyage, were given up. Indeed it is doing
bare justice to the seaman of this ship to declare, that they were the
most obedient, and the best disposed men I ever knew, though almost all
of them were very young, and had never before served in a ship of war.
CHAP. IX.
WORKING UP TO MACAO.—A CHINESE COMPRADOR.—SENT ON SHORE TO VISIT THE
PORTUGUEZE GOVERNOR.—EFFECTS OF THE INTELLIGENCE WE RECEIVED FROM
EUROPE.—ANCHOR IN THE TYPA.—PASSAGE UP TO CANTON.—BOCCA TYGRIS.—
WAMPÛ.—DESCRIPTION OF A SAMPANE.—RECEPTION AT THE ENGLISH FACTORY.—
INSTANCE OF THE SUSPICIOUS CHARACTER OF THE CHINESE.—OF THEIR MODE OF
TRADING.—OF THE CITY OF CANTON.—ITS SIZE.—POPULATION.—NUMBER OF
SAMPANES.—MILITARY FORCE.—OF THE STREETS AND HOUSES.—VISIT TO A
CHINESE.—RETURN TO MACAO.—GREAT DEMAND FOR THE SEA-OTTER SKINS.—PLAN
OF A VOYAGE FOR OPENING A FUR TRADE ON THE WESTERN COAST OF AMERICA,
AND PROSECUTING FURTHER DISCOVERIES IN THE NEIGHBOURHOOD OF JAPAN.—
DEPARTURE FROM MACAO.—PRICE OF PROVISIONS IN CHINA.
We kept working to windward till six in the evening, when we came to
anchor, by the direction of the Chinese pilot on board the Resolution,
who imagined the tide was setting against us. In this, however, he was
much deceived; as we found, upon making the experiment, that it set to
the northward till ten o’clock. The next morning he fell into a similar
mistake; for, at five, on the appearance of slack water, he gave orders
to get under weigh; but the ignorance he had discovered, having put us
on our guard, we chose to be convinced, by our own observations, before
we weighed; and, on trying the tide, we found a strong under-tow, which
obliged us to keep fast till eleven o’clock. From these circumstances it
appears, that the tide had run down twelve hours.
During the afternoon, we kept standing on our tacks, between the island
of Potoe, and the grand Ladrone, having passed to the eastward of the
former. At nine o’clock the tide beginning to ebb, we again came to
anchor in six fathoms’ water; the town of Macao bearing north west,
three leagues distant, and the island of Potoe south half-west, two
leagues distant. This island lies two leagues to the north north-west of
the island marked Z in Mr. Dalrymple’s chart, which we at first took to
be part of the grand Ladrone. It is small and rocky; and off the west
end there is said to be foul ground, though we passed near it without
perceiving any.
In the forenoon of the 2d, one of the Chinese contractors, who are
called _Compradors_, went on board the Resolution, and sold to Captain
Gore two hundred pounds’ weight of beef, together with a considerable
quantity of greens, oranges, and eggs. A proportionable share of these
articles was sent to the Discovery; and an agreement made with the man
to furnish us with a daily supply, for which, however, he insisted on
being paid beforehand.
Our pilot pretending he could carry the ships no farther, Captain Gore
was obliged to discharge him, and we were left to our own guidance.
At two in the afternoon, the tide flowing, we weighed, and worked to
windward; and at seven anchored in three and a half fathoms of water,
Macao bearing west, three miles distant. This situation was, indeed,
very ineligible, being exposed to the north-east, and having shoal
water, not more than two fathoms and a half deep, to leeward; but as no
nautical description is given in Lord Anson’s voyage of the harbour in
which the Centurion anchored, and Mr. Dalrymple’s general map, which was
the only one on board, was on too small a scale to serve for our
direction, the ships were obliged to remain there all night.
In the evening, Captain Gore sent me on shore to visit the Portugueze
governor, and to request his assistance in procuring refreshments for
our crews, which he thought might be done on more reasonable terms than
the _Comprador_ would undertake to furnish them. At the same time I took
a list of the naval stores, of which both vessels were greatly in want,
with an intention of proceeding immediately to Canton, and applying to
the servants of the East India Company, who were at that time, resident
there. On my arrival at the citadel, the fort-major informed me that the
governor was sick, and not able to see company; but that we might be
assured of receiving every assistance in their power. This, however, I
understood would be very inconsiderable, as they were entirely dependent
on the Chinese, even for their daily subsistence. Indeed, the answer
returned to the first request I made, gave me a sufficient proof of the
fallen state of the Portugueze power; for, on my acquainting the Major
with my desire of proceeding immediately to Canton, he told me, that
they could not venture to furnish me with a boat, till leave was
obtained from the _Hoppo_, or officer of the customs; and that the
application for this purpose must be made to the Chinese government at
Canton.
The mortification I felt at meeting with this unexpected delay, could
only be equalled by the extreme impatience with which we had so long
waited for an opportunity of receiving intelligence from Europe. It
often happens, that, in the eager pursuit of an object, we overlook the
easiest and most obvious means of attaining it. This was actually my
case at present; for I was returning under great dejection to the ship,
when the Portugueze officer, who attended me asked me, if I did not mean
to visit the English gentlemen at Macao. I need not add with what
transport I received the information this question conveyed to me; nor
the anxious hopes and fears, the conflict between curiosity and
apprehension which passed in my mind, as we walked toward the house of
one of our countrymen.
In this state of agitation, it was not surprising, that our reception,
though no way deficient in civility or kindness, should appear cold and
formal. In our inquiries, as far as they related to objects of private
concern, we met, as was indeed to be expected, with little or no
satisfaction; but the events of a public nature, which had happened
since our departure, and now, for the first time, burst all at once upon
us, overwhelmed every other feeling, and left us for some time, almost
without the power of reflection. For several days we continued
questioning each other about the truth of what we had heard, as if
desirous of seeking, in doubt and suspense, for that relief and
consolation, which the reality of our calamities appeared totally to
exclude. These sensations were succeeded by the most poignant regret at
finding ourselves cut off at such a distance from the scene, where, we
imagined, the fate of fleets and armies was every moment deciding.
The intelligence we had just received of the state of affairs in Europe,
made us the more exceedingly anxious to hasten our departure as much as
possible; and I therefore renewed my attempt to procure a passage to
Canton, but without effect. The difficulty arising from the established
policy of the country, I was now told, would probably be much increased
by an incident that had happened a few weeks before our arrival. Captain
Panton, in the Seahorse, a ship of war of twenty-five guns, had been
sent from Madras, to urge the payment of a debt owing by the Chinese
merchants of Canton to private British subjects in the East Indies and
Europe, which, including the principal and compound interest, amounted,
I understood, to near a million sterling. For this purpose, he had
orders to insist on an audience with the viceroy of Canton, which, after
some delay, and not without recourse being had to threats, was at length
obtained. The answer he received on the subject of his mission, was fair
and satisfactory; but, immediately after his departure, an edict was
stuck up on the houses of the Europeans, and in the public places of the
city, forbidding all foreigners, on any pretence, to lend money to the
subjects of the emperor.
This measure had occasioned very serious alarms at Canton. The Chinese
merchants, who had incurred the debt, contrary to the commercial laws of
their own country, and denied, in part, the justice of the demand, were
afraid that intelligence of this would be carried to Pekin, and that the
emperor, who has the character of a just and rigid prince, might punish
them with the loss of their fortunes, if not of their lives. On the
other hand, the Select Committee, to whom the cause of the claimants was
strongly recommended by the Presidency of Madras, were extremely
apprehensive lest they should embroil themselves with the Chinese
government at Canton; and by that means, bring, perhaps, irreparable
mischief on the Company’s affairs in China. For I was further informed,
that the _Mandarines_ were always ready to take occasion, even on the
slightest grounds, to put a stop to their trading; and that it was often
with great difficulty, and never without certain expence, that they
could get such restraints taken off. These impositions were daily
increasing; and, indeed, I found it a prevailing opinion, in all the
European factories, that they should soon be reduced either to quit the
commerce of that country, or to bear the same indignities to which the
Dutch are subjected in Japan.
The arrival of the Resolution and Discovery at such a time, could not
fail of occasioning fresh alarms; and, therefore, finding there was no
probability of my proceeding to Canton, I dispatched a letter to the
English supercargoes, to acquaint them with the cause of our putting
into the Tygris, to request their assistance in procuring me a passport,
and in forwarding the stores we wanted, of which I sent them a list, as
expeditiously as possible.
The next morning I was accompanied on board by our countryman, who
pointing out to us the situation of the Typa, we weighed at half past
six, and stood toward it; but the wind failing, we came to, at eight, in
three and a half fathoms’ water; Macao, bearing west north-west, three
miles distant; the Grand Ladrone south-east by south. The Resolution
here saluted the Portugueze fort with eleven guns, which were returned
by the same number. Early on the 4th, we again weighed, and stood into
the Typa, and moored with the stream anchor and cable to the westward.
The _Comprador_ whom we at first engaged with, having disappeared with a
small sum of money, which had been given him to purchase provisions, we
contracted with another, who continued to supply both ships, during our
whole stay. This was done secretly, and in the night time, under
pretence that it was contrary to the regulations of the port; but we
suspected all this caution to have been used with a view either of
enhancing the price of the articles he furnished, or of securing to
himself the profits of his employment, without being obliged to share
them with the _Mandarines_.
On the 9th Captain Gore received an answer from the Committee of the
English supercargoes at Canton, in which they assured him that their
best endeavours should be used to procure the supplies we stood in need
of, as expeditiously as possible; and that a passport should be sent for
one of his officers, hoping at the same time, that we were sufficiently
acquainted with the character of the Chinese government, to attribute
any delays, that might unavoidably happen, to their true cause.
The day following, an English merchant, from one of our settlements in
the East Indies, applied to Captain Gore for the assistance of a few
hands to navigate a vessel he had purchased at Macao, up to Canton.
Captain Gore, judging this a good opportunity for me to proceed to that
place, gave orders that I should take along with me my second
lieutenant, the lieutenant of marines, and ten seamen. Though this was
not precisely the mode in which I could have wished to visit Canton, yet
as it was very uncertain when the passport might arrive, and my presence
might contribute materially to the expediting of our supplies, I did not
hesitate to put myself on board, having left orders with Mr. Williamson
to get the Discovery ready for sea as soon as possible, and to make such
additions and alterations in her upper works, as might contribute to
make her more defensible. That the series of our astronomical
observations might suffer no interruption by my absence, I entrusted the
care of continuing them to Mr. Trevenen, in whose abilities and
diligence I could repose an entire confidence.
We left the harbour of Macao on the 11th of December, and sailing round
the south-eastern extremity of the island, we steered to the northward,
leaving as we passed along, Lantao Lintin, and several smaller islands,
to the right. All these islands, as well as that of Macao, which lie to
the left, are entirely without wood; the land is high and barren, and
uninhabited, except occasionally by fishermen. As we approached the
Bocca Tygris, which is thirteen leagues from Macao, the Chinese coast
appears to the eastward in steep white cliffs; the two forts commanding
the mouth of the river, are exactly in the same state as when Lord Anson
was here; that on the left is a fine old castle, surrounded by a grove
of trees, and has an agreeable romantic appearance.
We were here visited by an officer of the customs; on which occasion the
owner of the vessel, being apprehensive that, if we were discovered on
board, it would occasion some alarm, and might be attended with
disagreeable consequences, begged us to retire into the cabin below.
The breadth of the river above these forts is variable, the banks being
low and flat, and subject to be overflowed by the tide to a great
extent. The ground on each side is level, and laid out in rice fields;
but, as we advanced, it rose gradually into hills of considerable
declivity, the sides of which are cut into terraces, and planted with
sweet potatoes, sugar-canes, yams, plantains, and the cotton-tree. We
saw many lofty _pagodas_, scattered over the country, and several towns
at a distance, some of which appeared to be of a considerable size.
We did not arrive at Wampû, which is only nine leagues from the Bocca
Tygris, till the 18th, our progress having been retarded by contrary
winds and the lightness of the vessel. Wampû is a small Chinese town,
off which the ships of the different nations who trade here lie, in
order to take in their lading. The river, higher up, is said by M.
Sonnerat not to be deep enough to admit heavy laden vessels, even if the
policy of the Chinese had suffered the Europeans to navigate them up to
Canton; but this circumstance I cannot take upon me to decide on, as no
stranger I believe has been permitted to inform himself with certainty
of the truth. The small islands that lie opposite to the town, are
allotted to the several factories who have built warehouses for the
reception of the merchandise that is brought down from Canton.
From Wampû I immediately proceeded in a _sampane_, or Chinese boat, to
Canton, which is about two leagues and a half higher up the river. These
boats are the neatest and most convenient for passengers I ever saw.
They are of various sizes, almost flat at the bottom, very broad upon
the beam, and narrow at the head and stern, which are raised and
ornamented; the middle, where we sat, was arched over with a roof of
bamboo, which may be raised or lowered at pleasure; in the sides were
small windows with shutters, and the apartment was furnished with
handsome mats, chairs, and tables. In the stern was placed a small waxen
idol, in a case of gilt leather, before which stood a pot containing
lighted tapers made of dry chips or matches, and gum. The hire of this
boat was a Spanish dollar.
I reached Canton a little after it was dark, and landed at the English
factory, where, though my arrival was very unexpected, I was received
with every mark of attention and civility. The select committee, at this
time, consisted of Mr. Fitzhugh the president, Mr. Bevan, and Mr.
Rapier. They immediately gave me an account of such stores as the India
ships were able to afford us; and though I have not the smallest doubt
that the commanders were desirous of assisting us with every thing they
could spare, consistently with a regard to their own safety, and the
interest of their employers, yet it was a great disappointment to me to
find in their list scarcely any articles of cordage or canvass, of both
which we stood principally in need. It was, however, some consolation to
understand that the stores were in readiness for shipping, and that the
provisions we required might be had at a day’s notice. Wishing therefore
to make my stay here as short as possible, I requested the gentlemen to
procure junks or boats for me the next day, with an intention of leaving
Canton the following one; but I was soon informed that a business of
that kind was not to be transacted so rapidly in this country; that
leave must be first procured from the viceroy; that the _Hoppo_, or
principal officer of the customs must be applied to for _chops_ or
permits; and that these favours were not granted without mature
deliberation; in short, that patience was an indispensable virtue in
China; and that they hoped to have the pleasure of making the factory
agreeable to me, for a few days longer than I seemed willing to favour
them with my company.
Though I was not much disposed to relish this compliment, yet I could
not help being diverted with an incident that occurred very opportunely
to convince me of the truth of their representations, and of the
suspicious character of the Chinese. The reader will recollect that it
was now about fifteen days since Captain Gore had written to the
factory, to desire their assistance in procuring leave for one of his
officers to pass to Canton. In consequence of this application, they had
engaged one of the principal Chinese merchants of the place, to interest
himself in our favour, and to solicit the business with the viceroy.
This person came to visit the president whilst we were talking on the
subject, and with great satisfaction and complacency in his countenance
acquainted him, that he had at last succeeded in his applications, and
that a passport for one of the officers of the Ladrone ship (or pirate)
would be ready in a few days. The president immediately told him not to
give himself any farther trouble, as the officer, pointing to me, was
already arrived. It is impossible to describe the terror which seized
the old man on hearing this intelligence. His head sunk upon his breast,
and the sofa on which he was sitting shook from the violence of his
agitation. Whether the Ladrone ship was the object of his apprehensions,
or his own government, I could not discover; but after continuing in
this deplorable state a few minutes, Mr. Bevan bade him not despair, and
recounted to him the manner in which I had passed from Macao, the
reasons of my journey to Canton, and my wishes to leave it as soon as
possible. This last circumstance seemed particularly agreeable to him,
and gave me hopes that I should find him equally disposed to hasten my
departure; and yet, as soon as he had recovered the courage to speak, he
began to recount the unavoidable delays that would occur in my business,
the difficulty of gaining admittance to the viceroy, the jealousies and
suspicions of the _Mandarines_ respecting our real designs, which had
risen, he said, to an extraordinary height, from the strange account we
had given of ourselves.
After waiting several days with great impatience for the event of our
application, without understanding that the matter was at all advanced
toward a conclusion, I applied to the commander of an English country
ship, who was to sail on the 25th, and who offered to take the men and
stores on board, and to lie to if the weather should permit, off Macao,
till we could send boats to take them out of his ship. At the same time
he apprized me of the danger there might be of his being driven with
them out to sea. Whilst I was doubting what measures to pursue, the
commander of another country ship brought me a letter from Captain Gore,
in which he acquainted me that he had engaged him to bring us down from
Canton, and to deliver the stores we had procured, at his own risk, in
the Typa. All our difficulties being thus removed, I had leisure to
attend to the purchase of our provisions and stores, which was completed
on the 26th; and the day following the whole stock was sent on board.
As Canton was likely to be the most advantageous market for furs, I was
desired by Captain Gore to carry with me about twenty sea-otter skins,
chiefly the property of our deceased commanders, and to dispose of them
at the best price I could procure; a commission which gave me an
opportunity of becoming a little acquainted with the genius of the
Chinese for trade. Having acquainted some of the English supercargoes
with these circumstances, I desired them to recommend me to some Chinese
merchant of credit and reputation, who would at once offer me a fair and
reasonable price. I was accordingly directed to a member of the _Hong_,
a society of the principal merchants of the place, who being fully
informed of the nature of the business, appeared sensible of the
delicacy of my situation; assured me I might depend on his integrity;
and that, in a case of this sort, he should consider himself merely as
an agent, without looking for any profit to himself. Having laid my
goods before him, he examined them with great care over and over again,
and at last told me that he could not venture to offer more than three
hundred dollars for them. As I knew from the price our skins had sold
for in Kamtschatka that he had not offered me one half their value, I
found myself under the necessity of driving a bargain, in my turn I
therefore demanded one thousand; my Chinese then advanced to five
hundred; then offered me a private present of tea and porcelain,
amounting to one hundred more; then the same sum in money; and, lastly,
rose to seven hundred dollars, on which I fell to nine hundred. Here,
each side declaring he would not recede, we parted; but the Chinese soon
returned with a list of India goods, which he now proposed I should take
in exchange, and which, I was afterward told, would have amounted in
value, if honestly delivered, to double the sum he had before offered.
Finding I did not choose to deal in this mode, he proposed as his
_ultimatum_, that we should divide the difference, which, being tired of
the contest, I consented to, and received the eight hundred dollars.
The ill health, which at this time I laboured under, left me little
reason to lament the very narrow limits, within which the policy of the
Chinese obliges every European at Canton to confine his curiosity. I
should otherwise have felt exceedingly tantalized with living under the
walls of so great a city, full of objects of novelty, without being able
to enter it. The account given of this place by Pères le Comte and Du
Halde, are in every one’s hand. The authors have lately been accused of
great exaggeration by M. Sonnerat; for which reason the following
observations, collected from the information with which I have been
obligingly furnished by several English gentlemen, who were a long time
resident at Canton, may not be unacceptable to the public.
Canton, including the old and new town, and the suburbs, is about ten
miles in circuit. With respect to its population, if one may judge of
the whole, from what is seen in the suburbs, I should conceive it to
fall considerably short of an European town of the same magnitude. Le
Comte estimated the number of inhabitants at one million five hundred
thousand; Du Halde at one million; and M. Sonnerat says he has
ascertained them to be no more than seventy-five thousand[78]: but, as
this gentleman has not favoured us with the grounds on which his
calculation was founded; and, besides, appears as desirous of
depreciating every thing that relates to the Chinese, as the Jesuits may
be of magnifying, his opinion certainly admits of some doubt. The
following circumstances may perhaps lead the reader to form a judgment
with tolerable accuracy on this subject.
A Chinese house undoubtedly occupies more space than is usually taken up
by houses in Europe; but the proportion suggested by M. Sonnerat, of
four or five to one, certainly goes much beyond the truth. To this
should be added, that a great many houses in the suburbs of Canton, are
occupied for commercial purposes only, by merchants and rich tradesmen,
whose families live entirely within the city. On the other hand, a
Chinese family appears to consist, on an average, of more persons than
an European. A _Mandarine_, according to his rank and substance, has
from five to twenty wives. A merchant, from three to five. One of this
class at Canton, had indeed, twenty-five wives, and thirty-six children;
but this was mentioned to me as a very extraordinary instance. An
opulent tradesman has usually two; and the lower class of people very
rarely more than one. Their servants are at least double in number to
those employed by persons of the same condition in Europe. If, then, we
suppose a Chinese family one-third larger, and an European house
two-thirds less, than each other, a Chinese city will contain only half
the number of inhabitants contained in an European town of the same
size. According to these _data_, the city and suburbs of Canton may
probably contain about one hundred and fifty thousand.
With respect to the number of inhabited _sampanes_, I found different
opinions were entertained; but none placing them lower than forty
thousand. They are moored in rows close to each other, with a narrow
passage, at intervals, for the boats to pass up and down the river. As
the Tygris at Canton is somewhat wider than the Thames at London, and
the whole river is covered in this manner for the extent of at least a
mile, this account of their number does not appear to me, in the least,
exaggerated; and, if it be allowed, the number of inhabitants in the
sampanes alone (for each of them contains one family), must amount to
nearly three times the number supposed by M. Sonnerat to be in the whole
city.
The military force of the province, of which Canton is the capital,
amounts to fifty thousand men. It is said that twenty thousand are
stationed in and about the city; and, as a proof of this, I was assured,
that, on the occasion of some disturbance that had happened at Canton,
thirty thousand men were drawn together within the space of a few hours.
The streets are long, and most of them narrow and irregular; but well
paved with large stones; and, for the most part, kept exceedingly clean.
The houses are built of brick, one story high, having generally two or
three courts backward, in which are the warehouses for merchandize, and,
in the houses within the city, the apartments for the women. A very few
of the meanest sort are built of wood.
The houses belonging to the European factors, are built on a handsome
quay, with a regular façade of two stories toward the river, and
disposed, within, partly after the European and partly after the Chinese
manner. Adjoining to these are a number of houses, belonging to the
Chinese, and hired out to the commanders of ships, and merchants, who
make an occasional stay. As no European is allowed to bring his wife to
Canton, the English supercargoes live together, at a common table, which
is kept by the company, and have each a separate apartment, consisting
of three or four rooms. The time of their residence seldom exceeds eight
months annually; and as they are pretty constantly employed, during that
time, in the service of the Company, they may submit, with the less
regret, to the restraints they are kept under. They very rarely pay any
visits within the walls of Canton, except on public occasions. Indeed,
nothing gave me so unfavourable an idea of the character of the Chinese,
as to find, that amongst so many persons of liberal minds and amiable
manners, some of whom have resided in that country for near fifteen
years together, they have never formed any friendship or social
connection. As soon as the last ship quits Wampû, they are all obliged
to retire to Macao; but as a proof of the excellent police of the
country, they leave all the money they possess in _specie_ behind them,
which, I was told, sometimes amounted to one hundred thousand pounds
sterling, and for which they had no other security than the seals of the
merchants of the _Hong_, the viceroy, and _Mandarines_.
During my stay at Canton, I was carried by one of the English gentlemen,
to visit a person of the first consequence in the place. We were
received in a long room or gallery, at the upper end of which stood a
table, with a large chair behind it, and a row of chairs extending from
it on each side down the room. Being previously instructed, that the
point of civility consisted in remaining as long unseated as possible, I
readily acquitted myself of this piece of _etiquette_; after which we
were entertained with tea, and some preserved and fresh fruits. Our host
was very fat, with a heavy dull countenance, and of great gravity in his
deportment. He spoke a little broken English and Portugueze; and, after
we had taken our refreshment, he carried us about his house and garden;
and having shown us all the improvements he was making, we took our
leave.
Having procured an account of the price of provisions at Canton, as
settled for the year 1780, which the reader will find at the end of this
chapter, I have only to observe, that the different articles are
supposed to be the best of the kind; and that the natives purchase the
same for nearly one-third less than the price, which in the list is
fixed only for strangers.
I had hitherto intended, as well to avoid the trouble and delay of
applying for passports, as to save the unnecessary expence of hiring a
_sampane_, which I understood amounted at least to twelve pounds
sterling, to go along with the stores to Macao, in the country
merchant’s ship I have before mentioned; but having received an
invitation from two English gentlemen, who had obtained passports for
four, I accepted, along with Mr. Philips, their offer of places in a
Chinese boat, and left Mr. Lannyon to take care of the men and stores,
which were to sail the next day. In the evening of the 26th, I took my
leave of the supercargoes, having thanked them for their many obliging
favours; amongst which I must not forget to mention an handsome present
of tea, for the use of the ships’ companies, and a large collection of
English periodical publications. The latter we found a valuable
acquisition, as they both served to amuse our impatience, during our
tedious voyage home, and enabled us to return not total strangers to
what had been transacting in our native country. At one o’clock the next
morning we left Canton, and arrived at Macao about the same hour the day
following, having passed down a channel which lies to the westward of
that by which we had come up.
During our absence, a brisk trade had been carrying on with the Chinese
for the sea-otter skins, which had every day been rising in their value.
One of our seamen sold his stock alone for eight hundred dollars; and a
few prime skins, which were clean, and had been well preserved, were
sold for one hundred and twenty each. The whole amount of the value, in
_specie_ and goods, that was got for the furs, in both ships, I am
confident did not fall short of two thousand pounds sterling; and it was
generally supposed, that at least two-thirds of the quantity we had
originally got from the Americans, were spoiled and worn out, or had
been given away, and otherwise disposed of, in Kamtschatka. When, in
addition to these facts, it is remembered, that the furs were at first
collected without our having any idea of their real value; that the
greatest part had been worn by the Indians, from whom we purchased them;
that they were afterward preserved with little care, and frequently used
for bed-clothes, and other purposes, during our cruize to the north; and
that, probably, we had never got the full value for them in China; the
advantages that might be derived from a voyage to that part of the
American coast, undertaken with commercial views, appear to me of a
degree of importance sufficient to call for the attention of the public.
The rage with which our seamen were possessed to return to Cook’s River,
and, by another cargo of skins, to make their fortunes at one time, was
not far short of mutiny; and I must own, I could not help indulging
myself in a project, which the disappointment we had suffered, in being
obliged to leave the Japanese Archipelago, and the northern coast of
China unexplored, first suggested; and, by what I conceived, that object
might still be happily accomplished, through means of the East-India
Company, not only without expense, but even with the prospect of very
considerable advantages. Though the situation of affairs at home, or
perhaps greater difficulties in the execution of my scheme than I had
foreseen, have hitherto prevented its being carried into effect, yet, as
I find the plan in my journal, and still retain my partiality for it, I
hope it will not be entirely foreign to the nature of this work, if I
beg leave to insert it here.
I proposed then, that the Company’s China ships should carry an
additional complement of men each, making in all one hundred. Two
vessels, one of two hundred and the other of one hundred and fifty tons,
might, I was told, with proper notice, be readily purchased at Canton;
and, as victualling is not dearer there than in Europe, I calculate that
they might be completely fitted out for sea, with a year’s pay and
provision, for six thousand pounds, including the purchase. The expense
of the necessary articles for barter is scarcely worth mentioning. I
would, by all means recommend, that each ship should have five ton of
unwrought iron, a forge, and an expert smith, with a journeyman and
apprentice, who might be ready to forge such tools, as it should appear
the Indians were most desirous of. For, though six of the finest skins
purchased by us were got for a dozen large green glass beads, yet it is
well known, that the fancy of these people for articles of ornament, is
exceedingly capricious; and that iron is the only sure commodity for
their market. To this might be added, a few gross of large pointed
case-knives, some bales of coarse woollen cloth (linen they would not
accept of from us), and a barrel or two of copper and glass trinkets.
I have here proposed two ships, not only for the greater security of the
expedition, but because I think single ships ought never to be sent out
on discoveries. For where risks are to be run, and doubtful and
hazardous experiments tried, it cannot be expected that single ships
should venture so far, as where there is some security provided against
an untoward accident.
The vessels being now ready for sea, will sail with the first
south-westerly monsoon, which generally sets in about the beginning of
April. With this wind they will steer to the northward, along the coast
of China, beginning a more accurate survey from the mouth of the river
Kayana, or the Nankin River, in latitude 30°, which I believe is the
utmost limit of this coast hitherto visited by European ships. As the
extent of that deep gulf called Whang Hay, or the Yellow Sea, is at
present unknown, it must be left to the discretion of the commander, to
proceed up it as far as he may judge prudent; but he must be cautious
not to entangle himself too far in it, lest he should want time for the
prosecution of the remaining part of his enterprize. The same discretion
must be used, when he arrives in the straits of Tessoi, with respect to
the islands of Jeso, which, if the wind and weather be favourable, he
will not lose the opportunity of exploring.
Having proceeded to the latitude of 51° 40ʹ, where he will make the
southernmost point of the island of Sagaleen, beyond which the sea of
Okotsk is sufficiently known, he will steer to the southward, probably
in the beginning of June, and endeavour to fall in with the southernmost
of the Kurile Islands. Ouroop or Nadeschda, according to the accounts of
the Russians, will furnish the ships with a good harbour, where they may
wood and water, and take in such other refreshments as the place may
afford. Toward the end of June, they will shape their course for the
Shummagins, and from thence to Cook’s River, purchasing, as they
proceed, as many skins as they are able, without losing too much time,
since they ought to steer again to the southward, and trace the coast
with great accuracy from the latitude of 56° to 50°, the space from
which we were driven out of sight of land by contrary winds. It should
here be remarked, that I consider the purchase of skins, in this
expedition, merely as a secondary object, for defraying the expence; and
it cannot be doubted, from our experience in the present voyage, that
two hundred and fifty skins, worth one hundred dollars each, may be
procured without any loss of time; especially as it is probable they
will be met with along the coast to the southward of Cook’s River.
Having spent three months on the coast of America, they will set out on
their return to China early in the month of October, avoiding in their
route, as much as possible, the tracks of former navigators. I have now
only to add, that if the fur trade should become a fixed object of
Indian commerce, frequent opportunities will occur of completing
whatever may be left unfinished, in the voyage of which I have here
ventured to delineate the outlines.
The barter which had been carrying on with the Chinese for our sea-otter
skins, had produced a very whimsical change in the dress of all our
crew. On our arrival in the Typa, nothing could exceed the ragged
appearance both of the younger officers and seamen; for, as our voyage
had already exceeded, by near a twelvemonth, the time it was at first
imagined we should remain at sea, almost the whole of our original stock
of European clothes had been long worn out, or patched up with skins,
and the various manufactures we had met with in the course of our
discoveries. These were now again mixed and eked out with the gaudiest
silks and cottons of China.
On the 30th, Mr. Lannyon arrived with the stores and provisions, which
were immediately stowed in due proportion on board the two ships. The
next day, agreeably to a bargain made by Captain Gore, I sent our sheet
anchor to the country ship, and received in return the guns, which she
before rode by.
Whilst we lay in the Typa, I was shown a garden belonging to an English
gentleman at Macao, the rock, under which, as the tradition there goes,
the poet Camoens used to sit and compose his Lusiad. It is a lofty arch,
of one solid stone, and forms the entrance of a grotto dug out of the
rising ground behind it. The rock is overshaded by large spreading
trees, and commands an extensive and magnificent view of the sea, and
the interspersed islands.
On the 11th of January, two seamen belonging to the Resolution found
means to run off with a six-oared cutter, and notwithstanding diligent
search was made, both that and the following day, we were never able to
learn any tidings of her. It was supposed, that these people had been
seduced by the prevailing notion of making a fortune, by returning to
the fur islands.
As we heard nothing, during our stay in the Typa, of the measurement of
the ships, it may be concluded, that the point so strongly contested by
the Chinese, in Lord Anson’s time, has, in consequence of his firmness
and resolution, never since been insisted on.
The following nautical observations were made while we lay here:
Harbour of Macao, { Lat. 22° 12ʹ 0ʺ N.
{ Long. 113 47 0 E.
Anchoring-place in the { Lat. 22 9 20 N.
Typa, { Long. 113 48 34 E.
Mean dip of the north pole } 21 1 0
of the magnetic needle }
Variation of the compass, 0 19 0 W.
On the full and change days, it was high water in the Typa at 5^h 15^m,
and in Macao harbour at 5^h 50^m. The greatest rise was six feet one
inch. The flood appeared to come from the south eastward; but we could
not determine this point with certainty, on account of the great number
of islands which lie off the mouth of the river of Canton.
_Price of Provisions at Canton, 1780._
£ _s._ _d._
Ananas 0 4 0 a score.
Arrack 0 0 8 _per_ bottle.
Butter 0 2 4-4/5 _per_ catty.[79]
Beef, Canton 0 0 2-3/4
Ditto, Macao 0 0 5-1/5
Birds-nests 3 6 8
Biscuit 0 0 4
Beache de Mar 0 2 0-4/5
Calf 1 6 9-3/5 each.
Caravances, dried 0 0 2-2/5 _per_ catty.
Cabbage, Nankeen 0 0 4-4/5
Curry stuff 0 1 4
Coffee 0 1 4
Cocoa-nuts 0 0 4 each.
Charcoal 0 3 4 _per_ pecul.
Coxice 0 1 4 _per_ catty.
Canton nuts 0 0 4
Chesnuts 0 0 2-2/5
Cockles 0 0 3-1/5
Ducks 0 0 5-1/5
Ditto, wild 0 1 0-4/5 each.
Deers’ sinews 0 2 1-3/5 _per_ catty.
Eels 0 0 6-2/5
Eggs 0 2 0 _per_ hundred.
Fish, common 0 0 3-1/5 _per_ catty.
Ditto, best 0 0 6-2/5
Ditto salted, Nankeen 0 0 9-3/5
Fruit 0 0 1-3/5
Ditto, Nankeen 0 2 0
Frogs 0 0 6-2/5
Flour 0 0 1-76/100
Fowls, capons, &c. 0 0 7-1/5
Fish maws 0 2 1-3/5
Geese 0 0 6-2/5
Greens 0 0 1-3/4
Grass 0 0 2-2/5 _per_ bundle.
Grapes 0 1 0-4/5 _per_ catty.
Ham 0 1 2-2/5
Hartshorn 0 1 4
Hogs’ Lard 0 0 7-2/5
Hog, alive 0 0 4-3/4
Kid, alive 0 0 4-3/4
Limes 0 0 0-4/5
Litchis, dried 0 0 2-2/5
Locksoy 0 0 6-2/5
Lobchocks 0 0 5-3/5 _per_ catty.
Lamp oil 0 0 5-3/5
Lamp wick 0 0 8
Melons 0 0 4-4/5 each.
Milk 0 0 1-1/4 _per_ catty.
Ditto, Macao 0 0 3-1/5
Mustard seed 0 0 6-2/5
Mushrooms, pickled 0 2 8
Ditto, fresh 0 1 4
Oysters 0 3 4 _per_ pecul.
Onions, dried 0 0 2-2/5 _per_ catty.
Pork 0 0 7-1/7
Pig 0 0 5-3/5
Paddy 0 0 0-4/5
Pepper 0 1 0-4/5
Pheasants 0 5 4 each.
Partridges 0 0 9-3/5
Pigeons 0 0 5-1/5
Pomegranates 0 0 2-2/5
Quails 0 0 1-3/5
Rabbits 0 1 4
Rice 0 0 2 _per_ catty.
Ditto, red 0 0 2-2/5
Ditto, coarse 0 0 1-1/5
Ditto, Japan 0 0 8
Raisins 0 2 0
Sheep 3 6 8 each.
Snipes 0 0 1-1/2 _per_ catty.
Sturgeon 0 4 9-3/5
Ditto, small 0 2 4-4/5
Sugar 0 0 3-1/5
Salt 0 0 1-3/5
Saltpetre 0 2 1-3/5
Soy 0 0 1-3/5
Spices 0 16 8
Sweet-meats 0 0 6-2/5 _per_ catty.
Sago 0 0 3-1/5
Sallad 0 0 2-2/5
Sharks’ fins 0 2 1-3/5
Samsui soy 0 0 2-2/5
Teal 0 0 6-2/5 each.
Turtle 0 0 9-3/5 _per_ catty.
Tea 0 2 0
Turmeric 0 0 2-2/5
Tamarinds 0 0 8
Vinegar 0 0 1-3/5
Vermicelli 0 0 3-1/5
Wax candles 0 3 0
Walnuts 0 0 4-4/5
Wood 0 1 4 _per_ pecul.
Water 0 6 8 _per_ 100 B^s.
£ _s._ _d._
Rent of Poho Factory 400 0 0 _per annum._
---- of Lunsoon 316 13 4
Servants’ rice 0 8 0 _per_ month.
Ditto, wages 0 19 2-2/5 { _per_ month
{ for resiants.
_Doll._
Servants’ wages for the season 20
Stewards’ wages 80 _per annum._
Butlers’ ditto 80
_Prices of Labour._
£ _s._ _d._
A coolee, or porter 0 0 8 _per_ day.
A taylor 0 0 5 and rice.
A handicraftsman 0 0 8
A common labourer, from 0 0 3_d._ to 5_d._
A woman’s labour considerably cheaper.
CHAP. X.
LEAVE THE TYPA.—ORDERS OF THE COURT OF FRANCE RESPECTING CAPTAIN COOK.—
RESOLUTIONS IN CONSEQUENCE THEREOF.—STRIKE SOUNDINGS ON THE
MACCLESFIELD BANKS.—PASS PULO SAPATA.—STEER FOR PULO CONDORE.—ANCHOR
AT PULO CONDORE.—TRANSACTIONS DURING OUR STAY.—JOURNEY TO THE
PRINCIPAL TOWN.—RECEIVE A VISIT FROM A MANDARIN.—EXAMINE HIS LETTERS.—
REFRESHMENTS TO BE PROCURED.—DESCRIPTION AND PRESENT STATE OF THE
ISLAND.—ITS PRODUCE.—AN ASSERTION OF M. SONNERAT REFUTED.—ASTRONOMICAL
AND NAUTICAL OBSERVATIONS.
On the 12th of January, 1780, at noon, we unmoored, and scaled the guns,
which, on board my ship, now amounted to ten; so that, by means of four
additional ports, we could, if occasion required, fight seven on a side.
In like manner, the Resolution had increased the number of her guns from
twelve to sixteen; and, in both ships, a stout barricade was carried
round their upper works, and every other precaution taken to give our
small force as respectable an appearance as possible.
We thought it our duty to provide ourselves with these means of defence,
though we had some reason to believe, that the generosity of our enemies
had, in a great measure, rendered them superfluous. We were informed at
Canton, that the public prints, which had arrived last from England,
made mention of instructions having been found on board all the French
ships of war, captured in Europe, directing their commanders, in case of
falling in with the ships that sailed under the command of Captain Cook,
to suffer them to proceed on their voyage without molestation. The same
orders were also said to have been given by the American Congress to the
vessels employed in their service. As this intelligence was farther
confirmed by private letters of several of the supercargoes, Captain
Gore thought himself bound, in return for the liberal exceptions made in
our favour, to refrain from availing himself of any opportunities of
capture, which these might afford, and to preserve, throughout his
voyage, the strictest neutrality.
At two in the afternoon, having got under sail, the Resolution saluted
the fort of Macao with eleven guns, which was returned with the same
number. At five, the wind dropping, the ship missed stays, and drove
into shallow water; but, by carrying out an anchor, she was hauled off
without receiving the smallest damage. The weather continuing calm, we
were obliged to warp out into the entrance of the Typa, which we gained
by eight o’clock, and lay there till nine the next morning; when by the
help of a fresh breeze from the east, we stood to the southward between
Potoe and Wungboo.
At noon, we were saluted by a Swedish ship as she passed us on her way
to Europe. At four, the Ladrone bore east, distant two leagues. We now
steered south half-east, with a fresh breeze from the east-north-east,
without any occurrence worth remarking, till noon of the 15th; when,
being in latitude 18° 57ʹ, and longitude 114° 13ʹ, the wind veering to
the north, we directed our course half a point more to the eastward, in
order to strike soundings over the Macclesfield Bank. This we effected
at eight in the evening of the 16th, and found the depth of water to be
fifty fathoms, over a bottom of white sand and shells. This part of the
Macclesfield shoals we placed in latitude 15° 51ʹ, and longitude 114°
20ʹ; which agrees very exactly with the position given in Mr.
Dalrymple’s map, whose general accuracy, if it stood in need of any
support, was confirmed, in this instance, by a great number of lunar
observations, which we had an opportunity of making every day since we
left the Typa. The variation was found to be, in the forenoon, 0° 39ʹ W.
On the 17th, we had heavy gales from the east by north, with a rough
tumbling sea, and the weather overcast and boisterous. On the 18th, the
wind still continued to blow strong, and the sea to run high, we altered
our course to south-west, by south; and, at noon, being in latitude 12°
34ʹ, longitude 132°, we began to steer a point more to the westward for
Pulo Sapata, which we saw on the 19th, at four in the afternoon, bearing
north-west by west, about four leagues distant. This small, high, barren
island is called _Sapata_, from its resemblance of a shoe. Our
observations, compared with Mr. Bayly’s time-keeper, place it in
latitude 10° 4ʹ N., longitude 109° 10ʹ E. The gale had, at this time,
increased with such violence, and the sea ran so high, as to oblige us
to close-reef the top-sails. During the last three days, the ships had
outrun their reckoning at the rate of twenty miles a-day; and as we
could not attribute the whole of this to the effects of a following sea,
we imputed it in part to a current, which, according to my own
calculations, had set forty-two miles to the south south-west, between
the noon of the 19th and the noon of the 20th; and is taken into the
account in determining the situation of the island.
After passing Sapata, we steered to the westward; and at midnight
sounded, and had ground with fifty fathoms of line, over a fine sandy
bottom. In the morning of the 20th, the wind becoming more moderate, we
let out the reefs, and steered west by south for Pulo Condore. At noon
the latitude was 8° 46ʹ N., longitude 106° 45ʹ E.; and, at half-past
twelve, we got sight of the island, bearing west. At four, the extremes
of Pulo Condore, and the islands that lie off it, bore south-east and
south-west by west; our distance from the nearest islands being two
miles. We kept to the north of the islands, and stood for the harbour on
the south-west end of Condore, which having its entrance from the
north-west, is the best sheltered during the north-east monsoon. At six
we anchored, with the best bower, in six fathoms, veered away two-thirds
of the cable, and kept the ship steady with a stream anchor and cable to
the south-east. When moored, the extremes of the entrance of the harbour
bore north by west, and west north-west one quarter west; the opening at
the upper end south-east by east, three quarters east; our distance from
the nearest shore a quarter of a mile.
As soon as we were come to anchor, Captain Gore fired a gun, with a view
of apprising the natives of our arrival, and drawing them toward the
shore, but without effect. Early in the morning of the 21st, parties
were sent to cut wood, which was Captain Gore’s principal motive for
coming hither. In the afternoon, a sudden gust of wind broke the
stream-cable, by which the Discovery was riding, and obliged us to moor
with the bower anchors.
None of the natives having yet made their appearance, notwithstanding a
second gun had been fired, Captain Gore thought it advisable to land and
go in search of them, that no time might be lost in opening a trade for
such provisions as the place could afford. With this view he appointed
me to accompany him in the morning of the 22d; and, as the wind at this
time blew strong from the east, we did not think it prudent to coast in
our boats to the town, which is situated in the east side of the island,
but rowed round the north point of the harbour. We had proceeded about
two miles along the shore, when observing a road that led into a wood,
we landed. Here I quitted Captain Gore, taking with me a midshipman and
four armed sailors, and pursued the path which seemed to point directly
across the island. We proceeded through a thick wood up a steep hill, to
the distance of a mile, when, after descending through a wood of the
same extent, on the other side, we came out into a flat, open, sandy
country, interspersed with cultivated spots of rice and tobacco, and
groves of cabbage palm-trees, and cocoa-nut trees. We here spied two
huts situated on the edge of the wood, to which we directed our course;
and before we came up to them were descried by two men, who immediately
ran away from us, notwithstanding all the peaceable and supplicating
gestures we could devise.
On reaching the huts I ordered the party to stay without, lest the sight
of so many armed men should terrify the inhabitants, whilst I entered
and reconnoitred alone. I found in one of the huts an elderly man who
was in a great fright, and preparing to make off with the most valuable
of his effects that he could carry. However, I was fortunate enough, in
a very little time, so entirely to dispel his fears, that he came out
and called to the two men who were running away to return. The old man
and I now soon came to a perfect understanding. A few signs,
particularly that most significant one of holding out a handful of
dollars, and then pointing to a herd of buffaloes, and the fowls that
were running about the huts in great numbers, left him without any
doubts as to the real objects of our visit. He pointed toward a place
where the town stood, and made us comprehend that, by going thither, all
our wants would be supplied. By this time the young men who had fled
were returned, and the old man ordered one of them to conduct us to the
town as soon as an obstacle should be removed, of which we were not
aware. On our first coming out of the wood, a herd of buffaloes, to the
number of twenty at least, came running toward us, tossing up their
heads, snuffing the air, and roaring in a hideous manner. They had
followed us to the huts, and stood drawn up in a body at a little
distance; and the old man made us understand that it would be
exceedingly dangerous for us to move till they were driven into the
woods; but so enraged were the animals grown at the sight of us, that
this was not effected without a good deal of time and difficulty. The
men not being able to accomplish it, we were surprized to see them call
to their assistance a few little boys who soon drove them out of sight.
Afterward we had occasion to observe, that in driving these animals and
securing them, which is done by putting a rope through a hole which is
made in their nostrils, little boys were always employed, who could
stroke and handle them with impunity at times when the men durst not
approach them. Having got rid of the buffaloes, we were conducted to the
town, which was at a mile’s distance, the road to it lying through a
deep white sand. It is situated near the sea-side, at the bottom of a
retired bay, which must afford a safe road-stead during the prevalence
of the south-west monsoons.
This town consists of between twenty and thirty houses, built close
together; besides six or seven others that are scattered about the
beach. The roof, the two ends, and the side fronting the country, are
neatly constructed of reeds; the opposite side, facing the sea, is
entirely open; but, by means of a sort of bamboo screens, they can
exclude or let in as much of the sun and air as they please. We observed
likewise other large screens or partitions for the purpose of dividing,
as occasion required, the single room of which the house, properly
speaking, consists, into separate apartments.
We were conducted to the largest house in the town belonging to their
chief, or, as they called him, their captain. This house had a room at
each end, separated by a partition of reeds from the middle space, which
was open on both sides, and provided with partition-screens like the
others. It had, besides, a penthouse projecting four or five feet beyond
the roof, and running the whole length on each side. At each end of the
middle room were hung some Chinese paintings, representing men and women
in ludicrous attitudes. In this apartment we were civilly desired to
seat ourselves on mats, and _betel_ was presented to us.
By means of my money, and pointing at different objects in sight, I had
no difficulty in making a man, who seemed to be the principal person of
the company, comprehend the main business of our errand; and I as
readily understood from him that the chief or captain was absent, but
would soon return, and that, without his consent, no purchases of any
kind could be made. We availed ourselves of the opportunity which this
circumstance afforded us to walk about the town; and did not forget to
search, though in vain, for the remains of a fort, which had been built
by our countrymen near the spot we were now upon in 1702.[80]
On returning to the captain’s house, we were sorry to find that he was
not yet arrived, and the more so, as the time was almost elapsed which
Captain Gore had fixed for our return to the boat. The natives were
desirous we should lengthen our stay; they even proposed our passing the
night there, and offered to accommodate us in the best manner in their
power. I had observed when we were in the house before, and now remarked
it the more, that the man I have mentioned above, frequently retired
into one of the end rooms, and staid there some little time before he
answered the questions that were put to him; which led me to suspect
that the captain was all the time there, though, for reasons best known
to himself, he did not choose to appear; and I was confirmed in this
opinion by being stopped as I was attempting to go into the room. At
length, it clearly appeared that my suspicions were well founded; for,
on our preparing to depart, the person who had so often passed in and
out, came from the room with a paper in his hand, and gave it to me to
read; and I was not a little surprised to find it a sort of certificate
in French as follows:
PIERRE JOSEPH GEORGE, Evêque d’Adran, Vicaire Apost. de Cochin China,
&c. &c.
Le petit _Mandarin_, porteur de cet écrit, est véritablement envoyé de
la cour à Pulo Condore, pour y attendre et recevoir tout vaisseau
Européen qui auroit sa destination d’approcher ici. Le capitaine, en
consequence, pourroit se fier ou pour conduire le vaisseau au port, ou
pour faire passer les nouvelles qu’il pourroit croire nécessaire.
PIERRE JOSEPH GEORGE,
Evêque d’Adran.
A SAI-GON,
10 d’Août, 1779.
We returned the paper, with many protestations of our being the
_Mandarin’s_ good friends; begging he might be informed that we hoped he
would do us the favour to visit the ships, that we might convince him of
it. We now took our leave, well satisfied, on the whole, with what had
passed, but full of conjectures about this extraordinary French paper.
Three of the natives offered their services to accompany us back, which
we readily accepted, and returned by the way we came. Captain Gore felt
peculiar satisfaction at seeing us; for, as we had exceeded our time
near an hour, he began to be alarmed for our safety, and was preparing
to march after us. He and his party had, during our absence, been
profitably employed in loading the boat with the cabbage-palm, which
abounds in this bay. Our guides were made exceedingly happy, on our
presenting them with a dollar each for their trouble, and intrusting to
their care a bottle of rum for the _Mandarin_. One of them chose to
accompany us on board.
At two in the afternoon we joined the ships, and several of our shooting
parties returned about the same time from the woods, having had little
success, though they saw a great variety of birds and animals, some of
which will be hereafter noticed.
At five, a _proa_ with six men rowed up to the ship, from the upper end
of the harbour, and a decent-looking personage introduced himself to
Captain Gore with an ease and good breeding, which convinced us his time
had been spent in other company than what this island afforded. He
brought with him the French paper above transcribed, and said he was the
_Mandarin_ mentioned in it. He spoke a few Portugueze words, but as none
of us were acquainted with this language, we were obliged to have
recourse to a black man on board, who could speak the Malay, which is
the general language of these islanders, and was understood by the
_Mandarin_. After a little previous conversation, he declared to us,
that he was a Christian, and had been baptized by the name of Luco; that
he had been sent hither in August last, from Sai-gon, the capital of
Cochin China, and had since waited in expectation of some French ships,
which he was to pilot to a safe port, not more than a day’s sail hence,
upon the coast of Cochin China. We acquainted him, that we were not
French, but English, and asked him whether he did not know that these
two nations were now at war with one another? He made answer in the
affirmative; but, at the same time, signified to us, that it was
indifferent to him to what nation the ships he was instructed to wait
for belonged, provided their object was to trade with the people of
Cochin China. He here produced another paper, which he desired us to
read. This was a letter sealed and directed, “To the captains of any
European vessels that may touch at Condore.” Although we apprehended
that this letter was designed for French ships in particular, yet as the
direction included all European captains, and as Luco was desirous of
our perusing it, we broke the seal, and found it to be written by the
bishop who wrote the certificate. Its contents were as follows: “That
having reason to expect, by some late intelligence from Europe, that a
vessel would soon come to Cochin China, he had, in consequence of this
news, got the court to send a _Mandarin_ (the bearer) to Pulo Condore,
to wait its arrival; that if the vessel should put in there, the
commander might either send by the bearer an account to him of his
arrival, or trust himself to the _Mandarin_, who would pilot him into a
well-sheltered port in Cochin China, not more than a day’s sail from
Condore; that should he choose to remain in Condore, till the return of
the messenger, proper interpreters would be sent back, and any other
assistance, which a letter should point out, be furnished; that it was
unnecessary to be more particular, of which the captain himself must be
sensible.” This letter had the same date as the certificate, and was
returned to Luco again, without any copy being taken.
From this letter, and the whole of Luco’s conversation, there remained
little doubt that it was a French ship he was to expect. At the same
time, we found he would be glad not to lose his errand, and had no
objection to become our pilot. We could not discover from the
_Mandarin_, the exact object and business which the vessel he was
waiting for intended to prosecute in Cochin China. It is true, that our
interpreter, the black, was extremely dull and stupid; and I should,
therefore, be sorry, with such imperfect means of information, to run
the risk of misleading the reader by any conjectures of my own,
respecting the object of Luco’s visit to this island. I shall only add,
that he told us the French ships might perhaps have put into Tirnon, and
from thence sail to Cochin China; and, as he had received no
intelligence of them, he thought this most likely to have been the case.
Captain Gore’s inquiries were next directed to find out what supplies
could be obtained from the island. Luco said, that he had two buffaloes
of his own, which were at our service; and that there were plenty on the
island, which might be purchased for four or five dollars a head; but
finding that Captain Gore thought that sum exceedingly moderate, and
would willingly give for them a much greater, the price was afterwards
raised upon us to seven and eight dollars.
Early in the morning of the 23d, the launches of both ships were sent to
the town, to fetch the buffaloes which we had given orders to be
purchased; but they were obliged to wait, till it was high-water, as
they could at no other time get through the opening at the head of the
harbour. On their arrival at the village, they found the surf breaking
on the beach with such force, that it was with the utmost difficulty
each launch brought a buffalo on board in the evening, and the officers,
who were sent on this service, gave it as their opinion, that between
the violence of the surf, and the fierceness of the buffaloes, it would
be extremely imprudent to attempt bringing any more off in this way. We
had purchased eight, and were now at a loss in what manner to proceed to
get them on board. We could kill no more than was just necessary for the
consumption of one day, as in this climate meat will not keep till the
next. After consulting with Luco, it was concluded, that the remainder
should be driven through the wood, and over the hill down to the bay,
where Captain Gore and I had landed the day before, which being
sheltered from the wind, was more free from surf. This plan was
accordingly put in execution, but the untractableness and prodigious
strength of the buffaloes, rendered it a tedious and difficult
operation. The method of conducting them was, by passing ropes through
their nostrils, and round their horns; but having been once enraged at
the sight of our men, they became so furious, that they sometimes broke
the trees, to which we were often under the necessity of tying them;
sometimes they tore asunder the cartilage of the nostril, through which
the ropes ran, and got loose. On these occasions, all the exertions of
our men to recover them, would have been ineffectual, without the
assistance of some young boys, whom these animals would permit to
approach them, and by whose little managements their rage was soon
appeased. And, when at length they were got down to the beach, it was by
their aid, in twisting ropes round their legs, in the manner they were
directed, that we were enabled to throw them down, and by that means to
get them into the boats. A circumstance, respecting these animals, which
I thought no less singular than this gentleness toward, and, as it
should seem, affection for little children, was, that they had not been
twenty-four hours on board, before they became the tamest of all
creatures. I kept two of them, a male and female, for a considerable
time, which became great favourites with the sailors; and thinking that
a breed of animals of such strength and size, some of them weighing,
when dressed, seven hundred pounds’ weight, would be a valuable
acquisition, I was inclined to have brought them with me to England; but
my intention was frustrated by an incurable hurt that one of them
received at sea.
It was not till the 28th, that the buffaloes were all got on board;
however, there was no reason to regret the time taken up by this
service, since, in the interim, two wells of excellent water had been
discovered, of which, as also of wood, part of the ships’ companies had
been employed in laying in a good supply; so that a shorter stop would
be necessary for replenishing our stock of these articles, in the Strait
of Sunda. A party had likewise been occupied in drawing the seine at the
head of the harbour, where they took a great many good fish; and another
party in cutting down the cabbage-palm, which was boiled, and served out
with the meat. Besides this, having been able to procure only a scanty
supply of cordage at Macao, the repairing of our rigging was become an
object of constant attention, and demanded all our spare time.
Pulo Condore is high and mountainous, and surrounded by several smaller
islands, some of which are less than one, and others two miles distant.
It takes its name from two Malay words, _Pulo_, signifying an island,
and _Condore_, a calabash, of which it produces great quantities. It is
of the form of a crescent, extending near eight miles from the
southernmost point, in a north-east direction; but its breadth no where
exceeds two miles. From the westernmost extremity, the land trends to
the south-east for about four miles; and opposite to this part of the
coast there is an island, called by Monsieur D’Après[81] _Little
Condore_, which runs two miles in the same direction. This position of
the two islands affords a safe and commodious harbour, the entrance into
which is from the north-west. The distance between the two opposite
coasts is three-quarters of a mile, exclusive of a border of coral rock,
which runs down along each side, extending about one hundred yards from
the shore. The anchorage is very good, from eleven to five fathoms’
water, but the bottom is so soft and clayey, that we found great
difficulty in weighing our anchors. Toward the bottom of the harbour
there is shallow water for about half a mile, beyond which the two
islands approach so near each other, as to leave only a passage at high
water for boats. The most convenient place for watering is at a beach on
the eastern side, where there is a small stream which furnished us with
fourteen or fifteen tons of water a-day.
This island, both with respect to animal and vegetable productions, is
considerably improved since the time when Dampier visited it. Neither
that writer, nor the compiler of the East India Directory, make mention
of any other quadrupeds than hogs, which are said to be very scarce,
lizards, and the guanoes; and the latter, on the authority of Monsieur
Dedier, a French engineer, who surveyed the island about the year 1720,
says, that none of the fruits and esculent plants, so common in the
other parts of India, are to be found here, except water-melons, a few
potatoes, small gourds, _chibbols_ (a small species of onion), and
little black beans. At present, besides the buffaloes, of which we
understood there were several large herds, we purchased from the natives
some remarkably fine fat hogs, of the Chinese breed. They brought us
three or four of a wild sort; and our sportsmen reported, that they
frequently met with their tracks in the woods, which also abound with
monkeys and squirrels, but so shy, that it was difficult to shoot them.
One species of the squirrel was of a beautiful shining black colour, and
another species striped brown and white. This is called the
flying-squirrel, from being provided with a thin membrane, resembling a
bat’s wing, extending on each side the belly, from the neck to the
thighs, which, on stretching out their legs, spreads, and enables them
to fly from tree to tree, at a considerable distance. Lizards were in
great abundance; but I do not know that any of us saw the guano, and
another animal, described by Dampier[82] as resembling the guano, only
much larger.
Amongst its vegetable improvements, I have already mentioned the fields
of rice we passed through; and plantains, various kinds of pompions,
cocoa-nuts, oranges, shaddocks, and pomegranates, were also met with;
though, except the plantains and shaddocks, in no great abundance.
It is probable, from what has been already said relative to the bishop
of Adran, that the French have introduced these improvements, into the
island, for the purpose of making it a more convenient refreshing
station for any of their ships that may be bound for Cambodia, or Cochin
China. Should they have made, or intend to make, any settlement in those
countries, it is certainly well situated for that purpose, or for
annoying the trade of their enemies, in case of war.
Our sportsmen were very unsuccessful in their pursuit of the feathered
game, with which the woods are well stocked. One of our gentlemen had
the good fortune to shoot a wild hen; and all the shooting parties
agreed that they heard the crowing of the cocks on every side, which
they described to be like that of our common cock, but shriller; that
they saw several of them on the wing, but that they were exceedingly
shy. The hen that was shot was of a speckled colour, and of the same
shape, though not quite so large, as a full grown pullet of this
country. Monsieur Sonnerat has entered into a long dissertation, to
prove that he was the first person who determined the country to which
this most beautiful and useful bird belongs, and denies that Dampier met
with it here.
The land in the neighbourhood of the harbour is a continued high hill,
richly adorned with a variety of fine tall trees, from the summit to the
water’s edge. Among others, we observed what Dampier calls the
tar-tree[83]; but observed none that were tapped in the manner he
describes.
The inhabitants, who are fugitives from Cambodia and Cochin China, are
not numerous. They are of a short stature, and very swarthy, and of a
weak and unhealthy aspect; but, as far as we could judge, of a gentle
disposition.
We remained here till the 28th of January; and, at taking leave of the
_Mandarin_, Captain Gore, at his own request, gave him a letter of
recommendation to the commanders of any other ships that might put in
here; to which he added a handsome present. He likewise gave him a
letter for the bishop of Adran, together with a telescope, which he
begged might be presented to him as a compliment for the services he had
received through his means at Condore.
The harbour at Pulo Condore is in latitude 8° 40ʹ 00ʺ N.
Longitude, deduced from a great number of
lunar observations, 106 18 46 E.
Dip of the north pole of the magnetic needle, 2 1 0
Variation of the compass, 0 14 0 W.
High water at the full and change of the moon, 4^h 16^m apparent
time.
From this time, the water continued for twelve hours without any visible
alteration, viz. till 16^h 15^m apparent time, when it began to ebb; and
at 22^h 15^m apparent time, it was low water. The change from ebbing to
flowing was very quick, or in less than 5^m. The water rose and fell
seven feet four inches perpendicular; and every day the same whilst we
continued there.
CHAP. XI.
DEPARTURE FROM PULO CONDORE.—PASS THE STRAITS OF BANCA.—VIEW OF THE
ISLAND OF SUMATRA.—STRAITS OF SUNDA.—OCCURRENCES THERE.—DESCRIPTION OF
THE ISLAND OF CRACATOA.—PRINCE’S ISLAND.—EFFECTS OF THE CLIMATE OF
JAVA.—RUN TO THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.—TRANSACTIONS THERE.—DESCRIPTION OF
FALSE BAY.—PASSAGE TO THE ORKNEYS.—GENERAL REFLECTIONS.
On the 28th day of January 1780, we unmoored; and, as soon as we were
clear of the harbour, steered south south-west for Pulo Timoan. On the
30th, at noon, the latitude, by observation, being 5° 0ʹ N., and
longitude 104° 45ʹ E. we altered our course to south three quarters
west, having a moderate breeze from the north-east, accompanied by fair
weather. At two in the morning of the 31st, we had soundings of
forty-five fathoms, over a bottom of fine white sand; at which time our
latitude was 4° 4ʹ N., longitude 104° 29ʹ E., and the variation of the
compass 0° 31ʹ E.
At one in the afternoon, we saw Pulo Timoan; and, at three, it bore
south south-west, three quarters west, distant ten miles. This island is
high and woody, and has several small ones lying off to the westward. At
five, Pulo Puisang was seen bearing south by east three quarters east;
and, at nine, the weather being thick and hazy, and having out-run our
reckoning from the effect of some current, we were close upon Pulo Aor,
in latitude 2° 46ʹ N., longitude 104° 37ʹ E., before we were well aware
of it, which obliged us to haul the wind to the east south-east. We kept
this course till midnight, and then bore away south south-east for the
Straits of Banca.
On the 1st of February, at noon, our latitude, by observation, was 1°
20ʹ N., and the longitude, deduced from a great number of lunar
observations taken in the course of the preceding twelve hours, 105° E.
At the same time, the longitude, by Mr. Bayly’s time-keeper, corrected,
was 105° 15ʹ E. We now steered south by east; and, at sun-set, having
fine clear weather, saw Pulo Panjang; the body of the island bearing
west north-west, and the small islands, lying on the south-east of it,
west half south, seven leagues distant. Our latitude, at this time, was
0° 53ʹ N.
On the 2d, at eight in the morning, we tried for soundings, continuing
to do the same every hour, till we had passed the Straits of Sunda, and
found the bottom with twenty-three fathoms of line. At noon, being in
latitude, by observation, 0° 22ʹ S., longitude 105° 14ʹ E., and our
soundings twenty fathoms, we came in sight of the little islands called
Dominis, which lie off the eastern part of Lingen; and which bore from
north 62° W., to north 80° W., five leagues distant. At this time we
passed a great deal of wood, drifting on the sea; and, at one o’clock,
we saw Pulo Taya, bearing south-west by west, distant seven leagues. It
is a small high island, with two round peaks, and two detached rocks
lying off it to the northward. When abreast of this island, we had
soundings of fifteen fathoms. During this and the preceding day, we saw
great quantities of a reddish coloured scum or spawn, floating on the
water, in a southerly direction.
At day-light, on the 3d, we came in sight of the Three Islands; and,
soon after, of Monopin Hill, on the island of Banca. At noon, this hill,
which forms the north-east point of the entrance of the Straits, bore
south-east half south, distant six leagues; our latitude, by
observation, being 1° 48ʹ S., and longitude 105° 3ʹ E., the soundings
seventeen fathoms, and no perceivable variation in the compass.
Having got to the westward of the shoal, called Frederick Endric, at
half past two we entered the Straits, and bore away to the southward;
and, in the afternoon, Monopin Hill bearing due east, we determined its
latitude to be 2° 3ʹ S., the same as in Mons. D’Après’ map, and its
longitude 105° 18ʹ E. At nine, a boat came off from the Banca shore, and
having rowed round the ships, went away again. We hailed her in the
Malay tongue to come on board, but received no answer. At midnight,
finding a strong tide against us, we anchored in twelve fathoms, Monopin
Hill bearing north 29° W.
On the 4th, in the morning, after experiencing some difficulty in
weighing our anchors, owing to the stiff tenacious quality of the
ground, we proceeded with the tide down the Straits; the little wind we
had from the northward dying away as the day advanced. At noon, there
being a perfect calm, and the tide making against us, we dropt our
anchor in thirteen fathoms’ water, about three miles from what is called
the Third Point, on the Sumatra, shore; Monopin Hill bearing N. 54° W.
The latitude, by observation, was 2° 22ʹ S., longitude 105° 38ʹ E. At
three, in the afternoon, we weighed and stood on through the Straits
with a light breeze; and, at eight, were abreast of the second point,
and passed it within two miles, in seventeen fathoms’ water, a
sufficient proof, that this point may be bordered upon with safety. At
midnight, we again came to anchor, on account of the tide, in thirteen
fathoms, Mount Permissang, on the island of Banca, bearing N. 7° E., and
the First Point S. 54° E., distant about three leagues.
In the morning of the 5th, we weighed, and kept on to the south-east;
and, at ten, passed a small shoal, lying in a line with Lusepara and the
First Point, at the distance of five miles from the latter. At noon, the
island of Lusepara, bearing S. 57-1/2° E., four miles distant, we
determined its latitude to be 3° 10-1/2ʹ S., and longitude 106° 15ʹ E.
The difference of longitude between the island Lusepara, which lies in
the south entrance of the Straits of Banca, and Monopin Hill, which
forms one side of the entrance from the north, we found to be 55ʹ, which
is only two miles less than what is given in D’Après’ chart.
In passing these Straits, the coast of Sumatra may be approached
somewhat closer than that of Banca. At the distance of two or three
miles from the shore, there are ten, eleven, twelve, or thirteen
fathoms, free from rocks or shoals; however, the lead is the surest
guide. The country is covered with wood down to the water’s edge, and
the shores are so low, that the sea overflows the land, and washes the
trunks of the trees. To this flat and marshy situation of the shore, we
may attribute those thick fogs and vapours, which we perceived every
morning, not without dread and horror, hanging over the island, till
they were dispersed by the rays of the sun. The shores of Banca are much
bolder, and the country inland rises to a moderate height, and appears
to be well wooded throughout. We often saw fires on this island during
the night time; but none on the opposite shore. The tide runs through
the Straits at the rate of between two and three knots an hour.
In the morning of the 6th, we passed to the westward of Lusepara, at the
distance of four or five miles; generally carrying soundings of five and
six fathoms’ water, and never less than four. We afterward steered south
by east; and having brought Lusepara to bear due north, and deepened our
water to seven fathoms, we altered our course to south by west, keeping
the lead going, and hauling out a little, whenever we shoaled our water.
The soundings on the Sumatra side we still found to be regular, and
gradually shoaling, as we approached the shore. At five in the afternoon
we saw the Three Sisters, bearing south by west half west; and, at
seven, we came to an anchor in ten fathoms, about eight miles to the
north of the islands. The weather was close and sultry, with light
winds, generally from the north-west; but sometimes varying round as far
as the north-east; and, during the night, we observed much lightning
over Sumatra.
We weighed the next morning at five, and at eight were close in with the
Sisters. These are two very small islands, well covered with wood, lying
in latitude 5° 0-1/2ʹ S., longitude 106° 12ʹ E., nearly north and south
from each other, and surrounded by a reef of coral rocks; the whole
circumference of which is about four or five miles. At noon we got sight
of the island of Java to the southward; the north-west extremity of
which (Cape St. Nicholas) bore south; North Island, on the Sumatra
shore, S. 27° W., and the Sisters north, 27° E., distant four leagues;
our latitude was 5° 21ʹ S., longitude 105° 57ʹ E.
At four in the afternoon, we saw two sail in the Straits of Sundy; one
lying at anchor near the Mid-channel Island; the other nearer the Java
shore. Not knowing to what nation they might belong, we cleared our
ships for action; and at six came to an anchor in twenty-five fathoms,
four miles east by south from North Island. Here we lay all night, and
had very heavy thunder and lightning to the north-west; from which
quarter the wind blew in light breezes, accompanied with hard rain.
At eight o’clock the next morning, we weighed, and proceeded through the
Straits, the tide setting to the southward, as it had done all night;
but about ten the breeze failing, we came to again in thirty-five
fathoms; a high island, or rather rock, called the Grand Toque, bearing
south by east. We were, at this time, not more than two miles from the
ships, which now hoisting Dutch colours, Captain Gore sent a boat on
board for intelligence. The rain still continued with thunder and
lightning.
Early in the afternoon, the boat returned with an account that the large
ship was a Dutch East-Indiaman, bound for Europe; and the other a packet
from Batavia, with orders for the several ships lying in the Straits. It
is the custom for the Dutch ships, as soon as their lading is nearly
completed, to leave Batavia, on account of its extreme unwholesomeness,
and proceed to some of the more healthy islands in the Straits, where
they wait for the remainder of their cargo, and their dispatches.
Notwithstanding this precaution, the Indiaman had lost, since her
departure from Batavia, four men, and had as many more whose recovery
was despaired of. She had lain here a fortnight, and was now about to
proceed to water at Cracatoa, having just received final orders by the
packet.
At seven in the morning of the 9th, we weighed, and stood on through the
Straits to the south-west, keeping pretty close in with the islands on
the Sumatra shore, in order to avoid a rock near Mid-channel Island,
which lay on our left. At half after ten, I received orders from Captain
Gore to make sail toward a Dutch ship which now hove in sight to the
southward, and which we supposed to be from Europe; and, according to
the nature of the intelligence we could procure from her, either to join
him at Cracatoa, where he intended to stop, for the purpose of supplying
the ships with arrack, or to proceed to the south-east end of Prince’s
Island, and there take in our water, and wait for him.
I accordingly bore down toward the Dutch ship, which, soon after, came
to an anchor to the eastward; when the wind slackening, and the current
still setting very strong through the strait to the south-west, we found
it impossible to fetch her, and having, therefore, got as near her as
the tide would permit, we also dropped anchor. I immediately dispatched
Mr. Williamson, in the cutter, with orders to get on board her if
possible; but as she lay near a mile off, and the tide ran with great
rapidity, we soon perceived, that the boat was dropping fast astern. We
therefore made the signal to return, and immediately began to veer away
the cable, and sent out a buoy astern, in order to assist him in getting
on board again. Our poverty, in the article of cordage, was here very
conspicuous; for we had not a single coil of rope, in the store-room, to
fix to the buoy, but were obliged to set about unreeving the
studding-sail gear, the top-sail-halliards, and tackle-falls, for that
purpose; and the boat was at this time driving to the southward so fast,
that it was not before we had veered away two cables, and almost all our
running rigging, that she could fetch the buoy.
I was now under the necessity of waiting till the strength of the tide
should abate, which did not happen till the next morning, when Mr.
Williamson got on board the ship, and learnt, that she had been seven
months from Europe, and three from the Cape of Good Hope; that before
she sailed, France and Spain had declared war against Great Britain; and
that she left Sir Edward Hughes, with a squadron of men-of-war, and a
fleet of East-India ships, at the Cape. Mr. Williamson having, at the
same time, been informed, that the water at Cracatoa was very good, and
always preferred, by the Dutch ships, to that of Prince’s Island, I
resolved to rejoin the Resolution at the former place; and a fair breeze
springing up, we weighed and stood over toward the island, where we soon
after saw her at anchor; but the wind falling, and the tide setting
strong against us, I was obliged to drop anchor, at the distance of
about five miles from the Resolution, and immediately sent a boat on
board, to acquaint Captain Gore with the intelligence we had received.
As soon as the Resolution saw us preparing to come to, she fired her
guns, and hoisted an English jack at the ensign staff, the signal at sea
to lead ahead. This we afterward understood was intended to prevent our
anchoring, on account of the foul ground, which the maps she had on
board placed here. However, as we found none, having a muddy bottom, and
good holding ground, in sixty fathoms water, we kept fast till the
return of the boat, which brought orders to proceed the next morning to
Prince’s Island. We were at this time two miles distant from the shore;
the peak of Cracatoa bore north-west by north; Bantam Point east
north-east half east; Prince’s Island south-west by west.
The island of Cracatoa is the southernmost of a group situated in the
entrance of the Straits of Sunda. It has a high-peaked hill on the south
end[84], which lies in latitude 6° 9ʹ S., and longitude 105° 15ʹ E.; the
whole circuit of the island is not more than three leagues. Off the
north-east end lies a small island, which forms the road where the
Resolution anchored; and within a reef that runs off the south end of
the latter, there is good shelter against all northerly winds, with
eighteen fathoms water near the reef, and twenty-seven in the
mid-channel. To the north-west, there is a narrow pass for boats between
the two islands.
The shore, which forms the western side of the road, is in a north-west
direction, and has a bank of coral stretching into the sea, about one
third of a cable’s length, which makes the landing difficult for boats,
except at high water; but the anchoring ground is very good, and free
from rocks. The place where the Resolution watered is a small spring,
situated abreast of the south end of the small island, at a short
distance from the water-side. A little to the southward, there is a very
hot spring, which is used by the natives as a bath. Whilst we were lying
off the south end of this island, we sent a boat with the Master on
shore, to look for water; but after having landed with some difficulty,
he returned unsuccessful.
Cracatoa is esteemed very healthy, in comparison of the neighbouring
countries. It consists of high land, rising gradually on all sides from
the sea; and the whole is covered with trees, except a few spots which
the natives have cleared for rice fields. The number of people on the
island is very inconsiderable. Their chief, as are those of all the
other islands in the Straits, is subject to the king of Bantam. The
coral reefs afford plenty of small turtles; but other refreshments are
very scarce, and sold at an enormous price.
Latitude of the road where the Resolution
anchored, 8° 6ʹ south.
Longitude, by Mr. Bayly’s time-keeper, 104 48 east.
Ditto, by observation 105 36 east.
Dip of the south end of the magnetic needle 26 3
Variation of the compass, 1 0 west.
On the full and change days, it is high-water at 7^h in the morning. The
water rises three feet two inches perpendicular.
At eight o’clock in the evening, it began to blow fresh from the
westward, with violent thunder, lightning, and rain; and at three the
next morning, we weighed and stood over for Prince’s Island, but the
westerly wind dying away, was succeeded by a breeze from the south-east,
and, at the same time, a strong tide setting to the south-west prevented
our fetching the island, and obliged us, at two in the afternoon, to
drop anchor in sixty-five fathoms, over a muddy bottom, at three leagues
distance from it; the high hill bearing south-west by south, and the
peak on Cracatoa north by east. We had light airs and calms till six
next morning, when we weighed and made sail, having, in our endeavours
to heave the anchor out of the ground, twice broken the old messenger,
and afterward a new one, cut out of our best hawser. This, however, was
entirely owing to the wretched state of our cordage, as the strain was
not very considerable, and we had besides assisted the cable in coming
in, by clapping the cat-tackle on it. The wind continuing fair, at noon
we came to an anchor off the south-east end of Prince’s Island, in
twenty-six fathoms, over a sandy bottom; the east end of the island
bearing north north-east, the southernmost point in sight south-west by
south, the high peak north-west half west, distant from the nearest
shore half a mile.
As soon as we had come to anchor, Lieutenant Lannyon, who had been here
before with Captain Cook, in the year 1770 was sent along with the
master, to look for the watering-place. The brook from which, according
to the best of his recollection, the Endeavour had been supplied, was
found quite salt. Further inland, they saw a dry bed, where the water
seemed to have lodged in rainy seasons; and, about a cable’s length
below, another run, supplied from an extensive pool, the bottom of
which, as well as the surface, was covered with dead leaves. This,
though a little brackish, being much preferable to the other, we began
watering here early the next morning, and finished the same day.
The natives, who came to us soon after we anchored, brought a plentiful
supply of large fowls, and some turtles; but the last were for the most
part very small. In the course of the night we had heavy rain; and on
the 14th, at day-light, we saw the Resolution to the northward, standing
toward the island, and at two in the afternoon, she dropt anchor close
to us. In the course of the day, we heeled the ship, and scrubbed and
hogged her bottom, which was very foul; and got ready for sea.
The next day, Captain Gore not having completed his stock of water at
Cracatoa, sent his men on shore, who now found the brook that was first
mentioned, rendered perfectly sweet by the rain, and flowing in great
abundance. This being too valuable a treasure to be neglected, I gave
orders, that all the casks we had filled before should be started, and
replenished with the fresh water, which was accordingly done before noon
the next day; and in the evening, we cleared the decks, and both ships
were ready for sea.
In the forenoon of the 18th, we had heavy rains, and variable winds,
which prevented our getting under weigh till two in the afternoon, when
a light wind sprung up from the northward; but this soon after leaving
us, we were obliged to drop our anchor again at eight o’clock that
night, in fifty fathoms’ water, and wait till the same hour the next
morning. At that time, being favoured by a breeze from the north-west,
we broke ground, to our inexpressible satisfaction, for the last time in
the Straits of Sunda, and, the next day, had entirely lost sight of
Prince’s Island.
This island having been already described by Captain Cook, in the
history of a former voyage, I shall only add, that we were exceedingly
struck with the great general resemblance of the natives, both in
figure, colour, manners, and even language, to the nations we had been
so much conversant with, in the South Seas. The effects of the Javanese
climate, and I did not escape without my full share of it, made me
incapable of pursuing the comparison so minutely as I could have wished.
The country abounds with wood to such a degree, that notwithstanding the
quantity cut down every year by the ships which put into the road, there
is no appearance of its diminution. We were well supplied with small
turtle and fowls of a moderate size; the last were sold at the rate of
ten for a Spanish dollar. The natives also brought us many hog-deer, and
a prodigious number of monkeys, to our great annoyance, as most of our
sailors provided themselves with one, if not two of these troublesome
animals.
As we should have met with some difficulty in finding the
watering-place, if Mr. Lannyon had not been with us, it may be worth
while, for the use of future navigators, to describe its situation more
particularly. The peaked hill on the island bears from it north-west by
north; a remarkable tree growing upon a coral reef, and quite detached
from the neighbouring shrubs, stands just to the northward; and, close
by it, there is a small plot of reedy grass, the only piece of the kind
that can be seen hereabout. These marks will show the place where the
pool empties itself into the sea; but the water here is generally salt
as well as that which is in the pool. The casks must, therefore, be
filled about fifty yards higher up; where, in dry seasons, the fresh
water that comes down from the hills is lost among the leaves, and must
be searched for by clearing them away.
The latitude of the anchoring-place } 6° 36ʹ 15ʺ S.
at Prince’s Island was, }
Longitude, 105 17 30 E.
Dip of the south pole of the } 28 15 0
magnetic needle, }
Variation of the compass, 0 54 0 W.
Mean of the thermometer, 83 0-1/2 0
From the time of our entering the Straits of Banca, we began to
experience the powerful effects of this pestilential climate. Two of our
people fell dangerously ill of malignant putrid fevers; which, however,
we prevented from spreading, by putting the patients apart from the
rest, in the most airy births. Many were attacked with teazing coughs;
others complained of violent pains in the head; and even the healthiest
among us felt a sensation of suffocating heat, attended by an
insufferable languor, and a total loss of appetite. But though our
situation was, for a time, thus uneasy and alarming, we had, at last,
the singular satisfaction of escaping from these fatal seas without the
loss of a single life; a circumstance which was probably owing in part
to the vigorous health of the crews when we first arrived here, as well
as to the strict attention now become habitual in our men, to the
salutary regulations introduced amongst us by Captain Cook.
On our leaving Prince’s Island, and during the whole time of our run
from thence to the Cape of Good Hope, the crew of the Resolution was in
a much more sickly state than that of the Discovery; for, though many of
us continued for some time complaining of the effects of the noxious
climate we had left, yet happily we all recovered from them. Of the two
who had been ill of fevers, one, after being seized with violent
convulsions on the 12th of February, which made us despair of his life,
was relieved by the application of blisters, and was soon after out of
danger. The other recovered, but more slowly. On board the Resolution,
besides the obstinate coughs and fevers under which they very generally
laboured, a great many were afflicted with fluxes, the number of whom,
contrary to our expectations, continued increasing till our arrival at
the Cape.
Captain Gore attributed this difference in part, and probably with some
reason, to the Discovery having her fire-place between decks; the heat
and smoke of which he conceived might help to mitigate the bad effects
of the damp night air. But I am rather inclined to believe that we
escaped the flux by the precautions that were taken to prevent our
catching it from others. For if some kinds of fluxes be, as I apprehend
there is no doubt they are, contagious, it is not improbable that the
Resolution caught this disorder from the Dutch ships at Cracatoa. In
order to avoid this danger, when Mr. Williamson was sent to the Indiaman
in the entrance of the Straits of Sunda, he had the strictest orders not
to suffer any of our people, on any account whatever, to go on board;
and whenever we had afterward occasion to have any communication with
the Resolution, the same caution was constantly observed.
We were no sooner clear of Prince’s Island, than we had a gentle breeze
from the west north-west; but this did not last long; for the following
day the wind became again variable, and continued so till the noon of
the 25th, when it blew squally, and blew fresh from the north.
On the 22d at noon, being in latitude 10° 28ʹ S., and longitude 104°
14ʹ, we saw great quantities of boobies and other fowls that seldom go
far from land; from which, we conjectured that we were near some small
unknown island.
In the evening of the 25th, the wind changed suddenly to the southward,
accompanied with heavy rains, and began to blow with great violence.
During the night, almost every sail we had bent gave way, and most of
them were split to rags; our rigging also suffered materially, and we
were, the next day, obliged to bend our last suit of sails, and to knot
and splice the rigging, our cordage being all expended. This sudden
storm we attributed to the change from the monsoon to the regular
trade-wind; our latitude was about 13° 10ʹ S. and we had made by our
reckoning about 4-1/2° of longitude west from Java head.
From the 26th of this month to the 28th of March, we had a regular
trade-wind from the south-east to east by south, with fine weather; and,
being in an old beaten track, met no occurrence that deserved the
smallest notice.
In the morning of the 28th of March, being in latitude 31° 42ʹ S., and
longitude 35° 26ʹ E., the trade-wind left us in a violent thunder-storm.
From this time to the 3d of April, when our latitude was 35° 1ʹ S., and
longitude 26° 3ʹ E. the winds were moderate, and generally from the
south quarter. A fresh breeze then sprung up from the eastward, which
continued till the afternoon of the 4th; after which, we had a calm that
lasted the two following days.
It had hitherto been Captain Gore’s intention to proceed directly to St.
Helena, without stopping at the Cape; but the rudder of the Resolution
having been for some time complaining, and, on being examined, reported
to be in a dangerous state, he resolved to steer immediately for the
Cape, as the most eligible place, both for the recovery of his sick, and
for procuring a new main-piece to the rudder.
From the 21st of March, when we were in latitude 27° 22ʹ S., longitude
52° 25ʹ E., to the 5th of April, when we had got into latitude 36° 12ʹ
S., longitude 22° 7ʹ E., we were strongly affected by the currents,
which set to the south south-west, and south-west by west, sometimes at
the rate of eighty knots a day. On the 6th, having got under the lee of
the African coast, we lost them entirely.
In the morning of the 6th, a sail was seen to the south-west standing
toward us; and, as the wind soon after rose from the same quarter, we
cleared our ships for action. We now discovered, from the mast-head,
five sail more on our lee-bow, standing to the eastward; but the weather
coming on hazy, we lost sight of them all in an hour’s time. Our
latitude at noon was 35° 49ʹ S., longitude 21° 32ʹ E. At seven o’clock
the next morning (the seventh), we made the land to the northward at a
considerable distance.
On the 8th, the weather was squally, and blew fresh from the north-west;
the following day it settled to the west, and we passed pretty close to
the sail seen on the 6th, but did not hail her. She was clumsy in
figure, and, to appearance, unskilfully managed; yet she out-sailed us
exceedingly. The colours which she hoisted were different from any we
had seen; some supposed them to be Portugueze, others Imperial.
At day-light the next morning, the land again appeared to the north
north-west, and, in the forenoon, a snow was seen bearing down to us,
which proved to be an English East-India packet, that had left Table Bay
three days before, and was cruizing with orders for the China fleet, and
other India ships. She told us, that about three weeks before, Mons.
Trongoller’s squadron, consisting of six ships, had sailed from the
Cape, and was gone to cruize off St. Helena, for our East-India fleet.
This intelligence made us conjecture, that the five sail we had seen
standing to the eastward must have been the French squadron, who, in
that case, had given over their cruize, and were probably proceeding to
the Mauritius. Having informed the packet of our conjectures, and also
of the time we understood the China ships were to sail from Canton, we
left them, and proceeded toward the Cape.
In the evening of the 10th, the Gunner’s Quoin bore north by east, and
False Cape east north-east; but the wind being at south-west, and
variable, prevented our getting into False Bay, till the evening of the
12th, when we dropt anchor abreast of Simon’s Bay. We found a strong
current setting to the westward, round the Cape, which, for some time,
we could but just stem, with a breeze that would have carried us four
knots an hour. The next morning, we stood into Simon’s Bay; and at eight
came to anchor, and moored a cable each way; the best bower to the east
south-east, and small bower west north-west; the south-east point of the
bay bearing south by east, Table Mountain north-east half north; distant
from the nearest shore one-third of a mile. We found lying here, the
Nassau and Southampton East-Indiamen, waiting for convoy for Europe. The
Resolution saluted the fort with eleven guns, and the same number was
returned.
Mr. Brandt, the governor of this place, came to visit us, as soon as we
had anchored. This gentleman had conceived a great affection for Captain
Cook, who had been his constant guest, the many times he had visited the
Cape; and though he had received the news of his melancholy fate some
time before, he was exceedingly affected at the sight of our ships
returning without their old commander. He appeared much surprized to see
our crew in so stout and healthy a condition, as the Dutch ship that had
left Macao on our arrival there, and had touched at the Cape some time
before, reported, that we were in a most wretched state, having only
fourteen hands left on board the Resolution, and seven on board the
Discovery. It is not easy to conceive the motive these people could have
had for propagating so wanton and malicious a falsehood.
On the 15th, I accompanied Captain Gore to Cape Town; and the next
morning, we waited on Baron Plettenberg, the governor, by whom we were
received with every possible attention and civility. He had also
conceived a great personal affection for Captain Cook, as well as the
highest admiration of his character, and heard the recital of his
misfortune, with many expressions of unaffected sorrow. In one of the
principal apartments of the governor’s house, he shewed us two pictures,
of Van Tromp and De Ruyter, with a vacant space left between them, which
he said he meant to fill up with the portrait of Captain Cook; and for
that purpose, he requested our assistance when we should arrive in
England, in purchasing one for him, at any price.
We were afterward informed by the governor, that all the powers at this
time at war with England had given orders to their cruizers to let us
pass unmolested. This, as far as related to the French, we had
sufficient reason to think true; as Mr. Brandt had already delivered to
Captain Gore, a letter from Mr. Stephens, inclosing a copy of Mons. de
Sartine’s orders, taken on board the Licorne. With respect to the
Americans, the matter still rested on report; but Baron Plettenberg
assured us, that he had been expressly told, by the commander of a
Spanish ship, which had touched at the Cape, that he, and all the
officers of his nation, had received orders to the same effect. These
assurances confirmed Captain Gore in the resolution he had taken, of
maintaining on his part, a neutral conduct; and accordingly, when, on
the arrival of the Sybil, to convoy the India ships home, it was
proposed to him to accompany them on their passage, he thought proper to
decline an offer, the acceptance of which might, in case we had fallen
in with any of the enemies’ ships, have brought him into a very
difficult and embarrassing situation.
During our stay at the Cape, we met with every proof of the most
friendly disposition toward us, both in the governor and principal
persons of the place, as well Africans as Europeans. At our first
arrival, Colonel Gordon, the commander of the Dutch forces, with whom,
on our former visit here, I had the happiness of being on a footing of
intimacy and friendship, was absent on a journey into the interior parts
of Africa, but returned before our departure. He had, on this occasion,
penetrated farther up the country than any other traveller had done
before him, and made great additions to the valuable collection of
natural curiosities with which he has enriched the Museum of the Prince
of Orange. Indeed, a long residence at the Cape, and the powerful
assistance he has derived from his rank and situation there, joined to
an active and indefatigable spirit, and an eager thirst after knowledge,
have enabled him to acquire a more intimate and perfect knowledge of
this part of Africa than could have fallen to the lot of any other
person; and it is with great pleasure I can congratulate the public on
the information I have received of his intentions to give the world,
from his own hand, a history of his travels.
False Bay, situated to the eastward of the Cape of Good Hope, is
frequented by shipping during the prevalence of the north-west winds,
which begin to blow in May, and make it dangerous to lie in Table Bay.
It is terminated on the west by the Cape of Good Hope, and on the
eastward by False Cape.
The entrance of the bay is six leagues wide, the two capes bearing from
each other due east and west. About eleven miles from the Cape of Good
Hope, on the west side, is situated Simon’s Bay, the only convenient
station for ships to lie in; for although the road without it affords
good anchorage, it is too open, and but ill circumstanced for procuring
necessaries, the town being small, and supplied with provisions from
Cape Town, which is about twenty-four miles distant. To the north
north-east of Simon’s Bay there are several others, from which it may be
easily distinguished, by a remarkable sandy way to the northward of the
town, which makes a striking object. In steering for the harbour, along
the west shore, there is a small flat rock, called Noah’s Ark; and,
about a mile to the north-east of it, several others, called the Roman
Rocks. These lie one mile and a half from the anchoring place; and
either between them, or to the northward of the Roman Rocks, there is a
safe passage into the bay. When the north-west gales are set in, the
following bearings will direct the mariner to a safe and commodious
birth; Noah’s Ark, S. 51° E., and the centre of the hospital S. 53° W.
in seven fathoms. But if the south-east winds have not done blowing, it
is better to stay further out in eight or nine fathoms. The bottom is
sandy, and the anchors settle considerably before they get hold. All the
north part of the bay is low sandy land, but the east side is very high.
About six miles east of Noah’s Ark lies Seal Island, the south part of
which is said to be dangerous, and not to be approached, with safety,
nearer than in twenty-two fathoms. Off the Cape of Good Hope, are many
sunk rocks, some of which appear at low water; and others have breakers
constantly on them.
The latitude of the anchoring-place in Simon’s
Bay, by observation, 34° 20ʹ S.
The longitude, 18 29 E.
Dip of the south end of the magnetic needle, 46 47
Variation of the compass, 22 16 W.
On the full and change days, it was high-water at 5^h 55^m apparent
time; the tide rose and fell five feet five inches; at the neap tides,
it rose four feet one inch.
From the observations taken by Mr. Bayly and myself, on the 11th of this
month, when the Cape of Good Hope bore due west, we found its latitude
to be 34° 23ʹ S., which is 4ʹ to the northward of its position, as
determined by the Abbé de la Caille.
Having completed our victualling, and furnished ourselves with the
necessary supply of naval stores, we sailed out of the bay on the 9th of
May, and on the 14th we got into the south-east trade-wind, and steered
to the westward of the islands of St. Helena and Ascension. On the 31st,
being in latitude 12° 48ʹ S., longitude 15° 40ʹ W., the magnetic needle
was found to have no dip.
On the 12th of June, we passed the equator for the fourth time during
this voyage, in longitude 26° 16ʹ W. We now began to perceive the
effects of a current setting north by east, half a knot an hour. It
continued in this direction till the middle of July, when it began to
set a little to the southward of the west.
On the 12th of August, we made the western coast of Ireland, and, after
a fruitless attempt to get into Port Galway, from whence it was Captain
Gore’s intention to have sent the journals and maps of our voyage to
London, we were obliged, by strong southerly winds, to steer to the
northward. Our next object was to put into Lough Swilly; but the wind
continuing in the same quarter, we stood on to the northward of Lewis
Island; and on the 22d of August, at eleven in the morning, both ships
came to an anchor at Stromness. From hence, I was dispatched by Captain
Gore, to acquaint the Board of Admiralty with our arrival; and on the
4th day of October the ships arrived safe at the Nore, after an absence
of four years, two months, and twenty-two days.
On quitting the Discovery at Stromness, I had the satisfaction of
leaving the whole crew in perfect health; and at the same time, the
number of convalescents on board the Resolution, did not exceed two or
three, of whom only one was incapable of service. In the course of our
voyage, the Resolution lost but five men by sickness, three of whom were
in a precarious state of health at our departure from England; the
Discovery did not lose a man. An unremitting attention to the
regulations established by Captain Cook, with which the world is already
acquainted, may be justly considered as the principal cause, under the
blessing of Divine Providence, of this singular success. But the baneful
effects of salt provisions might perhaps, in the end, have been felt,
notwithstanding these salutary precautions, if we had not assisted them,
by availing ourselves of every substitute, our situation at various
times afforded. These frequently consisting of articles which our people
had not been used to consider as food for men, and being sometimes
exceedingly nauseous, it required the joint aid of persuasion,
authority, and example to conquer their prejudices and disgusts.
The preventives we principally relied on were sour krout and portable
soup. As to the anti-scorbutic remedies, with which we were amply
supplied, we had no opportunity of trying their effects, as there did
not appear the slightest symptoms of the scurvy, in either ship, during
the whole voyage. Our malt and hops had also been kept as a resource, in
case of actual sickness, and on examination at the Cape of Good Hope,
were found entirely spoiled. About the same time, were opened some casks
of biscuit, flour, malt, peas, oatmeal, and grots, which, by way of
experiment, had been put up in small casks, lined with tinfrail, and
found all, except the peas, in a much better state than could have been
expected, in the usual manner of package.
I cannot neglect this opportunity of recommending to the consideration
of government, the necessity of allowing a sufficient quantity of
Peruvian bark, to such of his majesty’s ships as may be exposed to the
influence of unwholesome climates. It happened very fortunately in the
Discovery, that only one of the men that had fevers in the Straits of
Sunda, stood in need of this medicine, as he alone consumed the whole
quantity usually carried out by surgeons, in such vessels as ours. Had
more been affected in the same manner, they would probably all have
perished, from the want of the only remedy capable of affording them
effectual relief.
Another circumstance attending this voyage, which, if we consider its
duration, and the nature of the service in which we were engaged, will
appear scarcely less singular than the extraordinary healthiness of the
crews, was, that the two ships never lost sight of each other for a day
together, except twice; which was owing, the first time, to an accident
that happened to the Discovery off the coast of Owhyhee; and the second,
to the fogs we met with at the entrance of Awatska Bay. A stronger proof
cannot be given of the skill and vigilance of our subaltern officers, to
whom this share of merit almost entirely belongs.
APPENDIX.
VOCABULARY OF THE LANGUAGE OF THE FRIENDLY ISLANDS, MAY, &C. 1777.
_Friendly Isles._ English.
Ve faine, _A woman_.
Maiee, _Bread-fruit_.
Fukkatou, _Barter_.
Woa, _Admiration_.
My, fogge, _Good_.
Attahoa, _A bead_; _a necklace_.
Koehaa, _or_ Kohaeea? _What is that_? or _what is the
name of it_?
Magoo, _Give me_.
Le laiee, _Good_.
Hou, _Come here_.
Moree, _A shaddock_.
Omee, _Give me_.
Hobba, _A sort of plantain_.
Koajee, _or_ Kaoojee, _Done_; _finished_.
Koeea, _Yes_; _it is so_.
Amou, _Got_; _to hold fast_.
Horo, horo, _A handkerchief_ or _wiper_.
Ongofooroo, _Ten_.
Gehai, _or_ geefai, _There_; and _that_.
Kato, _A basket_.
Egeeai, _A mat they wear round them_.
Fooroo, _or_ fooloo, _Hair_.
Fooee vy, _The leg_.
Tooa vy, _Upper part of the foot_.
Fooloo, fooloo, matta, _The eye-brow_.
Emamae, _Pointed plantains_.
Evatta vatta, _The breast_.
Eboore, Ditto.
Etooa, _The back_.
Erongootoo, _The lips_.
Elelo, _The tongue_.
Edainga, _The thigh_.
Eraimoo, _The hips_.
Evae, veene, _The arm-pit_.
Too, _The finger_
Vakka, vakka, _The side_.
Hekaite, _The belly_.
Tareenga, _The ear_.
Horo, _To wipe_.
Kouta, _Beating with two sticks_.
Fangoo, fangoo, _A flute_.
Motoo, _To break_.
Koooma, _Burnt circular marks_.
Taffa, _Raised marks burnt_.
Kowy, _The cheeks_.
Koomoo, koomoo, _The beard_.
Peeto, _The navel_.
Eoo, _The nipple_.
Etarre, _To cough_.
Hengatoe, _Cloth_.
Efangoo, _To sneeze_.
Eanoo, _To spit_.
Etoogee, _To beat_ or _strike_.
Etooee, _The elbow_.
Efeelo, _A small rope_, or _thread_.
Haro, _or_ halo, _Go_; _begone_.
Egeea, _The throat_.
Eky, _To eat_, or _chew_.
Evagoo, _To scratch_.
Ma matta, _Let me look_, or _see_.
Egeea, _The neck_.
Enofoa, haioo, _A seat._
Etoo, _To rise up_.
Mamao, _To yawn_.
Ehappe, _A box_, or _chest_.
Moe, _or_ mohe, _Sleep_.
Tangooroo, _To snore_.
Ekatta, _To laugh_.
Akka, _To kick_, or _stamp_.
Feedjee, _A fillup_.
Ekakava, _Sweat_.
Eeoho, _To hollow_, or _cry_.
Epooo, _A post_, or _staunchion_.
Etolle, _A hatchet_.
Maalava, _To breathe_.
Haila, _To pant_.
Oooo, _To bite_.
Taffa, _To cut_.
Moevae, _The heel_.
Eeegoo, _The tail of a dog_.
Mapoo, _To whistle_.
Aipa, _A fishing-hook_.
Ainga, _A sort of paint_.
Evaika, _A rail_.
Kooroo kooroo, _A green dove_.
Ekoopamea, cheelee, _A net_.
Efooo, _A gimlet_, or _shark’s tooth, used
for that purpose_.
Aiee, _A fan_.
Emaimeea, _or_ meemeea, _A reed_, or _small organ_.
Eneeoo, _A cocoa-nut_.
Eoono, _Tortoise shell_.
Enoo, _A belt_.
Afooneema, _The palm of the hand_.
Moemoeea, _A ceremony of putting the foot of
one on the head, and turning the
hand several times, &c._
Pooa, tareenga, _A sort of plantains_.
Kahoo hoonga, _An arrow_, or _reed_.
Atoe farre, _The roof of a house_.
Etovee, _A club_.
Emamma, _A ring_.
Eao, _A hat_.
Tehou, _A hundred_.
Keeroo, _A thousand_.
Laoo varee, _Ten thousand_.
Laoo noa, _A hundred thousand_, or _the
greatest number they can reckon_.
Poooree, _Night_; _darkness_.
Maheena, _A month_.
Fukkatanne, _To sit cross-legged_.
Kaffa, _A rope_, or _cord of cocoa-nut
core_.
Heegee, _To lift up_.
Togoo, _To set down_.
Fetooa, tagee, _To tie_.
Vevaite, _To untie_.
Tollo tolla, _Cocoa-nut skin_.
Eooma, _The shoulder_.
Fooo, _A nail_ (of iron).
Atoo, _To give_.
Epallo, _A rat_.
Elafo, _To throw away_.
Haaile, _To go_.
Haaile atoo, _To go away_.
Haaile my, _To come_.
Elooa, _To puke_.
Matangee, _Wind_.
Mamma, _or_ mamma, reeva, _Light_.
Tahee, _The sea_.
Paho paho, _To paddle_.
Hakaoo, _or_ toree, _Wood_; _a tree_.
Ehoreeoo, _To scoop water out of a boat_.
Booloo booloo, _A sail_.
Fanna, _or_ fanna tooeeoroongo, _A mast_.
Toula, _A hook_.
Tamadje, _A child_.
Tangee, _To weep_.
Elango, _A fly_.
Haingoo, toolaiee, _A tropic bird_
Epalla, _A bird’s tail_.
Kapukou, _A wing_.
Hepoona, _To fly_.
Togotto, _To lie down_.
Feenakka, _A bird-cage_.
Eallo, _The rolling of a ship_.
Etooee, _A needle_.
Epeepeege, _A girl that is a maid_.
Efonno, _A turtle._
Maia, _A thing_.
Mahee maia, _Give me something_.
Koeea, _Yes, it is_.
Geelee, _A file_.
Owo, _Wait a little_.
Temadoo? _Shall I come_?
Kaee, _or_ Eekaee, _No_.
Kalae, _A blue coat_.
Oloonga, _A stool_.
Takkabou, _A coarse mat to sleep upon_.
Kakulla, _A sweet smell_; _sweet smelled_.
Namooa, _To smell_; _smell it_.
Koe, _It is_; _as_ Koe maa, _it is
food_; Koe maiee, _it is fruitful_.
Koatoooo, _A king fisher_.
Mogo, _A lizard_.
Toutou, _A cord_.
Matte laiva, _Dead_.
Moeha, _More_.
Veenaga, _Fine_, _charming_, _wonderful_.
Tougge my, _Bring it here_.
Ai, (_long_) _angrily_, _No_.
Tamma, _Boy_, _man_, _friend_, _calling to
one_.
Eeekoou, _Here am I_; _answering one who
calls_.
Halloo, _Go_; _to go_.
Hengalo, _At a distance_, _a great way off_.
Eafee, or Eafoi, _Hire_.
Yehaeea?(_inquisitively_) _What is that_?
Kohaee koa, _or_ Kowykoa? _What is your name_?
Kovee, _or_ Koveeeea, _Bad_.
Bongee, bongee, _To-morrow_.
Peepee, _A pair of scissars_.
Chenna, _Friend, I say_; _hark ye_.
Geelee, _or_ geeree, _The skin_.
Etchee, _To peel a cocoa nut_.
Taha pai, _One thing_, _as a day_, &c.
Totto, _Blood_.
Roatoo? _Shall I go_?
Whakae, _Look_, _see_.
Whakae my, _Let me see it_.
Arooweevo, _Below_; _to let down a rope_, or
_to go down over the ship’s side to
trade_.
Aingy, _Large clams or cockles_.
Eeegee, _A chief_.
Eatooa, _God_.
A bo, _To-night_; _at night_.
Any, _Presently_; _by and by_.
Elangee, _The sky_.
Elaa, _The sun_.
Ao, _Clouds_.
Jeela, _A canoe’s yard_.
Laa, _A sail_.
Falle wakaeea, _The hut in a large canoe_.
Faee, _To play_.
Tallafoo, _The fire-place in a large boat_.
Goolee, _A sort of windlass_, or _belaying
place for the rope of their sail_.
Tataa, _A scoop for bailing out a boat_.
Taia, _White_.
Oolee, _Black_.
Goola, _Red_.
Ohooafee, _Smoke_.
Geeai, _A close kind of mat_.
Fafooa, _Pimples_.
Maaloonga, _High_, _mountainous_.
Mai, _Motions with the hands in
dancing_.
Touvaa, _A cap_ or _bonnet they wear to
shade them from the sun_.
Majeela, _A large bamboo fishing-rod_.
Pai, _A thing_.
Mamahee, _Pain_.
Echee, _or_ Eeke, _Small_, _little_.
Cheeatta, _A looking-glass_.
Tangameeme, _A bladder_.
Goobainga, _A fishing-net_.
Elillo, _Below_, _underneath_.
Faee, _To shave_.
Motooa, A Moumy, _To paddle_, or _row_.
Avy, ava, _or_ govy, _A harbour_, or _anchoring-place_.
Po, taha, pai, _In one day_.
Ebaika, _A large bat_.
Kakaa, _A parrot_.
Togee, _Marks on the cheek, made by
beating_.
Nono, _To hide a thing_.
Fonooa, _or_ Kaeenga, _Land_.
Beeoo, _A palm which bears clusters of
very small nuts_.
Haoomoo, _A large blunt sort of plantains_.
Goolo, _A globular earthen pot_, or
_vessel_.
Manga, mangatei, _A large blue star-fish_.
Hainga, _A parroquet_.
Maagonna, _Full_; _satisfied with eating_.
Maheena, _The moon_.
Teeleeamoo, _A secret_.
Fonoa bou, _A land of plenty_.
Oobai, _A song_.
Foolehaioo, _The green wattle bird_.
Pailoo, _A spoon_.
Kulle, velaive, _A large white spider, with brown
and white legs_.
Fageeta, _A ceremony of kissing, &c. on a
new acquaintance_.
Goomaa, _A rat_.
Agoota, oomoo, _To put a thing in an oven_.
Oomoo, _An oven_.
Eadda, _A path_.
Mattabaa, _A door_.
Togga, _A large stick used as a bar behind
the door_.
Koheeabo, _The paper mulberry plant_.
Faa, _Palm_, called _Pandanus_.
Tangata, _or_ tangatta, _A man_.
Taheina, _A child_.
Onne, onne, _White sand_.
Pai, _Ripe_; _old_.
Ea, _A fence made of bamboo, &c._
Toee, _The wood which they make their
canoes of_.
Mafaee, _Wasps nests built in the pod of a
plant_.
Kappe, _A large cylindrical edible root_.
Ongo, Ongo, _A small palm growing to the height
of eight feet_.
Gooholla, _It is gone_, or _flown_.
Mai, kawaia, _To take away a thing_.
Mai, Evaheeoo, _To let a thing remain_.
Kaeenga, _Land_, or _properly the shore_.
Fyatooka, _A burying-place_.
Woee, _Admiration_.
Koeee, _A fan_.
Waggee hou, _Let it alone_.
Bai, _Great_.
Laika, laika, _Good_.
Ooo, _A cray fish_.
Feengafee, _A black and white mat_.
Aingatooeea, _Stained red rushes, which they
wear round the waist_.
An, any, _A little while ago_.
Hengatoo, _Glazed cloth which they wear_.
Falla, _A thick strong mat_.
Mahagee, _A sort of ulcer, that leaves large
laced scars_.
Akkaree, _A stool to lay the head on when
asleep_.
Naffa, _A large cylindrical piece of wood,
hollowed with a slit, which serves
as a drum_.
Toa, _A spear_.
Etanno, _To bury under ground_.
Afai, _When_.
Otoogoo, _Finished_.
Maree, _or_ mareeai, _Well done_; _an acclamation_.
Fafa, _To carry one on the back_.
Mamao, _A great way_; _distant_.
Meedje, meedje, _To drink out of a cocoa-nut_.
Matta, _The face_.
Ty, _or_ Etae, _Excrement_.
Faitannoo, _A sort of pepper-tree, the juice
of which is very acrid_.
Nafee, nafee, _A fine white sort of mat_.
Abee, _A house to sleep in_.
Touaa, _A square bonnet_.
Fukke, fety, _To give a thing gratis_, or _for
friendship’s sake_.
Tooa, _or_ Tooaeea, _A servant_, or _person of inferior
rank_.
Fukkatooa, _A challenging motion, made by
striking the hand on the bend of
the opposite arm_.
Kaeehya, _or_ kaeehaa, _A thief_.
Fooloo, _A quill_.
Moojeekakka, _A basket made of cocoa-nut core,
and white beads_.
Mahanga, _A brother_.
Maeele, _An odoriferous shrub, planted near
the Fyatooka_.
Fofolla, _To unfold a piece of cloth_.
Kotjee, _None_.
Taboone, _To close_, or _shut_; _a partition
or skreen_.
Too, _To draw back a curtain or skreen_.
Ava, _A window_; _hole_.
Fonooa, foohoo, _A land of warriors_.
Taboo, _Not to touch a thing_.
Goomoo, goomoo, _A species of lichen, that grows
plentifully on some trees_.
Laiva, _For good and all_; _certainly_.
Bagooee, _A prickly star fish_.
Bedjeeloa, _A crab, with black claws_.
Fae, _A sister_.
Makka fatoo, _Coral rock_.
Gailee, gailee, _Dirt_.
Maa, _Clean_.
Ma, tagge tagge, _Let me look at it_.
Konna, _Poison_.
Fekaee, _or_ smatte, fekaee, _Hunger_.
Matte, fee aeenoo, _Thirst_.
Aieenoo, _To drink_.
Awhainne, _Near at hand_.
Monoo, _An expression of thanks_.
Mattahoa, _Very good_.
Toooa, _Both_; _we_; _both of us_.
Fooa, _repeated_, _A great number_.
Boola, _Small white shells_.
Anoo, anoo, _To swim_.
Anga, _A man_.
Haile, _A knife_.
Haile, fofoo, _A knife that shuts_.
Adoo, _Give it_; _to give_.
Geehea, _Which_, or _what_.
Tohagge, _Let me look at_, or _see it_.
Namoogoo, _A stink_, or _bad smell_.
Namoo, kakulla, _A sweet smell_.
Boobooa, tahee, _Salt_.
Meeme, _Urine_.
Owo, owo, owo. _No, no, no_.
Fohee, _To peel a plantain_.
Ajeeneu, _A vessel to put drink in_.
Tangee, fe toogee, _Striking the cheeks on the death
of their relations_.
Mamaha, _Coral rock under water_.
Oohee, _A species of diosma_.
Mawhaha, _An excellent root like a potatoe_.
Baa, _A crackling noise_; _to crack_, or
_snap_.
Boogo, _The largest sort of tree in the
islands_.
Taifo, _A mullet_.
Amou, _Whole_; _sound_; _true_; _valid_.
Faigeeaika, _Iambos_.
Kakou, _A shoal_, or _reef, on which the
sea breaks_.
Shainga (_in the language of _No_; _there is none_.
Feejee_),
Fangoo, _A small calibash shell_.
Oore, oore, _Black_.
Looloo, _An owl_.
Murroo, _Soft_.
Faifaika, _Hard_.
Feengotta, _A sort of shell_.
Wouainee, _I am here_; i.e. _when called
upon_.
Mahagge, fatoo, _A dropsy_.
Goee enee, _Near at hand_.
Fukka, ma fooa, _An arbour in which they catch
pigeons, &c._
Fatooree, _Thunder_.
A faa, _A storm_; _lightning_.
Toufarre, _A besom_.
Tongo, _A wood, of which bows are made_.
Ooha, _Rain_.
Tooboo, _To grow_.
Tawagge, totto, _The red-tailed tropic bird_.
Kadjee, _There is no more_; or _none_.
Fanna, fanna, _To wash the hands before meals_.
Mooonga, _Mountains_; _a mountain_.
Keeneeo, _Low land_.
Laoo allee, _A great many_; _an endless
number_.
Ogookaee, _No_; _there is none_.
Laia, _or_ koelaia, _Speech_; _words_.
Kaho, _An arrow_.
Aieeboo, _A vessel or dish_.
Tooee, _A club_.
Feila, _To pull a rope_.
Eevee, aai, _A cheer in pulling a rope_.
Feilaa too, _A word given by one, on pulling a
rope, and the rest repeat_ Woa, _as
a response_.
Engago, _Fat_, or _lard of a hog_.
Kanno, matte, _The lean part of meat_.
Kofooa, _A kidney_.
Kollofeea, _The name of the volcano on
Tofooa_.
Moggocheea, _Cold_.
Hooa, _The going about_, or _tacking of a
ship_.
Ongonna, _To understand_.
Kaee ongonna, _I do not understand you_.
Mafanna, _Warm_.
Anapo, _Last night_.
Fakkahooa, _The Southerly wind_; or _a foul
wind_.
Looloo, _To roll, as a ship_.
Matangee, _The wind_.
Matangee anga, _or_ matangee leeoo. _The East and North wind_, or _a
fair wind_.
Amooee, _or_ tamooree, _From behind_.
Amooa, _or_ tamooa, _From before_.
Ahaa, _or_ koehaa? _For what reason_?
Mohe fai? _Where shall I sleep_?
Koo mafoore, _To lie along_, or _yield, as a
ship close hauled_.
Palla, _Rotten_.
Elooa, _A hole_.
Molle, _or_ molle molle, _Smooth_.
Keeai, _A plant they make mats of; the
cultivated Pandanus_.
Tongo laiee, _Mangrove_.
Reemoo, _Seaweed_.
Fety, _A term of friendship_.
Jeejee, _Esculent dracæna_
Taboo laia, _Don’t speak_; _hold your tongue_.
Toonoa, _Dressed_, _cooked_.
Tohke, _A measure_.
Toohagge, _Let me see it_.
Taheine, _A young girl_; _a daughter_.
Haine, _Here_.
Baiahou, _Swell of the sea_.
Maea, _A rope_.
Otta, _Raw_; _as raw meat_.
Moho, _Meat well dressed_.
Maoo lillo, _Low land_.
Moanna, _Deep water_; _sea_.
Kae haia? _Which is it you want_?
Vava tahee, _Red coral_.
Feefy, _A species of mimosa_.
Fatoo, _The belly_.
Mee mee. _To suck bones_.
Meedje meedjee, _To suck as a child_.
Ooree, _A rudder_.
Tainga, _A seed of a plant_.
Oolel teffee, _Incisions in the foreskin, which,
contracting, prevent its covering
the glans_.
Vefoo, _To hide a thing_.
Laifa, _A silver fish_.
Heenaheena, _White_; _yellow_.
Feeoo, _Acrid_; _bitter_.
Goomo, _To look for a thing that is lost_.
Eeta, _Angry_.
Aneafee, _Yesterday_.
Gefai, _Unknown_; _strange_; _as a strange
man_.
Fono, _To eat_.
Kailee tokee, _A Panama shell_.
Toffe, _A sort of hammer oyster_.
Toogoo, _Let it lie_, or _remain_.
Koehaa, hono, hengoa, _What is the name of it_.
Loee, _To understand_.
Booga, _To hold fast_.
Loloa, _Long_.
Kotjee, _To cut_.
Fatjee, _To break_.
Fohenna, _A son_; _a brother_.
Matee, _A fig-tree_.
Lohee, _A lie_.
Mato, _Steep_; _high_.
Patoo, _A stroke_; _to strike_.
Hooho, _The breasts_.
Momoggo, _Cold_.
Saiouhai, _Admiration_.
Noo, _Mine_; _of me_.
Valla, _A piece of Cloth worn round the
waist_.
Doooyoo, a matoo, eeoee, _A song in favour of a victor_.
Mulloo, _Serene_; _settled_; _smooth_.
Vaitte, _To untie a thing_.
Moheefo, _Come down below_.
Fetagee; malowhee, _To fight_.
Tao, _A spear_.
Eenee, _Now_; _immediately_.
Mamanna; au manna manna _Engaged_; _contracted to_.
Fukka booakka, _An epithet of abuse_; _contempt_.
Aloalo, _To fan_, or _cool_.
Tammaha, _Certain great chiefs_.
Tamolao, _Chief_.
Mahae, _A torn hole_.
Goefai, _What is_.
Laoo, _To count_, or _reckon_.
Manakko, _To give_.
Fooo, _New_; _lately made_.
Modooa, _Old_; _worn_.
Maa, _A sour plantain, by being put
under ground_.
Kaifoo, _A brownish yellow_.
Eafee, _To play on the flute_.
Mou afai? _When do you go_?
Afaia? _How many_?
Cheefa, _A pearl oyster_.
Goee, goee, _A saw shell_.
Fotoohoa, _A rock oyster_.
Ogoo, _Of me_; _belonging to me_.
Lelange, _To make_.
Behange, _Let me see it_.
Foo, _To box_.
Heeva, _A song, with many women singing
different keys_.
Ooloo pokko, _The head_.
Koukou, _To bathe_.
Mabba, _A three kernelled nut_.
Eelo, _To know_.
Fotte, fotta, _To squeeze gently with the hands_.
Fangootooa, _Wrestling_.
Momoho, _Ripe_.
Koffe, _Bamboo which they beat with on the
ground_.
Alla, _I say_.
Waila, _Hot_.
Pango, _Bad_.
Orlongaa, _Thread of which they make their
nets_, or _the plant_.
Monee, _Truth_.
Anga, _A shark_.
Laffa, _Ring-worm_.
Fooa, _Fruit_; _flower_.
Kokka, _A tree they stain their cloth
brown with_, i.e. _the bark_.
Moooee, _Alive_; _life_; _soul_; _God_; or
_divine spirit_.
Tooo, _A tree with the berries of which
they stain their cloth_.
Ogoohaika, _Who shall I give this to? Who
shall I help?_
Maha, _Finished_; _empty_.
Pagge, _A little paddle they exercise
with_.
Faio, _Small branched coral_.
Cheeagge, _To throw a thing away_.
Faiee tamma, _Pregnancy_.
Lalanga, _To make_.
Vao, _A wild uncultivated country_.
Neeoo goola, _Cabbage tree_.
Routte, _Hibiscus_; _rosa sinensis_.
Foa, _A custom of beating the head with
a tooth till it bleeds_.
Cheelee neefoo, _A custom of beating the teeth on
the same occasion_.
Hogga tainga, _A custom of thrusting a spear into
their thighs_; _also a mourning
ceremony_.
Toofatao, _Thrusting a spear into the sides
under the arm-pits on these
occasions_.
Tooengootoo, _Doing the same through the cheeks
into the mouth_.
Kafoo, _The garment they commonly wear_.
Offa, _A term of friendship_; as,
Taio offa, _My friend, I am glad to see you_.
Toofa, _To divide or share out food_.
Maeneene, _To tickle_.
Hailulla, _Sarcosma_.
Hooo, _A wooden instrument with which
they clear away grass from their
fences_.
Aho, _The dawn_, or _day-break_.
Gooaa, _Who is it_?
Avo, _To go_, or _take away_.
Valle, _Mad_.
Lelaiee a bee kovee, _Is it good_, or _bad_.
Taboonee, _To shut_, or _close_.
Taae, _To beat_, or _strike_.
Ahae, _Who_, or _where_.
Mamaa, _Light_.
Mamaffa, _Heavy_.
Faike, _A cuttle fish_.
Vai veegoo, _Wet_; _moist_.
VOCABULARY OF THE LANGUAGE OF NOOTKA, OR KING GEORGE’S SOUND, APRIL,
1778.
_Nootka._ English.
Opulszthl, _The sun_.
Onulszthl, _The moon_.
Nas, _or_ eenaeehl nas, _The sky_.
Noohchai, _A mountain_, or _hill_.
Mooksee, _Rocks_, or _the shore_.
Tanass, _or_ tanas, _A man_.
Oonook, _A song_.
Eeneek, _or_ eleek, _Fire_.
Nuhchee, _or_ nookchee, _The land_; _a country_.
Koassama, _The ground_.
Mahtai, _A house_.
Neit, _or_ neet, _A candle_, or _lamplight_.
Neetopok, _The smoke of a lamp_.
Tassyai, _A door_.
Ai, _and_ aio, _Yes_.
Wook, _or_ Wik, _No_.
Wik ait, _None_, _not any_.
Macook, _To barter_.
Kaeeemai, _or_ kyomai, _Give me some more for it_.
Kootche, _or_ kotche, _To paddle_.
Aook, _or_ chiamis, _To eat_, _to chew_.
Topalszthl, _or_ toopilszthl, _The sea_.
Oowhabbe, _A paddle_.
Shapats, _or_ shapitz, _or_ chapas, _A canoe_.
Tawailuck, _White bugle beads_.
Seekemaile, _Iron_, or _metal of any sort_.
Ahkoo, _or_ ahko, _This_.
Kaa, _or_ kaa chelle, _Give it me_, _let me look at it_,
or _examine it_.
Wook hak, _Will he not do it_?
Ma, _or_ maa, _Take it_.
Chakeuk, _A hatchet_, or _hacking tool_.
Eetche, _or_ abeesh, _Displeasure_.
Haoome, _or_ haooma, _Food_.
Takho, _Bad_. _This iron is bad_, takho,
seekemaile.
Chelle, _I_, _me_.
Kaeeo, _Broken_.
Alle, _or_ alla, (Speaking to one) _Friend_; _hark
ye_.
Klao appe, _or_ klao, _Keep it_; _I’ll not have it_.
Asko, _Long_, or _large_.
Iakooeshmaish, _Clothing in general._
Tahquoe, _or_ toohquoe, _A metal-button_, or _ear-ring_.
Wae, (Calling to one, perhaps) _you_!
Weekeetateesh, _Sparkling sand, which they
sprinkle on their faces_.
Chauk, _Water_.
Pacheetl, _or_ pachatl, _To give_; _give me_.
Haweelsth, _or_ hawalth, _Friendship_, _friend_.
Kleeseetl, _To paint_, or _mark with a
pencil_.
Abeetszle, _To go away_, or _depart_
Sheesookto, _To remain_, or _abide_.
Seeaik, _A stone weapon, with a square
point_.
Suhyaik, _A spear, pointed with bone_.
Taak, _The wood of the depending pine_.
Luksheet, _or_ luksheetl, _To drink_.
Soochis, _A tree_, _a wood_.
Haieeaipt, _A broad leaf_, _shrub_, or
_underwood_.
Tohumbeet, _Variegated pine_; _silver pine_.
Atlieu, _The depending pine_, or _cypress_.
Koeeklipt, _The Canadian pine_.
Cho, _Go_.
Sateu, _A pine top_.
Kleeteenek, _The little cloak that they wear_.
Kleethak, _A bear’s skin_.
Klochimme, _Muscles_.
Ohkullik, _A wooden box they hold things in_.
H’slaiakasl, _or_ slaikalszth, _Coarse mats of bark_.
Eesee, _An instrument of bone to beat
bark_.
Chapitz koole, _The model of a canoe_.
Klapatuketeel, _A bag made of mat_.
Tahmis, _To spit_; _spittle_.
Wasuksheet, _To cough_.
Poop, _Common moss_.
Okumha, _The wind_.
Chutzquabeelsl, _A bag made of seal skin_.
Konneeemis, _A kind of sea weed_.
Quaookl, _or_ tookpeetl, _To sit down_.
Klukeeszthl, _or_ quoeelszthl, _To rise up_.
Tsookeeats, _To walk_.
Kummutchchutl, _To run_.
Klutsklaee, _To strike or beat_.
Teeshcheetl, _To throw a stone_.
Teelszthtee, _To rub, or sharpen metal_.
Tsook, _To cleave, or strike hard_.
Mahkatte, _A small liliaceous root which they
eat_.
Eumahtame, _Fur of a sea otter_.
Cheemaine, _Their largest fishing hooks_.
Moostatte, _A bow_.
Kahsheetl, _Dead_.
Kleeshsheetl, _To shoot with a bow_.
Tseehatte, _An arrow_.
Katshak, _A flaxen garment, worn as their
common dress_.
Heshcheene, _A plain_ Venus _shell_.
Koohminne, _A bag rattle_.
Akeeuk, _A plain bone point for striking
seals with_.
Kaheita, _A barbed bone point for ditto_.
Cheetakulheiwha, _Bracelets of white bugle beads_.
Mittemulszsth, _Thongs of skin worn about the
wrist and neck_.
Iaiopox, _Pieces of copper worn in the ear_.
Neesksheetl, _To sneeze_.
Suchkas, _A comb_.
Seehl, _Small feathers which they strew on
their heads_.
Wamuhte, _Twisted thongs and sinews, worn
about their ankles_.
Kutseeoataia, _Veins under the skin_.
Tookquuk, _The skin_.
Muszthsle, _Pain_.
Waeetch, _To sleep_.
Siksaimaha, _To breathe_, or _pant_.
Tuhsheetl, _To weep_.
Matskoot, _A fly_.
Matook, _To fly_.
Kooees, _or_ quoees, _Snow_, or _hail_.
Aopk, _To whistle_.
Asheeaiksheetl, _To yawn_.
Elsthltleek, _An instrument of two sticks
standing from each other with
barbs_.
Cheeeeakis, _A scar of a wound_.
Tchoo, _Throw it down_, or _to me_.
Cheetkoohekai, _or_ Cheetkoaik, _A wooden instrument with many bone
teeth, to catch small fish with_.
Kaenne, _or_ Koenai, _A crow_, _a bird_.
Keesapa, _A fish_; _a white bream_.
Klaamoo, _A bream striped with blue and gold
colours_.
Taaweesh, _or_ Tsuskeeah, _A stone weapon_, or _tomahawk,
with a wooden handle_.
Kamaisthlik, _A kind of snare, to catch fish or
other animals with_.
Klahma, _Wing feathers of a red bird_.
Seetsaennuk, _Anger_; _scolding_.
Heeeai, _or_ Heeeee, _A brown streaked snake_.
Klapissime, _A racoon_.
Owatinne, _A white-headed eagle_.
Kluhmiss, _Train oil_; _a bladder filled with
it_.
Oukkooma, _Large carved wooden faces_.
Kotyook, _or_ hotyok, _A knife_.
See-eema, _A fishing net_.
Weena, _A stranger_.
Quahmiss, _Fish roe strewed upon pine
branches and sea weed_.
Kaatl, _Give me_.
Hooksquaboolsthl, _A whale harpoon and rope_.
Komook, _Chimæra monstrosa_.
Quotluk, _or_ quotlukac, _A sea otter’s skin_.
Maasenulsthl, _An oblong wooden weapon, two feet
long_.
Hookooma, _A wooden mask of the human face_.
Tooquacumilsthl, _A seal skin_.
Cha, _Let me see it_.
Sooma, _A kind of haddock, of a reddish
brown colour_.
Aeea, _A sardine_.
Koeetsak, _A wolf-skin dress_.
Keepsleetokszl, _A woollen garment_.
Isseu, _Pine bark_.
Wanshee, _Wild cat skin_ (lynx brunneus).
Chastimmetz, _A common, and also pine martin_.
Ookoomillszthl, _A little, round, wooden cup_.
Kooomitz, _A human skull_.
Keehlwahmoot, _A skin bladder used in fishing_.
Tseeapoox, _A conic cap made of mat, worn on
the head_.
Summeto, _A squirrel_; _they also called a
rat by this name_.
Maalszthl, _A deer’s horn_.
Jakops, _A man_, or _male_.
Kolsheetl, _or_ Kolsheat, _To sup with a spoon_.
Achatla, _or_ Achaklak, _What is your name_?
Achatlaha, _What is his name_?
Akassheha, _or_ akassche, _What is the name of that_?
Haismussik, _A wooden sabre_.
Maeetsalulsthl, _A bone weapon like the_ Patoo.
Kookelixo, _A fish fin_; _the hand_.
Natcha. _A fish tail_.
Klihkleek, _The hoof of an animal_.
Klaklasm, _A bracelet._
Ko, _An article, to give strength of
expression to another word_.
Nahei, _or_ naheis, _Friendship_.
Teelsthoop, _A large cuttle fish_.
Pachas, _He gave it me_.
Quaeeaitsaak, _A yellow_, or _red fox_.
Atchakoe, _A limpet_.
Aheita, _A sweet fern root they eat_.
Kishkilltup, _The strawberry plant_.
Akhmupt, _A narrow grass that grows on the
rocks_.
Klaiwahmiss, _A cloud_.
Mollsthapait, _A feather_.
Taeetcha, _Full_, _satisfied with eating_.
Kaaitz, _A necklace of small_ volute
_shells_.
Tahooquossim, _A carved human head of wood,
decorated with hair_.
Moowatche, _A carved wooden vizor, like the
head of a Quebrenta-huessos_.
Mamat, _A black linnet, with a white
bill_.
Klaokotl, _Give me something_.
Pallszthpatl, _Glimmer_ (_sheet_).
Eineetl, _The name they apply to a goat_;
_probably of a deer_.
Seeta, _The tail of an animal_.
Seehsheetl, _To kill_.
Ooolszth, _A sand piper_.
Saeemitz, _Chequered straw baskets_.
Chookwak, _To go up_, or _away_.
Kloosasht, _Smoked herrings_.
Keetsma, _Puncturation_.
Mikeellzyth, _To fasten_, or _tie a thing_.
Cheeteeakamilzsth, _White beads_.
Kakkumipt, _A sea weed_, or _grass on which
they strew fish roe_.
Eissuk, _A sort of leek_; allium
triquetrum.
Kutskushilzsth, _To tear a thing_.
Mitzsleo, _A knot_.
Mamakeeo, _To tie a knot_.
Kluksilzsth, _To loosen, or untie_.
Klakaikom, _The leaf of a plant_.
Sasinne, _or_ sasin, _A hummingbird_.
Koohquoppa, _A granulated lily root they eat_.
Seeweebt, _Alder tree_.
Kaweebt, _Raspberry bush_.
Kleehseep, _The flower of a plant_.
Klumma, _Large wooden images placed at one
end of their houses_.
Aiahtoop, _or_ aiahtoopsh, _A porpoise_.
Toshko, _A small brown spotted cod_.
Aszlimupt, _or_ ulszthimipt, _Flaxen stuff, of which they make
their garments_.
Wakash, _An expression of approbation_, or
_friendship_.
Kullekeea, _Troughs out of which they eat_.
Kaots, _A twig basket_.
Sllook, _The roof of a house_; _boards_.
Eilszthmukt, _Nettles_.
Koeeklass, _A wooden stage_, or _frame, on
which the fish roe is dried_.
Matlieu, _A withe of bark for fastening
planks_.
Nahass, _A circular hole that serves as a
window._
Neetsoanimme, _Large planks, of which their
houses are built_.
Chaipma, _Straw_.
Haquanuk, _A chest_, or _large box_.
Chahkots, _A square wooden bucket, to hold
water_.
Chahquanna, _A square wooden drinking cup_.
Klennut, _A wooden wedge_.
Kolkolsainum, _A large chest_.
Klieutsunnim, _A board to kneel on when they
paddle_.
Tseelszthook, _A frame of square poles_.
Aminulszth, _A fish_.
Natchkoa _and_ Matseeta, _The particular names of two of the
monstrous images called Klumma_.
Houa, _To go that way_.
Achichil, _What does he say_?
Aeek, _The oval part of a whale dart_.
Aptsheetl, _To steal_.
Quoeeup, _To break_.
Uhshsapai, _To pull_.
Tseehka, _A general song_.
Apte, _or_ appe, _You_.
Kai, _Thanks_.
Kotl, _Me_; _I_.
Punihpunih, _A black beating stone_.
Nootka, _The name of the bay_ or _sound_.
Yatseenequoppe, Kakallakeeheelook, _The names of three men_.
Nololokum,
Satsuhcheek, _The name of a woman_.
NAMES OF DIFFERENT PARTS OF THE BODY.
Oooomitz, _The head_.
Apsoop, _The hair of the head_.
Uhpeukel, _or_ upuppea, _The forehead_.
Cheecheetsh, _The teeth_.
Choop, _The tongue_.
Kussee, _or_ kassee, _The eye_.
Neets, _The nose_.
Papai, _The ear_.
Aanuss, _The cheek_.
Eehthlux, _The chin_.
Apuxim, _The beard_.
Tseekoomitz, _The neck_.
Seekutz, _The throat_.
Eslulszth, _The face_.
Eethluxooth, _The lips_.
Klooshkooah, klah, tamai, _The nostrils_.
Aeetchse, _The eye-brow_.
Aapso, _The arm_.
Aapsoonilk, _The arm-pit_.
Eneema, _The nipple_.
Kooquainux, _or_ Kooquainuxoo, _The fingers_.
Chushchuh, _Nail of the finger_.
Kleashklinne, _The thighs and legs_.
Klahtimme, _The foot_.
Aiahkomeetz, _The thumb_.
Kopeeak, _The fore finger_.
Taeeai, _The middle finger_.
Oatso, _or_ akkukluc, _The ring finger_.
Kasleka, _The little finger_.
VOCABULARY OF THE LANGUAGE OF ATOOI, ONE OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS,
JANUARY, 1778.
_Atooi._ English.
Tehaia, _Where_.
Mahaia, _Ditto_.
Aorre, _or_ Aoe, _No_.
He oho, _The hair_.
E poo, _The head_.
Papaiee aoo, _The ear_.
Heraee, _The forehead_.
Matta, _The eye_.
Pappareenga, _The cheek_.
Haieea, _Fish_.
Eeeheu, _The nose_.
Oome oome, _The beard_.
Haire, _To go_.
Erawha, _Tears of joy_.
Aee, _The neck_.
Poheeve, _The arm_.
Ooma ooma, _The breast_.
Heoo, _The nipple_.
Peeto, _The navel_.
Hoohaa, _The thigh_.
He, wawy, _The leg_.
Eroui, _Wait a little_.
Areea, _Wait a little_.
Myao, _Finger and toe nails_.
Eeno, _Bad_.
Hootee, hootee, _To pluck up_, or _out_.
Tooanna, _A brother_.
Teina, _A younger brother_.
Otooma heeva, _A man’s name_.
Nanna, _Let me see it_.
Noho, _To sit_.
Hoe, _To go_.
Hooarra, _Sweet potatoes_.
E Taeeai, _Calling to one_.
Waheine, _A woman_.
Teeorre, _To throw away a thing_.
He, aieeree, _The skin_.
Ma, ty ty, _To look at_, or _survey a thing_.
Tommomy, _Come here_.
Erooi, _To retch_, _to puke_.
Too, _Sugar cane_.
Maa mona, _Sweet_ or _savoury food_.
Tooharre, _To spit_.
Matou, _I_, first person singular.
My, ty, _Good_.
Otaeaio, Terurotoa, _Names of two chiefs_.
Oome, _A great number_.
Poe, _Taro pudding_.
Oohe, _Yams_.
Booa, _A hog_.
Eeneeoo, _Cocoa nuts_.
Ono, _To understand_.
Eetee, _To understand_, or _know_.
Otae, _A man’s name_.
Maonna, _Full_, _satisfied with eating_.
Owytooehainoa, _What is your name_?
Tanata, _A man_.
Tangata, _Ditto_.
Pahoo, _A drum_.
Ehoora, _A kind of dance_.
Maro, _A narrow stripe of cloth they
wear_.
Hoemy; harremy, _To come_.
Eroemy, _Fetch it here_.
Taooa, _We_, first person plural.
Toura, _A rope_.
Ooroo, _Bread fruit_.
Etee, _Dracæna_.
Appe, _Virginian Arum_.
Matte, _Dead_.
Aoonai, _In a short time_; _presently_.
Paha, _Perhaps_.
Ai, _Yes_.
Ateera, _Done_; _at an end_.
Hevaite, _To unfold_.
Noona, _Above_.
Tapaia, _To abide_; _to keep_ or _restrain
from going_.
Poore, _A prayer_.
Tahouna, _A priest_.
Atee, _To fetch_, or _bring_.
Meeme, _To make water_.
Ehaia, _Where_.
Poota, _A hole_.
Mao, _That way_.
Mareira, _This place_.
Eeo, _There_.
Evaa, _A canoe_.
Touroonoa, _A man’s name_.
My ty, _Let me look_.
Aieeboo, _A vessel of gourd shell_.
Ahewaite, _Mullus cretaceus_.
Opoore, _Sparus parvus puctatus_.
Taee, _The sea_.
Evy, _Fresh water_.
Aiva, _A harbour_.
Eerotto, _Within_, _into_.
Owyte eree, _What is the chief’s name_?
Toneoneo, _A chief’s name_.
Motoo, _To tear_, or _break_.
Toe, _A stone adze_.
Vaheeo, _Let it lie_, or _remain_.
Haieehe, _A barbed dart_.
Hooroo manoo, _Birds’ feathers_.
Motoo, _An island_.
Hamoea, _A ceremony of clapping the hands
to the head, and prostrating
themselves to the chief_.
Worero, _Lost_; _stole_.
Aeenoo, _To drink_.
Tehaia, orooa, _Where are you_?
Ou, _I_, first person singular.
Eunai, _Here_; _at this place_.
Pororee, _Hunger_; _hungry_.
Hereema, _A species of Sida_.
Meere, meere, _To look at_, or _behold_.
Moa, _A fowl_.
Manoo, _A bird_.
Dirro, _Below_.
Modooa, tanne, _Father_.
Modooa, waheine, _Mother_.
Naiwe, nawie, _Pleasant_; _agreeable_.
Hai, raa, _The sun_.
Hairanee, _The sky_.
Abobo, _To-morrow_.
Heaho, _A small rope_.
Tereira, _There_; _that way_.
Pymy, _Throw it here_.
Ewououtte, _Morus Papyrif_.
Moe, _To sleep_.
Nooe, _Large_.
Poowha, _To yawn_.
Ahaia, _When_; _at what time_.
Wehai, _To uncover and undo a thing_.
Tooto, _A small straw rope_.
Eaha, nai, _What is this_?
Maeea, _Plantains_.
Parra, _Ripe_; as _ripe fruit_.
Toe, toe, _Cold_.
Matanee, _The wind_.
Etoo, _To rise up_.
Hairetoo, _To go there_.
Hoatoo, _To give_.
Eeapo, _Night_.
Eahoiahoi, _Evening_.
Oora, _Red feathers_.
Teehe, _A present of cloth_.
Herairemy, _A place on which fruit is laid as
an offering to God_.
Henananoo, _A square pile of wicker work_, or
_religious obelisk_.
Hereeere, _A burying-ground_.
Eteepappa, _The inside of a burying ground_.
Harre, _A house_.
Harre pahoo, _A drum house in a burying-ground_.
Heneene, _A wall_, _the wall of a
burying-ground_.
Heho, _A stone set up in a burying ground
consecrated to the Deity_.
Eatooa, _A god_.
Tangaroa, _The name of the god of the place
we were at_.
None, _Morinda citrifolia_.
Hereanee, _Small twig things in a
burying-ground_.
Hemanaa, _A house_, or _hut, where they bury
their dead_.
Herooanoo, _Wooden images in a burying-house_.
Tooraipe, _A kind of head-dress_, or _helmet
on an image_.
Eahoi, _Hire_.
Pohootoo noa, _A cream-coloured whet-stone_.
Poota paire, _A district at the western part of
the isle_.
Eonnotaine, _A short cloak of black and white
feathers_.
Ottahoinoo, _One article_, or _thing_.
Epappa, _A board used to swim upon_.
Oneete, _A kind of cloth_.
Heorro taire, _A small scarlet bird_, or _merops
scarlatina_.
Taa, _An interjection of admiration_.
Epoo, _A bracelet of a single shell_.
Eou, _To swim_.
Tearre, _Gardenia_, or _Cape Jasmine_.
Heoudoo, _A refusal_; _I will not do it_, or
_take that for this_.
Eeorre, _A rat_.
Ehooo, _A gimblet_, or _any instrument to
bore with_.
Epaoo, _or_ ooapa, _There is no more_; _it is done_,
or _finished_.
Matou, _A particular sort of fish-hook_.
Erahoi, dehoi, _Thin_; as, _thin cloth, board,
&c._
Pattahaee, _or_ heroui, _A sort of musical instrument or
rattle, ornamented with red
feathers_.
Eappanai, _A plume of feathers they wear_.
Etooo, _The Cordia sebestina_.
Whatte, _To break_.
Oeea, _Yes_; _it is so_.
Heoreeoree, _A song_.
Paraoo, _A wooden bowl_.
Apooava, _A shallow wooden dish they drink
ava out of_.
Etoohe, toohee, _A particular sort of cloth_.
Ootee, _or_ otee, otee, _To cut_.
Pappaneeheomano, _A wooden instrument beset with
shark’s teeth, used to cut up those
they kill_.
Maheine, _A wife_.
Homy, _Give me_.
Moena, _or_ moenga, _A mat to sleep on_.
Eeno, _An adjunct, when they express any
thing good, though by itself it
signifies bad. Thus they say_,
Erawha eeno, _good greeting, as the
Otaheiteans say_, Ehoa eeno, _or my
good friend_.
Taboo, _or_ tafoo, _Any thing not to be touched, as
being forbid. This is an example
that shows the transmutation of the
H, F, and B into each other. Thus
at Otaheite yams are_ oohe, _at
Tonga_ oofe, _at New Caledonia_
oobe, _and here_ taboo _is_ tafoo.
Maooa, _I_, first person singular.
Heno, _Little rods, about five feet long,
with a tuft of hair on the small
end_.
Patae, _Salt_.
Aheia, _A round pearl shell_.
Teanoo, _The cold arising from being in the
water_.
Tammata, _The sense of taste_.
Ootoo, _A louse_.
Ehone, _To salute by applying one nose to
the other_. Ehogge _at New
Zealand, and_ Ehoe _at Otaheite_.
My, _A sore of any kind_.
Oura, _or_ ouraa, _Cured_; _recovered_; _alive_;
_well_.
Mango, _A shark_.
Te _and_ he, _The_.
Heneeoohe, _An instrument made of a shark’s
tooth fixed on a wooden handle, to
cut with_.
Eea, _An adjunct, as at Otaheite, to
give strength to an expression_.
Paoo roa, _Quite done_; _finished_.
Ee, _At_.
Taira, _That_; _the other_.
Ahoo aura, _Red cloth_.
Henaro, _A fly_.
Ehateinoa, _What is the name of that?_
Heweereweere, _An outrigger of a canoe_.
Mawaihe, _The sail of a canoe_.
Eheou, _The mast of a canoe_.
Hetoa, _The yard of a sail_.
Ooamou, _Fast_; _secure_; _sound_; _whole_.
Hono, _To go_; _to move_.
Matou, _Fear_.
Pooa, _An arrow_.
Teeto, _A bow_.
Epaee, _Wooden bowls made from the Etooo_.
Ohe, _Bamboo_.
Henaroo, _The swell of the sea_.
Motoo, _Land_.
Ehetoo, _A star_.
Marama, _The moon_.
Ouameeta, _A man’s name_.
_Numerals to Ten, as at_ Otaheite.
TABLE to show the affinity between the LANGUAGES spoken at OONALASHKA
and NORTON SOUND, and those of the GREENLANDERS and ESQUIMAUX.
English. _Ooonalashka._ _Norton Sound._ _Greenland from _Esquimaux._
Crantz._
_A man_, Chengan ---- Angut
_A woman_, Anagogenach
_The head_, Kameak ---- ---- Ne-aw-cock
_The hair_, Emelach Nooit ---- New-rock
_The eye brow_, Kamlik Kameluk ---- Coup-loot
_The eye_, Dhac Enga ---- Ehich
_The nose_, Anosche Ngha ---- Cring-yauk
_The cheek_, Oolooeik Oollooak ---- Ou-lu-uck-cur
_The ear_, Tootoosh Shudeka ---- Se-u-teck
_The lip_, Adhee Hashlaw
_The teeth_, Agaloo
_The tongue_, Agonoc
_The beard_, Engelagoong Oongai
_The chin_, Ismaloch Tamluk ---- Taplou
_The neck_, Ooioc ---- ---- Coon-e-soke
_The breast_, Shimsen ---- ---- Suck-ke-uck
_The arm_, Toolak Dallek ---- Telluck
_The hand_, Kedhachoonge Aishet ---- Alguit
_The finger_, Atooch
_The nails_, Cagelch Shetooe
_The thigh_, Cachemac Kookdoshac
_The leg_, Ketac Kanaiak ---- Ki-naw-auk
_The foot_, Ooleac Etscheak ---- E-te-ket
_The sun_, Agadac Maje ---- Suck-ki-nuch
_The moon_, Toogedha ---- ---- Tac-cock
_The sky_, Enacac
_A cloud_, Aiengich
_The wind_, Caitchee
_The sea_, Alaooch Emai ---- Ut-koo-tuk-lea
_Water_, Tangch Mooe
_Fire_, Keiganach ---- ---- E-ko-ma
_Wood_, Hearach
_A knife_, Kamelac
_A house_, Oolac ---- Iglo Tope-uck
_A canoe_, Eakeac Caiac Kaiak Kirock
_A paddle_, Chasec Pangehon Pautik Pow
_Iron_, Comeleuch Shawik ---- Shaveck
_A bow_, Seiech ---- ---- Petick sic
_Arrows_, Agadhok ---- ---- Caukjuck
_Darts_, Ogwalook ---- Aglikak
_A fish-hook_, Oochtac
_No_, Net Ena Nag
_Yes_, or Ah Eh Illisve
_yea_,
_One_, Taradac Adowjak Attousek Attouset
_Two_, Alac Aiba Arlak Mardluk
_Three_, Canoogh Pingashook Pingajuah Pingasut
_Four_, Sechn Shetamik Sissamat Sissamat
_Five_, Chang Dallamik Tellimat Tellimat
_Six_, Atoo _In counting ---- Arbanget
more than five
they repeat
the same words
over again._
_Seven_, Ooloo ---- Arbanget
Attausek
_Eight_, Kamching ---- ---- Arbanget
mardlik
_Nine_, Seching ---- ---- Kollin illoet
_Ten_, Hasc ---- ---- Kollit.
THE END.
LONDON:
Printed by A. & R. Spottiswoode,
New-Street-Square.
[_To face the last page of_ VOL. VII.]
A Comparative TABLE of NUMERALS, exhibiting the Affinity and Extent of
Language, which is found to prevail in all the Islands of the Eastern
Sea, and derived from that spoken on the Continent of Asia, in the
Country of the Malayes.
[N. B. The Malaye being considered as the root, three specimens of its
Numerals stand separate, at the top of the Table. The derivative
branches are ranged and numbered, according to the longitudinal
situation of the several places, proceeding from Madagascar, the most
Western boundary, Eastward to Easter Island. In the instances marked
with a Star, liberty has been taken to separate the Article from the
Numeral.]
_Malay._ _Malay at _Malay._
Sumatra._
_One_, Satu, Satoo, Sa.
_Two_, Dua, Duo, Dua.
_Three_, Tiga, Teego, Teega.
_Four_, Enpa, Ampat, Ampat.
_Five_, Lyma, Leemo, Leema.
_Six_, Nam, Anam, Nam _and_ Anam.
_Seven_, Toufou, Toojoo, Toojoo.
_Eight_, De-lappan, Slappan, Delapan.
_Nine_, Sambalan, Sambilan, Sambelan.
_Ten_, Sapola, Sapooloo, Sapooloo.
_Herbert_, p. _Marsden_, p. _Forster’s
368. 168. Observations_,
p. 284.
I. II. III. IV.
_Madagascar._ _Madagascar._ _Madagascar._ _Madagascar._
_One_, Issee, _or_ Eser Isso Isse
Essa
_Two_, Rooe Rooa Tone Rica
_Three_, Tulloo, _or_ Talu Tello Tellou
Tailloo
_Four_, Efax, _or_ Efar Effutchi Effad Effats
_Five_, Lime, _or_ Deeme Fruto Limi
Leman
_Six_, One, _or_ Aine Eanning Woubla Ene
_Seven_, Heitoo, _or_ Feeto Sidda Titou
Petoo
_Eight_, Balloo Varlo Foulo Walou
_Nine_, Seeva Seve Malo Sivi
_Ten_, Foroo, _and_ Folo Nel Tourou
Fooloo
_Sir Joseph
_Parkinson_, p. _Drury_, p. _Herbert_, p. Banks_, _Cook’s
205. 457. 22. Voyages_, Vol.
ii. p. 348.
V. VI. VII. VIII.
_Acheen, in _Lampoon, in _Batta, in _Rejang, in
Sumatra._ Sumatra._ Sumatra._ Sumatra._
_One_, Sah Sye Sadah Do
_Two_, Dua Rowah Duo Dooy
_Three_, Tloo Tulloo Toloo Tellou
_Four_, Paat Ampah Opat M pat
_Five_, Leemung Leemah Leemah Lema
_Six_, Nam Annam Onam Noom
_Seven_, Too-joo Peetoo Paitoo Toojooa
_Eight_, D’Lappan Ooalloo Ooalloa De-lapoon
_Nine_, Sakoorang Seewah Seeah Sembilan
_Ten_, Saploo Pooloo Sapooloo De Pooloo
_Marsden_, p. _Marsden_, p. _Marsden_, p. _Marsden_, p.
168. 168. 168. 168.
IX. X. XI. XII.
_Princes _Tagales of _Pampangos_, or
Island._ _Java._ Leuconia_, or _Philippine_.
_Manilla_.
_One_, Hegie Sigi Ysa Isa, Metong
_Two_, Dua Lorou Dalava, _or_ Ad-dua
Dalova
_Three_, Tollu Tullu Tatl, _or_ Ytlo At-lo
_Four_, Opat Pappat Apat Apat
_Five_, Limah Limo Lima Lima
_Six_, Gunnap Nunnam Anim Anam
_Seven_, Tudju Petu Pito Pitu
_Eight_, Delapan Wolo Valo Valo
_Nine_, Salapan Songo Siyam Siam
_Ten_, Sapoulo Sapoulo Polo _and_ Pobo Apalo
_Sir Joseph _Sir Joseph _Forster’s _Forster’s
Banks_, _Cook’s Banks_, _Cook’s Observations_, Observations_,
Voyages_, Vol. Voyages_, Vol. p. 284. p. 284.
ii. p. 348. ii. p. 348.
XIII. XIV. XV. XVI.
_Island of _Isle of
_Mindanao._ _Isle of Savu._ Savu_, or Ceram._
_Savoo_.
_One_, Isa Isse, _or_ Usse Usse O Eeuta
_Two_, Daua Rooe Lhua O Looa
_Three_, Tulu Tulloa Tullu O Toloo
_Four_, Apat Uppa Uppa O Patoo
_Five_, Lima Lumee Lumme O Leema
_Six_, Anom Unna Unna O Loma
_Seven_, Petoo Petoo Pedu O Peeto
_Eight_, Walu Aroo Arru O Aloo
_Nine_, Seaow Saio Saou O Teeo
_Ten_, Sanpoolu Singooroo Singooroo O Pooloo
_Forest’s _Parkinson_, p. _Lieut. Cook_, _Parkinson_, p.
Voyage_, p. 170. Vol. ii. p. 200.
399. 278.
XVII. XVIII. XIX. XX.
_Isle of _New Guinea. _Pappua of New _Terra del
Moses._ 1616. Anno 1616._ Guinea._ Espiritu
Santo._
They
named numerals
_One_, Kaou Tika Oser as far as five
or six, the
same as at
Annamooka.
_Two_, Roa Roa Serou
_Three_, Tolou Tola Kior
_Four_, Wati Fatta Tiak
_Five_, Rima Lima, _or_ Rim
Liman
_Six_, Eno Wamma Onim
_Seven_, Lvijtfou Fita Tik
_Eight_, Eialou Wala War
_Nine_, Siwa Siwa Siou
_Ten_, Sanga Poulo Sanga Foula Samfoor
_Herrera, from _Herrera, Le from _Forest’s _Cook_, Vol.
Le Maire_, p. Maire_, p. 81. Voyage_, p. iv. p. 83.
82. 402.
XXI. XXII. XXIII. XXIV.
_New _New _Malicolo._ _Tanna._
Caledonia._ Caledonia._
_One_, *Wag Eeaing *Par Ai *Tsee Kaee *Ret Tee
_Two_, Wa Roo Par Roo E-Ry Car Roo
_Three_, Wat Eeen Par Ghen E-Rei Ka Har
_Four_, Wat Baeek Par Bai E-Bats Ka Fa
_Five_, Wan Nim Pa Nim E-Reem Ka Rirrom
_Six_,
_Seven_,
_Eight_,
_Nine_,
_Ten_,
_Cook_, end of _Forster_, p. _Cook_, end of _Forster_, p.
Vol. iv. 284. Vol. iv. 284.
XXV. XXVI. XXVII. XXVIII.
_Tanna._ _New Zealand._ _New Zealand._ _New Zealand._
_One_, *Ree Dee Tahai Ka Tahe Tahai
_Two_, Ka Roo Rua Ka Rooa Rooa
_Three_, Ka Har Torou Ka Tarroa Toroa
_Four_, Kai Phar Ha Ka Wha T’Fa
_Five_, K’Reerum Rema Ka Reema Reema
_Six_, Ono Ka Onoo Honnoo
_Seven_, Etu Ka Wheetoo Widdoo
_Eight_, Warou Ka Warroo Warroo
_Nine_, Iva Ka Eeva Heeva
_Ten_, Anga Hourou Kaca Haowroo Anga Horro
_Cook_, end of _Lieut. Cook_, _Parkinson_, p. _Forster_, p.
Vol. iv. 1770. Vol. ii. 128. 284.
p. 61.
XXIX. XXX. XXXI. XXXII.
_Horn Islands._ _Isle of Cocos. _Friendly _Island of
1616. Anno 1616._ Islands._ Amsterdam._
_One_, Tacij, _or_ Taci A Tahaw Tahae
Taci
_Two_, Loua, _or_ Loa Loua Looa Eooa
_Three_, Tolou Tolou Toloo Tooroa
_Four_, Fa, _and_ D’Fa Fa T’Fa A Faa
_Five_, Lima Lima Neema Neema
_Six_, Houw Houno Vano
_Seven_, Fitou Fidda
_Eight_, Walou Varoo
_Nine_, Ywou Heeva
_Ten_, Onge Foula Onge Foula Ongofooroo
_Herrera, from _Herrera, from _Forster’s _Cook_, end of
Le Maire_, p. Le Maire_, p. Observat._ p. Vol. iv.
81. 81. 284.
XXXIII. XXXIV. XXXV. XXXVI.
_Sandwich _Otaheite._ _Otaheite._ _Marquisas._
Islands._
Their
_One_, numerals to Tohe *A Tahay *A Tahaee
ten, the same
as at Otaheite.
_Two_, Rooa E Rooa A Ooa
_Three_, Torhoa Toreo A Toroa
_Four_, Ha A Haa A Faa
_Five_, Il Lemi E Reema A Aeema
_Six_, Whaine A Ono A Ono
_Seven_, Hitoo A Heitoo A Wheetoo
_Eight_, Wallhea A Waroo A Waoo
_Nine_, Iva A Eeva A Eeva
Whannahoo,
_Ten_, Hoolhoa A Hooroo _and_
Whannahooee
_Anderson’s _Parkinson_, p. _Cook_, end of _Cook_, end of
Vocabulary, in 64. Vol. iv. Vol. iv.
this Appendix._
XXXVII. XXXVIII. XXXIX.
_Marquisas._ _Easter _Easter
Island._ Island._
_One_, Bo Dahai Kat Tahaee Ko Tahai
_Two_, Bo Hooa Rooa Rooa
_Three_, Bo Dooo Toroo Toroo
_Four_, Bo Ha Haa, _and_ Fa Haa
_Five_, Bo Heema Reema Reema
_Six_, Bo Na Honoo Hono
_Seven_, Bo Hiddoo Heedoo Hiddoo
_Eight_, Bo Wahoo Varoo Varoo
_Nine_, Bo Heeva Heeva Heeva
_Ten_, Bo Nahoo Atta Hooroo Ana Hooroo
Anna Hooroo
_Forster’s _Cook_, end of _Forster’s
Observations_, Vol. iv. Observations_,
p. 284. p. 284.
Footnotes
Footnote 1:
We afterward met with several others of the same denomination; but
whether it be an office, or some degree of affinity, we could never
learn with certainty.
Footnote 2:
Captain Cook generally went by this name amongst the natives of
Owhyhee; but we could never learn its precise meaning. Sometimes they
applied it to an invisible being, who, they said, lived in the
heavens. We also found that it was a title belonging to a personage of
great rank and power in the island, who resembles pretty much the
Delai Lama of the Tartars, and the ecclesiastical emperor of Japan.
Footnote 3:
See Captain Cook’s former Voyage.
Footnote 4:
14 lb.
Footnote 5:
Since these papers were prepared for the press, I have been informed
by Mr. Vancouver, who was one of my Midshipmen in the Discovery, and
was afterwards appointed Lieutenant of the _Martin_ sloop of war, that
he tried the method here recommended, both with English and Spanish
pork, during a cruize on the Spanish Main, in the year 1782, and
succeeded to the utmost of his expectations. He also made the
experiment at Jamaica with the beef served by the victualling office
to the ships, but not with the same success, which he attributes to
the want of the necessary precautions in killing and handling the
beasts; to their being hung up and opened before they had sufficient
time to bleed, by which means the blood-vessels were exposed to the
air, and the blood condensed before it had time to empty itself; and
to their being hard driven and bruised. He adds, that having himself
attended to the killing of an ox, which was carefully taken on board
the _Martin_, he salted a part of it, which at the end of the week was
found to have taken the salt completely, and he has no doubt would
have kept for any length of time; but the experiment was not tried.
Footnote 6:
See description of the _Morai_, in the preceding Chapter.
Footnote 7:
See Vol. vi. book iii. chap. 12.
Footnote 8:
Sir Godfrey Copley’s gold medal was adjudged to him, on that occasion.
Footnote 9:
The word _matee_, is commonly used, in the language of these islands,
to express either killing or wounding; and we were afterward told,
that this chief had only received a slight blow on the face from a
stone, which had been struck by one of the balls.
Footnote 10:
It was evident, that the iron we found in possession of the natives at
Nootka Sound, and which was mostly made into knives, was of a much
paler sort than ours.
Footnote 11:
It is to be observed, that, among the windward Islands, the _k_ is
used instead of the _t_, as _Morokoi_ instead of _Morotoi_, &c.
Footnote 12:
_Modoo_ signifies island; _papapa_, flat. This island is called
_Tammatapappa_, by Captain Cook, vol. II. p. 222.
Footnote 13:
Both the sweet potatoes, and the tarrow, are here planted four feet
from each other; the former was earthed up almost to the top of the
stalk, with about half a bushel of light mould; the latter is left
bare to the root, and the mould round it is made in the form of a
bason, in order to hold the rain-water, as this root requires a
certain degree of moisture. It has been before observed, that the
tarrow, at the Friendly and Society Islands, was always planted in low
and moist situations, and generally, where there was the conveniency
of a rivulet to flood it. It was imagined that this mode of culture
was absolutely necessary; but we now found, that, with the precaution
above mentioned, it succeeds equally well in a drier situation:
indeed, we all remarked, that the tarrow of the Sandwich Islands is
the best we had ever tasted. The plantains are not admitted in these
plantations, but grow amongst the bread-fruit trees.
Footnote 14:
See Vol. VI.
Footnote 15:
As this circumstance, of their _singing in parts_, has been much
doubted by persons eminently skilled in music, and would be
exceedingly curious, if it was clearly ascertained, it is to be
lamented that it cannot be more positively authenticated.
Captain Burney, and Captain Phillips of the Marines, who both have a
tolerable knowledge of music, have given it as their opinion, that
they did sing in parts; that is to say, that they sung together in
different notes, which formed a pleasing harmony.
These gentlemen have fully testified, that the Friendly Islanders
undoubtedly studied their performances before they were exhibited in
public; that they had an idea of different notes being useful in
harmony; and also, that they rehearsed their compositions in private;
and threw out the inferior voices, before they ventured to appear
before those who were supposed to be judges of their skill in music.
In their regular concerts, each man had a bamboo, which was of a
different length, and gave a different tone: these they beat against
the ground, and each performer, assisted by the note given by this
instrument, repeated the same note, accompanying it by words, by which
means it was rendered sometimes short, and sometimes long. In this
manner they sung in chorus, and not only produced octaves to each
other, according to their different species of voice, but fell on
concords, such as were not disagreeable to the ear.
Now, to overturn this fact by the reasoning of persons who did not
hear those performances, is rather an arduous task. And yet there is
great improbability that any uncivilized people should, by accident,
arrive at this degree of perfection in the art of music, which we
imagine can only be attained by dint of study, and knowledge of the
system and theory upon which musical composition is founded. Such
miserable jargon as our country psalm-singers practise, which may be
justly deemed the lowest class of counterpoint, or singing in several
parts, cannot be acquired in the coarse manner in which it is
performed in the churches, without considerable time and practice. It
is, therefore, scarcely credible, that a people, semi-barbarous,
should naturally arrive at any perfection in that art which it is much
doubted whether the Greeks and Romans, with all their refinements in
music, ever attained, and which the Chinese, who have been longer
civilized than any people on the globe, have not yet found out.
If Captain Burney (who, by the testimony of his father, perhaps the
greatest musical theorist of this or any other age, was able to have
done it) had written down, in European notes, the concords that these
people sung; and if these concords had been such as European ears
could tolerate, there would have been no longer doubt of the fact:
but, as it is, it would, in my opinion, be a rash judgment to venture
to affirm that they did or did not understand counterpoint; and
therefore I fear that this curious matter must be considered as still
remaining undecided.
Footnote 16:
An amusement somewhat similar to this, at Otaheite, has been
described, Vol. VI. p. 139.
Footnote 17:
Voyages made by the Russians from Asia to America, &c. Translated from
the German, by T. Jefferys, p. 37.
Footnote 18:
It hath since appeared, from the account of Kerguelen’s voyage, that
this extraordinary person, who had entered into the French service,
was commander of a new settlement at Madagascar, when Kerguelen
touched there in 1774.
Footnote 19:
Extraordinary as this may appear, Kraschininikoff, whose account of
Kamtschatka, from every thing that I saw, and had an opportunity of
comparing it with, seems to me to deserve entire credit; and whose
authority _I shall_ therefore frequently have recourse to, relates
instances of this kind that are much more surprising. “Travelling
parties,” says he, “are often overtaken with dreadful storms of snow,
on the approach of which, they drive _with the utmost precipitation
into the nearest wood_, and there are obliged to stay, till the
tempest, which frequently lasts six or seven days, is over; the dogs
remaining all this while quiet and inoffensive; except that sometimes,
when prest by hunger, they will devour their reins, and the other
leathern parts of the harness.”
_History and Description of Kamschatka, by Kraschininikoff._
Footnote 20:
On this occasion, Major Behm permitted us to examine all the maps and
charts that were in his possession. Those relating to the peninsula of
the Tschutski were made in conformity to the information collected by
Plenisher, between the years 1760 and 1770. As the charts of Plenisher
were afterward made use of, according to Mr. Coxe, in the compilation
of the General Map of Russia, published by the Academy in 1776, it may
be necessary to observe, that we found them exceedingly erroneous, and
that the compilers of the General Map seem to have been led into some
mistakes on his authority. Those in which the islands on the coast of
America were laid down we found to contain nothing new, and to be much
less accurate than those we saw at Oonalashka.
Footnote 21:
This bird, which is somewhat larger than the common gull, pursues the
latter kind whenever it meets them; the gull, after flying for some
time, with loud screams and evident marks of great terror, drops its
dung; which its pursuer immediately darts at, and catches before it
falls into the sea.
Footnote 22:
From the circumstance, related in the last volume, that gave name to
Sledge Island, it appears, that the inhabitants of the adjacent
continents visit occasionally the small islands lying between them,
probably for the conveniency of fishing, or in pursuit of furs.
It appears also from Popoff’s deposition, which I shall have occasion
to speak of more particularly hereafter, that the general resemblance
between the people, who are seen in these islands, and the Tschutski,
was sufficient to lead Deshneff into the error of imagining them to be
the same. “Opposite to the Noss,” he says, “is an island of moderate
size, without trees, whose inhabitants _resemble, in their exterior,
the Tschutski, although they are quite another nation_; not numerous
indeed, yet speaking their own particular language.” Again, “One may
go in a baidare from the Noss to the island in half a day; beyond is a
great continent, which can be discovered from the island in serene
weather. When the weather is good, one may go from the island to the
continent in a day. _The inhabitants of the continent are similar to
the Tschutski, excepting that they speak another language._”
Footnote 23:
I mention the more early Russian navigators, because Beering, whom we
have also followed, and after him all the late Russian geographers,
have given this name to the south-east cape of the peninsula of the
Tschutski, which was formerly called the Anadirskoi Noss.
Footnote 24:
See Chart in Coxe’s Account of Russian Discoveries.
Footnote 25:
See Gmelin, pages 369, 374.
Footnote 26:
See all that is known of his voyage, and a chart of his discoveries,
in Mr. Coxe’s _Account of Russian Discoveries between Asia and
America_. We were not able to learn from the Russians in Kamtschatka,
a more perfect account of Synd than we now find is given by Mr. Coxe;
and yet they seemed disposed to communicate all that they really knew.
Major Behm could only inform us, in general, that the expedition had
miscarried as to its object, and that the commander had fallen under
much blame. It appeared evidently, that he had been on the coast of
America to the southward of Cape Prince of Wales, between the latitude
of 64° and 65°; and it is most probable, that his having got too far
to the northward to meet with sea-otters, which the Russians, in all
their attempts at discoveries, seem to have principally in view, and
his returning without having made any that promised commercial
advantages, was the cause of his disgrace, and of the great contempt
with which the Russians always spoke of this officer’s voyage.
The cluster of islands, placed in Synd’s chart, between the latitude
of 61° and 65°, is undoubtedly the same with the island called, by
Beering, St. Laurence’s, and those we named Clerke’s, Anderson’s, and
King’s Islands; but their proportionate size, and relative situation,
are exceedingly erroneous.
Footnote 27:
Krascheninicoff says, that the tree here spoken of is a dwarf cedar,
for that there is not a pine in the peninsula.
Footnote 28:
Krascheninicoff says, that the natives likewise convert the bark into
a pleasant wholesome food, by stripping it off whilst it is young and
green, and cutting it into long narrow stripes, like _vermicelli_,
drying it, and stewing it afterward along with their _caviar_.
Footnote 29:
Gmelin, p. 41. Steller enumerates five different species of this
plant.
Footnote 30:
_Lonicera pedunculis bifloris, floribus infundibili formis, baccâ
solitariâ, oblongâ, angulosâ._ Gmel. Flor. Sib.
Footnote 31:
_Myrtillus grandis cæruleus._
Footnote 32:
_Epilobium._
Footnote 33:
_Chœrophyllum seminibus levibus._
Footnote 34:
_Tradescantia fructu molli edulo._
Footnote 35:
_Bistorta foliis ovatis, oblongis, accuminatis._
Footnote 36:
_Jacobea foliis cannabis._ Steller.
Footnote 37:
_Anemonoides et ranunculus._
Footnote 38:
Gmel. Sib. tom. i. p. 119. Tab. XXV.
Footnote 39:
_Canis vulpes._
Footnote 40:
_Mustela zibellina._
Footnote 41:
Rivers emptying themselves into the Lena, near its source.
Footnote 42:
_Canis casopus._
Footnote 43:
_Lepus timidus._
Footnote 44:
_Mus citellus._
Footnote 45:
_Mustela erminia._
Footnote 46:
_Mustela nivalis._
Footnote 47:
_Ursus luseus._
Footnote 48:
Krascheninicoff relates, that this small animal frequently destroys
deer, and the wild mountain sheep, in the following way: they scatter
at the bottom of trees bark and moss, which those animals are fond of:
and whilst they are picking it up, drop suddenly upon them, and
fastening behind the head, suck out their eyes.
Footnote 49:
The Koriacks make use of a very simple method of catching bears. They
suspend, between the forks of a tree, a running noose, within which
they fasten a bait, which the animal, endeavouring to pull away, is
caught sometimes by the neck, and sometimes by the paw.
Footnote 50:
_Crapra amon._
Footnote 51:
Mr. Steller has made the following scale of its cry:
[Illustration: a-an-gitche a-an-gitche]
For a further account of this bird, I must refer the reader to
Krascheninicoff, vol. ii. part 4.
Footnote 52:
_Anas picta, capite pulchrè fasciato._ Steller.
Footnote 53:
_Falco leucocephalus._
Footnote 54:
_Vultur albiulla._
Footnote 55:
_Mustela lutris._
Footnote 56:
English Translation, p. 59.
Footnote 57:
The quadrupeds and birds mentioned in this part of the voyage are
marked in this list with a double asterisk.
Footnote 58:
The birds which are not described by Linnæus, are referred to the
History of Birds, now publishing by Mr. Latham, surgeon, in Dartford
Kent.
Footnote 59:
I never saw this; but it is mentioned by Mr. Ellis. I had omitted it
in my zoologic part.
Footnote 60:
It is proper to remark, that Atlassoff sent an advanced party, under
the command of a subaltern, called Lucas Moloskoff, who certainly
penetrated into Kamtschatka, and returned with an account of his
success before Atlassoff set out, and is therefore not unjustly
mentioned as the discoverer of Kamtschatka.
Footnote 61:
This river empties itself into the Jenesei.
Footnote 62:
Thirty-six pounds English.
Footnote 63:
Spanberg places the island here spoken of, in 43° 50ʹ north latitude,
and mentions his having watered upon it; and that this watering party
brought off eight of the natives, of whom he relates the following
circumstances: That their bodies were covered all over with hair; that
they wore a loose striped silk gown, reaching as low as their ankles;
and that some of them had silver rings pendant from the ears: that, on
spying a live cock on deck, they fell on their knees before it; and
likewise before the presents that were brought out to them, closing
and stretching forth their hands, and bowing their heads at the same
time down to the ground; that, except the peculiarity of their
hairiness, they resembled the other Kurile islanders in their features
and figure, and spoke the same language. The journal of the ship
Castricom also mentions this circumstance of the inhabitants of the
country discovered by them, and called Jeso, being hairy all over the
body.
Footnote 64:
This accounts for what Krascheninicoff says, that he got from
Paramousir a japanned table and vase, a scimetar, and a silver ring,
which he sent to the cabinet of her imperial majesty at Petersburg.
And if what M. Steller mentions, on the authority of a Kurile, who was
interpreter to Spanberg in his voyage to Japan, is to be credited,
that nearly the same language is spoken at Kunashir and Paramousir, it
cannot be questioned that some intercourse has always subsisted
between the inhabitants of this extensive chain of islands.
Footnote 65:
The vessel here spoken of was from Satsma, a port in Japan, bound for
another Japanese port, called Azaka, and laden with rice, cotton, and
silks. She sailed with a favourable wind; but, before she reached her
destination, was driven out to sea by a violent storm, which carried
away her masts and rudder.
On the storm’s abating, not one of the crew, which consisted of
seventeen (having probably never made other than coasting voyages),
knew where they were, or what course to steer. After remaining in this
situation six months, they were driven on shore near the promontory
Lopatka; and having cast out an anchor, began to carry on shore such
articles as were necessary to their existence. They next erected a
tent, and had remained in it twenty-three days, without seeing a human
being, when chance conducted a Cossack officer, called Andrew
Chinnicoff, with a few Kamtschadales to their habitation. The poor
unfortunate Japanese, overwhelmed with joy at the sight of
fellow-creatures, made the most significant tenders they were able, of
friendship and affection; and presented their visitors with silks,
sabres, and a part of whatever else they had brought from the ship.
The treacherous Chinnicoff made reciprocal returns of kindness and
good-will; and, after remaining with them long enough to make such
observations as suited his designs, withdrew from them in the night.
The Japanese, finding that their visitors did not return, knew not
what course to take. In despair they manned their boat, and were
rowing along the coast in search of a habitation, when they came up
with their vessel which had been driven ashore, and found Chinnicoff
and his companions pillaging her, and pulling her in pieces for the
sake of the iron. This sight determined them to continue their course,
which Chinnicoff perceiving, ordered his men to pursue and massacre
them. The unfortunate Japanese, seeing a canoe in pursuit, and which
they could not escape, apprehended what was to follow. Some of them
leaped into the sea; others, in vain, had recourse to prayer and
intreaties. They were all massacred but two, by the very sabres they
had presented to their supposed friends a few days before. One of the
two was a boy about eleven years old, named Gowga, who had accompanied
his father, the ship’s pilot, to learn navigation; the other was a
middle-aged man, the supercargo, and called Sosa.
Chinnicoff soon met with the punishment due to his crimes. The two
strangers were conducted to Petersburg, where they were sent to the
academy, with proper instructors and attendants; and several young men
were, at the same time, put about them for the purpose of learning the
Japanese language.
They were thrown on the coast of Kamtschatka in 1730. The younger
survived the absence from his country five, the other six years. Their
portraits are to be seen in the cabinet of the empress at Petersburg.
_Vid. Krascheninicoff_, vol. ii. part 4. _Fr. Ed._
Footnote 66:
From Muller’s account of the course steered by Captain Spanberg, in
his route from Kamtschatka to Japan, it appears that he must also
undoubtedly have seen De Gama’s Land, if it really has the extent
given it in Mr. D’Anville’s maps. Walton, who commanded a vessel in
the same expedition, seems also to have looked in vain for this land
on his return from Japan; and three years afterward, on account of
some doubts that had arisen respecting Spanberg’s course, Beering went
directly in search of it as low as the latitude of 46°.—_See Voyages
et Découvertes_, &c. p. 210, _et seq._
Footnote 67:
See Book vi. chap. i. p. 149.
Footnote 68:
This land was seen by the Dutchmen who sailed in the Castricom and
Breskes, and imagined by them to be part of the continent of America.
There now remains scarce any doubt of its being the islands of Ooroop
and Nadeegsda. See the Journals of the Castricom and Breskes,
published by Wetzer.
Footnote 69:
This land was also discovered by the Castricom; and, from its
situation, as described in the journal of that vessel, it appears to
be the islands of the Three Sisters.
Footnote 70:
The country of Jeso, which has so long been a stumbling-block to our
modern geographers, was first brought to the knowledge of Europeans by
the Dutch vessels mentioned in the preceding notes. The name appears,
from the earliest accounts, to have been well known, both to the
Japanese and the Kamtschadales; and used by them indiscriminately, for
all the islands lying between Kamtschatka and Japan. It has since been
applied to a large imaginary island, or continent, supposed to have
been discovered by the Castricom and Breskes; and it may not,
therefore, be improper to consider the grounds of this mistake, as far
as can be collected from the journals of this expedition. The object
of the voyage in which those ships were engaged, was to explore the
eastern shore of Tartary; but, being separated by a storm off the
south-east point of Japan, they sailed in different tracks along the
east side of that island; and, having passed its northern extremity,
proceeded singly on their intended expedition.
The Castricom, commanded by De Vries, steering northward, fell in with
land on the third day, in latitude 42°. He sailed along the south-east
coast about sixty leagues in a _constant fog_; and having anchored in
various places, held a friendly intercourse with the inhabitants. Thus
far the journal. Now, as the islands of Matimai, Kunashir, and Zellany
appear, from Captain Spanberg’s discoveries, to lie exactly in this
situation, there can be no doubt of their being the same land; and the
circumstance of the fog sufficiently accounts for the error of De
Vries, in imagining them to be one continent, without having recourse
to the supposition of an earthquake, by which Mr. Muller, from his
desire to reconcile the opinion generally received, with the latter
Russian discoveries, conceives the several parts to have been
separated. The journal then proceeds to give an account of the
discovery of Staten Island and Company’s Land, of which I have already
given my opinion, and shall have occasion to speak hereafter. Having
passed through the Straits of De Vries, says the journal, they entered
a vast, wild, and tempestuous sea, in which they steered, through
mists and darkness, to the 48° latitude north; after which they were
driven by contrary winds to the southward, and again fell in with land
to the westward, in latitude 45°, which they unaccountably still
imagined to be part of the continent of Jeso; whereas, whoever
examines Jansen’s map of their discoveries (which appears to be
exceedingly accurate, as far as his information went), will, I
believe, have no doubt, that they were, at this time, on the coast of
Tartary. Having traced this land four degrees to the northward, they
returned to the southward through the straits they had passed before.
It is not necessary to trouble the reader with the journal of the
Breskes, as it contains no new matter, and has been already
republished, and very satisfactorily animadverted upon by Mr. Muller.—
_Voyages from Asia to America_, &c. English Translation, p. 78.
Footnote 71:
The only authentic survey of the eastern coast of Japan with which I
am acquainted, is that published by Jansen in his Atlas, and compiled
with great accuracy from the charts and journals of the Castricom and
Breskes. I have therefore adopted, wherever the identity of the
situations could be nearly ascertained, the names given in that map to
the corresponding points and head lands seen by us along the coast.
Jansen places the northern extremity of Japan in latitude 40° 15ʹ The
point seen by us was in latitude 40° 27ʹ.
Footnote 72:
This town is called by Jansen, Nabo.
Footnote 73:
Vide Muller, Fr. ed. page 215.
Footnote 74:
_Lage Hoeck_, or Low Point, is placed by Jansen in latitude 36° 40ʹ.
Footnote 75:
_Witte Hoeck_, placed by Jansen in latitude 35° 24ʹ.
Footnote 76:
_Sanduynege Hoeck_, in latitude 35° 55ʹ. Jansen.
Footnote 77:
See Kæmpfer’s Hist. of Japan, vol. i. p. 92, 93, 94, and 102.
Footnote 78:
“J’ai _vérifié_ moi-même, avec plusieurs Chinois, la population de
Canton, de la ville de Tartare, et de celle de Battaux,” &c. _Voyage
aux Indes, &c._ par M. Sonnerat, tom. ii. p. 14.
Footnote 79:
A catty is 18 oz.—a pecul 100 catty.
Footnote 80:
The English settled here in the year 1702, when the factory of Chusan,
on the coast of China, was broken up, and brought with them some
Macassar soldiers, who were hired to assist in building a fort; but
the president not fulfilling his engagement with them, they watched an
opportunity, and one night murdered all the English in the fort. Those
without the fort hearing a noise, took the alarm and ran to their
boats, very narrowly escaping with their lives, but not without much
fatigue, hunger, and thirst, to the Johore dominions, where they were
treated with great humanity. Some of these afterward went to form a
settlement at Benjar-Massean, on the island of Borneo. _East India
Directory_, p. 86.
Footnote 81:
Neptune Oriental.
Footnote 82:
_Vide_ Dampier, vol. i. p. 392.
Footnote 83:
Dampier, vol. i. p. 390.
Footnote 84:
The island of Tamarin, or Sambouricou, which lies about four leagues
to the north of Cracatoa, may be easily mistaken for the latter,
having a hill of nearly the same size and form, situated also near its
southern extremity.
Transcriber’s Note
This book uses inconsistent spelling and hyphenation, which were
retained in the ebook version. Some corrections have been made to the
text, including normalizing punctuation. Further corrections are noted
below:
p. vii: by the Way of Kamptschatka -> by the Way of Kamtschatka
p. v: Description of Carakakooa Bay -> Description of Karakakooa Bay
p. 20: Missing chapter heading inserted per table of contents
Footnote 7: See Vol. ii. book iii. chap. 12. -> See Vol. vi. book iii.
chap. 12.
p. 47: in which these qualites were displayed -> in which these
qualities were displayed
p. 87: I was suprised -> I was surprised
p. 96: which countinued to be -> which continued to be
p. 97: more populous that the verdant mountains -> more populous than
the verdant mountains
p. 97: the neigbouring sea abounds -> the neighbouring sea abounds
p. 101: and and the natives -> and the natives
p. 104: the ground was every were broken -> the ground was every where
broken
p. 105: Having giving this account -> Having given this account
p. 108: in the same lattitude -> in the same latitude
p. 130: used to pickled pieces of pork -> used to pickle pieces of pork
p. 149: What may (if anything possibly can) lesson -> What may (if
anything possibly can) lessen
p. 151: Concerning their mariages -> Concerning their marriages
p. 171: exceeedingly neat and clean -> exceedingly neat and clean
p. 172: still to wet to put on -> still too wet to put on
p. 176: Ismoloff in his letter -> Ismyloff in his letter
p. 176 had siezed upon a galliot -> had seized upon a galliot
p. 183 This gave us an opportuntiy -> This gave us an opportunity
p. 186 run a head full speed -> run ahead full speed
p. 269: nor readily to undertand -> nor readily to understand
p. 278: these tracts are found in the greatest numbers -> these tracks
are found in the greatest numbers
p. 280: if the Kantschadales are to be credited -> if the Kamtschadales
are to be credited
p. 283: a particular desscription of Awatska bay -> a particular
description of Awatska bay
p. 284: the land on each side Awatska Bay -> the land on each side of
Awatska Bay
p. 285: objects the more necesary -> objects the more necessary
p. 314: none in the neighboorhood of Awatska -> none in the
neighbourhood of Awatska
p. 327: an extraordinay degree of neatness -> an extraordinary degree of
neatness
p. 328: a knowledge of Kamtschata followed -> a knowledge of Kamtschatka
followed
p. 341: boards of the cieling -> boards of the ceiling
p. 344: Matmai, Kunachir, and Zellany -> Matmai, Kunashir, and Zellany
Footnote 65: The were all massacred but two -> They were all massacred
but two
p. 400: with the stores and provisons -> with the stores and provisions
p. 438: a very difficult and embarrasing situation -> a very difficult
and embarrassing situation
p. 448: leaves larged laced scars -> leaves large laced scars
p. 460: by itself signinies bad -> by itself signifies bad
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